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REEL TELIA LLL AL SALE) LTD LOCA EL LES A OLN LPL L EE LEVEE IY ESE ELISE E DS LTA ED IPA ENDS TNT RR eS :

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FOR EDVCATION

FOR SCIENCE

LIBRARY

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NATURAL HISTORY

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OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

EDITED BY FR 7 f Hy, ty iS

ee , bite ‘ 2 r ! ) +S

THE SECRETARIES,

VOL. XXXIIT.

Nes. L. ro V. with a Supplementary No. and an Appendix.—1864

it will flourish, if naturalists, homies antiquaries, philologers, and men

of science in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing,

and send them to the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will laneuigh if such

communications shall be long intermitted : and it will die away, if they Shall

entirely cease.”

a. Ww, JoNgEs,

IPI OT

CALCUTTA :

SLs EOE AO

PRINTED BY ©. B. LEWIS, BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

1865,

Tee NU ian

Stay ah Ae AA CU tc aa

A ee See ee ee le

ee Siew hail RewtReinn te en

——

- TO ta , » * ~ a | - ne ‘

Pe . {—— 2 - a > x no —_—— ——— i. 4° + rte <p eae rere

Bn sen ES Oe ee AO ie PE FE Oe Sete bwin ien set: Te

TTPO One ght phen Ni ie é

eM CAMepmt a uacag CAG oA as SN

SCID TDS Sar INP ris NEA SONNE ENA ee ee

eee eee

Sor AA |

SS EN a LRM

CONTENTS. :

=> @@® Geer a

No. 298.

(Published 27th April, 1864.)

Page

On the history of the Burmah Race.—By Lieut.-Colonel A. P.

Puayreg, C. B., Chief Commissioner of British Burmah, _... 1

Account ot foriher intercourse with the Natives of the dna

Islands, ... 21

Note on fie Bacto Pal. Inscription Frome ‘Tassla: By Major-

General A. CUNNINGIIAM,.. 25,

Remarks on the “Lake of Clear Water” in “the District io

Bassein, British Burmah.—By EH. O’Rimny, Esq. F. G, §.,

Deputy Commissioner, Bassein, 29 |

Extract from a Report on the Dependency. of Bustar. —By Cae q

C. GuasrurD, Deputy Commr. of the Upper Godavery |

Districts, 44.

Enumeration of the Hot Springs of India and High Asia. —By

Ropert DE Scutagintwerr, Esq., AG

Memorandum upon some ancient Tiles obtained at “Pugin in

Burma.—By Lt.-Col. A. P. Puavrs, ae en

Literary Intelligence, Correspondence, &e., 59

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for the ‘months of N abet

and December. 1863 and January and February, 1864, ee aH

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa-

tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for

the months of August, September, October, November and ..

- December, 1863, _... ies ae os ss i

ae SS Ge

No. 294,

(Published 20th June, 1864.)

An Account of Upper Kash-kar, and Chitral, or Lower Kash-kir,

together with the Independent Afghan State of Panj- korah,

including Tal-ash.—By Capt. UG. Raverty, 3rd Regt.,

Bombay, N. [.,. 125

On the System employed i in Outlining the Figures s of Deities and i

other Religious Drawings, as practised | 10 eke Laskar, we.

—_ By Cant. H. A. Gon Austmen, F. R. G. S. oe

Note on a tank Section at Sealdah, Calcutta, — By i. F. Buan-

ForD, Hsq., A. R. S, M., F. G. S., = or pe doe

. Negeri ara ee a a LS

1 Contents,

Memorandum on the life-sized Statues lately exhumed inside the

Palace of Delhi.—By C. Camezetn, Hsq., C. He. =

Memoranda relative to three Andamanese in the charge of Major

Tickell, when Sh ee of Amherst, Tenasserim

in 1861.—By Lt.-Col. 5. KW. LICKELL, ee ee aes

Pas Ruins. of Buddha Gaya—By Babu Ra’senprara’La

Dacre of a new species of Paradoxurus from the Andaman

Islands.—By Lt.-Col. R. OC. Tyrtsr, = es

Bxtract from Journal of a Trip to Bhamo. By Dr. C. WiraMs,

Note on the Gibbon (Hylobates lar), of Tenasserim,—By Lt.-Col.

S. R. Ticket, as a oe a are

iterary Intelligence ee eas a eee

ea ote of the Asiatic Society for the months of March,

April and May, 1864, = 5 tee a

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa-

tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for the

months of January, February and March, 1864, oe

eS Ag PO

No. 295.

(Published 13th September, 1864.)

Remarks on the date of the Pehewa Inscription of Raja Bho-

ja.—By Major-General A. CunnineHam,... ee oS

Extract from a letter from Major-General Cunningham, dated

Nynee Tal, 24th May, 1864, ae ;

Note on the Fossils in the Society’s Collection reputed to be

from Spiti.—By T. Oupwam, Esq., F. R. S., &e. &e.,

Notes on the variation of some Indian and Burmese Helicide,,

with an attempt at their re-arrangement, together with de-

scriptions of new Burmese Gasteropoda.—By W. Tuxozato,

eqs iuior 2 ae

On Ancient Indian Weights.—By E. Tuomas. Kisq., =

On the Language of the Si-ah-pos’h KAfirs, with a short list of

words; to which are added specimens of Kohistani, and

other dialects spoken on the northern border of Aighanistan,

oot Captain H. G. Raverry, 5rd Regiment, Bombay

Some Persian Inscriptions found in- Srinagar, Kashmir.—By

the late Rev. I. LomnwENnTirat, ...

On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District of the Punjab.—By

J. KH. Trerney Arronigon, Esq., M. a), Cs, Bo 8:

_ Assistant Surgeon, Bengal Almiy, @c., @o = Soe

On a Land Grant of Mahehdrapdla Deva of Kkanauj.— By Babu

Ria 'senpraa’tA Mirra, a ee =

Literary Intelligence,

&@ ¢¢@ 998 eee eee

ES a AT tC SRE tn Retina wercenne erence tre PR AOS epg pl Rp ie “il gat : ale pede en ale a

mes \

Contents.

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for the month of June, 1864,

Abstract of the Meteorological Observations taken at Gangaroo-

wa, near Kandy, Ceylon, in July and August, 1868,

(at Ee sea

No. 296.

(Published 19th December, 1864.)

On the application of the Characters of the Roman Alphabet to

Oriental Languages.—By Capt. W. Nassau Lung,

On the Buddhist Remains of Sultanganj.—By Babu Ra’sEnpRa-

LA’LA Mrrra,

a45

360

Notes on the Didunedlua Strivirostris, or Mooth: Billed Pigeon of 7

the Navigator Tslands—the nearest living Ally to the extinct

Dodo. — Communicated By Sir W. Dunison, 2

Memorandum onthe Hlephant Statues in the Delhi. Palace. —

By Col. J. Assorr, .

Observations on the Geological features, &e., of the Goin a in

the neighbourhood of Bunnoo and the Sanatorium of Shaikh

Boodeen.—By C. P. Cosrutzo, Hsq., Assistant Surgeon, 6th

Punjab Infantry,

Kixtract from Report of the operations ‘of the Great Triconome-

trical Survey of India during the year 1862-63.—By se

J.T. Watxmr, RK. EH. Superintendent G. T. Survey,

On the Antiquities of Guzerat.—By Capt. H. Macxenzin,

Memorandum on the Question of British Trade with Western

China vid Burmah.—By Dr. C. Wiitt1aMs, ;

Table of the Coins of former Governments more or less current

in the Bazars of the Goojrat District in 1859,

Literary Intelligence,

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for the months of J uly, Au-

gust and September, 1864, :

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa-

tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Oliic ce, Calcutta, for the

months of April, May and June, 1864, .

Abstract of the Meteorological Observations taken at Gangaroo-

wa, near Kandy, Ceylon, in September, October and Novem-

ber, 1868, = as

Det ores i]

Supplementary No.

(Published December 28rd, 1864.)

Colonel Cunningham’s Archeological Survey ae for 1863-64,

~~ communicated by the Government of India,

373

875

378

381

402

407

434

441

442,

XXV

XVI

i pa we . es "s “7 “J i a . — * _ . = aa : os

= at ee ae . . a ~~ a - ~~ _ — = - + = m " . . 7 — -

eee a ERS ee a eee ee an i a ae ee OE -

a Contents.

Page

No. 297.

(Published 10th April, 1865)

On the Origin of the Hindvi Language and its relation to the

Urdu Dialect. —By Babu Ra’sunpraua’ta Mitra. Correspond-

ing Member of the German and the American Oriental

Societies, 489

The Mines of Rieics in Rajpootana. —Ry Col. se C. Brooxn, 519

Note on the Hailstorm of Thursday the 24th March—By Henry

I’. Buanrorp, A. R. 8. M., F.G.8., Joint Secretary of the

Asiatic Society, s 530

Observations on keeping Salt-water Fish alive for a considerable

time.—By Lt.-Col. R. C. Tyrrmr,. Da4

Observations on a few species of Geckos alive in the possession

of the Author.—By Lt.-Col. R. C. Tyriur, a i O80

Inscription on the Muqbura at Hailan, 549

Peculiarities and Uses of the Pillar Towers of the British Islands,

by Dr. T. A. Wiss, . Do2

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for the months of November

and December, 1864, _... O13

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Dice

tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for the

months of July, August, September, October, November and

December, 1864, ... xlix

Abstract of the Meteor ological Observations taken at Gangaroowa,

near Kandy, Ceylon, in December 1863, and Jan uary and

February, 1864, ees

Appendix— List of Naturalists, Numismatists, &e., ae oe i

, 7

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Contents. Vil

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS, Ge.

/View on the Lake in Bassein, Plates, 1 and 2, 40

_ ‘Sketch showing the Process of Fishery working i in the Lake in

Bassein, ... Pee Pe oa soe = AL

Plan of the ruins at Barsoor, se aE Se ee

» \. Figure of Durga as Mahisamar dini, | ... 44

Tnscription found in a temple at Barsoor, Pls. 1 and 2 Se

J) Outline for drawing Figs. of Deities, : se

7 Facsimile of a Sakya Thubba or Buddha, Pl, IL., er

| Plan of Choortun from Zaskar, Ladakh, Pl. Uil., a os Oe

' x7 Stone Ficures, Dékoo near Padum, Zaskar, Pl. ne Fe

=, Stone Figur es, Dékoo, near Padum, Zaskar, Pl. ... 154

+s Section ‘a Sealdah, Calcutta, Fee ae es Re yee

“Section at Kulnah, Jessore,. ae ee ee

*x Ground plan of the Ruins at Buddha Gayd, Se see

_-‘a7Figure of a Nat at Tagoung, na on

, Plan of Tagoung and Pugan, .. = oe .. 194

|. Hylobates Lar, L., ~ ae ee oe se TUG

Map of the J helum District, th 290

Doorway of Brechin Round Tower, hi.

_Diagramatic Section of the J helum District, Plates ae and ie 290°.

Facsimiles of the Benares and the Dighwa Plates, writing, ~-.... 321

Copper Statue of Buddha at Sulténganj, By hel a ae ea

Didunculus Strigirostris, ~... Sn ee ie

Trade Routes to China vid Burmah, as ... 482,

Trade Routes between Burmah and W. China, 2 We

vPlates I. to IV. of Coins found i in Guzerat, oxi IRS . 440

Town of Khetree,.. ae wie sigs ee

Pounders of ore wine Ghans.’ KABA a ae ee

_Koomar making a Smelting Furnace,.. We, sae

Copper Ore smelting furnace in play, pte Nt .-. o24

Copper Ore refining furnace, < | Wiest LO

vAlum and Sulphate of copper works, ‘Nos. 6 and 7.% Zhe O26

Anterior of boiling house for Alum and a of Copper, © 598 SUIT

\ Sections of Hailstones, Pls. I. and I1., ~ 5930

> Sketches of Pillar Towers, &e., BBA, 556, 559, 561, 564, BG 8

Pillar Tower of Cashel,... »- : sas eo DOL

sas eee Ue

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(ae - a . = ee ~ Seep 9 z ——- = = aah nian a=

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ae a ee ee ih ag otnnee . Agee “ene Se a AML —

abe

‘ sete . Py ok

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rte Te ie .

JOURNAL

ASIATIG SOULLT®,

IT a EET I SE AT MO NN Oe A LO OT of NT DCE ey pI SF DT pL EON ig OE

On the history of the Burmah face.—By Lieut.-Colonel A. P.

PuHayreE, C. B., Chef Commissioner of British Burmah. |

The Chronicles of the Kings of Burma, called Maha Radza Weng

are preserved with great care. Some years ago, the present writer was

presented by the king of Burma with a complete copy of this national

work. His Majesty is himself a man of learning, and the edition from

which the information now presented is derived, appears to have been

compiled under his direction with careful research. Supposed errors

of former editions are pointed out, and original authorities are in such

cases quoted, All that part of the history, which refers to cosmogony,

and the dynasties of kings in India, is derived from Pali books, and

has no more real connection with Burmese history, than the Hebrew

annals have with British history. The object of the present paper is

to make an epitome of the Burmese narrative, presenting only an

outline of the main facts, yet omitting nothing which is necessar y to

be known to understand the history of the Burmese race as written by

themselves.

The Maha adza Weng commences with describing the self-devel-

opment of the world, and the appearance of man therein. The system

of cosmogony has, together with the Budhist philosophy and religion,

been derived from India, and the Burmese kings profess to trace their

descent from the Budhist kings of Kappilawot of the Sakya tribe, to

which race Gautama Budha belonged. The history contains the

Budhist account of the first formation of human society ; the election

of a king, and the grant to him of a share of the produce of the soil.

These legends constitute to this day the foundation of the authority, —

- ~ See ree ee IE IE at St et ——

_ a —. < ~ % : F Se — = “

— - ae? pa " " . a - a - Pee - == . a ro’ PUT a DP Oe

. Stas ee Se ESS a ALT I A SR Dien meh minr-wnineie-oreeite-ac wn te ee

2 On the history of the Burmah Race. [No. 1,

temporal and spiritual, of the Burmese kings. ‘The foundation of that

authority they continually refer to, and it 1s ever present to the minds

of their subjects. It is proper therefore briefly to record that portion

of the national history.

The history opens with announcing that after a cycle of the great

revolutions of the universe, wherein worlds are destroyed by fire, by

water, and by air, had elapsed, the present earth ernerged from a

deluge. A delicious substance like the ambrosia of the gods was left

by the subsiding water, spread over the earth. The throne of Gautama

first appeared above the water. At the same time, the beings called

Brahma, who live in the upper world or heavenly regions, had aceom-

plished their destinies. They then changed their state, and became

beings with corporeal frames, but without sex.* Their bodies shone

with their own light, and full of joy they soared like birds in the

expanse of heaven. From eating of the ambrosia, the light of the

bodies of these beings gradually declined, and because of the darkness,

they became sore afraid. Because of the glory of those beings, and

because also of the eternally established order of nature, the sun, of gold

within and glass without, fifty yoodzanas+ in diameter, and one

hundred and fitty in circumference, appeared above the great Eastern

island, (of the solar system,) and threw forth his ight. The inhabi-

tants of the world were then relieved from fear and called the sun (in

Pah) Thoo-ree-ya.

In like manner the first appearance of the moon and stars is described,

the central mount Myenmo (Meru,) and the whole sek ya or solar

system. The history then proceeds :—

“Of the world’s first inhabitants, some were handsome, some not

handsome. As the handsome ones despised the others, in consequence

of the haughty evil thoughts thus engendered, the ambrosia of the

earth disappeared, and they ate of the crust of the earth. Then in

process of time selfishness and desire increasing, the earth’s surface

crust disappeared. They then ate of a sweet creeping plant; when

that disappeared, the Thalay rice came up, which as they gathered, it

was renewed morning and evening. Placing it ina stone jar, flames

* It is from these beings that the

people called by Europeans Burmas, Bur-

mans or Hurmese take their y E ;

Name. In the Burmese language the name is written

Mran-na or Mram-ma and is generally pronounced by themselves Bu-md. See

note at the end. | 7

+ A modern yoodzana equals about thirteen Knglish miles.

a en Cat Ser te energy

h 1864. ] On the history of the Burmah Race. 3 |

issued, and it was prepared for food. Its flavour was whatever the

eater desired. From eating of this food, human passions were develop-

Re ed, and the beings became men and women. ‘Then as evil deeds began

to prevail, the wise censured and severely treated the others. The

latter wishing to hide their evil deeds built houses. Then the lazy

’ among them having stored up the food, the Thalay rice acquired

husk, with a coating of coarse and fine bran, and where it once had

_ appeared, it did not sprout again. They then. said,—“ It is good for

us to divide among us the Thalay vice plants, to possess each his own.”

Nth Then they distributed the Thalay rice plants. After that, an unprinci-

iii ~-pled one among them, fearing that his own share would not sutftice,

le stole the share of another. Once and twice he was warned ; in the

sh third offence, he was beaten. From that time theft, falsehood and

sn punishment existed.”

ni The world’s first inhabitants then assembled and thus consulted

ane together: “ Now wicked times have come; therefore let us select an

IE upright religious man, one having the name and authority of a ruler, to

tip reprove those who deserve reproof, and to expel those who deserve to

mn be expelled, and let us give him a tenth share of our Thalay rice.” This

mv == was agreed to, and an excellent iman, full of glory and authority, the

embryo of our Gautama Phra, being entreated to save them, was

| elected king, and was called Mahd:tha-ma-dé. In verse, it is sung

that he was of pure nature, of exalted authority, and of the race of

si the sun.

nd “like a second sun, he dispelled darkness or ignorance ; his sood

qualities shone as the light, and from his power and authority, and

of from being the first of kings in acts of great diligence, he is called

r Manoo.* After this, men of wisdom who desired to destroy wicked-

ii hess, lived in huts in the forest, and ate only what they received in

ty charity ; they were called Brahmans. Others tilled the eround and

traded; they were called wealthy men and merchants. The rest being

4 poor persons in humble employments were called Soodras, or poor

people. Such were the four classes of men.*”

y This history represents king Maha-tha-ma-dé as reigning for an

BI ey se z e = . e -

a * The word appears to mean generally lawgiver or king. The word is Indian

i not Burman. |

ry + Among the four classes, it will be observed that the ruling power is placed

first according to the Budhist system, The Brahmans appear as literati and

asvetics.

B 2

4 On the history of the Burmah face. [No. 1,

athen-khye, beg a period represented by a unit and one hundred and

forty cyphers. He had twenty-eight successors who reigned in the

eountries of Malla and Kotha wattee. The next dynasty which num-

bered fifty-six kings reigned in Ayooz-za-poora. The next of sixty |

kings reigned in -Bara-na-thee or Benares. Then eighty-four thousand |

kines reigned in Kap-pi-la the native country of Gautama, in distant |

after times. Next thirty-six kings reigned in /at-li-poora.- Numer-

ous other dynasties are mentioned which are represented as established !

in various countries of India, and as lasting for many millions of years.

The first king after Jaha-tha-ma-daé whose history is brought in as I

directly connected with subsequent events, is Awhk-kd-kareet king of i

Bara-na-thee or Benares. It is related that this king had five queens. A

The eldest named //at-¢a had four sons and five daughters. Having

given birth to these children Hat-ta died. The king then married a hs

young Princess who gave birth to a son named Deandoo. The king | if

highly pleased, promised to confer any favour on the young queen i

which she might ask. Prompted by her own kindred, she asked that

her son might be declared heir to the throne. After much entreaty,

the king consented, and calling his sons and daughters, gave them a

retinue of followers, with elephants and horses, and they went forth

to establish a country, and search for a place to build a city.

At this time the embryo of Gautama Phra, a wealthy Kap-pi-la

— Brahman, having abandoned his house, had become a hermit in a teak

“a forest* in the Himalaya jungles or mountains. In the Rad-ca- Weng-

gyee, ib 1s called an En-gyeen forest. There the hermit had built his

lodge. ‘The Princes came to the place in search of a site for a city.

he hermit foresaw that a city built there, would, in after time, be of

great tame in Dzaim-bu-dee-pa, the world of man, and advised them to

build their city there and to call it fiap-pi-la-wot.¢ Then the Princes

consulted together saying “There are with us no king’s daughters of

our own race, nor are there any king’s sons for our sisters ; if marriages

are made with other races the children become impure ; in order to

preserve our race, let us put aside our eldest sister as a mother,f and

we four marry our four younger sisters.” It was done so. From that

* The national chr micler discusses whether the forest in question consisted of

A Ree © | A: : = e = “

Sal or of Teak trees. He finally decides in favour of the teak as the more dignifi-

ed tree of the two, but appears to have come to a wrong conclusion.

7 This appears to signify “the Kap-pi-la Brahman’s place of religious duty.

be is } 2 . a } © => : ° 2 ° 5 .

* Tn Burma to this day the king s eldest daughter is not given in marriage, but

remains unmarried at least during the life of her parents.

—* oe > — ee > = : —— —— - =a - = - * = = , Pa

Fo nn rE ES a a NL RE OT I I Sin eis nintwrninetsrebittnnns mit ee = m7

1864. | On the history of the Burmah hace. 5

time the race became known as the Tha-kya-tha-kee race of Kap-pt-

la-wot.

Regarding the origin of the Kaw-le-yé Princes, the elder of these

four brothers named dAwhk-ka-mok-kha, and the others, had put aside

their elder sister Pee-ydé as a mother. She was atflictea with leprosy,

or a similar disease, and they determined to place her apart in a

secluded spot They had her conveyed to a cave with a dwelling

covered by branches of trees, and she was left there. At that time,

in Bara-na-thee, there reigned Rdma, the son of Brah-ma-dat. He

being afflicted with leprosy, gave over his kingdom to his eldest son,

and went into the forest in search of herbs to cure himself. He

established himself in a hollow tree, and before long, was by the use of

herbs restored to health. Not far from this, was the place where the

Princess Pee-ya was shut up. One day the Princess, bemg alarmed

by a tiger, cried aloud, and king Adéma heard her. He came to the

place, made himself known, and they were married. The Princess

bore thirty-two sons, who were instructed by their father in all the

accomplishments fit for Prices. When the kine of Bara-na-thee

heard what had happened, he offered to resign the kingdom to his

father ftdma. But dma refused saying, “ Here leaving my Ka-

lan tree, I have built a city,” and from that, the city came to be called

Kau-la-na-ga-ré and thence Kau-le-ya. When the sons of king Rdma

and queen Pee-yt had grown up, their mother said thus to them ;

“The Princes of the Tha-kee race of Kap-pi-la-wot are your uncles ;

their daughters are fond of dress and perfumes; when they come to

bathe in the river /eau-ha-nee,* you go to the river bank and seeing

your comeliness they will love you.” ‘Their mother having said thus,

the sons went tu the river bank, and when the Tha-kee Princesses were

drying their hair after bathing, they listened to the words of the

Prmces and followed them. When the Tha-kee Princes heard this,

as the race of the young men was not different, they acquiesced. Thus

commencing with king Rama and queen Pee-yd, the Kau-le. ya tribe

originated. |

The Dewd-da-hé kings began thus. The Tha-kee Princes of ap-

pr-la-wot had a small lake where they built a pleasure-house. When

the country increased the place was called Dewd-da-hé. The Prince

who lived there was called the Tha-kee Prince of Dewd-da-hé. So the

* This appears to be thé Rohini, one of the feeders of the Rapti.

ow eee ser ne "

a erie" . i we 24 < i A et re ee es + Oe ee 3 Oe FO On et rte 0 Or Rete ee = betel” 68 ree a © ee

a . :

— . -

a — — —— aie . 4. a i 4 ig .

ot c renee SF ERIS a NS EE TL TIE A OTN SS ee Snes Ree Sine ~ ewe Fe Se sh

6 On the history of the Burmah Kace. | No. 1,

three kings of Dewd-da-ha, Kap-pi-la-wot and Kau-le-ya, with numer-

ous elephants, horses, and soldiers, carried white umbrelias, and attained

to the dignity of kings of a great country.

From Auwk-ka-moo-kha king of Kap-pi-la-wot, descended after many

thousand years king Dza-ya-the-na. His son was Thee-ha-ha-noo, and

the latter’s son was Thoo-dau-da-na. The sister of Z’hee-ha-ha-noo was

Ya-thau-dha-ra. The son and daughter of Auk-ka-ka, the king of

De-wé-da-ha, were married to the daughter and son of king Dza-ya-

the-na of Kap-pi-la-wot. The children of the Dewd-da-ha chief were

Inzana the son, and Kinzana the daughter. Thee-ha-ha-noo the son

of Dza-ya-the-na married Kinzana, ard they had five sons named, Thoo-

dau-da-na, Dau-tau-da-na, Thek-kau-da-na, Thook-kau-da-na, A-mee-

tau-da-na ; and two daughters, Amee-td and Pa-lee-ta. Dza-ya-the-

ni’s daughter Ya-thau-da-ya married In-za-na the son of king of

De-wi-da-ha, and had two sons, Dan-da-ba-nee, and Thob-ba-bood-dha ;

and two daughters Th2-ri-ma-ha-ma-ya, and Pa-za-pa-tee-gaw-da-mee.

The elder daughter gave birth to the Phra loung* Prince Theiddatta ;

the younger daughter gave birth to Dza-na-pa-da-ka-lya-nee, called

also ftoo-pa-nan-da and Nanda. Ameeta the daughter of Thee-ha-

ha-noo, warried Thob-ba-bood-dha the son of In-za-na, and had a

daughter Bad-da-kin-za-nd, and a son De-wa-dat.- The Prince or

Phra loung Theid-dat-ta-kooma-ra the son of king Thood-dau-da-na

married Bad-dha-kin-za-na called also Ya-thou-dha-ra, the daughter

of Theb-ba-bood-dhe. king of De-wi-da-hé. They had one son Ya-hoo-la.

The (maternal) grandfather of the Phra, named king JIn-za-na,

corrected the Calendar in the year 8645, and in 67 (of the new era)

the Phra loung entered the womb of Thi-ri-ma-ha-md-ya, and when

ten months were completed he was born in the year 68, on the full of

the moon Ka-tshon. At sixteen years of age, he married Va-thau-dha-

ra the daughter of Thob-ba-bood-dha, and for thirteen years enjoyed

the life of a Prince in the palace. At twenty-nine years old, he went

forth from the palace, and having attained Boodhahood, and preached

* Phra loung 7. e. the embryo Phra, a term for Gautama Budha. The word

Phrd, now adopted into the Burmese language, is according to Professor Wilson

a corruption of the Sanscrit Prabhu Lord or Master. This appears to be the

most probable origin of the word. It certainly is not a pure Burmese word. The

orthography of it m ancient stone inscriptions at Pugin is Bu-rhé and Pi-rha.

The Burmese have used the original much as European nations have the Pali

word Da-go-ba. The modern word is written Phu-ré. -

7 This De-wa-dat was the great opponent of Budha Gautama. They were first

cousins by birth, and Gautama had married Dewa-dat’s sister.

Ee — ee *

ae yee ili Se Svan Sh nee enticetie eare o

1864. | On the history ef the Burmah face. } 7 |

the law during fifty-one years, he, in the year 148,* at the age of

eighty, passed to Weib-ban, or in common language, died. He died in

the country of Koo-thi-na-yoon, where the Malla tribe ruled. In the

month Wagoung of the same year, the first Thenggd-ya-nd or great

council, was called by A-dzd-ta-that the king of Madzagyo, and it was

then agreed, that that year should be counted as the year one, of

religion. f

As the kings of Burma claim to be descended from the DLha-kya

race of Kap-pi-la-wet to which Gautama belonged, the inter-marriages

of the chiefs of that tribe are thus carefully detailed in the history.

Having brought down the narrative of events to the death of Budha

Gautama, the first volume of the work proceeds to give an account of

the geography of the world of Dzam-boo-dee-pa, where the Budhist

kings reigned. In this mythological geography, Dzawm-boo-dee-pa refers

to the earth generally, but that term is constantly confused by being

sometimes apphed to the continent of India only, the other parts of

the world beng considered as too insignificant whether in extent or

in civilization, to be mentioned. Dzam-boo-dee-pa therefore frequently

represents India prominently, and the world remotely.

The great earth, or substratum of rock on which Dzam-boo-dee-pa

rests, 1s represented as being &2,000 yoozanas in depth. On this rock,

rests Dzam-boo-dee-pa or the island of the Dzam-boo or Hugenia tree.

It is broad at the north side, and to the south narrows like the fore-

part of a cart. This represents roughly the form of the continent of

India, which shows that the ancient books followed by the history,

frequently by the term Dzam-boo-dee-pa, referred to India only. From

north to south i6 is ten thousand yoozanus long, and the same from

east to west.

In the great ocean outside and which surrounds it, are five hundred

small surrounding islands. Ceylon is a prominent island to the west-

ward. At the northern extremity of Dzam-boo-dee-pe, grows the Euge-

nia tree with golden fruit, the size of globular water-pots.

In the Himalaya, it is stated there are seven great lakes. From one

named Anau-tat-ta proceed four great aqueducts. By one of these,

a river issues through the elephant mouth into the western sea; by

another, a river fails through the horse-mouth to the northern Sea ;

* This refers to the era established by king In-za-na.

+ According to the Burmese Calendar, the year 2406 of religion commenced

on the 18th of April, 1862, when the year 1224 of the common era commenced.

S On the histery of tre Burmah Race. | No. 1,

one through the lion-mouth to the eastern sea ; and one through the

cow-mouth into the southern sea.

All the eountries of India as mentioned in the Maha Raza Weng

are enumerated below, but there appears to be some confusion, result-

ing apparently from some states having in the course of time subdued

others, and from the historian not knowing, that some small States

appear sometimes as members of a confederacy, in an extensive coun-

try occasionally called by one general name; and at other times are

lost in the establishment of a monarchy. —

The regicn of MMeets-tree-ma-detha or the central land, is bounded

to the east by Ga-dzeng-ga-la-ne-gon village ; to the south-east by |

Lhal-la-wa-tee river; to the south by Lhé-ta-kau-nee-ka-nee-gon vil- ,

lage ; to the west by the Brahman village Dho-na ; to the north by

Oothi-rid-da-dza hill. In the centre is the great Baw-di tree. Around

are the sixteen great countries which are as follows :—

)

1. En-ga. | 9. Koo-roo. |

2. Ma-ga-da. | 10. Pin-tsa-la. |

3. Ka-thee. ; 11. Mits-tsa. |

4. Kaw-tha-la. 12. Thoo-ra-the-na. ti

5. Wits-tsee. 13. A-tha-ka.

6. Mél-la. 14. A-wan-tee. z

i 4. -Tsé-ti-ra. 15. Gan-da-ra.

8. Wan-tha. 16. Kam-bau-dza. a

| There are also 21 great countries : , |

1. Koo-roo. 12. Weng-ga. ,

2. Thek-ka. 13. Wee-dé-ha. 7

8. Kau-tha-la. 14. Kam-bau-dza. :

4. Ma-oa-da. 15. Mad-da. |

5. ‘Thee-wee. 16. Beg-ga. If,

6. Ka-lin-ga. 17. Eng-ga. 7.

7. A-wan-tee. 48. 'Thee-ha-la. i.

8. Pin-tsa-la. 19. Kath-mi-ra. 1;

9. Wits-tsee. 20. Ka-thee. :

10. Gan-da-ra. 21. Ban-da-wa.

11. Tse-ti-ra. 7 |

The great kingdoms are twenty : | | | :

1 Ba-ra-na-thee. 3. We-tha-li. i

2. Tha-wat-tee. 4. Mi-hti-la. f ’

— ae , + ~ - 4 < eS a - r 4 Ee ae —— SS

~~ Fadamactens = a _ - - a - - = “ — -—.™ ~ sna? s om? > = = .

Sane . — ar <a» ee Se aE ee ES ai Re Diets pce wins wnintcereyenitac went Se

tne ee ee eee eS oe Se ee

1864. | On the history of the Burinah Race. 9

5. Aa-la-wi. 13. Kap-pi-la-wot.

6. Kau-tham-bee. 14. Tha-ké-ta.

7, Oodz-dzé-nee. 15. Jn-da-pa-ta-na-go.

8. Tek-ka-shyo-la. 16. Ook-ka-ta.

9. Tsam-ba. 17. Pa-ta-li-poot.

10. ‘Tha-ga-la. 18. Dze-loot-ta-ra.

11. Than-thoo-ma-ra-g1-ri. 19. Theng-kath-tha-na-go.

12. Ra-dza-gyo. 20. Koo-thee-na-yon.

Such were the countries in the time of Gautama.

The countries reigned over by all the great kings commencing from

Maha-tha-ma-dd, and numbering three hundred and bee four thou-

sand five hundred and sixty-nine kings were :

1. Ko-tha-wa-tee. 12. Kau-Thamb-bee.

2. Ra-dza-gyo. 13. Kan-na-gantz-tsha.

3. ~M1-hti-la. 14. Raw-tsa-na.

4. Ba-ra-na-thee. 15. Tsam-ba.

5. Kappi-la. 16. Tek-ka-so.

6. Hat-ti-poo-ra. 17. Ko-thi-na-yon.

%. E-ka-tsek-khoo. 18. Ma-lit-ti-ya.

8. Wa-tsee-ra-wot-tee. 19. Kap-pi-la-wot.

9. Ma-dhoo-ra. , 20. Kau-li-ya.

10. Aree-ta-poo-ra. — 21. De-wa-da-ha.

ll. In-da-pa-ta-na-go.

The first volume of the history then concludes with maxims for

kings and people which need not be entered here.

The second volume opens with the following words :

“ In the first part we have narrated the history of the kings com-

mencing from Jlaha Thama-dé up to the time of the excellent Phra

Gautama, there being three hundred and thirty-four thousand five

hundred and sixty-nine kings in lineal succession. In this second por-

tion we shall relate the history of thirty kings commencing from Peim-

ba-tha-ra up to king Dham-ma-thau-ka.”

Of these princes it will not be necessary to relate more than what is

essential in order to understand the history of Burmah. The history

first refers to the country of Ra-dza-gyo and then follows the stream

of Budhist religion and authority, until it widens into the broad cha-

nel of sovereignty under Dham-ma-thau-ka, whose seat of empire was

at Pa-ti-li-poot,

10 On the history of the Burmah Kace. [No. I

Thoodhau-dha-na, king of the Thek-ka state in the country of Kap-

pi-la-wot, had a great friendship for Bha-gee-nee-ya king of Ra-dza-gyo

in Magadha. The prince Lheid-dhat-ta had alsc. a great friendship

for the prince of Ma-dza-gyo, Beem-ba-thd-ya. The latter died eight

years before Gautama attained nezbban, and. his son A-dzd-ta-that

succeeded. A-dzd-ta-that reigned thirty-two years until the year 24

of religion |B, C. 519,] when he was succeeded by his son Oo-da-ya-

bad-da. |

A-dza-ta-that formed a friendship with that base man De-wa-dat, |

and having murdered his father was condemned to hell; but after a |

Jong term of suffering he was to be permitted to be born as a Pits-tsi- |

ka-Budha. He was succeeded by his son Oo-da-ya-bad-da who reigned |

until the year 40 of religion, when his son 4-noo-rood-da conspired

and reigned in his stead. : eee

In the year 72 of religion his descendant Ma-ga-da-tha was set aside

by the people as one of a parricide race, and a nobleman named

Lhoo-thoo-na-ga succeeded him. His history is as follows. In the

country of We-tha-l* the Leitz-tsha-wee princes assembled and con-

sulted thus—“ Our country has all the elements of greatness, yeb is

quiet when exertion is called for. Why are other countries constantly

| stirred up?” They decided that the country was quiet because there

— = = were no courtezans. They therefore caused the daughter of a wealthy

| man, one of their own race, to be so appointed. One of the Leitz-tsha-

wee princes took her to his own house. She gave birth to a son. The

child was put into a jar and thrown outside the city. ‘The jw was

found by some of the citizens, opened, and the child was taken and

brought up by a noble. He was named Thoo-thoo-na-ga because the

city Naga had uttered a sound like thoo-thoo which led to the dis-

covery of the jar. |

At a time when king A-dza-ta-that meditated an attack against

We-tha-li, he sent the Brahman Wa-tha-ka-ya to Gautama, who re-

pied that the We-tha-li princes observed the law and were destined to

long greatness. The king said to the Brahman, “ What shall we do ?”

The Brahman replied, “Make a show of banishing me from the coun- .

try; I will first go and destroy the unanimity of the We-tha-l

princes, and you can then march and conquer the country.” In three

* We-tha-li appears to have been one of the States of the Leitz-tsha-we

princes ? i

— ee : ‘ : . . nh : ~ = pre ae ‘ ; i ea =~ iid Macatee = — — ae .

—_ FR eae Nt ee _—"

1864. | On the history of the Burmah hace. 11

years the plan was accomplished, and by this means, the cluld 7'hoo-

thoo-na-ga, who had become a noble, was brought to Ra-dza-gyo and

eventually became king. 7

King Thoo-thoo-na-ga lived in We-tha-li. After a reign of eighteen

years, he died in the year of religion 90. | ;

He was succeeded by his son Ka-la-thau-ka. In his reign in the

year of religion 100, the second great Council was held in We-tha-la

ander Shen-ya-tha-tay with seven hundred Rahandas. He died in the

year of religion 118. On his death his son Bad-da-thé-na, with mine

younger brothers, reigned for twenty-two years. In the year 140, the

last of these ten brothers named Pin-za-ma-ka, was king. He was

killed by one Kho-mhoo-nan-da who became king with the name of

Oog-ga-the-na. His history was as follows:—On the border of the

country of VWe-tha-li, there lived a robber chief, who at the head of a

large band plundered the country. Once, in plundering a party of

merchants, a porter belonging to them joimed the robbers. He in time

became the captain of the band and was called Avho-thoo-nan-da.

Gradually he acquired power, and at length usurped the throne, putting

4o death the king Pin-za-ma-ka.

Oog-ga-thé-na did not live long. His eight younger brothers suc-

-eeeded him. The last of them was Da-ia-nan-da-meng. He was mur-

dered by Dza-nek-ka the Brahman, and prince Tsan-da-got-ta of the

ifau-re-ya line was placed on the throne. He was king of all Dzamn-

bu-dee-pa.

The history of Jfau-re-ya is thus: In the time of the Phra, some of

the 'Tha-kee princes went and built a city in the Himalaya forests. It

was called J/au-re-ya from peacocks being numerous there, or from

the city being in the shape of a peacock’s neck. Dza-nek-ka, the

? Brahman, was an inhabitant of the country of Zek-ka-tho. His father

died early and he was brought up under the care oi his mother. He

when young was noted for his learning and accomplishments. It was

predicted that he would become a king, but at the request of his

mother: he broke his canine teeth and vowed never to become a king.

He came to the country of Pa-ti-li-poot, in the reign of Da-na-nan-da.

fle became acquainted with the king’s son, Pap-pa-ta, and persuaded

him to leave the city and live in the forest. He endeavoured to find

a person to substitute for prince Pap-pa-ta as successor to the throne

and he found Tsan-da-got-ta. His history is thus related. Once the

Cc 2

= = = - = a . = - . ‘ —

Se eee a ia RAEN AEP ID IPO ALE Al WO AE BRE PRACT eho) Fat ara eae ee ek ee

12 On the history of the Burmah Leace. [No. 1,

country of AZau-re-ya was attacked and subdued. The queen being

pregnant fled to the country of Pa-ti-li-poot, and there gave birth to

a son. ‘The child was put in an earthen vessel and placed near a cow

enclosure. The cowherd found him and brought him up with his own

children. A friend of the cowherd, a hunter, loved the child and

asked for him. ‘The child then was made over to the hunter. He

displayed great power and ability, and the Brahman Deza-nek-ka hear-

ing thereof gained possession of him from the hunter. ‘The Brahman

brought him up until he was full grown. He was named Tsan-da-

got-ta. By an artifice Tsan-da-got-ta was induced to murder prince

Pap-pa-ta. Tsan-da-got-ta then under the influence of Dza-nek-ka

gradually collected forces, attacked villages, and at last expelled king

Da-na-nan-da from Pa-ti-li-poot.

Tsan-da-got-ta then was consecrated king. He had a son born to

him who was named Bein-du-tha-ya. Tsan-da-got-ta died after a reign

of 24 years in the year of religion 186 = B. C. 357.

His son Bein-doo-tha-ya married a princess of the dMau-re-ya race,

who gave birth to Dhnm-ma-thau-ka. This Prince appears to have

murdered all his father’s sons by other mothers than his own. Bei-

doo-tha-ya either died naturally or was murdered in 214 of religion.

~ Dhaw-ma-thau-ka attended to the internal affairs of the country

for four years before he was crowned, and in the year 218* of religion

he received the abeit theit. His brother Tei-tha he appointed Crown

Prince Four years after being consecrated as king, he sincerely enter-

ed religion. ‘The history of Dham-ma-thau-ka as the great supporter

of Budhism, the founder and encourager of missions, is narrated at

considerable length. He discovered and opened the under-ground

building in which the relies of Gautama had been deposited by 4-dza-

ta-that ; he took them out and distributed them. In the year 284¢ of

religion, he assembled the third general council presided over by

Mang-ga-lee-poot-ta-tee-tha-tay and consisting of one thousand selected

Rahans. He then turned his attention to the great object of esta-

blishing religion all over the world or in all countries contiguous to

* B. C. 325. On this subject see Cunningham’s Bhilsa topes, page 74.

He applies a correction of sixty-six years to this Buddhistical date, and gives

good reason for doing so.

+ B. C. 809. This is not the date of the third general council as given in

Cunningham’s Bhilsa topes, page 116, and to which the correction musb be

applied.

Sa RS RT RE arc 0 ;

1864. | On the histery of the Burmah Race. 13

India. For the present history, it is only necessary to notice two out

of the nine missionaries then sent forth. They are Yau-na-ka-dham-

ma-rek-khee-ta to A-pa-ran-ta or Burma according to this history ;

and Oot-ta-ré and Thau-na to Thoo-wan-na Bhoom-mee or the 'Talaing

country. In both those countries the missions were successful, and

multitudes of men and women became Rahans. King Dham-ma-thau-

ka died in the year 255 of religion.

The second volume of the history ends with the death of this king.

Thethird volume of the Maha Radza-weng commences with the direct

history of the Burmese kings in the following words: “ We shall now

relate the first commencement of the long line of the Mran-ma kings in

the great country of Tagoung; the origin of all the kings who have

reigned in the land; and also treat of the first foundation and the

progress of divine religion in the Mran-ma country, under the 2/ran-

ma kings.”

The country which in the time of our lord Gautama is called Ya-

goung, was originally established by Abhi Radza.. His history is as ©

follows. Before the appearance of the lord Gautama, the king of

Kau-tha-la and Pin-za-la-reet, wishing to ally himself with the Jang of

Kau-lee-ya, sent a noble to demand one of the daughters of that

sovereign. ‘The Kaw-lee-ya king from pride of race did not send a

satisfactory answer. A war then arose, and the king of Pin-za-la-reet

was victorious. The three Tha-kee kings of Kau-lee-ya, De-wa-da-ha,

and Aap-pi-la-wot being conquered, their countries were destroyed.

Afterwards they were once more restored to prosperity. At the time

when the T’ha-kee kings were thus depressed, Abhi Radza the king of

Lha-kya Tha-kee race in Kap-pi-la-wot, in consequence of the dis-

turbed state of Mitz-tzi-ma-de-tha, took with him his army, and went

and established the country called Dhen-ga-tha-ra-ta or Tagowng.*

Abhi adza at his death left two sons, the elder named Kan Radza

gyee, and the younger Kaw Radza ngay. They quarrelled regarding —

their succession to the throne. By the advice of the wise men of the

nation, they agreed to abide by the result of a rivalry in good works,

and not of war. It was arranged that each was to commence at meht

fall to erect an alhoo mandét or religious building, and the Prince who

first finished his building was to succeed to the place of the father.

a wre aes tan Be gE TN RS Te Rae Tee wes *

14 On the history of the Burmah Race. [No. 1,

Bach selected a hill on which to erect a building. The elder brother

commenced his building with heavy timbers and bamboos. The

younger brother commenced with light timbers and covered it with

white cloth and plaster, so 1t was finished in one night. In the morp-

ing when the elder brother saw that he had lost, he collected his

followers and went down the Irrawaddy river. He then ascended the

Tha-la-watee or Khyen-dween river, and established bimself at £Ka-lé

doung.* At that time the tribes called Pyoo kam yan and Thek

asked for a king, and the Prince made his son J/o0-doo-tseit-ta king

over the Pyoo tribe. “ Kan Radza gyee went westward and establish

ed himself on the mountain called Ayouk pan towngy east of the

river Gits-tsha-bé. He then became king of the country.”

Kan Radza ngay reigned in Tagoung the country of his father.

He had thirty-one descendants who reigned successively in Tagoung.

In the time of Bhein-na-kad the last king of that race, Chinese and

Martars from Gan-da-la-reet Province, in the country of Zsev, in-

vaded the kingdom. ‘The king was obliged to retire with his army

to the Ma-lé khyowngt where he died. From thence his force was

divided into three parts; one went eastward and established the

nineteen Shan states; another division went down the Irrawaddy

river and remained in the country of the Pyoo-kan-ran and Thek

tribes, where the Zha-kee Prince Moo-doo-Tseit-ta had formerly

established himself in Zhoo-na-pa-ran-ta. A portion remained in La-

1é with the chief Queen Na-ga-tshein.

At this time Gautama appeared in Jitz-tsee-ma-detha. ‘The kg

of Tha-wat-tee, Pa-the-na-dee, Kau-tha-la, demanded a daughter in

marriage from dfahd-ni-ma§ king of Kap-pi-la-wot. 'The king did

nob give him a pure daughter, but one born from a slave girl and

named Wa-tha-bha-Khat-ti-ya. She gave birth to a son named Wee-

ta-thoo-pa, When he had grown up, he went to see his relations in

Kap-pi-la-wot. As they insulted him on account of his inferior burth

he determined on revenge. After his father’s death he thrice led his

arinies against Kap-pi-la-wot but was restrained by the expostulations

* This lies west of the Khyeng-dwen in about 23° N. L.

+ This ig a mountain in the northern part of Arakan. The story here

related is found also in the history of Arakan, Vide Journal Asiatic Society,

Vol. XIII. p. 34.

t Malé is on the Irrawaddy river, about eighty miles above Amerapoora.

§ It is presumed that after the death of Thoo-dau-dana the father of Budha

Gautama, Maha-na-ma one of the same family succeeded to the throne.

25 Rice aa TRS eee “ee Ciaees

ne a ae

1864. | On the history of the Burmah Race. 15

of the lord Gautama. A fourth time Gautama seeing inevitable

punishment due to the demerit of the Sakee Princes forbade him not. —

The Tha-kee race of Kap-pi-la-wot of which Mahd-nd-ma was then

king was either destroyed, or dispersed among the ueighbouring

states of Afaure-ya and We-dee-tha gi-ra-dza. ‘Thus was that great

country of Kap-pi-la-wot twice destroyed; once in the time of king

Kau-le-ya, and once in the time of king Jahd-nd-ma.

At the time of this last destruction, one of the Tha-kee Princes

named Daza fadza \eft Mits-tshee-ma-de-tha with many followers,

and first established himself at Jfaw-re-ya,* called also Mau-ringa, and

now Jfwé-yeng. From thence he removed and established himself in

the country of Theng-dgvat. From thence he removed to dfalé where

he met the Queen WVa-ga-tshein, and as they were of the same Tha-

kee-ya race they were married. They then built the city of upper

Pugan. There a son named Wee-ra-ga was born to them. They

once more removed to the ancient capital of the Tha-kee race of kings

called Ta-goung or Theng-ga-tha-ra-ta and cailed it Pin-tsa-la-reet,

and hence the country is also called Pin-tsa-ta-goung. This king

established regular government. By his two chief Queens he had

twenty sons and twenty daughters, and the sons married their half

sisters.

To this king there succeeded seventeen kings in reguiar succession,

but their reigns were very short. The last of them was named Tha-

do-mi-hd-radza. This king had no son. The chief Queen Kein

na-ree De-wee had a brother named La-bd-doo-hé and he was ap-

pointed Min-Shé-men or Crown Prince.

At that time in the country of the Pyoo tribe the race of kings

descended from Moo-doo-tseit-ta the son of Kan Radza qyee, as above

related, was represented by Zap-boo-la. He was disturbed by attacks

from Dhi-ngya-wa-tee or Arakan, and went with his people to the

Tha-qya lake.

“ As then we have related the first dawning of the Burmese coun-

try of Za-goung before the lord Gautama appeared, now we shall

proceed to narrate the history of 7 ha-ve-khet-ta-ya.}” |

* By this name is meant the country west of the Khyeng-dweng river now

called the Kubo valley.

+ This is the name of the ancient city to the east of Prome,

refer to the Khatri or Rajpoot caste.

It, appears to

eee eee FE ,

ay Nagereen secre SO OS LOE PIII CS EEN ILE RN ak SR car i er te a te Bm ap Oo oe om ——

SS . 4 -

. <a ~ - —_—

- aagee - a et . 7

<< ~S4 at at

0 eee ee ep eae cts ae: ee tite ee ee ——

16 On the history of the Burmah hace. | No. 1,

“Tn the fifth year after the lord Gautama attained to the state of

Budha, two brothers named J/aha-poon and ‘L’soo-la-poon asking

leave from the Phra, built a monastery called ZLsan-da-koo-nan-tha

at the village of Say-gaing in the country of Zhoo-na-pa-ran-

ta.* The Phra also prophesied (that) ‘hereafter in the Mran-mé

country my religion will be long established,’ and accompanied by five

hundred Rahandas he frequently came through the air before the

monastery was finished ; when the monastery was finished he received it

in gift, and remained there seven days, and preached. At that time

five hundred men and five hundred women in Theo-na-pa-ran-ta be-

came Rahandas. At that place was a hermit named 7'heet-tsa-ban-da

who had attained the state of an Areeya. ,At his intercession the

Phra left the impression of one foot on the Lheet-tsa-pan hill; and

at the intercession of the Na-man-da Na-ga he left the impression of

the other on the bank of the Man stream. ‘Thus two firmly founded

pagodas were fixed in the rovk as if sealed down, and the Lord said :—

‘Hereafter my religion shall be long established in the countries of

DVhoo-na-pa-ran-ta and Tampa-dena.¥ Krom thence the Phra went

and arrived at the Pho-eoo hill.t To the south-east was the sea. On

the water was the appearance of something floating and just appearing

above the surface. A little pwé or bamboo rat lifted up its nose and

did homage to the omniscient Phra. The Phra smiled at these two

omens, and, in reply to his younger brother who asked for explanation,

said, ‘ Beloved Anan-da, in the year 101, after I shail have entered into

the rest of pa-ree-neib-ban, five great omens shall be manifested here.

They are, jirst, A violent earthquake shall shake the whole land.

Second, where the Bho-oo peak now rises there shail be a lake. Third,

the Lsa-moon-than-my-eit river shall be formed. Fourth, the earth

* This is on the Man river which runs into the Irrawaddy from the westward

near the town of Menboo. | :

7 Tampa-dena is one of the ancient names for Ceylon. According to the

practice of the Budhist nations of Indo-Chinese to transfer to their own countries

the name of Budhist lands in the west, this name was given to Pugan and the

surrounding country. The name was probably given after the books were

brought from them and a reformation made in religion. Pugan was more anciently

called A-rimad-da-na. This history, however, intimates that Tanmpa-dee-pa was

the more ancient name. Thoo-na-pa-ran-tais mentioned as a country in the

Budhist Scriptures. See Hardy’s Budhism, p. 259.

{ ‘I'his isthe name of a peak on the west bank of the Irrawaddy near to

Prome. Great changes no doubt have occurred in the course of the Irrawaddy

river, probably within the historical period, about Prome. The rocks around

Prome contain large deposits of marine shells, so that the Burmese had evidence

of the sea having once reached there,

ll ir a ai a— i ~ og 7 emigre — “, = ie: = os sy

a te o~

1864. | On the history of the Burmah Race. 17

shall rise and form Poop-pa-toung.* Fifth, in the country to become

Tha-re-khet-te-ya, the sea shall be dried up. In the time when those

omens shall be manifested and fulfilled, that little pwé, removed from

his existing body, and become a man, shall be king over a great coun-

try under the name of Dwot-ta-boung. In that king’s reign, in the

Mran-mé country, my divine religion shall flourish and shall exist

throughout long ages-’ ”

According to that divine prediction the Phra went to saree-nerb-

ban and in the ycar 40 of religion in the reign of Tha-do-ma-ha

Radza king of Pin-tsa-ta-goung before mentioned, a mighty boar

twelve cubits high ravaged the country. The Crown prince La-ba-doo-

ha went forth armed to destroy him. The boar fled to the Shan

country, and the prince followed. ‘The glen where he entered the

mountains east of the Irrawaddy is called Wet-weng (boar entrance)

to this day. The prince chased him down the west bank of the

Irrawaddy, though how the boar arrived there is not stated, and he

crossed again to the east bank. As from his great height his belly

was not wet by the water, the place he reached 1s stall called Wet-ma-

iswott (boar not wet). The boar then continued his flight down the

east bank of the river until he came to an island near to Zha-re-khet-

ta-ya. There the prince overtook him. The place is called Wet-hto-

kuyen to this day.

The prince now reflected that he was far from the country of Ta-

goung, and that his story of having killed the boar would not be

believed ; and wearied with the world he determined to become a hermit

in the place where he was. There were then no inhabitants near at

hand except wild animals. In the jungle a doe produced a young one

in the form of a human female child. The doe, startled by the ery of

the infant, fled, and the hermit coming to the spot was astonished at

the sight. ‘The hermit carried the child to his cell, and brought her up

as his own daughter. When she was grown up, he gave her the name

of bhe-da-ree. ‘“ Such is the story of the first establishment of the

eity of Lha-ré-khet- ye by the hermit who. was the brother-in-law of

the king of T'a-goung.”

In the very year when the Crown-prince La-ba-doo-hé went forth to

slay the boar, the queen of T'a-goung gave birth to twin sons. They

* The name of an extinct voleano about 200 miles north from Prome,

7 This is a placo below the petroleum wells in the Irrawaddy river,

~~ < Fn a De ee ee SAE Stee we ent ee RS

18 On the history of the Burmah Race. [No. 1,

were both born blind and named Mahd-Tham-ba-waé and Tsoo-la-tham.

ba-wa. The king trom shame ordered them to be killed; but the

queen loving the children of her own bosom concealed them, uni]

they were nineteen years of age. The king then having discovered

that they were alive, again ordered them to be killed; but the queen

had them put into a boat, with many days’ provisions, and set them

afloat on the Irrawaddy river. As they floated down the river, the boat

struck against the branch of a Zsee¢t tree. At that spot in after times

was built the city of Zseet Kaing. As they proceeded down they met

with a Bee-lec-ma, who gave them some medicine to restore their eye-

sight. The cure was effected, and looking up and seeing the sky for

the first time they said, “'The sky is as a cover; the earth is under.

neath,” and hence the place they were passing was called Myé-dat.

At length they reached the place at Prome* where their uncle the

hermit dwelt. There they beheld the hermit’s daughter Bhe-da-ree

drawing water from the stream, with a gourd. As the water would

not flow readily into the gourd they opened it. Bhe-da-ree then filled

it and returned to her father’s cell. She told him the cause of her

quick return, and the yeung Princes being called, they told their story,

and the hermit learned then, that they were the sons of his sister the

Queen Kem-naree-de-wee. After this the elder brother Prince Ma)é-

Tham-ba-wé was married to the hermit’s daughter Bhe-da-ree. This

was in the year 60 of religion according to the Mahé Radza Weng,

or, by the Burmese reckoning of the period of Gautama’s death, 483

years betore Christ. From this time commences the history of the

monarchy established at Lhare-khet-ta-ya, and no further notice is

taken of Tagoung and the upper country of the Irrawaddy until some

eenturies later.

Note on the etymology of the word Myan-ma or Mran-mi.

In the Journal of the Asiatic Society No. I. of 1853, is an interest-

ing paper by Mr. B. H. Hodgson, on the languages of the Indo-

Chinese borderers, compared with the Thibetan and Himalayan tongues,

In that paper My. Hodgson appears to conclude that the term Burma

or Burmese, which is the Kuropeanized form of the name by which

* See Journal of the Asiatic Society, Vol. XXV. p. 17 3, for an account of the

pagoda built upon that Spot. |

abe telie Ine cain etait er ee ee soe a —

1864. | On the history of the Burmah Race. 19

that people call themselves, can be traced to the native name for

man. ‘This, however, is open to some doubt; but Mr. Hodgson’s

general conclusion that the languages of the Himdlayan, Indo-Chinese,

and Thibetan tribes are of one family is fully justified.

‘The name by which the people known to Europeans as Burmans or

Burmese call themselves, is written by them Mran-ma and some-

times Mram-ma, and is pronounced Ba-ma. The Arakanese call them-

selves Ma-ra-ma which is a variation of the same word. The questions

involved are,—

1st. Does the word Mran-ma contain the root signifying man in

some of the Indo-Chinese dialects ?

2nd. Is the word Mran-ma directly derived from the name for

man generaliy, and on that account used as the national designation

of the Burma ?

érd. Can any other origin for the term Mran-ma be found, from

which it is more likely to be derived ?

It is shown by Mr. Hodgson that in many of the above languages

ma and me mean J, and man, (pp. 5, 34, 86 and 63), and hence it is

concluded that the etymology of Burma or Burmese is recovered,

The word Burma or Burmese no doubt is the European form of Ba-

ma. Is the written form J/ran-ma the original, of which the

spoken form Ba-md is a mere colloquialism ? or is the latter the real

original expression of the name for the race? The Arakanese, it may

be noted, do not use the form Ba-mdé and therefore are never called by

Europeans Burmans or Burmese. |

The root ms in the Burmese language has now no known reference

to ths pronoun J, or to man, as a general term, whatever it may

formerly have had, It now means female; with the prefix @ it means —

mother, and sometimes a daughter. As an aflix to the word tha or

Sa, child, it signifies a female child. The root ma has the same

general meaning, female ; but has a more dignified signification than

mt. It is. also applied to female animals. The word for woman,

AMien-ma or Mi-ma, is probably the union of the two forms of the root

representing female, and is applied to woman as the female par excel-

lence (see p. 66 of Mr. Hodgson’s paper). The personal pronoun

Nga=T, is both masculine and feminine. But though I cannot agree

that the root mz or ma appears in the word Mran-md, that root may

possibly appear in the Burmese word myo, mro or in its Arakcaness

D 2

— -_ s 2 : = - z 5 :

eS - pete teeta ——_ ms - a e rs = sims a A a a A Ni) aS ee . m me Oat: a= la it _ — = —- — 8 ra

_—— SERRA eae I Se pe OND ESE a Ne tee i ie I a 8 Sto AT aA Eee medi es Sang Shape aemadaiincbenen italics) Saiad entiation alin

heal

form, mruc=race, and seed ; possibly also this word may originally have

sionified man, in the Burmese as now in the Mra language, (see p,

34). Mr. J. R. Logan in the Journal of the Ind. Arch. for 1857,

Vol. II., observes “ The root of Mran-mais raz, one of the forms of a

widely spread Himalaic name for man. Karen has the same root,

with the guttural in place of the lateral prefix.” I have not been able

to satisfy myself as to the grounds on which this observation is founded,

The question still remains, whence the word Aran-md, which is

pronounced Ba-ma, and in the Arakanese form Ma-ra-ma, is derived ?

I believe it to be a modern appellation adopted by the people since

they became Budhist, and derived from the Pah word Brah-ma signi-

fying celestial beings, as shown in the text. Hence it really has only

an accidental similarity to the ‘word for man in some of the Indo-

Chinese dialects. It is much as if the dzgl had adopted the national

name Angeli with their Christianity, with this difference, that we

know for certain that the Angi: origmally so called themselves, but

we do not know for certain what the Burmese called themselves, beforc

they adopted the name J/ran-md. 'The pride of the people caused

them to assume this as their national designation. The only names

for the ancient tribes which may have become the A/ran-ma nation,

which we are acquainted with, are Pyoo, Kan-yan or Kan-ran and

Lhek or Suk.

Is 16 possible that in adopting the word Brah-ma as their national

narse they kept in view also their native root ma as Mr. Hodgson

would appear to conclude? This I will not venture to affirm, but

ofthe direct origin of the present national name I have no doubt.

Nor need it cause surprise that a people should have adopted a foreign

term to designate themselves. With their religious instructors they

received knowledge of every kind. The districts of their country

were named after the countries of their teachers. Even their great

river, known in the vernacular as Myit-gyt, received an equivalent term

in Pal,— H-ra-wa-ti; and their capital city always has a Pali name.

From the history it is evident that the name Mran-m4 was not adopted

until after several tribes had been united under one powerful chief, by

whose fiat the name would readily have been adopted. .

— With reference, however, to the root m2 and its appearance im the

word Mien-ma or Mim-ma (woman), it is curious that the Chinese of

Yunan call the Burmese Mien or loung-mien, and that is the name

20) On the history of the Burmah face. [No. 1).

1864. | On the history of the Burmah Race. 21

given to them by Marco Polo. I cannot say how the Chinese got

the word, but it is possible that Mcen was the original name for the

race, and contains the root meaning man. However that may be, the

word in this or any similar sense is now entirely lost among the Bur-

mese, excepting as above noted in the term for woman, and it may

be in Mru (race). It does not appear as the name of any of the tribes

with which the Burmese might be supposed to be immediately

connected.

: Observations.

Having traced thus far the legends of the Burmese race from the

earliest period, down to the time when a new dynasty was established

near Prome, about three hundred miles lower down the Irrawaddy

than the ancient capital Tagoung, it will be convenient to pause, and

enquire how far we can discern any true historical basis m the legends

and tales which have been narrated.

The physiognomy and the language of the’ Burmese people, as well

as those of the adjoining tribes, proclaim them all to belong to the

same family of nations as the tribes of Thibet and the Eastern

Himalaya. Whence did they come? and how did they arrive at

their present country ? The theory of Prichard in his Natural History

of Man on this subject is probable, is supported by existing facts, and

accords with the physical geography of the regions north of the coun-

tries now occupied by the Indo-Chinese races. That author thus

refers to those peoples. ‘“ The vast region of Asia forming the south-

eastern corner of that Continent, which reaches in the sea border from

the common mouth of the Ganges and the Brahmaputra, to the

Hoang-ho, or Yellow River of China, and even further northward

towards the mouth of the Amur or Selinga, is inhabited by races of

people who resemble each other so strongly in moral and physical

peculiarities, and in the general character of their languages, as to give

rise to a suspicion that they all belong to one stock. With the rivers

which descend from the high country of Central Asia, and pour their

diverging waters on all sides, after traversing extensive regions of

lower elevation, into the remote ocean, these nations appear also to

have come down, at various periods, from the south-eastern border of

the Great Plateau ; in different parts of which, tribes are still recog-

nised who resemble them in features and language.”

IS te oS Se Ree ge YE ——

- ~ Seer Pawar ome -

22 On the history of the Burmah Race. [No. 1,

To the great central region of high Asia, Prichard traces what he

terms the five nomadic races, namely the Ugrian, the Turkish, the

Mongolian, the Tungusian, and on the south-east the Bhotiya, “the

mountain people who on the northern boundary of Hindustan have

appropriated the name of Tartars, though they have no right to that

celebrated appellation, which belonged originally to the Mongolian

tribe who inhabited the banks of the lake Bougir.” And again, “If

we were at liberty to hazard a conjecture as to the origin of their

nation, 1t would be, that all the people who inhabit the low countries

of south-eastern Asia, from the mouth of the Amur, or at least from

that of the Hoang-ho, southward and westward as far as the Brah-

maputra, are offsets from one of the great nomadic races of high Asia,

namely from the Bhotiya, who occupy the southern margin of the

great central upland.” ‘This conjecture js in a great measure confirmed

by the researches of Mr. B. H. Hodgson, who, in the paper already

quoted, observes that “One type of language prevails from the Kali to

the Kuladan, and from Ladakh to Malacca, so as to bring the Hima-

layans, the Indo-Chinese, and Thibetans into one family.”

It is reasonable to conclude that tribes leaving the south-eastern.

margin of the great plateau of central Asia, early in the existence of

the human race, would naturally follow the downward course of streams

= and rivers. Among the earlier emigrants from that part of Asia

towards the south, as far as we can now discover, were the ancestors

of the present Mon or Zalaing people, the aborigines, so to speak, of

Pegu. It is also probable that the Karens left their ancient dwelling-

place at an early period. They have remained for the most part up

to the present time uninfluenced by Budhism, and with their language

unwritten, until about the year 1880 A. D. Their traditions of their

own origin, or at least of the route by which they arrived at their

present seats, are therefore more trustworthy than those of the

Burmese or of the Talaings are, regarding themselves. Many of these

traditions are preserved in a small volume written by the Rev. Dr.

Mason, Missionary to the Karen people. It is entitled “ Traditions

of the Elders.” While the traditions or legends of the Burmese,

influenced by the source whence they derived their religion, and by

the ambition of their kings to trace descent from the Budhist

sovereigns of their holy land, refer to India as the cradle of the royal

race, and almost seem to derive the great body of the people from

alien a ee PY

or Fen A hn a ee ee SA Se AERTS a Sein eta insh miewrerknsecnenittende weiSe:

“ss : ——* a ee

hell

1864. | On the history of the Burmah Race. 23

the same country, the more trustworthy traditions of the Karens point

to central Asia as their ancient home.

Their traditions say, ““ We anciently came from beyond the river of

running sand, and having marked out Zimmay (two hundred and fifty

miles north-east of Maulmain), for ourselves, returned. Afterwards

when we came to dwell there, we found the Shans occupying the

country. Then the Karens cursed them, saying, ‘ Dwell ye in the

dividing of countries.’ ”’

The countries in which Europeans first came in contact with Karens

have only lately been occupied by them, but the mountain country

between:the Salween and Sitang rivers, has probably been theirs for

il’ many ages.

Dr. Mason points out that Fa-Hian, the Chinese pilgrim to India

of the fourth century, also speaks of crossing the “river of sand” or

ereat desert between China and Thibet. I urther it is stated, “ Their

traditions point unequivocally to an ancient connection with China;

for Tie or Tien is spoken of as a god inferior to Jehovah,* and offer-

{ ing to the manes of their ancestors 1s as common among the Karens

as it is among the Chinese.” It is evident “the river of sand” of the

wilt Karens must be the great sandy desert of Mongolia, stretching for many

| hundreds of miles along either side of the 40° of North latitude. The

story of coming to Zimmay under a chief to imspect the country, and

» then returning, must be accepted as the modern version of the fact,

, that about Zimmay they were stopped in their progress south along

, the water-shed range, between the Salween and Menam rivers, by

, the previous occupation of the Shan race. The Karens are mentioned

; by Marco Polo, and appear then to have occupied the country east of

Bamo on the upper Irrawaddy. |

Some of the religious traditions of the Karens are remarkable.

_ They are distinguished from all the Indo-Chinese tribes with which

_ Ll am acquainted, by the knowledge they have of the existence of one

eternal God. He is not worshipped, because, as they appear to suppose,

| heis angry with them. It is impossible to conjecture with proba-

— —

bility how they acquired this knowledge. They believe also that they

once possessed books. Notwithstanding what has been said by some

) writers as to the “ Caucasian countenances,” the long faces, and

_ “straight noses” of the Karens, [ must uphold that their national

* Or Yu-wa, the name given by the Karens to God.

i a

<2 ee ——

a ee Se Rite Se whee cen sates ee =e

94 On the history of the Burmah Lace. [No. 1,

physiognomy is essentially Indo-Chinese, and their speech connects

them with the same family. In every Indo-Chinese tribe, occasional]

exceptions to the general flat physicgnomy are met with. These

are almost always among the men. ‘The women have more frequently

the true type of Mongolian or Bhotiya face. da

Such tribes as the Burmese, the Karens and the Mon would readily

find their way from central Asia by the courses of the rivers Salween

and Mee-nam towards the south. Scme would be led westerly, and

so gain the valley of the Irrawaddy in the upper course of that river.

This, the Talaings and Burmese probably did at an early period,*

while the Karens kept for ages to the mountains bordering east and

west of the Salween and Mee-nam rivers, and only lately came into the

Irrawaddy valley and along the mountains bordering the sea-coast; as

far as the 12° N. L. They may be classed in three great divisions,

having numerous tribes and dialects, but all possessing the same cha-

racteristics as far as they have been observed, up to the 20th degree of

north latitude.

It has already been mentioned that the people called by Europeans

Burman or Burmese, called themselves JZran-ma, a name which is

generally pronounced by them Ba-md. This word, as has also been

stated, is of foreign origin. From the history we learn that at an

early period there were three tribes in the valley of the Irrawaddy,

who appear to have been the progenitors of the present nation. ‘These

* Mr. J. R. Logan remarks upon this subject as follows :

“The present position of the Mon-Anam nations might lead us to suppose that

they moved into Ultra-India, and thence into India. But the relatioz of the

Mon-Anam to the Vindyan dialects shows, that the Dravirian traits of the

former were wholly or chiefly acquired in Ben gal, and renders it probable that

they did not reach the south by the basin of the Irrawaddy, but by that of the

Tsang-po Brahmaputra, like the later Tibeto-Burman tribes. How far Ultra-India

was then imhabited, and what languages were there spoken, cannot therefore be as-

certained from the character of the Mon-Anam languages.’ Again. “ The Sumang

and Anda-manni are the purest remnants of a pre-Himalaic colony, and it is pro-

bable that similar Draviro-Australian tribes occupied it, so far as it was inhabited,

before the Mon-Anam race entered the region.” Journal, Indian Arch. pp. 156, 167.

Among the traditions of the Mran-mé race in Arakan, are traces of the existence of

a hateful race of men, which existed on the sea coast, when the Mran-mas entered

the country. They are called in the vernacular Bee-loo which implies a monster,

or cannibal, in human shape. It is from these beings that the country received its —

Pali name of Rek-khaik and hence its present name Ra-khaing. Rek-khaik

appears to have the same general signification as the vernacular Bee-loo. The

Pali hame being given to the country would seem to show that some Bee-loos

were still there, when the Budhist missionaries entered Arakan. The word

eee appears to answer generally in popular meaning to the English Ogre.

here are no traces of the Mon people ever having passed through Arakan.

ee tee dee ie ew RT Rie a aah ne, |e om

, to the name of the tribe Gautama belonged to,

1864.) On the history of the Burmah Race. — 25

tribes are called Byoo or Pyoo, Kam-yan or Kan-ran, and Thek or by

the Arakanese Sak.* They probably were three allied tribes, more

closely connected with each other than were others of the same original

stock, settled in the upper Irrawaddy vailey, or on the adjoining

mountains. J see no reason for doubting that they had found their

way to the valley of the Irrawaddy by what is now the track of the

Chinese caravans from Yunan, which track debouches at Bamo on

the river. There they probably remained for many ages without

being disturbed by any superior tribe. The history of the Burmese

being written under the direct influence of the kings, it is not surprising

that every effort should therein be made to show, that the royal race

is descended from the kings of those people who brought to the Bur-

mese letters, science, and religion; whereby the savage Indo-Chinese

tribes of the Irrawaddy were civilized and made into a nation.

_ Accordingly we find that the foundation of the state of Kap-pi-la-wot

by a tribe of Rajpoots is carefully described, and as it appearsto be

admitted to be an historical fact that Aap-pi-la-wot was attacked, and

the people dispersed, even during the life of Gautama, a previous

emigration from thence to Burmah under Abhi Radza is invented for

the national history. This name Abhi is native not Pali, signifying

an ancestor in the fourth generation, and the names of his two sons,

both called Kan, with the Pali word for king and the native terms

elder and younger, added, appear to refer to them as acknowledged

chicis of the SAan-ran tribe. Under the two sons of Abhi Radza a

separation of the tribes or of the people under their sway takes piace ;

the elder branch going westward and settling in the country now called

Arakan; the younger remaming in the valley of the Irrawaddy. In

this legend there appears to be a germ of truth. The Arakanese also

~ have the national name of Mran-ma. The country they inhabit

received the Budhist’ name of Mek-khaik from the monsters believed

| toinhabit that wild unknown coast, and hence the modern native name

hea-khaing and the Huropean Arakan. But this name has no connec-:

tion with the race of the people. The Arakanese being of the same

stock as the Burmese, and still acknowledged to be the elder branch

of the family, undoubtedly entered their present country from the

_ eastward, that is from the upper valley of the Irrawaddy, as their own

.* Sak is still the name of a small hill tribe in Arakan. It is similar in Ssowid

ewtewrece —

- ee Nagas _ a r POPS a — Se er OE em + Be On Be 9g ge reg OS Re ek Serpe ote ie i Pee ee se ete ee OM PO. Ce me eee

a _—— - _

26 On the history of the Burmah face. [No. ],

traditions attest ; and it appears not improbable that this movement

may have been made by the mountain passes which Aan Radza-qyce

is described as having traversed to go westward. But according to

the history this event occurred thirty-one generations of kings before

the time of Gautama. That race, at the end of the thirty-first kino’s

reion, died out in Tagoung, or rather was driven out by an imvasion

of northern hordes. A female descendant of the kings was preserved,

and when the Swkya race of Kap-pi-la-wet was destroyed in the time

of Gautama, or about the middle of the sixth century B. C., one of

the princes of that tribe named Daza Radza is again described ag

eoming from /tap-pi-la-wot to the Irrawaddy, to continue the ancient

race in that region. That wild Indo-Chinese tribes should find their

way from the bleak north, down to warmer and more fertile climates

of the south, is credible; and that after reaching the Irrawaddy they

should proceed westward across the mountains, and so reach the sea,

is not improbable, as the more direct route down the Irrawaddy was

already occupied by the JZon. That such indeed was their course is

borne out by existing facts. But if we consider the present state of

the countries lying between Bengal and Burmah, from Cachar east-

y ward to the valley of the Irrawaddy ; and consider also the difficulties

for travelling over that route, which must have been presented twenty-

five centuries ago, the supposed emigration, cither for conquest or

colonization, by the comparatively civilized tribes of India, to the

barbarous wilds lying east of Tipperah and Cachar, will appear very

improbable. On the other hand it is highly probable that religious

zeal would carry missionaries wherever a route for trade existed,

however wild and dangerous that route might have been. It appears

probable that a trade did exist from carly times through eastern Bengal

wid the upper Irrawaddy to China.* Traffic is frequently carried

on by very difficult routes, and by paths which people well advanced

in civilization, in a fertile and extensive country, would nct follow in

search of a land to colonize. Merchants will venture into such countries.

as 1s exemplified in the way the wild tribes east and northeast of Arakan

are now supplied with salt, and other necessaries of life. Where traders 20

for love of gain, missionaries will go from religious zeal. Frorn these con-

siderations then, while the passage of Budhist Missionaries to Burma by

_* The part of China bordering on Burma is called Tsein by the Burmese.

Was the Indian name Cheen derived from this source ?

ee ee ra ee - , a 2 :

“2— EAR go ERE TODO ia tpn inert aN CEST CE ate ae

ae ee

1864.) On the history of ths Burmah Race. 27

the difficult paths in question might be accepted, the supposed immigras

tion of any of the royal races of Gangetic India to the Irrawad1y by tha

same route, in the sixth century B. C. or even later, will appear very

improbable. Those tribes appear to have regarded Gangetic India as

the tavoured land of the earth, and would scarcely have emigrated to

the savage country east of Bengal. There is indeed no good reason for

supposing that any missionaries went to any part of the country now

ealled Burma before the year 234 of religion,* when sent in the reign

of Dham-ma Asoka as related in this history. But is the record of

of Yau-na-ka-dhamma-rek-khee-ta being deputed by the third great

council as missionary to Burma true? It appears not, The Budhist

writings preserved in Ceylon inform us that Oot-ta-ra and Thau-na

were deputed as missionaries to Thoo-wan-na-bhoomee. By that name

no doubt is meant the country inhabited by the Mon or Talaing race,

and their chief city then was on the site of the present Tha-tung lying

between the mouths of the Salween and Sittang rivers. No doubt the

missionaries reached it by sea. That gold was anciently found in that

vicinity is testified from the Burmese name of Shwe-gyeen, literally

“ gold wasning,” now borne by a town on the Sittang, ard gold is still

found there, though probably in diminished quantity to what it was

anciently. This no doubt was the origin of the name “ Aurea regio”

of Ptolemy. This history assumes that the Pali name <A-pa-ranta

means Burma. There is not the slightest reason for this conclusion.

The word means western country and we must look westward from

Gangetic India to find it. The fact is the modern Burmese, jealous

of the Talaing people having beyond all doubt received a Budhis¢

missionary in the time of the great Dhamma Athauka, determined to

appropriate a great missionary to themselves, Portions of their

country .were also, after the fashion of all the Indo-Chinese countries,

named from the Budhist scriptures, one Province being called Thoo-na-

Fa-ran-ta, and this name lent a specious support to the modern fraud

or delusion of A-pa-ran-ta signifying Burma. But many other cir-

cumstances seem to show that the icn or Talaing race, received

Budhism before the Burmese did. Although the conversion of the

people of Suvanna Bhumi was planned by people in Gangetic India, it

is not probable that so essentially a sea-hating people had their own

* B, C. 308 or twelve years before Alexander crossed the Indus.

E 2?

Se a ee Cnniaiaea ite — gE ens =

a 47 arannnh | Naar

28 On the history of the Burmah Race. LNeOag

ships to convey the missionaries across the Bay of Bengal. Then how

did they arrive at their destination ?

We may be sure that the mission to Suvanna Bhumi was not plan-

ned like a voyage of discovery to an unknown land, but was determined

on as a mission to extend religion to a country already known at least

on its sea-coast, and the inhabitants of which were considered to offer

a fair field for success. It is probable that the people of the Coro.

mandel Coast already had settlements on the Arakanese and Talaing

coasts as places of trade, and the Budhists of Gangetic India would

in all probability resort to some of the ports on the east coast of the

continent, and not far from the head of the Bay of Bengal. At that

time it 1s probable that the people of Telingana carried on commerce

with Suvanna Bhuni, and the Budhist missionaries would embark in

their ships.

_ it has already been mentioned that the Talaing people call them-

selves ifon.* They are called Talaing by the Burmese. How came

the latter to give them this designation ? Certainly it does not bear

the sound of an Indo-Chinese word. It is probably derived from the

word Telinga, and hence it appears that the tribes of the upper Irra-

waddy, separated during long ages from the kindred tribes to the

south of them, only came to know the Mon after these latter had settle.

ments of T'elingas on their coast.+ These peopie no doubt extended

their commerce into the interior, and hence the name, easily changed

into Lalaimg, came to be given to the whole population. The same

result of a partial knowledge of a leading race may still be seen. Until

comparatively of late years, the Burmese mixed up English and all

Europeans with the natives of India in the one common appellation

of Kuld or western foreigners ; and it is only since the war with the

-. * The Rev. Dr. Magon in his work on Burmah states his opinion that the Mon

language is entirely distinct from all the Indo-Chinese languages of the tribes

adjoining, and considers that Mon comes nearer to the Kole or Ho language as

depicted by Major Tickell in the J ournal of the Asiatic Society, Vols. IX. and X.,

than any other. Mr. J, RB. Logan considers ‘“‘ the radical identity of the native

pronouns, definitives, and numerals of the Kol with those of the Mon- Anam eroup

as established.” Both « groups in their glossarial basis, are branches of one

formation, much more akin to Tibeto-Burman than to Dravirian.” Jour. Ind.

Arch. 1859, p. 66. For the connection between all the languages of the southern

division of the Turanian family, see table No. IV. in Max Miller’s Science of

anguage.

{ aD nay ® e - e @

~ There - said to have been a Hindu colony at Maulmain, the site of which

was called Ramapoora, vide Crawfurd,

— Plt = 7 4 = ~ - = el ~So a. ae a“ ~~ rortishar oe ; . - " — ,

- or — er et s monn ey Apter eS CP OER a nee se Sl ae ee en ee SE RSE) 2 Bag ar ed tee eee ‘ SS ie Beene Bete —

1864. | On the history of the Burmah Race. 29

British of 1825-26 that they have learnt to distinguish between the

more prominent of the nations lying west of them.

But the fact still remains that the Burmese received religion and

letters from India. Did they receive these through the Talaings or

from anindependent source? It is certain that they had no direct in-

tercourse with the sea probably until the second century of the Christian

era. Their alphabet differs in some degree from that of the Talamgs,

though both are formed on the Deva Nagri model. ‘The circular form

of the letters of both indicates the influence of the Tamulic letters.

Tbe Burmese appears the more perfect of the two, and has probably

been formed at a later period than the other. it does not appear that

the Burmese people received their religion and letters through the

medium of their cousins the Arakanese, for that people refer to the

eastward as their own source of both. The passage of Indian Budhist

missionaries therefore from Gangetic India through Bengal and

Murnipore to Burma, is a probable event, but it took place much

later than has been represented. The only direct evidence we yet

have on this subject, is the discovery of a Budhist image at the ancient

capital 'Tagoung, bearing an inscription in the Deva Nagri character as

described by Colonel Burney in the 5th volume of the Journal of the

Asiatic Society of Bengal, page 157. This image was found to have

a Sanscrit inscription, being the well known text of Ye-dham-ma &c. &e.

‘This is not the only inseription of the same kind that has been found

at Tagoung, and the fact appears to indicate that Tagoung received

» Missionaries direct from northern India. The character in which the

4 above text is written on the base of the image is considered by Prinsep

, as coinciding with the letters of the inscription No. 2 on the Allahabad

Budhist pillar. | ey

We may then conclude that the rude tribes inhabiting the valley

_of the upper Irrawaddy, who at that time, like the hill tribes of to-

day, worshipped only the spirits of the woods, the hills, and the streams,

# were converted and civilized by Budhist missionaries from Gangetic

India. A monarchy was then established at Lagoung, which gradually

extended its authority, and appears from the history to have been

overturned by an irruption of (so-called) Tartars and Chinese. The

hames given to the invaders are Ya-ret and Tu-rock. The latter word

is evidently the same as Turk and is applied at the present day by

the Burmese to the Chinese generally. The destruction of the kinedom

30 On the history of the Burmah Race. [No. 1,

of Tagoung led to the establishment of a monarchy at Tha-re-khet-te-yq

near the modern Prome. There, according to the history, a descendant

of the ancient kings of Tagoung, after a series of wonderful events,

succeeded to the throne of the king of the Pyoo tribe, which people

was up to that time dominant in the country round Prome. What-

ever this event as told may really mean, we may consider it as certain,

that the tribes dwelling in the country round Tagoung, where Budhism

and some degree of civilization had been established under a powerful

dynasty, were overwhelmed by a horde of invaders from the north-east,

and that many of them found a refuge among their kinsmen the

Pyoos.

The present kings of Burma, as has already been stated, claim descent

from the ancient Buchist sovereigns of Aap-pi-la-wot. It may not

be out of place here to mention some of the Indian and Sakyan customs

preserved by the Burmese royal family. Among these are the marriazes

of half-brothers with half-sisters, a practice which does not exist in

any other family in the kingdom; the ceremonial called a-beit-theile

or pouring out of water on the accession of a new sovereign ; preserving

unmarried the king’s eldest daughter ; the figures of a peacock and of

a hare, symbolical of the sun and moon, and typifying descent from

the solar and lunar races, being painted on the king’s throne. For the

same reason the figure of a peacock is borne on the royal standard.

One of the royal titles is “sun-descended monarch,” and a title of

honour frequently bestowed even on foreigners is that of “ Member

of the race of the sun ;” while the badge of nobility is the caste-thread

of the Brahman and Rajpoot tribes represented by golden chains worn

slung from the left shoulder, across the breast and back, to the right

hip. These and some other customs are tenaciously adhered to by

the royal family of Burmah, who consider themselves as ethnologically

and religiously the descendants of the Budhist kings of Kap-pi-la-wot.

te a es - =~ - ‘+ = : . j 2 he = 3 c =i =

how a 3 7 7 = - ~ ~ ma md bd pa = = chats >

RS ta a nc ee Seen

ere Malet Tee Sir ie a eal i eS pea Se

fyi

1864. | Account of Natives of the Andaman Islands. 681

Account of further intercourse with the Natives of the Andaman Islands.

(Extract from a letter from Cot. TytLER, Superintendent of Port Blaar,

dated the 14th January, 1863.)

I enclose notes from our daily interview with the aborigines ;

though not very interesting, still they may afford someidea. I think

the time has now come when we may reasonably expect a friendly

intercourse with them ;—pray let me know your views ; this is the first

time they have ever been so friendly, and their women are now

coming forward. Smith and his crew have beyond all doubt cained

their confidence, so I will encourage him as much as possible in this

important duty.

Tor upwards of a month a body of aborigines have been seen at

North Point and in their canoes in North Bay, and when boats have

gone near them, they have evinced a friendly feeling towards Huropeans,

although they are distrustful to natives, and on one occasion they

entered a boat containing a crew of Europeans, and danced; this has

induced me te desire that some, if possible, could be persuaded to visit

Ross Island in order by kindness to establish a friendly intercourse ;

accordingly I suggested to a party of the Naval Brigade to carry

out if possible my views; and on the 7th inst., Smith a Petty Oliicer

went over with six men in the joily-boat, and found the natives very

friendly ; they came down to the boat, and received bottles, plantains

and pieces of old iron which were given to them, and in return they

gave six bows and a lct of arrows and waist belts; this is a large party,

and a fresh arrival here, they are all evidently strangers.

January 8th.—Smith and the same party of Eurepeans went over

again in the morning and had a long interview with them, they gave

their bows and arrows, and anything else they had about then, willingly

in exchange for biscuits and plantains ; this is the first time they have

ever parted with their bows in such numbers. At noon, Smith ard the

Sale crew went across again to induce some to come over to Ross

Island ; though about 24 came down to the boat they did not like

staying in her; at last two of them, a boy and a man, got into the boat,

and as they shewed an inclination to cross over, they were brought to

Ross island where they had clothes given to them; they then walked

up the hill to the Superintendent and then to the barracks ; they shewed

no signs of fear, only did not like being separated ; they were much taken

32 Account of Natives of the Andaman Islands. [No. 1,

with a looking-glass, and kissed it to see what it was, and then looked

behind it to see who was there; the wooden floors of the bungalows

and barracks astonished them at first ; they seemed to wonder at the

noise made when walking. They soon however got over that, and then

danced vigorously, thumping as hard as they could and slapping their

chests, at the same time singing; the boy was about 18 years old and

the man about 25; the former shewed great intelligence, and both

appeared docile ; after remaining two hours they were taken back with

lots of presents. |

9th.—Smith and his crew going across this morning, the natives —

came down without hesitation, and several wanted to be taken to

Ross Island ; five were brought over, one of whom was over yesterday ;

all the way across he was talking to the others and pointing out

the different places, and on reaching Ross Island he took the lead on

shore. On coming into the officers’ quarters where they were at

breakfast, they wanted every thing they saw on the table, and did not

scruple to help themselves to whatever they fancied. They were all

yourg men, very short, from 4 ft. 6 in to 4 ft. 10 inches in height,

roughly tatooed, very black, and all except one quite bald; the hair

is very woolly, and very thick and short; the hair of those that were

quite bald had evidently been shaved ;—one had a little crop of hair

on his head; they were taken to see the pigs and were very much

astonished at seeing such large ones, and seemed to wonder why they

were shut up. A box was put up for them to shoot at with their bows

and arrows ;—they shot very well at 80 yards, but beyond that they

were uncertain, though they, shot with considerable force. A pig was

given to them to take away, and some dogs; on taking them back,

three women were seen, the first that have ever shewn themselves to

Huropeans, and some of the men went on shore, and into the jungie;

the natives wanted Smith and his crew to stop with them and sleep ;

they made signs that they would soon make a hut and bed; their

huts are the simplest things possible—three or four ratans stuck in the

ground and bent together at the top, and a few leaves laid on loosely

at the top; the height of them from the ground is only three feet, and

for all the shelter they afford, one might as well be under a tree or

bush. The fondness they evince for children was unmistakeable ; when

they saw mine, they stroked the head of my little son, who has long

flaxen hair, and carefully..tried to re-part the hair when they had

SS et eee ea

1864. | Account of Natives af the Andaman Islands. oo

ruffled 1t a little. I mention this trifling incident to shew that they

are not devoid of feeling, however savage they may have become from

their miserable wild life, and I have no doubt but that the time has

now arrived when we may reasonably hope to reclaim and civilize these

children of nature. As they trust Smith and his crew, who certainly

have gained their confidence, I will endeavour through their agency

to accomphsh my object.

10¢h.—lt was some time this morning before any natives

came down to the boat on its going across ;—they probab-

ly were gorged with all they eat yesterday, for they had -also kill-

ed and eaten the pig that had been given to them; but by going

into the jungle to their camp, some were soon induced to come

down, and also one of their women and two men; the woman came

into the boat, and came to Ross Island; one of the men had beer over on

both the former occasions, and although clothes had been eiven to him

each time, still he came over in a state of nudity; the woman also,

with the exception of a waist beit, with a buff passing between her

thighs, was quite naked ; she was very timid and kept a tight hold of

the man’s hand, and was very observant of every thing; a large pig

was shot for them to take away, and they stood by when the gun was

fred, without expressing any fear or wonder as to how the pig was

kailled.—On taking them back, the natives crowded round the two

that had been to Ross Island and had a long talk; they evidently —

had been afraid that we should have kept the woman, and were delighted

to see her safe back ; the woman was about 20 years of age, smaller

in height than the men, very black and excessively African looking |

—no hair on the head but a thin line in the shape of a long horse

shoe extending from the centre of the head downwards, so, Q, and

the skull daubed over with clay ; for decency’s sake, the sailors put a

sort of jacket and gown around her. One of the men had his right

' toot amputated, and his right ear nearly eut off,—evidently an old

' warrior, and about 40 years of age, but not grey in his woolly head of

sil” hair ;—the sailors made a crutch for him with which he was delighted

_and used it well ;—the other man was about 30 years old.

1l¢h,—TIwo men and a woman were taken this morning up to

Chatham Island, and were there photographed, they were then

' brought over to Ross Island—the woman was very lively, and laughed

a great deal, going about any where without the shehtest alarm,

34: Account of Natives of the Andaman Islands. [No. 1

She had her head shaved, like the men ;—a little patch of woolly hair

was lef on the back of the head,—her height was 4:%. 44 inches. The

men appear to make the women perform all the work, and do not

themselves carry any thing but their bows and arrows, and to-day

when the boat got back from Ross Island, although only three women

were on the beach and about twenty men, the women were made to

carry all the things from the boat ;—the men helped in cooking the

pig ;—the woman who came to-day was rather good looking, and about

20 years of age, very black, but with a pleasing countenance ;—she

frequently repeated the name the sailors had given her (Madam

Cooper—the former one being called Queen Nic)—-she was very much

struck with the appearance of our little children, and begged to have

them to kiss ;—great respect appears to be shewn by the men towards

the women, who appear almost to command the men, notwithstanding

that they seem to do all the work for them; this may be owing

to the apathetic nature of the men; they give every thing up to the

women, who freely take from the men any presents they may have

received. Amongst themselves they have a kind and friendly feeling ;

—they appear to love dogs and small animals, which they hold and

nurse with affection, I remark the men have an aversion to carrying

anything, for when presents are given to them they try to get the

sailors or even the convicts, to carry them. Both the men had their

heads only half shaven, which gave them an odd appearance.

12th.—The second Launch went over with Smith and his crew,

and remained there all day. Some of the men went on shore and

cleared away a piece of ground on which they will build a hut ;—the

natives watched the proceedings very attentively, but on trying to

get them to do anything in the shape of work they only laughed, and

would try for a few minutes and then give up and point to their arms

and legs, On the Launch returning for the evening, five men and three

women came across, and were taken to the barracks, and a pig given

to them for supper,—they singed the hair off first and then cut it up

into joimts and chops ;—they had a common knife to do this with, and

no butcher could have done it better,—each joint came off as easily as

possible,—they never missed the joint or had to cut twice. A room was

given them in the barracks, and they passed the night quite quietly,

—hefore dark they were rather anxious, and seemed to wish themselves

on the other side again, but when they got their supper that wore off;

SS SETS gg A SACS ELS gS I Se GES AR LEAEIORECR AB TERN Ea ER EEG A NRE E LNB SS iii RE I sh oa SS een ae '

1864.] Note on the Bactro-Pali Inscription from Taxila. 35

in the evening they ‘sat outside near a fire and roasted plantains,

yams, and fish, and were not at all timid, and quite pleased.

13¢h.—The Launch started from Ross Island with them, taking

portions of a hut to be erected on North Point for them ; but after

proceeding some distance, it was, owing to an accident obliged to put

back to Ross Island, so the natives or rather aborigines amused

themselves by entering the bazar and receiving presents of rings,

&e. &e. from the convicts and shop-keepers. In the evening, the

Launch put off again, and as it was late when they reached the other

side, the aborigines would not land but returned to Ross Island and

slept in the boat with the sailors.

14¢h.—The Launch went over to North Point with the abori-

gines; this morning upwards of ten women came out to welcome

the party ;—the hut is being erected. Smith and his crew have not

yet returned, and a]l promises to be successful, at least I hope so. If

will continue this Journal, for I must now close this, to send off by

the Burmah Mail Steamer.

PRI NING NIN INN LIVIN L NPN LDAP EIN ON LED

Note on the Bactro-Pali Inscription from Taxila— By Major-General

A. CUNNINGHAM.

In his note on my remarks on the Taxila inscription, Babu Rajendra

ial states that according to me “the Hidda record opens with the

words Samvatsaraye athavisatihi, 20.4.4. (= 28) mase Apilaésa eka-

visitehe ; but that, on referring to the facsimile in Ariana Antiqua, he ~

finds that the only letters visible are 4 4 mase Apeiisa chidasa, and

that the letters from ‘ Samvat’ to ‘20’ do not exist in the original.”

A similar remark has been made by Professor Dowson on my pre-

vious reading of this date as 28, (see Royal As. Soc. Jowr. Vol. XX.

p. 280). The Professor’s words are as follow: “The inscription on

the Hidda jar appears to be the earliest date known, the year being —

xX = 8. Col. Cunningham in his last paper on these dates reads it

as consisting of three figures, but this is a mistake, as there are only

two figures.”’

Notwithstanding these rather startling statements of two well

known scholars, I adhere to my reading as noted in the extract from

36 Note on the Bactro-Pali Inscription from Taxila. [ No. 1,

Rajendra Lal’s remarks. The words which are so confidently stated

not to exist in the original will be found at the end of the upper

line in the copy of the inscription in Ariana Antiqua. As this record

is stated to be inscribed on an earthen jar, [ concluded that the writing

was continuous round the vessel, and that Masson in making his copy

in a straaght line, had begun with the two remarkable crosses, simply

because he was obliged to begin somewhere ; and, as it is certain that

he-could not read a word of the inscription, I felt no hesitation in

transferring the last twelve letters of his copy of the first line to the

beginning of it.

Rajendra Lal specially objects to my reading of the letter 7 in the

word Apilaésa, as, in his opinion, the word of the original cannot by

any possibility have an Jin it. In reply to this T need only refer the

Babu to the very same form of the letter /, as read by himself through.

out the Wardak inscription. I therefore adhere to my first BoE of

Apilaésa for the Macedonian month of Apeilaios.

I note that Professor Dowson reads afta for eight, whilst I read

atha. The latter form is that which is used in the Indian Pali

inscriptions of the western caves,* and it is also the spoken form of

the present day. Moreover I look upon the character, which he reads

as a double f, to be only a slight modification of the ¢h of the Shab-

bazgarhi inscription. For these reasons I adhere to my own reading.

Rajendra Lal objects to my reading of the word Panemasa for the

Macedonian month of Panemos, for which he proposes to read pancha-

masa, or the “ fifth’? mouth. But there is a serious objection to this

reading in the fact that we have no grounds whatever for assuming

that the Hindus ever numbered their months beyond the four months

of each of the three seasons into which the early Indian year was divided.

There could not therefore be a fifth month. It is true that both

Dr. Stevenson and Mr. Thomas Lane managed to squeeze 32 days

into a fortnight, but this has only been effected by misreading the

final ill-formed letter of the word batiya asa cypher for 30, thus

making “ batt 32” instead of * batiya 2.°+

With reference to Rajendra’s correction of my translation, [ beg

again to state that I only put it forth as an “imperfect version of

such parts of the inscription as I had been able to make out,” (see

* See Bombay As. Soc. Journal, Vol. V. Junir 24, and Nasik 6,

+ Bombay Journ. As, Soc. Vol, V. Karli 18, line 3.

ny OM!

al ply

" my

fi) Ital

1864.] Note on the Bactro-Pali Inscription from Tacila. a7

p. 139, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 1863). On all questions of Sanskrit

Grammar, I bow to Rajendra Lal’s acknowledged learning, and I have

therefore only a few words to say regarding his remarks. ‘The word

sapatika (or sepatika in Professor Dowson’s copy) I left untranslated—

but the next word, aprativddita, I rendered by “ matchless teacher’

as a simpler and more characteristic expression than the more literal

form of “ unopposable in argument.” I translated the words saputra-

ddéra, as “together with his son’s wife, ” instead of “together with his

son and wife,’ because I believed that if the latter sense had been

intended, the word cha “and” would have followed dara.

In page 153 Babu Rajendra accuses me of “ dropping cieoee

the wre before hi in my reading of the date of the Wardak inscrip-

tion ;” but in making this statement he is again mistaken, as he will

find by referring to p. 145 of my remarks, where there is a star, thus *

before hz, which is the usual way of marking that a letter is not satis-

factorily legible. But besides this prominent star, the Babu will find,

only just two lines afterwards, the following remark: “One letter only

is doubtful, although according to the form given to it in the copy, it

”» The insertion of the word divasa in

should be ste, or perhaps vr.

my first reading was a simple oversight, as the Babu might have seen

by its omission in my last reading.

In the engraving of my inscription from Ohind, the straight stroke

which follows the syllable San, and precedes the figures, 1s a mistake

of the engraver. On this part of the stone there is a shght irregular

crack the whole way across it, which has been straightened and

shortened by the engraver into a thick upright stroke, which looks

exactly as if it wasa part of the inscription. I notice this the more

particularly, because Professor Dowson has thought it possible that

this stroke might, if it meant any thing, stand for 100.

With reference to the names of the Macedonian months, which |

have read in no less than three of these Bactro-Pali inscriptions,

Babu Rajendra remarks (see p. 152) that “the system of naming days

according to the moon’s age is peculiarly Sanskritic, and the division

of the month into the light and dark halves of the moon is of Indian

or Sanskritic origin.” On this point I wish to draw the Babu’s

attention to the practice of the ancient Greeks, from Homer’s time

downwards, who divided their months exactly in the same way, namely

into the “first”? and “second” halves, pjjvos iorapévov being the first

ny hy |

_ Another lithographed plate illustrating Mr. O’Riley’s paper, will be

ily issued with the next number of the Journal. |

a Re RE re ; ~—s a OS AE St i et oe ee

oe ou > My Se

38 Note on the Bactro-Pali Inscription from Taxila. [No. 1,

or waxing half of the moon, and pivos POivovros being the second oy

waning half of the moon. ‘This mode of computing the days of the

month fell into disuse before the time of Alexander, as he is recorded

to have died on the 28th day of Daesius.

I may note here, with reference to early dated inscriptions,that Profes.

sor Hall’s conjecture that the Budha Gupta inscription of Eran had

figured date of three cyphers, as well as a written one, is correct. The date

is given in figures, Saw165. ‘The middle figure is the same as that to

which Mr. Thomas has assigned the value of 50 ; but the true 50 is form-

ed thus, U , and the 60 both of this inscription and of the coin is found

differently thus, y - The cypher for 40 as found on Skanda Gupta’s

coins 1s like the Bactrian ch, % , or the pt in Gupta characters.

The decimal cypher on Budha Gupta’s coins I read as 70. In the early

Indian system of notation, there would appear to have been two dis-

tinct cyphers for 100. Thus on the Gupta coins, and in the early

Mathura inscriptions, I find the Bactrian letter % or A, the initial

of hat or 100 in the spoken dialects of the West; but on the early

coms of Ujain as well as in the inscriptions of the Balabhi copper

plates, the cypher for 100 is the old N agarl 28 or s,—the initial

letter of sat, or 100; and this same letter is still used in Malabar in the

old form as the cypher for 100. The other centenary numbers are

formed by attaching the units on the right hand of the cypher for 100

thus 28 ad is 200, ve is 800, and “Th is 500, in the series formed

from ™) . In the other series we have oo 7 for 100, and also

*) for 100 in the Budha Gupta inscription, and in one of the later

Mathura inscriptions I find the date of Samvatsara SfQ0 which I

read as 780, but with considerable hesitation. This system of forming

the hundreds by joining the unit figures to the centenary cypher

I showed to Mr. Griffith of the Benares College, as well as to

Mr. Bayley some two or three years ago. or the cypher of 500 Iam

indebted to Dr. Bhau Daji: but, as will be seen above, I do not agree

with him in the forms of the ficures for 200 and 300.

Peeonenoeeeeeveccanorcccsvavseveccccvecnsscssesaceparsescosecs Ora ob

~_e —a ) - - ~ — _ x : om — — a . —_ - a — ean a —~ >

- a ee Ne TE CET LIT RE eee ae

1864. ] Remarks on a Lake in the District of Basse. 39

Remarks on the “ Lake of the Clear Water” in the District of Basse,

British Burmah.— By HK. O’Ritey, & G. S., Deputy Commission-

er, Bassewn. ,

One of the most material branches of the revenue of the Province

of Pegu is that derived from fisheries, which, as the purchase price

of the monopoly of lakes and rivers, tax upon nets and other apparatus

for catching fish, produces to Government the large item of 4,20,000

Rupees annually. Of this item about one-third is formed from the rent

of fresh water preserves situated above the tide-flow in the principal

rivers and their affluents ; and when that amount is taken as a base

of valuation for the quantity of fish obtained, bearing in mind that it

represents simply the right of fishing only, 1¢ will be found that this

source of sustenance of life assumes a character almost miraculous ; in

fact even those who regard the products of nature only as a means

| to the end of their own wants, can form no appreciable idea of the

magnitude of the gift a bountiful Providence has thus bestowed.

Considering the subject of sufficient importance scientifically to

engage the interest of the enquirmg mind, I have taken as “ data”

the ‘ Lake” of these remarks, a preserve formed by nature to

supply the waters of the main river with a never-failinge source of

human sustenance, and characterized by geological features that render

it the more interesting on that account.

Lhe subjoined rough sketch shews the position of the Lake ; its cir-

cumference 1s about 5 miles witha pretty uniform breadth of 280 to 300

yards and depth from 20 to 45 in the centre ; it is connected with the

“ Dugga River,” a large branch of the “ Na-woon” or Bassein River,

by a small outlet which serves to replenish the water of the lake at

) the period of the freshes from the Irrawaddy during the S. W. mon-

soon, and carries off the surplus water on the subsidence of the river.

_ In both the small streams indicated forming the inlet as well as the

| main river, the water is shallower than that of the lake, and the general

breadth of the latter greater than the river, so that, notwithstanding

the impression on first view of its having at some distant period formed

a part of the river, a subsequent exploration induced the conclusion

that the lake has been formed by causes totally independent of stream-

aguion, and from the homogeneous character of the formation of its

40 Remarks on a Lake in the District of Bassein. No. 1,

banks, without any material break in its uniformity of outline, its origin

may be attributable to a gradual subsidence of the substratum, or a

slip of the lower-lying beds of the tertiary shales and clays upon which

the lake rests. It is certainly the fact that the water of the lake

when relieved of the surcharge from the river has a different

eolour (dark opaque olive) from that of the river when uninfluenced

by the efflux from the Irrawaddy, and its properties are such as to

cause the fish init to attain a larger size and greater degree of

fatness than those of either river or lakes in the vicinity. It may be

concluded therefore that at a period perhaps coeval with that of the

river itself, the springs which now feed the lake broke through the

superior beds, leaving the present circular depression with its Island

as one of those eccentric feats of nature usually classed as phenomena,

As a‘ preserve” for fish to which their natural instincts would

direct them for purposes of spawning and breeding, it will be seen that

the lake is eminently adapted; and I am informed by the villagers

who reside on its banks that after the rains of the monsoon have filled

the water-courses, and the “ Dugga’” has become swollen and rapid,

the fish seek the still waters of the lake in vast numbers, making their

entrance through the small channel and shallow water at its southern

entrance, where the land is low and swampy ; this entrance is left open

until the fish have passed through, it is then closed during the height

of the waters ; and on thejr subsidence, when the channel has become

too shallow to admit of the fish escaping, it is again opened.

Under the Burman Government, this lake had a far-famed celebrity

from the abundance and excellence of the fish caught on the occasion

of the annual drawing of its bed during the full moon of June ; on

which occasion, traders from Ava, from Prome, and the larger towns

on the Irrawaddy, assembled to make their investments in smoke-dried

fish cured ‘on the spot, while the fish-dealers from Bassein, and other

towns on the lower streams, as at present obtains, purchased the fish

alive, and transported them in bamboo cages immersed in the water,

from which they were sold still in a live state; owing to the profits

realized in this trade, the competition for the purchase of the fish

at the lake became so great, that it was not unusual to make advances

several seasons previous to the completion of the contract.

So valuable a source of revenue to the Burmese Government as

this fishery afforded, was not allowed to escape easily ; accordingly the

>" yre-s .

ee « areas ate i hE cisco RARE EPP A LO aaa

<< -* oe Oe me” ee _ * . - tins a ae

+d < c ee ie SS ~ = — a 7 *

one Saws —_ noeiaanin TT Se ed 5 ee Beri Bw CBee ge er enne seis et

—

eens

Ray,

aS oy PONS yuse”

View on the Lake

pie

mere ee ae

- S79 i

Oe aa

—*

Seba

ies

Ape pet e¥ areas 6 =<. — sae ae oe — . “ x :

— SES See Rieti S wit wie nei se tee es

ASE Ned a tee dial Sow Sars agreed, ere anes

a Se ee

Be tee ms Ao many nanan air hn

LEE UOTE BE RE

~ =

— mh a

( VIEWOOR “THE LAKE OF THe: CLEAR WATER IN THE DISTRICT OF BASSEIN.

Lith: by HM. Smith, Surveyor Generals Office Caleutta Sept 1864.

ae sy P

a a ee I Ties ee oe

if)

| ‘

1864. ]

a a

(Oe &.

exh

eee Ses

mes)

eae

across,

| ARs

ea py

eat

Sy)

bc)

ee) fF

Oo By ga

Remarks on a Lake nm the District of Bassewn.

ora raya

“oe ee o 5 262 8

<=,

aS:

Sie ee : a

op tL

ae =

my e

Be St

Tage Ft te ee 5;

Sa pena

<r ae

oie an

ge ae

aa We

i eo ee

—s

Da =

Be es

Balen Mea

ee ll Pe,

res

Ne ST

—

a ee

—

eas, s ree

— 2p ~ ie ecg me i= FTE

. 2

ag, 5

~ ~ areal

41.

sum of 60 viss of silver or about 6000 tickals

annually was exacted as a Royal tax from the

“ Payhnen” or hereditary chief of the lake, who

exercised sole authority over the villagers employ-

ed in the fishery, and, with his subordinate

officers, formed an establishment separated in its

interests from all other administrative proceed-

ings. The conditions of the payment of this

amount of tax were, however, favorable to the

villager, as he was exempt from all other process

of taxation, and in proportion to his means had

a right of investing his capital m the general

working of the fishery, the purchase of material

for weirs, traps, nets, &c. in proportion with which

amount so invested, he received a share in the

out-turn at the end of the season.

Writing this memo. on the lake itself, I have

been witness to the process of drawing it, so as

to enclose the fish within a small space from

which they are taken out and sold, and, as I am

not aware of any other fishery in Burmah in

which the work involved is so extensive, I shall

endeavour to give a brief description of it. :

On the cessation of the rains of the 8. W.

monsoon, when the water of the lake has attained

its lowest level, a fixed weir is placed across the

lake at its shallowest part (marked A on the

sketch,) and another at the point B ; a drag net of

reeds and grass strongly constructed with the

toughest jungle creepers, forming from its great

length of about 1800 cubits a deep concavity,

and sweeping the bed of the lake, is then placed

mside of the weir at A, and gradually moved round the lake

in the direction of that at B; the process of dragging the frame is

performed by floating capstans worked by stout hawsers of jungle

rope attached to the ends of the frame, which by this tedious process

is carried forward during three months at about 45 fathoms each

igo PD i nae decrees ie repre alate Bice aD :

LAO ai et aaa RR OS Eh aR Sccee ehea OE L

pain

erien

Dee ee PO eh Oi Ta he

Ea NEO A gE ACR oh Tee GAD AE IE

: | coef

42 Remarks ona Lake in the District of Basse. [No. ‘,

day, until it is brought opposite the village marked C on the sketch ; a

fixed “ weir” ofj/bamboo is then made across the lake to form the one

side of the enclosure into which the fish are driven; the ponderous

mass of framework is now taken to pieces and reconstructed across

the water at the pomt B, from whence it 1s dragged to the weir last

fixed at the village, and the ends gradually contracted until they form

an oblong space within which the fish are enclosed.

When the length of the weirs and of the moving drag frame

is considered (about 900 yards,) and the depth of from 12 to 30 ff.

of the latter, together with the excessive labour in moving s0 large

a body in one mass, it will be a matter of surprise to learn that the

sum of 3000 Rupees is annually paid by the Hen Thoogyee or Chief

of the Lake for the privilege of monopoly of its waters, but as no

Burman can be brought to appreciate the value of his own labour

when employed in his own work, this essential charge, (which would

swallow up the entire profits of the speculator were he necessitated

to hire such labour), forms no item of the estimate, and each man

employed counts as gain all the fish which come to his share after

paying any substantial expense he may have incurred during the period

of working.

The taking of the fish from the enclosure into which they are

ultimately driven is deferred until the full moon of June, by which

time the first showers of the monsoon have reduced the temperature

of the water, and the fish are then less subject to die than would

be the case with the full blaze of the sun, unmitigated by the rain,

striking upon the crowded mass; with this precaution, however, 4

large number of fish die before the whole has been cleared, and the

stench of their corruption taints the air for miles around.

Being unable to stay to witness the final process of catching and

disposing of the fish, I am dependant upon the Chief of the Lake

for the following description, and as his interests are affected in de-

preciating the amount of outturn, the quantities stated may be con-

sidered as within the actual.

On the near approach of the drag-net to the space forming the

enclosure, the fish are observed to be in great commotion, rushing in

all directions and attempting to force their way through ; finding the

net too strong, many of the larger kind attempt to leap over the

barrier, which they effect, only, however, to fall into nets spread to catch

PACTS eas a men ere STD

1864. | Remarks on a Lake in the District of Bassein. 43

them ere they reach the water; as the space becomes more confined,

the disturbance of the mass of fish becomes so great that the noise of

the splashing, and especially the deep hollow “ grunting” of the larger

kinds, is heard at several miles distance, and although this may appear

tinctured with a little exaggeration, it will be intelligible when the

number of fish caught is never below 70,000 to 80,000 of all kinds, some

of which weigh upwards of 15 viss or about 60 lbs. ; and mixed up with

the mass it is not unusual to find alligators of all sizes, from the infant

of a month, to the grown parent whose skull measures two cubits in —

length. Strange to relate, no accident or casualty has ever been known

to occur from the presence of alligators in this lake, although the men

* employed in working the drag net are constantly compelled to dive to

* the bottom in the deeper parts, to clear the lower portion of obstruc-

family, whose length could not be short of 15 ft., lying lazily on the

"’ surface within 100 yards of a cluster of children bathing near the

. bank.

During the taking and disposal of the fish, some 8 to 10,000

* persons are collected at the small village in front of the preserve, a

bazar is formed, and temporary sheds for smoking the fish are built,

» gether is novel and exciting, and, but for the fishy odour, fresh and

» corrupt, which pervades the atmosphere, would be well worth the visit

» of the curious observer.

I omit the native names of the principal fish ; they belong, however,

® to the following genera,—Perca, Cyprinus, Gebio, Labeo, Pimelodus,

| Cirrlinus, Cyprinodon and Silurus, some of which attain the large size

previously noted. In addition to these, however, there is a multitude

of smaller fry which are converted into the coarser kinds of “ Nga-pee,”’

i) and are only interesting to the Ichthyologist, who would here find a

./ large field for observation.

But of those named above, some 25,000 viss, or upwards of 40 tons,

_ are annually disposed of on the spot, and, taking the amount of revenue

ih a

i ‘

nh I

paid for this fishery or 3000 viss as representing 40 tons of fish, we have

for the whole of the fresh water fisheries of Pegu an amount of upwards

"of 1800 tons of fish annually supplied to meet native requirements,

an item considerably within the actual production, but which will

a 2

ne ee ee

bes

Siemon

Cs ree teagan Ere

xs Sn ee es

44. Report on the Dependency of Bustar. [No. I,

serve, however, to exhibit the value of the inland fisheries as a source

of Government Revenue.

The accompanying rough sketch will give but a faint idea of the

beauty of the scenery of the lake or of the picturesque sites of the

villages on its banks ; it must be seen to be fully appreciated.

VARA APIS LPL LN LELII LOIN IIS LIF SAA NII A III I OES IIE

Extract from a Report on the Dependency of Bustar.— By Captain

C. GuasrurpD, Deputy Commissioner of the Upper Godavery

Districts.

In comparison with the extent of the Dependency, there are not as

many objects of interest as might be expected. None of the previous

Rajas of Bustar have erected temples or any permanent buildings,

and were the present dynasty to pass away, they would not leave

behind them a single edifice of any description to commemorate their

rule. It was different with the ruling power whom they appear to

have displaced, viz. that of the Nagbunse Rajas of Barsoor and

Bhyrumgurh. Although it is nearly five hundred years since their power

was broken, and their name has been all but forgotten, yet no one can

see the ruined temples at Barsoor without instituting a comparison

between the past and present rule. It is not that the former were

greater than many other petty Rajas, but that the present are so

inferior. The ruins of the ancient Barsoor, said to have been the

capital of the previous power, are to be traced close to the north of

the present village of that name, through a dense jungle of bamboo

which has overgrown the site. A high brick wall, the ruins of which

are now difficult to follow, seems to have enclosed a space of about

one square mile; whether the city was contained within this I am

unable to say ; e within it there are the ruins of four or five temples.

They are at some little distance from each other, and from the masses

of rock of which they have been constructed, and the richness and

beauty of their seulpture, impress one with a favorable idea of the

taste and wealth of those under whose rule they were built. Threeare

in a tolerable state of preservation, one sacred to Mahadeo and another

to Peddama, the sister of Dunteshwarree, the original representation

of whom was removed to Duntewara by Dulput Deo, Raja of Bustar.

: mi ot TEN rere hil

a crephinrsnmendienr ie ni

: i i RTO team prin ont ee Nea

wih ; ar : ® ae

Wy} ; > ce -

| |

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Cook Room

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‘ Sacreficeal block ; ;

t . “ :

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: :

)

ee ear or oor ain maaan eee iicheieiid hee lai ee el en

omer

Shia Sule en ee

i A “ { ns sy ™ . Op ae eee ee 4 paencutn — LIVSE Se ay ED Sey [oh ha ies Pa a ee ha Bigy SA Wee sy backs ——

‘ —— _ Ot SAA BS ee psy RS AER R ASU ee I NOR A EER (Bibid Mint RAB Gods PA Moh eige ARMA he lpi end Bey A PRKD er BRE RTE SEATS ELSE PML AS RAMBUS Db RP Bi ha NY Chk

ELEM UTED LT DT tad CITE LER hE TEL Rac tee # Tiere Ue ai | PLD Mae My PLR ELOISE ht SUED Ee SIs) - ;

Scasuiniinieniiinas ai fd uh a ih ena i

S) 3

;er

ad,

she

ild

) is

Lay

rht

ind

les

led

ose

red

oor

hey

ese

which

F Ypresume they were built shortly after the buildings”

eae

Saat ie es

ceh,

wed

Ls |

3 C2 wy ah =

2 ey re _ = =a

2%,

aes

Ore Seen Pe) Me ek ee

. (Pf te ate ¢, i :

teie ag, ee aR Peon? ‘*, eee

;

roe & LE ee . SR a

AE CEI ie Per , <

ssa an An rs Be ens Ben ge wh Site — ’ ; enti wrewans

1864. | Report on the Dependency of Bustar. 45

The third appears to have been unfinished, as most of the niches —

intended for idols are vacant, and there is no representation inside. —

The fallen ruins of three others testify to the damage wrought by

the insinuating roots of the cus tndica; persons digging for

concealed treasure have also facilitated their destruction. The

first temple is a flat roofed building supported on 82 pillars, under

which are two distinct shrines to Mahadeo, the domes over which

have fallen down, carrying part of the roof and wall with them. The

whole building is composed of massive blocks of gneiss quarried im

the neighbouring hills, well dressed and put together apparently with-

out the aid of mortar ; around and inside are a few idols, all of steatite ;

they are as minutely and elegantly carved as any I have seen, with

perhaps the exception of some of the better temples at Vizanuggur

on the Toongabuddra near Bellary. In front of this temple I found

a slab with an ancient Sanscrit and Teloogoo inscription on both sides ;

part of it had been broken off and was nowhere to be found; after

offering a reward and causing search to be made, I had the satisfaction —

of obtaining it. As the Teloogoo is of an antiquated character, I

regret to say I have not succeeded in obtaining an accurate translation —

of the inscription ;—a fac simile is appended. From what I can ascertain

it would appear that the temple of Mahadeo, where the slab was found,

was built by a Rajah Someshwur Deo a Nagbunse Kshutrya in the

year 1180 of the Vikramaditya era, viz. about 790 years ago. I would ~

be glad to receive information on the subject from any one who is

able to decipher the character, and whatever further information I may

glean will be communicated.

A gigantic representation of Gunputty, about 10 feet in height

and stout in proportion, is one of the most remarkable objects among

these ruins. There is one large tank in good repair at Barsoor, and

several old ones, and I was told that within a circuit of about 15 miles

the ruins of about 150 tanks could be counted. At Bhyrumeurh in

the Kootroo talook there are the ruins of two temples within a walled

space similar to that at Barsoor.

At Duntewara again on the western bank of the Dunkunee, close

to.the present village, there are the remains of two temples, one sacred

to “ Bun Bhyroo ;” the remains of a brick wall similar to that of Barsoor

_ can also be traced. J was much struck with the quality of the bricks.

I presume they were built shortly after the buildings which they

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AG Report on the Dependency of Bustar. [No. 1,

enclose, and if so they must be at least 500 years old. The bricks

were as hard as if they had been taken out of the kiln but yesterday.

I could not gather any traditions in the neighbourhood connected

with these remains of a former power. All that I have been able to

collect is given in the chapter on History and ‘Traditions.

The ruins of Madhota, one of the former capitals of the Bustar

Rajas, along with those of Old Bustar, are hardly worthy of remark.

There are no buildings of a permanent structure, and the remains of

mud walls and ditches are all that can be traced. Near Rajapoor, a

few miles north of Chitterkote, there are the ruins of a palace built by

Rajpal Deo ; his favourite son having died at Madhota he wished to

remove his capital to Rajapoor ; owing, however, to its vicinity to the

Narenjee river, it was subject to inundations, and the people could not

be induced to remain there, and upon the death of Rajpal Deo, soon

afterwards, the palace was deserted and fell into ruins.

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1864. | Report on the Dependency of Bustar. AT

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AS Report on the Dependency of Bustar. [No. 1,

ABUTS GTAATISY VARCT | Alsat BlaaciaAaa yy.

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PLO LLL LOLOL LONI LAL OL LAL LAL LLEVA LO LON LOLOL

1864. ] Enumeration of the hot springs of India. 49

Enumeration of the hot springs of India and High Asia.—

By RoBERT DE SCHLAGINTWEIT, Hsq.

A memoir by Dr. John Macpherson, “The Mineral waters of India,

with some hints on Spas and Sanatoria,” Calcutta, 1854,* which was

published originally in the “Indian Annals of Medical Science” has

been very valuable for the present compilation. Dr. Macpherson

includes in his memoir, hot springs as well as mineral ones; I have,

however, restricted myself to the enumeration of hot springs only,

viz. of those, the temperature of which considerably exceeds the tem-

perature of the air at the spot of their origin. I have, therefore,

excluded every spring, which, though it may contain mineral ingre-

dients, yet shows a temperature scarcely differing from that of other

sweet springs in its neighbourhood. Petroleum wells are not contained

in the present list, which comprises the hot springs between 82° to

36° Latitude North, and 67° to 885° Longitude Hast Green., Ceylon

being excluded, as well as the Indo-Chinese peninsula (Tenasserim,

Burmah, &c.)

To each locality, where a hot spring exists, the province is added,

in which it is situated; of the abbreviations, which follow next, and

which are contained in brackets, Ind. signifies “ India ; Him. = Himé-

laya; Tib. = ‘Tibet ; C. As. = Central Asia.” “Un.” means unknown ;

ab. = about. The geographical co-ordinates,—latitude, longitude, and

height (Eng. feet) above the sea-level,—given almost for every locality,

are taken irom Vol. II. “Hypsometry of India and’ High Asia,”

of our “ Results of a Scientific Mission to India and High Asia.” The

longitudes are referred to the Madras Observatory, for which we

adopt 80° 13’ 56” Long. Hast Green.

With few exceptions, there are several springs existing at every one

of the different localities ; the temperatures given refer to the hottest

of the springs at the respective locality.

Dr. Macpherson alludes in his memoir to the difficulties he expe-

rienced in verifying the localities of the hot and mineral springs

‘“‘ which in many instances, owing to strange transmutaticns of names

were so great, that I cannot hepe to have escaped mistakes.” Pas

are, however, very few in number, and they are noticed by me in the

* An extract has also appeared in this Journal, Vol. XXV. p. 197,

Pik GES

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50 Enumeration of the hot springs of India. [No. 1,

last column of the table, headed “‘ Authorities and Remarks.” In this

column I have also added in chronological order the various describers

of the respective springs, and the books and pamphlets in which their

accounts have been published. |

For the sake of comparison I add the temperatures of some of the

most famous hot springs of Europe. These dates are taken from the

«6 Einleitung in die Mineralquellen Lehre,’ by Dr. B. M. Lersch,

Erlangen, 1855-60.

Temp. Fahr.

Aachen: Hottest spring, - - - ~ = 1660

Baden-Baden: Brihquelle, - - - - - 155

Ems: Ltondelquelle, ~ . - - - sl

Gastein: Hottest spring, - - - - - 119

Karlsbad: Sprudel, - - - - - 1624

Plombieres: Jtoman spring, - - - - - 158

Schlangenbad: Hottest spring, ~ - = _ 905 \

Teplitz: Hottest spring, - - “ - - 121

Vichy: Grand Puits, - - - - - 113

Wildbad : Herrenbad, - - - - = 995

POS ar rea

HyNa

Enumeration of the hot springs of India. 51

1864. ]

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MSS TES ESET ESS a ste

ir 1864. | Memorandum upon some ancient Tiles. 57

oa)

‘

Memorandum upon some ancient Tiles obtained at Pugan in Burma.—

By Lt.-Col. A. P. PHAYRE.

i I send herewith four tiles having Budhist figures and inscriptions

| which were discovered at Pugan. They were given to me by the

; principal Monk of a Budhist Monastery there. I only saw one of the

; : _ four kinds in the original site; viz. the tile marked No.1. The

; Monk assured me that all were found in different parts of the ruined

+, city, but he did not wish me to go to the several sites, being appar-

F e ently afraid that I should carry away too many, and that he might be

'* blamed for being instrumental in injuring ancient pagodas. As my

4% visit on this occasion was a hurried one, I had not time to diseuss the

} matter with the old Phoon-gyee, who was exceedingly obliging, but

i) _ he gave me one of his scholars to show me the place where the tile

» No. 1 was discovered.

“tok It was the ruins of a small solid pagoda. In one corner the foun-

dation at the level of the ground was exposed. The tiles like that

marked No. 1, were laid on edge, and apparently formed the upper

Jayer of the arch of the relic chamber. The hollow portion of the

tiles was filled with sand partially mixed with lime to resist pressure,

Bearing in mind the fears of the Phoon-gyee I brought none of the

“2 tiles away with me, but after inspecting a few, replaced them.

I now proceed to describe the tiles.

per No. 1 bears thirty figures of Budhas. Of these two which are

#3; distinguished from the rest are evidently the figures of Gautama. The

aie remaining twenty-eight are apparently intended to represent the

_~ Judhas of an antecedent pericd. At the bottom of the tile are two

. lines in the Deva Nagri character, On the back are inscribed seven

lines in rude Burmese characters, and in the Ma-ga-da, or Pali lan-

guage. J give them in the Roman character as follows:

ee SE eS

hte Ata wisa ti mé budha,

j aM Ti gi thu mé ka tsa tha ha

Pei Budhat ta ya Tat tat ta ya

) ae Thabban matu pitu a ya

Re hi Isa ri ya putta ra ratsa

Lehi Thabba that ta hitd pitsa

anh Budhau hithati naga teti.

Wid tl T

PLO EEE LED LE LEE HERE te i Ben

~ - ~ rm Be es da ge ~ x —_ ~

at AOS Ai cae anriaedraat ad SS ee ERE PS Ts Bs Semin VA eae PD ERE een”

d8 Memorandum upon some ancient Tiles. [No. ]

;

No. 2. This tile has eight groups or compartments of fioures,

Each no doubt represents a marked event or scene in the life of

Gautama Budha though I cannot recognise all. The first is the group

in the right hand, lower corner. It represents the birth of Gautama,

He is issuing from the right side of his mother who grasps the Shoreg

robusta tree above her head, and is attended by her sister. The fioure

at the top where Gautama is seen reclining represents his death in the

country of Koothinaron. At the foot are two lines of writing in

ancient Deva Nagri character.

No. 3. A figure of Gautama Budha seated on a sort of throne

and his feet on a foot-stool. Around him are what appear to be

intended to represent pagodas or relic caskets. The modern pagodas

of Burma and Siam appear to have been fashioned after gsuch-like

models. There is a Deva Nagri inscription below the figure.

No. 4, is a smalk tile in the shape of the leaf of the Meus religiosa.

It bears a figure of Gautama in the usual attitude of reflection, and

a Deva-Nagri inscription below.

POP LOS I NSD OL A OL IND CIOS OS af ASAP LP ANI OSV IS dh SPILLS LL SLL ILO IOS ee

1864. | Literary Intelligence, Correspondence, &fc. 59

LiveRaRy INTELLIGENCE, CORRESPONDENCE, &e.

Dr. Weber writes to Mr. Cowell from Berlin, November 9th, 1863.

“ Out of the many interesting news contained in your letter of

June 5th, that about the Elliot collection of course claims the greatest

attention. Mr. Austin’s estimate for the cost of printing appears

exceedingly moderate. Your Sanskrit College edition of the Siddhanta

Kaumudi will be welcomed very heartily, as it may be used as a text-

book in our Universities’ Sanskrit Courses. The Ndgdnanda too will

be very welcome. Your translation of the Kusuméanjali must be

hard work and will do us a great service.

Bana’s Harshacharitra is a work which seems of the utmost import-

ance, to juuge after the notices which we owe to Dr. Hall about it.

I cannot as yet reconcile myself to the idea that the author of such a

dull and clumsy work as the Kadambari, should have lived in the

seventh century, before Bhavabhuti wrote lis Gramas, which indeed

show already symptoms enough of a kindred style, but still appear in

that regard more to resemble a weak stem, whereas a Kadambari is to |

be likened to a nyagrodha-wilderness. |

The second part of M. Pictet’s “ Origines Indo-europeennes” has now

appeared. It is a great pity that he is no better Sanskrit scholar.

The principles laid out and followed throughout his work are the very

best, his assiduity and ardour deserve the highest praise, but the re-

sults, alas, are rather too often of a too questionabie character to

admit of acknowledgment or adoption. Professor Spiegel has just

now published a series of old and new papers on “ Hrdn’’ (this is the

title of his book): two of them on the relation of the Avesta to the

Veda and to the Genesis will be of particwiar interest: I have not yet

read tiem, but I saw Spiegel in Meissen and we spoke to him about

these themes. That meeting in Meissen was a very interesting one,

forty members of our German Oriental Society being present (a larger

number, than ever hitherto). Professor Wright is now to print under

the patronage of our Society an old Arabian grammar, the K4mil of

al-Mubarrad (about 800 pages quarto). Dieterici is occupied with his

translation of the treatises of the Ikhwén ue ¢afa. Gosche has given

out a prospectus for an edition of the Mufadhdhaliyat, a collection of

old Arabic poetry. Amari’s publication of the state documents of

I 2

Pris

EES LIE ON AW 4

sia i

a. <n poh t Fite ts vet

capper an ay LESWELL RAL ITB AES

Lys bi Ga iy Rie AR ag NEG ales

iy, iad Peal Ue armit Sy ayer sly .

MCN heater ion ssenne not et ee

cunning

Meare RG

eee

tdi

tee

60 Tnterary Intelligence, Correspondence, Se. [No. 1,

treaties between Venice etc. and the Moslems is highly praised. Emi]

Schlagintweit’s Buddhism in Tibet with a copious Atlas of original

drawings and pictures from the temple shrines of Tibet (representing

Buddhist gods, saints and symbols) is a work of great interest. Curi.

ous enough, I found among these pictures the exact counterpart to a

stone fioure of Mafjucri, deposited now in our Royal Museum here,

but imported from Java, and containing two Sanskrit inscriptions in

old character (from Caka 1265), a decyphering and translation of

which Dr. Friederich left with me (for the Jonrnal of our Society) on

his departure for Java at the end of February last. Five centuries

between, and still the same picture in Java and in Tibet,—this is indeed

a mark of much tenacity to the old form of representing this deity

(or half god), and at the same time also an evidence for its even much

higher antiquity. The last proof sheet of the Petersburg Worterbuch

went to yw and | think that number 5 of the fourth volume will

soon be ready. The twelfth vol. of Kuhn’s Zeitschrift fur verglei-

chende Sprachforschung is finished. Itis a great pity, that Kuhn

has not more leisure to devote to his studies on comparative mytho-

logy: he is professor at a Gymnasium (high school) and his time very

much restricted. Windischmann’s Zoroastrische Studien (edited by

Spiegel) is a very excellent work. The author (a Catholic clergyman

of high distinction in Munich) combined Burnouf’s method witha

very deep and successful study of the Pehlvi literature : his premature

death is a great loss for science. The first volume of Boehtlingk’s

collection of Sanskrit “Spriiche” appeared in July: to the text (al-

phabetically arranged?) is added the translation, and at the foot the

enumeration of all the passages, where the verse is occurring, and the

varietas lectionis. The second part is to contain the rest (from ¥ to ¥)

and ample indices to the whole.

VPN APPPASPSLIILI OD LIVI SLL LNAI NINERS OAR

PROCHEDINGS

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

For Novemeper, 1863.

Lop

The monthly general meeting of the Society was held on the 4th

instant.

H. C. Bayley, Esq., President, in the chair.

The proceedings of the last meeting were read and confirmed.

Presentations were received —

1. From His Highness the Maharajah of Benares, a copy of the

Rev. M. A. Sherring’s lecture on “ Benares and its Antiquities.”

2. From Baboo Rajendra Mallika, a dead blue and yellow Macaw.

8. From His Honor the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, a mete-

orice stone, which fell at Shytal near Dacca, on the 11th August, the

fall of which was announced at the last meeting.

4. Krom Prince Mohammad Jallaluddin, a specimen of a dead snake

—Bungarus Candidus.

5. Hrom Colonel BR. C. Tytler, a collection of eel specimens,

6. Irom His Excellency the Viceroy, a a stone Buddhist figure, with

an inscription, from Sahet Mahet, the ancient Sravasti.

The President announced that a pension of £150 a year had beon

granted to the Society’s Curator, Mr. E. Blyth, to take effect from

the lst January, 1868.

Reap LETTERS.

From Colonel J. C. Haughton to the President, giving an aceount

of a large collection of coins lately found at a place called Gosain

Maree, about 14 miles 8. 8S. W. from Cooch Behar.

From Captain Speke, acknowledging the vote of thanks of the

Society, and announcing his proposed expedition to discover the source

of the Congo.

From Captam H. H. Godwin Austen, giving an account of the

discovery of some coins at Islamabad.

From R. H. Barnes, Esq., returning thanks to the Society for his

election as a corresponding member.

Ps.

ER MEDS CRSSS ERS IELEIEL NG LE BEMIS Be,

wealth

ie at

ac shie alner ae

62 Proceedings of the Asiatie Socrety. [No. 1,

A letter from Dr. G. Gordon, intimating his desire to withdraw

from the Society, was recorded.

The following gentlemen, duly proposed at the last meeting were

balloted for and elected ordinary members :—

Dr. J. McLelland; W. P. Duff, Esq.; Dr. Ferd. Stoliczka; R. T.

Martin, Esq. ; Major J. G. Gowan ; Baboo Modhoosoodun Doss, and

H. D. Sandeman, Esq.

The following gentlemen were named for ballot as ordinary members

at the next meeting :—

The Rev. M. D. C. Walters, Chaplain of Calcutta, proposed by Mr.

Cowell and seconded by Mr. Grote.

A. G. Walker, Hsq., proposed by Major Layard and seconded by

Colonel Gastrell.

T.. Dickens, Esq., Barrister-at-law, proposed by Mr. Blanford and

seconded by Mr. H. C. Sutherland.

J. Forsyth, Esq., Bengal Staff Corps, proposed by Mr. R. A.

Sterndale and seconded by Mr. Blanford.

The Rev. Mr. Corbyn introduced some aborigimes of the Andaman

Islands, and gave an interesting account of these people, with a short

narrative of the circumstances which have led to the establishment of

a friendly feeling between them and the settlers.

Thanks were unanimously voted to Mr. Corbyn for his imteresting

account of the Aborigines of the Andaman Islands.

After a few preliminary remarks on the ethnology of the Anda-

manese, Mr. Blanford stated that he was doubtful whether the inter-

course opened will tend eventually to the civilization of the natives

of the Andamans. He stated that the history of the New Zealanders

and other barbarous people in Australia and America sufficiently war-

rants us to assume the broad fact that when two different races in

very different states of civilization come in contact with one another,

the more powerful race exterminates the less powerful, and that civill-

zation, to be permanent, must be attained by gradual steps and mainly

be developed from within, foreign influence being but a secondary

agent.

Mr. Cowell could not concur in the opinion of Mr. Blanford ; on

the contrary he believed that history generally bears out the fact

that nations cannot rise in civilization without an influence ab extra.

He quoted some instances from ancient history in support of this view.

1864. | Preceedings if the Asiatie Society. 63

The President remarked that without entering into the abstract

question raised by Mr. Blanford, it might perhaps be doubted if the

facts cited by him fully warranted in their entirety the conclusions at

which he had arrived.

No doubt it was unfortunately true that in the majority of cases

in which a race of high civilization had come into contact with

another of a very inferior civilization, the result had been fatal to the

latter. It was unnecessary here to discuss the causes which had con-

tributed to produce this effect.. The President, however, would call

the attention of the meeting to one instance which he believed proved

at least that an exception might exist to the general rule. The Laps

whom Mr. Blanford had cited as forming a part of the same brachy-

cephalic family to which the Andamanese belonged, had been for some

time (for more at least than a century and a half) in contact on either

side with Swedish and Russian civilization, and however it might be

the fashion to decry the character of the latter, there could in reality

be no doubt that it was civilization of the highest order, especially

in that part of Russia which bordered on the territory of the Laps.

Now, the result had certainly not been in this case the extermina-

tion of the Laps; indeed, though not speaking on accurate informa-

tion, the President believed that the Laps had neither diminished in

numbers nor deteriorated in condition, since the commencement of the

last century.

But whatever might be the opinion of the meeting on the merits

of Mr. Blanford’s general proposition, it was important to remember

that in the present case the question was not whether or not we

should leave the Andamanese alone, for the commencement of our

intercourse with them was unavoidable. These islands lie in the very

track of a very important and daily increasing line of commerce.

They contain what are in reality the only harbours of refuge within

the Bay of Bengal. it had been already constantly pressed upon

Government that it was their duty for the protection of these our

subjects, and those of other nations trading in these seas to reclaim

these Islands now abandoned to a barbarous and hostile population.

No doubt these considerations have sooner or later made interference

inevitable. The establishment of a penal colony which the necessities

of jail discipline in India had compelled Government to yorm, only

hastened the event.

ee ee eae een ee atte Aeon Fee

G4) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 1,

It was beyond denial that the commencement of such an inter.

course with this uncivilized race involved grave moral responsibilities,

and these could not be approached without anxious consideration,

But the question was not now, whether this intercourse should be

commenced at all, but by what means and m what manner it could

be most humanely and successfully commenced.

So far as they had gone, Mr. Corbyn’s endeavours had been unusu-

ally happy, and promised most favorably for the future. No doubt

further efforts would be made in the same direction, and it was to be

hoped with the same prosperous result. 1t might indeed be otherwise,

but at any rate 1t was the duty of the more civilized race to omit no

effort to avoid the evils which had hitherto resulted from its contact

with those of the lower grades of civilization, and the meeting would

doubtless consider that Mr. Corbyn was entitled to all praise for the

patience, tact, and humanity which had hitherto distinguished his

efforts to reclaim and civilize the Andamanese.

Communications were received —

1. From Rev. I. Loewenthal, a paper on some Persian inscriptions

found in Srinagar, Kashmir.

2. Krom Baboo Gopinath Sen, Abstract of the hourly Meteorolo-

gical Observations, taken at the Surveyor General’s office, for the

month of August last.

3. From W. Theobald, Esq., Jr. a paper on the variation of some

Indian and Burmese Helicide, with an attempt at their re-arrange-

ment, together with description of new Burmese Gasteropoda.

4. From Professor J. Dowson, through EH. Thomas, Esq., remarks

on Major General Cunningham’s paper on the Taila inscription.

Mr. Cowell read some extracts from a paper by Colonel Abbott on

the site of Aornos.

Mr. Cowell, having read extracts from the paper, Major Walker

made some comments on the subject of it, and stated that so far as

he was aware of the merits of the question he would adopt the

position as given by Mr. Loewenthal in opposition to Colonel Abbott’s

arguments.

In consequence of the lateness of the hour the paper of Mr. Loe-

wenthal on some Persian inscriptions was not read, and the meeting

separ jted.

ET i ghee 1 EE Sea a a

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 65

For DrcempBsr, I868.

The monthly general meeting of the Society was held on the 2nd

instant.

A. Grote, Esq., in the chair.

The proceedings of the last meeting were read and confirmed.

Presentations were received — :

1. From the Assistant Secretary to the Government of India,

Foreign Department—a copy of a report by R. H. na a on

the trade of Central Asia. |

2. From Baboo Ganendra Mohun Tagore, Professor of Hindoo Law —

i University College, London—a pamphlet containing the substance of

a lecture delivered by him before the Ethnological Society of London,

“On the formation and institution of the caste system —the Aryan

polity.”

8. From Baboo Prosonno Goamar ‘Tagore—a copy of his English

translation of Vivdda Chintémani from the original Sanskrit of Vachas-

pati Misra.

4. From his Highness the Maharajah of Burdwan—a copy of the

Adi and the Sabhé parvas of the Mah4bhadrata in Sanskrit, with a

Bengali translation, published under his auspices. |

The following gentlemen duly proposed at the last meeting were

balloted for and elected ordinary members:—The Rev. M. D. C.

Walters ; A. G. Walker, Hsq. ; J. Forsyth, Esq. ; and T. Dickens, Esq.

W. Murray, Esq., B. C. 8. was then proposed by Mr. Cowell for

ballot as ordinary member at the next meeting, seconded by Mr.

Blan ford.

The Secretary read the following report, which had been adopted by

the Council, on a proposition submitted by Mr. C. Horne for facilitating

a more extended correspondence on Natural History subjects :—

‘The practicability of carrying out Mr. Horne’s proposition depends

mainly on the assistance afforded by those interested in its accom:

plishment, the Council being unanimously of opinion that a publish-

ed list of naturalists, numismatists, and others would be of oe

assistance to those engaged in these studies, and it is believed tha

such a list would facilitate the exchange of jaa specimens, —

at the same time enable those interested in special subjects to know in

what quarter to apply for information and assistance.

" EAE ET EY EN IE Ae Pi SV Es Ce i a te at a, ————— ; ~ SS

66 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [No. 1,

“ Much help for the formation of such lists may be afforded by mem.

bers of the Society, and it is therefore recommended that, as a preli-

minary step, a circular with a blank form be rorwarded to members of

the Society, requesting them to insert the names and addresses of those

collectors with whom they may be acquainted, and to specify the

subjects wherein they are respectively interested ; at the same time

members should be requested to state whether they wish their own

names to appear in the proposed list, and to furnish similar informa-

tion with regard to themselves, as well as to mention any specimens

which they might wish to offer as exchanges.

“Tt would, in the next place, be necessary to apply directly to those

gentlemen who, not being members of the Society, may be indicated

by the latter as collectors, in order that their assent to the publication

of their names, and perfectly authentic information respecting their

requirements, &c., may be obtained ; and they might be asked at the

same time to communicate to the Society the names of others with

whom they may be acquainted, and who may in like manner wish their

names to be recorded. In all cases, however, no name or details should

be published that are not furnished or mentioned by the individuals

themselves,

“The materials thus obtained should be classified in a manner

hereafter to be determined upon, and the lists so formed, printed on

fly-sheets for insertion at the end of each number of the Journal. It

might be found desirable also to append authentic information as to

those who may be engaged in the working out of any special subject

with a view to publication.” ,

The Chairman, on the part of the Council, recommended. that the

reference of Capt Lees’ amendment of Rule 77 to the Society at large

be for the present deferred. This recommendation was made in conse-

quence of the Council’s having just appointed a committee to revise

the rules generally. It seemed expedient to include in one reference

other amendments of the rules which might result from this revision.

Communications were received —

1. From Baboo Gopinath Sen—an abstract of the hourly meteoro-

logical observations taken at the Surveyor General’s office in September

last.

2. Hrom Major J. T. Walker, Superintendent G. T. Survey

of the operations of the G. 'T. Survey of India during 1862-63.

report

”

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 67

Mr. Oldham was then invited to read his paper submitted in

October, entitled “ Notes on the Fossils in the Society’s Collection

reputed to be from Spiti;” and that gentleman, after objecting to the

postponement of the paper, proceeded to read it.

The Chairman remarked on the objections raised by Mr. Oldham,

that his paper, though announced at the October meeting, had not

been read on account of Mr. Oldham’s absence from that and the

following meeting.

An interesting discussion ensued between Mr. Oldham and Mr.

Blanford as to the identity or otherwise of these fossils with those of

the Gerard collection.

Mr. Oldham then exhilited to the Society a smail collection of

stone implements which had very recently been discovered by Messrs.

King aad Foote of the Geological Survey of India, near Madras.

These were all of the ruder forms, so well known as characterizing the

flint implements which had excited so much attention within the last

few years in Europe. ‘They were ai] formed of dense semi-vitreous

quartzite—a rock which occurred in immense abundance in districts

close to where these implements had been found, and which formed

a very good substitute for the flimts of north Europe. This was the

first instance in which, so far as he knew, such stone implements had

been found in India im situ. True celts of a totally different type

and much higher finish, and in every respect identical with those

found in Scotland and Ireland, had been met with in large numbers in

Central India, but never actually imbedded im any deposits. They

were invariably found under holy trees, or in sacred places, and were

objects of reverence and worship to the people, who could give no

information as to the source from which they had been originally

gathered together. A single and very dovbtful fragment of a stone

implement had been found by Mr. W. ‘Theobald, Junior, in examining

the deposits of the Gangetic plains near the Soane river. This occur-

red in the Kunkurry clay of that district ; but, with this exception,

he was not aware of any stone implements, of any kind, having

previously been noticed am sztw anywhere in India Those now on

the table had been collected partly by himself, from a ferruginous

lateritic gravel bed, which extended irregularly over a very large

area west of Madras. In places this was at least fifteen feet below

the surface, cut through by streams, and in one such place from which

K 2

Pipi

pes

‘S

Pf:

webs Se ea EO agra nes epee siee ors - — - —~s

aa SSS i En 4 aa SPL SEN SRE RR Bin mn ae She Sao gt ol Stet ge 9 nk Tig ey SOS Bin teams Wed SE EE in we em

GR Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.. [No. 1,

some of the specimens on the table were procured, there stood an

old ruined pagoda on the surface, evidencing that, at least at the time

of iss construction, that surface was a permanent one. This bed of

gravel was in many places exposed on the surface and had been parti-

ally denuded; and it was in such localities where these implements

had been washed out of the bed and lay strewed on the surface that

they were found most plentifully.

Mr. Oldham remarked on the great interest attaching to such

a discovery, and on the probable age of the deposit in which they

occurred. Another point of interest connected with the history

of such implements was the remarkable fact that, while scattered

in abundance over the districts where they occurred, were noble

remains of what would by many be called Druidical character-circleg

of large standing stones, cromlechs, kistvaens, often of large size

and well preserved, all of which were traditionally referred to

the Karumbers, a race of which there still existed traces in the

hills ; still all the weapons and implements of every kind found in

these stone structures were invariably of iron. No information what-

ever regarding these stone implements could be obtained from the

peasantry, who had been quite unaware of their existence.

Thanks were unanimously accorded to Mr. Oldham for his interest-

ing remarks on the stone implements. :

For January, 1864.

Bie The annual general meeting of the Asiatic Society was held on the

aes 13th instant.

| a 2 EH. C. Bayley, Esq., President, in the chair.

ae The Secretary read the following Annual Report for 1863 :—

te ANNUAL REPORT.

The Council of the Asiatic Society have much satisfaction in

announcing that the marked prosperity of the Society during the past

year has been fully equal to that of the previous years, indicating an

ever-increasing interest in the objects of the Society on the part of

the public, which augurs well for the future progress of Indian science.

Ibis, however, with feelings of deep regret that the Council have

to record the decease of the Society’s patron, the Right Hon’ble the

Earl of Elgin and Kincardine, whose cordial sympathy with the

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 69

objects of the Society has been manifested on all occasions when the

support or concurrence of the Government has been solicited by the

Society.

During the past year the Society has received an accession of fitty-

nine ordinary and two corresponding members, making a total of

sixty-one. The loss by death (three) and retirement (twelve) has

not exceeded fifteen members; so that the Council is enabled to con-

eratulate the Society on a net increase of forty-four members, making

an actual total of 355,* against 3811 of the preceding year.

Baboo Sumbhoo Chunder Roy, Maharaja Narendra Narain Bhupa,

and Dr. J. Browne are the names of the deceased members.

FINANCE.

The amount received by way of contributions from members was

Rs. 8,980-2-9, which is in excess of the collection of the previous

year. Of this sum Hs. 1,792 were for admission fees, and the balance,

Rs. 7,1388-2-9, for quarterly subscriptions.

Annexed is a table showing the average collection of the previous

ten years. ‘The resulting sum does not exceed the collection of the year

under review.

dis. As. Po

ESO, eee ee ee

1058 ee

1895 3

1050, = a

57 GS

158 Sa

159, ee

1960, 3

chen termi a ily ems iit © enh emmy ano) ast eae

a SI ge a a LN DTD |

Total Rs., ..... 71,889 10 3

* Hesident NLOns Nene; uc cacvvscs io 00nes ste Ser is jon (oe oe 129

Non-resident, ...... i ease er ee 147

PUBCON Gee ee ii aia Oo Ge = 79

Total,...... 300

ence

“a

LO ELS DE EE EI IP ATi a Be a Fe ea le nt Ee Be I WS ade Ye eT NA Bl Be a ad a ass SE Ne = Se me a

70 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 1,

The average being Rs. 7,183-15-5 per year.

The details of the accounts have been referred to auditors, and wil]

be laid before the next monthly meeting.*

The probable income and expenditure of the Society for the next

twelve months may be estimated as follows :—

Income.

Contributions: a..6 3 eee ee ee 5 8000

SACCIMISSTON T.C6Se sce ese Sees ge opeastas i ce SSO

A OUUWE Ey ee se eek eee Sete ene 600

Tabrary, ..+.. I ae ere ee 400

Beer = 0000

WOCrelAny S-OlCe 5 ees a <i 10

OS OS A NG scary Saas Slater oe Sam. 2a Se et 50

BUC UIT Sy ea eenty, Come err se eee ee

Total, ..... 16,860

SUOMI ee se ee eee Sah a se? Ja OO

NS OPA scat as yo Spats gh eee aca = 2400

VISE WIA) ee eek BN ieee meseut eis ees cas ai eo OO)

Cyne OCOs = easetpedcn (nie Mig acta nas 1,000

Building, eoeete@rt mee @veee 8@¢ @AO284 HH COO a9@eo epee 784 BeO 78206 500

Comeotangl2 22.c0.8 arise ai Sate eet dae: 150

Miscellanecus, ..........00.00.ceeees eee ee ere 300

Total,....... 15,700

LIBRARY.

During the past year the library has received large additions, both

by presentation and purchase.

In the Natural History Department, the most important additions

have been Mr. Gould’s large works on the Birds of Asia, purchased —

in England, and 30 vols. of the Transactions of Leopoldino-Caroline

Academy (which completes the Society’s set of that most valuable

series up to the year 1851) from the late Dr. Walker’s library.

In the Philological Department the Codex Sinaiticus, edited by

Professor 'Tischendorf and presented by the Imperial Russian govern-

ment, is the most note-worthy acquisition.

* Having been submitted to the March meeting and adopted, they are printed

in the usual place at the end of the proceedings of the Annual General Meeting. Hp.

7 e

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. | 71.

The total number of volumes, pamphlets, and periodicals added to

the library during the year is 572.

With a view to the further improvement of the library, the Council

have requested the Library Committee to enquire into, and especially

report upon, its present condition, and to submit propositions for its

future arrangement; so that future additions may be made system-

atically as the funds of the Society may permit, and in accordance

with the demands of science. Special attention will be given to the

completion of those serials or other works, deficient sets of which now

exist in the library.

COINS.

The collection of these valuable relics has not received any accession

of moment. ‘The only addition deserving of mention is from Baboo

Shibchunder Mullick, who presented a trove of silver Mahomedan

coins from his zemindary in the Sunderbuns.

MUSEUM.

Owing to the severe illness of the Society’s late curator, Mr. Blyth,

which compelled that gentleman to proceed to England at the close

of 1862, the museum has been deprived of the supervision of a pro-

fessional curator during the whole of the year.

Dr. Jerdon has, however, most kindly given much time and atten-

tion to the collections while engaged in the preparation of his AZanual

on the Natural History of India, and Baboo Poorno Chunder Bysack

having had charge of the collections mainly with a view to their

preservation, the Council are enabled to report that the collections

have been well cared for, and that recent additions have been mounted

and arranged so as to be equally available with the former for study

or Inspection.

The collection of fossil remains of invertebrate animals and plants

has been mounted, worked out, arranged, and catalogued, and the

collections of birds’ eggs remounted and arranged in a cabinet espe-

cially provided for that purpose. i

The valuable series of stuffed quadrumana which had been hitherto

exposed in one of the lower rooms, has been arranged in two large

glass cases, and it is trusted that they have been placed beyond

danger of future deterioration. A new case has een provided for the

Society's models and specimens of meteorites, and insect cabinets have

been ordered from England at a cost of Rs. 500; a cabinet of slide

SEE ~~

NE A LEE a Sa ne . .

ett ee ee a

79 Proceedings of the Astatie Society. [No. 1,

drawers for the reception of duplicates and specimens under examing.

tion has also been provided.

The Society’s cullection of Indian meteorites was transmitted to

Professor Maskelyne in 1862, that gentleman having most kindly

undertaken the charge of their chemical investigation and of their

section with a view to the exchange of portions of them with the

British Museum. The Society have now received from Profesgoy

Maskelyne a very beautitully-executed series of models of the original

stones and portions of the stones themselves, together with a series

of specimens of foreign meteorites presented by the Trustees of the

British Museum.

They have also received, through the kindness of Dr. Haidinger,

another valuable series from Dr. Hornes, Director of the Imperial

Mineral Cabinet of Vienna, to which a set of Indian specimens had

been presented by the Society. |

In the Zoological Department the Society have received a set of

upwards of 800 species of invertebrate fossils from Mr. H. F. Blan-

ford, and numerous specimens of the mammals and birds of the

Andaman Islands, with two almost entire skeletons of the natives of

those islands, from Lieutenant-Colonel Tytler.

‘ Captain Smyth has also presented several skins of Thibetan ani-

mals ;—these last, together with some skeletons of those animals that

had been purchased by the Society and since mounted, form valuable

representatives of the zoology of Thibet and Northern India.

In the Ethnological Department the collection of crania has received

but few additions, but a considerable number of portraits of ethnolo-

gical interest have been added to their photographic albums, chieily

from the Government of India.

The archeological collection has received a slight!y mutilated colos-

sal figure of Buddha exhumed by General Cunningham at Sahet

Mahet, the ancient Sravasti in Oudh, presented by the Right Hon’ble

the late Harl of Elgin. Its basement bears an important inscription,

in which the name Sravasti, of the place where it was found also

occurs.

The Council are glad to be able to announce that the preliminary

negotiations for the transfer of the Society’s Museum to Government

have now assumed a shape which permits of their being submitted

to the Society at large, with a view. to definite action.

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 73

The number of visitors to the Society’s Museum has not diminished

during the past year, amounting in average to 291 visitors per diem,

Natives.

Male,...... Co eee cee see eee Cores soe cb ss4 DO tee Fe0 808 96,629

Wemiale ees ric 5,924

Huropeans.

Nelo 54 ee 2,045

Demale eas ere 1,384

Total,..... . 106,482

OFFICERS.

The Council have great pleasure in announcing that the home

authorities have at last consented to grant a retiring pension of £150

per annum to their late Curator, Mr. Blyth. Mr. Blyth has for more

than twenty years laboured most zealously in the cause of natural

science in India; and it must be a cause of congratulation to the

Society that his services have at length received this well-earned

acknowledgement from the Home Government. He has been absent

on sick leave in Kurope during the whole of the past year.

The arrangements which have been sanctioned by the Council in

consequence of his absence, will be submitted at a future meeting. |

Baboo Poorno Chunder Bysack has officiated as assistant-curator

since the last annual meeting.

The Librarian and Assistant-Secretary continues to discharge his

duties to the entire satisfaction of the Council.

JOURNAL.

Five numbers of the Journal (including a supplementary number)

have been published during the year; several valuable papers on

Natural History and Archzology have been contributed, and the

supplementary number possesses great interest as containing General —

Cunningham’s Report of his Archeological Survey in 1861-62.

BIBLIOTHECA INDICA.

Seventeen numbers of the Bibliotheca Indica have appeared during

the past year, vz.—eight of the new series, and nine of the old.

In the new series, Pundit Prema Chandra Tarkabagish has com-

pleted his edition of the Kévyddars'a of S’ri Dandin, with his original

> oe 2 ee Ran Se er ye ers pe ot Gre ge 99 ee he al =

re Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [No. 1,

commentary, and Mr. Cowell has published the second part of thy

Matra Upanishad.

‘fwo new works have been also commenced. of considerable interest,

in two different departments of Oriental literature—the Tubakdp.

Nasiri in our series of Muhammadan historians, and the Piryg

Mimansa Sutras.

The former is the chief authority of the early Muhammadan history

of India, and is especially valuable for the Bibliotheca, as we had

already published the history of Zid-i Barni, which was expressly

designed as its continuation. The latter takes up a branch of Hindoo

philosophy which had hitherto been comparatively neglected; and

the present publication will render the Sutras of Jaimini, and the

rare commentary of Sabara, available to European research. The

Council hope ere long to be able to announce an edition of the Yoga

Sutras ; the only one of the six philosophical systems of the Hindoogs

remaining unpublished.

In the old series we have to announce the completion of the edition

of the Vedanta Sutras with the commentary of Sankara Acharya and

the gloss of Govinda Ananda, originally commenced by Dr. Roer,

and subsequently continued by Pundit Rama Narayana Vidydratna.

Baboo Rajendralal Mitra has issued two numbers of the Tuzttiriya

Bréhmana, and Mr. Cowell two numbers ef the Laittiriya Sanhita.

The titles of the fasciculi of the new series are :—

1. The Advyddars’a of S’ri Dandin, edited by Pundit Prema

Chandra 'Tarkabdgis’a, Nos. 38, 39, 41, Fase. III. IV. V.

2. The Maitre Upanishad, edited by Mr. E. B. Cowell, M. A.,

No. 40, Fase. LI.

8. The Tabakat-1-Nasiwri by Minhajuddin Juzjani, edited by Cap-

tain W. N. Lees, LL. D. Nos. 42, 48, 45, Fasc. I., I1., 111.

4. ‘The Purva Miminsa Sutras of Jaimini, edited by Pundit

Moheshzhunder Nyayaratna, No. 44, Fasc. I.

The titles of the fasciculi of the old series published during the

year, are—

1. The Veddénta Sutras, edited by Pundit Rama Nardyana Vidyé-

ratna, Nos. 195, 198, 199, 200, 201, Fase. IX., X., XL, XII, XIII.

2. The Tuthriya Brahmana, edited by Baboo Rajendralal Mitra,

Nos. 196, 197, Fase. XVII and XVIII. |

8. The Taittiriya Sanhitd, edited by Mr. EB. B. Cowell, M. A,

Nos. 202, 203, Fase. XVIII. and XIX.

-~5%

a §

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. AD

The Report having been read, it was proposed by Colonel Thuillier,

seconded by Mr. Grote, that it be adopted. ‘The aes being

put to the vote was carried unanimously.

The meeting then proceeded to ballot for the Council and officers:

for the next year.

Colonel Thuillier and Mr. W. L. Heeley were appointed scrutineers,

and at the close of the ballot the chairman announced the following.

result :—

Council—E. C. Bayley, Esq., President; Captain W. N. Lees, Dr.

T. Anderson, Baboo Rajendralal Mitra, Vice-Presidents; Dr. J.

Fayrer; E. B. Cowell, Esq.; Dr. S. B. Partridge; J. Obbard, Hsq. ;

Lieut.-Col. C. H. Dickens; Lieut.-Col. J. HE. Gastrell ; Lieut.-Col.

H. Hyde; H. Leonard, Esq.; Bavoo Jadava Krishna Sing ;—H. F.

Blanford, Esq., and W. L. Heeley, Esq., Juint Secretaries.

The meeting then resolved itself into an ordinary general meeting.

The following presentations were announced—

1. From Col. Fytche, Commissioner, Tenasserim Division, British

Burmah,—heads and horns of a male and: a female double-horned:

rhinoceros, from the source of the Tenasserim river.

2. From Baboo Rajendra Mullick,—a dead hybrid coat, and a

kangaroo.

38. From Baboo Shoshee Chunder Dutt,—a copy of his work

entitled Stray Leaves, or Hssays, Poems, and Tales.

4. From the Bombay Government,—a copy of a Sindi work

entitled Saswz and Punhu.

5. From Captain F. Stubbs,—a number of coins collected at

different times, in the Punjab and Delhi.

A vote of thanks to the above donors was proposed by the Presi-

dent, and carried unanimously.

Letters from Lieut.-Col. L. Pelly, Lieut. W. J. Stewart, Rev. J,

C. Thompson, E. G. Glazier, Esq., and Saheb Zada Mohammad

Walagohur, intimating their desire to withdraw from the Society,

were recorded.

W. Murray, Esq., proposed at the last meeting was balloted for

and elected an ordinary member.

The following gentlemen were named for ballot as ordinary members

at the next meeting :—

Hon'ble Sumbhoo Nauth Pundit, Judge of the High Court, Caleutta,

proposed by Mr. Cowell, seconded by the President.

(or ie armonk hock Rge-arectue rea ee une am RANE ine

sie lent etait amhaheienn Abin nha

= — . TS Bie Sr i Riper ae eae gi od Seg en = Bo am —

"6G Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. LNo. 1,

Baboo Kaliprosunno Dutt, Pleader High Court, proposed by gu

Rajendralal Mitra, seconded by Mr. Grote.

H. Leeds, Esq., Conservator of Forests in Burmah, proposed by Mx

Theobald, seconded by Mr. Grote.

A. M. Verchere, Hsq., H. M.’s Indian Army, proposed by Capt.

H. H. G. Austen, seconded by Capt. Lees.

Lieut. A. Pullan, Topographical Assistant G. T. Survey, Kashmir

Series, proposed by Capt. H. H. G. Austen, seconded by Mr. Grote.

The Council reported that the following correspondence had passed

between them and the Government of India, on the subject of the

transfer of the Society's Museum to Government.

No. 178.

FROM THE SECRETARY TO THE AstaTIC Society oF Bencat,—To

HK. C. Bayzey, Esq., Secy. Govr. or Inpra, Home Dept,

Asiatic Society’s Rooms, Calcutta, 18th April, 1863.

SrR,— With reference to former correspondence on the subject of

the proposed new museum, I am directed by the Council of the

Asiatic Society to solicit the attention of Government to the plan

sketched out in my letter dated 18th June, 1862, No. 180, as the

basis of a definite arrangement for the transfer of the Society’s

museum.

_ As some years must probably elapse before a new museum building

can be erected and fitted for the reception of the Society’s collections,

during which time the zoological portion of the collections will be

liable to continued deterioration, if adequate provision be not made

for their preservation, it appears highly desirable to the Society’s

Council that arrangements should be speedily completed for the

permanent curatorship of the museum.

It is the more advisable that the consideration of this question be

no longer deferred, as the Society’s curator, Mr. Blyth, has now left

India in such a state of health that there appears but little proba-

bility of his returning to resume his former duties, and the valuable

services now voluntarily given by Dr. Jerdon to the superintendence

of the zoological portion of the museum, are necessarily temporary,

and not to be permanently relied on. It will, consequently, be neces-

sary before long to consider the appointment of a permanent successor

to Mr. Blyth, and it is obviously desirable that the whole question

= SEES ie 8 eR eS £

—--a ooo Oo

—_e

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 77

of the future management of the museum should be decided before

new engagements are entered into. — |

The Council are of opinion that it is by no means necessary to

wait for the transfer of the collections to the new museum building

in order to give effect to that portion of the proposed arrangement

which relates to the internal management of the museum. With a

proper staff of curators and assistants, the museum may be retained

for some time to come in the present building, and with some increase

of available funds, the present collections and such additions as may

be expected in the interval, may be kept in a state of good preserva-

tion, and be made available for the purposes of science, even though

they cannot be entirely displayed to casual visitors.

Iam accordingly directed to solicit that the Government will take

4°No. 180, dated 18th June, into early vonsideration the proposi-

1862. tions of the Council communicated

in my former letter,* with a view to determining the conditions on

which the proposed transfer of the Society’s museum may be finally

agreed to. |

I have, &e.

(Sd.) W.S. Arxrnson,

Secy. Asiatic Society.

No. 5508.

from K. C. Bayuny, Esq., Secy. to the Govt. of India, To W. S.

ATKINSON, EsqQ., Secy. Asiatic Society of Bengal.

Dated Hort William, the 1st Sept., 1868.

Home Department.

Srr,—With reference to your letters of the 13th April last, and

18th June, 1862, I am desired to state that his Honor the President

in Council is not unwilling to enter at once upon the consideration of

the arrangements suggested in the last named letter, instead of post-

poning it uitil the Government may be in a position to erect a fitting

building to contain a Government Museum.

2. But before doing so, the President in Council desires to offer

some observations upon the rules suggested by the Council of the

Society as the basis of a plan for the transfer of the Society's museum

to Government, to be submitted for the approval of the Society ati

large.

~~. Sete 8-9 2 eee —

72 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. LNo. 1,

8. The rules to which these observations apply, are the second,

fifth, tenth and thirteenth.

4. The second defines the number and mode of election of the

governing body of the proposed Government museum, and would,

as it is now worded, leave the nomination of the Vice-President and

of one-half of the Council with the Society. I am directed to point

out, that as the museum will hereafter be wholly public and supported

at the expense of the State, 1t seems to be inconsistent with its char-

acter to reserve so large a share in its management to a private

Society. ‘The President in Council is, therefore, of opinion that no

more than one-third, instead of one-half, of the trustees should be

named by the Asiatic Society.

5. For the same reasons, the President in Council dissents from

the fifth rule, which would secure separate and distinct privileges to

members of the Asiatic Society. When the museum has become the

property of the public, the public ought to enjoy as free a use of its

contents as is consistent with their due preservation. It by no means

necessarily follows that the terms on which this use is granted to the

public should be more limited than those on which the members of

the Asiatic Society now enjoy the use of their own collection, or that

the privileges of the members should be in any way restricted by the

transfer.

6. Similarly, the President in Council would suggest that the

reservation as to the library and manuscripts contained in the tenth

and thirteenth Rules, should be omitted. It seems almost unavoid-

able that the proposed museum should possess the adjunct of at least

a library of reference, such as the library of the Society would, with

some additions, form ; and there seems to be no good reason why two

similar libraries should co-exist under the same roof. If the library

and manuscripts were transferred with the other collections, 16 is not

probable that the conditions attached to their use would be less liberal

than those of the Asiatic Society, so that the members of that Society

need not in any degree, as has been already said with respect to the

other collections, suffer any abridgment of their privileges by. the

transfer.

I have, &e.

(Sd.) E. C. Bayzey,

Secy. ta the Govt. of India.

7 7 oe :

as Fe ON eng ee OP ERT a aE ey : — —

le ee gg

—

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. 79

No. 489.

From the Secretary to the Asiatic Society of Bengal,—To E. C.

Baxiey, Esq., Secretary, Government of India, Home Department.

Asiatic Society's fooms, Calcutta, 6th Nov., 1863.

Str,— With reference to the previous correspondence noted in the

margin, on the subject of the pro-

_ From the Govt. of India, Home posed transfer of the Society’s museum

Dept. No., 2564, dated 22nd M |

aes Sen ented Zant TAY, to Government, I have the honor to

To the Govt. of India, in reply submit to you the views held by the

No. 180, dated 18th June, 1862. ; :

To the Govt. of India, in continua- Council of the Society on those mo-

tion No, 178, dated 13th April, 1863. gifications of the Council’s scheme

From the Govt. of India, in reply

No. 5503 dated 1st September, 1863. proposed in your letter No. 5503 of

the Ist September, 1863.

Previous to doing so, I am desired to assure you that the Council

have received with much pleasure the announcement that his Honour

the President in Council is not unwilling to enter at once upon the

consideration of the proposed transfer, feeling that the interest thus

manifested by Government in the progress of natural science cannot but

have a most beneficial influence upon its cultivation in this country.

Under these circumstances, I am desired to state that the Council

are prepared to modify, in accordance with his Honour’s views, the

rules proposed in their late Secretary’s letter, (dated June 18th) so far

as may not, i their opinion, seriously impair the well-being of the

Society which they represent. Thus, while their original proposal,

that one-half of the trustees of the new museum should be nominated

by the Society, was suggésted by the probable preponderance of the

Society's collections for many years to come in the new museum, as

well as by the fact that the Society has on many occasions acted as

the screntific advisers of Government, the Council feel confident that

the interests of Science will be so cared for by Governmént in the

selection of its nominees, that they may without hesitation defer to

his Honour’s views on the proposed revision of their second Rule.

With similar feelings and on similar grounds, the Council concur in

his Honour’s suggestion that the fifth Rule proposed by them be so

modified that the public at large be admitted to the same free use of

the museum as that now enjoyed by the members of the Society. Both,

they understand, would be only subject to such restrictions as

may be

necessary for the due preservation of the collections.

ae .

— Sta — ow

oa a En S

— St ee er eee

95 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 1,

While, however, the Council are thus prepared to accede to his

Honour’s suggestions with regard to the management of the new mus

seum, and to waive any claim of exclusive privilege for the members

of the Society, they regret that the proposed modifications of Rules X,

and XIII. are such as they cannot for a moment entertain. On this

pomt there is eit re unanimity on the part of the Council, and they

feel sure that the same feeling pervades the Society at large. In fact,

his Honour must on further consideration concur with them that the

Society would, after such a transfer as that suggested, cease to exist,

It would have no privileges to offer to its members, who would gradu-

ally leave an institution which had nothing but its traditions and its

name to hold it together, and would in a few years have nothing but

its house to yield it an income.

It appears, however, to the Council that the objects which the

Government and the Society respectively have in view are not incom-

patible, and that the Society’s hbrary and the museum being under the

same roof, while the hbrary remains the property of the Society, it

may equally be available to the curators or others working in

the museum, as 1s at present the case; and thus that such funds as

may be allotted by Government for the formation of a museum library

may for some time to come be devoted to the purchase of such works

as are not already possessed by the Society. I am, therefore, directed

by the Council to propose the above modification of his Honour’s

suggestions, and to express their hope that this arrangement may be

found to fulfil every desired end.

I have, &e. |

(Sd.) H. F. Buanrorp,

Secy. Asiatic Society.

No. 7622.

Krom BH. C. Bayutry, Esq., Secy. to the Govt. of India, To H. F.

BuaNForD, Esq., Secy. to the Asiatic Scciety of Bengal.

Dated Fort William, the 5th Dec., 1863.

Home Department.

Sir,—I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter No.

489, dated the 6th ultimo, intimating that the Council of the Asiatic

Society are prepared to accede to the suggestions offered to them with

egard to the management of the new museum, and to waive any

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. 81

claim of exclusive privilege for the members of the Society ; but that

they cannot consent to transfer the Society’s library to Government.

2. In reply I am directed to state that the Governor-General in

Council has no wish to press upon the Society the proposed moditica-

tions of Rules X. and XIII., to which your letter expresses such

strong objections, and that the alterations in Rules IT. and V., which

have been accepted by the Council, are considered by his Excellency

in Council satisfactorily to have cleared the way to a definite conclu-

sion of the negotiations pending between Government and the Society.

I have, &e.

(Sd.) E. C. Bayrzy, =

Secy. to the Govt. of India. |

After the correspondence had been read by the Secretary, it was pro-

posed by Dr. Oldham, seconded by Mr. Atkinson, and carried—

“That the present meeting desire to impress on the Society at large

the propriety of authorising the Council of the Society to enter into a

definite and conclusive arrangements with the Government of India.

relative to the transfer of the Society’s museum, in accordance with

the terms of the correspondence now read.

“That the Council be requested to forward a copy of the whole a

correspondence to the members of the Society at large, and that the |

ordinary meeting in March be made special for the purpose of deciding

this matter, in accordance with No. 43 of the Bye-laws.” |

The Secretary read the following letter from Captain Ralph Ouseley | |

to the address of the President, on some ancient localities in the

Fyzabad district :—

“JT am at work near the ruins of an old town named Uldemow.

Tradition says it belonged to the “ Bhurs,” and was destroyed many

hundreds of years ago. J went a few days ago to see the ruins of : of

what is supposed to have been a fort, and also the remains of an old :

temple. The town was situated on the banks of the Goomtee about |

twenty miles below Sultanpore, and opposite the fort; there is a d

masonry dam below the water right across the river ;—the natives

declare that it is neither more nor less than the roof of a tunnel

which runs below the river bed. If I go there again I intend to

make farther enquiries on this point. I ascertained in conversation

ani with some of my native friends that cois are very often picked up

ARNIS ee) ae ied sr ice ad

Pe ee .

a. SSE Pnenehs meneie a

89 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. | No. 1,

about the ruins, and I managed, through the influence of a very

learned Pundit here resident, to obtain a few, and I am sending yoy

by registered letter dak to-day four; one silver modern one which

does not belong to these parts, but which some one had by him. ff

is said to be a Bhootan coin, coined in the present King of N epal’s

reion. The other three coins are copper—one, a Mahomedan one,

bears the date 1021, supposed to be Hegira, and therefore about 260

years old. The other two neither Hindoos nor Mahomedans can

read. The most learned pundits are at fault, but say that the

characters are like Chinese, and so they appear to me. If these coing

prove any addition to your collection, I will try and get some more,”

The following extract from a letter from Baboo Rungolal Banerjea

was also read :—

“T have also seen a copper-plate inscribed on both sides and bearing

the record of a grant of land by Rajah Purusottama Deo of Orissa.

It is now in the possession of an old man of eighty years, the Bhufiya

of Goapadha. He values it very highly, and cannot be prevailed

upon to part with it. I have, however, managed to get a transcript,

which I enclose. You will perceive from it that, though an Ooria

document, it was executed in Bengal; a part of which was at one time

held in sovereignty by the Kings of Orissa. The donor, Purusottama

Deo of the Surajvansa dynasty, who, according to Stirling, reigned

from 1478 to 1503, A. D., died in Bengal on the banks of the

Bhagirutee, probably near Triveni, where the grant was made on the

oceasion of an eclipse. The record names the Ganges (Gunga

- Garbha) but, of course, it means the Hooghly, for you know that was

the old bed of the Ganges; and what is now called by that name by

Englishmen has no sanctity, and owes its present volume to a shifting

of the ever-changing river. The date of the document is Monday,

the 10th of Baisakha in the year 25 of the Rajah’s reign, which will

be equal to 1501, or a little before his death. The Rajah was a great

patron of Chaitanya Deva, whose religion he adopted; and it was

probably to visit the birth-place of that reformer that he came to

Bengal; for there is no mention anywhere of his ever having entered

the country as a conqueror, although Stirling gives a long account of

his military successes in Conjeveram. His calling himselt “ Lord of

Gauda’’ I take to be of no better import than the name of France m

the BR. FR. ef HIB. REX of the coins of Queen Anne and the first

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. 83

two Georges. The Nava Koti (nine forts) alluded to in the record

refers to some of the baronial castles of the Tributary Mehals, but I

cannot ascertain which of them. |

“The subject of the grant was the village of Purusottomapura, in

the district of Balasore, close to Bastah. It was at the time of gift

largely inhabited by Brahmins; hence the distinctive title of Sasana

Bhunwt. The donee was a Brahmin of the name of Poteswara Bhatta,

whose descendants still own it, though they are no longer Brahmins.

During the supremacy of the Pathans two brothers quarreiled about

their patrimony, and to secure the good graces of the Moslem

Governor, one of them embraced the religion of the Keran, to which

his descendants still adhere. The ladies of the family, however,

notwithstanding their nominal allegiance to Mahomed, continue

Brahminical in their habits and mode of life, and the household gods

and the fire altar may still be seen in the family homestead. The

plate, which is in a good state of preservation, is shaped like a

Kangura, and has the deed of gift inscribed on one side, and the

imprecatory verses on the other.

OBVERSE.

HaAIQICTaR! GQ sega cCaleadgQ ageanis

PEISSINRN FPCMAUQ MIARCA SACHS ARIASIGR Calcoag

QS DIP EAP OG) D8 Igy CAGQ %o Qe CAINGIQ ACI

HICM SIGSICE JOSIASAYIN AAVAS AIGSgiog g@ Cag

YRARGCA CQI| GRUP QOIAA ESA INO QA CQ} II

REVERSE.

AIGSaL II Algedocdas |

AISQAIAT ISQualady AHISEAee |!

IIDS|IAQIl> FI] FIQQVSe QQCTS |

GASAIQIIANIIAS QIGCOQ |!

SAGHESSOIM8 Elavslo AA8 II

TRANSLATION OF THE INSCRIPTION.

“Salutation to the auspicious Jayadurga. This is a deed* of gift

of the great hero, the fortunate Lord of Elephants (Gajapati) the

* The word patta is used in the text, but a pottuh is never granted for rent«

free land, and the word therefore must be taken here for simply a ‘ deed,’

M 2

94, Proceedings of the Asiatic Socvety. [No. 1,

Lord of Gauda, Navakoti, Karnata, and Utkala, the auspicious

Mahér4j4 Purusottama Deva to Poteswara Bhatta—

“On Monday, the 10th of Aries (Batsdkha) in the year 25 U* op

the occasion of an eclipse, I, while in the bed of the river Ganges, do

present to you the Brahmin-inhabited village of Purusottamapura

with all its appurtenances, waters, gardens, and fields, that you and

your heirs may enjoy the same as long as the sun and moon will last,

« As long as the sun and moon will run their course, and as long as

the earth shall last, for even so long may the gilt of mine of fruitful

land last (with you). Whoever robs a Brahmin of his land, whether

the same be his gift or that of others, shall be born a maggot in

ordure for the period of 60,000 years. Sri Madanagopala Sarmana.+

My marks, “ figures of a conch, a dagger and a sword.”

Communications were received—

1. From the Assistant Secretary to the Government of Bengal,

copy of a report from the Executive Engineer of the Tirhoot division,

on the subject of the saline matter which pervades the surface soil of

that district.

2. From Lieutenant-Colonel J. Abbott, a letter containing a de-

scription of the elephant statues recently exhumed at the Delhi palace.

3. From Dr. F. E. Hall, a letter containing a reply to the remarks

made by Baboo Rajendralal Mitra on an article published by him in

the Society’s Journal for 1861 entitled, “ ‘The Inscription of Erikaine

now Eran, re-deciphered and re-translated.”’ |

4. From Baboo Gopinauth Sen, abstract of the hourly meteorologi-

cal observations taken at the Surveyor General’s office in October last.

5. From Baboo Rajendralal Mitra, “On the ruins of Buddha Gya.”

The Baboo read the above paper, and. the thanks of the meeting

were voted to him on the motion of the President.

6. From the Military Secretary to his Excellency the Governor-

General, a note on the Didunculus Strigirostris with photograph, being

an extract from a New South Wales paper.

7. From the President, a note on a coin of the new Bactrian King

Theophilos.

* The letter U evidently stands for Utkala, and the question is, was there

ever an Utkala era?

t The word in the original is clearly Saranam, but I take it to be a misscript,

for it is not at all likely that the donor should think of invoking the god

Madanagopala at the end of the document. The place is where the minister of

Mohapatra should sign ; and I take the name to be of such an officer

: OI IN ny A OES a than ape eile ip A A PE

Proceedings of the Asiatic Soevety.

1864. ]

—— 7 - ? - —— Ty .

5 i Sschrsea 7 a sa neers Ue eLAD ata ete EN ee oe ee ee ee ae on ene tr oe rs ‘ on, ete eee sl te, ansanense

| : i yin edit ecenpt ty mente

ABSTRACT STATEMENT

THH YEAR 1863.

RECEIPTS AND DISBURSEMENTS

ASIATIC SOCIETY,

FOR

\ > 1 » > zs ~ —" ——

wa . ; { - . . mt _—" ee +

= : , ° - ». ~~ oat =

TES

S6 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. No. 1

STATEMENT

Abstract of the Cash Account

LOLOL LILI II IID

RECEIPTS.

1863. 1862,

ApMIssIon Inxs.

Received from New Members, Rs. 1,792 0 O

——__—————. 1,792 0 0 1,600 0 9

CONTRIBUTIONS.

Received from Members, eee Bice 8,

= le 9

JOURNAL.

Sale proceeds of, and subscriptions

to the Journal of the Asiatic

Society, Ss ‘a 605) pic 0

Refund of Postage Stamps, : 5 14 0

Discount on ditto, ... = 0-6-8

— 611 5 3 537 8 0

LIBRARY.

Sale proceeds of Books, .. 9365 12 O

Refund of Freight, .., lies 23 O OU

388 12 0 521 0 0

MusEvM.

Received from the General Trea-

SUIY, ... is ... 6,000 O O

Savings of Salary, ... eee 3112 6

= 6 81-19-65 21k

SECRETARY'S OFFICE.

Sale of Postage Stamps, te 612 0

Discount on ditto, ... Fe t= 9

Fine, ... ere ae 0 8 0

Refund of Postage, ... ens 111 0

10 11 9 6 3 0

VEstTep Funp. |

Sale proceeds of Government Se-

curities, ae we 9,000 0 O

Interest on ditto, ... Bae = ees

Premium on the sale of ditte, ... 360 0 O

5,494 1 8 245 0 0

Messrs. WILLIAMS AND NorRGATE.

Received from them, as per order

in favor of Mr. E. Blyth on

account of his salary, as per their

letter, dated 9th July, 1863, ... 900 O 0

Ditto ditto as per ditto, dated

26th Sept, 1863, ... .. 320 0 O

—_—_— ——. 1,225 0 0

Gee Se EE TY

Carried over,... 22,691 13 11

aight ora RTE TE PCTS OD ESE

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 87

No. 1.

of the Asiatic Society, for 1863.

DISBURSEMENTS.

1863.

JOURNAL.

Printing Charges, including paper, 3,072 11 0

Freight,... “eo lon 4

Purchasing Postage Stamps, = 55 3 6

Packing Charges, ... os 20 8 O

Charges for prepaTing Litho-

ovaphs, ro = 0

Charges for Engravi ing and Print-

ing of Plates, ; se 83 8 O

A Blank Record Book, Bas 3 8 O

Commission on the Sale of Books, 13 3 10

Purchase of a Copy of Journal, No.

ITI. of 1862, a ie 2 0 O

Preparing a Photograph, 70 15 0 O

Petty Charges, ens yes 1

LIBRARY.

Salary of the Librarian, we 470 0-0

Establishment, =e sae 84 0 O

Purchase of Books, ... mo ol2= 00

Book-Binding, ae we = 202 12-0

Books Cleaning, = aS 42 O O

Commission on Galo of Books, ... 39 8 Il

Printing Charges, ... : al O O

Paid fae a Teakwood Book Case,... 246 O O

Banghy Expenses, ... ie 1-3-0

Landing Charges, ... ve 5 8 O

Purchased 44 Stone Bottoms for

the Book Cases, ... ae 22 0 O

Paid Ticket writer for Labelling |

Photographic Album Books, ... 27 «5 A

Petty Charges, =e a 14 4 3

MuUsEUM.

Salary of the Curator, E. Blyth,

Esq. at Rs 250 per month, for

12 months, from Dec. 1862 to

Nov. 18638, a 0 000= OH 0

His House- oan for half month, in

Dec 1862, a oe 40 0 0

Paid Income Tax on Mr. Blyth’s

Salary, =e UE 8-0

Carried over,... ...

LPL LLL LP OPO PS AOL PLP WSOP tA LA SP A LA

1862.

3,596 15 4 3,128 15 0

1,857 14 6 2698 1 3

0,464 13 10

88. Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

RECEIPTS.

Brought over,...Rs. 22,691 13 11

DEPOSIT.

Lt. J. Johnstone, ... a 18 0 O

Capt. J. P. Basevi, ... sis 18 0 O

EK. G. Glazier, Esq.,... Se 18 O O

Quazee Abdool Quodoos, a 5 10 O

V. Irwin, Esq., es yas 18.0 0

Dr. Bhau Dajee, _... Se 42 0 O

Babu Nobin Chunder Roy, ee 4 11 O

Major J. T. Walker, e. 24 0 O

F. Fedden, Esq., _... Se 220) 0:

R. A. Sremdale. Esq., 3 12 O O

A. H. Russell, Hisq.,... ae 4 O O

J. Stephenson, Hsq., See 206 0 O

Lt.-Col. A. Phayre, 88 0 0

Babu Brojendra Gopal Pal Chow-

GUVs Ses Se 2 3 0

EK. Blyth, Esq., se 070 20-0

W. T. Dodsworth, Esq., ese 6===-0

YT. H. Thornton, Hsq., ais 16 0 O

C. Campbell, Esq., ... aa 6 0 0

T’. B. Lane, Esq... fan 36 0 O

Baboo Munphool Pundit, ape SO eet)

Capt. Raverty, Ge mee 7 4 0

Capt. F. B. Norman,... Si 4 0 0

Major J. J. M. Innes, sar 122 Un 0)

1,082 12 0

MiIscELLANEOUS.

Refund of the amount paid to Mr.

A. M. Cameron through Major

J.T. Walker, oe a: 50 0 O

Sa 50 0 0

BaLancE oF 1862,

Bank of Bengal, (EVR oe 8,

Cash in hand, 78 5 6

835 14 3

Inefficient Balance, .., wa gcd =o 62 1 Ie 9

DSceetecinececmen “Caeometncme acute te

Carried over, 25,937 11 8

[No. 1,

221 8 6

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 89

DISBURSEMENTS.

Brought over,...Rs. 5,454 13 10

Paid Mr. E. Blyth on account of

preparing Mammalia Catalogue, 250 0 O

Printing 124 pages, of 200 copies

of Catalogue of Mammalia, ... 254 0 0

Salary of the Sub-Curator, at Rs.

100 per month, for 11 months, 1,100 0 0

Establishment, a a 00 6 0

Extra Taxidermists’ Bulary, —.., G38 6- 9

Paid Passage-money for a Taxider-

mist to Burmah, ae ioe 50 0 O

Contingent Charges,... .. 645 16 8

Lithographing and printing Char-

ges including paper, = 80 8 O

Charges for Labelling Tickets of

Fossil Shells, ees oe 19 O Q

Matting the Bird Rooms with

Zinc Sheets, ee Se 98 5 6

Repair of old Mats, = 6 0 0

Freight, Ses se 78 12 O

Purchase of Skeletons, oe U0

A Teakwood Case for keeping

Birds’ Eggs, ... = 50 0 JO

T'wo ditto @nadcamana Cases, at

300 Rs. .. 600 0 O

A ditto working Cabinet; oe 50 O O

A ditto Wietearite Case, ta. ool 0

Purchased 32 Stone Bottoms for

the Quadrumana Cases, 16 0 O

A Blank Book, are Ae 6 8 JO

—.—_-—— 8,469 3 11 6,192 0 0

SECRETARY'S OFFICE.

General Establishment, san 1028-20)

Secretary’s Office Establishment, 858 O O

Purchase of Postage Stamps, ... 92 O 6

A Sheet Almanac for 1863, =n 1 8 O

Printing Charges, ... rae ld 80

Lithographing Charges, ee 6 0 0

Two Blank Books, ses 16 4 O

Stationery, oa = 109 7 6

Postage, pes =z 4.15 3

Petty Charges, =F ~., 10-14 3

——_———— 2,047 1 6 1,979 3 3

VeEstep Funp.

Paid Commission upon Interest on

the Government Securities, ... 12 12 11

Ditto Income Tax on ditto, se 0 7 5

Ditto discount on the sale pro-

ceeds of Govt. Securities, ae 010 O

Ditto fee for renewing Government

Securities, = SF 2 0 0

—_—-—._15 14 4 5 6

en ee rer

Carried over,,.. 15,987 1 7

: ees te Te a Sn 9 Berne gin set Seer gr 3 eee

a = -

— ae Sint eer oe ee

Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [No. 1,

RECEIPTS.

Brought over, ,..Rs. 25,937 11 8

Carried over, 25,937 11 8&8

1864. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic

DISBURSEMENTS.

Society.

Brought over,...Rs. 15,987 1 7

Mazssrs, Wintiams anp NorGaTE.

Paid their draft in favor of the

Bank of Bengal, on account

current, ... ... 2,000 O O

Purchase of 3 Copies of Mr.

Laing’s Lectures for them, _... 3 0

DEPosITt.

Quazee Abdool Quodoos, = 5 10

Major J. T. Walker, vos 24 O

Narranjee Tricumjee, Esq., _.... 1 14

Lieut.-Col. A. Phayre, Se 36 O

F. Fedden, Esq., ... ie 22 O

W. T. Dodsworth, Esq., = 18 O

K. Blyth, Esq., ae Ofo—0

Lieut. 0 J. Abbott, 7

Lieut. J. Johnstone, mae 18

E. G. Glazier, Esq., pes 18

V. Irwin, Esgq., ae aa 18

Major J. J. M. Innes, oF 12

R. A. Sterndale Esq.,

J. Stephenson Esq,...

T. H. Thornton, Esq.,

T. B. Lane, Esq., ... as 12

Dr. Bhau Dajee, _... ay 18

Capt. Raverty, oe Ze 7

Capt. J. P. Basevi, ...

C. Campbell, Esq., ...

oooooo°o.+so OO OOO O.O SOO 2

CcOoROCOCOOOSOON

Coin Funp.

Paid Banghy Charges, sai 3 12 O

Ditto Petty Charges, aie 210 6

BUILDING.

Assessment, a ae

Ditto for Lighting, . ae a F200,

Repairs of the Premises, Zas 61 4 3

MIscELLANEOUS.

Advertising Charges, a Ja12 0

Meeting Charges, ee =. =168--9 6

Wages of a Ticca Mally, = 57 0 0

Purchasing Receipt Stamps, __.... 5 O O

A Clock Winder, =e =e 5 0 O

Repair of a Carpet, . 10 O O

Copying Charges of “Arthava veda

Brahmana for the American

Oriental Society. ... os 13 7 9

Repair of Old Mats, Sc 228-0)

2,003 O O

959 3 O

6 6 6

425 12 3

Carried over,...19,381 7 4

N 2

657 0 O

572 13 6

380 O O

Pe oe - PASS epee =

; : as aaa PE Re i Or nye Sere ge 50) Seer ge 2 ve te : ' — Se a) ee ee ee id

92 Proceedings of the Asiatre Society.

RECEIPTS.

Brought over, ... 25,937 11 8

Co.’s Rupees,... 25,937 11 8

Examined.

Lateorat Dorr,

i Assisiant Secretary,

Asiatic Society's Rooms, .

The 31st December, 1863. :

SCP i A I ee, ingots

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. | 93°

DISBURSEMENTS. a

Brought over,...Rs. 19,381 7 4 :

Paid. Mr. A. M. Cameron as per =

Council order, dated 26th June,

1863, ... sig ee 50 O 0

Ditto fee to the Bank of Bengal,

for Stamping Cheques, = p20

Petty Charges, Ae a 28-0 9

—— 35015 O 302 5 9

BALANCE,

Bank of Bengal, :

On account Vested

Fund, 0,060 0 O

Do. Current Fund, 249 13 1 5,609 13 1 7

Cash in hand, = ? «104 6 =a j

Inefficient Balance, ,,, ..- AOL 20 63205 5 4, :

Ces Re 25087211 8 aa

W. L. Heetey, |

Secretary, As. Society.

94 Preceedings of the Asiatie Socvrety.

[No. 1,

STATEMENT

Abstract of the Oriental

LPDDPLIIOTF

RECEIPTS.

1863.

ORIENTAL PUBLICATIONS. .

Received by Sale of Bibliotheca

Indica, Rs. 1,610 15 0O

Ditto by Subscription to ditto, ... 158 2 0

Ditto by Sale of White Yajur Veda, 151 10 O

Refund of Postage Stamps, nee 7 6 0

GOVERNMENT ALLOWANCE.

Received from the General Trea-

sury at 500 Ks. per month, 12

months, re ... 6,000 0 O

——__—_——-———- 6,000

Vestep F'unp.

Received by Sale of Government

Securities, ia ol -O 0

Ditto Interest on ditto Gutta sec coe: ek 8

Ditto Pemium on ditto ditto, ... 540 O O

—— 10,302

Custopy OF ORIENTAL Works.

Savings and Establishment, ... Z 8-0

(ae nt 2

DEPOSIT.

Rao Saheb Vishwanath Narayan

Mandlick, ap 25 0 O

Pundit Gopeenath Nagar, vas 145 0 O

—— 40

_ BaLANcE oF 1862.

Bank of Bengal, ... 587 4 2

Cash in hand, Pane elo

539 12 10

Inefficient Balance, ... .. 1,614 8 6

mm —— 2,154

Cane

Carried over,... 20,427 0

SL EE Ye es

1862,

0 1,193 9 0

0 6,000 0 0

9 440 0 0

Oe = 1e 08

IRANI PPP LAL APPLIAN AN ny

1264.) Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

| No. 2.

Ta 8 1863.

DISBURSEMENTS.

1863

ORIENTAL PUBLICATIONS.

Commission on Sale of Books, Rs. 188 2 8

Freight,... a a 108 12-0

Packing Charges, ... ae 24 9 O

Purchase of Postage Stamps, ... 14 O O

. A Blank Book, si 4 0 0

, Printing and Lithographing 500

Subn. Bills for the Bibliotheca

Indica, = ae 5 8 O

Petty Charges, aa se 125 3

Vestep Funp.

Commission upon Interest on Go-

vernment Securities, soe 0 8 10

Ditto on Sale of Government Secu-

rities,... : ee 23 12 0

Discount on ditto ditto, = A 6 2

Paid Fee for renewing a Govern-

ment Security, ... ae I 0 O

Ditto Income Tax upon Interest

on Government Securities, ... 1 10 10

Custopy oF ORIENTAL WoRKSs.

Salary of Librarian, ... .. 30 O O

Establishment, sua a 96 0 O

Book-Binding, 25 ac ole 0 8

Books Cleaning, ... = 66 10 0

Banghy Expenses, ... - 912 0

Salary of a Ticca Duftory, se 49 5 3

Stamp-fee paid to the Bank of

Bengal, re se: I 9-0

Two Blank Books, ... 712 0

52 Stone Bottoms for Book Cases, 26 0 O

Petty Charges, a5 mc 113 0

DEPOSIT.

Pundit Gopeenath Nagar, oe [ae 02-0

LIBRARY. |

Purchase of Books, ... a 98 6 O

Coryine Mss.

Copying Charges, re 44 5 0

VEDANTA SUTRAS.

Editing Charges, ... sa «(004-0 0)

Printing ditto, = ae lO ee)

Carried over

see ey

Soee

nate

SISA NPONSI LOLI INL NL SS IIS AINSI NL SIL NSS

307 4 6

31 5-10

g00 13 3

16 0 0

98 6 0

44 5 0

2394 2 6

3,631 4 7

957

1862.

220 15 Q

9 13 -9

773 1 O

4] 13 Q

li4 9 9

675 4 O

96 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

RECEIPTS.

Brought over,,..Rs. 20,427 0 1

Co.’s Rs.,... 20,427 Q 1k

Examined.

Lateoran Dvr,

Assistant Secretary.

Asiatic Suciety’s Rooms,

Tie 31st December, 1863.

a aS

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 97

DISBURSEMENTS.

Brought over,...Rs. 3,631 4 7 i

Ka’VYA'DARS A, |

Editing Charges, ... i. 460 0 O

Printing ditto, ee .. 1,084 0 O

| 1,544 0 O

SANKHYA APHORISMS OF Kaprna (Translation.)

Printing Charges, ... .. 242 0 0

ae 242 O 0 :

SANHITA OF THE Brack YasuR VEDA.

Editing Charges, ... i 60 0 0

* Printing Charges, ... .. 448 0 0

508 0 O 224 0 O

TaITTIRI' YA Bra’HMANA. =

Editing Charges, ... .., 1,989 0 O =

Printing ditto, ee «716 0 0

—— 2905 0 0 :

Marrr1 UPpAaNiIsHap, 3

Editing Charges, ... a. 120 0-0 aa

Printing ditto, — . 448 0-0

: —_—_——._ 568 0 90

Su'RYA SIDDHA‘NTA.

Compiling 21 pages of the Index

to ditto, se — 32 0 0

32 0 O

Na’rapa Pancua Ra’rRa. '

Charges for assistance in editing

ditto, aa See 35 0 O ;

30 0 0 542 12 O ; ;

TABAKTA’I NASTRI. ’

Editing and Printing Charges, ... 584 0 0O

—— 0984 0 0

Ka’ MANDAKI.

Printing Charges, ... oc. 229 10-0

7 a——————- 129 10 0 140 0 0

LALITA VISTARA.

Printing Charges, ... +» sas 8 O

———_——-_- 233 8 0

PRA’ KRITA VYA’KARANA.

Printing Charges, ... .. 442 4 0

—— 442 4 9

SIDDHA’NTA SIROMANT.

Printing Charges for the Index,... 54 12 0

cect cen 64 12 0 214 8 @

BALANCE.

In the Bank of Bengal, 9,451 4 1

Cash in hand, ae 413 1)

——-9 456 2 0

Inefficient Balance, ... ae 61 7 6

—— 9517 9 6

Co,’s Rs.,.. 20,427 1

a W. L. Heeury,

Secretary, As. Society |

——————EE——— a

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1864.

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1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 101

LIST OF ORDINARY MEMBERS.

The * distinguishes Non-Subscribing and the + Non-Resident Members.

Date of Election.

1847 June 2./fAbbott, Lieut.-Col. J., Artillery. Umballa.

1860 Dee. 5.) Abdool Luteef, Khan Bahadur, Mau-

| lavi. Calcutta.

1860 July 4./*Ahmed, Saiéd, Khan Bahadur. Ghazipore.

1862 April 2.| Aitchison, C. U. Esq., C.S. Calcutta.

1862 April 4.)fAitchison, J. E. T. Esq., M. D. Lahore.

1859 Feb. 2)|*Alabaster, C. Esq. China.

1852 July 7.|*Allen, C. Esq., B. C.S. Europe.

1860 Oct. 3.) Amir Ali, Khan, Munshi. Calcutta.

1843 Sept. 4.)*Anderson, Lieut.-Col. W., Bengal

Artillery. Europe.

1861 May 1.} Anderson, T. Esq. M. D., F. L. S.,

Royal Bot. Garden. Calcutta.

1860 Nov. 7./;Anley, W. A. D. Esq. Allahabad.

1862 Oct. 8.| Apurva Krishna, Rajah Bahadur. Calcutta.

1859 Oct. 12.; Archer, Dr. C. Calcutta.

1&61 Sept. 4.| Asghur Ali, Khan Bahadur, Nawab. | Calcutta.

1861 July 3./*Asphar, J. J. T. H. Esq. Kurope.

1860 Mar. 7.| Atkinson, Lieut.-Col. F. D. Calcutta.

1855 July 4.| Atkinson, W.S. Esq., M. A., F.L.8. | Calcutta.

1861 Feb. 6./fAusten, Capt. H. H. G., H. M.’s 24

| Foot, Surv. Genl.’s Dept. Dehra Dhoon.

1826 Sept. 6.) Avdall, J. Esq. Calcutta.

1835 Oct. 7.|*Baker, Col. W. E., Bengal Engineers. Europe.

1860 Nov. 7.| Banerjea, Rev. K. M. Caleutta.

1861 Mar. 6.)/Barnes, C. H. Esq, Bhagulpore.

1862 Aug. 6.)*Basevi, Capt. J. P., Bengal Engineers. EKurope.

1860 July 4./+Batten, G. H. M. Esq., B. C. 8. Allahabad.

1888 Jan. 3.\fBatten, J. H. Esq., B. C.S. Agra.

1859 May 4.| Bayley, E. C. Esq., B. C. S. Calcutta,

102 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 1,

Seer hoh ee ee eee ee

1861 Feb. 6.| Bayley, S. C. Hsq., B. C. 8. Calcutta.

1849 June 6.| Beadon, Hon’ble C., B. C.S. Calcutta.

1841 April 7.| Beaufort, F. L. Esq., B. CS. Calcutta,

1861 Sept. 4.*Beavan, Lieut. R, C., late 62nd B. N. I. | Hurope.

1847 Aug. 4.,/* Beckwith, J. Hsq. Hurope.

4830 Sept. 1.)*Benson, Lieut.-Col. R. Hurope.

1862 Dee. 3.\+Bernard, C. EK. Esq. Nagpore.

1862 Aug. 6. +Beverley, H. Esq., C. S. Darjiling,

1862 June 4./+Bhau Daj, Dr. Bombay.

1862 July 2.) Bhola Nath Mullick, Babu. Calcutta.

1840 July 15.|*Birch, Major-General Sir R. J. H,

K. C. B. Hurope.

1846 Mar. 4./*Blagrave, Major T. C., 26th Regt.,

B. N. I. Hurope.

1859 Sept. 7.| Blane, Lient.-Col. 8. J. Calcutta.

1857 Mar, 4.| Blanford, H. F.Esq.,A.R.S. M., F.G.S.|Calcutta.

1859 Aug. 3./*Blanford, W.T.Hsq.,A.R.S. M.,F.G.S. |

Geol. Survey. Bombay.

1857 Aug. 2.|*Bogle, Lieut.-Col. Sir A., Kt. _|Europe.

1859 Aug. 3.| Bolie Chand Sing, Babu. i Calcutta.

1861 Mar. 6.| Boulnois, C. Esq., B. A. Calcutta.

1859 Oct. 12.)+Bowring, L. B. Hsq., B. C. S. Mysore.

1854 Nov. 1./*Boyeott, Dr. T., B. M.S. Europe.

1860 Mar. 7.|/7Brandis, Dr. D. Rangoon.

1860 Oct. 3.|*Brandreth, J. EH. L. Esq. Hurope.

1862 Jan. 15.\7Briggs, Major D. Assam.

1847 June 2.|*Brodie, Capt..T., 5th Regt., B. N. I. |Hurope.

1860 Nov. 7.\;Browne, Capt. Horace A. — Rangoon.

1860 Mar. 7.) Browne, Rev. J. Cave, M. A. Calcutta.

1863 Aug. 5./(Bunkim Chunder Chatterjea, B. A. |hoolneah.

1860 July 4./;Bunsput Sinha, Rajah. Allahabad. ,

1856 Sept. 8.| Busheerooddin, Sultan Mohammad. — | Chinsurah. |

1860 July 4.\;Byrne, L. F. Esq., C. E. Lahore. |

1859 April 6.| Calcutta, Right Rev. Lord Bishop of, |Calcutta.

1860 June 6./;Campbell, C. J. Hsq., C. EH. Delhi.

1859 Sept. 7.|*Campbell, Dr. A. Hurepe.

1863 June 8.| Campbell, Hon'ble G. Calcutta.

1860 Jan. 4.\*Carnac, J. H Rivett, Esq., B. C. 8S. |Nagpore.

1856 Sept. 3.| Chapman, R. B. Esq., B. C. 5. Calcutta.

1860 Oct. 3.\/fChristian, J. Hisq. Monghyy.

1863 Aug. 5.|/7fChunder Nath Roy, Cowar. Nattore.

1863 June 3.\+Chunder Sekur Roy, Rajah. Julpigori.

1863 April 1.;7Cleghorn, Dr. H., Conservator of For- :

ests. Lahore.

1863 June 3.\*Clementson, EK. W. Esq. Moulmein.

+Cockburn, J. F. Esq., C. E. Kurhurbari

Colliery.

1862 April 2./;Colles, J. A. P, Esq., M. D. _ |Peshawur.

1861-Sept. 4.

1864.] Proceedings of the Asiatie Socvety. . 103

~ Date of Election.

1851 Mar. 5.|*Colvin, J. H. B. Esq., B. C. 8. Europe.

1860 Dee. 5./;Cooper, F. H. Esq., B. C. S. Dethi.

1857 Mar. 4.| Cowell, E. B. Esq., M. A. Caleutta.

1861 July 3.|*Crockett, Oliver R. Esq. China.

1862 April 2.);Dalrymple, F. A. E. Esq., C. S. Chittagong.

1847 June 2./+Dalton, Lieut.-Col. E. T., 9th Regt. |Chota Nag-

BLN. pore.

1861 Mar. 6.|+Davey, N. T. Esq., Revenue Survey. |Sylhet.

1361 Sept. 4.| Davidson, Capt. E., Bengal Engineers.|Calcutta.

1s61 Nov. 6.\*Davies, R. H. Esq., B. C. S. Hrurope.

1856 June 4./fDeBourbel, Major R., Bengal Eners. |Allahabad.

1861 June 5.| Denison, His Excellency Sir W., K.C.B.|Calcutta.

1863 Feb. 4./fDeo Narain Sing, The Hon’ble Rajah. |Benares.

1868 June 3./;Depree, Capt. G. C., Royal Artillery. |Chota Nag-

ore. a

1861 Mar. 6.|*Devereux, Hon’ble H. B., B. C. S. lhvone! = :

1862 May 7./+Dhunpati Sinha Dooghur, Babu. Moorshedabad. =|

1858 Sept. 7.) Dickens, Lieut.-Col. C. H, Calcutta. |

1863 Oct. 7.| Dickens, Major A. D. Calcutta. af

1863 Dee. 2.) Dickens, T. Esq. Calcutta. ‘@

1860 Nov. 7.| Digumber Mitra, Babu. Calcutta. ot

1861 Jan. 9.) Dodsworth, W. T. Esq. Meerut. 4

1859 Sept. 7.| Douglas, Lieut.-Col. C. Calcutta. : . a

1854 July 5./;Drummond, Hon’ble E., B. C. S. Allahabad. a

1863 Nov. 4.) Duff, W. P. Esq. Calcutta. =|

1861 Feb. 6.)7Duhan, H. Hsq., G. T. Survey. Dehra Dhoon. : a

1860 Jan. 4.|*Duka, Dr. T. | Europe. a

1861 May 1.|*Harle, Capt. E. L., Bengal Artillery. |Kurnal. at

1857 May 6.|*Eatwell, Dr. W. C. B. Europe. 4

1840 Oct. 7./*Edgeworth, M. P. Esq., B. C. 8. Europe. at

1863 Mar. 4.\+Eden, Hon’ble A. Bhootan. eI

1863 May 6.\+Edgar, W. Esq., B. C. 8. Dacca. a

1859 May 4.|*Edmonstone, Hon’ble G. F., B. C. S. Hurope. at

1846 Jan. 7./*Elliott, Hon’ble Walter, M. C.S. — /Europe. 4

1859 Nov. 2./+Hlliott, C. A. Esq., B. C. S. Hoshungabad. 4

1863 April 1.| Ellis, Hon’ble R. S., C. B. C. S., Calcutta, af

1856 Mar. 5.)*Hilis, Lieut.-Col. R. R. W., 28rd Regt. a

B. N. I. Europe. |

1854 Nov. 1./fElphinstone, Capt. N. W. 4th Regt. a]

B. N. I. Jullundur. al

1861 Jan. 9,|+Erskine, Hon’ble C. J., B. GC. S. Bombay. aL

1856 Aug. 6.|*Hrskine, Major W. C., C. B. Europe. ze

1863 Oct. 7.) Ewart, Dr. J. Calcutta, a

1862 Aug. 6.|*Eyre, Col. Vincent, C. B. Hurope. :

1851 May 7.| Fayrer, Dr. J., B. M.S. Yaleutta,

{

mee

Pas

oes

104

“Date of Election.

1863 Jan. 15./;Fedden, Francis, Hsq., Geol. Survey. |Bassein,

1859 Oct. 12.) Fisher, A. Esq.

1860 Mar..

1861 Feb.

1863 Dee.

1863 June

13860 Jan.

1860 Mar.

1861 Sept.

1859 Oct.

1859 Dee.

1849 Sept.

1859 Sept.

1859 Aug.

1859 Sept.

1842 Sept.

1862 Apyril

1859 Sept.

1862 July

1860 Sept.

— 1862 Feb.

1840 Sept.

1863 Nov.

1860 July

1859 Dee.

1860 Jan.

1860 July

1861 Sept.

1860 Nov.

1849 Aug.

1861 Feb.

1860 Dee.

1862 Feb.

1847 June

1860 May

1863 June

1855 Mar.

1828 Nov.

1847 May ,

1859 Oct.

1863 Mar.

1862 Oct.

12.

NN AK PNASANAR BOOED

Proceedings of the Asiatie Sectety.

.| Fitzwilliam, Hon’ble W. S.

A,,

12.

jtFytche, Lieut.-Col. A., 70th Regt.

+Forrest, R. Esq., Civil Engineer.

+Forsyth, J. Esq.

+Forsyth, T. D. Esq., C. B.

*Fraser, Capt. A.

+Frere, His Excellency Sir H. Bartle,

KhaGs Ba sBbeC 8,

tFuller, Capt. A. R.

*Furlong, Capt. J. G. R.

Futteh Ah, Maulavi.

B. N. I.

*Gardener, D. M. Esq., B. C. S.

Gastrell, Lieut.-Col. J. H., 18th Regt.

N. I., Rev. Survey.

Geoghegan, J. Esq., B. C. S.

*Gladstone, W. Esq.

+Glazier, HE. G. Esq., C. S.

Goodeve, E. Esq., M. D.

*Gordon, J. D. Hsq., C. S.

+Goss, W. Forbes, Esq.

+Gourdoss Bysack, Babu.

Govin Chunder Sen, Babu.

*Gowan, Major J. G.

Grant, J. P. Esq. Jr., B. C.S.

*Grant, Sir J. P., K. C. B.

Grant, T. R. Esq.,

Grey, Hon’bie W., B. C.S.

Griffin, L. Esq., B. C. S.

*Griffith, R. T. H. Esq. :

Grote, A. Esq., B. C.S., F. L. 8.

*Growse, F. 8. Esq., B. C.S.

*Guru Churn Doss, Babu.

Guthrie, Col. C.S8., Bengal Engineers.

*Hall, F. EH. Esq., M. A., D. C. L.

*Halleur, Dr. H.

*Hamilton, Col. G. W.

*Hamilton, R. Esq.

*Hamiiton, Sir R. N. E., Bart., B. C. S.

*Hannyngton, Col. J. C., 68rd Regt.

N. I.

*Hardie, Dr. G. K.

Hari Doss Dutt, Babu.

Harington, Hon'ble H. B.

[No. 1,

[aS INR A

Caleutta.

Calcutta,

Dehra Dhoon,

Seonee.

Lahore.

Alouada, Reef,

Bombay.

Lahore.

Agra.

Calcutta.

Maulmein.

Meerut.

Calcutta.

Europe.

Backergunge.

Calcutta.

Europe.

Sumbulpore.

K hoolneah.

Calcutta.

Saugur.

Calcutta.

Europe.

Calcutta.

Guzerat.

Benares.

Caleutta.

Europe.

Berhampore.

Caleutta.

Europe.

Delhi.

China.

Hurope.

Europe.

Calcutta.

1864.]

“Date of Election.

1859 Oct. 12.;+Haughton, Lieut.-Col. J. C.

1860 Oct.

1861 Feb.

1848 May

1862 Aug.

1859 Aug.

1853 July

1854 Mar.

1860 May

1862 Oct.

1859 Sept.

1863 July

1860 Mar.

1863 Jan.

1862 July

1860 Jan.

1862 Oct.

1853 Dec.

1861 Jan.

1841 April

1851 April

1860 Jan.

1861 Dec.

1845 Dec.

1862 July

1847 June

1862 Mar.

1859 Sept.

1857 April

1853 May

1858 Feb.

1863 July

1859 Mar.

1850 April

1861 Dee.

1862 Jan.

1839 Mar.

1861 Mar.

1863 Sept.

1851 Dec.

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

‘Harris, E. B. Esq., Civil Surgeon.

Harrison, A. 8. Hsq., B. A.

d.|*Hearsay, Major-Genl. Sir J. B., K.C. B.| Europe

6.| Heeley, W. L. Esq., B. C. 8. Caicutta

3.|*Henessey, J. B. N. Esq. Hurope

6./; Herschel, W. J. Esq., B. C. S. Purneah

1.|/*Hichens, Lieut. W., Bengal Engineers.| Europe.

2.| Hobhouse, C. P. Esq., B. C. S. Calcutta

8.| Hoge, C. 8. Esa. Calcutta

7.\*Hopkinson, Major H. Kurope

1.)7Horne, C. Esq., C. 8. Benares

7.\+Hovenden, Major J. J., Bengal Engrs.| Allahabad.

15.|+ Howell, M.S. Hsq., C. ‘Ss. Bareilly, Ro-

| Engineers. | hilkund.

2.) Hyde, Lisut.-Col. H., Royal Bengal |Calcutta.

4.\+Innes, Major J. J. M. Lahore.

8.|flrwin, Valentine, Esq., C. S. Dinajpore.

7.\tIshureeprasad Sinha, Bahadur, Rajah. |Benares.

9.| Jackson Hon’ble L. S., B. C. 8S. Calcutta

7.\* Jackson, W. B. Esq., B. C. 8. Europe

2.| Jadava Krishna Sinha, Babu. Calcutta

4.) Jallaluddin Mohammad, Prince. Calcutta

4.i¢James, Major H. R., C.B. Peshawur.

d.4¢Jerdon, T. C. Esq., M. M.S. Umballa.

2.| Johnson, Major A. B., Bengal Staff

Corps. Caleutta

2.1* Johnstone, J. Hsq. Hurope

5./¢Johnstone, Lieut. J., Assistant Com-

missioner. Bunnoo

7.1*Jones, R. Esq. Hurope

1.| Joygopal Bysack, Babu. Calcutta

4.) Kabeeruddin ‘Ahmed Huzrut Shah. Sasseram

3.| Kaliprasanno Sinha, ‘Babu. Calcutta

1.| Kane, H. 8. Esq., M. D. Caleutta.

ae Keacinath Roy Chaudhusi, Babu. Casipore, Cal-

| cutta

3.| Kay, Rev. W., D. D. Caleutta

4.\+Kempson, M. Esq., M. A. Bareilly

15./;King, W. Hsq., Jr., Geological Survey.|Madras.

6.|*Laidlay, J. W. Esq. Hurope.

6.|*Laing, Hon’ble S. Europe.

2.| Lane, T. B. Esq., B. C. 8. Caleutta.

3. ;Layard, Major Hep: |\Bhagulpore.

A es - ete _ ,

wee bs Ses en eae tA ee

106 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society.

“Date of Election. Se ee at ASS eS

1852 April 7.) Lees, Capt. W. N., LL.D.

1859 Dec. 7.| Leonard, H. Esq., C. EH.

1863 May 6.| Levinge, Hon’ble E. P.

1856 Feb. 6. *Liebio, Dr. G. Von., B. M.S.

1860 Jan. 4.| Lindsay, HE. J. Esq.

1861 Nov. 6 \fLloyd, Capt. M.

1862 Dec. 3.\+Lobb, S. Esq., M. A.

1835 Oct. 7.) Loch, G. Esq., B. C.S.

1828 July 2.)*Low, Major-General Sir J., K. C. B.

1861 April 3./;Lumsden, Major P. S.

1854 Nov. 1.|*Lushington, F. A, Esq., B. C. S.

1863 April 1./;MacDonald, Capt. D., Rev. Survey.

1860 Dee. 5.| Macfarlane, D. H. Esq.

1848 April 5.)/}Maclagan, Lieut.-Col. R.

1862 Mar. 5.| Macnamara, Dr. F. N.

1853 April 6.| Macrae, Dr. A. C., B. M. S.

1863 Jan. 15.| Maine, Hon’ble H. S.

1860 Jan. 4.) Mair, D. K. Esq., M. A.

1862 Sept. 3.| Mallet, F. R. Esq.

1860 July 4.|*Man, E. G. Esq.

1852 Nov. 3.) Manickjee Rustomjee, Esq.

1861 June 5. l+MaAn Sinha Bahadur, Maharajah.

1850 Jan. 2./*Marshman, J. C. Esq.

1862 Sept. 3.//Martin, R. L. Esq., B.A.

1863 Nov. 4.| Martin, R. T. Esq.

1863 Oct. 7. Martin, T. Esq.

1863 Nov. 4.! McClelland, Dr. J.

1862 July 3.) McCrindle, J.W. sq.

1837 Oct. 4:.'+McLeod, D. F. Esq., C. B., B. C. S.

1860 Mar. 7.| Medlic os Hi. B. Esq., F.G.S.

1861 Feb. 6.|+Melville, Capt. =i B., late 67th N. I.

| Surv. Genl.’s Dept. |

1855 Nov. 7.|*Middleton, J. Esq.

1850 April 3./*Mills, A. J. M. Hsq., B.C. S.

1863 Nov. 4:.|/+Modhoosoodun Doss, Babu.

1860 April 4.|fMoney, A. Hsq., B. C. 8.

1847 April 7.)*Money, D. J. Hsq., B. C. S.

1856 Feb. 6.| Money, J. W. B. Esq.

1862 July 2.) Monteath, A. M. ane B.C. S.

1860 Feb. 1. ¢Montgomerie, Capt. T. G., B. E., F. &.

Gea. Trigonometrical Survey. Dehra Dhoon.

1854 Dec, 6.|*Morris, G. G. Esq., B. C. S. Europe.

1837 July 5.|*Muir, J. Esq. Kurope.

1854 Oct. 11./+Muir, W. Esg., B. C.S. Allahabad.

1859 Aug. 3.)/7Murray, Lieut. W.G., 68th N. I. {Rewah.

wed

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatie Seciety. 107

Date of Election.

1862 July 2.) Napier, Hon’ble Major-Genl. Sir R.,

K. C. B.

1860 Nov. 7./tNewmarch, Major C. D.

1852 Sept. 1.)*Nicholls, Capt. W. T., 24th Regiment

M. N. I.

1863 Sept. 2.|/+Norman, Capt. F. B.

1863 Jan. 15.| Norman, Hon’ble J. P.

1862 April 2.) Norman, Lieut.-Col. H. W., C. B.

1859 Aug. 38.| Obbard, J. Esq. Calcutta.

1860 June 4./fOldham, C. Esq., Geological Survey. |Madras.

1851 June 4} Oldham, T. Esq., LL. D., F. BR. 5.

1837 June 7.|*O’Shaughnessy, Sir W. B.

1847 Feb. 10./*Ousely, Major W. R.

1862 May 7.| Partridge, S. B. Esq., M. D.

1860 Feb. 1.);Pearse, Major G. G.

i 1861 June 5.\+Pelly, Lt.-Col. L., Bombay Army.

i 1835 July 1.\;Phayre, Lt.-Col. A. P., C. B.

mf 1862 Oct. 8./*Poolin Behary Sen, Babu.

* 1863 July 1.|7Porter, G. E. Esq., C. 8.

1 1849 Sept. 5.| Pratapchandra Sinha Rajah, Bahadur. |Calcutta.

18389 Mar. 6.'+Pratt, Ven’ble Archdeacon J. H., M. A.|N. W. Prov.

1860 Jan. 4.| Preonath Sett, Babu. Caleutta

' 1825 Mar. 9.|*Prinsep, C. R. Esq. 3 Europe

4 1837 Feb. 1.| Prosonno Coomar Tagore, Babu. Calcutta

A 1862 April 2./+Raban, Major H. |\Chera Poonjee ei

4 1853 April 6.| Radha Nath Sikdar, Babu. |Caleutta. q

1849 Sept. 5.) Rajendra Dutt, Babu. |Caleutta Sf

1856 Mar. 5.) Rajendralala Mitra, Babu. |Calcutta a

a’ 18387 Feb. 1.) Ramanath Tagore, Babu. |Calcutta, a

¢ 1840 Aug. 5.| Ramgopal Ghose, Babu. |Caleutta |

1860 Mar. 7.|*Reid, H. S. Esq. | Kurope ;

v 1854 June 7.|*Riddell, H. B. Esq., B. C. 8. | Hurope 7

i 1860 Nov. 7.);Riley, H. O. Esq., F. G. S. |Bassein a

f 1856 Aug. 6.; Roberts, Hon’ble A., B. C. 5. Caleutta a

: 1863 April 1.)+Robertson, C. Esq., C. 8. Banda a

if 1863 May 6.\+Robertson, H. D. Esq., C. S. Saharunpore. aa

‘ 1862 Mar. 5./;Robinson, Capt. D. G., Bengal Engi- | Bl

i neers. Dehra Dhoon. |

M 1853 Aug. 3./*Roer, Dr. E. Europe a

1847 Dee. 1.|*Rogers, Capt. T. E. EKurope |

4) 1863 Mar. 4.| Rogers, H. M. Esq., C. S. Calcutta i

é“ 1859 Sept. 7.\fRussell, A. E. Hsq., B. C. S. Berhampore.

‘ 1856 Feb. 6.\fRussell, R. H. Esq., B. C.S8. Midnapore.

y | :

1860 July 4.) Sampson, A, B. Hsq., B. A. |Caleutta. 7

P 2

. coe PRR Ta ae Sn ic 2 aCe TA LAE LOO OLE a= inna

108 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 1,

Sen

1863 Nov. 4.| Sandeman, H. D. Esq., B. C.S. Calcutta.

1859 Feb. 2 |+Satischunder Roy, Maharajah. Krishnagur,

1856 Aug. 6.| Satyasharana Ghosal, Rajah. Bhookylas,

| Calcutta.

1861 Dec. 4.|*Saunders, C. B. Esq., B. C. 8. Mysore.

1854 Dec. 6./+Saxton, Lt.-Col. G, H., 38th M. N. I. |Cuttack.

1854 May 2.| Schiller, F. Esq. Calcutta.

1860 Feb. 1./*Scott, Col. E. W. S. Europe.

1859 Aug. 3./7Scott, W. H. Esq. Dehra Dhoon.

1863 Sept. 2.| Shama Churn Sirkar, Babu. Calcutta.

1860 July 4.|7Shelverton, G. Esq. Dehra Dhoon.

1845 Jan. 14.|*Sherwill, Lt.-Col. W.S., 66th Regi-

| ment B. N. I., F. G.S., F. R. G.S. |Hurope.

1859 Sept. 7.|7Sherwill, Major J. L. Raneegunge.

1863 April 1./;Showers, Major C. L. Madras.

1860 July 4.|//Simpson, Dr. B. Dariiling.

1856 Feb. 6.|*Smith, Col. J. F. Europe.

4859 Mar. 2.| Smith, H. Scott, Esq., B. A. Calcutta.

1862 Feb. 5. +Smyth, Capt. HE. Almorah.

1854 Sept. 6. +Spankie, R.. Esq., B. C. 8. Meerut.

1863 Jan. 15./*Squire, J. Esq. Hooghly.

12859 Mar. 2.| Stainforth, H. Hsq. Calcutta.

1860 May 2.|7Staunton, Major F.S., Beng. Engrs. |Bengal.

1843 Sept. 4./*Stephen, Major J. G. Sth N. L. Hurope.

1863 April 1.| Stephenson, J. Esq., B. A. Calcutta.

1863 Jan. 15.\7Sterndale, R. A. Esq. Seonee, Jub-

bulpore.

1862 Oct. 8./*Stevens, C. C, Hse. Sooree, Beer-

: , 3 bhoom.

1863 May 6.\*Stevens, W. H. Esq. Sylhet.

1863 Sept. 2.) Stewart, D. Esq. Calcutta.

1861 Feb. 6.\Stewart, Lieut. W. J., Bengal Artille-| |

ry, Revenue Survey. Bengal.

1861 Sept. 4.|*Stewart, Major P. Europe.

1863 Nov. 4.| Stoliczka, Dr. F. Caleutta.

1848 June 7. Strachey, J. Esq., B. C. S. Calcutta.

1843 May 3.|7Strachey, Lt.-Col. R., F. BR. S., F. L.8.,

| EGS: Simla.

1859 Mar. 2.|+Stubbs, Capt. F. W., Bengal Artillery. |Mean Meer.

1861 Oct. 2.)*Sudderuddin Woonshi: Pundooah.

1858 July 7.|fSutherland, H. C. Hsq., B. C. S. Pegu.

1860 May 2./*Temple, R, Esq., B.-C. S. Nagpur.

1859 Mar. 2./*Theobald, W. Hsq., Jr., pceoleers

: Survey. Thayet-Myo.

1860 Jan. 4.| Thompson, Rev. J. C. Calcutta.

1860 June 6.| Thompson, J. G. Esq. Calcutta.

Sp a pin OS INIT i Bh ee ROLLA LAL A ALLE Di Ae LAL A Tae

—

——

- o¢

1864.]

“Date of Election.

1863 Mar. 4. +Thompson, Capt. G. H., Bengal Staff

1855 June 6.|*Thomson, Dr.

F. L.S., F.R.G:S.

Corps.

Proceedings of the Asiatie Society.

aie

T, M.D. F.B.S.,

1853 Nov. 21./¢Thornhill, C. B. Esq., B. C. S.

1863 June 4.|7Thornton, T. H. Esq.

1847 June

18638 May

1862 July

1859 Nov.

1862 Feb.

1861 June

18638 Mar.

1841 Feb.

1863 Feb.

1860 Mar.

1861 Sept.

1863 May

1860 May

1863 Oct.

1861 Oct.

1861 May

1863 Dee.

1863 May

1863 Oct.

1863 Dee.

1862 Jan.

1852 July

1859 July

1854 July

1847 Nov.

1862 Oct.

L861 Sept.

1859 Aug.

1862 Oct

1859 Sept.

1851 May.

1859 Mar.

1862 Aug.

1855 April

1856 July

2.| Thuiller,

Lt.-Col.

Bengal Aitillery.

6.| Thuillier, Lt. H. R.

2.| Thurlow, Hon'ble T. J. H.

2.17 Tickell, Lt.-Col. 8. R.

5./+Torrens, Col. H. D.

5.|/7Tremlett, J. D. Esq., C. S.

4.| Trevelyan, Right Hon’ble Sir C., K.

C. B.

H. i, F.R.GS.,

3.|* Trevor, Hon’ble C. B., B, C. 8...

4.| ‘Trevor, E. T. Esq. B. C.S.

7 \+Turnbull, Lt.-Col. A. D.

4.| Tween, A. Esq., Geological Survey.

6.\7 Tyler, Dr. J.

2.\;Vanrenen, Capt. A. D., late 71st B.

7.| Waheedoon Nubbee, Maulavi, Khan

N. L., BR. Survey.

Bahadoor.

109 —

aon

Hazareebag.

Europe.

Allahabad.

Delhi.

Calcutta.

Calcutta,

Pegu.

Simla.

Jullundur.

Calcutta.

Hurope.

Caleutta.

Roorkee.

Caleutta.

Etah.

Saugor.

Caleutta.

2.| Walagohur Mohammad, Sahebzadah. |Calcutta.

1.\*Walker, Major J. T., Bombay Hngrs. | Hurope.

2.| Walker, A G. Esq.

6.| Wall, P. W. Esq., C. 8

7.| Waller, Dr. W. K. .

2.| Walters, Rev. M. D. C.

15.| Ward, G. HE. Esq. B.C.S.

*Ward, J. J. Esq., B C.S.

6./¢Warrand, R. H. M. Esg B.C. S.

3.\f Wilmot, C. W. Hsq.

*Watson, J. Esq., B. C. S.

*Waugh, Major-General Sir A.S.,-C. B.,

F. R.8., F. BR. GS.

8.| Wheeler, J. T. Esq.

4.;+ Williams, Dr. C., H. M.’s 68th Regt. |Mandelay.

8.7 Wilson, R. H. Hsq.

7.\f Willson, W. L. Esq.

7.1 Woodrow, H. Esq., M. A.

2.)* Wortley, Major A. H. P.

6.| Wyllie, J. W. Esq., Bombay C. S.

4.|*Young, Lt.-Col. C. B.

2.\*Yule, Lt.-Col. H.

Caicutta.

Calcutta.

Saharunpore.

Hurope.

Cawnpore.

Hurope.

Kurope.

Calcutta.

Nya Doomka.

\Chittagong.

Beerbhoom.

Calcutta.

Hurope.

Caleutta.

Hurope.

Kurope.

baa

Ba 3

“aS

Vee

aot

Bete

eed

ax y

toi a

Bay

ae ‘

es q

Ris fe

ae 2

ae 9

pe §

2% 4

a= a

ue f

Sh 3

x i

ee my

= -

— ha a a ee — » ‘ P tte ms

110 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

LIST OF HONORARY MEMBERS.

“Date of Election. |

1825 Mar. 9.|M. Garcin de Tassy, Membre de |’ Instit.| Paris, :

1826 , 1/|Sir John Phillippart. London |

1829 July 1.)Count De Noe. Paris :

1831 Sept. 7.|/Prof. Francis Bopp, Memb. de l’Aca- |

demie. Berlin

1831 _,, 7 \Prof. C. Lassen. Bonn

1834 Nov. 5./Sir J. F. W. Herschel, F. R. S. London

1834 , 5/{Col. W H. Sykes, F. B.S. London.

1835 May 6.|Prof. Lea. Philadelphia

1840 Mar. 4:./M. Reinaud, Memb. del Instit., Prof.

de |’ Arabe. Paris.

1842 Feb. 4./Dr. Ewald. Gottingen

1842 _,, 4 \Right Hon’ble Sir Edward Ryan, Kt. |London.

1843 Mar. 80/Prof. Jules Mohl, Memb. del’ Instit. |{Paris.

1847 May 5.|His Highness Hekekyan Bey. Egypt

1847 Sept. 1.}Col. W. Munro. | London

1847 Nov. 8./His Highness the Nawab Nazim of

Bengal. Moorshédabad. ‘

1848 Feb. 2.|/Dr. J. D. Hooker, R. N., F. B.S. London.

1848 Mar. 8.|Prof. Henry. United States.

1853 April 6.|Major-Gen. Sir H. C. Rawlinson, K. C.

Be Ee kies: D.C. Lk: - London.

1854 Aug. 2\Col. Sir Proby T. Cautley, K. ©. B., |

FE. R.S. London. |

1855 Mar. 7.|Raj4 Radhakanta Deva, Bahadur. Calcutta.

1858 July 6.|B. H. Hodgson, Esquire. Kurope.

1858 _s—éz, 6.|Dr. H. Falconer, F. R. S8., B. M. S. Europe.

1859 Mar. 2.'!Hon’ble Sir J. W. Colvile, Kt. Hurope.

1860 _,, 7.|Prof. Max Miiller. Oxford.

1860 Nov. 7.|Mons. Stanislas Julien. | Paris.

1860 ,, 7 |Col. Sir George Everest, Kt., F. R. S. |London.

1860 ,, 7.|Dr. Robert Wight. London.

1860 ,, 7.|Edward Thomas, Esquire. London.

1860 __,, 7 |Dr. Aloys Sprenger. Germany.

1860 ,, 7.|Dr. Albrecht Weber. Berlin.

LIST OF CORRESPONDING MEMBERS.

1844 Oct. 2./MacGowan, Dr. J. Europe.

1856 June 4.|/Kremer, Mons. A. Von. Alexandria.

1856 ,, 4.|Porter, Rev. J. Damascus.

1856 ,, 4.\Schlagintweit, Herr H. Berlin.

1856 ,, 4.|Smith, Dr. E. Beyrout.

1856 ,, 4.|Tailor, J., Esquire. |Bussorah.

ee ~ in es a es ETE TE Er a

“Sy 1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

bil, Date of Election.

< . ———

. 1856 ,, 4./ Wilson, Dr.

1857 Mar. 4./Neitner, J., Esquire.

hia 1858 ,, 38.\Schlagintweit, Herr R.

» 1859 Nov. 2.|Frederick, Dr. H.

| 1859 May 4.|Bleeker, Dr. P.

| 1860 Feb. 1./Baker, Rev. H.

r 1860 ,, 1./Swinhoe, R., Esquire, H. M.’s Consulate,

1860 April 4.|Haug, Dr. M.

1861 July 38./Gosche, Dr. R.

mn 1862 Mar. 5.|Murray, A, Esquire.

1863 Jan. 15./Goldstiicker, Dr. T.

1863 July, 4.|/Barnes, R. H. Esquire.

LIST OF ASSOCIATE MEMBERS.

ie 1835 Oct. 7.|Stephenson, J., Esquire.

18388 Feb. 7.|Keramut Ali, Saiéd.

1843 Dec. 6.)/Long, Rev. J.

1845 Jan. 14.|Blyth, E., Esquire.

111

Bombay.

Ceylon.

Berlin.

Batavia

Batavia.

EK. Malabar,

Amoy.

Poonah.

Berlin.

London,

London.

Ceylon.

Europe.

Hooghly.

Europe.

= Ee a SEE RR eye —_ —<

112 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

ELECTIONS IN 1863.

Ordinary Members. ,

F. Fedden, Esq., Geological Survey.

M.S. Howell, Esq., C. 8. 7

Hon’ble H. 8. Maine.

5 J. -e. Norman.

R. A. Sterndale, Esq.

J. Squire, Hsq.

The Hon’ble Rajah Deo Narain Singh.

E. T. Trevor, Eisq., C. 8.

Hon’ble A. Eden.

Babu Haridoss Dutt.

H. M. Rogers, Esq., C. S.

The Right Hon’ble Sir C. Trevelvan, K. C. B.

Capt. G. H. Thompson, Bengal Staff Corps, R. Survey.

C. Robertson, Esq. C. 8.

Capt. D. MacDonald, R. Survey. Dept.

Dr. H. Cleghorn.

Major C. L. Showers.

Hon’ble R. 8. Ellis, C. 8., C. B.

J. Stephenson, Esq., B. A.

W. Edgar, Esq., B. C. S.

Lieut. H. R. Thuillier, Royl. Engrs.

Hon'ble EH. P. Uevinge.

P. W. Wall, Hsq., C. E.

Dr. J. Tyler.

H. D. Robertson, Esq., C. S.

W. H. Stevens, Esq.

Hon’ble G. Campbell.

Rajah Chunder Sekur Roy.

Capt. G. C. Depree, Royal Artillery.

H. W. Clementson, Esq.

T. D. Forsyth, Esq., C. B.

Col. G. W. Hamilton.

T. H. Thornton, Esq.

C. Horne, Esq., C. S.

H. 8. Kane, Esq., M. D., Geological Survey.

G. EH. Porter, Esq., C. S.

Babu Bunkim Chunder Chatterjea, B. A.

Coomar Chunder Nath Roy.

Babu Shama Churn Sirkar.

T. B, Lane, Esq., B. C. 8.

Capt. F. B. Norman,

D. Stewart, Esq.

Major A. D. Dickens.

Dr. W. K. Waller.

T, Martin, Esq.

Rangoon.

Rohilkund.

Calcutta,

Ditto.

Jubbu!pore,

Hooghly.

Benares.

Calcutta,

Bhootan.

Calcutta.

Ditto.

Hazareebaug.

Banda.

Darjiling.

Lahore.

Caleutta.

Calcutta.

Dacca.

Calcutta.

Ditto.

Etah.

Saharunpore.

Sylhet.

Calcutta.

Julpigori.

Chota Nagpur.

Bassein.

Lahore.

Delhi.

Ditto.

Benares.

Calcutta.

Burdwan.

K hoolneah.

Nattore.

Calcutta.

Ditto.

Lahore. —

Calcutta.

Ditto.

’

—

je wee SD oes come OE ee eo

SSS) [SS lS Ss

—pe

—

-i

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic

Dr. J. Ewart, Prof. Physiology, Med}. College.

Maulavi Waheedoon Nubbee Khan Bahadur.

W. P. Duff, Esq.

Major J. G. Gowan.

N Rh. T. Martin, Esq.

[ Dr. J. McClelland.

Babu Modhoosoodun Doss.

H. D. Sandeman, Esq.

Dr. F. Stoliezka.

J. Forsyth, Esq.

A, G. Walker, Hsq.

T. Dickens, Esq.

Rev. M. D. C. Walters.

Society. 113

Calcutta.

Ditto.

Saugor.

Calcutta.

Ditto.

Dacca. _

Caleutta.

Ditto.

Seonee.

Caleutta.

Ditto.

Corresponding Members.

Dr T. Goldsticker.

Rh. H. Barnes, Esq.

London.

Ceylon.

7 LOSS OF MEMBERS DURING THE YEAR 1863.

By retirement.

W. Grapel, Esq.

Babu Rajkissen Roy.

Hi. Braddon, Esq.

Rev. T. 4. Burn.

J.J. Grey, Esq.

¢ D. Fitzpatrick, Esq.

e Eon’ble Sir Mordaunt Wells.

is Jaeut.-Col. H. C. James.

E S. Wauchope, Hsq., C. B. B. C. S.

Sanders, J. Esq.

Fitzgerald, Major C. M.

Dr. G. Gordon.

By Death.

Babu Sumbhoo Chunder Roy.

Maharajah Narendra Narain Bhupa.

Dr. J. Browne.

Calcutta.

Berhampore.

Caleutta.

Ditto.

Shahabad.

Dhurmsala.

Europe.

Caicutta.

Ditto.

Rungpore.

Cooch Behar.

Calcutta.

VJ = NNN NNN NNN Oem

114 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

For Frsruary, 1864.

The monthly general meeting of the Asiatic Society was held on

the 3rd instant.

A. Grote, Esq., senior member, in the chair.

The proceedings of the last meeting were read and confirmed.

The Chairman informed the Society that the accounts not having

been returned by the auditors, it would be necessary to defer their

submission to the Society’s meeting for another month.

Presentations were received—

1. Feom H. M. Smith, Esq., a dead chicken with four legs.

2. Krom Lieutenant R. C. Beavan, specimens of an Albatross and

a Tern from the South Seas.

3. From H. Ll. Haughton, Esq., specimens of four sea snakes from n

Hidgelli; also a white-breasted bat. 14

4, From Lieutenant-Colonel Tytler, four large slabs of wood carved

with figures of Hindoo idols, from the palace of the Kaiser Bagh,

Lucknow ; also a box containing the skeleton of a mule.

The following extract from a letter which accompanied the presenta-

tion was read :—

“T got these slabs in the palace of the Kaiser Bagh, Lucknow,

after the siege. They form a square, and all hook together. ‘The

only history I could gather about them was that it was a sort of

portable place of pilgrimage representing the holy shrines in the

Himalayas for the old, weak, and infirm, who could not undertake the

pilgrimage to the real place; so they had to ascend the steps on this

model and offer their offerings at each shrine, &c., presented in the

carvings. I have also told Mr. Lazarus to give you for the Museum rz

an old box containing a lot of old bones: it is the skeleton of a mule, |

| : E a Equus onager. I hope you will find him pretty perfect.”

42 5. From Lieutenant Waterhouse, several photographs of archzeolo-

S S gical remains in Central India, to replace imperfect prints in the set

presented to the Society some months ago. |

be The Chairman proposed, on the part of the Council, that the Right

= / Hon’ble Sir John Lawrence should be requested to become the patron

iS of the Societiy. 7

con

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 115

Letters from Messrs. H. M. Rogers, J. Stephenson, and D. H.

Macfarlane, announcing their withdrawal from the Society, were re-

corded.

The following gentlemen duly proposed at the last meeting were

balloted for and elected ordinary members :—

Hon’ble Sumbhoo Nath Pundit, Baboo Kaliprcsonno Dutt, H. Leeds,

Hsq., A. M. Verchere, Esq., M. D., and Lieutenant A. Pullan.

The following gentlemen were named for ballot as ordinary members

at the next meeting :— |

H. R. Spearman, Esq , proposed by Mr. W. Theobald, .Jr., seconded

by Mr. Grote.

C. J. Wilkinson, Esq., barrister-at-law, proposed by Mr. H. Ht

Blanford, seconded by Mr. W. L. Heeley.

F’. H. Pellew, Esq., C. S., proposed by Mr. Heeley, seconded by Mr.

H. F'. Blanford.

Baboo Jugodanund Mookerjee, proposed by Captain W. N. Lees,

seconded by Baboo Rajendralal Mitra.

Iieutenant HK. A. Trevor, H. M.’s Bengal Engineers, proposed by

Mr. Grote, seconded by Mr. H. F. Blanford.

Dr. W. J. Palmer, proposed by Dr. Partridge, seconded by Dr.

Fayrer.

Iieutenant G. M. Bowie, Madras Staff Corps, proposed by Mr.

Geoghegan, seconded by Mr. Blanford. |

The Council reported that they had appointed the following sub-—

committees for 1864: :—

FINANCE.

Lieutenant-Colonel H. Hyde and Baboo Rajendralal Mitra.

PHILOLOGY.

A. Grote, Esq., Captain W. N. Lees; Baboo Rajendralal Mitra,

and EH. B. Cowell, Esq.

LIBRARY.

Captain W. N. Lees; Baboo Rajendralal Mitra; H. B Medlicott,

Esq.; Dr. T. Anderson; H. Scott Smith, Hsq.; E. B. Cowell, Esq. ;

T. Oldham, Esq. ; A. Grote, Esq.; and Hon'ble L. 8. Jackson.

NATURAL HISTORY.

Dr. T. Anderson; A. Grote, Msq.; Dr. A. C. Macrae; Dr. J.

Fayrer; Dr. T. C. Jerdon ; T. Oldham, Esq.; W.S. Atkinson, Esq. ;

Q 2

—_ Saree Ss caer Ra iar te Sie ate ordi wnpeee ceaekerntiesite

116 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [No. 1,

W. Theobald, Esq., Jr.; Dr. 8S. B. Partridge; H. B. Medlicott,

Esq.; and Dr. F. Stoliczka,

METEOROLOGY AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. |

The Ven’ble J. H. Pratt; T. Oldham, Esq.; J. Obbard, Ksq. ;

Colonel R. Strachey ; Lieutenant-Colonel J. E. Gastrell ; Lieutenant.

Colonel J. T. Walker; Captain 'T. G. Montgomerie; H, Leonard,

Esq. ; and H. Scott Smith, Esq.

COIN COMMITTEE.

A. Grote, Esq.; Captain W. N. Lees; and Baboo Rajendralal

Mitra.

COMMITTEE OF PAPERS.

Colonel R. Strachey ; A. Grote, Esq. ; and E. B. Cowell, Esq.

The Secretary read the following letter from Mr. Bowrin o forward-

ing copy of an inscription found in the hands of some Brahmins of

Anantpore, a village in Mysore :—

~“Tsend you a copy of a sashana or inscription on copper, which I

found in the hands of some Brahmins of a village in the jungles of

Anantpore about four miles N. E. ef the Kusba. I copied the first

bit myself, and left the sashana with the tehseeldar, with a view to his

getting the rest copied, which he did; but I cannot say whether it is

quite correct, as I did not see the copier and was obliged to leave

before he made his appearance. The deed may be of interest.

“TI have seen a vast number of inscriptions on stone slabs, but I

believe the whole of these were copied by Walter Elliot. They are

all in old Canarese, and I have not seen one in Sanskrit, except one

legible inscription at Banawasi.”

Communications were received —

1. From Baboo Gopeenauth Sen, abstracts of the Results of the

Hourly Meteorological Observations taken at the Surveyor General's

Office in November last.

2. From Baboo Rajendralal Mitra, a paper on the Buddhist

remains of Sultangunge.

Mr. Blanford read extracts from a paper by W. Theobald, Jr., Hsq.,

entitled “ Notes on the variation of some Indian and Burmese Heli-

cide,” and made some remarks on the subject of it.

Mr. Heeley also read extracts from a paper by Dr. J. E. T. Aitehi-

son, on “The Vegetation of the Jhelum District of the Punjab.”

™~r

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic NSoctety. 117

The paper having been read, a discussion ensued, in which Dr.

Brandis, Colonel Strachey, and Mr. Heeley took part. The papers

will appear in the Journal in due course.

The Librarian submitted his report of the accessions to the library —

since the meeting held in October.

LIBRARY.

The undermentioned books have been added to the Library since

the meeting held in October last,

Presented.

The Annual Report of the Geological Survey of India, for 1862-

63.-—-By THE BENGAL GOVERNMENT.

The Annual Report on the operations of the Post Office of India,

for 1862-63.—By THE SAME.

Annual Report on the Administration of the Bengal Presidency,

for 1862-63.—By THE SAME.

Annual Report on the Administration of the Punjab Territories,

for 1862-63.—BY THE SAME.

Annual Report on the Administration of the Province of Oudh, for

the year 1862-638.—By THE SAME.

Annual Report on the Administration of the Central Provinces for

the year 1862-63.—By THE SAME.

Annual Report on the Administration of the Straits Settlement,

for 1862-63.—By THE SAME. | |

Annual Report of the Branch of the Marine Department, under

control of the Govt. of India, for 1862-63.—By THE Same.

Beretning sundhedstilstanden og medicinal forholdene i Norge, I

Aaret, 1859.—By THe Curistranta UNIVERSITY.

Bombay Magnetical and Meteorological Observations for 1862.—

By tHe Bompay GOVERNMENT.

Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch

Indie, Vol. VI. Stuk 7, and Vol. VII. Stuk 1.—By tue CoprennaceEn

SOCIETY.

Boeck’s Recherches sur la Syphilis—By tHE CHristranra Unt-

VERSITY.

The Caleutta Christian Observer for October, November, December

and January.—By THE EDITorR.

Se ACN A AN AUR TURE Wahi RRA UTC

“Ab ai

Ae id FRA Arh ht bed tenance

PUN ata aye enh Fue:

Premera tree Chee adoro diy tater ary err)

DAR eA uae tin tem lar as er Nt

’

sane mae eon pl

Penney

Se ne i et

TRB ek Aah beets Oe Ve doe etter '"

ERICA RN AN

ST Ui

mal

118 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. _ [ No. 1,

Cole’s Manual of the Mohammedan Civil Law.—By TH Transzy-

TOR.

Forhandlinger Videnskabs—Selskabet 1 Christiania Aar 186]1—By

THE CHRISTIANIA UNIVERSITY.

Fay’s om Indvirkungen af Forskjellje—By THE Same.

On the Formation and Institution of the Caste system in India,—

the Aryan polity.— By Banu Ganenpro Mouun Tacors.

Geologiske Undersogelser Bergens Omegu.—By THE CHRIgrianra

UNIVERSITY.

Generalberetning Fra Ganstad, 1861.—By rae SAME.

Holmboe om den Nordisk.— BY THE SAME.

Ditto om Oprindelsen af det Skandinaviske Voegtsystem 1 Middel-

alderen.—ByY THE SAME.

Hardy’s Sacred books of the Buddhists compared with History and

Modern Science-—By Rev. J. NrcHoxson.

Journal of the Chemical Society of London, 2nd Series, Vol. I.

Nos. 7 to 9.—By TuE Socrery.

Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical Record, New Series,

No. 7.—By tuk Eprrors.

Reise der Novara um die Erde. Nautisch-physical Theil. II. Abth.

—By tur Trieste ACADEMY.

Hthnographie Map of Finmark Nos. 1 to 5, with an explanatory

table. By THE CHRISTIANIA UNIVERSITY.

Map of Kafiristan.—By THe Surveyor GENERAL oF INDIA.

Index Map to Trigonometrical Survey Maps.—By THE Same.

Mahabharata, Adi and Sabha parvas text and Bengali translation.—

By tHe ManArasan or Burpwan.

Memoirs of the Geological Survey of India, Vol. III Parts 1 and

2.—By tHE GoveRNMENT oF Inpra.

Litto ditto Vol. III. Part 2.—By tum SuPERINTENDENT OF THE

GEOLOGICAL SURVEY oF Iwpta.

Metvorologische Beobachtungen auf Christiania’s Observatorium

for 1842-47.—By THE CHRISTIANIA UNIVERSITY.

Memoires de la Societe Imperiales des Sciences Naturelles de Cher-

bourgh, Vol. VI.—By run Socrere’ pe CuERBOURGH.

Murdoch’s Indian Year-Book for 1862.--By tHe CoMPILER.

Narrative of the Course of Legislation for 1862-68 —By tHE BEN-

GAL GOVERNMENT.

ada lean cai

sek

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 119

Oriental Baptist for August 18638, Vol. XVII. No. 200.—By tHe

HipIvTor.

Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of London, Vol. VII.

Nos. 4 and 5.—By THe Sociery.

Report of the Committee of the Bengal Chamber of Commerce from

Ist May to 81st October, 1863.—By THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE.

Annual Report on the Administration of British —. for 1862-

63.—By THE BENGAL GOVERNMENT.

oy on the Police of the Town of Calcutta and its Suburbs for

Report on the Administration of the Madras Presidency during the

year 1862-63.—By THE SAaME.

Revue Orientale et Americaine, No 47.—By tum Parris Eruno-

GRAPHICAL SOCIETY.

Report on the Administration of the N. W. Provinces, for 1862-63.

—By THE BENGAL GOVERNMENT.

Report on the Hyderabad Assigned Districts for 1862-63.—By

THE SAME.

Report on the Trade and Resources of the countries on the North

West boundary of British India, with a Minute by Sir Robert Mont-

gsomery.—By THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA.

iieisen im Stiden Von Ost-Sibirien, Band I.—By THE SociE’TEr’

GE OGRAPHIQUE IMPE RIALE DE RUSSIE. |

Rahasya Sandarbha, Vol. I. Nos. 7 to 9.—By THE ScHOOL Bork

SOCIETY.

Selections from the Reeords of the Government, N. W. Provinces,

No. 39.—By THE GOVERNMENT, N. W P.

Ditto ditto Bengal Government, No. 40.—By tz Breneat Go-

VERNMENT.

Statement of the weekly Metl. Returns in the districts of the

N. W. Provinces from ist June, 1862, to 8ist May, 1863.— By riz

Govr. N. W. Provryces. |

A Manual of Jail Disciplme and Economy.—By 8. Clark, Esq.—

By THE SaME.

Stray Leaves ; or Essays, Poems and Tales.—By Shoshee Chunder

Dutt.—By rue AUTHOR.

Schubeler’s Synopsis of the vegetable products of Norway, translated

into English by Rev. M. R. Barnard.—By toe Curisrrania Unrver-

SITY.

disap 4h linus eveate ratte aap ile yuan tenia atin one ents risk reseott pia

TY See si Fees Be APTANA Se He DA teen ec tr baal te ree fl enone 4 FES ATU nT oie athe

sfedborein ary neil eas a a ark hr

ped ane hatte rie Sar aL We hire ad As

treats at

CA a MTSU NT, SOIT ieee ae oa ST APNE AD aM ARSE ARONA

AMINA ES,

soph eset nt teh ene am te in

AU MANS Rathi err hisal A VR ag PAE TA RISS

COEUN Ay

Eee oe

Nate RASA lg

120 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 1,

Sar’s TE SAME.

Schubeler’s Die Cultupflunzen Norwegens.—By Tux Same,

Selections from the Records of the Madras Government, Nos, 73

to 75.—By tHe Mapras Government.

Ditto ditto Nos. 73 and 74.—By tor Beneat GovERNMENT

Treaties, Engagements and Sunnuds, India, Vol. III.—By cup

BENGAL GovERNMENT.

Tabeller over de spedalske 1 Norge, I Aaret, 1860.—By Tur Curts-

TIANIA UNIVERSITY.

Tabeller vedkommende OE Handel og skibsfart, I, Aaret, 1860,

—BY THE SAME.

Vivada Chintémani.—By Basu Prosonno Coomar Tacors.

Wood’s Statistics of the Trade of the Port of Calcutta, 1863.—By

THE COMPILER.

Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Vol.

XVII. Part 3.—By THE ACADEMY.

Saéswi and Punhu, a Sindi poem with a metrical Translation into

English.—By tue BomBpay GOVERNMENT.

Aitareya Brahmana, Vols. I. and [1—By THe Samm.

Natural History of New York,—Palzontology, by James Hall, with

plates. By THE REGENTS OF THE New York Stare Liprary.

Ditto ditto—Agriculture by Emmas.—By THE Same.

Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed.—By THE CopENHAGEN ANTI-

QUARIAN SOCIETY.

Antiquarisk 'Tidsskrift—By THE Sams.

Solar Eclipse of July 18th, 1860, by W. de la Rue, Esq.—By Tue

Roya Society or Lonvon.

Address to the Natives of Hindoostan on Education, by Syud Ah-

mad Khan.—By THE GHAZEEPORE SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY.

Bye-Laws for the Scientific Society of Ghazeepore.—By THE SAME.

Proceedings No. I. of the Scientific Society, Ghazeepore.—By THE

SAME.

Address of the President of the Linnean Society, May 24th, 1862.

—By THE Socrery. :

List of the Linnean Society for 1862.—By Tux Same.

Annals of Indian Administration, Vol. VII. Part 4.—By THE

BENGAL GOVERNMENT.

Weber's Indische Studien, Vol. VII. Parts 1 and 2.—By THE EDI- 7

TOR.

1864.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 12]

Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, Vol. XIX.

Part 4.—By tHE Socrery.

Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. XXVI. Part 3.—

BY THE Soctrery.

Journal of the Agricultural and Horticuitural Society of India,

Vol. XIII. Part 1.—By rue Socrrry,

Jahrbuch der K. K. Geol. Reichsanstalt, Vol. XIII. No. 2.—By

THE SOCIETY.

Journal Asiatique, Sixieme Series, Vol. I. No. 3.—By vur Pants

SOCIETY. |

_ Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, Vol. XIII. No. 57.—

By tHe Soctery.

Report of the Astronomer Royal to the Board of Visitors of the

Royal Observatory, Greenwich, from 14th May, 1862 to 17th May,

1863.—By THE Roya OBSERVATORY. /

Transactions of the Linnean Society of London, Vol. XXIII. Parts

1 to 3, and Vol. XXIV. Part 1.—By tue Linnean Soctery.

Journal of the Proceedings of the Linnean Society—Zoology, Vol.

VI. No. 24, Vol. VII. Nos. 25 and 26 ;—Botany, Vol. VI. No. 24, Vol.

VII. Nos. 25 and 26.—By tue Samr.

Sitzungsberichte der Mathematisch Naturwissenchaftliche classe,

Vol. XLV. Abth. I. Parts 3 to 5, Abth. If. Part 5 and Vol. XLVI.

Parts 1 and 2 ;—Philosophisch Historische classe, Vol XXXIX. Parts

2to 5 and Vol. XL. Parts 1 and 2—By rue K. AKADEMIE DER

WISSENSCHAFTEN, WIEN.

Sitzungsberichte der K. Bayer. Akademie Zu Munchen, Vol. Tu.

Parts 2 to 4 and Vel. II. Part 1—By tue Kontan. Bayer. AxKa-

DEMIE DER MUNCHEN.

Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, Vol.

CLIT. Parts 1 and 2.—By tue Soctery.

List of the Fellows of the Royal Society, London, Ist Dec. 1862.—

By THE Same.

Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, New

Series, Vol. V. Part 2.—By tHe PurapEenPaian ACADEMY.

Denkschriften der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-Histo-

rische classe, Vol. XII.— By true K. AKADEMIE DER WISSENSCHAFTEN,

Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia,

Nos. 7 to 12 of 1862.— By tue PHinapELPHIAN ACADEMY.

1 oh

ses

+ il

pine

pel

ine

pas

tae

sists hers ees sara Cor Aris snes Susie

Sia ete aU aan cpalcR same bboubae aoezein gn kint hak ara kaon bareeine:

GRA ANE Qh ate ahah Seis HH Aandy fe opie

Se ene) TER alg ny Rerp ten yeaa ged tue Qu wurn wares Seek Te Mer Sey Seay Beach UOT

122 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. No. 1,

Annual Report of the Regents of the University of the State of New

York, Seventy-fifth Annual Report.—By THz REGENTS.

Fifteenth Annual Report of the Regents of the University of the

State of New-York, on the condition of the State Cabinet of Natural

History.— By THE SAME.

Forty-fourth Annual Report of the Trustees of the New York

State Library.— By THE TRUSTEES. |

Hachanged.

The Atheneum for August, September and October.

The London Edinburgh, and Dublin Philosophical Magazine, Vol,

XXVI. Nos. 178 to 176.

Purchased.

Genesis und Exodus, Vols. 1 and 2.—By J. Dremnmr.

The Annals and Magazine of Natural History, 8rd Series, Vol.

XII. Nos. 69, 70 and 71.

Comptes Rendus, Vol. LVII. Nos. 4 to 8 and 18 to 16.

The Edinburgh Review, Vol. CX Viil. No. 242.

The Numismatic Chronicle and Journal of the Numismatic Society

of London, New Series, No. II.

Journal des Savants for August, September and October, 1863.

Westminster Review for October, 1863.

Quarterly Review, Vol. CXIV. No. 228.

Revue des Deux Mondes, for 15th Augt., Sept., Oct. and Ist Novr.

Revue et Magasin de Zoologie, 2nd Series, Vol. XV. Nos. 7,8

and 9.

- Reeve’s Conchologia Iconica, Parts 230 and 231.

Bopp’s Kritische Grammatik der Sanskrita Sprache, Part 3.

Bohtlingk’s Indische Spriiche, Sanskrit und Deutsch Part 1. 4—#.

Bleeker’s Atlas Ichthyologique des Indes Orientales Neerlandaises,

Part 10.

M. J. De Goeje’s Liber Expugnationis Regionum, auctore al-Belad-

sori, Part 1.

Hewitson’s Exotic Butterflies, Part 48.

The Natural History Review for October.

Johaentgen’s Gesetzbuch des Manu.

Julien’s les Deux Cousines, Vols. I, and IT.

Kasayeed.

ae ——

Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. 123

Hy, Summer’s Chinese Repository, Vol. £. Nos. 1 to 8.

al, Plath’s Religion des Chinesen.

fh, The American Journal of Science and Arts, Vol. XXXVI. No. 107.

Sekender Nameh, Pamphlet.

He Macoud’s Les Prairies D’or; texte et traduction par C. Barbier de

Maynard et Pavet de aie Tome II.

Lettres Historiques sur la Médecine chez les Indous, par G. Liétard.

Liueordt Durt.

' 3rd HLebruary, 1864.

a eee

Nate hoe Stars

inci thinset A i at IAD ON aE Ney tk

| 3

pee |

oat

aie

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; a

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ae #

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2 2

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ed EE TE Ss

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JOURNAL

OF THE

ap ATE POC Ts 7

No. Il. 1864.

SISOS OO

An Account of Upper Kash-kér, and Chitral, or Lower Kash-kar,

together with the independent Afghan State of Pan-korah, includ-

ing Lil-ash.*

Most modern travellers have either not mentioned the two first-

named countries at all in their works, or have, from ignorance of

oriental languages, or careiessness In writing names, so confounded

them with a province of Chinese Turkistan, that their very existence

has been called into question, and even totally denied, by many

authors.

Mr. Elphinstone, in his excellent work—“ The Kingdom of Caubul,”

remarks on this very subject in the following manner :—‘ The resem-

blance of the names led us into great mistakes when we first arrived

at Peshawar. We bought tea, which we were told was brought from

Kaushkaur (Cashgar), and the first people whom we asked respecting

the distance told us we might easily go to Kaushkaur, and return

within a fortnight. In time, however, we obtained more precise in-

formation.” These doubts and mistakes have been solely occasioned

by not taking proper account of the mode of writing, and the pronun-

ciation of the names of the two countries; that of Chinese T artary

being written ,tlf (kdsh-ghar), whilst that of which I intend giving

some account, is written als (kdish-kar), a very different sound to

that of the former.

The native land of all the chimeras of Bakhtro-Indian origin, con-

tained in the mythological system of the ancient Persians, as indicated

* Being the continuation te “ Notes on Kajfiristén,’ in No.4 of the Journal

for 1859.

5s fils tN LBD

Tue ate URY hee

y Si rte ne Oc fan tenet ope ie aL rvs er at ra ane soca ea LE

Sr aay T as AP Ee Ror NROLE eh wetnnar a ONSEN UHRA oe eee ase ncaa Ea a

pha ty

Se tah alain

SSAA a at ade ELA a AGT ca IA

mith ah At

sa ae ate le hl ett i aati TTA

RECN Witte he Ts theE Iie fn

aoc emai

ees

Hi)

tte

126 An Account of Upper Kash-kar. [No. 2,

from the ruins of Persepolis, is the range of mountainous country

which separates Bakhtrianah from Hindustan and China, bounded on

the east and north by the desert of Kobi; and, as we gather from the

first chapter of the Zand-awestah, is included in the country therein

called Heriene—the supposed abode of the old Medo-Persian race. Jt

was celebrated for its gold and gems, and other precious productions,

which it continues to yield, in some degree, up to the present tine,

It is also the legendary abode of the traditionary monsters, celebrated

in Oriental poetry and fable, now become familiar to the natives of the

west.

In this mountainous range lies Kash-kar, or Chitral, as the lower

portion of the valley is also named; it is what has been sometimes

called the country of Shah Kator. It is included in the valley of the

upper sources of the river best: known as the Kamah, and the Kunar.*

Kash-kar (concerning which, probably, less 1s known than of any

other part of Central Asia, not including even Kafiristan), is bounded

on the north by the high land of Pamir; south by the Las-piur range

of mountains, bounding the Afghan district of Panj-korah to the

north ; north-east by the mountainous region to the west of the Yar-

kand river, known to the people of these regions as Bilauristan or the

“Region of Crystal,’+ from the quantity of that substance with

which it abounds; south-east by Gilgitt and Little Thibet ; and west

by the hills of Wakhan, bordering the left bank of the river Oxus,

and separating Chitral, or Lower Kash-kar, from Badakhshan and the

eastern frontier of Kafiristan, running parallel to the right or northern

bank of the Chitral or Kash-kar river. It is a long valley into

which a series of smaller valleys and defiles open out, which, in the

northern part, act as water-courses to drain Pamir, It is oblong in

form, and runs almost in a north-east and south-west direction. It

resembles Kafirist4n in physical appearance and coldness of climate ;

* On looking over the paper on Kaéafiristan, I find the name of this river has

been printed “ Kunir’ and “ Kuner.” ‘his spelling, however, is not right:

** Kunar”’ is the correct orthography. In the same paper also, “ Bajawer™

appears instead of “ Bajawrr.? :

y “ There are certain other mountains called Bilor (Bilaur) in the country of

the tribe of Turks denominated Hamilan, -In two days’ journey you arrive ab

another part of Turkistan where the Bhotyas and Dyan dwell. Their king is

Bhot Shah, and their cities are Gilgitt, Astirah (Astor P), Salas (Chilas ?), etc.,

and their language is Tarki.’ Sir H. M. Hlliot?s InpEx ro MunamMapAN HIs-

TORIANS, page 31, vol. I, See also the extract from Khushhdl Khéan’s Pus’hto

poem, in the “ Account or SuwAt ;’—Journal for 1862, page 278,

1864. ] | An Account of Upper Kash-kar. 127

but it lies somewhat higher, and although rough and difficult in many

places, it contains a greater portion of plateaux, and a oreater number

of level and open valleys. In some parts, also, it is well sheltered ;

and the soil, generally, is rich and fertile, producing much grain, and

several descriptions of fruit.

It is divided into two states Kash-kar-1-Ba-l4, or Upper Kash-kar,

and Kash-kar-i-Pa-in,* or Lower Kash-k4r—both of which are ruled

by separate chiefs, entirely independent of each other ; but, at the

same time, on the most friendly terms,

The former principality is less known than the latter ; hence the

two have often been confounded together, and ealled the country of

Shah Kator. Both rulers are absolute over their subjects, and have

the reputation of selling them into slavery without the slightest

compunction. The people are designated among themselves by the

general name of Chitrar.

Lower KAsu-KAr.

- Lower Kash-kér, or Chitral, is the real country of Shé&h Kator, and

is the most westerly of the two states. It lies immediately under the

southern slopes of the mountains of Hindi Kush, which separate it

from Badakhshan ; and through the centre of this state, as well as of

Upper Kash-kar, the river, here named after the country fertilized by

its waters, flows to the south-west, and joins the Kémah at Cheghan-

sarae.f |

The chief town or capital of Lower Kash-kar is Drtish, the residence

of Tajammul Shah, the son and successor of Shah Kator, who appears

* For the information of ‘* Comparative Philologists,”’ I beg to say that the

words Ba-ld and Pé-in are Persian.

tT ‘ The original country of the C’hasas seems to have been the present coun-

try of Cashcar to the N. EH. of Cabul; for the C’hasas, in the institutes of Menu,

are mentioned with the Daradas, who are obviously the Darde of Ptolemy,

whose country now called Darad by the natives, and Dawurd by the Persian

authors, is to the N. W. of Cashmir; and extends towards the Indus: hence

Ptolemy, with great propriety, asserts, that the mountains to the north-east of

Cabul, are the real Caucasus. The country of Cashear is situated in a beautiful

valley, watered by a large river, which, after passing close to Chaca Seray,

Cooner, and Noorgul, joins. the Lundy Sindh, or little Sindh, below J elalabad,

in the small district of Cameh (for there is no town of that name), and from

this circumstance the little Sindh is often called the river Camch. ***% Cashear

is also Cashtwar, which denomination is generally distorted into Kétwer and

Cuttor by Persian authors and travellers. The town and district of Ketwer,

mentioned in the life of Amir Timur, is different from this; and lies about

fifteen miles to the N. W. of Chaga Seray, on a pretty large river, which comes

from Vahi Gaélamb: it is generally pronounced Catowr.”? Winrorp - On Mount

Caucasus ;—Asiatic Researches, Vol. VI. pp. 437-8.

§ 2

nycehrar ramet rie maitre a maaan NaS tir ye Pay

Saya a ei SO lore aR Nhe VN ey tht ren dl ower yn ner en

Sahm ¥ ale OS oa En ig aNd So hk i

LM ed ar te

acta motes

ite Plea

Sy bst nth ntoecr aren ta oie

la i shah ik oc age

Gy,

reigned egy nat

Tir LL oe PA MALEME tS RMT ote

a ve Boiss os

EaDr Po

"ay

aoe Satin

128 An Account of Upper Kash-kar. [No. 2

to have been a good ruler, and deservedly popular. He was, however,

a soldier of fortune originally, and dethroned the nghtful sovereign,

grandson of whom Vinge met with, living under the protection of the

kind-hearted and hospitable Ahmad Shah, the Gylfo or prince of Little

Thibet. The town is situated in the centre of the valley on a rising

ground, on the eastern, or left, or southern bank of the river previous.

ly referred to, and over which there is a large and well built wooden

bridge, considered by the natives a somewhat wonderful object. The

town is said to contain about two thousand houses, and between nine

and ten thousand inhabitants. All the chief men of the country have

dwellings of considerable size in the capital, where they are expected

chiefly to reside. Persons engaged in trade to any extent, together

with artizans and mechanics, also dwell almost exclusively at Drish.

The other considerable towns are,—Las-pur (giving name to the

mountains so called) to the east of Drish and north of Drél ;* Pu-

ritt to the north of Drish and south of Ash-rit ; Ash-rit north of Puritt

and east of Drush; Bedlury to the northward of Drifish and south of

Hich-gun.

The country lying to the south of the capital is thinly peopled;

but towards the north-east and west, it is very populous. The

inhabitants are Muhammadans professing the Shi-4h doctrine, the

same as followed by the Persians of the present day.

All complaints of importance, and cases of litigation, are investi-

gated and determined at Drish by the ruler himself; indeed, all com-

plainants residing within four days’ journey, are required to appear

before the supreme authorities in all cases. Persons dwelling ata

greater distance are permitted to appear before the subordinate chiefs,

who are empowered to hear and decide matters of minor importance,

subject to appeal to the Shah. 7

Tajammul Shah can collect, upon oceasion, a force of 12,000 match-

lock-men, who are not paid in money for their services, but in kind. |

The whole of the people are well provided with fire-arms with rests;

indeed, there are few persons without arms. These match-locks are 7

long and heavy, similar to those of Tfirkistén (from whence, most

likely, they are obtained) and carry a ball a long distance. The Kash-

* . xulley containing several small hamlets, belonging to Panj-korah, See °

page zo,

~ Bulaur (crystal) ?

1864. | An Account of Upper Kish-kar. | 129

karis are excellent marksmen; and powder and lead being exceedingly

expensive, when they do icles their pieces, it is generally with

effect ; and no shots are thrown away.

a 10,000 Si’ah-posh KAfirs,* of the Kamuz tribe, aie inhabit

the upper, or northern part of the valley of the Kash-kér or Chitral

river, lying nearest to the valley of the Kok-chéh river of Badakh-

shan, and north of the country held by the Kattaér and Kampar tribes

of SPah-posh, are subject to the Shah, to whom they pay a small

tribute. Their religion is not interfered with ; and they are, upon the

whole, very obedient subjects, and are unlike the generality of moun-

tain tribes, inasmuch as they do not rob. The Askin Kafirs, a sreat

portion of whom have embraced Muhammadanism, as well as the

Ashpins, are also subjects of the ruler of Lower Kash-kar, as already

mentioned in my account of that people.

Upper KAsu-xKAr. i

This is the territory of Gauhar Amdn Shéh, surnamed Chal, son

and successor of Malik Aman, the former ruler. The people are

Shih Muhammadans—that is to say, if a person should ask them

what religion they profess, they will answer that they are Musalmans

and Shiahs; but if he enquire of them what is meant by the word

Shiah, they will probably say they do not know. In the other state

of Chitral, or Lower Kash-kér, the people, as far as prayers, fasts, and

other exterior observances go, are Muhammadans; but there are few

signs of it in Upper Kash-kar.

The chief town is Més-ttich, or Més-toj, —— about three stages

or manzils of 25 coss, or 87 to 88 miles each, N. N. W. from

Gilgitt; but it is a place of no great size, containing only four

hundred houses, and about 2,000 inhabitants. It lies in the same

valley as Lower Kash-kdér; and also stands on the right or western

bank of the Chitrél or Kash-kér river, but nearer its source. The

town 1s protected by a small fortress; and the main routes followed

by the caravans of merchants from Pes’héwar, Badakhshan, and

Yarkand, meet here. Gauhar Aman, the ruler, resides a sood.

deal at Yasin, which is a still smaller place than Mas-ttich, but

it is more conveniently situated, being nearer towards Dar-band, the

fortified pass leading into the country, towards the west. There are

humerous ancient ruins in this neighbourhood, Drdsh, the eapital of

* See “ Notes on Kdfiristén’”’ in the Journal for 1859.

Noes Ase Ge kee AY cee ee ea UN er o

SAG A Ahn hy oc dei eae le

Ne Serer sy

Seren peer oe?

Tae

mitt eh et aR a ih fh Sa iba cs Sah So

Sif RUN SSUES oUF Be DINE SeRPFHANIUSIN Vaca OSabo ioe ya eo OY Ae

BER hepa ahh anny ne i

CaS PN See AE ES : hy

PERE A ae DRC ae a

Pa ae

—_—

sla saul Ue ae RS AR Hi Te Me area Ot dani al ear sche Sc are kW hele)

Lore eee SON aE) eal tics oie col pean ca, tence aE he

PSPS SPI Ade ae SUSE eNO eee eS HEIRS

{Sup ania wel gta wim a pth

malig rs 2 oo Siu os FUCA eI Sines

—

. 9

& *

n s

=- 4

Be 3

@ &

= ¥

7 L

me @

= i

_—

r 7 |

= 4

130 An Account of Upper Kdsh-kar. [No. 2.

Lower Kash-kar or Chitral, lies to the south-west of Mas-tfich. To

the east of the latter place is Hich-gun, to the south of which again

is Shotai.

The elevated plateau of Upper Kash-kar is inclosed by towering

hills surrounding it on all sides, except towards the south-west, in

which direction the Kash-kar or Chitral river, so often referred to,

flows. At the same time, however, it must be remembered, that the

whole of Kash-kar, both Upper and Lower, is crossed by several

smaller ranges of hills, and by numerous narrow valleys, some of

which are of considerable length.

Several passes lead into the two Kash-kars, the chief of which is the

Kotal Lahori, or Lahori Pass leading into Panj-korah through the

Laspur mountains, dividing the latter from the former state. By this

route Mas-ttich may be reached from Drish, which is distant three

manzils or stages, occupying two nights and a day, in the summer |

months. The Si’ah-posh K4firs infest the Pass at times, and plunder

travellers. ‘The road is also somewhat difficult between Panj-korah |

and Drush ; but beyond, it is very good; and the country is like a |

vast plain, gradually sloping upwards towards the high land of Pamir,

to the north and east. The roads throughout Lower Kash-kar or

Chitral, and Upper Kash-kér, are generally good, and clear of much

obstruction ; consequently, there would be no difficulty for the passage

of light artillery.

The nearest road from Chitral or Lower Kash-kér to Badakhshan

hes across the range of Hindi Kush—called the Badakhshan Ridge

by Macartney*—on the northern slope of which a small river rises,

and after flowing about twenty-five miles, enters the Panj, or Upper

eee branch of the Oxus, at Ishtdrak in the latter country. The path lies |

ca along the banks of this stream, and is only practicable in the sum-

SiS mer months, and then only for persons on foot, who can thus reach

Chitral in three days.

Another route into Badakhshén, practicable for beasts of burden,

and that pursued by caravans of merchants and traders, is by the

Mas-ttich Pass—so calied from the town of that name—and by de-

scending from thence, along the banks of another small stream, rising

on the northern slope of the mountains bounding Lower Kéash-kar to

the north-east, which falls into the Panj at Issar (His-dr ?) in the

* Hlphinstone’s Caubul: Vol. 2nd, Appendix D, pp. 453.

1864. | An Account of Upper Kash-kar. 131

eanton of Wakhan.* This is the main road between Badakhshan and

Gilgitt to Kashmir. The Yarkand road branches off from Issér to

the north, through the darah or valley of lake Sir-i kolf over the

table land of Pamtfr.

Further west there is another Pass into Badakhshén, called “ Kotal-

t-Nuksdn,” or the “ Defile of Mischief.” This road winds along the

face of tremendous precipices, and through frightful defiles, by which

the hamlet of Gdo-khdnah (signifying “Cow-house” in Persian,)

lying in a plain, may be reached in two or three days. Further north

is Rabat, ( Robat’ of Wood) on the Wardoj river. A route into

Kafiristan joins the above road amongst the defiles of Hindi Kush,

by which the districts held by the Kamtiz, Askin, and Ashpin tribes

of Stah-posh Kafirs may be reached in from three to four days, with-

out much difficulty, in the summer months.

To.the north-east of Upper K4sh-kar (which some also term Shagh-

nan), is Shagat, distant five manzils or stages. It is also called Kash-

kar, so | am informec; but the people are different in their manners

and customs, and are under a different ruler.

_ The river of Chitral or Kash-kar, also known as the Cheghdn-sarée,

from the small town of that name, near which it falls into the Kamah,

or Kunar, as it flows south to join the river of Kabul, appears—as I

have already pointed out at page 3—to have been long confounded

with the Kamah or Kunar, of which it is only a feeder. The Chitral

river rises at the “'Talab-i-Nil,” or “Cerulean Lake.”t This lake

must not be mistaken for lake Sir-i-kol,§ from which the Panj, or

* “ At Issar 10,000 feet, on the termination of the main valley of the Oxus,

the road divides into two, which when beyond Killah Panj bore respectively KH.

20° S., and N. 40° H, The former conducted to Chitral, Gilgit, and Kashmir,

and the latter across the table-land of Pamir to Yarkand,’ Woop,

+ “There is a Pass called Mustodj, or Mastuch, which joins the valley of

Wakan (Wakhan). I suppose that the name may be extended to the mountaing

bounding Chitral on the eastward, as I was told that after crossing the Mastuch

Pass, the traveller descends with a stream for several days until he reaches

Chitral, the country of Shah Kator.” Vigne: “Travels in Kashmir :? Vol.

IT. p. 309.

i An individual who had seen the region between Wakhan and Kashmir

informed me that the Kunir (Chitral) river had its principal source in a lake

resembling that in which the Oxus has its rise, and that the whole of this

country, comprehending the districts of Gilghit, Gunjit, and Chitral, is a series

of mountain defiles that act as water courses to drain Panir.”’? “ Wood’s J ourney

to the Oxus.”’

“There is said to be a lake in Shaghnan, half a day’s journey in circum-

ference, which drains the country on the left bank of the Panj, as the Oxus ig

here called.” Isip.

§ Surin Persian signifies the head, top, summit; ereat, highest, etc. ; and

kol, in the same language means a pond, a reservoir, a lake, and so forth,

eer ate Auer many il nee eae beans hurr Vybtraty yn N i Seah

rhe eho Rg pate agen > mee lector 299 2 oe

ne ee

132 An Account of Upper Kash-kar. [No. 2,

main branch of the Oxus takes its rise; for the Talaéb-i-Nil lies much

further to the south. ‘The river of Kash-kar flows from it, and having

passed Mas-tach on the west, flows towards the south and south-west,

through the two states of Kash-kar, and joins the Kémah or Kunar

at Cheghan-sarae, as before stated. The existence of this lake wag

mentioned to Lieut. Wood by natives of Badakhshan, and it is also

corroborated by the account of Moorcroft and Trebeck,* who call the

lake by the name of Hamt-sar; but which, if it is a Persian name, as

it appears to be, would rather seem to refer to that of “ Sir-i-kol,” the

source of the Oxus, and then, interpreted, would signify the “ Head

or Source of the Hamu,” which latter word, in all probability, is more

correctly Amt, (_»~! ) the name by which the Oxus is known to the

natives of these regions.

North of Maés-tuch all the streams take a northerly course towards

the Oxus and the river of Yaérkand; whilst those south of Més-ttich

run towards the south, and are, ultimately, absorbed into the Indus.

From Upper Kashkar, the road to Gilgitt lies to the south, south-

east ; and that place is seven stages distant. From thence, pursuing

a westerly route, Little Thibet is reached im another seven stages.

The Kashmir route lies to the south of Thibet, and is distant about

eight stages.

he dress of the people of Upper and Lower Kash-kér, from the

severe nature of the climate of the country, consists of a number of

garments worn one over the other. They are made with immense

sleeves ; and, when on, lie in a number of folds or rolls. The dresses

of the women are made longer and more loose than those of the men,

, ¥

and assimilate, in some measure, to the dress worn by the females of

Kashmir.

‘The men are tall and well made ; and the females are remarkable for

their beauty,+ which is said to surpass that of the Si’ah-posh women,

* “ Westward from Gilgit is Chitral, distinguished as Upper and Lower. The

latter, which is nearest to the Hindu Kush, is situated on a river flowing from a

lake called Hami-sar, and ultimately falling into the river of Kaébul.”—Moor-

CROFT AND T'REBECK.

7 “ Close to Gand’hamadana, along the banks of the Apara Géndica, or

western Gandica, is the country of the Cetu-mala, 34,000 Yojanas in length,

and 32,000 broad. The Cetu-mélas are mighty in deeds, strong, and powerful,

the women bright lke the Lotus flower: and whoever sees them, falls in love

with them.”’—Witrorp, on the Sacred Isles of the West: Astaric RESEARCHES

Vol. VII., page 359. ,

1864. | | An Accsunt of Upper Késh-kir. 133

who are so much celebrated for their good locks. A great many

people are yearly sold into slavery ; and a boy or a girl can, generally,

be purchased for one hundred rupees. The more comely of the females

fetch high prices, varying from five hundred to one thousand rupees.

Two or three hundred slaves are sent annually into 'Tarkistan, by the

_Darwan Pass of Badakhshan, and constitute one of the chief exports

from the country.

The imports consist of salt, which is very expensive; chintzes and

other piece-goods of low price and coarse texture from Yarkand,

Pes’hawar, and Badakhshan, tokether with boots and shoes, metals,

and a few pearls and precious stones from the latter country ; tea,

sugar, and horses from the former state; sundries, consisting of nee-

dies, thread, scissors, knives, combs, &c., of rough workmanship, from

Kashmir, and Pes’hawar ; iron from Panjkorah; gur or coarse sugar,

spices, medicines, matchlocks, swords, ammunition, and copper cook-

ing utensils.

The other exports besides slaves, are unbleached silk, the produce

of the country, and known amongst the traders of KAbul and other

parts of Central Asia, as koraéh* Kdsh-kari; shawls also the peculiar

manuilacture of the country, the woof of which, termed (834) pid, is

sometimes of a coarse description of silk called pattt by the KaAsh-

karis, and sometimes of cotton, and the warp called (4) ¢ér, of pure

suk. These are rather expensive, ranging in prics from twenty ru-

pees ; but a cheaper description is manufactured, the woof of which

is of wool, and the warp of cotton, and which can be procured as low

as two rupees each ; chokahs, or cloaks with sleeves, the cloth of which

is woven from pashm, a species of wool or fur, of three different colours,

with which all animals, even dogs, are provided, in this cold region,

but more particularly goats. It is called shawl-wool. These garments

vary in price from one to twenty rupees.

he peculiar method of weaving these mantles or Kash-kéri shawls

brings to mind a passage in Pliny with regard to the fabric from

which the Coan vests, so much esteemed by the Greeks and Romans,

were made. Heeren in his “ Asiatic Nations,” also refers to the subject

in the following terms. “ The first Grecian author who has made

mention of the silk-worm, and described its metamorphosis, is Aris-

* In Hindi means “ unbleached” or “ raw.”

+ The terms 3 9d and ys are Persian. The Sanskrit for silk is Qe patt.

tanh sate eae ti ners Ae ee R sien hte ioth mlb agp! Dh ed 2 A ayn able ed anc oa relat ellen bt age orc op ses

5 Ginah dre herpes yada oh ikl ey aan ect na bed ly

aoe es a perk att da ir Sie ois A a ea CEN Oat RCT COTES a amt LI i

Dip omaha) PCN TE mtn tt etna er PU Pay Pee UI eV Se eee NAT a SA IE ge tS Hee Pra ear SEM pt Bed es IZ Me

’ ee ‘ "

. 3 =

—

134 An Account of Upper Kash-kér. [No, 2.

totle in his Natural History. His account, however, does not tally

with the silk-worm known in Europe; and it is probable that he had

another species in view, though his commentators are by no means

agreed on this point. He tells us that the web of this insect was

wound off by women, and afterwards woven ; and names 4 certain

Pamphyle, of Cos, as the inventress of this art. Whence then wag

the raw material derived ? The Grecian philosopher does not express-

ly inform us, but Pliny,* who has translated his works, and perhaps

had a more accurate copy before him than we possess, speaks of

Assyrian,f that is, Asiatic silk, and ‘interprets in this manner the

obscure expressions of Aristotle. The Grecian women, he Says,

‘unravel the silken stuffs umported from Asia, and then weave them

anew ; whence that fine tissue, of which frequent mention is made by

the Roman poets under the name of Coan vests.’ A celebrated scholar

understands this passage as implying that all the Asiatic garments,

described as silken, were in fact only half composed of silk, and sup-

poses that the Grecian women separated the two materials of which

they consisted, and that the cotton wocf having been withdrawn, the

er a

texture was filled up with silk alone.’ t |

Kash-kar is, by no means, a poor country ; in many places it is well

sheltered ; and the climate, on the whole, is temperate, but, in winter,

ib is severe. The soil is rich and fertile, producing much grain, in-

cluding great quantities of rice. European fruits, such as apples, pears,

apricots, plums, peaches, etc., are produced in creat quantities, as well

as excellent grapes, from which vast quantities of wine are made; for

the Kash-karis, although professing Muhammadanism, are, like their

neighbours, the Si’4h-posh Kafirs, and the people of Gilgitt, notorious

for their wine-bibbing propensities.

The herds and flocks, particularly the latter, constitute the chief

wealth of the inhabitants of Kash-k4r and the neighbouring petty

states, and for which they have been celebrated from remote anti-

quity.§

* PLiny, XI. C. 22 and 23.

+ Bakhtra and the regions between the Indian Caucasus and the Indus were

included in the Assyrian empire.

{ Foster, De Bysso Antiq. p. 16.

§ “* In the mountains also of northern India, the district of Belur (Bilauris-

tan), or vicinity of Cashmire, were found then, as at present, large flocks of

sheep which constituted the wealth of the inhabitants.” GOrustas: XIII. 22.

a Fe SN A CHEE A eS SN EE NES: :

; - ; 3

came |

1864.. | An Account of Upper Kash-kar. 135

There is no fixed rate of taxation in either of the two states ; some-

times a fifth or a fourth of the produce is levied ; but, at times, as

much as one half has been collected.

Trade is chiefly carried on by means of barter, money being very

scarce.

The language of both Upper and Lower Késh-kdér contains a great

proportion of Persian words. This, however, is no matter of surprise,

when we consider that these countries formed a portion of the exten-

sive empire of the Persians. The people are said to express themselves

with much cireumlocution.

The Venetian traveller, Marco Polo, appears to have visited Késh-

kar, which he thus briefly describes. “ At length you reach a place

called Kash-kér. The province is extensive, and contains many towns

and castles, of which Kash-kér is the largest and most important***

Besides the Muhammadans, there are amongst the inhabitants several

Nestorian Christians.” The matter of the Nestorians is a somewhat

‘difficult one to solve. The Si’éh-posh tribes, inhabiting a portion of

the valley of the Kash-k4r river, may probably be the people he refer-

red to; and whom, differing widely in manners and customs from the

Muhammadans of those parts, he, without due inquiry, and chiefly,

if not solely, on native report, may have fondly concluded to be

Christians.

INDEPENDENT AreauAn STarEs.

The petty states at present held by the powerful and numerous

Aighan tribe of Yusufzi, the most turbulent, and the most independ.

ent of the Afghan clans, who have reduced the original inhabitants of

these countries to a state of vassalage since their exodus from Kabul

in the reign of Mirz4 Ulagh Beg, grandson of Timir (the account of

Herodotus and the Idxrves of the Pes’hawar oracle notwithstanding)

in which they themselves reign in feudal turbulency—consist of Panj-

korah, including that part of the “Sama’h*—above the junction of

the Panj-korah river with the river of Suwét, called the district of

Talash ; Suwat; Buner; and Chumlah ; the whole lying to the north

of the British possessions, part of which includes the south-western

portion of the Sama‘h, lying nearest to the left bank of the Landdaey

or Panj-korah river. I have given a description of the valley of

* A Pus’hto word signifying “ a plain,”

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comparatively, little known.

PANJ-KORAH.

Panj-korah, a compound word, signitying “ five houses or clans,”

from the Persian “ pay,” “ tive,’ and the Pus’hto, “ kor,” “a house,

is so called from the five clans of the Mali-zi sup.

clan, tribe, etce.,’

division of the great Afghan tribe of Yusuf-zi, which originally peopled

it, after the conquest of those parts, north of the Kabul river, by the

Afghans about the beginning of the sixteenth century. Those clans

were, Paindah Khel, Doshah Khel, Sarandi Khel, Sultan Khel, and

Pai Khel. At present there is a slight difference, from the fact of

other clans having sprung up, during the course of so many years.

Panj-korah is the most imvortant, and most considerable of these

minor independent Afghan states, lying almost immediately under the

southern slopes of Hindu Kush. It runs in a north-east and south.

west direction; is of oblong form, being about ninety-five miles in

length, from north to south ; and forty-eight from east to west. It is

bounded, north by the two Kash-kars; south by Tal-dsh, and the

Peshawar district ; north-east by Bilauristan, Galgitt, and other little

known principalities towards the upper sources of the Indus; south-

136 An Account of Upper Kash-kar. [No. 2,

Suwat, in a late number of the Journal. The other two districts are,

east by the Suwat valley; west by Kafiristén ; and south-west by

Baj-awrr, a district belonging to the Tar-kolani tribe of Afehdns. It |

is surrounded on all sides, and is crossed in various directions, by lofty

hills, inclosing as many valleys through which the principal rivers

flow, fed by numerous smaller mountain streams. The hills are clothed

with dense forests of fir, pine, oak, wild olive, and other trees indige-

nous to these alpine regions.

ce The principal rivers, that intersect Panj-korah like the ramifications

os an of a leaf, are, the Lahori—also called the Dir river (rising on the

Eat southern face of the Las-ptir mountains separating it from Kash-kar,

and giving name to the pass leading into the latter country, the road

winding along its banks) which flows nearly due south, passing the

town of Dir, the residence of the ruler, for about twenty miles. It 1s

then jomed hy the Tal from the north-east, which takes its rise in

the hills bounding Yasin to the west. This stream has the longest

course, and its Pus’hto name, signifying “ always,” “ ever,” “ per-

petually,” ete., may refer to the fact of its never becoming dry, as

some of the smaller rivers are liable to become in the winter months

1864: | An Account of Upper Kash-kar. 137

The other streams in succession are, the U’-sheri, whose volume is the

most considerable of the Panj-korah rivers, and the Karah, both of

which run in an almost parallel direction to the Tal, with intervals of

from twelve to twenty miles from each other ; and the Birah-wol from

the north-west, whose source is in the lofty hills held by the Si’4h-posh

Kafirs, separating the valley of the Kash-kar or Cheghan-sarée river

from the Panj-korah district. All these (except the Birdh-wol) unite

near the village of Rabat, and after flowing south for about another

twenty miles, under the names of Panj-korah, Usheri, and Malizi

river, receives the small rivers of Babé Karah, Jandawal, and Baj-

awrr from the north-west, which, after watering the small valleys

bearing those names, unite with the Birdh-wol river before they fall

into the main stream in the district of Télésh. About twenty-six

miles further south, the Panj-korah river receives, near the village of

Khwadarzi, the river of Suwaét—the supposed Suastus of the ancients

——a stream of great rapidity in many places, and of considerable

Jength and volume—from the north-east. It rises in the hills bound-

ing Gilgitt on the west, and runs, for some distance, nearly parallel

to the other streams on the same side.* The united waters now

become a clear, deep, and rapid river, known as the “ Landdaey Sind,”

in Pus’hto signifying “The Little” or “Lesser River” Gn reference

to the Indus, which is called the “ Abd sind,” or “ Father of Rivers,”

in this part of its course), which, lower down, near the village of Abé-

zi, separates into several branches, which at Hasht-nagar, in the Do-

abah of the Pes’hawar. district, again unite, and, at length, disem-

bogues into the river of Kabul, near the village of Noh-satah, about

forty-five miles from its junction with the Suwét. The Panj-korah or

Landdaey river is supposed to be the Gurzeus of the classical authors,

and is the most considerable river of these regions after the Kabul.

the Panj-korah district slopes down considerably from north to

south ; hence the rapidity of the rivers, the main streams of which,

in the summer months, increase so much in volume and rapidity on

the melting of the snows, as to become impassable altogether, except

by means of rafts, and even then, with considerable difficulty and

danger. The Lahori, or Dir, becomes Gry in the winter months; and

the other lesser rivers, or Ahwarrs, as they are termed in the Afghan

* See my “ Account of Suwét,” in the Journal for 1862, page 227 , In which

an account of the upper sources of the Suwat river will be found.

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1388 An Account of Upper Kash-kar. [No. 2,

tongue, viz. the Biréhwol, the Tal, the Karah, and the Baj-awrr rivep

and its feeders, are generally fordable at that season.

The whole of these streams give names to as many darahs—long,

narrow, fertile, and pleasant valleys, inclosed by ranges of lofty hills

running in a parallel direction to each other, which are again inter

sected, in opposite directions, by hills less lofty, and valleys still

smaller, each- of which has its own little stream, acting as a feeder to

the larger ones, and generally its village or small hamlet.

In the winter months, the hills are covered with snow half way

down their sides; and in the valleys also, as far south as Dir, snow

falls in considerable quantities, ané lies on the ground for many days,

and sometimes even, for weeks together. Lower down, they have

copious showers of rain in the winter season.

The whole of these valleys, as well as the extensive level tract

known as the “Sama’h,” (except some parts of the latter, which ap-

proach the Merra’h, or Desert) are fertile, and the land is carefully

cultivated. It produces an abundance of grain, chiefly wheat and |

barley ; but yw’ar (Holcus sorgum), and bdjrdé (Holcus spicatus), are

produced in smaller quantities. |

The other principal productions are, cotton to a small extent, suf-

ficient for home consumption ; tobacco, and sugar-cané, which are

grown in the more southerly parts. Most agricultural produce is

exceedingly cheap, and is calculated to be eight times more so than

at Kabul. When at the dearest, eight Kébul sérs of wheat—equal to

about 88 Ibs. Hnglish—sell for one rupee or two shillings.

Many European fruits are also produced in considerable quantities

and some wild, but of no great variety. The former consist, chietly,

=k of apples, pears, and a sort of plum. The hills and valleys, in many

a ae - places, are also clothed with several sorts of wild flowers, indigenous

er to these northern climates.

The land, in the more elevated parts, depends solely on rain for

moisture ; but in the valleys, the irrigation is artificial wherever the

water of the numerous streams can be conducted. The chief harvest

is the Ahurtf or autumn; and but little corn is sown in the spring

months.

The northern part of Panj-korah, where the climate is severe, is

somewhat thinly inhabited; but towards the south the country is

densely populated.

1864. | An Account of Upper Kish-kar. 139

The people, who depend chiefly upon tillage for subsistence, also

possess numerous herds of cows and oxen, goats, and buffaloes. Sheep

are met with in great numbers, and never reach a higher price than

three rupees, or six shillings. Lately, I find, they have been brought

to Pes’hawar for sale, in considerable numbers. A good buffalo can ~

be purchased for from twelve to twenty rupees ; but cows constitute

their chief wealth. Loads are mostly carried on the backs of oxen.

and asses. Notwithstanding that fodder is abundant, horses and mules

are by no means common; but some few of the former animals are

kept for military purposes. Camels are seldom seen in the country.

One-tenth of the agricultural produce is received by the ruler.

Cattle are not subject to any tax; but a capitation, or house tax is

levied on each house at the yearly rate of three rupees.

The rupee in general currency throughout the country peopled by

the Yusufzis, is the old Herdt coin, worth about twenty-five per cent

less than the Hast India Company’s rupee, which is also in circulation,

since the annexation of the Panjab, to a limited extent.

From the bounds of the village of Panj-korah to that of Ushirt,

grain is sold by weight; but beyond, a measure, called a0-ga't in

Pus’hto, is used instead. ‘The sér of Panj-korah is one-fifth less in

weight than that of Kabul; and the ao-ga’? is equal to three quarters

of the Panj-korah s7r.

The present* prices for articles of general consumption are at the

following rates:—Wheat, seven Panj-korah sirs the rupee ; barley

eight sts; shalé or unhusked rice, eight sérs ; jwar, seven strs ;

salt, brought from Peshawar, six s7rs ; roghan or clarified butter, one

sir; gur, coarse sugar, brought from Pes’h4war and J elalabad, one sr

and quarter; honey, one s¢r and a quarter ; cotton, five-eighths of a

sir—about eighteen ounces English ; iron three sis; kG-di—the

coarsest description of cotton cloth—eight Lam-ghén yards. :

A few articles, the produce of Hindistan, are imported ; but the

ehief imports, which consist of articles of apparel and clothing of

various descriptions, and a little indigo, are brought from Pes’hawar

by the traders of that eity and district, numbers of whom visit the

country, and take back in exchange, iron, honey, and roghan or clari-

fied butter.

* This paper was written a few years since: the prices may have therefore

altered, and allowance for any errors must be made accordingly,

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140 An Account of Upper Kdsh-kar. [No, 2

* aady

There are a number of iron mines throughout Panj-korah, from

which all the neighbouring countries are supplied. Some are situated

in the Las-ptir mountains, and in the neighbouring hills of Biréh-wol,

but the most extensive mines are in the Aw-shiri and Karah darahs.

In fact the whole of the Panj-korah district teems with iron and |

galena (called swrmah or black antimony by the Afghans), and there

is no doubt but that 1 contains other even more valuable minerals.

Great quantities of yellow soap are made from the fat of sheep and

goats, at the village of Guna-tir, where all the houses, with but few

exceptions, are provided with oil-presses and machines for boiling the

soap, which sells at the rate of five sérs the rupee. This village sup-

a _— sz ee — —— ._—™

plies the whole of the surrounding hill countries with this necessary.

It is held in great estimation as being free from adulteration with

jw ar flour and the like ; and is pure fat and potash.

There is a considerable trade carried on between the districts to the

south-east and west, as well as with Badakhshan, Kash-kar, Yarkand, |

and other places in Chinese Turkistan, by menns of kdfilehs or cara- |

vans. ‘The route to the latter countries is through the Lahori Pass, i

near the town of Dir, where the chief of Panj-korah resides; and )

where he imposes a small tax or transit duty on merchandize. Tra- gE:

vellers and traders are treated with great kindness and hospitality 3

throughout the Panj-korah district; and with the exception of the

independent tribes of the Siah-posh Kafirs (who are not subject to | i

the ruler of Lower Kaésh-kar) who, at times, infest the Lahori Pass, |

the roads are safe, and the honesty of the people is so great, that the

trader may generally penetrate into the remotest valleys, and in the i

hilly tracts, without danger of being molested by thieves or robbers. ok

The darahs, or valleys to the east of the main stream ol the Panj- |

korah river, which divides the district from north to south, together \

with the names of the villages, clans occupying them, and names of )

their Kad-khudds or head-men, are as follow.

SHAKOLACY DARAH.

IF : E a | Village. Clan. Chiefs or Head-men. |

oe Karah, Shahi-Khel, Zardad Khén. |

Deh Haritn, Shahi-Khel, Mazsim Khan. |

Kot-ki, Shahi-Khel, Hyder Khan.

EE ES Senge >

1864. | An Account of Upper Kdsh-kar. 141

Village. Clan. Chiefs ar Head-men.

Kari, Pa-indah-Khel, Saed-ullah Khan, brother

of the Chief of Panj-

korah.

Shakolaey, Niurah- Khel, Aiyub Khan.

TimGr-KALAH DaARaAn.

Timtr kalah, Nutrah-Khel, Sirdar Khan.

Khtin Koh, _ Mohsgan, and Ghaffar.

Dan-wah, Akhund Khel, _

Char-pirah, Nasr-ud-Din Khel, Muhammad Khan.

Shahr, ae 5 Sarwar Mi-an.

Mian-mandah Sahib-zddahs, or descendants of some holy man.

RaBar*-1-MuHAMMAD KHAN Daran.

Sam-rt, Pé-indah Khel, Gul Khan.

Rabat, Nasr-ud-din Khel, Mahabbat Khan.

Kanj-lah, Mi-an Khel, Aka Sahib.

KAw-ni Darau. |

This darah contains only one village, named Dilkhéh, but there is a

number of small bandahs or hamlets, some of which do not contain

more than a few families. This valley contains altogether about a

thousand houses. The people are Pé-indah Khels, and the headman

for the whole is nominated by Ghazan Khan, the chief of Panj-korah.

Matan-Kanp Danan.

This darah is held by people of different clans. The hamlets are

very small, and the whole darah may contain about eleven hundred

may ENA oda kal aang lh vp hp help eae aS A teva kin AP EISSN NSF aca a pnyga UO eM yy PMV yeh MRP UME WN

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houses.

Turmanad Darad.

Akhkram, Pa-indah Khel, ‘Suyed Rahman.

Diid-ba, : = Sher Halé Khan.

There are also several other smaller villages or hamlets containing

a few families.

Kart Dara.

This darah is inhabited chiefly by families descended from the ori-

ginal inhabitants of the country, who live in a state of vassalage to

their Afghan conquerors. There are also a few Yusufzis residing in it,

belonging to the clans already mentioned. :

* Arabic for a caravansarae.

Village.

Nahak,

Waraey,

Jzghanch,

Darojnah,

U-shert,

_Jabar,

Kandi-kar,

Kazan,

Bibi Yawarah,

Mir Al-mas,

Tar-pah-tar,

Bar U-shert,

Damah.-zar,

Palam,

Sam-kott,

Batil,

Bar-kand,

Kor-koaey,

Nasht-d4mal,

Habibi.

Kaman-gar,

An Account of Upper Kash-kar.

Clan.

Na-HAK DARAH.

Pa-indah Khel,

9) a9

Gudaey Khel,

Sultan Khel,

LNo. 2,

Chiefs or Head-men,

Chiragh Shéh.

Bazte.

Allah Yar Khan.

Suyed Amir.

U-suerf Daran.

Sultan Khel,

99 99

Mi-an Khel,

Pa-indah Khel,

Bar (Urrrer) U-suerf

Pa-indah Khel,

92 79

Mi-4n Khel, or de-

scendants of

Akhind Darwe-

zah,and hisfamily,

99 99 ‘

(

PP) 99 5

Nurah Khel,

Kazi, Mabd-ur-Rahman.

99 99

Saiyid Adam.

ffiabd-ullah Khan,

Zarit Khan.

Hajam Khan.

DaRau.

Anwar Shah Khan.

Ahmad Khan.

Fazal Shah.

Sher-i-Zaman.

Khair-ullah Mi-4n.

Karim Dad, a direct de-

scendant of the celebrat-

ed Akhtnd Darwezah,

author of the Makhzan

Pus’hto.*

Mi-an Nazim.

Hastb.

This last mentioned village derives its name, signifying, in the

Persian language, “ Bow-maker,” from the fact of the first inhabitants

having been makers of that weapon, for which their descendants are

still celebrated,

ZARAH-KHEL DARA.

‘This valley contains a number of small hamlets having but few

Inhabitants. The head-man is appointed by Ghazan Khan, the chiet.

* For account of his writings, see my Pus’hto Grammar.

a RS ST

1864. An Account of Upper Kash-kar. (148

DraAt Daran.

This valley is very secluded, bemg inclosed on all sides by lofty

hills; and the hamlets are very small. ‘The people pay a small tax to

Ghazan Khan.

The following darahs and villages are situated to the west of the

Panj-korah river.

Hirdne Danan.

This valley contains a number cf small hamlets, many of which are

now in ruins and deserted. ‘The ziarat or shrine of a saint, named

Ghazi Sahib, is situated in this darah.

SHtH Danan.

The river of Bajawrr, which rises in the hills to the west of Panj-

korah, flows through this darah from west to east; and after recelving’

the Jandawul and Baba Karah rivers, from the valleys bearing those

names, joins the Biréhwol. The darah of Birdhwol, through which

the last named river flows, before entering the darah of Shuh, lies

higher up, and will be noticed in its proper place.

» There are numerous small villages on both sides of the river, in this

valley, the whcle of which have numerous gardens and orchards.

Ghazan Khan of Dir, the chief, appoints the head-man.

Bank Karan DARAH.

This valley contains small hamlets only. The people were formerly

independent, and were under a chief or head-man of their own, named

Aslam Khan ; but several years since it became dependent on Ghazan

Khan, who appoints a head-man of his own. |

BrrAnwort Darang.

The chief place in this valley is Birahwol, hence its name, and that

of its river. It is the residence of a petty independent chief, named

Muhammad Alalt Khan, of the Afghan tribe of Tarkoldni, which

possesses Bajawrr ; and, therefore, although included in Panj-korah, it

can scarcely be deemed a dependency of it, as the chief pays no tri-

bute to Ghazan Khén. There are several iron mines in this valley,

which have been worked for centuries past. There are also several

hamlets, but they are small in size.

Maipan Daran.

The only village of any size, contained in this darah, is Khemah,

inhabited by Shahi Khels, of whom Barun is the head-man. There

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ata ay ~

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bss.

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—

144 An Account of Upper Kash-kar. [No. 2,

are, however, numerous small hamlets. The people have the name of

being the only robbers im the district of Panj-korah, which may be

accounted for, in some measure, from the fact of this valley being the

most difficult of access in the whole district.

PANJ-KORAH DARAH.

Bar (upper) Panj-korah, Sultan Khel, Sher Mall.

Kuz (ower) Panj-korah, 34 = Pagul.

Pat-aw, ee Mardan.

Dir, the residence of the chief.

Dir, the capital of the Panj-korah district, contains about two hundred

houses, not including the citadel, and some twelve hundred inhabit.

ants. It is protected by a considerable fortress or citadel, situated on

a high mound or eminence, a spur from the Lads-ptr mountains. The

walls, which are substantially built of mud and stone, are about four

hundred yards long, three hundred in breadth, and twelve yards in

height ; and are flanked by four towers or bastions. Within the

citadel, which is kept in excellent repair, there is a large mosque,

besides several other buildings, including the residence of the chief

Ghazan Khén, and his numerous family, together with his immediate

followers, constituting his standing army, the whole of whom, with

their families, amount to about two thousand five hundred people.*

There are, in this, as in the other valleys, numerous small hamlets.

SHAMUR-GAR DARAH.

Shamitr-gar, Pa-indah Khel,

Khir, x 5 Allah Yar Khan.

Amluik-nar, The people are the descendants of the aboriginal

Jabalak, inhabitants of the country, and called by the

Yusufzis raeyats (vassals) and fakérs (villains).

The two smaller darahs of TawAnxi and Dipp are contiguous to

this valley, and open into it. They contain a few hamlets.

The other chief places in the Panj-korah Darah, are Ghundi,}

Chakyé-tan, Arottah Sin, and Panah-kit.

* BAzar calls this place Panj-korah, probably as it was the capital of the

district. He notices it as follows, “ Panj-korah lies a little above the middle

of the slope of the hill. It is necessary, for nearly a kos, to climb up, laying

hold of the ground.” Memorrg, pp. 250.

+ Signifying, in Pugs hto, a detached hill.

SE SR NEE ELT SE Se Se RS

8 ne eee

SE ==.

’

1864.] An Account of Upper Kash-kar. 145.

The chief dézar, or market towns, or marts of trade in the district

are, Dir, Biréh-wol, Sam*-khal, and L’warr}-khal.

There are three other darahs dependent on Dir, or the Panj-korah

Darah, viz. KAsH-KARi, so called from leading into Kash-kar by the

Lahori Pass; Do-Bpunpf, by the other Pass through which Kash-kar

may be reached in two stages; and Kanir. ‘They all three contain

some small hamlets at considerable distances from each other.

From the Maidan Darah towards the west, there is a route leading

into Bajawrr; and another from the Birah-wol Darah, in the same

direction. ‘There are also two principal routes into Suwat from the

Panj-korah district ; one through the U-sheri, and the other through

the Karu Darah. Proceeding south from the villages of Timur-kalah

and Kat-kalah, and passing through the small district of Téldsh (a

short account of which will be found further on), the main road leads

by Hashtnagar to Pes’hawar. It is good, and clear of obstruction,

and is the only one by which guns could be taken into Panj-korah.

Sultan Muhammad Khan, Barakzi, the brother of Dost Muhammad

Khan of Kabul (a person who is likely to cause us some trouble ere

long, when the Dost shall have been gathered to his fathers), entered

the Panj-korah district by this road, several times, whilst he was in

possession of Pes’hawar. |

Ghazan Khan of Panj-korah is the most powerful chief amongst

the whole of the Yusufzis, whether Yusuf or Mandar; and by his

great abilities and foresight, has rendered himself, for many years past,

respected by all the other princes and chieftains of these parts. He

is on friendly terms with the chief of Bajawrr; and is in alliance

with the rulers of Chitrél and Upper Kash-kér. He is the son of

Kaésim Khan, mentioned by Elphinstone in his account of the kingdom

of Kabul, son of Zafar Khan, son of Ghul4m Khan, son of Akhiind

Ilyas ; and belongs to, and is the chief of, the Pa-indah Khel branch

of the Yisufzi tribe, which is also known as the “ Akhind Kor,”

signifying, in the Pus’ hto language, “ The 'Teacher’s family or house.”

At the time these notes were made, three years since, Ghazan Khan

was about seventy years of age, and has since probably died; but I

have not heard of his decease.

The following tradition concerning the foundation of the family of

* Sam, level, flat.

+ L’warr, high, lofty, etc.

BE TRR RN ey BLES ES eS Eye 9h Lal eke Bove ye Wee

PUI en AN Bie SIRS SEIN PUL MMARL et es ME Lat Mao LIM)

pal

c ne a —

‘| mt Y =

esis o:

Bry:

+ Se

eee

,- tee

tag

aes

aia

+ oe

ihe <2 ~ q

y- Seal

4-3

. as

a ey

a ‘Ss 2 f

2 oe

wed

4) ae

j oy

i; ey

+ oe

rit S|

4 Ae

1 ay

, 339

a a

; ay

cel

> ie

; ne

qi ae

at |

eer

" om

—

tan

, 2

; 8

: ae

;

: «

j -

a yy

ine

s j

: a

——-

7 <t

146 An Account of Upper Kash-kar. [No, 2,

Akhtnd Ilyas, who lived in the reign of the Mughal Emperor

Aurangzeb, is related by the people of those parts :—Akhind Ilyas, 9

Darwesh and God-fearing man, was blessed with two sons—Aiyub and

Ismézil. The former who was the elder brother, had oceasion, one

day, to give some admonition to the younger, which the latter was not

inclined to listen to in future, so he left the paternal roof in disgust,

and proceeded to Kabul; and although of tender years only, he suc.

ceeded in obtaining service with the Governor of that province. Here

his cleverness and great talents attracted his master’s notice ; and he

was advanced from one post to another, until, such was the confidence

private apartments.

placed in him, he was admitted within the Haram-sarde,—the most

One day, the Governor, who appears to have been, himself, under

petticeat-government, had a dispute with his wife, which ended in her

beating the ruler of the province with one of her slippers. Aiytb

happened to be present on that occasion ; and it tended, in no small

degree, to add to the shame of his master, consequent on such an

exposure. In order to comfort the Governor, if possible, and soothe

his irritated feelings, Aiyub remarked, that the women of all countries :

are naturally violent in temper, as well as tyrannical in disposition ;

and, that in his own country they were more violent still, and had

even been known to take the lives of their husbands. He therefore

begged his master to take no further notice of his wife’s behaviour,

but to serve her after the same fashion in future, should she indulge «© /

in such fits of violence.

After this untoward occurrence, however, the Governor, fearing, no

doubt, lest the matter might leak out, and that he should, conse-

quently, become a laughing-stock amongst the people, took care to

treat Atyub with great consideration, and never to be anery with him ;

in fact, he let him have his own way entirely. He accordingly rose

in his master’s favour more than ever, particularly when, after inqui- |

ries, he found that Aiytib had faithfully kept his secret.

Aiyub at length became desirous of revisiting his home and friends ;

and he was dismissed by the Governor of Kabul, with great honour,

and loaded with presents, both in money and goods.

There being no mechanics or artizans in his own country, Aiyub

obtained permission from the Governor to take along with him from

Kabul, a carpenter, a mason, a goldsmith, and a huntsman, together |

1864. | An Account of Upper Kask-kar. 14.7

with their families, who settled in Panj-korah. Their children followed

the occupations of their fathers, and their descendants are now a con-

siderable community, much respected in the country. These people

are known as fakirs,a name also borne by the aboriginals of those

parts, subject to the Yusufzi Afghans. 7

Aiyub was also attended by a number of other followers; and

shortly after he reached home, Akhtnd Ilyas, his father, who was still

alive, called his two sons into his presence and said unto them: “ Out

of the goods of this world, I have but two things to bequeath—my

sword, and my kachkol” (a wooden bowl, or a gourd, in which a Dar-

wesh receives alms) : “take your choice of them.” Ismézil, the elder

brother, chose the Aachkol, and Aiytb the sword; and soon after,

Akhund Hyas, who had attained a great age, was gathered to his

fathers. ‘The children of Ismazeil practise austerity ; and are seekers

after “the truth”* unto this day. They have the credit of being very

learned. Aiytb, who kept up a small number of soldiers, at length,

obtained the title of Khan amongst his countrymen, and acquired

considerable power, which increased from generation to generation, up

to the time of Kasim Khan, father of Ghazan Khan, the present chief,

whose rule extended over twelve thousand families of the Yusufzt tribe.

Ik4sim Khan was the father of three sons—Azad, Ghazan, and

Sazed-ullah—by three several Yisufzi mothers, each of different clans.

Azad, the eldest, by some untoward and unfortunate chance, became

the slayer of his father; and some time subsequently, was, in like

manner, slain by the youngest brother Sawd-ullah, in retaliation.

These events occurred during the short and stormy reign of Shah

Mahmud, (son of Timur Shah, and consequently brother of the unfor-

tunates, Shéh-i-Zamdn and Shah Shajdxe-ul-mulk), over the kingdom

of Kabul, about the commencement of the present century.

Ghazan Khan was possessed of prudence and foresight in no small

degree. He also had great wealth ; and succeeded, by degrees, in

gaining over the people to his side; and with the support and assist-

ance of the late Shah Kator of Chitral, or Lower Kash-kér, he was

acknowledged as the chief of his tribe, and ruler of the whole country

of Panj-korah. ‘The former friendship with the late, has been con-

tinued with the present, ruler of Chitral—Tajammul Shah, son of

Shih Kator. Ghazan Khan, however, is at enmity with his younger

* Sufi-ism: see my “ SELECTIONS FROM THE PorTRy oF THE AFGHANS,”

Sat

— ee .

SS LS SS A pecs ao

—

SALT Sea aaa ate erin

i a a a et lui

autor

xara

148 An Account of Upper Kash-kar. [No. 2

brother Sazed-ullah, who still continues at the head of some four thou-

sand families. In the month of Muharram, in the year 1839, during

our occupation of Afghanistan, some cause of dispute having arisen

between them, they assembled their followers, and Ghazan Khan

advanced against his brother; but the forces separated after a shioht

skirmish, in which from twenty to thirty of their people were killed

and wounded.

The Panj-korah chieftaim was on friendly terms with the late

Government of Lahore, during the time of Maharaja Ranjit and

Maharaja Sher Singh ; and they were in the frequent habit of sending

presents to each other. In 1839, when it was the policy of the late

Ranjit Singh to conciliate the Panj-korah chief, he sent him amongst

other valuable presents, a fine elephant; in return for which Ghazan

ihan sent the Maharaja several fine Kohistani horses, and some other

rarities, through Sultan Muhammad Khan, Barakzi, who then held -

Pes’hawar of the Seikh ruler. During the time that the Neapolitan

Avitabile was Governor of Pes’hawar for the Lahore Government,

the chief of Panj-korah used to send him Chitral slave-girls for

his seraglio, besides male slaves, from the hill countries in his

neighbourhood.

The regular paid troops of Ghazan Khan do not exceed two hun-

dred men; but the Ulést or militia, or feudal retainers, amount to

above ten thousand matchlock men; and they can be assembled on

very short warning.

The chief subordinates of Ghazan Khan, or his ministers as they

are termed, are, hisson Rahmat-ullah Khan, Suyed Mir Malam, Kazi

Miabd-ur-Rahmaén, of the Paé-indah Khel, and AJabd-ul-Kadir, who

was formerly a slave, but has now become the Nazir of income and

expenditure.

It now remains to say a few words respecting the Ragyats or

Hakirs, who are much more numerous than the Yisufzis themselves.

The greater part of them are the descendants of the aboriginal inha-

bitants whom the Afghans found there when they conquered those

parts at the end of the and beginning of the fifteenth century. They

are also called Suwatis, and Degdns; and are, with the Shalménis and

other tribes, such as Hindkis, Awdns, Pardnchahs and others, the

original people of these parts, It is strange that those who say 80

much about Herodotus, and the Id«rves, who they contend are the

—————@—e eee ee

‘if

1864. | Au Account of Unper Kash-kar. 149

Afghans, do not first provide for these people, who were in those

countries when the Afghdéns conquered them, and had been there cen-

turies previously. As I said before, the greater part of those people,

now to be found in the country held by the Yusufzis, are called Suwa-

tis, and are the descendants of those who remained in their country*

after 1b was conquered ; a goodly number of Degdns; some Hindkis,

who have emigrated from the Panjab; a few Kashmiris, and Hindus,

who are attracted by the desire of gain; and some members of other

Afghan tribes who have been obliged to fly from their own people, and

who thereby have become degraded to the rank of the Fukirs and

fiazyats. The Hakirs cannot hold land, and are not considered equal

to their conquerors, who live like Spartans among Helots; and they

are not allowed to be present at Jirgahs or assemblies of the clans.

They are subject to the person on whose land they dwell, who is styled

the Khawind or master. They pay him a small tax and are obliged to

work for him gratis, for certain periods, like the villains in our own

country in days gone by. The master can beat, or even take the life

of his Rkaeyats or Hakirs, without being questioned for it. But, at

the same time, they are sure of every protection from their Khdwind,

who would not, at the risk of his life, permit any other person to

injure them. They may pursue any trade, work as labourers for their

own advantage, or rent land as a Bazgar, and their master would have

no demand upon them but for the fixed rent, a few taxes, and a certain

share of their labour, as already mentioned ; and, altogether, they are

mildly treated. The Ahdwind is deterred from ill-treating his Fuktrs

from the disgrace attached to oppression by the Yisufzis, as well as

the other Afghan tribes; and, moreover, a Fakir or fiaeyat, f op-

pressed can remove to the lands of another Afghan, who would gladly

receive, and give him protection, for there is a great competition for

them. The number of clans and independent communities among the

Afghans are a great protection to these people; and should one of

them receive any deadly injury requiring retaliation, he could revenge

himself on his oppressor, and afterwards fly to another clan, or inde-

pendent community, and demand protection, which would always be

freely granted.

The Ahawind is not permitted to extort money from his Fakir ;

but he is allowed to levy a few fines, such as, on the settlement of a

* J shall return to the subject of the Suwatis in a future paper.

CN eee

ram

was AF A eR Sr sis Py EAE gas La SEE DES FUE SSL OA sic ipehdih £ -

a) nuns Sse as AC Ril Aan cr tm rt Ea cai nrares anette ay eect. ER CIRHERN AY Joes poe ear cap hr aad gl fee trea nee AN Dabipsty Diphlee lq chara el Stayed Cul Wet EMgP PER CEERI GL ee COE Seas

i in net ata lee A Narte! bananas ee eee SST PSS Hete OSNT AY vi paan ang ip eve mtn eet nena Bis eke aspect arte Seo

we t oe 5 a ea paid ait 7? C . a

. 4 =

150

An Account of Upper Kash-kar. [No. 2.

Faktr upon his land, on a marriage among them, and on account of

crimes, both of minor and more serious consequence. The amount of

these fines are fixed by custom, and any attempt to extort more would

be considered. gross oppression. They are not forbidden to carry arms,

but rarely do so.

Most of these people work as husbandmen, but some feed herds of

cattle on the mountains, and some amass money by the profits of their

labours as artizans; for an Afghan considers any handicraft trade a

disgrace.

TALASH.

_ Before bringing this paper to a close, I must give some account of

the small district of Talash, which is also held by the Yusufzis, and is

considered as a part of Panj-korah, of which it forms the southern

portion. It consists of the oblong strip of land through which the

river of Panj-korah flows, after its junction with the river of Béj-dwrr,

as far as its Junction with the Suwat. It is consequently bounded on

the west by Baj-awrr, and to the south by the hills held by the

Utmdn Khel, an independent tribe of Afghdns. Téldsh is well

watered, and is, therefore, exceedingly fruitful, well cultivated, and

very populous for its extent. It exports a good deal of grain to

Pes’hawar, the main road between which, and Panj-korah, Badakh-

shan, and the two Kash-kdrs, lies through it.

The ehief towns, or large villages of Télash, with the names of the

clans to which their inhabitants belong, and their head-men, are as

follow.

Village or Town. Clan. Chief or Head-man.

Bagh, Shahi Khel, Ghulam Shah.

Shamsi Khan, = = Afzal Khan,

Kambatta’i, -e , =f 5

Amlik Darah, Raeyats or Fakirs,

Mucho, Narah Khel, Ghazan Khan.

hare et Khel and Sher Shah, and

Nurah Khel, Afzal Khan.

The village of Kamdn-gar, the people of which are bow-makers by

trade—hence the name of their village—is, sometimes, considered as

belonging to the Talash district, but it is, properly speaking, in the

U-sheri Darah of Panj-korah. It has been, therefore, mentioned among

the villages of the Bar (upper) U-sheri Darah, already noticed.

a ae

Plate I.

OUTLINE PREPARED for DRAWING FIGURE.

Nes

La be

BANS

PAS@

2 ss-e 2 & = = ee ee

al ; 5 a a

iis Conn Irs,

1 I i t ?

o : ! j

wll i ' ° /

x ee a a ee Se ee

ie ee uae ce ene ee Sere ne arene ea

o ue Leena

/. = Flay,

PREPARED for DRAWING FIGURE.

fa)

eee, are ep a ane

—— SSS :

eat

bURV. GENL'S OFFICE, CALCUTTA, APRIL, 1864,

eee +

1864.] Migures of Deities and other Religious Drawings. 151

There are numerous small hamlets in Talash, inhabited by people of

the Nirah Khel, who constitute the most considerable number of its —

inhabitants.

The district of Talash is very rich in monuments of antiquity, con-

sisting of domes or cupolas, on the face of one of which, I am inform-

ed, there are several tablets, half a yard long, and inscribed in an

unknown character, said to be Yinani or Greek, but probably Pali.

If Greek, the examination of these ancient monuments would, no

~ doubt, throw an extensive, and clearer, light on the proceedings of the

Greeks in these quarters, which are so mixed up with nonsensical

fables, as to furnish ready tools in the hands of those ignorant of

4 the antecedents of the Afghan nation, for working out their own

theories.

2 On the System employed in Outlining the Figures of Deities and

other Religious Drawings, as practised in Ladak, Zaskar, &c.

IPO Piy eae ee oir oarcuaniraoenepw sien eben BAe ey PAY

win es TERS TT Be emea abe es ry UP HAY har CAPERS CL GS Da eta BA

ee cetie abapetn eaten diate Ree ee EES TTS MUST RETAIL SOA UY pie ate el pie oc i

sigan Bs Pieri aP NTE Tawi ton Oe ater ena eg tate Wo pliem Bu arrchee heme Sart Man hee al . , pe sale bay werd Saver

ore Meese SE eS py cean ul yaietiaperntne 7 ote see we ara ne Cr aati ee Se a eg Seals gtk 4

as a ei ner a oa Stent nt a a he Pan payee nvarwp eee re erenE SpeeKinab ate PS 5 A

Sta aE ge aed TR Oa Ie ere ey Paes Sere te : : .

Sere ¢ aber caas as on ; AE RIN P ORTHOP SHA PUAN HR ease saiinelaeians

~ Amp mena n net ei tae : ;

“ :

ae She oie

Aart, We

Snap

(Communicated by Capt. H. H. Gopwirn Austmen, F. R. G. S., 2nd Assist. G. T.

Survey of India.) |

As I believe no notice has hitherto been taken of the above subject,

and as I only accidentally discovered its existence when in Zaskar

last summer (1862) I have been led to write a few lines regarding it ;

trusting that they may prove of interest to some, and add to our

knowledge of the history and customs connected with the ancient

) religion of the Buddhists. I do not claim any new discovery in this

paper, as others may have observed the method of drawing long since.

It has a resemblance to that adopted by ourselves in teaching Figure

Drawing, and it was when shewing this to a native draftsman of

4 Shilar, a village near Padum, that he produced a sketch of a figure

outlined as shewn in the accompanying plates, as also that of the

“ Churtun” or “ Offertory Temple.”

f : a

f oh ™

is &

‘%

j The system of the first shews a great amount of ingenuity in its =

details, but is far more intricate than our simple way, where more is

7 left to the talent of the artist. |

‘The Deity thus given as a specimen is Sakya Thubba, or Bhuddha.

a The first line laid down is the perpendicular AB, to which a line

A (No. 20) is drawn at right angles, and on either side of AB on this

line are laid off from a scale proportions equal to 12, 4, 2, 8, and lines

parallel to AB drawn through these points. On the two outer lines,

KX 2

152 Figures of Deitres and other Religious Drawings. LNo. 2,

commencing at the 20th, parts equal to 4, 4, 4, 12, 4, 12, 4, 8, 4, 4, 4,,

4, 4, 4, ave laid off in the above succession, and the points connected

by lines which will be all parallel to the Ist (No. 20). The square

for the face is similarly formed by laying off from the same scale parts

6 and 2 on either side of X, the outer part 2 delineating the breadth

of ears, and a part equal to 2 laid off on either side of Y defines that

of the nose and mouth by lines drawn to X from those points,

The mouth is placed half-way between 14 and 15, and its width, as

well as that of the nose, is defined by the lines XEy and XF, The

are of a circle described with a radius from centre of mouth to Ey or

F, defines the chin. The part between the lines 15 and 16 within the

square DCEF is divided into four parts by horizontal lines, the

lowest part (1) gives marking of nostrils, the third defines the eyes,

the outer and inner corners of which are determined by lines drawn ag

in the accompanying plan.

The eye-brows lie on 16, as also the top of the ear, the long lobe of

which reaches to 14 on a level with the chin. A curve from Hy Gy

rising to 18 defines the crown of the head ; the circular glory RST round

which is described from O as a centre, between the eye-brows. A second

glory (as it may be termed,) RK and LT is described round the body

from the point P on line 7. These glories are in the paintings coloured

differently. Lines from the intersection of I and 14, J and 14 to

B form a triangle, and on 4, 5, 6 give the sides of the alms dish, rest-

ing on the palm of the left hand. Another triangle being made with

its angles at Y and the points on the line KL where the perpendiculars

through J and I intersect it, the nipples of the breast lie on its two

sides where they are intersected by line 10. A third triangle, apex at

ABi; to Ls Kg gives the slope of the thighs in a sitting posture, while

again lines Is to J on KL, and Js to I on KL give direction of shin

and instep to points of the great toes. On reference to the plates it

will be seen that many other parts of the body are made te fall on the

intersections of the different lines.

These figures are seen in every monastery painted on both canvass

and silk, the latter being generally brought from Llassa ; they are often

remarkable both for their richness of colouring and sharpness of outline.

Many similar figures scratched on flat stones are put as offerings on

the Mani Walls and are to be seen all over the country, more espe-

cially in Zaskar.

o oo, ertere en rw

‘ + gf

‘ * ;* -" - 7

Sa a a dap paatananidaipniea oii kANRiOn ED

sed

M, i ee

a ~ eR VFS ANG eR tel Tae

oi Se eae

= se | Mme@e® = eS BE 1+ FE YF GS SAF

: 4

Q shines

Fi : f ¢ we

-_ “

wot wean dha sp c= Gp em SS tte ee oe ts om og a em we Re

’ aa! a ¥ q x

Nereis Pata a oie : 4 gf

4 tag aS =~ © Aw 2 s e = 2: Oe @ "5 eee. Te ees «e as ca Sahel Pat Set fc eg jae ae aa

hg ; ¢

8 g

‘ t

i oe

q e A

¢ i >

oe r § a

q 4 ' Loa 4 i

‘ 4 x3 ! f i 4 f 5 : ii

= = 2 of = SS eB eee & & Bg e eh = & & eyes om eee ee i Cie Mh 1 a Oe SS Se ae ee ea x SS ter GY Pe CN er» N

<t = anerern SG oa ae ms sae) a +

— ; .

DARI SITAR i

]

)

tis

4 z- a 2 y a = ’ =F > = = * 4 a 4 > ~ = =a ow = a

& = SS a Saf af = =i fad =e — 3 3 3 " = =| = = - « Si = a wes ae — SS =

zz — ——— oe —— —. + = = La — = - = = + | ot . = ~ — = . => = = = =a

hela

ff mmm wi ee pe ee me oe ne ees

= oh | we

)

PE eee Ae eee Sr NE Wie telimee hs Coe Pepe ctan tise eR

‘

’

ce a eS NS

$ ‘

f ‘

Opa eS ee ee

1 {

et a

SiS pS ok

mw bn Glee mem od

ome Teme oe ee os pw me Ro fe me ope oe

meets

SARYA THUBBA

ale dae a

2m <i <> <is

@™ wn om met eee we eee

BHUDDHA.

PLAN

tram natwe drawirg of

CHOORTUN, eS:

from ZLASKAR LADAKH. wee

Teko FLEE SW BENE ASS eS!

Heng Se See EE ee ee ee ie

att HH SaOGEUOSH\ > /sueEEEeeeSzTE

Dana * iam nes ele tee ee

ee eee Sree ae Seo0S00n8 BRE Baas

a SERERERBUEEED, 7 505 Soe eae

Thode (Lilt tri ttt rity tet Bie! o

SL eS |

pdeiese4 SER ERERSB oo 2 Ser ccce a

Eee ako bse) ae ol eee Bees Si eis a

pene eee eee ace suua: SReleeisee s a

. Sen Se aesere saa Ee Semae q

S - es ea eae a

5 RE

: Ben wey ge a

Ses eue tessa cares Bace a

Coane Beaee Bees Paras a

S BEaHSemEad a

~~ is

SPSSESSBsei cases 7S Buns a

Beet Pees BBB EP seco sSe 4 po cle eee et lees Pe

: ae ECEEEEEC eee a Hees ie

Dipee® FCCP See! P Ed a

[0dO7 bO9} See a

ZEEE 265 meas Lae = ,

= LAS eaeas AOD aNZ ae Bees a

= SeSSESSEE5 meee ES x

Ss Bee, SeRSEREE |

NY a

Q 4

~ a

Ry a

* q

» et

8 SecGGSSResenmeress . :

S SESSSSS0Se5S=5 25°07.) :

9 Bene She sass s=

BEES Sie Se, pe eles ‘

Z SS ee ere eral

et ee

SeEeman ee)

EESE2 se >

Be ae

: earrii

RX EEE ee

‘ Sa Se St ee Go eon Se es ae

— = Wa Se : 4. C auth : NG

ab No, cask Mane ses re a

Cb ee * ; ~ <~ ¥* F . : ‘ \ . ¥ es |

es, : cy. . " ~ i . : ."

SESE renter Ee stan eae tone * Z CFE PIE OTST PP CAEN LES “ es or) SN a x 5 f zx n ba ‘ 4 = *

ee oe sscceteaidoetiaraoaniasacsineicnciaimndamide diigemamaenamieasaseerans

« ee »

Ph Net hes Be ES AK vy Roel iS

Soe PLIES eo

SEE AR Be PRR RAPE DSLR CE SN ROI PS IT ROR EE *

SES ee eee eye DN a a

r, ee

») al

Y op / —

s fy t=

ec D4

j a a A 4, -

Sy i fo)

VAs fGWIE a

f Zig: NEG Gi

Bay, ig ee is gS 236 rs

fi 7! g -

aA “4 f aire

OLD STONE FIGURES, DEKOO near PADUM.

ZASKAR.

LITHOG By OHM. SMITH, OVRV. GENL'S OFFICE, CALCUTTA, APRIL, 1864,

— ht _ — Sol

- —_— el. ve — sa a

Se ee eee,

SAS CSTE a REE tT Ae RE OO ES OE :

_ Sn Neng

¥ 1864.| Figures of Deities and other Religious Drawings. 153

The similarity of their proportions and cast of countenances is

striking, and must be attributable to the above described mechanical

mode of laying out the figure, which may probably be used all over

Thibet. |

I was unable to obtain copies of their many other deities, such as

Chamba, Chandazik Grolma, (female), Chooshong, &e., but [ imagine

there is a hike rule for drawing each; I shall try and obtain further

information regarding them next season.

The drawing of the Chirtun (Pl. III.) which I send is also taken

from a native plan on which the measurements are given. I have

entered the names of the different parts, which I find are not given

in Cunningham’s work on Ladak. The part called ‘ Chuksum’ or

‘Chugsum Kolor’ always has, as its name implies, 18 discs, Chugsum

o meaning thirteen ;—there 1s perhaps some reason for it, for when I

Es. shewed Cunningham’s XX VIIIth Plate of a churtun to the Lhamas,.

they at once counted the number of discs and informed me that three

had been left out. ‘The letter in the centre is the syllable “ Hun”

which is brought into all the mantras repeated by the people.

—

These Churtuns are picturesque buildings, and reminded me much

of the Pagodas in Burmah on a small scale, for in Ladak they are

Seine sig Saige ae

yh .™ ‘

rarely over 40 feet in height, and are generally very much smaller.

The sides of the lower portion are often adorned by cleverly modelled a

werk in relief, representing some 1maginary animal, between a man .

; and bird, or a sort of griffin, with a border of scroll-work. The i

; upper portion, “ Thoodkeb,” in the better kind of churtun is made of '

metal, and I was told that in former times gilt churtuns were to be ‘

met with in the neighbourhood of the large monasteries or Gonpahs. |

The churtun close under the palace at Leh is a good specimen and its i

name “Stunzin Num-gyal” is well known all over Ladak, so much so

that a song has been written about it. At the monastery of Himis

there is also a very pretty model, coloured white and ornamented with v |

. good gilt scroll-work, and inlaid with rough turquoises, carbuncles, :

*. agates, &e. There are a few more good ones in the same neighbour-

hood, but during the Dogra conquest of the country, many of the best

religious buildings were destroyed, or more or less injured.

ET ROL SLE MI Ha A Sa Sia a eareca

ad :

When surveying in the neighbourhood of Padum in Zaskar, I dis-

covered in a field near the monastery of Séni, several stone figures ag

shewn in the accompanying rough sketch (Pl. LV.) They had been set

opt mettre mnie prt nesta LaTN he nie ee

eee 1 ———

154: Figures of Deities and other Religious Drawings. [No. 2,

up on a slight curve, and the highest standing in the centre was

about 7% {t. high. Several had evidently disappeared, and with the

exception of the two given on a larger scale (PI. V.) they were very much -

worn and the features quite obliterated. I could obtain no information

at the time as to what they were called. The Lhama with me from the

monastery close by, called them Dekoo, said they were very very old

and that no one knew who had made them. The head-dress wag pecu-

har, nor have I seen it worn by any in that country at the present

day. ‘The smaller figure holds the Dorge or Sceptre, which points out

that they are of Buddhist origin. They are probably very early, dating

from when that religion was first introduced into Zaskar ; the rudeness

and bad proportion of the figures display the handiwork of a people

far behind the present race, who to all their drawings and modellings

give a finish and exactness not usual even in the plains of India. I

could discover no signs whatever of any inscription having been cut

on either of the images,—the very worn state of the stone must have

obliterated it, had there ever been any. ‘Their age I must leave to be

settled by those who are versed in the history of the early Bhuddists,

and who may have noticed the curious ends projecting on either side

of the head in other sculptures of the same period.

ONS SOLO I III III LL III I

Note on a tank Section at Sealdah, Caleutta.—By H. F. Buanrorp,

A. Rh. S. MW, FG. S.

I am indebted to Mr. H. Leonard the Government Superintending

Engineer, and a member of this Society, for drawing my attention

to a section exposed in the large tank now in course of excavation at

Sealdah, and which seems to me of sufficient interest to be recorded

in the pages of the Society’s Journal. The tank is situated to the

Hast of the Circular Road, between the termini of the Eastern

Bengal and Mutlah Railways, and has been excavated to a depth of

30 feet below the normal surface of the ground, which is at that

spot 143 feet above the level of the low spring tides in the neigh-

pouring canal, and 17 feet above that of the lowest spring tides of

the dry season in the Hoogly river.* The bottom of the tank 1s

therefore 154 feet below the former, and 13 feet below the latter level,

* These levels are quoted from those given in the Report of the Municipal

Kngineer on the Main Drainage of Calcutta,

aed.

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‘~ = -*-

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| STONE FIGURES

F i

DEK OO near PADUM .

| ZASKAR.

LITHOG BY Hy

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APE GENES: OE RnGk, vimace eae

; UT TA, APRIL, 1964

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1864. | Note on a tank Section at Sealdah. 155

a point of some interest with reference to the evidence of former

land surfaces which the section has disclosed.

Sealdah, Calcutta.

( Fine sand.

= Loam passing into blue clay.

1 f ae with tree stumps.

( stumps.

31 ft. ( Lowest trees seen.

15 ft. 4

| Blue eclunch clay, with roots of

trees.

Black carbonaceous sand.

Fig. ib

The section is illustrated in the accompanying wood cut, Fig. I.

The upper 8 feet (more or less) consists of vegetable mould and made

earth, and rests on the irregular surface of bed a, the upper part of

which consists of fine Joam, much like the soil of paddy fields, but

variable in different parts of the excavation. Thus in some places

it consists of fine sandy silt, minutely laminated, and crumbling

under the slightest pressure: elsewhere it 1s more argillaceous, and in

general it is very full of fragmentary vegetable remains, too imperfect

however to be recognised specifically. This bed becomes more argil-

laceous towards the lower part and near the base is a tolerably

tenacious clay. Its total thickness averages 17 feet, the bottom

being at 20 feet below the actual surface.

Bed 6, is 1 toot in thickness, and consists of an impure peat, too

earthy to burn, when dry. Im it several stumps of Sundri trees are

standing, the roots penetrating the bed immediately below. This

bed is continuous all round the tank, and appears to extend every-

10 ft ( clay with some sand and tree

Aer Pie Tees or | hey eed ome ar

Ed owt DS foe ont

aggnet ot

FER St cig

Ea a

Bis

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pore)

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ay EP nen Oe

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deurgerz oie t= 210 1 deers it dy

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anor a mispiscles bond einephntih ad aiaiernIe Pae

Sp aE LPT Bieta tre Lg arr Age = - si

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Kraan)

156 Note on a tank Section at Sealdah. [No. 2

where beneath Calcutta, and also on the Howrah side of the river,*

although its depth 1s not everywhere uniform. Thus it is exposed in

the bed of the river below Garden Reach, (at very low tides,) and also

in the river bank at the Botanic Gardens. At these places its absolute

depth is about 6 feet less than at Sealdah. In three borings in Fort

William, on the other hand, it was met with at a depth of 51 feet,

which, allowing for a difference of 3 feet between the actual surface

levels of the Fort and Sealdah, would indicate a level 28 feet lower

than that at Seaidah, and not less than 34 feet lower than at the

Botanic Gardens. The correspondence of this part of the two sections

is however such, that notwithstanding this great dilterence in level I

cannot but think that the bed is either continuous or approximately so.

The peat bed rests upon a thick deposit of clay, ¢, sandy in the upper

part, but passing downwards into a stiff blue clunch, which contains

the stools of Sundri trees in situ at various levels, at least as far

down as 30 feet from the surface, or 10 feet below the peat. Two very

perivet specimens of these projected from the bottom of the tank at

the time of my visit. Their roots penetrated the clay beneath, and

I saw in the sides of a little well which had been sunk 4 feet lower,

that the clay beneath was pierced in every direction by the roots of

similar trees. These trees must therefore have grown at a level

actually 154 feet below the lowest water level of the canal, and 13

feet below that of the Hoogly.

No deeper excavation was open at the time of my visit, but I was

informed by Mr. Leonard, that a deeper well sunk in the bed of the

tank and subsequently filled up, had shewn that the clay bed extended

to a depth of 15 feet below the tank bottom, and rested on a stratum

of very loose black sand, fetid from the amount of vegetable matter

which it contained. According to this, the total thickness of the bed

is 25 feet below the peat, which corresponds very closely to that of

the fort section, where the peat bed rests upon blue clay with wood

and kunkur, and yellow clay, of a total thickness of 21 to 24 feet ;

and this on a stratum of wet reddish sand.

The point of chief interest in the Sealdah section is the occurrence

of tree stumps in situ at the depth of 30 feet, and the evidence

* T am informed by Dr. Anderson, that the natives have a tradition to the

effect that the Hooghly formerly passed from Cossipore some miles to the West

of Howrah, its present course being that of an old native canal, into which me

river burst its way about 150 years since, deserting its old channel, Thus the

beds on the two banks of the actual river were formerly continuous.

1864. | 7 Note on a tank Section at Sealdah. 157

afforded thereby of a general depression of the delta.* The trees in

question, specimens of which I submitted to Dr. Anderson, were

pronounced by him to be Sundri, a species, the range of which, as

regards level, is restricted to from 2 to about 10 feet below high

water mark. It grows only on mud, or where the surface 1s too

frequently flooded to allow of the growth of grass, but at the same

time it requires that its roots be exposed to the air for at least

several hours of each tide. It is evident therefore that the trees at

Sealdah could not have grown at the level at which they are now

found, but that unless low water level in the Hoogly be 18 or 20

feet above that of the outer Soonderbuns, (where the Sundri now

grows,) there must have been a depressiori of the land surface to a

depth of several feet since they grew. I have not been able to obtain

any data showing the relative low-water levels of the Hoogly and

the outer Soonderbuns,} but Mr. Leonard informs me that there 1s but

very little difference between the levels of the Hoogly and the Mutlah

at Canning town, and this is not many miles above the actual geo-

sraphical range of the Sundri, while the channel is so broad and deep

as to forbid the assumption that there should be any material elevation

of the low tide level of the former.

I think therefore we may safely infer, remembering the range of

the Sundri, and that 1 never grows to within 6 or 8 feet of the lowest

tide levels, that there must have been a depression of land to not less

than 18 or 20 feet, since the trees grew, the stumps of which are now

found at the bottom of the Sealdah tank.

If at the Fort, the wood found above and below the peat bed be,

in situ, as I think most probable, there must have been a depression

at this spot to a depth of not less than 46 to 48 feet ; but whether

the two land surfaces thus indicated were contemporaneous, and the

relative depression, consequently, unequal to the extent indicated by

these figures, the evidence hefore us, is I think, insufficient to establish.

* Or rather, additional evidence, for several proofs of subsidence were

afforded by the section of the Fort boring.

+ Since the above paper was read before the Society, I have obtained from

Col. Gastrell and subsequently from Major Walker’s Report of the operations of

the G. T. Survey the accurate height of the sea level at Kidjiri with refe-

rence to Calcutta.

The mean height of sea level above the Calcutta datum line of Kydd’s dock

sill is 9,053 feet : the mean height of neap low tide levels above the same datum

line, 5,51 feet. The height of the ground surface at Sealdah above the datum

line is 22 feet, and therefore 16,49 feet above low tide level at Kidjiri.

Hence the tree stems at the bottom of the Sealdah tank are (830—16 49) =

13,51 feet below the mean level of neap low tides,

PRS I REL ADI ea

BIBS:

ee +

elie

gli

(ati stoi IEE,

cere

a" "9

7s tt

be 1

senate

See eer EAE a ee Ae

Signa a apne a ae geht

4 7

repro

pitt

ia ciey

See torre a norte Geet onan ak stream i iam eam MTS Pear es ayers rtned iad 7

Wreath tat

158 Note on a tank Section at Sealdah.

4 ft. 4: ins. Loam.

8 ft. Sand.

Argillaceous sand passing into

ae { stiff blue clay with shells. i

au 1 ft. 7 ins. Peat with tree stumps. Ms

6 ins. stiff blue clay.

: 2 ins. Peat. 4: ins. clay. 10 ins. Peat.

5 ft. 8 ins. Stiff grey clay.

Lowest tree met with.

14 ft. 3 ins. Sandy clay.

The depression was I think very extensive, if unequal; thus I am

informed by Mr. Leonard that the peat bed occurs at a depth of 20 ;

feet at Canning town on the Mutlah, the actual land level of which

place is certainly several feet below that of Sealdah, and a section of 2

a tank near Khulnah in Jessore, for which I am indebted to the

kindness of Col. Gastrell, shews a peat bed at a depth of 16 ft. 6 ins.

to 20 feet, and trunks of trees with roots attached at various levels

from 18 to 24 feet. This very interesting section is shewn in the

accompanying wood cut, Fig. 2.

From these facts, I infer an average depression of the Gangetic

delta of 18 or 20 feet since the land surface existed, which is marked

by the Sundri trees in situ. It is noteworthy that the trees, in all

the sections I am acquainted with, are restricted to a vertical thickness

of from 8 to 10 feet, and that the strata above, though frequently

full of fragmentary plant remains and sometimes fresh water shells: |

shew no indications of former land surfaces. This indicates not only |

the uniformity of the depression, but also that it was everywhere more

rapid than would be compensated for by the deposition of sediment.

a oo

— SS

= ——4

= =

LL DIO IOI IL

nce ng a

es Sr - -

= = a

1864. ] Memorandum on the life-sized Statues at Delha. 159

Memorandum on the life-sized Statues lately exhumed inside the

Palace of Delhi.—By C, CampBEtL, Hsq., C. H.

3 Delhi, June 5th, 1863.

1. We have now collected together and sorted all the fragments,

and find that they comprise, apparently, portions of no less than 3

groups, all imperfect, as follows.

Elephants Feet, 11 fragments.

29 Legs, 18 Ditto.

S Trunk, 21 Ditto.

Fe Head, 4 Ditto.

Body and ; :

: 63 Ditto.

Howdah, —

And in addition several hundred fragments that cannot now be

identified.

Of human figures, there are 3 portions of a body, 4 fragments of

arms, and one complete head,

These are in a very rude style of art; one of the hands is compara-

tively perfect and has the thumb on the exterior, 2. e. where the little

finger ought to be, and vice versé. An attempt has been made at

some former period to repair these groups; this is evident from many

of the fractures having been cut square, and new pieces of stone fitted

in, whilst from the fact of these new pieces having remained uncarved,

it is clear that the attempt was soon abandoned.

2. ‘There can be no doubt that these are the identical figures seen

and described by Bernier, who visited Delhi at the commencement of

of Aurungzebe’s reign. His description is as follows.

“The entrance of the fortress (palace) presents nothing remarkable

besides two large elephants of stone, placed at either side of one of

the principal gates: on one of the elephants is seated the statue of

Jemel, the renowned Rajah of Chittore ; on the other is the statue of

Polta his brother. These are the brave heroes, who, with their stil]

braver mother, immortalized their names by the extraordinary

resistance which they opposed to the celebrated Akbar; who defended

the towers besieged by that great Emperor with unshaken resolution -

and who, at length reduced to extremity, devoted themselves to ce

country, and chose rather to perish with their mother in sallies

y 2

se matt

RIT

Mm BN ts fit Bh

eabe sie

Ea ite

—

CPP AR Aer AN OY

PP ESE iE ES

nha et A aN A al ha

eee hes

tert:

situ

ow “a Tt

raat

SESAME ee OE aE LT Un SSE COM aa En ae Scoee a mise Pen EP LO Aco fi wae es

Pen OR REPEL I Ro MOLY Lia 2

- a. +

igen ee

‘

ee ae oe a rae tas

} — =

, .

EEE ES ak gee ,

et em ee ee eee 9 gt ir or aren te here wee hes ee

160 Memorandum on the life-sized Statues at Delhi. [Wo: 2,

against the enemy, than submit to an insolent invader. It is owing

to this extraordinary devotion on their part, that their enemies have

thought them deserving of the statues here erected to their memory.

These two large elephants, mounted by the two heroes, have an air of

srandeur, and inspire me with an awe and respect which I cannot

describe.”

Of their removal from this position nothing is known; from the

state of the remains it was evidently attended with violence, and

is probably therefore due to the iconoclastic tendencies shewn by

Aurungzebe, in the latter part of his life. The attempt at restoration

would be made during the reign of one of his successors, when it may

have been proposed to complete the group, by the addition of a third

elephant, bearing the effigy of the heroic mother of the two Hindoo

princes.

On the abandonment of the design, the fragments would be left to

lie neglected and uncared for; many would be stolen or employed

in the decoration of new buildings, until what was left was buried in

the ruins of the house where they lay, and from the debris of which

they have just been recovered. |

3. Lhe question now arises ; are the statues lately exhumed the

same as those described by General Cunningham as existing at

Gwalior’ That they are independent works by Mahommadan artists

ls very unlikely, although it is of course possible that they may have

been made by order of the Emperor Shah Jehan when the new city

and palace were designed by him; but why, in this case, should the

effigies of princes of a hostile race and faith have been selected as

subjects P and how aecount for the absence of any mention of them

in the records that have descended to us? It is much more probable

that they were the work of Hindoo artists, brought from a conquered

city for the adornment of the new palace of Shah Jehan; if so, did

they come from Chittore? I think not, for, had they existed there

for any time, they must have been as well known as the Gwalior ones,

which does not seem to have been the case.

4. It must be borne in mind that they are not statuary portraits

like those executed by European artists, but mere effigies like “ Gog

and Magog” in the London Guildhall, and they probably bore as

much resemblance to Jemel and Polta as to Maun Sing, or any other

Hindoo chief.—Bernier’s statement is no proof of their bemg actually

1864.] ALemorandum an the life-sized Statues at Delhi. 161

meant as likenesses of the two brothers, and merely shows that at the

time of his visit, they were popularly known by general repute as

representing the two Chittore princes, but leaves untouched the

assumption that they may have been im existence for centuries, may

have been known at Gwalior as memorials of the pepular hero there,

—Raja Maun Sing—and on their removal to Delhi, may have been

re-named by Shah Jehan, in memory of some incident in his early

youth, connected with the fall of Chittore.

5. In his memorandum, General Cunningham has shewn that

the art of sculpture had long flourished at Gwalior, and that more

than one statue of a life-size existed there. Of the most famous of

these, he has traced. the history down to the reign of Shah Jehan, and

proves that it had disappeared from Gwalior in the next reign.

Its disappearance he connects with the iconoclasm of Aurungzebe,

but if that Emperor destroyed it at Gwalior, how came the fragments

to find their way to Delhi? Their removal must have occurred

during the troubled reigns of the successors of Aurungzebe, who had

but little leisure or inclination for adorning their capital with

expensive restorations of ruined statues, brought from so great a

distance.

6. The history of the Gwalior statues then, ends abruptly in the

latter part of Shah Jehan’s reign ; that of the Delhi ones commences

as abruptly about the same time: what is more probable than that the

two groups are identical, and that they were removed from Gwalior

by Shah Jehan, who would gladly avail himself of this opportunity

of transferring to his new palace and capital, works of art so cele-

brated P the only ones of their kind, apparently, that existed in his

dominions, and the removal of which, in their uninjured state, would

be a comparatively easy task; how the change of nomenclature may

have arisen, I have already pointed out.

ton

toe

i= *

dee

We,

+e.

ime

oa ais i ne — —s

162 Memoranda relative to three Andamanese. [No. 2,

Memoranda relative to three Andamanese in the charge of Major

Tickell, when Deputy Commissioner of Amherst, Tenasserim, in

1861.—By Col. 8. R. Troxenn.

In May, 1861, three Andamanese, who had been captured near

Port Blair some time previously, and sent over to Rangoon by the

Superintendent, Colonel (then Major) Haughton, for educational

purposes, were placed in my charge by Colonel Phayre, at that time

Commissioner of Pegu.

Hitherto they had been attended to by one of the men of the Naval

Brigade at Port Blair, to whom they seemed much attached ; but they

were parted from their keeper at Rangoon, and sent over to Maul-

mein under the care of one of the Officers of the Steamer, who

forwarded them to me on their arrival.

They were dressed, when I first saw them, in light sailor’s costume,

slops and jumpers of white duck, and straw hats, bound with broad

black ribbon, bearing the ship’s name to which their former guardian

had belonged. hey could not speak a single word intelligible to a

by-stander, and looked so frightened and miserable amongst new

faces, that after many attempts at coaxing and cheering them up, I

considered the best plan to take them back to the steamer, and

re-ship them for Rangoon. One of the small hack palankeen carriages

that ply in Maulmein was therefore procured, into which they got

with alacrity, fancying I suppose they were to be immediately driven

to Port Blair, and off they started for the steamer But I had hardly

re-entered the house and commenced a letter to Colonel Phayre about

them, when back they came, walking hand-in-hand with a Burman,

amid a crowd of people, and appearing as excited and joyful as they

were before dejected. On enquiring the reason of their return, I was

told that as the carriage was proceeding up the road, they had espied

a Burman whom they had known at Port Blair, and overjoyed at the

sight of a familiar face, one of them had opened the door, and before

the vehicle could be stopped, got ont, (thereby receiving a rough fall

on the ground,) and embraced his old friend, whom they all three

accompanied back to my house, in great glee, laughing, patting him

on the breast, and putting their arms round his neck. ‘That same

evening I engaged his services to take the immediate charge of the |

1864. | Memoranda relative to three Andamanese. 163

Andamanese, and for the rest of their stay at Maulmein, they lived

under his roof. The arrangement was particularly convenient, as the

Burman “ Moung Shway Hman” speaks English, which it was

proposed to teach the Andamanese, and is a man of steady habits and

good character.

The photograph which accompanied Colonel Fytche’s paper in the

J. A.S. No. IIL. 1862 will give a better idea of the physiognomy of

these people than the most laboured description. Mr. Blyth, Curator of

the Asiatic Society’s Museum, and a remarkably accurate observer, was

at Maulmein for some time with these Andamanese, and pointed out

the leading peculiarities of their configuration, and as his remarks have

been embodied in the report, which Colonel Fytche, Commissioner

of Tenasserim, sent to the Journal of the Asiatic Society, it would be

superfluous to dwell on this part of the subject ; but I would take this

opportunity of observing that £ cannot agree with an opinion which

has been more than once published, that the Andamanese have no

ailinity to the African race. They appear to me on the contrary, to

be very closely allied. The small ear and the less gross lips are not,

in my opinion, sufficient data on which to found a fifth, to the long

established four grand Jivisions of mankind. From the few remarks

to be gathered on the subject, in Bowring’s account of the Philippines,

it seems probable that the people of the interior, called Nigrettoes, who

have so long withstood all attempts at civilization and communication

with the Huropeans and Hurasians of the coast, are the same race

as the Andamanese. And further South, the ferocious savages of the

interior of Sumatra, from whose hands Madame Pfieffer had so

providential an escape, are also probably the same, but she has not

given a sufficiently detailed description of them to allow of certainty

on this point. How this so-called Papuan tribe came to be so

separated from the strongly defined .geographical limits of the African

race, and spread throughout the Eastern Archipelago, will perhaps

ever remain a matter of conjecture: but their distribution throughout

that space, from the Andamans to Sumatra, Gf not further,) may be

alate

aud Lia

accounted for by the propinquity of those islands to each other.

Our three friends were named at Port Blair, Crusoe, Jumbo, and

Heeal

Friday, and labelled accordingly ; each name being stamped on a

tin medal worn round its owner’s neck. The necessity for such an

Eran ak sets ean ot

apparently whimsical arrangement*may be understood, when it is

her

REA RE Oi ee SS Satara da ahiary ats

Ha Re

164 Memoranda relative to three Andamanese. | No. 2

be ?

explained that this singular people have ‘ (as far as close observation

allowed us to observe)’ no proper names for each other, and readily

learnt to adopt those by which they were ticketed.

On their arrival at Maulmein all three had bad coughs, and Crusoe

and Jumbo evident phthisical symptoms. Crusoe’s health improved

after some time: but Jumbo gradually grew worse, and his malady

was greatly increased from exposure during inclement weather, in an

attempt to escape, which he and his companions made one stormy

night. They made their way in a native cdnoe towards the mouth

of the Maulmein river: but were glad, in three or four days, to return

under the guidanve of the village police to Maulmein. Jumbo never

rallied from the effects of this exeursion, and in spite of all that

medical assistance could do, died in the jail hospital on the 12th June,

nearly one month after his arrival. His comrades repaired to the

hospital and showed signs of genuine grief at his death. They also

performed some singular ceremonies over the body, which I wished to

have witnessed repeated the next morning: but owing to some rather

precipitate measures, taken without the slightest reference to myself,

to prepare a skeleton of the deceased for presentation to the Asiatic

Society's Museum, I was unable to do so.

Of the three, Crusoe, the oldest, (apparently about 35 years of age,)

was the only cne who showed any moroseness of disposition. Jumbo

was of a cheerful gentle nature, and Friday the youngest, whuse age

might be 18 to 20, was at times very lively, good tempered, and fond

of his immediate overseer Shway Hman, and of myself. They came

frequently to my house, and were allowed free access to every part of

Maulmein. Their curiosity at every new object was great, but

evanescent. They soon tired of everything, and when leit alone,

relapsed into dejection, making unintelligible speeches with lament-

able signs, evidently about a return to their own country.

Some time after Jumbo’s death, Crusoe showed consumptive symp-

toms, to a degree which made me despair of ever getting him alive

back amongst his countrymen: but he fortunately rallied during the

heavy rains, and left Maulmein for Port Blair comparatively well.

Friday, after setting over a cough that at first troubled him, continued

in robust health to the time of his departure. It is an extraordinary

fact that savages, accustomed from birth to go naked, or nearly so,

contract pulmonary diseases if forced to wear clothing. This has

1864. | Memoranda relative to three Andamanese. _ 165

been remarked amongst the aborigines of Australia and the South Sea

islands. Crusoe’s height is 5’ 14” That of Friday 4’ 93” The former

is of rather a spare frame, which may be partly attributed to

pneumonia. Friday is square, muscular, and deep chested. Both

have small hands and feet ; which, with their foreheads, are cicatrised

all over with scratches inflicted on themselves as a cure for all manner

of pains and aches; and the feet of both had a constant adematous

appearance, with small feeble toes wide apart, as if they were never

much used to pedestrian exercise. oth of them occasionally com-

plained of headache, and would then smell with avidity at salts, stuff

their nostrils with leaves freshly plucked, or as a last resource, score

their foreheads with a knife or a piece of broken glass, till they bled

pretty freely. ‘They were much averse to taking our medicines, and

Crusoe on one occasion threatened his Burman keeper with a knife,

for trying to administer some nauseous dose. Neither of them would

take to learning English. They repeated like parrots the words we

endeavoured to make them understand, and at last grew so averse to

their schooling, that at any attempt to commence it, they would feign

fatigue or sickness as readily as any truant schoolboy. They were in

fact ¢oo old to learn, and although Friday was smart and intelligent,

he showed it more by his extraordinary powers of mimicry than by

learning anything useful. This persistence in imitating every gesture

and every sound of the voice, made it particularly difficult to obtain

from him the Andamanese name of even any visible object. ‘Those

entered in the annexed vocabulary, have been elicited with no small

labour and patience, by myself and their keeper Shway Hman. J

succeeded in obtaining the names of a variety of fishes, (common to

ote

Dy Sum ECPIGREN Sie ate Riot inpl Gara es gccce dure ceca!

the bay of Bengal,) by showing coloured drawings of them: but of

quadrupeds they appeared perfectly ignorant, the only mammal they

seemed to know was a pig, “ Rogo,” and this name they applied in-

differently to cattle, ponies, elephants, deer, and monkeys. They

appeared also to have very few names for birds, and when shewn the

pictures of some which I knew to be found in the Andamans, merely

attempted to imitate the notes of any species they might have had

in their minds at the time.

To judge by Crusoe and Friday, the Andamanese are not a timid

race. ‘Ihey mingled unconcernedly amongst crowds of people, and

at first used to help themselves to any thing they took a fancy to, off

heteaee rary

Ue RS ine eg eal eC eat AR Fa

Bitar Y

166 Memoranda relative to three Andamanese. [No. 2,

the stalls in the bazar. When teazed with the numbers looking at

them, Crusoe would stride towards the throng, waving them off and

ealling out in Burmese “a-loong thwa’ (go! all!) They took sreat

pleasure in the pways or Burmese dances, and learnt to imitate the

performances with marvellous exactness, to the great delight of the

Burmese, who crowded to see them. Sometimes they exhibited their

own national dance, which appears to consist solely in lifting their

elenched fists above the head, and kicking the sround rapidly and

forcibly with their heels. It has a peculiarly savage effect ; but having

apparently excited great mirth amongst the spectators, Crusoe and

Friday took offence at such notice, and latterly never repeated their

exhibitions. With the little hack carriages which ply m Maulmein

they soon became famihar, and were treated to rides almost every

day: and they would walk up to a pony, and hug it, though once

or twice narrowly escaping a bite. When first taken to see some steam

saw-mills where elephants were employed stacking timber, they

showed no alarm at the huge animals, although the first they had |

ever seen, and Friday was about to walk up to and pat a large tusker,

when the bystanders restrained him. Of fire arms or of anything

explosive however, they seem to have some dread. Latterly they

learnt very well the use of money, and any eash in their possession

was usually spent in the purchase of pork or other meat at the

Chinamen’s shops. Fruit (except plantains) or sweets, they eared

little for; but were very fond of tea prepared in the English way,

Fish they were indifferent to, also to rice: but they ate a great deal

of meat end yams, making three hearty meals a day. I generally gave

them a fowl when they visited me, and for which they took care to

ask by calling out “kookroo koo” and imitating the cries of poultry.

They killed the fowl by pressing the chest and neck, and swinging ‘it

round and round. ‘They would then pluck, clean, and boil it, their

asual mode of cooking anything. Occasionally they broiled meat on

the fire: but never eat animal substance raw. But they never set

about cooking for themselves if they could induce their keeper’s wife

“Ma Shway’’ to save them the trouble. At my house they were

often allowed to sit at the breakfast table, where they behaved with

decorum, but quite at their ease: lolling back in their chairs, and

pointing towards anything they wanted. They learnt to use a spoon,

knife, and fork readily.

1864. | Memoranda relatwe to three Andamanese. 167

. In their visits to me J used to remark that oe on first arriving

ke would shout out something in his loud harsh voice. It occurred 8

me often, that I am induced to think the act analogous to a See in

" (: some parts of Ireland amongst the peasantry, where a man on entering

i a cottage calls out “ Good luck to all here’—I have a: been able

, to ascertain what it was that Crusoe said on these occasions.

Hh, As I before remarked, these people : es to have no proper

we names. When one called the other, it was with a shout of “ Hy”

+" much as is used in hailing a cabstand. But occasionally they named

ma each other Crusoe and Friday, and invariably speke of their country

al as Blair. They learnt my name, but usually addressed me as “ Ma-ey,

i (Oh man) ; nevertheless it is difficult to conceive how any community

wal, can carry on intercourse without the aid of proper names both to

ti persons and places, and I am not aware that such a strange deficiency

i has been observed in the language ef any other tribe, however savage.

ai Although mest pertinacious beggars, and glad to take anything

tH offered them, their cupidity was chiefly shown for iron, of which they

fe took with them from Maulmein, a large quantity in the shape of knives,

ay forks, das, or Burmese choppers, nails, scissors, hammers, and needles.

i hey frequently sat for hours watching the blacksmiths at work, and

os also learnt to ply the needle with some skill and to use scissors. As

att they acquired a strong liking for clothing, it is possible they will not

rom willingly return to their old habits ef nudity, and so will find their

ir 5 sartorial accomplishments of advantage. Although I procured them

tial a quantity of the cearse kind of tackle used for sea-angling, they took

a | no interest in its use; which is the more singular, as in their native

ri state they are most expert fishermen, especially in spearing fish. ay

alt Friday procured a bow and some arrows, with which I met him e

vi one day armed, marching up the street at the head of a posse of idle :

r boys: but I never had an opportunity ef witnessing his skill in 7

wht archery. He had seen guns fired but never attempted using one =

vai himself. They were both expert swimmers, their mode of progression

cal being with the arms and legs alternately, the former under water :

4 i not striking out like an Englishman, nor throwing one arm out after

4 another like the generality of continental Europeans. They could

i manage a Burmese canoe with ease: but never occupied themselves 7

ig with paddling about for amusement. They evinced great pleasure :

in making short trips into the interior with their conductor, visiting

“% 2 |

aie faa ARR NG:

saat —— Re ee ETI Ore erat a re pee Be

168 Memoranda relative to three Andamanese. [No. 2,

the numerous orchards and villages in the vicinity of Maulmem. And

as the arrival of the mail steamer invariably renewed their hankering

after their own country, I used latterly to send them away during

the stay of the vessel in the port, and having found out their name

for the moon “ Chookleyro” I was able generally to soothe them when

much dejested, by repeating the word, and “ Blair kado” (go to Blair),

and holding up as many fingers as I supposed might mark the number

of months they were likely to stay.

They were fond of tobacco, and of such snuff as was procurable

in the bazar, but owing tothe state of Crusoe’s lungs, smoking was

not allowed to him latterly. They seemed to take pleasure in having

the scanty frizzly wool of their heads shaved off, an operation which

was several times performed on them. They were very docile m

learning habits of cleanliness: bathing every day, using soap, and

getting their clothes washed, cleaning their plates after meals, sweeping

the floor, &c. To “ Ngapee,’ a strong smelling condiment made of

dried and powdered fish, in universal use amongst the Burmans, they

could never be reconciled. Besides the phlebotomising operation

already described, they used, when im pain, and also when feeling chilly,

to apply heated stones to the afflicted part ; and on such occasions

would huddle together close to the fire. They showed great pleasure

at the sight of English children, and would kiss and fondle them if

the little folks permitted it. To Burmese children also they evinced

eveat partiality, and frequently caressed Shway Hman’s daughter, a

child of 5 years of age. Their grief at the death of their comrade

Jumbo, was great, but not lasting.

When the time came for these poor creatures to return to their own

country, and it was explained to them they were to go, which was

chiefly done by patting them on the back with a smiling countenance,

and repeating the words “ Blair ka-do,”’ without the ominous fingers

indicating the moons yet intervening, their delight is not to be de-

scribed. For the two nights previous to their departure for Amherst,

where they were to embark on board the “Tubal Cain,” they lay

awake and singing, and had all their property carefully packed and

put under their pillows. But at the moment of departure, they showed

unwillingness to leave Shway Hman’s wife behind, and when on board

the ship, were disconsolate at their Burman friend himself not accom-

panying them. Fortunately they met there Lieut. Hellard L. N.,

1864. | Memoranda relative to three Andamanese. 169

whom they knew, and also a sailor of the Naval brigade at Port

Blair, who had formerly charge of them, and to whom they were

much attached, and under the care of these kind friends they reached

their native country safely, and were, with all their traps, put on

shore at a spot:on the beach they pointed out, and quickly vanished

into the jungle!

From that time to the present, I have heard no more of my

quondam protegés: I cannot indeed distinctly ascertain whether either

of them ever made his appearance again at Port Blair. An apprehen-

sion existed for a long time, that they had been murdered by their

countrymen for the sake of the precious iron articles they had with

them, and I know not whether such a conjecture has been refuted.

The experiment of civilizing these two, by weaning them from their

wild habits and creating artificial wants, to supply which should -

involve the necessity of frequent visits to the settlement, and thus

form as it were the nucleus of increasing intercourse with a superior

race, has certainly so far failed. With younger subjects we might

have succeeded better, particularly in teaching them English: but

probably so at the expense of their own language and of their own

habits to such a degree, that as interpreters or channels of communi-

cation with the natives, they would have been as useless as Crusoe or

Friday. It remains to be seen what effects will by and bye arise

from the repeated interviews between the aborigines and our people.

Unfortunately these are frequently of anything but an amicable

nature, and tend rather to widen. than to bridge over the gulph

between them. Indeed if the inference be correct, that the inhabi-

tants are of the same race as the Nigrettoes of the Philippmes, who

to this day keep entirely aloof from the settlers on the coast, we may

surmise that the colonisation of the Andaman islands, when its

spread begins to interfere with the aborigines, will tend rather to the

extermination of the latter, than to any amelioration in their condi-

tion. It is to be regretted that since the days of Colonel Haughton,

very little information is published regarding our relations with this

truly savage people.

Langoon, July 28th, 1868.

ioe

imag

rend

Sere

rol

ipa

B=}

Nahe

Sus

eal

Barer

‘ee

eae

fh be

hrnans

Bal

i > a

Vocabulary of Andamanese words, as ascertained from Crusor

and FRIDAY.

Nouns.

Fish, ©@8 0GO CHO CHOC HF Hv Cee eRe COB Be 2O®@

Man, e©@@eG@0'+'Peervxnse co e@ooeceev eee O28 Ge

NWO Sie sc sede

Water, ;

Rain,

ebe*®e@ee0e02800 6G 208%

MOON 3453...

@ocveeev eve eone

Yam, eoeeeoereeo CBs OREO FKO DH

evermore €@€

eebeoeerveeveo 0@@

Plantae; .......¢

WODC; ees avr ee ten we 088

@ocoanut,=.. 27...

Aices(unborled,) 2. .4...0.0.

Aestick, 53.0505 as :

NOUS rey eet an cae aarti rey

BAP es Matar te ar ees

SIGEINOS 4/6. hier teehee

Cock (poultry,) ...........

Plate or dish,

Hat, cover, .....

e@'eeoo0e

©®@Gr700 -8' ©2828 004 C08

e@r@e eve cox oe 8 eve

A carriage, ...... soos ee

Knife,

Sword, (, eo2xee0 e©er04 eee ry

Pig, pork, eeeeeoen ee besnpeebese @rx, vd. 8 ee ©O8

Woon or Sun P

A Sore, @eee78 6 9@6 080

Fire, ..

e@er2ee2 288 8OO

e@oeooe@ ecoeoeeeoeeo *O@B Gee

e@eoesee o @0 7G@0 ©0886 ee ®S@% tae - Oe

Fire-wood, *@0 780 200200 + O89 Oe © OO Cde

Meat, ‘

Bread, ...

Doiled wce,_....2ait. a

A cheroot, .........

js ee en re

AOOW se ee

Broken bits of glass,

@®eero08 8880 @ @e@eooeveoe -@Grtrege

@ee €@0 2e8

Memoranda relative to three Andamanese. [No. 2,

Do.

Ma.

Chana.

Pano.

Chookleyro.

Chatee.

Eng-ngeyra.

Allak (Bengali ?) alat.

Jayda.

Anakit.

Erreybat.

Moochee.

Tok.

Garrik. /

Kookroo (Beng.) |

Wyda.

Seytey tok.

Raik (?)

Koona.

Rogo.

Aleyburdra.

Angoonchoon.

Chaukay.

Chapa.

Rekdama.

Ochata.

Chata. ‘

Dakanapo.

Wangada.

Karama.

Beramato.

Needles, Arrow-head ? Bits of iron, Tolb6t.

ee ie ae

1864.]

Memoranda relative te three Andamanese.

Smoke, se.ssr ee sss

WMAIZC, ects

Ao nat; ie

BORCS, =. 25s ce ees

ugar Cave, cues orice

Sweet thiigs, 155.

Little OW ee

Tittle DOV... gc

DOWEL Ae

A spider, @©e2a @@@ 828 cee OG 8BA2 CeCe + OO

A MOUS WAO, oc scns ee

OM OUCs cages cose ten seca oer

Boknee, 325 Sees

Blood, 3 Se

Halts. 5. scsi

P1007 A ee

ASN0S@; Succ

AS ONY, oe es

DONG, as Sea ee

Abend,

bits of cloth. 2.2.0.6. e

A. star, 3. eee ag ere

A StOne,.... eee

SWE eer eR ee

he head; icine ee

To-morrow, BEL cce -@0 CFF LeCe BOO OEE

Moralitorkay.

Oodala.

Itnachamma.

Tato.

Teeree.

Jong.

Chanjibal.

Majibal.

Cheyda.

Cheyley.

Nyonada.

Layla.

Kytala.

Tokadoobda.

Lo.

Pay.

Eppee.

Onkono.

Icharonga.

Pogo.

Edala.

Gogo.

Rollo.

Beerma (?)

Chittooree.

Tylee.

Pyda.

Pyleeda,

Garra ?

ADJECTIVES OR PARTICIPLES.

Cold (as meat, )ss.c0ic. ce.

Chippede ss ess ase, css

Lost or concealed ? ..... es

Cold (as weather,) ............

Spill 2. eee

Ene, ==.

Hot, .

eect ©@@ 0008880

eeeees €@e e260 ©O8 O@@P Dae

@3@@ MOG ©8809 2086 OOR 200 BR eg

Mauriwada.

Lokkamen,

Kytalaya ?

Tatay.

Kaupilay.

Potowyk.

Deggaralak.

171

ina alii Siti ll Be wat

pos ji Balpeed: Lab sh ;

eae

: : ait is ne

rapanleteeta a9 tob

ear aba Sun eS NAc ty i haat

: Gi qs vig ee yh

+ tl . " : s

qatane

Moe

‘

pore)

eee

ee)

Memoranda relative to three Andamanese.

ipngonte nr se es ee

GOU0; cs ee es

Bad, = ss esxsac een eetes eases is Sos

UD ee ee ee

1 en ee

Dowkodoblak.

Ooba.

Ookacoba,

Odoola.

Awalay.

VERBS.

GO Silly 555 tices pena agncs

VO SlCCNs eciccre te en

UDO UA hGs —sanece cage

FEO AGO, sei sc eep sos sppehenein 6c

To come, ........ ire Seer

SO eon oe ree eh Tere

UP Oe Wale ears eg eas

Po CanCe;—. 5 veces rskgicskcss os

To throw away,...... sep seosessee

BNO WOM os ensue antes eco

Ma WADNCs osc 0 eoncgesen nies

POLO UUs Aves shade phd aG uae cao) 1s

SLOPOIVGs says tug sueas ieee oes

To broil, :

To roast,

Deedo.

Mamee.

Nya.

Kado.

Kameeka,

Taw.

Dikleer.

Tykpa.

Apay.

Dadway.

Darcha.

Kauppa.

Jay.

Poéwet.

ADVERBS.

No, POMOR eee GOO FGHF27 CHL LH HHH OHO EH

Yad.

Yabada.

PHRASES.

Sitea little; 0. asset anes

MMaChs fie lane. ee eset ese

Stomach full, .....:........-. Ss

Dont OO hc

inam=talls,- 23-25632ts

Put it down, ...... nee

I will remain here, ............

Take it (from another,) ......

Let it be: Put it down,......

I wall not cive, eto accen,

Hetat alone, = .)..4...s.-sses

Tara deedo.

Yad do.

Tek bo.

A kuddo.

Pano lappa.

Gulla loongdakey.

Do palee.

Nyey ree.

Tota da.

Oochinda.

Kookapa.

[No. 2,

A .

EU MNRAS AEA sii bani ds DRE Rees

an eae PSR

mye Me

iia

Ue Sobre |) Peas oy ey ao

St 7 Ft re a

MAA

Rough Ground Blar

of the rams at

BUDDHA

See

trircipal Tenewple,,, ....

Moorway..

LEP PRUE...

SEEPS.

P yas fee are

at pbs x? Pepa?

boa GEE EFL,

a See a ee

AEPLE! OF AAS :

aes =e

JPOP ns. ae eas

GAYA.

Af, 7

Yy Yy YW 7

yyy

iy Yyy YH YH Y YY

Y hf, ie Z LS, Ye Yj

REFERENGES.

= 3 —y* ve > = cs fs 43/ /

lrttuchy sShewwuig Gee plartt of tie Tornple/

i k ik + if a

; ,

ed eaten ese ayo aResaeaed ate: bier kramer MprmAIeGoand O° apse

Tite ee

; z fi a

eae = == = Fon eg Ligure’ a

108 Jenwles NOS, has a Large Sate gif Ae

Stored Carer1tl ......... 0... +:

Arched GEM EAG oe

MOLELP VV OOTIES ».......

wees

= D 7 7 3. fh east

Moderz Hattilis Lerples & bur CLG

sadn!

Site of cedly for Cel! peEEDETI PLOTS

grovel | |

1864. | On the Ruins of Buddha Gaya. 173

1 willdrink, 5..44é<.0:. Ooweldee:

There is none,...... . erie ce. Lap pee.

I want to sleep a little, ......Tautaro mameekay.

Stomach aches, ...... veseee-.. _Udda mookdoo.

I don’t wish to stay, ......... _OQopadopalee.

Boats are racing or rowing,... Arra choro.

I have some, |

It is lost, or I can’t find it. Ky’ta laya.

Nete.—Some of these phrases are only inferentially derived, that is

from their constant recurrence under like circumstances. When Crusoe

or Friday were hunting about for anything and could not find it, they

used to say in a vexed tone “ Kyta laya.”’ If offered anything, they

would when refusing it in an affirmative manner, say “ Gada” as if

they had it already, and so on. It is very possible then that many of

these phrases are not literally rendered.—S. R. T.

On the Ruins of Buddha Gaya.—By Babu RAsSENDRALALA Mitra.

Having had lately an opportunity of devoting a short time to the

examination of the Buddhist remains at Buddha Gaya, I believe a

brief account of the excavations now being carried on at that place

will not be unacceptable to the Society. Accordingly I do myself the

pleasure of submitting to the meeting this note along with a drawing

(done from memory) of the ground plan of the ruins, as also a sketch

of the railing round the great temple at that place. They have been

worked out from notes taken while on my travels, and may be relied

upon as generally correct. I had no instrument with me for taking

accurate measurements, and as Capt. Mead, the able officer who is

now superintending the excavations, will, ere long, submit to Govern-

ment a detailed report of his proceedings and discoveries illustrated by

carefully preparec drawings, and as my object was simply to see what

was in progress, I did not think it necessary or proper to take any

measurement or anticipate the work of that gentleman.

Buddha Gaya is one of the most celebrated places in the annals of

Buddhism. There it was that S’akya devoted six long years in deep

meditation to purity his mind from the dross of carnality, by abstain-

ing altogether from food, and subjecting his body to the most unheard-

mae

ft Fatah oS 9 ff

aia tt sc see tls atk +

speictcecg

4 TD ohn oi! ot - *

— a —¥ iz

<7"

= *

yA iss

bos

ite

as ®, y

174 On the Ruins of Buddha Gayé. [No. 2, |

of hardships ; there he repeatedly overcame the genius of sensuality—

Mira, who assaiied him with his invincible host of pleasures and

enjoyments to lead him astray from his great resolve; and at that

place he attained to that perfection which enablec him to assume the i

rank of a Buddha, the teacher of man and gods and dispenser of )

salvation. ‘The exact spot where these protracted meditations and )

austerities were carried on, is said to have been the foot of a pipul

tree, and hence that spot is held in the highest veneration by the

followers of the Saugata reformer. It was believed to be the holiest

- i

——

place on earth ; temples and monasteries were erected round it even 4

during the life time of S’akya, and as lone as Buddhism flourished in f

India, 16 was the resort of innumerable hosts of pilgrims from all

parts of the Buddhist world. With the downfall of Buddhism the

place lost its grandeur, and at the end of the tenth century was,

according to an inscription published in the Asiatic Researches, (Vol. I.

p- 284) by Wilkins, “a wild and dreadful forest,” “flourishing with ie

trees of sweet scented flowers,’ and abounding in “ fruits and roots,”

but “infested with lions and tigers, and destitute of human society.”

A magnificent temple, however, stiil stancs, and around it vestiges

r—)

——

abound to attest to its former.greatness. General Cunningham has

even recognised the identical flag of stone upon which on one occasion

Buddha, while a roving mendicant, sat and ate some rice presented to

him by two maidens. |

Lhe tree, however, under which Buddha sat, and which was the 2

greatest object of veneration, has long since disappeared, and its place és

is now occupied by one which, though decayed and dying, is scarce ?

two hundred years old. It stands on a masonry basement of two steps ae

about six feet high, and built on a large terrace of concrete and

stucco. tts immediate predecessor probably stood.on a level with the

first step which seems to have been raised long before the second. The

third predecessor, according to this idea, was on a level with the

terrace, and as that terrace stands about five and twenty feet above

the level of the surrounding country, and as. Capt. Mead, in course of his x 4

excavations, has found traces of two terraces, one very distinct, at inter-

mediate depths, it is to be presumed that several trees must have from

time to time occupied the spot where stood the original Boddhidruma,

or “Tree of Knowledge,” under which Buddha attained to perfection.

It is no doubt possible that as earth and rubbish accumulated round

1864. | On the Ruins of Buddha Gayé. 175

r the original tree, people from time to time built raised terraces and

" covered up its roots, so that the tree in a manner rose with the rise of

" the ground-level,.and that every new terrace or step was not neces-

| sarily an evidence in favour of a new tree ; but the fact of the tree that

now exists being a modern one, warrants the presumption of its having

had several predecessors at. different times. Moreover, as the plan of

renewing the tree was evidently not by cutting down the old and

pianting a new one in its place, but by dropping a seedling in the axilla

or a decayed spot of the old tree, so as to lead to the supposition that

it was only a new shoot of the parent stem and not a stranger brought

from a distance, it was found necessary to cover up the root of the

new comer under guise of putting fresh mould on the root of the old

one, to prevent the imposition being discovered. Hence it is that the

present terrace is.much higher than the tops of the surrounding heaps

of rubbish.

| Close by the tree, on the north side, is placed the Burmese inscrip-

fF tion noticed by Col. Burney in the last volume of the Asiatic Re»

| searches. And immediately to the east of it stands the great temple

of the place, a monument rising to the height of 160 feet from the

Jevel of the plain. Its pinnacle is broken ; when entire it must have

added at least twenty feet to the altitude of this cyclopzan structure,

ly General Cunningham, in his Archeological Survey Report for 1861-62,*

' has given a full description of this edifice; but there is one point of

yer importance in 1t which eseaped his notice, and to it, therefore, I wish

ie to draw particular attention: I allude to the existence of three com-

ss plete arches on the eastern face of the building. The doorway is wide

ii but low, and is formed of granite side-posts with a hyperthyrion of the

it same material. That was, however, supposed to be unequal to the

aj weight of the great mass of masonry rising to the height of near 150

i) feet, which rested on it, and three Saracenic or pointed arches were

ut accordingly thrown across to remove the weight from the hyperthyrion

to the side abutments. Two of these arches have fallen in, breaking

“ii exactly where an over-weighted arch would break, namely, at the points

where the line of resistance cuts the intrados: The third is entire. It

| is pointed at the top, but is formed, exactly as an arch would be in the

present day, of voussoirs or arch-stones placed wedgewise, the first and

dJast of which are sustained on the abutments, while the intermediate

he * Ante Vol. XXXUL, p. vii.

2A 2

pe.

Sas

rel

psy

be:

Pe!

cen sonar nat SE eet 0S PSHE ee,

== ~ “ek jell na es a Ie ie ee CE i ct rye

176 On the Ruins of Buddha Gaya. [No. 2,

ones are held together in their position by their mutual pressure, by

the adhesion of the cement interposed between their surfaces ; and by

the resistance of the keystone. Such a structure in an Indian build-

ing more than two thousand years old, struck me as a remarkable proof

of tue Hindus having had a knowledge of the principle of the arch at

a very early period, though the credit of it has been denied them by |

all our Anglo-Indian antiquaries. Tergusson, in his Hand Book of z

Architecture, concedes to the Jams a knowledge of the horizontal |

or projecting arch, but adverting to the radiating or true arch,

says, (Vol. I. p. 78) “In the first place no tope shows internally :

the smallest trace of a chamber so constructed (7. e. with a true e

dome)—nor do any of the adjacent buildings incline to such a

mode of construction which must have ere now been detected had it k

ever existed.” Hlsewhere he observes (p. 254) “'The Indian archi- }

tects have fallen into the other extreme, refusing to use the arch ji

under any circumstances, and preferring the smallest dimensions and

the most crowded interiors, rather than adopt what they considered

so destructive an expedient.” Adverting to the Kotub, he says,

“all the openings possess pointed arches which the Hindus never tl

used” p. 418). Again, “the Hindus however up to this time (i. e. 1

of the Pathans) had never built arches, nor indeed did they for

centuries afterwards” (p. 424). These remarks do not, it is true, i

‘directly mean that the Indians had no knowledge of the arch, but

they imply it. Elphinstone is more positive. In his remarks on “ ¢

Hindu bridges, he says, “ Nor does it appear that the early Hindis |

‘knew the arch, or could construct vaults or domes, otherwise than by a

—— = =

—

_ layers of stone, projecting beyond those beneath, as in the Treasury

of Atreus in Mycene.”’ (Hist. of India, p. 163.) Depending on

the testimony of these distinguished antiquarians one may very

reasonably assign to the Buddha Gaya temple a much later age than

it claims, but the fact of its having been visited by Fa Hian and

subsequently by Hiouen Thsang long before the advent of the Maho-

medans in this country, inevitably leads to the inference of its having

existed at a pre-mahomedan era, while the position the arches occupy,

is so natural and integral that-it leaves no room for the hypothesis that |

they were subsequent additions. I brought the fact to the notice

of Capt. Mead, who had kindly undertaken to shew the ruins to me,

and he readily acknowledged that the builders of the temple, whoever i:

tit

1864. | On the Ruins of Buddha Gaya. 177

they were, certainly knew the art of constructing an arch, and the one

before us was a very good specimen of it. The entrance gate to the

courtyard of the temple has a similar arch over it, though there it

has no superstructure to sustain, and seems to have been built more

as an ornament than otherwise. It may not be amiss here to observe

that by the selection of the pointed, instead of the semicircular, arch»

the builder has displayed a correct appreciation of the superiority of

the former in regard to its weight-bearing capabilities.

Ina line with the gate, and to its north, there formerly stood arange of

small temples, which have since fallen in, and been entirely buried under

rubbish. Capt. Mead has laid bare five of these, and in one of them I saw

a colossal figure of Buddha seated on a lotus throne, with the hands

resting one upon the other on the lap. This position is called the

Dhyina Mudra or the “ meditative position,” and it was thus that

S’akya passed his years of mental abstraction under the great pipul

tree. There is an inscription on the throne which records the dedi-

cation of the figure by one Boddhikhsana of the village of Dattagalla,

the writer being Upavyayapurva an inhabitant of Masavégra. The

character of the writing is the Gupta of the 4th century. The letters

have been carefully cut and weil preserved.*

Beyond these temples Capt. Mead has excavated a trench from east

to west, laying bare a line of stuxe railing which formerly enclosed the

courtyard of the great temple, running close along the base of the

terrace around the sacred tree. It was formed of square granite pillars,

* The inscription comprises three slokas in the fascile octosyllabic anushtup, and

runs as follows.

eafracatiga waqaaraataa |

VaaMCARIC fqaicraqaar |

NAMAICI ATS sifeaw cara

sifuauta fagrar eunafaaiea: |

waqafaaay fra ieay WATS

aaa aq wasaigtaatea | fe i

Translation. “Salutation to (Buddha) whose mind is ever directed towards

the control of his passions, and who is kind to all created objects, and this

with a view to overcome the resources of Mara lodged in blissful gardens of

unlimited expanse. (?)

Bodhikahana, the pure-hearted, of the village of Dattagalla having his mind

devoted to the dispensation of Buddha, dedicated this (statue) for the removal

of all kinds of bondage from his parents and relatives, Upavyayaptrva of the

village of Masavagra wrote this.” The author could not condense in the verse the

word “wrote,” so he has given it in initial after it. The third and fourth feet

of the first verse are not intelligible.

“4

mrs

Bey

aay

SAml

peal

ooh

RU Rover Mg aaa tte teha oe

tte

SORA MG SUE AC AMEE RCL SLU Uns Chee GREAT)

178 On the Ruins of Buddha Gayd. [No. %

each having three medallions on the front and three mortises on each

side for the tenons of as many cross bars. On the top was a coping

stone rounded above, but flat beneath. The pillars were seated on a

square base with mouldings on each side. The falling in of the monas.

tery which stood immediately to the north of it, broke and buried the

railing, and the only parts now found in séw, are the stumps of the

pillars and the basement. Fragments of bars and pillars are met with

in plenty within the rubbish, but a great number of the bars had,.

evidently, been removed before the rest were buried.

To the west of the terrace a deep trench, cut through the rubbish;

has brought to light the continuation of the railing on that side, but

in a comparatively better state of preservation. In the middle of the:

line right opposite to the sacred tree there was a gate having the side

pillars highly ornamented. Probably similar gates originally existed

at the four cardinal points, but their traces are no longer visible.

In style, ornament, and material the railing bears a close resemblance

to those of Buddhist remains in other parts of India. General Cunning:

ham, adverting to those at Bhilsa, observes, “the style is evidently

characteristic and conventional, as it is found wherever the Buddha

religion prevails. It is in fact so peculiar to Buddhists that I have

ventured to name it the ‘ Buddhist railing.’ This peculiar railing

is still standing around the principal topes of Sanchi and Andher, and

some pillars and other fragments are still lying around the great topes

at Sonari and Satdharé. The same railing was placed around the

holy Bodhi trees and the pillars dedicated to Buddha. The balconies

of the city gates and the king’s palace were enclosed by it. It formed

the bulwarks of the state barge. It was used as an ornament for the

capitals of columns as on the northern pillar at Sanchi, and generally

for every plain band of architectural moulding. At Sanchi it is

found in many places as an ornament on the horizontal bars which

_ Separate the bas-reliefs from each other, Bhilsa Topes, (p. 187).”

The trench opened on the south of the great temple, has been run

close to its base with a view to expose the basement mouldings and

the tiers of niches holding figures of Buddha, which were the prevail-

ing ornament of the temple. Capt. Mead has in contemplation to run

another trench parallel to the last, but at the same distanee from the

temple as the trench on the north is. This will most probably bring

to light the third side of the railing.

—— Se

1864. | On the Ruins of Buddha Gaya. 179

Two or three trenches have been run through the extensive mass of

rubbish to the north of the great temple, leading to the discovery of

nothing beyond a few cells for resident monks, a great number of whom

must have found their living in the neighbourhood of this once sacred

spot.

Within the courtyard and opposite to the entrance, stands a small

open temple formed of four granite pillars covered over by a heavy

stone roofing. In the middle of this there is a large block of basalt,

the material so largely used by Buddhist sculptors in the manufacture

of their statuary, bearing on its upper surface the carving of two hu-

man feet, and a Sanskrit inscription on one side. On the centre of

each foot are engraved, within a circle, the figures of a conch, a flag, a

lotus, a swastika or magic figure of prosperity, a fish, and a few other

objects which I could not well recognise.

‘The name by which this stone is commonly known is Buddhapad,

or “ Buddha’s feet.” It is remarkable, however, that the inscription

on it does not at all allude to Buddha. It begins with the usual

Brahminic invocation of “Om,” gives the date in S’aka 1280, and

records the names of Ravataji and Baladevaji as the dedicators of a tem-

ple. The letters are rather smudgy, and the facsimile prepared by me

is peculiarly so, it is possible therefore that my interpretation of the

monument may be questioned, but the great test of the ereed of an

oriental document is the salutation at the beginning, and that salutation

in the record under notice, being the mystic “ Om,” which 1s common

both to the Hindu and the Buddhist, it is impossible to determine to

which of the two rival creeds the stone is to be assigned. Nor are the

emblems engraved on the feet favourable to an easy solution of the

question. They conform to no known canons of palmistry Hindu or

Buddhist, regarding auspicious marks on the sole of the feet.

The Lalita Vistura, (Chapter 7) in giving an account of the peculiar

marks on, and the character of, S’akya’s feet, says ‘“ He has expanded

hands and feet, soft fresh hands and feet, swift and agile hands and feet

(like those of asnake-catcher), with long and slender fingers and toes.

On the soles of the feet of the great king and prince (Maharaja

Kumara) Sarvartha-siddha are two white wheels, beautifully coloured,

bright and refulgent, and having a thousand spokes, a nave, and an

axle-hole. His feet sit evenly on the ground.” Such a-wheel we

look for in vain on the foot-marks at Buddha Gaya. Again in the

Museum of the Society there is a large flag of white marble bearing

‘

2 |

ins

G =)

HT.

wae

vet

fur

Ser

Dy,

toy

were

B=)

sab

bore)

pe)

Fe)

poe

pe |

coil

oe.

<> *

. _ ~

i -

~— & &

180 On the Ruins of Buddha Gaya. [No. 2, ih

the figure of a human foot surrounded by two dragons. It wag k

brought from a temple in Burmah where it used to be worshipped ag a:

a representation of Buddha’s foot. It is 7} ft. long by 3 ft. 6 inches in i

breadth, and has on it a great number of mystical marks. On the i

centre of each toe there is a figure of a conch-shell and a concentric | a

line under it. A conch occurs also at the heel. On the centre of the | ie

sole, there is a circular figure with innumerable radii, standing evident- mn!

ly for the wheel with a thousand spokes described above. Around all

this wheel are arranged, in three tiers, one hundred and eight com- 1a

partments bearing representations of temples, houses, forests, rivers, nig

men in different attitudes, birds and beasts of various kinds—mostly tle 6

imaginary, leaves and flowers, magical figures and other objects unin- ie

tellicible to me. But I do not find the counterparts of these objects ia)

in the foot-marks at Buddha Gaya. There the figures are, it is true, tt

included within a circle, but it has no wheel of a thousand spokes, 4 pm

Its prevailing emblems are more Hindu than Buddhistical. The lotus, dit

the swastika, the fish and the discus are identically what has been assign- ti

ed to Vishnu’s feet in the Brahminical shastras. Thus in the Skanda Fins

Purana I find the marks on Vishnu’s feet are enumerated at 19, in-

cluding, 1 a erescent, 2 a water jar, 3 a triangle, 4 a bow, 5 the sky, | ies

6 the foot-mark of cattle, 7 a fish, 8 a conch, 9 an octagon, 10 a | ance

swastika, 11 an umbrella, 12 a discus, 13 a grain of barley, 14 an any

elephant goad (ankus,) 15 a flag, 16 a thunderbolt, 17 a jambu fruit, laty.

18 an upright line, and 19 a lotus, of which the first eight belong to ain

the left and the rest to the right foot.* Biswandtha Chakravartti, in the

his gloss on the Bhagavat Pnréna (10th book), has given the marks af Py

appropriate to the foot of Radha which include, 1 an umbrella, 2 a wheel, thy

3 a flag, 4 acreeper, 5 a flower, 6 a bracelet, 7 a lotus, 8 an upright dom:

line, 9 an elephant goad, (ankus) 10 a crescent, 11 a grain of barley, had

12 a javelin, 13 a club, 14 a car, 15 an altar, 16 an earring, 17 a fish, | te

18 a hill, and 19 a conch.t The first eleven of these belong to the :

* qarq awe Praag a @ awe aifsat |

we aayqesy ataugqe aTUrea aaa | | Alp

ad am aaa is TAS Caras, | ;

faure efcqa fiafaraeram fateh Wasi |

Pie + earftasrafaquaeary Tae Cag re

ee Wesy ay aaqcy we eT l ayy

ee | alqawauagqaaet waTa ve | 7 a

: ay

at wat facaatintracieaifeatsty ws i

1864. | On the Ruins of Buddha Gaya. 181

left, and the rest to the right foot. The scholiast has pointed out at

length the different places which these marks should occupy and the

objects they subserve at those places. His opinion has been ques-

tioned, and Vaisnava writers of eminence have distributed these marks

in very different ways. None has, however, tomy knowledge, brought

them together within a circle on the centre of the sole, as we find

them at Buddha Gaya.

The date of the inscription on the Buddhapad is S’aka 1280 = A. D.

1808, and the characters are the nearest’ remove from the modern Deva-

nagari. The inscription must have been engraved immediately after

the completion of the sculpture of the feet, for it is not likely that

the profane hands of an engraver would be allowed to touch a stone,

which had been, for any length of time, sanctified by the adoration

of thousands, while the Hindu character of the emblems does not

permit the supposition of the stone having existed at Buddha Gaya

during the supremacy of the Buddhists. They suggest the idea that

the foot-marks in question are of Hindu origin, and were put up by

. . ,

‘ . ’ ~~

- se ‘ 4

, Maes

Hindus to reduce the place and its old-associations to the service of

their creed. Such adoption, whether insidious or avowed, of the holy

places as well as the rites and ceremonial observances of one sect by

another, has been common enough in the history of religion. We

meet with it everywhere, and no where more prominently than in

India among the Hindus and the Buddhists. There is scarcely one

Hindu temple in ten of any great age in which is not to be seen some

relic of Buddhism borrowed by the Brahminists. The great temple

of Poori, which every year draws together pilgrims by hundreds

of thousands from all parts of India, most of whom are prepared to lay

down their lives for the truth and sanctity of the holy idol Jagannatha,

is a Buddhist edifice built on the plan, and very much in the style, of

the sacred monument at Buddha Gay4,* and the idol itself is no other

than an emblem of Dharma, the second member of the Buddhist triad,

represented by the old Pali letters y. r. v. U, s.; while tradition

still preserves the memory of its Buddhist origin and calls Jaggan-

natha the incarnation of Buddha, (Buddhdvatéra).+ It is not too much

* A closer parallel is met with in the temple of Barrolli near the fall of the

Chambul. The domical structure on its top and that of the Poori monument

is not however met with at Buddha Gaya.

7 Cunningham’s Bhilsa Topes, p.358 and Laidlay’s Fa Hian, p. 21—261, There

is an inscription on the temple of Jaganndtha which assigns, the temple to Ananga,

258

fe:

Sto

tag

tay

i he

Bis

cse

tes

sae

Si -

Jie

16)

iar

iret Sanpete ”

— dy a Ae

‘oe ;

feet arora h inn ete

Pus

Te ees

a \ nS

" le etn aces;

» t.

~- ttl |

es -

‘een

’

hts

rep

ipsa) macs linn

SPN ene Sete ge teres eee ee

We ieecaete yeah ae aetrteal

ee Sere Tec racer

a t

wa +.

182 On the Ruins of Buddha Gaya. [No. 2, I

then to assume that on the suppression of Buddhism in the 10th hi

and 11th centuries, attempts were made and successfully carried out, i

of converting Buddhist temples to Hindu usage, and that the foot. fi

marks at Buddha Gaya are the result of one of those attempts. bi

We have, however, more than @ priors arguments to establish the fact, mi

In an imscription of the LOth century to which reference hag already tt

been made above, it is distinctly stated that a Buddhapad or Buddha's |i

foot was set up ab Buddha Gaya expressly for the purpose of perform. ft

ing thereon the Hindu rite of srdddha. Now as the liturgy of the | Der

Buddhists does not recognise that ritual, it must follow as a matter of th

eourse that the inscription is a Hindu one, and since its date is te

posterior to the downfall of Buddhism, it must be taken for granted nt

_ that those who put it up, desired to reduce Buddha Gayd to the service nt

of Hinduism by, what is commonly called, “a pious fraud.” | vn

The inscription itself is no longer traceable at Buddha Gayé. But + fix

its translation in the 1st volume of the Asiatic fiesearches, coming bes

from the pen of Sir Charles Wilkins, may be taken as its exact ja

counterpart. It starts by saying that “m the midst of a wild forest | at

resided Buddha the author of happiness anda portion of N drayana. ‘ate

He was an incarnation of the deity Hari, and worthy of every adora- | hap

tion.” The illustrious Amara Deva accidentally coming to the forest | But he

discovered the place of Buddha and with a view to make the divinity | tonat

propitious, performed acts of severe mortification for the space of Be,

twelve years. The deity pleased with this devotion appeared to Amara _, leh

in a vision and offered him any boon that he wanted, and on Amara’s wis

insisting upon a visitation, recommended him to satisfy vicariously his | mt

| desire for a sight of the deity by an image. An image was accord- | dy

qe ingly made, and Amara eulogised it by calling it Brahmé, Vishnu, sh

=f Mahes'a, Damodara, and by attributing to it all the great deeds per- Lt i

EB formed by Vishnu in his various incarnations, “ Having this worship- ath

j ped the guardian of mankind, he became like one of the just. He lon

i joyfully caused a holy temple to be built of a wonderful construction, | r

tll

qe) and there were set up the divine foot of Vishnu for ever purifier of = ©

q eo) : the sins of mankind, the images of the Péndoos, and of the descents Tale

ies : of Vishnu, in hke manner of Brahma and the rest of the divinities.

4 =. le Bhima Déva of the Ganga Vansa Dynasty (A. D. 1196,) but he is said to

ieescee te have only rebuilt or repaired what had existed for many centuries before his "hy

time and been subjected to many vicissitudes. The

tec : +=

nae Barge a Beene wn Reh 3 f

ai PEG RE Lr a cp et

ite

Ay inl

1864. | On the Ruins of Buddha Gayé. 183

This place is renowned ; and it is celebrated by the name of Buddha-

Gayé. The forefathers of him who shall perform the ceremony of the

Srdddha at this place shall obtain salvation. ‘The great virtue of the

Srdddha performed here is to be found in the book called Vayu purana ;

an epitome of which hath by me been engraved upon stone.” ‘The

inscription writer then goes on to say that Vikramaditya was certain.

ly a renowned king ; that there lived in his court nine learned men who

were celebrated as the “nine jewels;” that one of them was Amara

Deva, and it certainly was he who built the holy temple. The con-

cluding paragraph states that “in order that it may be known to learned

men that he (Amara) verily erected the house of Buddha,” the writer

“vecorded upon stone the authority of the place as a self-evident testi-

mony,’ on Friday the 14th of the wane in the month of Chaitra in

the year 1005 of Vikramaditya=A. D. 948.

The writer leaves his readers entirely in the dark as to who he was ; he

does not even deign to give his name, and he talks of things which hap-

pened a thousand years before him. Such testimony can have no claim to

any confidence. 'The value of an inscription depends upon its authenticity

and contemporaneousness—upon being a record of circumstances that

happened in the time of the writer, who must be a trustworthy person.

But here we have none of those conditions fulfilled. We have a tradi-

tion a thousand years old, if any such tradition then existed, served up by

an anonymous writer on the testimony of so unveracious a witness as

the Vayu Purana. ‘The tradition itself bears the stamp of fabrication

on its very face. Buddha Gaya, whatever it was in the time of the

writer, could not have been “a dreadful forest’? “infested by tigers

and destitute of human society” in the first century before Christ, —

when Buddhism in India was in the zenith of its splendour, and when

the place of Buddha’s apotheosis was held the most sacred spot on

earth. Nor could Amara Sifha of the Court of Vikrama who was

known to have been a’ staunch Buddhist* anc.a clever scholar, be so far

* General Cunningham calls Amara a brahmana, But in the invocation at the

beginning of his Dictionary the great lexicographer has given no reason to hig

readers to describe him as such. ‘The invocation itself is as follows:

FAM ASA TeN CAAA IIT:

EPaAaaal Vici: Wagga q |

*'To him who is an ocean of wisdom and mercy, who is unfathomable, and

whose attributes are viceless, even to him, O intelligent men, offer ye your

adorations for the sake of prosperity and immortality.”

2B 2

¥ oe

iat

rae

$e,

SEN

ite

Sh (Gil Sh SLR. gRRA EBs

re A cew %. «=~

;

184 On the Ruins of Buddha Gaya. [No. 2; {

forgetful of his religion as to glorify his god by calling him Hari, i

Vishnu, Brahm4, the destroyer of the demon Keshi, the deceitful 4

Vamaina who cheated the giant Bali of his dominion, or a little i

shepherd tied to a post with a rope round his waist for stealing butter |

from the house of his neighbours. Such stories belong exclusively to it

the Purdnas and can never be expected in a Buddhist writing. Then i

the Amara of Vikramaditya’s court and author of the Dictionary it

was a Kédestha, and his surname was Sifiha.* I have nowhere seen a:

him addressed as a Deva, which title formerly belonged exclusively to B

Brahmans and kings, though of late years the rule has been considerably i

relaxed. ‘The story of the dream is of course a fiction, and the state- Ei

Here the deity invoked is not named; and the commentators having tried to tn

the utmost their ingenuity to apply the verse to most of the leading Hindu ~. |i

divinities, but finding it inapplicable, have one and all taken it to imply Buddha.

Mallinatha, the most distinguished among the scholiasts and the author of at |

least twenty different commentaries, explains the verse thus. “O intelligent men,

for the sake of “ prosperity,” i. e. wealth, of “ immortality,” 1, e. salvation, adore

Buddha, whose virtues, whose charities, whose forbearance, &c. &e. | oh

(Su a wad WeMy Wary Fe ae Saat GE_EE LU TT

AWIAIAITY TAfE| MS. As. Soc, Lib: No. 188, p. 5).

Raghundtha, another commentator of some eminence, says : “O intelligent men,

Let that Buddha be adored, that is by you. Here, though Buddha is not openly

named still itis evident from the epithets used that he is meant. This is called the il

rhetoric of prasdda. Thereof it has been said by Kanthébharana, where the object is | ts

evident from the meaning such a figure of speech is called pragada, thus (the verse)

“ here rises the breaker of the sleep of the lotus,’ without alluding to the dispersion mH J |

of darkness or the assuaging of the sorrow of the brahmini goose, evidently means

thesun.” Baya SA Tag: Maat Bara wale: Terqa its Fal fara.

aq Ud vata fa TeTeaMIAEeIT: | CEH RVNCWA! JF T- he

agqaag se: afeitaa <fal sat, waneufa fagrge: ofa

alaaa qatssararartrracUfetcaaliy Sal TARTS TSA |

(As. Soc. MS, No. 448, p. 2). Ndrayana, another commentator, in the Padartha |

Kaumudi has reproduced the words quoted above without a remark. (As. Soe. | 4

MS. No. 488, p. 1). Raménatha Chakravarti, after explaining the verse as |

applicable to Buddha, accounts for the name of Buddha not being openly given in

theinvocation notwithstanding the epithets used being peculiarly his, by saying \

“ that to conciliate those who are not Buddhists the name of Buddha has not Yo

been used.” qafagtomrmata gamscrarera a gid | (As. Soc. MP.

No. 443, p. 1, second series of pagination). This remark has been quoted

verbatim by Ragunatha Chakravarti in his commentary on ths Amarakosha. |

(As. Soc. MS. No. 178, p. 1).

* J have no better authority for saying this than the author of the Kayastho

Kaustubha,

—

1864: | On the Ruins of Buddha Gaya. 185

ment of a temple built for Buddha having for its chief penates the

image of Vishnu’s feet, those of the five Pandu brothers and of the

several incarnations of Vishnu, is equally so.

It was not expected that a distinguished scholar like General Cunning-

ham. with his thorough knowledge of Indian antiquities,should accept the

figments of this inscription as true. He has however taken for granted

that the great temple was built by Amara Sifiha, and, as that individual

was a contemporary of Vardha Mihira and Kalidasa who, according to

Bentley and others, lived in the 5th century, inferred that the temple

must have been built in A. D. 500. His arguments are, first the non-

existence of any temple in A. D. 400 when Fa Hian visited the place ;

second, the recorded erection of a large one by Amara Devaabout A. D.

500; and third the exact agreement in size as well as in material and

ornamentation between the existing temple and that described by

Hiouen Thsang between A. D. 629 and 642.

Of these, the most important argument is the first, in which it is

said that there was no large temple in existence at Buddha Gaya when

Ka Hian visited the place between A. D. 399 and 414. It would at

once establish the fact of the great temple of Buddha Gaya being

subsequent to the date of Ha Hian’s pilgrimage. But on referring to

the itinerary of that traveller, I find that instead of his saying that

there was no temple, he reiterates the fact that there were several

temples in Buddha Gaya at his time, and that the temple near the

Bodhi tree was one of them. ‘The account of his travels is unfor-

tunately very meagre. It is a simple recital of names of places and

their distances, with a superabundance of legends, but with no topogra-

' phical details. Still it is very precise as to the existence of temples near

the Bodhi tree. Thus in the 31st Chapter (p. 277) we find it stated

that at the place where Foe obtained the law ¢. e. near the holy pepul

tree, “ there are three Sang kia lan, and hard by are establishments for

the clergy who are there very numerous. The people supply them

with abundance, so that they lack nothing.” In another place in

the same chapter, Fa Hian, describing the approach and residence

of S‘akya at Buddha Gay, says: “The Phousa rose, and when

he was at the distance of thirty paces from the tree, a god gave him

the grass of happy omen: the Phousa took it and advanced fifteen

paces farther. Five hundred blue birds came and fluttered three

‘

y |

: 4

;

186 On the Ruins of Buddha Grayé. [No. 2,

times around him, and then flew away. The Phousa advanced

towards the tree Puzo, held out the grass of happy omen towards the

east, and sat down. Then the king of the demons sent three beautify]

sirls who came from the north to tempt him, and himself came with

the same purpose. The Phousa then struck the ground with his toes,

and the bands of the demon recoiled and dispersed themselves; the

three girls were transformed into old women. During six years he

imposed upon himself the greatest mortificaticns. In all these places

people of subsequent times have built towers and prepared images

which exist to this day.” Lest this be supposed too general, Fa Hian

again observes “I'he four great towers erected in commemoration of

all the holy acts that Foe performed while in the world, are preserved

to this moment since the 22 howan of Foe. ‘These four great towers are

(Ist) at the place where Foe was born, (2nd) at the place where he

obtained the law, (8rd) at that where he turned the wheel of the law,

and (4th) at that where he entered into ni houan.” Here we have

the positive testimony of the very traveller whom General Cunning-

ham has quoted that a great tower, one of the four largest, existed in

his time at Buddha Gay4 at the end of the 4th century. But had this

evidence been wanting the fact of one of the minor temples at that

place having a statue inscribed with the Gupta character of the 4th

century, would fully warrant the assumption of the main temple, whose

reflected sanctity the little ones sought to imbibe, being considerably

older. If we add to this the Buddhist belief reported by Hiouen

Thsang and the Ceylonese chronicles, of Asoka having raised a lofty tem-

ple at Buddha Gaya, we have ample grounds to assign to the existing

temple an age dating from the third century before Christ, and under

any circumstance one considerably anterior to the 4th century A. D. of

the Christian era.

The second argument of General Cunningham is founded upon the

authenticity of the inscription translated by Sir Charles Wilkins, ard

the deduction of Kalidasa, Vardha Mihira and Amara Sifiha having

been contemporaries in the 6th century. But as I have, I hope, satis-

factorily shewn that that inscription is “ not historically true,’ “ the

claims of reason,” to quote the language of Niebuhr, “ must be assert-

ed, and we must not take anything as historical which cannot be

historical.”

1864. | On the Ruins of Buddha Gaya. 187

As regards the argument founded on the exact agreement im size as

well as in material and ornamentation between the existing temple

and that described by Hiouen Thsang, it establishes only the fact of

the present temple having existed in the beginning of the 7th century,

but does not bar the probability of its also having existed many

centuries before the advent of that traveller.

Both Hiouen Thsang and the writer of the Burmese inscription of

Col. Burney, state that the temple was originally built by As’oka, and

we see no reason to doubt their assertion. Bearing in mind how lavish

As’oka was in his expenditure for the erection of towers and monu-

ments in all parts of India, it is but natural to suppose that he had

selected the spot where the founder of his religion attained to per-

fection as the most appropriate place for the largest and loftiest of his

monuments. That such a monument should have lasted for six hundred

years when Buddhism was still on the ascendant, so as to be visible in

the time of Fa Hian, is not in the least improbable. No doubt the

structure had had several repairs, and ib is to these probably that the

Burmese inscription, and Hiouen Thsang refer when they allude to the

legend of the dream and the consequent “rebuilding” of the monu-

ment, but they do not controvert the position of its having been in

the first instance erected by As’oka. |

P.8. Since writing the above I have read Montgomery Martin’s

notice of the temple at Buddha Gaya (Hastern India, I. p. 23) and

Buchanan Hamilton’s description of the ruins at that place (Transact.

Rl. As. Soc. IT. p. 41). Both allude to the tradition about Asoka’s

having erected the temple, and express doubts regarding the authenti-

city of Amara’s inscription. Hamilton describes a two-storied room

near the temple which I did not see.

POPPA LPLLP IL LPL IL IL OL GID AP PLL ALP FALL AT CP DBD CI CD CD CDC

ben

Brat

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Brrr

PSUR OR OACHAMIE

as Ns ae rs Ra ele ee 3 er ea mega ae ee

) eke

ie gee FS etn te es

cur GE ROT re ren ee 2

188 Description of a new species of Paradoxurus. [No. 2,

Description of a new species of Paradoxurus from the Andaman

LIslands.—By Col. TyTuER.

As the mammalia found on these Islands must be of interest, I beg

to send you the following description of a NEw Paradoxurus which I

have named after myself,

PARADOXURUS T'YTLERITITI.

Length from tip of snout to end of tail 3 feet and 5 inches, of which

the tail alone measures | foot and 8 inches, and the head about 6 inches,

height at shoulder 8 inches, general colour, dark bister brown, thickly

mixed. with longer light hairs of an Isabeline colour, giving the animal

a changeable colour from dark to light according to circumstances ; the

entire under surface is of a pale Isabeline hue ; feet, muzzle, and ears

dark, eyes hazel ; whiskers white, mixed with a few black hairs ; nails

nearly white ; teeth strong ; cheeks dark ; light down the nose, and

about the eyes ; very vulpine in appearance ; tail round not prehensile.

Naked area or glandular fold between the anus and the genitals; large

feet of moderate size ; fur very thick and of a moderate leneth. The

above was taken from an adult male. In habits they are very nocturnal,

and appear to feed almost entirely on fruit and vegetables. I had two

males caught with a great deal of difficulty alive, but they soon died

in captivity : I have preserved their skins and skeletons. Their call is

rather cat-lke, and they appear rather inoffensive in their habits,

notwithstanding that at times they fought slightly with each other.

I trust this brief account may be acceptable, and if so, should you

desire it, I shall be happy when opportunities offer, to send you

further notes from these distant islands.

T ought to mention that the Paradoxurus I have described is not

very common; the two I obtained were both from Viper Island where

they do great havoe amongst pine apples: they are great tree climbers,

nocturnal in their habits, and living during the day in holes.

Sth June, 1868.

1864. | Extract from Journal of a Trip to Bhamo. 189

Hatract from Journal of a Trip to Bhamo.— By Dr. C. WILLIAMS.

February 8rd.—At about midday reached the neighbourhood of

Tagoung. The river here runs between a portion of the Mingwoon

range of hills, which, covered with forest, slope to the water's edge of

the right bank,—and a steep bank of sandstone with a fringe of sand-

banks on the left. Its course is from N. to S. About a mile below

Tagoung J went on shore with a Burman who professed to. know all

about the old city. Along the bank on which we walked and which was.

formed of debris from the sandstone of the steep true bank, we proceeded.

avout half a mile, when we entered a lane to the right, having on our

left the old city wall of Tagoung, and on our right a stony and brick

strewn rise that appeared to be also a ruined wall: we continued thus.

due east for about a quarter of a mile, when the wall on our left turned.

towards the N. H. and the rise on the right continued its easterly

direction. On the north side of this latter the ground was on a level

with the top of the rise. My guide declared it to be the north wall.

of Pagan; I rather thought it the run of an ancient counterscarp to.

the south wall of 'Tagoune. :

I ascended the Tagoung wall with great difficulty, for the jungle,

which is thicker and higher on the wall than elsewhere, contained.

many of the tearing and scratching species of plants that so frequently

defy intrusion on a Burman jungle. Its brick structure was every-

where plain, and I should guess. its outside height at the south and.

south-east sides, to be twenty feet. I tried to keep along the low ground

close to the wall, but was obliged to submit to be guided round by a.

path, that after a circuit to the east, brought us to.an eastern gateway.

The brick work was here very hard and the backing of earth equally

so. Just within the gateway were two decayed gate posts smaller than

the gate posts of a good-sized Burman compound, but of the same kind,.

evidently a relic only of the latest period at which the modern village

needed or was. worth the protection of a gate. ‘The wall here appeared

to run due N, and 8. Passing into the old city, a jungle path to the

North West brought us to the present village of 'Tagoung, containing

by the Thoogyee’s account about one hundred houses, which is apparent-

ly correct, I called on this official, and found him civil and willing to

give me all the information he could, which was not much. At my

2 0

——

: i a ie one een EO Sec

“ RR aE a sie cert ate i

}

190 Extract from Journal of a Trip to Bhamo. [No. 2,

request he drew a plan of the two cities ona parabeit. He confessed,

however, that he had not seen the greater part of the wall, and especially

did not appear at all certain about old Pagan. On the authority of

“they say” however, he drew outlines like the following. (PI. I.)

As my subsequent inspection rather confirmed this sketch, I give

it to serve as a plan for reference. |

The Thoogyee with the help of some of the numerous visitors I

had attracted to his house, told me that anciently the two cities were

surrounded by the river, an arm of which embraced the east sideg

and rejomed the main stream to the south of Pagan. The re-

mains of this branch of the river he declared to be evident in the

ereek to the north of Tagoung, and in the fact that during the freshes

of the rainy season, the two cities are actually surrounded by running

water.

The walls of Tagoung he said followed the water-course, and those

of Pagan too were only at a short distance from it. “ In the rains, in

fact, the two cities form the only dry ground in the neighbourhood.”

To the eastward a series of jheels and tanks are scattered through the

jungle till, at the distance of a deing (two miles) or more, a small lake

is met with, extending eight miles from N.toS. and six from EH. to W.

Beyond this lake is jungle, till the hills that run down from Momest

are met about another deing further east.

All united in saying that Pagan is older than Tagoung, and all

declared themselves ignorant of its history. “Its chronicles are all

burnt,’ said one: another more intelligently remarked ;—“ It is not

hundreds, nor even a thousand years that the city has ceased to be a

capital : before religion came to the country it was the Burman capital,

and what old man can tell us of its history 2” On my enquiring after

any stone inscriptions or other relics of antiquity, they said none

have been found except a few small Budh images stamped in relief

on bricks with an inscription beneath, that I might perhaps be able

to read, but that they could not. They told me that these are all

found on the ground within old Pagan, and nothing of the kind has

been met with within the walls of Tagoung.

The Thoogyee sent for some pieces, and on examination the cha-

racter proved to be Nagari, which I recognised, but cannot read when

distinct, and this inscription was far from legible.

Taking temporary leave of the Thoogyee, I went through a wide

ati Re .

1864. | Kaxtraet from Journal of a Trip to Bhamo. TOL

gap in the north wall, which seemed mostly levelled with the ground of

the city, though its site is plainly marked by the brickwork, and found

myself on the steep bank of the creek mentioned by the Thoogyee.

Looking northwards, a long stretch of gradually narrowing water

appears at last to end in a cul-de-sac amidst dense jungle. This is

evidently an old passage, and at present an open one in the rainy season.

To the right, close along the wall of the city, stretched a piece of low

jungly ground, through which a small stream of water issued into the

main creek. I went along this north wall till jungle and approach-

ing darkness stopped me, ‘The line of brickwork was plain enough,

and close outside it, the ground sloped to the low swampy jungle

which the natives said is covered with deep water every summer.

The present village, I should explain, is situated on the north-west

corner of the old city: one or two old pagodas are near and several

modern ones. The chief object of reverence to fear, however, is a Nat,

which is said to possess great power for evil as well as good, and espe-

cially inflicts the stomach-ache on any offender. The material repre-

sentative of this spirit is a rude head on a post, the whole of wood,

about four feet high, with a tapering head-dress, half globes for eyes,

a well formed nose and no mouth, but rather big ears. This dreaded

image is lodged in a wooden shed like a Zayat, a portion of which,

covered by an extra roof, is boarded off into a chamber about six feet

square: within this stood the ugly post, amidst earthen vases and little

pans in which flowers and lamps had been offered to it. As sketched

from memory the outline of the thing was as below. (Fig. 1.)

I have heard of this terrible nat at Mandalay, and have been

consulted by a former Thoogya for an incurable stomach-ache and

asthma inflicted by it while he was in office here. The nat bears

a bad reputation for vindictiveness and being easily offended. The

origin of this. particular worship at this spot, I will enquire further

into before'l make any guesses. In the evening I witnessed a strik-

ing example of the reverence the nat exacts from all comers to his

neighbourhood. My Burman servants had evinced some fear in the

day and refused to accompany me in a close inspection of his devil-

ship. At the puey given by the Thoogya in the evening, the

actors in which were a company of players from Moutshobo, 1 noticed

these latter always making a shiko to somebody I could not see, before

ZC 2

eitbtie Sherinoesdohs apo oes ON I

ote teens) te

Fe)

—

orn

see ihel hb

esi

ee ee sen e iad sidane tet dae.

ears a ete eee *' A SONS HS hs ei i

ASSAUIA Wh oak “prc Yew teeny) chips terete parr

ESAT An

192 Katract from Journal of a Trip to Bhamo. [No. 2, I

| @)

Wi)

ifregan ja

at i . ,

| li ul | ih

Fig. 1. ; tn

they made the customary one to the entertainer himself. On the th

constant repetition of this I asked “ Who is it they shiko to P” and was fe

told by the Thoogya, “to the Lord nat,” and then recollected that ad

the nat shed stood in the direction of the obeisance which had fei:

puzzled me. “a w&

The inhabitants even dared to tell me that the nat was “ teg ee

sothe,” very wicked, but in a confidential manner, as if they would | m

not at all like the nat to know they said so. | i

The next morning, February 4th, was so foggy that I could see | i,

nothing. After despatching some letters, by a chance but safe oppor- ig

tunity to Mandalay for posting, | went on shore about 10 4. M., de- | '

taining the canoe, and sending on the large boat. J went to the |

Thoogya who had collected half a dozen of the brick reliefs, all that

the village possessed, from which I selected three, and with the ready ' : .

consent of the Thoogya brought them away. I then started for

Pagan, and the Thoogya determined to accompany me. We passed

= iy

out by a gateway in the east wall, north of that by which I had ,

entered yesterday—where the direction of the wall was N. E. and. F

S. W., and after walking through jungle in a southerly direction

1864. | Lxtract from Fournal of a Trip to Bhamo. 198 |

for about half or a third of a mile, entered old Pagan by a pathway

passing over a low ill-defined ridge, which the quantity of brickwork

in the soil, as weil as the assertions of the Thoogyee and followers,

made evident as the north wall of old Pagan. To the west and east

the same ridge could be seen to extend, but could not be followed .

for more than a few yards on account of the thick and prickly jungle.

About sixty yards to the south, we came on a mass of brickwork, ap-

parently an old pagoda, on which was a rude Budh protected by a

modern though dilapidated shed, and with its back against the remains

of the original Dzedi. ‘There was nothing peculiar about it, but by

the image were several of the brick casts above mentioned, but of a

different stamp from those the Thoogyee had shown me at his house.

The inscription was here more distinct, and, like the others, in the

Nagari character. The Thoogyee permitted me to take the two most

perfect. Continuing south for about 500 yards through dense jungle,

the narrow path led us to a round pile of bricks overgrown with brush-

wood and grass, the ruin of a conical pagoda called by the people the

‘““Mwy Zeegoon Phra.” We climbed its almost perpendicular side by

a path already worn, and from the top, could see how utterly the site

of both cities was converted into forest and jungle. The walls could

not be traced even in the faintest manner. The low ground to the

east, however, was plainly outside the city. Several spots within had

been used for ‘‘ Toungya’ cultivation: none had been otherwise made

use of. Returning by the same path, for further progress southwards

was barred, I got the best of the natives to accompany me to the

eastwards, where he said the north-east corner of the city was ap-

parent. We must have wandered through cartways and jungle paths

about half a mile to the eastward before we came upon the supposed

corner. ‘T'o the westward I could not trace the wall, but straight to

the south we traced distinctly the high brickwork for fully half a

mile. To the right was impenetrable jungle the whole way, to the left

low ground with occasional patches of forest, and much of the long

feathery grass, which only grows in places well watered. This low

land, the man said, is covered by water in the summer, and at that

time there is a current all along by the wall. :

The jungle defied further progress. The guide said that the wal

continues straight on southwards for twice the distance that we had

come. We now passed through an ordeal of many scratches, and

—— PER Eagan tite sae

194 atract from Journal of a Trip to Bhamo. [No. 2,

struck upon a path within. the walls, running south-west. Keeping this

general course, we walked I think a mile and a half, and emerged over a

line of brickwork on the same level with the top of the sandstone bank,

and about a dozen yards within it. Now on the bank of the river I

could not afford time to follow the wall line southwards, but from a

good mark, (a large tree on the lower bank opposite the gap in the

true bank,) I measured with a tape the distance to the apparent north-

west corner of the city. This was 104 times 50 feet, or 5200 feet.

From'this it appears that the natives’ account is probably correct, and

that the city of Pagan was at least two miles in leneth from north to

south, and probably a mile in breadth from east to west. <A thousand

feet from the supposed north-west corner of Pagan begins the west wall

of Tagoung. ‘This runs directly north for 24 times 50 = 1200 feet,

then turns with the bank of the river to the north-east for 500 feet, from

which the north wall is apparently continuous along the creek in a due

eastward direction. The west wall of Tagoung is evidently a brickwork

capping to the natural sandstone bulwark, and thus appears to be

parallel with, but somewhat to the west of the west wall of Pagan,

which lies behind the natural bank.

The whole was very probably an island in remote times, and it

seems that insular or semi-insular positions have been favorite sites

for Burmese capitals ; e. g. “ Poukkan” or Lower Pagan on “ Yunhlot”

Island, Ava, and this the most ancient of all.

The Thoogyee who had left me after showing the Mwy Zeegoon

Phra, now came down to the beach, and seemed a little puzzled at my

measuring the old walls. His face bore a queer expression of doubt

whether he had not committed a sin in allowing this perhaps dan-

gerous proceeding. He, however, spoke very civilly, and we parted the

best of friends, he promising me all the information procurable, on my

yoturn. It was now 4 o’clock, and a very cold pull it was to reach

the boat, which I found about 8 o’clock, moored beneath the bluff of

Tongue, about eight miles up the river. This Tongue is said to have

been a capital before Tagoung. Again near Myadoung is a place

““Thigine” on the west bank, called the Beloo Myo or Monsters’ city,

where the walls are of stone, and other evidences of superhuman

handiwork are talked of. This must be of interest.

I fancy that in former times there were several petty states in the

upper Irrawaddi valley, and that the Burmese chroniclers haye merely

th een

SSS

SSSR

‘Ae

Nya

SNES

PAGAN

eno

hweyze

SSN

See

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SS wed :

iE a Te gate eee! His

SVN See eT a

Sr MON ats -

OAS OS Spier vik el Sn ae

‘

deung P.

; be

/ gS

¥ m

——- SS BESS = => = = =— :

a == — — ———— ——— ——s — — SS ———- SS. 5 a a= .

= = < — == oe =e = SS —— == = ee = — == ss ae —

= SS se - a, -_ = oa = = = S=. = = = SI => ee — ——— = —a 7 < J —s — =) — — —— —— = arte:

=—— Pr —, + _—— — — = ea zz ss ——— —~+—> =— = == —! = = ss S=—_> af . —s = = = — ——— —

crete roe mnernetneen HiheEarhtey ion

1864. ] Extract from Journal of a Trip to Bhamo. 195

selected one at a time, and stringing backwards the genealogy of their

modern kings, manufactured the tale of a continuous monarchy with

a shifting capital and dating from the first inroad of Hindoo princes

into the valley up to the present time. I understand from Hindoos

that they have in their books some accounts of an incursion of Hindoos

into this country.

The ancient extent of Hindoo influence over Indo-China and

the adjacent archipelago, I suppose to be a well-proved fact, and the

prominence given in Burman chronicles to the advent of the Hindoo

prince is very significant.

I should have mentioned above, that the great extent of pond and

lake, with the creeks of still water, make Tagoung a remarkably good

fishing-place. Great quantities of fish are dried, and much made into

“ngapee” and great numbers also are taken alive to the capital. The

small-fish are thrown into the boat and kept alive with frequent

changes of the water. The larger fish are strung by the gills, or the

nose, or the lip, and so towed down the river till the market is reached,

At the time of my visit, the cul-de-sac creek to the north of the city

was closed at its mouth by a bamboo netting, and the fish above were

being narcotised with some bark, that I am as yet unacquainted with.

The fish above the net being all taken, the net is removed, when after

five or six days, fish enter the creek again and the process is repeated.

At this creek and on the river in the neighbourhood of Tagoung, the fish-

eating birds are particularly numerous. A few specimens I have shot

and had skinned; among them the Scissor-bill (Rhimops nigra) and

another very handsome web-footed bird of the size of a duck, with a

long neck and a sharp pointed beak. It swims with only its head and

neck out of the water, but watches for its prey most generally on the

low sand banks, or on some projecting piece of drift wood. Its food

is small fish. The Darter.

Dad eR eS ee

196 Nate on the Gibban of Tenasserim, Hylobates lar. [No. 2,

Note on the Gibbon of Tenasserim, Hylobates lar.—By Lieut.-Cbl.

S. R. Tickeny; 2 a@ letter to A. Grove, Esq.

I send a transeript from my Mammalian collection of what I had

recorced of Hylobates lar, at least of its wild and tame habits. Notes

on its osteology and soft anatomy and structure, you will not require,

as you have a specimen by you, which I suppose from what you say

of its paralysis will not live long, The one you have, must have been

about 1; year old when I sent it you. Doubtless captivity has

checked its growth. I give the dimensions taken of an adult one, but

I think I have seen them larger, and the males are larger than the

females, (as in all monkeys).

The Burmese and Talains never keep monkeys of any kind as _ pets.

The Karens sometimes do. Of the Shans I cannot speak, but being

Bughists they probably do not either.

| Hynopates Lar (Ogilby.)

The /Tylebates lar is found in great abundance in all the forests

—_

skirting the hills, which run from north to south through the pro-

vince of 'Tenasserim. They ascend the hills themselves up to an

elevation of 3,000 to 3,500 feet above sea level, but not higher, and

are usually met with in parties of from 8 to 20, composed of indivi-

duals of all ages. It is rare to see a solitary one ; occasionally, how-

ever, an old male will stay apart from the flock, perched on the

a ES

summit of some vast tree, whence his howls are heard for miles

around. ‘The forests which these animals inhabit, resound with their

eries from sunrise to about 9 a. mM, Their usual call may be thus

rendered.

ple eb = bn pe 00 — woe ef

| The sounds varying from the deep notes of the adults to the sharp

foal ee iveble of the young ones. During these vocal efforts they appear to

Matis

wee

Edger be

eee

Ripe! hate

4 —

ele

. . *

a a ey hy

peace oe ree sal

Sig uk alm i ap 7 et a PGND nae

Fikrageicfahitersa woe een pes hee

"/ 7

eH price art ilar ie at is Dpsticrt)

ere ieaey

Pret pancaey BGR Re pte pa

Hoklsecterbweres bx pasar beste

prpuer nt cot

re. Vee

Wes Aas Me cna lie ee

Tas wasary erway aT RL

pa os ee ae

DVS RTA

HYLOBATES LAR. |.

- > ia

——— Serene — ——

——- ——

—_

1864.| Note on the Gibbon of Tenasserun, Hylobates lar. 197

resort to the extreme summits of the loftiest trees, and to call to each

other from distant parts of the jungle: After 9 or 10 a. m. they

become silent and are engaged feeding on fruit, young leaves, buds,

shoots and insects, for which they will occasionally come to the

eround: When approached, if alone, they will sometimes sit close,

doubled up in a thick tuft of foliage, or

behind the fork of a tree: near the top, so

screened as to be quite safe from the shot

of the sportsman. The sketch in the mar-

gin may show how effectually a single

gunner may be baffled: in his attempts to

secure a specimen. With a companion the

manceuvre of course is useless. But indeed’ when forced from its con-«

cealment and put to flight, the Gibbon is not easily shot. It swings

from branch to branch with its long arms, shaking the boughs all

around, flings itself from prodigious heights into denser foliage, and is

quickly concealed from view by intervening trees.

_ Tf hit, there is no animal more tenacious of hife, and its efforts

when desperately wounded to cling to the branch, and drag itself into

some fork or nook where to hitch itself and die, excite amusement and

compassion.

The Gibbon Gf we restrict that name to this species) is not nearly

so light and active as its congener H. hoolock, (the “Tooboung”

of the Arakanese,) which latter species is not liable to vary in colour,

being always black, with the hands and feet concolorous, and the

supercilia only white, instead of a circle of that colour all round the

face. The Gibbon, moreover, walks less readily on its hind legs than

the hoolock, having frequently to prop and urge itself along by its

knuckles on the ground. In sitting it often rests on its elbows and

will lie readily on its back. Anger it shows by a fixed steady look,

with the mouth held open and the lips occasionally retracted to show

the canines, with which it can bite severely, but it more usually

strikes with its long hands, which are at such times held dangling,

and shaken in a ridiculous manner, like a person who has suddenly

burnt his fingers. It is, on the whole, a gentle peaceable animal, very

timid and so wild as not to bear confinement if eaptured adult. The

young seldom reach maturity when deprived of liberty. They are

born generally in the early part of the cold weather, a single one at

198 Note on the Gibbon of Tenasserim, Hylobates lar. [No, 2,

a birth, two being as rare as twins in the human race. The young

one sticks to its mother’s body for about seven months and then be-

gins gradually to shift for itself. So entirely does this animal confine

itself to its hands for locomotion about the trees, that it holds any

thing it may have to carry by its hind hands or feet. In this way J

have seen them scamper off with their plunder, out of a Karen plan-

tain garden in the forest.

IT have had many of these animals while young in confinement.

They were generally feeble, dull, and querulous, sitting huddled upon

the ground, and seldom or never climbing trees. On the smooth sur-

face of a matted floor they would run along on their feet and shde on

their hands at the same time. By being fed solely on plantains, or

on milk and rice, they were apt to lose all their fur, presenting in

their nude state a most ridiculous appearance. Few recovered from

this state: but a change of diet, especially allowing them to help

themselves to insects, enabled some to come round, resuming their

natural covering. For the most part they were devoid of those

pranks and tricks which are exhibited by the young of the MMacacus

and dnuus, though occasionally and if not tied up, they would gambol

about with cats, pups, or young monkeys.

The tawny and the black varieties of the Gibbon appear to mix

indiscriminately together. The Karens in the Tenasserim provinces

consider there is a third variety which they name “ Khay6oo paba,”

and the Talains ‘“ Woot-o-padyn” (blue ape). This is probably the

party-coloured or mettled phase of the animal, whlch occurs very often

to the southward, in Malaeca. ‘The pale variety is more numerous in

the district of Amherst than the black one.

fylobates lar extends southward to the Straits, and northward to

the northerly confines of Pegoo (British Burma) : whether it is found

throughout Burma proper or not, I cannot ascertain. To the west of

the spur dividing British Burma from Arakan, and throughout the

latter province into the mountains east of Chittagong, is found only

Hylobates hoolock. And further northward in the forests and hills

of Cachar, Munnipoor and As4m exists either a third species, (not yet

I believe distinguished by naturalists,) or if the same species as #.

haolock, so strongly modified as to be larger and stouter, with a

totally different call, and subject to vary in colour the same as EH, lar

which 4. hooleck in Arakan is not.

1864. ] Literary Intelligence. 199

I subjoin the dimensions of an adult male specimen of Hylobates

far shot near Hlyng bway, Tenasserim province; January, 1855.

But I believe it attains a larger size.

Length from crown to posteriors 1! 73”

Humerus 95”, Radius 93”, Hand 6”, Total 2’ 1”.

Femur 77, Tibia 72”; Foot 44”. ‘Fotal 1! 72”.

Height when standing upright about 2’ 6’.

I should not omit mentioning the peculiar manner in which this

species drinks, and which is by scooping up the water in its long

narrow hand, and thus conveying a miserably small quantity at a time

to its mouth. It is to be heped the animal is not much troubled

with thirst.

TT.

LITERARY INTELLIGENCE.

Hatrat du mémoire de Mr. Houmpor sur Vorigine du systeme de

poids de lancienne Scandinavie.*

Pendant que le systéme de poids de I’ ancienne Rome, constituant

la livre de 12 onces était en usage dans une grande partie de |’ Europe,

la Seandinavie se servait d’un systéme tout différent, comptant 1

mork (plutard dit mare) == 8 asrar (plur de eyrir, plitard dit ore).

1 eyris = 3 ortugar ou ertugar (plur. de ortug).

On est frappé de rencontrer le méme systéme en usage dans

l Inde méridionale moderne, ou, |

1 cer est = 8 palas.

1 pala = 8 tolas,

et plus frappante encore est V’égalité de la pesanteur des poids

respectifs des deux contrées si éloignées l’une de V’autre. L’auteur

donne deux listes de la pesanteur de once (eyrir, pala) dans divers

états de |’Hurope et de l’Inde, d’ ot il résulte, que sa pesanteur, quoi-

qu’ un peu variante, se trouve presqu’entre les méme bornes ici et la,

ee qui est aussi le cas avec l’once de plusiéurs états Mahometans hors

de l’Inde. 7

Il est vrai que, depuis le moyen age, le mare de 8 onces a été en

usage dans la plupart des états Européens; mais il faut remarquer,

que l’on n’y s’en sert que pour peser l’or, argent et un nombre trés

limité d’ autres articles préeieux, pendant que la livre de 12 onces

* Communicated in a letter to Babu Rajendra Lal Mitra.

2p 2

Maske tick Vee coy

‘

4 a ¥

TUTE cha oa aac ae

fas gah

; a “4 " 1 4 ¥ “

t Los Pa eres

wor > . ~ “ : ‘a LS r

4 ad : :

bad

—

-”

> ae

‘

4 i

ag -

;

+. kh

200 Literary Tntelligence. [No. 2,

est le poids principal pour les vivres et les marchandises. Les Scan-

dinaves au contraire se servent du mare, eyrir et ertag pour tout

objet pondérable ; et la division de l’once en 8 unités inféreures ne se

rencontre nulle part hors de Scandinavie et de |’ Inde. |

L’auteur a fait des recherches pour trouver des traces du systéme

des Scandinaves dans les contrées, quils passaient lors de leur émi-

gration de l’Asie, et par lesquelles un chemin de commerce trés fye-

quenté entretenait les relations entre l’Orient et Je Nord Jusqu’d

Vinvasion des Tartares. Le résultat de ces recherches se borne 4

attirer attention sur un grand nombre de lingots d’argent, qu ‘il y a

une trentaine d’années ont été desenterrés 4 Riazan, presqu’ au centre

de la Russie. Or le poids moyen de ces lingots repond de trés prés au

poids du mare ancien des Scandinaves. Et & Bokhara on se sert

aujourd’hui d’une once, dit Tolendak, dont le poids est presque égal

a l’ancien eyrir.

Quant a l’origine de l’égalité des poids du Nord et de l’Inde, l’au-

teur émet Vhypothése, que le systeme a été établi chez les ancétres

communs des Ariens de l’Inde ‘et des peuples du Nord. Pour sup-

porter cet hypothése il cite un certain nombre d’articles de civilisation,

qui portent les mémes ou presque les mémes noms en Scandinavie et

en Inde,—articles qui deémontrent un degré de civilisation, qui doit

nécessairement avoir eu besoin d’un systéme de poids. Les émigrés

doivent donc l’aveir apporté avec eux, les uns vers le Nord, les autres

vers le Sud.

Translation.

Axtract from the Memoir of M. Holmboe on the origin of the Sys-

tem of Weights in Ancient Scandinavia.

While the system of weights of ancient Rome, comprising the

pound of twelve ounces was in use in a large part of Europe, Scandi-

navia used a very different system, consisting of

1 mork (afterwards marc) = 8 asrar (plural of eyrir, afterwards

called ore),

1 eyrir = 3 ortugar or ertugar (plural of ortug).

One is struck at meeting with the same system in use in modern

Southern Jndia where

1 sir = 8 palas,

1 pala = 8 tolahs,

eee

—_

- cect

—

£864. | daterary Intelligence. 201

and still more striking is the equality of the respective weights, in

two countries so far distant from each other. The author gives two

lists of the weight of the ounce (eyrir, pala) in the different states of

Hurope and India, from which it appears, that although its weight

varies somewhat, the variation has almost the same limits in both

quarters, which is also true of the ounce in several Mahometan states

external to India.

It is true that the mare of 8 ounces has been in use in most Eu-

ropean states since the middle ages: but it must be remarked that it

is only employed there for the weighment of gold, silver, and a very

limited number of other precious articles, while the pound of 12

ounces.is the chief weight for provisions and merchandise. The

Scandinavians on the contrary use the mare, eyrir and ertag, for every

weighable object ; and the subdivision of the ounce into 3 units of

lower value, is met with nowhere but in Scandinavia and India.

The author has sought for traces of the Scandinavian system in

the countries which that people traversed in their emigration from

Asia, and through which passed a well-frequented commercial route,

by which Hastern and Northern nations communicated, up to the time

of the Tartar invasion. The result of these researches is limited to

drawing attention to a great number of ingots of silver which were

dug up at Riazan, almost in the centre of Russia; the weight of these

ingots corresponds very closely to that of the ancient mare of the

Scandinavians : and at Bokhara, according to Tollendak, an ounce is

still in use, the weight of which is almost equal to that of the ancient

eyrir.

As to the origin of this equality in the weights of the North and

of India, the author suggests that the system was established by the

common ancestors of the Arians of India and of the Northerns. In

support of this view, he cites a certain number of articles of civiliza-

tion which bear the same names in Scandinavia and India,—and

which indicate a degree of civilization which must have absolutely

required a system of weights. The emigrants then carried this with

them ; some to the North, the others to the South.

He= EB:

; Ee ee

ore Fe ee ETT =

202 _ ftaterary Intelligence. [No. 2,

Dr. KE. BUHLER on Gakatayana’s Sanskrit Grammar.

I lately received through the kindness of my friend Mr. W. Stokes

of Madras, part of a transcript of MS. 1071 (Alph. Cat. E. T. H,

Col.) as well as the beginning and end of MSS. 1072 and 1073,

which in the Catalogue raisonné as well as in the Cat. Alph. are

stated to contain the ancient grammar of Cakatayana, the predecessor

of Yaska, Panini and the author of the Mahabhashya.

On examination, MS, 1071 proves to contain a copy of the Gabda-

nugasana of Cakatayana with the Chintamani Vritti of Yaxavarman

(beginning on fol. 31 of the original MSS., p. 149 of my transcript),

The first thirty-one folios contain a compendium based on the same

work, in the style of the Siddhintakaumudi. Its author and title I am

unable to ascertain, as it is full of breaks in the beginning and in the

end. MS. 1072 contains a work called PrakriyAsamgraha by Abha-

yacandra-siddhanta-siri, likewise giving stitras from the Cabdanucasana,

but if 16 1s commentary or an abridgment of the original I cannot

say. MS. 1073 resembles closely MS. 1072; its title and author are

not named.

Though I only possess about 13 p4da of the first adhydya of the

Cabdanucasana I venture to give a notice of the work without waiting

for the completion of the transcript, as I think it can be proved satis-

factorily, that that work really belongs to the predecessor of PA&nini.

Besides, the above-mentioned compendium allows me to form a general

idea of the whole work.

In order to prove the correctness of the title given, I give the text

of the introductory verses of the Chint4mani :

Vitaragaya namah.

Criyam kriyadvah sarvajfidnajyotira nagvarim.

Vigvam prakacay-accintdmanigcintarthasAdhanah. (1)

Namastama(h) prabhévabhibhitabhidyotahetave.

Lokopakarime ¢abdabrahmane dvadagatmane. (2)

Svasti crisakalajfidnasimrajya, padamaptavan.

Mahacramana-samghadhipatir-yah ¢¢katéyanah. (3)

Eka gcabdémbudhimbuddhimantharena pramathya yah.

Sayagah ¢vi samuddadhre vigvam vyAkarandmritam. (4)

Svalpacrantham sukhopayam samptirnam yadupakramam.

Se ee ee << ——

—

— - —— a

= = —— é

SS =. SE EE se

en ees a m

ge ee

= =a

— a aay ie

1864. | Literary Intelligence. 20

Cabdinucésanam saxrvam arharceha sanvatparam. (5).

Hshtirneshta na vaktavyam vaktavyam sutratah prithak.

Samkhyatam nopasamkhyénam yasya ¢abddnucdsane. (6)

Tasyatimahatim vrittim samhrityeyam laghiyasi.

Samptrnalaxanavrittirvaxyate yaxavarmand. (7)

Grantha-vistara-bhirinam sukumaradhiyamayam.

Cucrishadigunan kartum castre samharanodyamah. (8)

Cabdanugdsanasya nvarthayac eintdmane ridam.

Vritter granthe pramanamtu shatsahasram nirupitam (9)

Indracandradibhiggdbdur yaduktam cabdalaxanam

Tadihastisamastam ca yannehasti na tatkvacit. (10)

Ganadhitupathayor ganadhatu lingdnugdsane lingagatam.

Unadika nunddaw cesham nicceshamatra vrittau vidyat. (11)

Balabalajanopyasya vritter abhyasavrittitah.

Samastamvahemayam vetti varshenaikena nigcayat. (12)

With these statements we must compare the end of the first chap-

ter, which runs as follows : |

Iti cabdanucasane ecintamanivrittau prathamasyadhyayasya pra-

thamah padah.

Though there can be no doubt that the MS. contains the work of

Cakatayana, still it remains to be proved that this Cakatayana is the

predecessor of Panini. For the name Gakatayana is a nomen gentile

and does not originally designate one individual only. Besides we

know from the commentaries on the Dhatupatha that there were two

erammarians of this name.

Fortunately it is not difficult to decide this question, as PAnini

quotes in three passages opinions of Qakatdyana,—ptijartham as the

eommentators say. ‘T'wo of these rules are found in the fragment of

the Cabdanugasana, which I have before me, the third is wanting

because it refers to a matter treated of in one of the later books. The

rules referred to are the following :

Panini teaches vin. 4. 46.

Aco rahabhyam dve (scil. yare va).

Consonants with the exception of h (and of course also of 7) stand-

ing after an 7, or #, which is preceded by a vowel or diphthong, can,

optionally, be doubled.

And vii. 4. 47.

Anaci ca,

ise SS eee

204 Literary Intelligence.

LNo. 2;

(This doubling may also take place) if consonants’ except / and r,

which are preceded by a vowel or diphthong, are followed by any

letter except vowels, diphthongs # or , (or if they stand at the en

of a word). | |

In the following Sutras: he gives exceptions to these rules and Says

S. 50.

Triprabhritishu cakata’yanasya (na sy4t).

It three or more consonants follow each other (which otherwise ful.

fil the conditions stated above) the doubling shall: not. take place

according to the opinion of Cakatayana, e. ¢.

Cakatayana allows only the pronunciation indra, not inndra.

In the Cabdénugasana we find the following corresponding rules :

jie Bailes

Acohrohracah, (dve va syatam) Cintamani: Acah paro yo hakéro

rephacca tabhyam parasya ahracah, hakaradrephadacaccAnyasya

varnasya sthane dve ripe bhavato va, brahmma brahma, sarvvah

sarvah, dirgghah dirghah, ahraca iti kim, barhit, dahrah aham.

Translation of the Sutra :

Consonants except ‘h’ or ‘r’ following an ‘h’ or ‘r,’ which is pre-

eeded by a vowel or diphthong, may optionally be doubled.

Stitra I.1.118. —

Adirghat.

Cintamani :

Adirghadacah parasya hracah-sthane dye rtipe bhavato va, daddhy-

atra dadhyatra, patthyodanam pathyodanam, tvakk tvak, tvagg tvag,

go-nu-ttratah go-nu-tratah, anvityadhikarat (from Sitra 115 caronu

dye) kutvadau kutve dvitvam, adirghddeka halityanuktvaA na samyage

(Stitra 119} tvaciti (Sitra, 101) yogadvayarambhat, virime pyayama-

degah ahraca iti kim sahyam, (?) varyyah, aryyah titau, adirghaditi kim,

sutram, patram, vak,

Translation of the Stitra :

Consonants except 4 and 7 preceded by a short vowel and followed

by any letters (except those specified in the following rules) or Vira-

ma, may optionally be doubled.

Sutra I. 1. 119.

Na samyage.*

Cintamant.

* MS. na samyago.

= LLL a

—7

1864. | Literary Intelligence. 205

Halonantarah samyagah, samyage pare ahracah sthane dve ripe na

bhavatah, indrah, (kritsnam.)

Translation of the Sutra :

If consonants except and r are followed by a group of consonants,

the doubling does not take place.

The last Sitra apparently contains the opinion ascribed to Gakat- -

yana by Panini in his rule VIII. 4. 50. At the same time it must be

observed that Panini says in VIII. 4. 52.

Adirghadacaryaném,—All the Acaryas forbid the doubling of a

letter preceded by a long vowel, and that Cakatéyana who must be

regarded as one of the Acharyas teaches the same thing in the Sitra

118 just quoted.

The second passage occurs Pan. VIII. 3.18. After having tid ti

VIIL 3.17. that the Visarga must be changed to y after a penultimate

f, 24

a’ and ‘o’ in the words aghah, bhoh, bhagah he (VIII. 3. 18. A

continues.

Vyor laghuprayatnatarah Gakatéyanasya and v and y (following

a, @ or o in the three words mentioned) are to be steedaaee with less

effort (movement of the tongue) than usually—according to the opi-

nion of Cakatayana.

Cakatayana’s sitra, I. 1, 154, contains precisely the same rule.

He teaches I. 1. 153.

Vyoshya gho bho bhagoh, (scil. gluk).

Cintamani.

Avarnadaghe bho bhago shyciotinuees parasya padantasya vaké-

rasya yakarasya cashipare glug bhavati (gluk supplied from siitra

152), vrixa hasati (?) vrixavrigcama caxanovrica (?); deva yanti:

agho hasati, bho dadati, bhago dehi ; padanta iti kim, gavyam, jayyam,

bhavyam.

- 5 a“ 4

SHEA

Sat Oa ae

. ’ = 4 oh

Translation.

A final ‘v’ and ‘y’ following a short or long ‘a,’ or the words

aghoh, bhoh, bhagoh, must be elided before soft sounds (vowels, diph-

thongs and soft consonants).

Sutra I, 1. 154.

Acyaspashtacca, (glug).

Cintamani.

Avarnad-agho-bho-bhagobhyacea paryoh pathitantevelvore pare

glugaspashtah avyaktacrutigcAsanno bhavati, patau patav’*u, tau tay’*u,

2&5

RS a AE as eas

eae Siete Oe ee ee ee a

206 Laterary Intelligence. [No. 2, itt

agho u aghoy’*u, aghoatra aghoy/atra, bho atra bhoy’atra, bhago atra :

phagoy’atra, gluci gita iti sandhipratishedhah. |

Note.—In the cases marked by * the MS. has y and v instead

OL ey | i

‘Translation. | |

_ -Andif v and y Gn this posowe are followed by a vowel or diph. in

thong, then the elision is not clearly audible; (i. e. the pronunciation

of the v and y is unarticulated and the ee are hardly audible),

‘I add the explanation of the word aspashtah given in the above- ol

mentioned compendium. ‘There we read: Be

...aspashtah aspashtagrutih pragithila sthanakaranaparispandacca dsan- th

nah vakaro yakaracca...... 4

_ Again it must be observed that Panini says VIII. 3. 22. hali sarves- ls

ham—All the (old) grammarians prescribe the loss of such a v and y, te

if it is followed by consonants ; and this rule is certamly contained in “> all

Cakatéyana’ s Sutra, I. 1, 158. tl

After this, I think, there can be hardly any doubt that the author ol

of the Cabdanucasana was the predecessor of Panini. “Is

But, in order to make doubly sure, I will adduce another proof for |

this relation, which seems to me to be still more conclusive. \ Ti

Panini teaches V. 2. 124: vaco gminih. jan

The word vac takes the affix gmini (in the meaning of matu). | i

The Calcutta Pandits who prepared the first edition of Panini oh

understood the Stitra so, that the real form of the affix was gmin, and a

consequently formed the monster vaggmin (with double g.). They | 4

even misled Dr. Boethlingk (see his note to the Sttra). Benfey* tt

and Aufrecht} understood the Stitra rightly and formed vagmin. The - thy

latter form alone occurs in literature, and is the only correct one. By

The obscurity of the Stitra is caused by PAnini’s negligence. He has

omitted to state that the letter ‘9’ is prefixed to min only in order Ee

to indicate that the final of vdée does not become nasal, as it ought, i

according to the Sandhi rules. He has taken the Stitra, with a shght mt

alteration, from Cakatayana’s grammar, where according to the Com- f ly

pendium, 1t is read thus: vaco gmin. ay

It is perfectly intelligible in Cakatayana’s system, as there a pre- il

fixed ‘g’ constantly means “no Sandhi.” The author of the Com- th

pendium says in commenting on the Sitra :

* Vollst. Sankt, gr. aff. min, + Unadisitras glossary s. v. vagmin,

1864. ] Laterary Intelligence. 207

- Gakaro-nunasikanivrittyarthah.

The letter ‘ g’ is put in order to forbid: the nasal.

On other occasions Gak. forms gluk ( g + luk) im order to indicate

an elision which causes hiatus, e. g. in deva Ayanti for devah Adyanti.

(See the above Sitra I. 1. 158 and the Cintamani thereon). Here we

have a clear instance, where a Sttra of Panini presupposes the exist-

ence of the system of Gakatayana. |

For an abstract of the contents of the first and second half-pada

of the first Adhyaya I must refer to the Journ. B. B. R. A. 8. Here

I must content myself with saying that they contain Sameg’na, Pari-

bhasha, Sandhi rules, and the beginning of the declension. |

From a comparison of these rules with the corresponding ones of

Panini as well as other parts occurring in the Compendium, it can be

clearly established that Panini’s grammar is a very much amplified

and corrected edition of Qakatayana’s, and by no means what we

should call an independent and original work. :

A great many technical terms and names of affixes ae roots he

has directly borrowed from his predecessor : e. g.

1. Technical terms.

Yuvan, vriddha (which Panini uses sometimes for gotra, upasarga,

avyaya, taddhita, krit, dirgha, pluta, hrasva, nap, sup, dhatu, pratyaya,

ghi, ghu, etc.

2. Affixes.

Vatu, dati, ena, cap, ci, ngt, dae, evi, jhi, catri.

3. Roots.

Krii. The commentaries give the roots, as far as I have observed,

always in the same forms as Panini. The part of the text before contains

no other roots than krif. As Cakatéyana’s Dhatupatha is in exist-

ence, I hope to be able hereafter to give further details on the subject.

4. The Ganas resemble very closely those of Panini. In the Com-

pendium I find the Gana svaradi at full length, and it is nearly the

same as that given by the Calcutta Pandits in their edition of Panini,

except that it comprises also the gana prédi. Besides I find the ganas

dryddi and sdxddédi mentioned in Cakatdéyana’s grammar. The Gana

patha belonging to Cakatayana’s Cabdanugasana is said to be in exist-

ence.

Besides many entire Stitras have been borrowed by Panini from his

| 2E 2

pss

G08 ETS RTI a gtr re ETE

208 Literary Intelligence. [ No. 2,

predecessor, e. g. Tirontardhau I. 4. 71. unddayo bahulam, III. 8. 1,

nirvanovate, VIII. 2. 50. ete.

One of the questions, connected with this book, which will perhaps

excite the greatest interest is, whether Cakatayana really was a Jaina

or Bauddha, as we are led to think on account of his title mahdcra-

manasamghadhipati “ moderator of the convention of the great Cra-

manas.” ‘The word samgha—“ convention”—shows, that he belonged

either to the Bauddhas or Jainas, and his commentators, who are all

Jainas, of course desire to show that he was of the latter persuasion.

_ I cannot venture to express at present any definite opinion on the

subject. But I believe that Cakatayana was not a Brahman, and

should not be at all astonished, if it were established by additional

evidence, which I hope will soon come into my hands, that he was a

follower of Cakyamuni.

Extract from a letter from L. Bowrtne, Hsq., dated Bangalore,

22nd March, 1864.

I may take this opportunity of mentioning that the Malnéd or hill

portion of Mysore through which I have recently marched, possesses

a great number of inscriptions, some of the Anagerudi dynasty, others

of the Kadamba Rajas, and others again of the Skéri House who

ruled these wild tracts up to the time of Hyder Ali. The inscriptions

are, with very few exceptions, in what is called Hale Kannada or old

Canarese, and are read with difficulty. They are invariably on large

slabs placed upright in the ground, and generally with no protection

from the weather. A great many of these inscriptions were copied,

and sent to Bengal by Dr. Buchanan, whe visited Mysore under orders

from Government in the beginning of the century and wrote a very

interesting account of his tour, in three volumes. Mr. Walter Elhot

also, of the Madras C. S., collected a great number of these inscrip-

tions, but I do not know whether the results of his labours were com-

municated to the Society at Calcutta. I purpose some day, if I can

secure the services of a qualified copyist, to have all that can be found

in the country copied systematically.

The most interesting traces of ancient time that I have seen in the

Malnad are those of the Jain sectarians. Formerly there was a noted

dynasty of Jain Rajas, called the Beldél Rai Rajas, who ruled both above

1864.] Literary Intelligence. 209

and below the ghats, their head-quarters being at Halebid where there

is a splendidly carved temple. It is fifteen miles from Hassan. These

Jain Rajas fell before the followers of Shankar Acharya and the Vais-

navas about 800 years ago, the last Jain Raja having deserted his

faith and become a believer in Vishnu, taking the name of Vishnu

Vardhana. The head of the Smartas, the Sringagiri Swami, is now

supreme in the Malnad country. However, Jains are still found in

great numbers, and, in the remoter parts, the Heggades or Potails

are generally of that faith, so that it is not unusual to find in a

village a Jain Basti, as the covered-in temples are called, with a large

standing image of one of the twenty-four personifications. ‘The pre-

sent principal seat of the Jain religion is Sravana Belgul, about fifty

miles north of Mysore, where there is a colossal statue of Gomatesh-

war hewn out of the summit of a hill, and looking northwards over

the country. Itis about forty-five feet high, and, though too broad

in the shoulder and arms, 1s a fine figure. The legs are dwarfed, owing

I presume to the figure having been undertaken on so gigantic a scale,

that great expense would have been entailed by carving the lower

extremities down to their full length. ‘In the “ Basti,” im the centre

of which this image stands, there are seventy-two figures about three

feet high, all of black stone, representing the different attributes of

the divinity, each on its own vadhana or vehicle. I incline to think

that if the history of the Jains in the western part of Mysore were

methodically taken up and investigated, 1t would be an interesting

subject of research. There are few literate men in the hills; and the

Brahmins are very ignorant regarding all inscriptions, as an instance

of which I may mention, that when at Kalas, near the sources of

the Tungabhadra river, I enquired whether there were in the Devas-

than there any incised slabs, and was answered in the negative; but

on visiting it in the evening, I found twenty-six stone Shasanas in:

Canarese (one of Salivahan 1182), one in Devanagari and two: on

copper plates. This part of the country is, however, very wild, and,

so far as I could ascertain, no European had been to Gangémul (the

sources of the Tungabhadra) for twenty years before my visit. There

is a proverb that the Kalas Magani (Taluk) is a country of 3000

pagodas, 6000 hills, and 12,000 devils. ‘The scenery in it is very fine.

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PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

For Marcu, 1864.

fp —~

The monthly seneral meeting of the Asiatic Society was held.

on the 2nd instant.

Dr. T. Anderson, Vice-President in the chair.

The proceedings of the last meeting were read and confirmed.

The annual accounts of the Society for 1868, were submitted.

It was proposed by Colonel Dickens, and seconded by Mr.

Blanford, that the thanks of the Society be voted to the auditors for

their labours in auditing the Society’s accounts. ‘The proposition

was carried unanimously.

Presentations were announced—

1. From Lieutenant R. C. Beavan, a copy of “ Westwood’s.

Oriental Entomology.”

2. From Baboo Prosonno Coomar Tagore, two copies of the.

Dayabhaga with six commentaries, published by himself.

38. From W. T. Blanford, Esq., Deputy Superintendent of the

Geological Survey of India for Bombay, specimens of land crabs and

a grouse.

4. From His Highness Hekekyan Bey, c. £, a copy of his

treatise on Egyptian Chronology.

Colonel Guthrie exhibited a remarkably fine pair of Wapiti

horns.) _

The Chairman announced that a deputation had waited upon the

Right Hon’ble Sir John Lawrence, with the following address requesting

His Excellency to become the patron of the Society, and that he had

been pleased to accept the office in the terms of the subjoined reply.

i a -

1864] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 211

ADDRESS.

“To His Excertency tHe Rieur Hon’sre Sir

Joun Larrp Mair Lawrence, Bart, Gg. c. B., K. 8. I,

Her Majesty's Viceroy and Governor-General of India.

“On the part of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, we, its President

and Members, respectfully solicit that your Excellency will be pleased

to accept the office of patron of the Society.

“Founded in 1784, by Sir William Jones, the Asiatic Society has,

for 80 years, devoted its labours to the advancement of Asiatic

science, whether that science be the record of the works of man,

or the investigation of the phenomena and laws of nature. The

history, literature and philosophy of India, the laws and customs of

its people, the architecture of its ancient cities, and the languages

and dialects of its numerous races of past and present time, have

been largely recorded and elucidated by the labours of the many

eminent men whom the Society has been proud to enroll as its

members. On the other hand, the geography and physical structure

of India and Southern Asia, the Fauna and Flora of this and

neighbouring countries, their climatal phenomena and the physical

laws of nature, to a knowledge of which modern civilization is so

largely indebted, have equally been objects of the studious researches

of the Society, and the numerous volumes of its publications, and

the large and valuable collections in its museum, amply testify to

the zeal and skill with which ‘these objects have been pursued.

_ “Furthermore in all questions bearing on the material progress of

this country, the Asiatic Society has ever taken an active interest,

and much valuable information on the mineral resources of India,

on the geography and people of the frontiers, on the practicability,

of new trade routes, and similar matters directly affecting the wealth

or intelligence of the country, has been amassed and recorded in the

researches and journals of the Society.

“To the co-operation of the Indian Government and the enlightened

appreciation and sympathy of your Excellency’s predecessors, the

Governors-General and Viceroys of India, the Society has been in no

small degree indebted for that measure of success which has attended

its labours. The establishment of the geodesical, geological and

912 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [No. 2)

hydrographic surveys of India, and of botanic gardens under the

superintendence of a series of able and accomplished men of science,

the formation of an Oriental fund for the publication and diffusion

of ancient Indian literature, the appointment of a Government

archeologist, and the grant of pecuniary aid which the Asiatic

Society has for many years past received from Government for the

support and extension of its museum, bear ample witness both to the

independent and co-operative action of Government in furthering

those objects, for the advancement of which the Socieby was originally

founded. The contemplated transfer of the Society's collections to

Government asthe nucleus of an imperial museum, and the measures

now pending for a more general and systematic registration of

meteorological observations, are further actual evidence of a similar

enlightened disposition, and in your Excellency’s acceptance of the

office of its patron, the Society will receive an assurance that under

your Excellency’s rule, the advancement of science in its widest

sense, the rescue from oblivion of the records of the past, the obser-

vation and orderly co-ordination of actual phenomena under the

influence of human thought, and the wider diffusion of the embodied

results of human experience for the instruction of the future, will not

less than heretofore be deemed worthy objects of an enlightened and

progressive Government.”

HIS EXCELLENCY’S REPLY.

“To tHE PRESIDENT AND Mrempers oF THE Asiatic SocrEeTy

oF BENGAL.

“ GENTLEMEN,—“ I accept with pleasure the office of patron of the

Asiatic Society of Bengal ; and I can assure you of my earnest desire

to do all that I legitimately can, for the furtherance of the important

objects which the Society has at heart.

“T have perused with much interest the statement embodied in the

address just presented, regarding the results already accomplished by

the Society, and the ends towards which it is still striving. 1 am

persuaded that the Society’s operations are well worthy of co-

operation and encouragement on the part of the Government in this

country, in that they foster those scientific studies which practically

conduce tv civilization, and to material progress; while on the

other hand, they effect great moral good by guarding the valuable

rw eee -

L864.) Proceedings: of the Asiatie Society. 213

associations of the past; and by keeping alive our sympathies with

the Oriental mind and character. Thus it is, that the work of

your Society conduces both to European and to Native interests in

India, and tends to strengthen the bonds of union between the rulers

and the people.

“I trust, gentlemen, that we may preserve the memories and tradi-

tions of the great and good men who have adorned this Society during

the eighty years of its existence, and that the example of their learning

and wisdom may animate and inspirit us in our efforts for the future.

“T beg that you will receive the expression of my best wishes for the

continued success and prosperity of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.”

(Signed) “JoHn LAWRENCE.”

Calcutta, 8th February, 1864.

Letters: from Messrs. H. Stainforth, A. M. Monteath, Captain J.

Davidson and Major A. D. Dickens, announcing their withdrawal

from the Society were recorded.

The following gentlemen duly proposed at the last meeting were

balloted for and elected ordinary members:

H. BR. Spearman, Esq.; C. J. Wilkinson, Esq.; F. A. Pellew,

Hsq., c. 8.; Baboo Jagadénund Mookerjee; Lieutenant HE. A.

Trevor, Dr. W. J. Palmer and Lieutenant G. M. Bowie.

The following gentlemen were named for ballot as ordinary mem-

bers at the next meeting :—

J. L. Stewart, Hsq., m. p., Assistant Surgeon, Lahore,—proposed:

by the President, and seconded by Mr. H. F. Blanford.

Professor H. Blochmann,—proposed by Captain Lees, and seconded

by Mr. H. F. Blanford.

The Rev. W. G. Cowie, Domestic Chaplain to the Right Rev. the

Lord Bishop of Calcutta »—proposed by the Bishop, and seconded tRe |

the Rev. M. D. C. Walters.

The Hon’ble Maharaja Mirza Vijaya-ram Gajapati Raz, Munniam

Sultan Bahadur of Vizianagram,—proposed by Rajah Sutto Shurn

Ghosal Bahadoor, and seconded by Moulvi DESO Luteef Khan

Bahadoor.

Communications were received—

1. From R. H. Barnes, Esq., abstract of the meteorological

observations taken. at headin near Kandy,-in Ceylon, for J uly

and August, 1863.

2 F

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rt ar aa

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e =) ,

eC |

914 Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety. [No. 2

9. From Baboo Gopeenauth Sen, an abstract of the results of

the hourly meteorological observations taken at the Surveyor General’s

Office, Calcutta, for December last.

3. From the Punjab Auxiliary Committee to the Asiatic Nociety,

through Dr. A. Neil, the following papers—

J. On the geological features, &c., of the country in the neighbour-

hood of Bunnoo and the sanitarium of Shaikh Boodeen.

JE. Extract from a report by Captain H. Mackenzie on ee anti-

quities of Guzerat.

III. Inscription on the Dharian Baolee,

IV. Inscription on the Mugbura at Hailan.

V. Illustrated table of coins penis m ne ane of the

district.

4, From Lieutenant-Colonel R. C. Tytler, through Mr. Grote,

observations on a few species of Geekos alive in his possession.

Baboo Rajendra Lal Mitra then read his paper on the Buddhist

remains of Sultangunge.

The paper having been read, a vote of thanks was passed to the

Baboo for his interesting remarks.

In consequence of the lateness of the hour, the paper, on the

antiquities of Guzerat by Captain Mackenzie was not read.

The meeting was then made special, pursuant to notice, in order

to decide upon the proposition of the Council, relative to the transfer

of the Society’s museum to Government.

The Chairman reported to the meeting, that m accordance with a

vote passed at the ordinary monthly meeting in January last, the

correspondence with Government on the subject of the transfer of the

museum had been circulated to non-resident members, and their votes

taken on the following proposition :—

“That the Council be authorized to enter into definite and conclu-

sive arrangements with the Government of India, relative to the

proposed transfer of the Society’s museum, in accordance with the

terms of the correspondence.”

The result was—

For the proposition, 73.

Against, 1.

Majority in favor of transfer, 72.

| 1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatie Soctety. 215

The proposition was then put to the vote of the meeting by the

it Chairman, and the votes were found to be as follows :-—

For the transfer 17. |

Hy | Against, none.

The sum of the votes of resident and non-resident members were

a therefore as follows :—

For the proposition. Against it.

"4 Resident members, ....... see AT 0

| Non-resident members, ..... 73 1

@ Totialsas <: 90 1

a For APRIL, 1864.

The monthly general meeting of the Asiatie Society of Bengal

was held on the 6th instant.

A. Grote, Esq., in the chair.

The proceedings of the last meeting were read and confirmed.

Presentations were announced— _

1. From his Highness Prince Gholam Mohammad, a eopy of

Blagdon’s History of India,” aud a copy of his revision of a work

entitled “The History of Hyder Shah and of his Son Tippoo Sultan,”

| with a framed portrait of his father, Tippoo Sultan.

lal 2. From the editor of the Calcutta Christsan Intelligencer, the

three first numbers of his magazine for L&S64.

an 3. From Captain C.. Mead, Royal Artillery, through Baboo

Rajendra Lal Mitra, a stone slab from Buddha Gaya bearing a San-

sl? serit inscription.

it” 4. From Major H. Raban, ear-rings worn by a Rengmah Naga

a chief, being made of the hair of three enemies of the Angami Naga

tribe, killed in fight.

5. From Col. J. C. Brooke, specimens of minerals from the

Aravalli Mountains.

6. From Dr. Anderson, two votanical and some zoological pam-

philets.

2F 2

216 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 2,

7. From J. Avdall, Esq., a copy of Victor Langlois’ “le Tprésor

des chartes d’Arménie ou Cartulaire de la Chancellerie Royale des

Roupéniens.”

The Secretary exhibited some photographs by A. C. Crommelin,

Hsq., of the fossil lately discovered by Major Gowan, in the Maha-

deva sandstone of Central India. He had received information from

Mr. Carnac that the fossil in question was now on its way to Calcutta,

and it would be necessary to await its arrival before its nature could

be confidently determined.

Colonel Guthrie exhibited a pair of elephant tusks of unusual size,

A letter from Dr. Archer intimating his desire to withdraw from

the Society was recorded.

The following gentlemen, duly proposed at the last meeting, were

balloted for and elected ordinary members :—

J. L. Stewart, Esq., M. p.; H. Blochmann, Esq.; the Rev. W. 4.

Cowie; and the Hon’ble Maharaja Mirza Vijaya-raém Gajapati Raz,

Munniam Sultan Bahadur. |

The following gentlemen were named for ballot as ordinary mem-

bers at the next meeting :-—

Dr. Bird, Civil Surgeon, Howrah,—proposed by Mr. Blanford,

seconded by Dr. Anderson.

_ N.S. Alexander, Hsq., c. s.,—proposed by Mr. W. L. Heeley,

seconded by Mr. Blanford.

Dr. J. B. Barry,—proposed by Mr. Blanford, seconded by Dr.

Partridge.

G. W. Cline, Esq.,—proposed by Mr. H. F. Blanford, seconded

by Mr. W. L. Heeley.

Baboo Rama Nath Bose,—proposed by Baboo Rajendra Lal Mitra,

seconded by Baboo Jadava Krishna Sinha.

The following letter from J. Mulheran, Esq., on the subject of

the caves of Ajunta and Ellora, addressed to Colonel Thuillier, was

‘read :—

“Having lately visited the Fort of Dowlatabad, and the caves of

Ellora and Ajunta, and taken a number of photographs of the same,

in compliance with the wish expressed in your letter of the 6th

October, 1863, I beg prominently to notice that there is a large slab

in one of the recesses of the Jumma Musjid of the Dowlatabad

Fort, which is covered with Pali characters similar to those in cave

iy ANN

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 217

No. 26 at Ajunta. I beg to add that I have no doubt that this

building, although now known as the Jumma Musjid, existed long

prior to the times of Mahomed, and that it was originally used as

an audience hall by the ancient kings of the country. It is upwards

of 150 feet in length, and has three rows of remarkable stone pillars

running along its entire length. Since its occupation by Mahome-

dans a dome of brick has been added to the centre.

“2. As Dowlatabad was formerly known as Deoghur, and is

believed to have been fortified by Buddhists, I feel convinced that a

translation of the characters to which I have referred, will throw

light not only upon the date of the fort itself, but upon the dates

of the neighbouring caves of Ellora and Ajunta. ‘The inscription at

present is covered with chunam, or rather with two or three coats

of white-wash; but having removed a portion of these, I am able

to state that the characters are in perfect preservation. A. sketch

accompanies |this letter| showing the position of the slab referred to,

which is nearly 4: feet square, and has, I believe, hitherto a

notice.

“3. Owing to the kind aid of Major Gull, who has dees: of the

Ajunta caves, I was able to take a dense negative of the interior

of cave No. 26, and as he has already furnished the Madras govern-

_ment with facsimiles of the Pali inscription of the Ajunta excava-

tions, I would respectfully suggest his being asked, through the

Resident of Hydrabad, to furnish a copy of the inscription in the

recess of the Dowlatabad Jumma Musjid.

“4. No reference having been made to the caves at Mahore in

any work hitherto published, I beg to mention that Captain Pear-

son accompanied me over portions of those in one of the ravines

under the town of Mahore, and that they are similar in character

to the caves of Ellora aud Ajunta. Al], however, are at present

more than half full of mud, little more than the heads and arms of

the sculptured figures being visible. I beg further to notice that

there are a number of remarkable stone temples known as Himar-

panti, or Demon erections, scattered over the country between Ellora

and the Godavery, which the people admit to be of Buddhist origin ;

the tradition relating to them having reference to one of the Buddhist

kings of Ceylon of the name of Raon, who is pena slaughtered in

effigy by Hindoos of all denominations.

; spe ot ow dey feupree Le a: b BS aee toa id teeter ptopmastss

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Nei aire mS ae ow ie Pre ey : F Fi rene omg ec pout r

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918 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [No. 2,

“5. I have not yet been able to obtam access to papers in the

possession of the Jains of Berar, which would, I feel convinced, throw

light upon much that is interesting in the habits and customs of a

people that formerly ruled the greatest portion of India. I have,

however, lately been informed that Dr. Haug of Poona has succeeded

in obtaining possession of a number of Jain books in the Pali cha.

racter, and that he intends to use them in illustration of the Jain

literature and history.

“6. If considered necessary, I will furnish photographs of some

of the most remarkable of the Himarpanti temples, giving views of

their interiors as well as of their elevation. ‘The most ancient are

sunk three or four feet below the level of the surrounding ground,

and are so covered in as to be barely perceptible to those ignorant

of their locality.”

The Council submitted for the approval of the Society, the following

report from the Philological Committee, which had been adopted by

them :—_

REPORT.

The Philological Committee recommend to the Council that the

following offers te edit works in the Bzbliotheca Indica be accepted :—

1. From Pundit Jayanarayana Tarkapanchénana, Professor of

Philosophy in the Sanscrit College, to edit the Nydya Bhdshya of

Vatsyayana. |

_ This 1s a very rare work. ‘Three MSS. are available for the text.

It is the earliest commentary on the Nydya aphorisms, and is of the

utmost importance for ascertaining the doctrines of the ancient as

opposed to the modern Naiydyika school. It will occupy about two

Fascicull. |

2. Krom Dr. Mason of Tounghoo, to print a Pali Grammar

prepared by him from a Native Grammar found in a Burmese monastery.

Mr. Grote and Dr. Sprenger formerly reported favourably upon the

MSS. Dr. Mason proposes printing the Grammar at the “ Tounghoo

” and requests that he may have 100 copies.

3. From Pundit Ramnarayana, to edit the Sutras of Asvalayana

with the Vritti. This is the authority for the sacrificial ceremonies ot

the Hotris or Priests connected with the Rig Veda. It will occupy

about six Fasciculi.

Karen Institute Press,

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Socvety. 219

4. From Captain Lees, to superintend the editing by a Moulavy

of the poem of Ramyn and Wais. ‘The Philological Committee refer

for an account of this most rare and valuable ancient Persian poem

(translated from the Pehlevi) to the letter from Dr. Sprenger in the

Journal No. IJ. for 1868. Only one MS. is known to be extant, and

itis of great importance that a poem possessing so many claims to

our notice should be preserved by printing from the many accidents

incidental to MSS. in such a climate as Bengal.

Communications were received—

1, From Lieut.-Colonel R. C. Tytler, “ Observations on keeping

salt-water fish alive for a considerable time.”

2. From H. F. Blanford, Esq., A note on the late hail-storm in

Calcutta. |

3. From Colonel J. C. Brooke, through Captain W. N. Lees,

A. paper deseriptive of “'The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana.”

4. From Captain H. G. Raverty, “The Pushto or Afghan Lan-

guage from an American Point of View.”

5. From Dr. A. Wise, F. R. 8., A paper entitled “ Peculiarities

and Uses of the Pillar Towers of the British Islands.” _

6. From J. HE. T. Aitchison, Esq., M. D., F. BR. C.S., FLT.

S. E., “ Remarks on the Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River.”

7. From Baboo Gopeenauth Sen, An Abstract of the Hourly

Meteorological Observations taken at the Surveyor General’s Office

; SE er Sea ha

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2}: a

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Ae Psi J

in January last. |

8. From the Under-Secretary to the Government of India, Public

Works Department, Copies of Major-General Cunningham’s Diaries

of Occupations as Archeological Surveyor for the months of November

and December, 1863, and January, 1864.

The Hon’ble the Lieutenant-Governor then read to the meeting

portions of letters received from the Hon’ble Ashley Eden, giving

an account of the principal incidents of his journey to the capital

of Bhotan. Colonel Thuillier also exhibited maps of the route com-

piled from information received from Captain H. Godwin Austen,

Topographer to the Bhotan Expedition ; and offered some remarks

in explanation of the circumstances under which the data for these

maps had been obtained.

The thanks of the meeting were voted to the Hon’ble the Lieut.-

Governor and Colonel Thuillier for the atove interesting communica-

tions. - :

220

Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [No. 2:

Colonel Tytler’s and Mr. Blanford’s papers were then read to the

eeting, and in the discussion which ensued on the latter paper, some

Ge of interest were made by Dr. Brandis and the Hon’ble.

Mr. Beadon, which were recorded for publication with the original

paper.

For May, 1864.

Lieut.-Col. J. E. Gastrell, in the chair.

The proceedings of the last Mceting were read and confirmed.

Presentations were received-—

1. From Col. H. L. Thuiller, a copy of the Instructions for

taking Meteorological Observations with tables, By Sir H. J ames,

Re.

2. From Kongl. Norske Frederiks Universitets Secretariat, several

works published by the University, and other Norwegian works.

3. From Professor C. A. Holmboe, 4 pamphlets.

4. Krom Syud Keramat Al, Hooghly, a copy of his work entitled

Byan Makhza ’Alum.

5. From the Hon’ble L. 8. Jackson, a copy of an Inscription on a

brick-built mosque at Bagha, in Rajshahye.

6. From W. 8. Atkinson, Esq., specimens of Streptaulus Blanfordi

and Clausilia Lds from Darjeeling.

7. From Lieutenant-Colonel R. C. Tytler, a collection of fishes,

mammala and minerals.

8. From the same, through A. Grote, Esq., specimens of Andamanese

Geckos, in spirit.

9. From the Hon’ble Ashley Eden, a collection of bird skins and

a Pteromys, collected during the Bhotan expedition.

Letters from R. H. Wilson, Esq., F. L. Beaufort, Esq.* and the

Hon’bie H. P. Levinge, intimating their desire to withdraw from the

Society were recorded.

The following gentlemen, duly proposed at the last esa were

balloted for and elected ordinary members :

Dr. R. Bird, Civil Surgeon, Howrah: Dr. J. B. Barry; N. S.

Alexander, Esq., c. s.; G. W. Cline, Esg. and Baboo Rama Nath

oe.

* Announced in error. See Proe, for June

\ :

: 1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. 221

. The following centlemen were named for ballot as ordinary mem-

al bers = ui next meeting :—

ad Brigadier-General H. G. D. Showers,—proposed by Mr. Grote .

. seconded by Colonel Thuillier. .

ft RR. E. Goolden, Esq.,—proposed by Dr. Partridge, seconded by Mr. 4g

; Blanford. i

J. O. B. Saunders, Esq.,—proposed by Captain W. N. Lees, se-

conded by Mr. Blanford.

Moulvi Moula Bukhsh Khan Bahadoor of Patna,—proposed by

Moulvi Abdool Luteef chan Bahadoor, seconded by Mr. Blanford.

Baboo Jadu Nath Mookerjee, of Rajshahye,—proposed by Mr.

Heeley, seconded by Mr. H. F. Blanford.

As a corresponding member, EH. Blyth, Esq., Associate Member of

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the Society,—proposed by Dr. Jerdon. .

i A diseussion arose on this nomination, Mr. Blyth being already an : :.

Associate Member of the Society, and it appearing doubtful, whether ie

any additional distinction would be conferred, by his election as a ie

Wl corresponding member ; it was, therefore, proposed by Dr. Brandis, a

| that as Mr. Blyth is now an Associate Member of the Society, the ie

iv nomination be referred to the Council for a report ; which proposi- &

tion being put to the vote was adopted by the meeting. a

i The Council reported that they had elected Colonel H. L. Thuillier 7

and H. Scott Smith, Ksq., as members of the Couneil, in place of Messrs. i

ig Cowell, and H, Leonard, who had left for Europe. i

| Communications were received — a

3 1. From Reverend M. A. Sherrings, L. L. B., and ©. Horne, i

Hsq. C. 8., a paper entitled “Description of the Buddhist Ruins at

Bakariya Kund, Benares,” with illustrations of plans and photographs.

2. From the Under-Secretary to the Government of India, Public

i Works Department, a copy of a report on the proceedings of the Ar-

cheeological Surveyor to the Government of India, for 1862-63.

3. rom Baboo Gopeenauth Sen, an abstract of the Hourly Me-

teorological Observations taken at the Surveyor General’s office in

February last.

The paper of Colonel Brooke on the mines of Khetree, in Rajpootana,

and that of the Reverend M. A. Sherrings, L. L. B., and C. Horne,

Hsq. C. 8., describing the Buddhist ruins at Bakariya Kund, Benares,

were read,

—~——

OS TR SR DRT! FRE RRR

all del ima er

JOURNAL

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

NN I I ON ON ON LT

No. UII. 1864.

NN NN OO Oe ™

SSN

Remarks on the date of the Pehewa Inscription of Raja Bhoja.*—

| By Major-General A. CUNNINGHAM.

The age of the Pehewa Inscription of Raja Bhoja has. been a sub-

ject of difference between Babu Rajendra Lal and myself, for some

years past. When he first published the inscription in 1853 (J. A. S.

Bengal, p. 674) he read the date as 179 Samvat, to which I demurred

at the time. Heagain referred to the subject in 1858, (J. A. S.

Bengal, p. 76) and his remarks lead me to believe that at that time

he still adhered to his origimal reading.. But in an article just now

published, he has finally come round to my view of the subject by

candidly admitting that the forms of the alphabetical characters may

be “a good test to some extent,” and that we are fully justified in

placing the date of the Pehewa Inscription in the 9th, 1lOth, or 11th

century, (see J. A. 8. Bengal, 1868, pp. 100, 101).

With this happy conclusion I should have been contented to

let the matter drop; but as, during the discussion, several erroneous

statements have been put forth by the Babu, some of which affect me

personally, I think it right, in justice to myself, to. correct these

errors at once, lest others should be misled by the Babu’s authority

to believe that they are actually my opinions.

When the Babu first published his translation of the Pehewa

Inscription, I objected to his placing Col. Tod’s first Bhoja in the

year 179 Samvat according to his reading of the Pehewa inscription.

When I made this objection I knew nothing more of this inscription

than what Rajendra had himself published. But as I knew that two

* For Babu Rajendralala Mitra’s reply to these Remarks vide the Proc

of the Society for September last (Ante, vol, XXXII. p. 437,.)—Hps.

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IDA Pehewa Inscription of Raja Bhoja. [No. 3,

Bhojas had flourished at much later periods, namely in A. D. 876 and

A. D. 10380, I thought it quite possible that there might have been

some omission in the figured date, and that the true reading might

ee perhaps be 1079, instead of 179. Rajendra now states that the

=; : ee actual date is 279, and that the reading of 179 was a misprint in his

ae paper in one place (see J. A. S. B. 18638, p. 98.) But on this point J

must refer the Babu to his previous article, where he will find that the

number 179 is given twice directly, and twice indirectly, or altogether he

in no less than Jour places. Asin the two latter instances this number is |

obtained by subtraction, I think that the Babu must have altogether for- }

gotten the remarks which accompanied his translation. Atp. 674, J. A.

§. Bengal, 1853, he gives the date of the inscription as “8S. 179 = A. @. h

122.” Now if 8. 179 be a misprint, even so must the equivalent date a

of A. C. 122 be a misprint. And similarly the Babu’s remark that wii

“the first Bhoja lived about three and a half centuries before the time th

assigned him by the learned historian of the Rajputs” must contain hen

another mistake in the number ¢hree, which is written at full length, “te

For the date of Col. Tod’s first Bhoja is the end of the fifth century “if

(or 488 A. C. as quoted by the Babu in this very paper) from which WI

deducting 350 years we obtain A. D. 133, which is within eleven years

of A. D. 122, (the equivalent of Samvat 179) but which differs no th

less than evghty-mine years from A. D. 222, the equivalent of Samvat be

279. There can be little doubt therefore that when the Babu obtain-

ed the date of A. D. 122, and also when he wrote at full length the

words “three and a half centuries” he must himself have read the r

date as 179. ‘The number 279 occurs once only in this paper, and rr

that isin the Devanagari transcript. )

A long time after I had made the above objection Mr. Grote kind- |

ly sent me a pencil tracing of the date made by Rajendra himself, |

together with the words Samvat and Vaisékh Sudi. On seeing the F

few letters of these words I wrote to Mr. Grote, as printed in the mM

Bengal As. Soc. Journal, that the inscription was beyond all doubt a

middle age one, because the forms of the letters were those of the re

ith and 12th centuries, to which I added that I read the date as

S. 1190 or A. D. 1183. ‘ tt

Babu Rajendra now writes that Mr. H. Thomas entirely concurred

in this reading, and that Professor Weber had also adopted it, but,

adds the Babu “none of my critics thought it worth his while to look

i864. | Pehewa Inscription of Raja Bhoja. 225

to the genealogy of the prince named.” He then goes on to say that

“it may appear strange that Col. Cunningham and Professor Weber

Pad

rine RS IEA RAR sey

should, from a mere identity of names, infer the identity of persons,

and yet both of them found the name of a Bhoja in the monument

under notice, and per saltwm came to the conclusion that it was that

of Dhara, overlooking,” &c. As the most complete refutation of this

strange statement, I need simply refer the reader to the difference of

one whole century between the date of A. D. 1183, as suggested by

me, and that of A. D. 1080, the well-ascertained period of Raja

Bhoja of Dhara. |

In my proposed reading of the date I assumed that a single cypher

had been unintentionally omitted. But this assumption the Babu

dezlares to be “a guess at random which can claim no confidence,”

although I had most pointedly drawn his attention to a blundered

date in one of my Kajraha inscriptions (J. A. S. B. 1860, p. 396), a

facsimile of which inseription was with the Babu when he penned the

above paragraph about a random guess. I will now further refer him

to the Buddha Gaya inscription published by himself in J. A. 8. B.

Vol. XXVII. p. 74, for an actual omission either of the final letter of

the word Samvat, or of the initial cypher of the date. I refer also

to this particular inscription on account of the date itself, which has

been misread by Rajendra as 78], instead of 981. I grant that, in

1858, before he had seen my Gwalior inscription of 8. 9338, in which

the figured date is accompanied by a written one, it was only natural

that he should have read the Buddha Gaya date as 781. But the

case is altogether altered when in the present year he still quotes this

Same inscription as being dated in 781, and makes use of this erro-

neous date to prove that the Kutila character had a range of at least

four centuries, or from Samvat 781 — A. D. 724 to 1124. That this

might be true no one, to my knowledge, has ever denied, and it cer-

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tainly was not likely to have been denied by me when I have had in

ald MAAK Ma oth LPR LP RGM FREY bis iprehAMg NA

my possession for many years the following dated inscriptions in slight

varieties of the Kutila character.

| Inscription from Baijnath, dated Sake 726 = 804 A. D.

ERED EAU RR

Ditto , Gwalior, ,, Samvat 9383 = 876 A. D.

Ditto » Kayjraha, ,, 5 LOT =954 A] CD;

Ditto ee 5 A069 =1001-A- Dy

Ditto > Gwaber;=,, -S,, L161 = 1104 A. D.

2 62

226 Pehewa Inscription of Raja Bhoja. [No. 3,

As in these inscriptions we have a range of exactly three centuries,

we may safely extend the range of the use of the Kutila character to

at Jeast four centuries, or say from A. D. 750 to 1150. There are of

course some differences between the forms of the earlier and later let-

ters, but the general appearance of the writing is essentially the same.

But when an inscription in the Kutila character was seriously refer-

red to the year 179 of the Vikramaditya Samvat, or to A. D. 122, ]

certainly did object, and I do so still,

With regard to the Kutila character I have to point out another

misstatement regarding myself which has been made by Babu Rajendra

Lal. In the article now under notice on Raja Bhoja of Dhara (Bengal

Journal, 1863, p. 101) the Babu says “the so-called Kutila, or the

‘crooked’ character, which according to Col. Cunningham owes its

name to a misiection of the word AKumuda, or the ‘lotus-like,’” On

this subject I beg to refer the Babu to the Society’s Journal for 1860,

p. 894, where he will find that I have made no mention of the word

Kutila at all; I simply corrected the word Kakuda, or “ bad,” which

was most absurdly applied to the alphabetical character of one of the

Kayréha inscriptions, to Awmuda, or “ beautiful.” I¢ is true that I

ence thought it possible that the word Kutila of the Bareilly inscription

might also be, what the Babu calls a “ mislection ;” but I confined my

published opinion to the word Kakuda, and kept my thoughts regarding

the word Kufila to myself. Since then I have examined the Kutila in-

scription itself, and I find that the word is correctly rendered. Kuft-

fa means “crooked, or bent,’ and I would refer the epithet to the

sloping or bent stroke which is attached to the foot of each letter.

Apparently the Babu did not think it “ worth his while (I quote his

own words, vide p. 98 of Journal for 1868) to look to” the actual state-

ment which I had published in 1860, and, trusting to his memory, has

unintentionally made this statement regarding me.

Rajendra Lal has now given a facsimile of the Pehewa inscription,

the date of which he says is “ unmistakeably Samvat 279.” (See p. 97.)

But here I must again differ with him, for the middle figure of his

facsimile is a1, and nota 7. The day of the month also has been

misread, as the figure of the facsimile is a 1, and nota 7%. The first

cypher of the date, as now given, looks certainly more like a 2 than

any other figure, and the last cypher, according to my reading, is a 6,

thus making the whole date 216. This might possibly refer to the

1864. | Pehewa Inseription of Raja Bhoja. 227

Sri Harsha era of 607 A. D., which would bring the date of the in-

scription down to A. D. 823. But if the middle figure is actually a

7 (as read by Rajendra, although his facsimile gives a1) then the

date would be 276, or A. D. 8838 if referred to the Sri Harsha era, a

period which would enable us to identify the Bhoja of the Pehewa

inscription with his namesakes of Gwalior in A. D. 876, and of the

Raja Tarangini in A. D. 883 to 901. I will endeavour to examine

the original inscription during the ensuing cold weather, as I have a

suspicion that the first figure of the date is not a 2, but either a1 or

a9. In the peneil tracing sent to me by Mr. Grote the figure is a 1,

and so it was read by Rajendra himself, as I have conclusively shown

in the opening paragraphs of this paper. :

Babu Rajendra has drawn attention to another Raja Bhoja, to

whom allusion has been made by Professor Hall in his “Vestiges of

the royal lines of Kanoj,” with the dates of 960 and 964. To this

monument the Babu states that I probably refer (see p. 96 of his

article) in my letter published in the Journal for 1860, p. 395. But

here again (to use the Babu’s own words) he did not think it “ worth

his while to look to” my actual statement. Had he done so he would

have found in J. A. 8. B. 1860, p. 395, that I referred to the Gwalior

Bhoja Deva inscription with its date of Samvat 933, “both in words

and figures.” In the same letter I. added that “the form of the figure

9 in this date is the same as that which Rajendralal has read as 7,”

that is, in the Buddha Gaya inscription already quoted. Notwith-

standing this direct notice of his misreading of the figure 7, the Babu,

in his very last article on Raja Bhoja, has again brought forward this

erroneous date of Samvat 721 to prove that the Kutila character was

in use as early as that time. I may add that the Babu is equally

wrong in his statement that the inscription referred to by Professor

FHiall, was found “at Gwalior.” It is believed to have been found

somewhere in the Gwalior territory, but the actual site is not known.

It is certain, however, that it was not found “at Gwalior.”

In the remarks which accompany his translation of the Bhoja Deva

inscription of Gwalior, of which the date, Samvat 983, is siven both

in words and in figures, Babu Rajendra (J. A. 8. Bengal 1862, p.

399) states that “the date is open to question.” “The first figure,”

he adds, “1s peculiarly formed, and may be taken for a 7, which would

carry the prince to A. C. 676 = 8, 783, or within eleven years of the

—

993 Pehewa Inscription of Raja Bhoja. [No. 3,

second Bhoja of Colonel Tod, with whom he may be taken to be

identical.”” Here then we have the Babu deliberately committing the

very error, which he has erroneously attributed to me. It is Rajendra

himself who has “hastily jumped to a conclusion regarding the

age of a dated inscription from the mere circumstance of the word

Bhoja occurring in it.”

Hitherto { have spoken only of Rajendra’s errors of commission,

of which I have to complain, as most of them affect myself personally.

I will conclude with noticing his errors of omission, which are equally

unfair towards me, and one of which has been the cause of error in

others.

In his last article on the Bhojas (J. A. S. Bengal, 1863, p. 97)

after mentioning the names of Bhoja Raja of Dhara, and the Bhoja

of the Raja Tarangini, Rajendra says, “The second of these princes

I asswme to have been identical with the sovereign named in an in-

scription on a Vaishnavite temple at Gwalior. He is described as a

lord paramount, who flourished in A. ©. 876.” In this paragraph

the Babu asswmes the identity without making any reference to my

letter, published in this Journal for 1860, p. 395, in which this identi-

fication was first made known.

A similar omission of my name occurs in the Babu’s latest account

of the Rohtas inscription, of which a translation was published in

Vol. VIII. of this Journal, p. 695. In my letter, printed in this Jour-_

nal for 1860, p. 395, I first pointed out that this inscription gave the

genealogy of the Tomara Rajas of Gwalior, and that the name of the

fourth prince, Dungara, had been misread as Hungara. In his Ves-

tiges of the kings of Gwalior, published only last year, the Babu

adopts this identification of the genealogy without acknowledgment

and adheres to the name of Hungara in the Rohtas inscription, with-

out mentioning my opinion that it is erroneous.

The last instance of the Babu’s omissions, which I shall fnotice, is

a more serious one, namely his adoption of my reading and identifica-

tion of the Huvishka of the Wardak and Mathura inscriptions with

the Hushka of the Raja Tarangini, without any mention of my

name (see his translation of the Wardak inscription in this Journal

for 1861, p. 339). My reading of the name of Huvishka in the

Wardak inscription, and my identification of this prince with the

Huvishka of the Mathura inscriptions, and also with the Hushka of

1864. ] | Pehewa Inscription of Raja Bhoja.. 229

the Raja Tarangini, will be found in this Journal for 1860, pp. 400,

401. This silent adoption of my identification has enabled Mr. Tho-

mas to ascribe it to Rajendra himself (see Journ. Royal Asiat. Soc.

Vol. XX. p. 108 ; note 2.)*—and Mr. Thomas’s authority, added to

the Babu’s own silence, has induced Professor Dowson to do the

same. In the same Vol. of the Royal Asiat. Soc. Journal, Mr. Dowson

writes as follows regarding Rajendra’s translation of the Wardak

inscription,—‘ Before proceeding to criticise I will perform the more

grateful task of applauding the success he has achieved, especially in

the reading of the name of the king and in identifying him with the

Hushka of the Raja Tarangini. This alone would have been a valu-

able gain.” Here then we see that the two points in the Babu’s ver-

sion of the Wardak inscription, to which Professor Dowson has

awarded special praise, are precisely those two which the Babu has

adopted from my published letter without any acknowledgment

whatever.

Extract from a letter from Major-General Cunninguam.

Dated, Nynee Tél, 24th May, 1864.

“ T have succeeded in clearing up the whole mystery of the date of

Raja Bhoja in the Pehoa inscription, which is written at full length

m words, as well as in figures. The date is 276—Rajendra has mis-

read the name of Bhoja’s father, which is Rémabhadra Deva, and not

Liémachandra Deva, as may be seen most distinctly even in his own

facsimile. This correction is most important, as it enables us to iden-

tify both father and son with two of the Rajas of Kanoj, whose

names are,given in the Benares copper-plate. To this identification

Rajendra will object that the genealogy of the Pehoa inscription prior

to Ramabhadra differs entirely from that of the Benares copper-plate ;

and so it does differ beyond all doubt; but there is no such genealogy

in the Pehoa inscription of Raja Bhoja! The explanation of this

* In the same volume, p. 99, in an article read on the 5th J uly, 1862, Mr.

Thomas describes a square copper coin of Hpander whom he calls a “new

king.” But the name of this king had already been made known by me in this

Journal for 1860, p. 396, from a similar copper coin in my own possession,

Since then I have obtained a hemidrachma of Kipander, in bad order, and ano-

ther copper coin in very bad preservation. :

bee

Cie

Sia

=cen

het

ele

that Pauwra Raa, the father of the inscriber, had conquered Vatsa

930 Pehewa Inscription of Raja Bhoja. [No. 3,

seeming mystery is simple enough. There are fwo distinct Inscrip-

tions at Pehoa, which have been taken by Rajendra Lal as forming

only one record. The first inscription of twenty-one lines which

contains the names of Mahendra Pala, Vajrata, Gogea, &e., is given

by Rajendra quite complete; but of the second inscription he has

given only eight lines out of sixteen and a quarter lines. It is this

second inscription which contains the names of Raja Ramabhadra

Deva, and Raja Bhoja Deva, together with the date, which is writ-

ten at full length in words, as well as in figures—thus : |

samvatsare satadwaye shadsaptatyadike (?)

Vaisikhamdsa sukla paksha saptasyam.

Samvat 276 Vaisikha sudt 7.

all of which may be read in Rajendra’s own facsimile.

The date of the inscription being thus conclusively settled, it now

remains to ascertain the era to which the date refers. This I believe

to be the era of Sri Harsha of Kanoj, beginning in A. D. 607, which

would make the date of the inscription A. D. 882. Now at this very

time we know that a Raja Bhoja Deva was paramount sovereign of

Gwalior, as his inseription, carved on the rock itself, is dated in Sam-

vat 933, or A. D. 876. From the Raja Tarangini aiso we learn that

a Raja Bhoja contended with Sankara Varmma of Kashmir, who

reigned between the years 888—901 A. D. I am quite satisfied that

all these records refer to the same Prince, Bhoja Deva, who was Raja

of Kanoj during the last quarter of the 9th century, or from about

A. D. 875 to 900.

To prove this last statement it will be sufficient to show that Bhoja

Deva, son of Ramabhadra Deva, was Raja of Kanoj about the date

specified. Now the genealogy of this family, consisting of eight

names, is given in the Benares copper-plate (Journ. As. Soc. Bengal,

XVII. 71) in which Ramabhadra Deva and Bhoja Deva are the 4th

and 5th names. The date of the inscription which is recorded in the

reign of Bhoja’s great grandson, is 65, which must refer to some

recent era, and is not therefore of any assistance in fixing the actual

date of this copper-plate. But the name of Bhoja’s great grand-

father, Vatsa Raja, is found in another copper-plate which is dated in

730 of the Sake Salivahdéna or A. D. 808. In this record it is stated

lla le ame

1864. | Pehewa Inscription of Raja Bhaja. 231

ftaja “who had become intoxicated with the wealth of the king of

Gaur,” (see Journ, Royal As. Soc. V. 850). According to this state-

ment Pawra Raja must have been reigning just one generation, or

twenty-five years, prior to A. D. 808, or in A. D. 788. His anta-

gonist Vatsa Raja may therefore be dated about A. D. 800, and

Vatsa’s great grandson Bhoja Deva about seventy-five years later, or

m A.D: 875. :

The result of all these concurring dates is to give us a very good

and almost continuous: outline of the history of Kano} from the end

of the sixth century down to the Muhammadan conquest, or for

upwards of six centuries. The different dynasties may, according to

my view, be dated as follows.

I.—BAIS RAJPUTS.

A. D. 575. Prabhakara Vardhana.

600. Rajya Vardhana.

607. Harsha Vardhana, founder of the era.

650. (Harsha’s death).

700. Ranmal, invaded Sind (Journ. As. Soc. Beng. X. 188).

715. Harchand, contemporary of Muhammad bin Kasim (Abul

Fazl).

730. Yaso Varmma, conty. of Lalitaditya of Kashmir (Raj, Tar.)

Benares copper-plate.

775. Devasakti Deva.

800. Vatsa Raja Deva.

825. Nagabhatta Deva.

850. Ramabhadra Deva, POG ee

875. Bhoja Deva, of Pehoa inscription.

900. Mahendra Pala Deva.

920. Bhoja Deva ITI.

930. Vinayaka Pala Deva.

TOMARAS.

979. Sallakshana.

1005. Jaya Pala.

1021. Kumara Pala.

1051, Ananga Pala, refounded Dill,

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Note on the Spite Fossils.

RATHORS. 4

1050. Chandra Deva. ier

1080. Madana Pala. |

1115. Govinda Chandra. '

1165. Vijaya Chandra.

1175. Jaya Chandra. |

1193. Muhammadan conquest. 1

Note on the Fossils in the Society's Collection reputed to be fram

Spiti— By T. Oupuam, Esq., & #. S., &e., Fe.

In the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for the present i

year (1863), page 124, a paper is published descriptive of some of i

the fossils collected by Dr. Gerard in the Spiti district in the North-

Western Himalaya, which fossils had been in the Society’s Museum ~| B

for many years, having been presented by Dr. Gerard in 1881. m8

The paper referred to, is said to be a ‘revised copy’ of one read af

before the Society in November, 1861. The original paper, of which ie

a brief abstract was given in the Journal of the Society, 1861, page it

418, had been ordered for publication by the Council of the Society, ie

but some delay occurred in the preparation of the plates to illustrate int

it, in consequence of the author having temporarily left India at the im

time, and it was not issued. Meanwhile changes in the author's th

views having taken place, he first desired that the paper should be nt

issued as originally drawn up, with a postscript, but subsequently on We

4 2 his return to India he states that he ‘ withdrew’ the paper and ‘ modi- Dee

4 be fied’ it into its present form in which the conclusions arrived at are | i

a: in several important respects just the opposite of those originally ly

a announced. | hh

ae This was indeed, as the author says, “A very considerable altera~ | {,

tion ;” but the paper in its present form never having been submitted iy

either to the Council, or to the Society, having been in fact with- ny

drawn, and so altered without the sanction of the Council having been | r

obtained, there has been I regret to say, no opportunity, previously to | ln

its publication, of communicating with the author. hh

It is not my intention to discuss in any way the correctness or 1n- Day

correctness of the identification of species in the collection. This

1864. | Note on the Spitr Fossils. 233

important question can only be taken up with advantage, when the

whole series of the fossils from the same localities, now in other col-

lections, shall have been examined. My present remarks are confined

solely to the brief and general notice which Mr. Blanford has pretix-

ed to his paper, and to the results there announced.

The facts appear to be these. In 1828 Dr. Gerard collected in the

valley of the Spiti and in adjoining localities, a large number of fossils,

(Gleanings in Science, Vol. I. page 109.) Of these a selection was for-

warded to the Asiatic Society in 1831, (Gleanings in Science, Vol. IIT.

p. 92.) These fossils excited great attention both from the interest

attaching to the fact of their having been found in the very heart of

the Himalaya, and also from the marked similarity of some of the

species to known English forms. The collection was almost imme-

diately examined by the Rev. Mr. Everest, and, at his request, a por-

tion of 1t was sent to England to Mr. Sowerby. On the 8th of June,

183], Capt. Herbert read a paper on these organic remains, which

was published with a plate, in September of the same year (Gleanings

in Science, Vol. 1II. p. 265.) This plate was a small etching from

the more finished drawings of the same fossils prepared to illustrate

the paper by Mr. Everest published in the 18th Volume of the Asia-

tic Researches, p. 107. Both these plates and reduced etching were

prepared by Mr. James Prinsep himself. Again in 1832, Captain

Gerard on the part of his brother forwarded to the Society 164 pack-

ets of fossils from the Himalaya, (Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. I.

p. 363,) and in October he forwarded the first part of his brother’s

paper on Spiti, which also appeared in the 18th Volume of Asiatic

Researches. Meanwhile Mr. Sowerby’s reply to the reference of these

fossils to him was received, dated October 14th, 1831, confirming Mr,

Everest’s conclusions, (Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. I. p. 248.)

From all this, it is clear that no time had been lost in taking up

the examination of the fossils sent by Dr. Gerard; that these fossils

eame at once into the keeping of Mr. James Prinsep, were examined

by Mr. Everest, and by Captain Herbert ; were carefully drawn ; that

a portion of the collection and the figures were then submitted to

Mr. Sowerby, and were at once by him recognized as similar to others

from the same localities which he had seen with Mr. Stokes and Dr.

Buckland. I conceive that the names alone of the gentlemen I have

mentioned are abundant guarantee that no sufficient care was wanting

2H 2

| ae

i 7

7; an

; 2

> 2

;

+ :

-s

—

1 =

S| wa

‘ =

tae

H wm

4 —

i) oe

i. ue

oh a

oan

Ph i

lar

Shit

pif

994 Note on the Spiti Fossils. [No. 3,

on their part to prevent any admixture of fossils from any other col-

tection with those sent by Dr. Gerard. It seems beyond a question

that Mr. Prinsep, Capt. Herbert, Messrs. Everest and Sowerby were

all quite satisfied that the fossils figured on the plates I have referred

to, had actually come from Dr. Gerard, and whatever confusion or

neglect may have resulted in after years, the Society’s collections at

that time were certainly not in the disgraceful state of which Mr.

Blanford so justly complains. I+ is then, I think, certain that these

fossils from Dr. Gerard had not been accidentally mixed with the

English fossils after they had come to Calcutta, and I think every

one who reads Dr. Gerard’s papers will also admit that he did not

carry with him a collection of English Liassiec fossils with which the

Spiti collection could be ‘ accidentally’ mixed, before its despatch to

Calcutta. It must be borne in mind also that the plates of these fos.

sils were published within a comparatively short time of discovery of

them, when the error of having any admixture of English fossils

could have been discovered.

Of seven species of ammonites so figured by Mr. Prinsep, and de-

scribed by Mr. Everest and Mr. Sowerby as part of Dr. Gerard’s col-

lection, the author of the paper I refer to entirely rejects as ‘ spurious,’

and as being English specimens, no less than five. Others, although

there is not nearly so much evidence of their being from Spiti, are as

unhesitatingly admitted as genuine.

M. Jacquemont visited the neighbourhood of Spiti in 1830, and

brought away a noble collection of fossils which have unfortunately

since remained undescribed in the Museum, Paris (with the excep-

tion of one or two species noticed by L. Von Buch.) Subsequently

m 1860, I despatched Messrs. Theobald and Mallet, both of the

Geological Survey of India, to Spiti, during the time when work in

the plains of India was impracticable, with instructions to bring away

as full a collection of fossils as the time they could devote to it would

permit, and to make such notes and observations as would elucidate

the Geological structure of the district. A brief account of the trip

was given to the Society by Mr. Theobald and published in 1862,

(Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 1862, p. 480.) The collection made by these

gentlemen was a good one considering the brief time at their disposal,

but could not at all be accepted as fully illustrating the Geology of

the valley. Mr. Theobald subsequently, in the spring of 1862, when

1864. | Note on the Spite Fossils. 985

putting out and examining these fossils collected by himself, and Mr.

Mallet, visited the Society’s Museum to compare those species already

named and described by Mr. Blanford. Among these he noticed

several species of which no specimens had occurred to himself or to

Mr. Mallet, and on examining these specimens more closely he no-

ticed also a difference in the mineral character of the rock in which

these species occurred. He at once, too hastily as I think, and with-

out examining into the history of these fossils, but knowing well the

neglect with which the Society’s collections had been treated, came to

the conclusion that these were not fossils from Spiti at all, but were

English Liassic fossils, which had got mixed up with the true Spiti

fossils. This idea he communicated at once to Mr. Blanford who at

first rejected the notion, but subsequently, as stated by himself, adopt-

ed it fully. | .

Believing that there are no sufficient grounds for this conclusion,

I cannot avoid noticing it. The question as regards Dr. Gerard’s

fossils alone would be of minor importance, but this matter involves

a principie subversive of all sound progress in our knowledge of the

Geological distribution of organic remains.

The grounds on which Mr. Blanford has rejected all those fossils which

he had identified with English Liassic species are stated to be these.

1. Mr. Theobald’s belief to that effect, which belief I know to

have been based on a consideration of a shght difference in the mine-

ral character of the rock.

2nd, An examination of undoubted Whitby fossils.

érd. An examination of Col. Strachey’s collection from the Niti

pass, north of Kumaon.

4th. An examination of General Hardwicke’s collection from N epal,

and—

5th. An examination of Jacquemont’s collection from near Spit.

Putting out of the question for the moment Jacquemont’s collec-

tions which were from nearly the same ground as Gerard’s, I can-

not see in what way the nature of the fcssils found at Whitby in

Yorkshire, of those found in Nepal some five hundred miles off, or at

Niti more than one hundred miles off, can possibly determine the jSact

of the occurrence or non-occurrence of certain forms at Spiti. There

is no question here as to the identity or even the similarity of the

species, in determining which a comparison of the others would un-

236 Note on the Spiti Fossils. [No. 3,

questionably be useful; the question is simply do they oceur, or do

they not. I reject as useless also, in any bearing on this fact, the

consideration of the nature of the rock in which they are found.

Differences or resemblances in mineral character are utterly worthless

as guides to such facts.

The non-occurrence of the species referred to in J acquemont’s col«

Jection, and in that made by Messrs. Theobald and Mallet remains.

Now did two persons visiting even a single quarry to collect fossils

after an interval of time ever come away with the same species? But

here was not a quarry but a district stretching over some fifty miles

of difficult country. The fact that these species did not occur to

Jacquemont, or afterwards to Theobald and Mallet, no more disproves

the fact they had previously occurred to Gerard than any other case

of this kind. It might just as conclusively be argued that some of

the beautiful fossils from the cretaceous rocks of S. India which were

originally collected by Messrs. Kaye and Cunliffe and described by

EH. Forbes, were not from that district at all, but from some other

and far distant locality, and had been ‘accidentally mixed’ up with

their genuine collections, because the same species were not met with

by Mr. Blanford himself in his subsequent and much more detailed

examination of the same area.

But there is still another and to my mind a conclusive proof that

the specimens rejected by Mr. Blanford did really belong to Gerard’s

collections, a proof which I should have been glad to communicate to

Mr. Blanford had there been an opportunity. A reference to Mr.

Sowerby’s letter which I noticed above, will show that similar fossils

are said to have been in the possession of Dr. Buckland. To that

Geologist, then one of the most zealous palzontologists in England,

a fine series of these Spiti fossils were sent by Dr. Gerard himself. This

collection still exists among the other treasures of the Oxford Mu-

seum, and I had the pleasure of going over it carefully with Prot.

Phillips last year, having visited Oxford for the purpose. It cannot

be supposed that in this series also Whitby or English fossils had got

mixed either ‘accidentally’ or otherwise. The care with which the

collections at Oxford have been kept is sufficient to render this idea

untenable for a moment. But in this (Gerard’s) collection at Oxford

are several specimens of several of the species* noticed by Mr. Blan-

* I may mention noteably Ammonites bifrons, Am. communis, both of which

1864. | Note on the Spits Fossils. 237

ford, and by him rejected as spurious Spiti fossils. I think this fact

quite conclusive, and that all the specimens so hastily rejected as

Spiti fossils by Mr. Blanford must be restored to their proper place in

this interesting and valuable collection.

I said before that I had only to deal with the facts, what the con-

clusions derived from those facts may be is not now under discussion,

and whether there be in the Spiti district Liassic beds or whether

these Liassic species* occur in the same beds with others, supposed to

belong to different periods are questions which must await future

solution. I regret that the cireumstances I have mentioned above,

(viz., that this paper by Mr. Blanford in its present state never had

come before the Society or Council) prevented my having an oppor-

tunity of making the author acquainted with the fact, that in another

portion of Dr. Gerard’s Spiti collections, several specimens existed of the

very species which, on such insufficient grounds, he has rejected here.

I cannot, however, conclude without again directing serious atten-

tion to the very great mischief arising from dealing with questions of

fact in this way. If the fact of the occurrence of certain forms

in certain places is to be thus questioned, and fancy or some supposed

mineral resemblance is to be accepted as negativing the deliberate

statements of those who had collected the fossils, supported by the

evidence of careful investigators who had examined these fossils al-

most immediately after their discovery, (and not thirty years after),

there can be no progress. It would be infinitely better, and infinitely

safer, to leave such specimens, as they are said to have been found,

without labels, or even to throw them out, than to falsify all the land-

marks of science by exhibiting them with localities attached which

are only imaginative. The specimens referred to are now (September

18th, 1863,) put out in the Society’s Museum (by whose authority

I know not} mounted and carefully named and marked, Upper Lias,

Whitby, England, without any note of doubt, and without any refer-

ence whatever to the fact that they had ever been even supposed to

come from Spiti. Collections thus treated are worse than useiess, they

are mischievous.

occur in the Society’s collection ; also Am. crassus, Phillips, atrue Liagsic species

but of which specimens do not occur in the Society’s cabinet,

* Ceratites Himalayanus, Blanford, is exhibited in the Society’s collection

from the Upper Lias, Spiti valley,

PDA LDP DDI DIELS PING

s A

i ’

antemngeinciaatngs:

tos Les

238 Notes on some Indian and Burmese Helicide. [No. 8,

Notes on the variation of some Indian and Burmese flelicide, with

an attempt at thew re-arrangement, together with descriptions of

new Burmese Gasteropoda.—By W. TuEoBat, Esq., Junior.

Since my paper on the distribution of our Indian terrestrial Mollus.

ca was read at the February meeting of the Asiatic Society, several

new species have accumulated on my hands, which I propose to de-

scribe in the present paper, and at the same time, to offer some remarks

on certain nearly allied forms, which a careful examination compels

me to consider, as merely well marked and _ persistent types of one

species, connected as they are by intermediate forms, whose number is

constantly on the increase.

The question of where variation ends and specific separation is called

for, 1s of course not easily settled by any precise rule, and has always

been regarded as depending more or less on the peculiar views or

idiosyneracy of the individual naturalist, and has resulted in the

manufacture of an erroneous number of new species, ostensibly of

equal value, but many of them in reality entitled to no higher rank

than varieties. I myself have offended in this way ; but whilst depre-

cating for the future the creation of species, in the unqualified manner

hitherto too common, I prefer a specific (or sub-specific) name for all

well marked local forms, to the method advocated by some, of indicat-

ing such shells by a letter of the alphabet, as var A or var B of the

type, or first described individual, however little it may merit such

distinction save on the ground of mere priority.

My friend Mr. H. F. Blanford, has already done good service by

decimating the ranks of shadowy species ranged under the genus

Tanalia, in his paper in Volume XXIII. of the Linnean Transactions,

wherein he reduces the twenty-six recorded species of the genus to 7wo,

Lanalia violacea, Layard, and 7%, aculeata, Gmel. which last shell |

exults in no less than twenty-four synonyms, (twelve contributed by <a

Reeve, nine by Dohrn and three by Layard).

This genus (Tanalia) well illustrates in my opinion the advantage |

of retaining a distinetive name for well marked types of what,

critically viewed, is but one species, for a considerable amount of

obscurity, quite unredeemed by superior brevity, results from the use

of simple letters, rather than well chosen and distinctive epithets for

well marked local types, many of which have hitherto, though erro-

1864. | Notes on some Indian and Burmese Helicide. 239

neously, stood as distinct species. Whilst therefore concurring in the

results of Mr. Blanford’s examination of the genus Tanalia, I would

prefer retaining the known designations of such well marked types as

T. Tennentii, T. neritoides, and the like, to recording them all as 7.

aculeata, Ger. var. A or var. B.

The alphabetical or numerical method of discriminating varieties,

would certainly possess considerable advantages if all the varieties of

a species could be arranged in an unbroken right line, instead of one

very much given to ramification, but even in that case the type species

by priority would often have to be set aside, as falling naturally into

some other position, than at the head of the series; I therefore shall

retain, in this paper, many names which I now regard as of merely

sub-specific, value instead of discarding them zm toto as soon as their

identity, if critically considered, with some previous species is estabiish-

ed; and shall on the same principle, bestow distinctive names on those

which of the shells herein described I regard as merely local races.

It might at first be imagined that strong support was derivable,

from the enormous variation of form of some widely spread species,

for the Darwinian view of the gradual extension by migration of all

species in space, and the simultaneous change undergone by them, to

meet changed conditions of existence, resulting in local types, and

ultimately by the decay of intermediate forms, in so called distinct

species ; but this idea is speedily negatived by the consideration, that

though some species exhibit an amount of variation, which might be -

plausibly aceounted for by the Darwinian theory, yet others not less

widely spread, either as to time or place, exhibit little or no such ten-

dency, which seems rather a peculiarity (of temperament so to say,)

marking certain species, than the result of a general law regulating

the development of all. A notable example of this is afforded by the

little Heliw labyrinthica, Say, which has remained unchanged during

the eons which have elapsed since the Eocene period, occurring fossil

in the Headon beds on the Isle of Wight, and living at the present day

in Alabama. Bulumus punctatus and Bulimus pullus, Gray, may also

be quoted, the first species inhabiting, unchanged to any perceptible

extent, the plains of India and the shores of Mozambique, whilst the

last ranges widely through India and some of the neighbouring coun-

tries, (Burma and even the shores of the Red Sea,) and occurs fossil in

the alluvial deposits ma the Nerbudda valley, where individuals, undis-

Dak

OE PO re tet Re tee ee es

240 Notes on some Indian and Burmese Helicide. [| No. 8,

tinguishable from recent specimens, accompany the extinct fauna

which embraced the Hexaprotodon and its congeners: (vide Memoirs

of the Geological Survey, Vol. IT.)

Of species subject to considerable local variation, Helix Hutton;

may be selected, if, as I am inclined to think, it may be regarded ag

specifically identical with . rotatoria V. dem Busch ; and the highly

variable A. sumlaris, Fer., with respect to which it may here be re.

marked, that its most variable and dissimilar forms, are not those most

widely dissociated in space, as might be surmised from the Darwinian

explanation for such variations, as its local Indian forms more widely

differ from the type and from one another, than individuals from the

far off Mauritius and the Brazils. |

HELIX SIMILARIS, Fé.

At the head of the varieties, as T regard them, of this species, I

place A. scalpturita, B. ‘This form inhabits the Irawadi valley above

the British frontier, and is a stout wel! marked shell passing by de-

grees into H. Zoroaster, Th., though in this case as in others, the

intermediate forms are usually scarcer individually and more variable

than the types they tend to unite. Allied to some extent, but not

very closely, is H. Peguensis, B., from I believe, the Eastern parts of

Pegu. £. Zoroaster which is intimately related to H. scalpturita on

the one hand and H. similaris on the other, occurs in tolerable num-

ber about Thaiet mio and the neighbourhood, and passes gradually

into the type form of HA. similaris. £. pilidion, B., is a thin-keeled

shell related to H. similaris, from probably the same locality as H.

Peguensis, and last comes the rotund, globular shell common about

Thaiet mio, Prome, &e., described by Benson as H. bolus. Several

intermediate gradations occur between Hl. Zoroaster, H. bolus and the

type A. similaris, but not sufficiently marked to require special enu-

meration ; the whole may thus naturally be arranged as below, those

marked thus * being aberrant, the forms required to connect them

more closely, having probably to be discovered.

Hf. scalpturita, B. Ava.

H. Peguensis, B.*

HT, Zorcaster, Th. Thaiet mio, Prome, Xe.

H, pilidion, B.*

HT, similaris, Fér. Thaiet mio, Bengal, Mauritius.

4T, bolus, B. Thaiet mio, Prome, &e.

fl, cestus, B.*® Khasi hills.

—

= iF

C—O a

SS SS ee

wo te

—

—F

1864. | Notes on some Indian and Burmese Helreide. 244

Of H. cestus I have but three individuals, but they seem to form

merely a well marked local type of the species under consideration.

They occur with or without the band; the two varieties differmg

slightly in other respects as well; somewhat as . Pequensis does

from HH. scalpturita, the bandless variety of which 16 much resembles.

H. rnoratorsa, V. dem Busch.

This species, though affording strongly marked varieties, 1s not a

variable one individually. We have in Burma the larger and more

common form of seventeen millemeters, which varies very slightly,

and a smaller form (A. Arakanensts, Th.) of only thirteen millemeters,

with a higher spire, which also varies very little ; and evidently con-

nects the species with H. Hutton, the largest specimen of which

from India in my possession is also thirteen mills. but with a flatter

‘spire than the small var. of H. rotatoria. ‘There is also the very vari-

able race of H. Akowktongensis, Th., with its usually flattened spire,

holding a place between the large and small forms of H. rotatoria.

H, tapeina and H. Phayrei, 'Th. also claim a place near the type of

the species, the first nearly equalling a large AZ. rofaforia in size, whilst

closely resembling a small one in form, and the second differing from

the type rotatorza, in its narrower umbilicus, and more strongly mark-

ed sculpture. The little Indian H. Huttoni follows, chiefly differing

in its smal! size, which may be averaged at eleven mills.

Most aberrant of all comes H. Oldham, B. with its depressed spire,

but it hardly differs more widely (save in one extra whorl), from a

large rotatorza sn form, than specimens of H. Akowktengensis, Th. do

from one another. Intermediate forms are, however, requisite to con-

nect Hf. Oldham, B. as closely as the rest are. -

Hf. rotatoria, V. d. Busch, Jrawad: valley, below the frontier.

Hf, tapema, B. Khasi Hills.

Hf. Phayret, Th.

H. Arakanensis, Th.

HT, Akowktongensis, Th. Trawadi valley.

Hf. Huttoni, B.

H. Oldham, B.*

HELIX FALLACIOSA, Fer., is another variable shell, presenting three

Trawadi valley, above the frontier,

Arakan hills and Lra;wadi valley.

Himalayss, Southern India,

Trawadi valley, above the frontier.

distinet types, as AZ. asperella, Pf. and its allied forms A. Nagperensis,

Pfr.and A. propinqua, Pir. H. fallaciosa, Fér., with its varieties and ally

H, Helferr, B. and 1. ruginosa, Fér. with its ally Ef. erassicostata, B.

ose eee ano ay

tia

fat

Stary ns

i =

t a

- i

Aig

= aa 4

wey

‘ae

~ ee

f 7a

—_

x ~

4% —

Notes on some Indian and Burmese Helicide. ~* [No. 8, 4

The whole are so closely united as to be separable only one from !

another by the most arbitrary division. They may naturally be ranged | '

thus :-— |

. ( H. Nagporensis, Pfr. Central India. 4

x ff. unicincta, B. (HL. propingua, Pfr. Central India, Bombay, ?

= | HT. asperella, Pfr. Central India.

: 3 HT. jallaciosa, Fer. Ceylon, South India.

| HL. ruginosa, Fer. Southern India.

a H. crassicostata, B. Salem (?).

' |. Helferi, B. Andamans.

H. crrmacrerrca, B. No one on first examining a type-specimen

of this shell of twenty-one mills. in diameter, would imagine there tf

was any Indian shell very closely connected with it, but on examin-

ation of the small variety of from thirteen to fifteen mills., (for which

i propose the term H. geiton, “ yerav’’) a close relation is perceptible

between it and H. pansa, B. on the one side and ZH. ornatissima on

the other. The type form of H. climacterica is very peculiar, and is

seen also in the smaller . geiton, but in this last it is more subject

to variation, so that some specimens are not much more keeled

than £7. pansa, B. whilst others unite this extreme form with the type.

Lhe main distinction seems to be, a more closed umbilicus in H.

climacterica, than is observable in the others; a stouter shell more

strongly keeled and more deeply sculptured. HA. ornatissima whilst

closely resembling the type as regards sculpture, departs from it in

being less keeled, and in its umbilicus being more open, whilst H. pansa,

B. is usually far less strongly sculptured than the type and thinner, but

is more keeled and has a closer umbilicus than H. ornatissima. H.

anopleuris, B. is merely a stout handsome ZZ. ornatissima, on a large |

scale, ranging from fifteen to twenty-one mills. in diameter, my largest |

aan

4G AS A SST aA S Beck |

__.

== ==;

——

H. ornatissima being but sixteen miils. Intermediate forms there

. aoe doubtless are, but the natural arrangement seems to be thus— +

3 bo : ee | Hf, clumacterica, B. Khasi Hills. ' |

bles) oo HI. geitan, Th. ~ Khasi Hills, (a dwarf climacterica). |

Piel HT, pansa, B.* Trawadi valley.

Bee ff. ornatissima, B. Darjiling,

Y, anopleuris, B, Hills North of Tirhoot (Scomeysur hill). :

A, submissa, B® Ditto ditto. o

An equal amount of variation in the keel may be often remarked

1864.] Notes on some Indian and Burmese Uelicide. 243

in H. textrina, B. some specimens of which in my possession are

strongly keeled, whilst in others this character is nearly obsolete.

Whatever may be thought however of my uniting such dissimilar

shells as some of the above, better grounds exist for the union of some

which now follow.

fT. infrendens, Gould. Farm caves near Maulmein,

f1. capescens, B. Ditto.

HI. Tickelli, Th. Ditto.

Hf. castra, B. India, Birma.

HH. sanis, B. Andamans.

which is I think merely a large depressed variety of H. castra of

fifteen mills,

HI. capitium, B. Tributary Mehals of Katak.

ff. hariola, B. Pegu.

T agree with Mr. W. T. Blanford in being unable to find any dif-

ference between the Katak shell and the keeled variety of Hl. hariola

from Pegu, save a triflg superiority of size in the former.

ns (4. Tranquebarica, Hab. Southern India.

m4 | H. semirugata, Beck, Ditto.

“ J HI. ligulata, Fer.* Upper Bengal.

Z | HZ. vitellina, ae Central India.

cs Al, bullata, Hutton. Ditto.

~ Of these shells, the two first are perhaps the least defined, and the

whole have a tendency to pass into each other. 4. ligulata is the

well marked depressed form found in Bengal and A. bullata, H. of

only nineteen mills. in diameter, I have from Mhow. [ shall now

describe a few novelties which have lately occurred to me. |

Famity ONCIDIADA. .

Vaginutus Brruanicvs, H.

Corpore elongato, levi, ante et pone eleganter rotundato, colore

fusco, minutissime flavo maculato, subter albescente. Pede transversim

rugoso, totius corporis longitudinis, sed vix ad quartam partem latitu-

dinis attingente. Tentaculis quatuor; binis superioribus fuscis, ocu-

liferis ; inferioribus minus elongatis quamquam robustis, et papillam

retractilem, sensu acutissimo preditam, subter gerentibus.

Habitat in locis humidis apud Rangoon, Pegu, Thaiet-mio, &ec,

Longitudine, 50 mills,

ST Re hye yea

ie.

& -

eee

_ -

ETE a ene ct Yeni ne te ar neces TyPT RE ETU IR TERR Se HOC ONO eT OD

EL OC TL ces

7 - b 7 7 > - 4 ‘ ‘\ ~ ‘ | -

244: Notes on some Indian and Burmese Helicide. [No. 8, | |

This slug is pretty common at Rangoon and is found harbouring |

C .

under potsherds, bricks and rubbish in moist spots.

Famtty LIMACID2.

Limax viripis, Th. y

Corpore expanso, pone acuminato, flavo cinereo. Pallio magno, late

eolorato viridi-flavo limonis. ‘'entaculis superioribus, longis, pallidis,

oculos parvos nigros gerentibus ; et lined pallide smaragdind ad basin

notatis. Tentaculis inferioribus minutissimis.

Habitat inter folia in dumetis marinis “mangrove” dictis apud

littus Peguense, prope fines provincia: Arracan.

This elegant little limax is very active and creeps about briskly on

enn mbes» P

rie TEAS PO ol way 8 ow rym

Lop ules fal ees adap) eshte

Wei 2 \ Presi rae

the green foliage of the salt swamps, which (¢. e. the leaves) it |

= resembles in colour. 1

= In my last paper I included two limaces, Z. Memnon and L. Ben- 4 i

3 galensis of which I unfortunately have no descriptions. ‘The first is ae

a large black slug from Hoshungabad, the other a small grey slug hen

from Dinajpur. Bia

HLoPLITES. al

This genus is formed for the reception of some large slugs, common tn

at Teria Ghat near Sylhet. I have unfortunately no notes, but the | ty

2 animal is like Vitrina and closer perhaps to that group than to the | tu

3 slugs. It has a tough membranous plate on the centre of the back, ) ik

: conspicuous in the living animal, but no shelly plate. Its total length whe

E is about two inches. | ey

: Famity HELicrps. Ay

4 Virrina PrEauensts, Th. Bel

Ammale pallide lutescente anteriori parte corporis virescente ; | Lily

posteriori tamen luteo-flavescente. Tentaculis superioribus longis et tly

cum cervice virescentibus: inferioribus parvulis; Pallio granulato’ r i

‘eutis anserinz modo ; fusco, testam omnino fere obtegente. Caudali 7 bi

papilla nulla. Longitudine 80 mills. | | | ls

Testa elongata, halitoidea, polita, subdiaphanA ; margine ten, + hy

virescente ; reliqua parte flavescente, et juxta apicem solidissimam |g

albescente. Long. 15. Lat. 9. Alt. 4 mills. Habitat in humidis locis Ae

prope Pegu. This species belongs to the same section as V. Gigas, D. tie

i which it resembles in miniature and is remarkable for its very sold My

eslumella and apex. ‘Way

1864. | Notes on some Indian and Burmese Helicide. 245

ViTRINA CuHristTran a”, Th.

Testa sub-globosa, tenui, politd, diaphand, nitidd, supra costulate

striata, mira planiore. Colore sueccineo. Apice pallido, vix elevatius-

culo. Peripheria rotundataé. Apertura parum obliqué. Anfractibus

2 lente crescentibus. Long. 18. Lat. 11. Alt. 8 mills.

Habitat in insulis Andamanicis.

1 have much pleasure in naming this shell after the lady of the

present Governor of the settlement, Lieut.-Col. Tytler, as a mark of

esteem and in pleasing remembrance of my sojourn at Port Blair in

his hospitable mansion. It is of the same type as V. Bensoni, Pfr. but

is at once distinguished from all species I am acquainted with by its

rich brown colour.

Heiix Exut, ‘Th.

Testa auguste umbilicataé, depresso conoidea, levi, tenul, striatula,

eoncolore fusca. Apice obtuso. Anfractibus sex, tarde erescentibus,

convexiusculis, ultimo non descendente. Apertura obliqu4-Peristomate

recto, tenui, juxta umbilicum leviter reflexo. Long. 16.5, Lat. 15, Alt:

8.5 mills. Habitat in insulis Andamanicis. This shell seems a Nanina

and somewhat recalls WV. semifusea, Dh. but is a more tumid species.

STREPTAXIS Buanrorpt, Th. :

Testa perforata, depressd, ovali-oblonga, oblique costulata, striata,

translucente ; spira obtuse conoideé. Anfractibus sesqui-quinque non

augulatis. Apertura obliqua, subquadrato-oblongé: lamella parictali

una et dente singulo in media parte superioris marginis. Peristomate

expanso, juxta umbilicum reflexiusculo, marginibus callo tenui inter-

dum junctis. Varietas reperitur dente carens. Long. 7.5 Lat. 5.0

Alt. 4.0 mills. Habitat montibus Arakanensibus provincié Pegu. 8.

Andamamee, B. peraffinis, sed ditfert dente marginali, apertura, et

umbilico parum apertiore. Ab S. Birmanica, Bl. differt formA minus

globosa, apertura et minore magnitudine.

STREPTAXIS Brrmanica. W. Blanford, Gv MSS.).

Testa perforata, ovali-oblonga, depresse-globosa, levi, flavescente,

diaphana, spira obtuse conoidea. Anfractibus sex cony exiusculis, levi-

ter costulate striatis; ultimo subter levigato, eb cireum umbilicum

compresse-angulato. Sutura profunda., Apertura perobliqua, sub-

triangulari-quadrata. Dente parietali unico, magno, alteroque par-

vulo, in parte anteriori marginis superioris posito. Peristomate

expanso, reflexiusculo, Long. 9.0. Lat. 6.5. Alt. 5.0 mills. Varictas

Se Rn ee ae ae a ne es

obi do a hs shy SOU W a

fren

‘nba teiiytene:

WA SE Nok na ia

Poa

ise

—

2 fF.

‘oe +

“=

, =

= i

> a

: =

\ =e

5 oa

* a

‘

jas 7 Team

ir ned zi

- > fy tn jure ree an

‘iy Rt eh , ~~

~~ : a j ’ ‘os

° 7 s . .

*_* + ry

eo As i ae Rearcrel

‘ ty t Ue f iP Bos , At Peete qimiiy , |

aie my res Bide Shots 2 cee 3 Bim H

AL Syn rel

246 Notes on some Indian and Burmese Helicide. | No, 3, | |

minor invenitur dente marginali carens. Long. 8 mills. Habitat, 4

Pegu. Var minor prope fontes fluminis, Pegu dicti. i

A single specimen of this shell was received by me from Mr. W. T, !

Blanford, and I subsequently found two specimens of the smaller variety.

It very closely approaches 8S. Blanford:, Th. and S. Andamanica, but

is not so depressed in form, and it ditfers from 8. Petit chiefly in its a

more triangularly quadrate mouth, marginal tooth and smaller size, g

(my largest, average, and smallest specimens of S. Petit: measuring i

in length respectively, 14.11 and 9 muills.). ‘

The distinction however between these shells is only sufficient to

constitute a well marked race. S. Blanfordi, Th. ranging with &, di

Andamanica, and S. Birmanica, Bl. with its ally S. Petzte. jh

Criausi~tiaA Masont, Th. in|

Testa arcuato-rimata, fusiformi1, tenui, costulate-striata, pallide cas- pi

tanea. Apice intacto. Sutura excavata. Anfractibus decem, sub-pla- q i

natis, ultimo augustiore, supra aperturam fortiter striato, juxtaque oa

suturam fossa, laminee interioris cursum monstrante, notato. Lunella Bie

distineté; interdum non. Lamellis quinque, duabus parietalibus te: “gst

nuibus, distinctis, tus conniventibus ; reliquorum binis fortibus ad | Me

aperturam divergentibus; tertiaé post lunellan valde tenui, incon- i

spicud. Aperturd rotundato-auriformi-soluté. Peristomate expanso, He

reflexiusculo, Longitudinis 21 ad 29 mills. Latitudinis 4 ad 5 mills. ) ais

Habitat prope Tonghoo in montibus inter Provincias Pegu et Mar- 7 ah

taban. | si

This species varies somewhat in size and some specimens have

amore slender spire than others. I have named it in compliment

to the Rev. F. Mason, D.D., who kindly supplied me with spect-

mens, and whose success, among the wild Karen tribes, will ever cause

his name and that of his talented and energetic wife, to be enrolled i"

in the foremost rank of missionary labourers in the Hast. |

isi

te = J

J f ,

Faminy CycLosTomMipm. a

\ lh

CYCLOPHORUS ARTHRITICUS, Th. | i

A oye A ° A eo ye e a e A ° 6 2 : ; a

Testa umbilicata, turbinata, solidissima, striat4, lineisque spiralibus | c

by A e eT A . ’ A Ay

flexuosis obscure decussata; sublevi, non polité, fuscente castanea uy

Ith

fascia lata, alb& mediana, interdum circumdata. Interdum colore om-

nino alba, spira pallide castanea, et fascia parva castaned, sub-mediana

ornata. Anfractibus quinque convexis, haud tarde crescentibus ; ulti-

—_—

PE pe ae

——s

—

—r = a

S>_

ave

il |

864.7 Notes on some Indian and Burmese Helhicide. 247

mo valde capaci, rotundato. Apertura circulari. Peristomate expanso,

reflexiusculo, valde incrassato, continuo, intus flavo, interdum ceru-

lescente. Apice pallide purpurascente-rubicundula.. |

Long. 52, Lat. 39, Alt. 87 mills. Apertura 29 mills.

Habitat in. collibus nemorosis cireum fontes fluminis Pegu dicti.

A very solid shell with the surface rarely in good condition and rather

sparsely distributed. It is barely so globose as O. flavilabris, B. to

which it is nearly allied, and from which it differs.in sculpture, form

and greater solidity.

With respect to C. patens, Bl. I find myself unable to regard it as a

distinct species or even race, but merely as an individual variety of C.

Sulguratus, Pf. as I have no where observed it sufficiently numerous

to be viewed in any other ight. Another marked variety of C. ful-

guratus also occurs with.a large thin shell and white or cerulescent

peristome, in some places not rarely: but it is clearly an individual

variety of the predominant form. Both these varieties are good illustra-

tions of how races. originate, and [become?’| eventually what most

systematists would regard as distinct species ; not as some would argue,

by change etfected by migration, or enforced to meet changed condi-

tions of good climate or the like, but by individual aberration, and

the cotemporaneous up-growth of aberrant individuals into races and

eventually species, as the Darwinian most correctly asserts : but not

as far as I can see by any pressure of physical conditions co-relatively,

_as the Darwinian theory no less incorrectly argues. Some other prin-

ciple, than of mere dependance on physical conditions, has yet to be

discovered, before the problem of what governs variation, or in other

words the “ origin of species” can be regarded as satisfactorily solved.

Puprina BruanForpt, Th.

Testa pupineformi, politissima, flavescente-cornea. Anfractibus

quinque.. Peristomate albo, non expanso. Canalibus albis. Long.

6, Diam 3.5 mills. Habitat, Pegu. |

This species was forwarded to me by Mr. W. T. Blanford as a pos-

sible variety of P. Peguensis, B. 1t is intermediate im its characters

and aspect, between P. Peguensis, B. and P. artata, B., to the latter of

which it more closely approaches in the shape and unrefleeted form of

its peristome. Whilst in fact P. Blanfords ranks naturally as a near

ally of P. artata, B., P. Peguensis, B. holds a similar relation to P.

arula, B. and it is questionable if all four species will not prove to be

‘=

rate} of iis =a feel — baie: E ara baie SN Ata ia ‘ ra ; =r

A iA bbibleial io hic ay nae

P , _ ah . my hay

248 Notes on some Indian and Burmese Helicide. [No. 3,

equally connected; P. Peguensis coming between P. artata and P-

arula.

P. Arula, B. P. Pequensis,B. P. Artata,B. P. Blanfordi, Th

Pomattas Pre@venss, Th.

Testa auguste sive obtecte umbilicata, turrita, costulate striata,

translucente, flavescente-cornea. Apice obtuso, levi. Anfractibus sep-

tem sive octo, tumidis, lente erescentibus. Apertura sub-circulan,

Peristomate duplici, extra brevissime expanso, intus continuo, crasso,

juxta suturam leviter inciso. Operculo tenui corneo.

Long. 10. Lat. 3.5 mills. Apertura 2.5 mills.

Habitat m monte marmoreo, cavernoso, haud procul a Gwa, pago

littore Peguensi.

This Pomatias is accompanied at the Limestone hill near Gwa by the

following shells which I give to illustrate the range of some of them.

Helix delibrata, B.

H. textrina, B.

H. honesta, Gould.

Cycluphorus Theobaldianus, B.

Leptopoma aspirans, B.

Pupina artata, B.

H. eastra, B. Alyczus scepticus, Bl.

H. rotatoria, V.d. Busch. (small). | Hydrocena pyxis, B.

H. baseunda, B. var. Diplommatina.

H. gratulans, BI. Helicina.

Plectopylis plectostoma, B. Pomatias Peeuense, Th.

Bulimus putus, B. (slender var.)

B. gracilis, Hutton.

Cryptosoma preestans, Gould.

Streptaxis Burmanica, ‘Th.

The Diplommatina I have not made out, as I got no good speci-

mens. ‘he Helicina is very variable, and is I have no doubt A.

Andamanica, B. but two distinct varieties occur, differing chiefly im

size, and both smalier than the type, (as I regard it) from Port Blair,

but as some of these shells may have been described before, I refrain

from naming them. They are respectively five and six mills. diameter

whilst the type measures eight mills. From the Andamans, however,

I have a single small Helicina, smaller than either of those from the

mainland, and I believe ali four forms are merely races, all merging

into each other, but my sole specimen has gone home to Mr. Benson,

who, from its vast discrepancy in size from the type he is acquainted

with, will probably regard it as a distinct species. aud eg0.

———s

1864. | Notes on some Indian and Burmese Helicide. 249

I cannot conclude this paper without offering a few remarks on the

arrangement proposed by my friend, Mr. W. T. Blantford, for the

Helicidous groups in the Annals and Magazine of Natural History for

February, 1863. The division of the whole, into two great GROUPS or

sECcTIONS,—A marked, by having the mucous pore at the truncated

extremity with a superimpending lobe, and—B having the mucous

pore in the elongated non-truncate extremity, devoid of an overhanging

lobe,—is a natural and probably well marked one, but I think a still

farther restriction of the term Nanina, than that Mr. Blanford has

adopted, is called for in any natural classification.

We there find (doe. ezt.) shells of two very naturally divided types

all ranged together under Nanrna or its subgenus Macrocuriamys,

B. illustrated respectively by the species, Vitrinoides, lubrica and

petasus on the one hand, and pansa and similar unpolished shells on

the other. A more natural arrangement would surely be to restrict

the term Nanina to those shells of the great Section A possessing a

polished epidermis, of which UN. vitrinoides may be regarded as the

type, indicatory as such a condition of the surface usuaily is, of either

lubricatory tentacular processes attached to the mouth, as in the type,

or of close relations to the more typical species so provided.

This separation effected, the remainder form a natural group of

which pansa may serve as a type, but want of all books of reference,

prevents my offering any generic name, which a little research will

soon supply. In this Section A, it may be remarked that Mr. Blan-

ford includes H. ligulata, whilst H, Tranguebarica and its allies he

ranges under Section B.

In the present paper I have included them, from a mere study of

the shells, under one group, (GaLAxtAs), which I should not have ven-

tured to do in opposition to Mr. Blanford’s observations, but for his

remark on H. ligulata, which “ shows a passage wmto the other Sec-

tion.’ It is therefore probably aberrant to some extent from Tran-

guebarica, but not more so perhaps than from the group with which

Mr. Blanford has associated 1t. Mr. Blanford’s remark on the simi-

larity of the animals of H. vittata, Fér. and H. fallaciosa. Fév. is inter-

esting, as a shell given tome by Mr. H. F. Blanford* tends to connect

* H. proaima, Fér. Besides the difference in form H. prozima has a white

interior. H,. vittata invariably brown or brownish black when adult, H. F. B,

2K 2

Re ae ar (e

= '

‘250 Notes on some Indian and Burmese Helicide.

these seeming dissimilar species. HH. vittata is a very variable shell

as the following measurements of specimens in my cabinet show.

A. 28 % 22 mills.

B. 24x 18 ,,

C. 20x 18 , EH. ZG. fallaciosa 14 X% 6 mills.

D. 24% 11 «,, |

Specimens A, B and ‘C of 4. vittata are all from Ceylen.*

A being a very-elevated var, B a depressed var, and C the ordinary

small var. Dis the shell received from Mr. H. F. Blanford, and

though white and more of the form of A. fallaciosa than of H. vit-

tata, yet it must, I think, be classed as a variety or local race of the

last. Numerically reduced the proportions are nearly thus—

A. = 15 B. = 10 C. = 6 .=6 HK, = 2

So that if allowance is made for a better series of specimens from

which measurements might be made, we see that individuals of the

type shell A and'C differ nearly as much from each other, as specimen

Hi (4. fallaciosa) does from C. But this method of stating the rela-

tion, very inadequately represents it, D having the aspect and size of

1. vittata, with the precise depressed form of H. fallaciosa, with

whose colourless varieties 1t may be compared, as unlike vittata, it is

colourless and white. It would be very curious if intermediate forms

should eventually be discovered more closely connecting these at first

sight utterly dissimilar species H. wttata and A. fallactosa.

Thavet Mio, October, 1868.

* J may add to this list the extreme measurements of specimens in my own

collection shewing still greater variability.

7 Oo b C

Diam. 17 m.m. 17 mm. 29 m.m.

Alt 18 mm. 19m.m. 22 mm.

Specimen a is of uniform chestnut brown, b white with faint brown bands

and violet apex, c white with flesh colored apex. H. F. B.

Page ne for read Page ne for mead

354, 2, leaning ‘bearing. 870, 12, Borilize Bontie.

355, 26, living tiny. 375, 14, Bensoni Barniana.

358, 7, focal wild, 376, 28, After Badd sp.

367, 32, bora Vara. 3881, 10, etnilla rutella.

[No. 3,

1864. | On Anctent Indian Weights. 254

On Ancient Indian Weights —By E. Tuomas, His.

[The subjoined article was sketched, with a view to the limited

illustration of the subject announced in its title, for insertion in the

. Numismatic Chronicle: but so large a proportion of its contents have

proved in the progress of the enquiry to relate to questions beyond

the legitimate scope of that Journal, while they would seem well

adapted for the pages of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,

that I have revised and added to the original paper, in the design of

its simultaneous publication in England and in India. I am the

more anxious that it should appear in the latter country, as there alone

can its higher aims be suitably discussed ; thence also must we seck

a due definition of the indigenous plants upon whose products these

weights are based, and a determination, by actual comparison of grow-

ing seeds, of the initiatory scheme of Indian Metrology. From that

continent must come the further ethnological and philological evi-

dence, which is to determine many of the questions I have ventured to

raise. Wherever the final decision may be pronounced, it is clear the

If witnesses are still mainly in the land whose past history is under

te investigation.— Hpwarp THomas|.

i The attention of archeologists has recently been attracted to the

weights and measures of ancient nations, by the elaborate work of M.

Queipo,! and the less voluminous, but more directly interesting article

—EeEeEyE—————

; “ 5 j

of Mr. R. 8. Poole, on the Babylonian and other early metrologies.?

ie At the present day, when ethnological inquiries engross such an un-

precedented share of public notice, any parallel study that may con-

tribute by material and tangible evidence to check erroneous, or

suitably aid and uphold sound theories, should be freely welcomed,

however much its details may threaten to prove tedious, or the locality

whence its data are drawn may be removed beyond the more favoured

f eircles of research.

The system of Indian weights, in its local development, though

: necessarily possessing a minor claim upon the consideration of the

i European world, may well maintain a leading position in the veneral

| 1, “Essai sur les Systémes Métriques et Monétaires des Anciens Peuples,”

i par Don V. Queipo, 3 vols. 8vo., Paris, 1859. See also a review of the same,

Journal des Savants, 1861, p. 229.

2, Article “ Weights,” Smith’s “ Dictionary of the Bible,” London, 1863.

202

On Ancient Indian Weights.

investigation, on the ground of its primitive and independent organisa-

tion, and the very ancient date at which its terms were embodied and

defined in writing ; while to numismatists it offers the exceptional

interest of possessing extant equivalents of the specified weights siven

in the archaic documentary record which Sanskrit literature, under the

regained faculty of interpretation acquired by Western scholars, proves

to have preserved in the text of the original code of Hindu law ; ag

professedly expounded by Manu, and incorporated in the “ Médnava

Dharma Sastra.” The positive epoch of this work is undetermined:

but 16 confessedly represents, in its precepts, a state of society consi-

derably anterior to the ultimate date of their collection and committal

to writing ;3 while the body of the compilation is assigned, on specu-

lative* grounds, to from B. c. 1280 to B. c. 880.

It isa singular and highly suggestive fact that numismatic testi.

mony should have already taught us to look for the site of the chief

seat of ancient civilisation in northern India, to the westward of the

upper Jumna—a tract, for ages past, relatively impoverished, For such

a deduction we have now indirect, but not the less valuable, historical

authority, derived in parallel coincidence from the comparative geo-

graphy of the Vedic period, and from the verbatim text of Manu, the

integrity of which seems, for the major part, to have been scrupulous-

ly preserved.

3. I trust that Huropean scholars will not imagine that I desire to ignore

Megasthenes’ statement, that the Indians had “ no written laws.’’ (Strabo,

xv. C. 1. § 58.) This is, indeed, precisely the testimony—seeing the source from

whence it was derived—we should expect from what we now know of Brahmani-

cal policy. As to the addition “who are ignorant even of writing,” this ridi-

culous assertion had previously been nullified by the more accurate information

of Nearchus (Strabo, xv. c.i. § 67), andis further conclusively refuted by the

incidental evidence contained in the remarkable passage in the same work, where

it is stated, * At the beginning of the new year all the philosophers repair to the

king at the gate, and anything useful which they have committed to writing,

or observed tending to improve the productions of the earth, &c. &c. d&e., is then

publicly declared.” (xv c.i. § 39).

4. Max Muller’s “Sanskrit Literature,” pp. 61, 62. “The code of Manu is

almost the only work in Sanskrit literature which has as yet not been assailed

by those who doubt the antiquity of everything Indian.”

Professor H. H. Wilson, though hesitating to admit the high antiquity of the

entire bulk of the composition, was fully prepared to assign many passages to a

date * at least” as early as 800 B.c.—Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i., note, p. 222, See

also Professor Wilson’s translation of the “ Rig Veda Sanhita,” i, p. xlvii. a

M. Vivien de St. Martin places Manu under “ la période des temps héroiques,

2. €., between the twelfth and thirteenth centuries B. ¢., and the Buddhist epoch

B C,, 543.—“ H'tude sur la Géographie et les Populations primitives de l’ Inde,

Paris, 1859,

[No. 3,

—!

SS —— <

= Se

——- ares

= —4

1864. | On Ancient Indian Weirghis. 253

The most prolific field among the favoured resorts of our native

eoin-collectors, in olden time, chanced to be the exact section of the

country constituting the Brahmavarta of the Hindu lawgiver ; and

Thaneswar—sinee so celebrated in the annals of the land, as the

battle-field of successive contending hosts—contributed, at its local

fairs, many of the choicest specimens of the inceptive currencies. In

this region the Aryans appear to have almost lost their separate

identity, and to have commenced the transitional process of merging

their ethnic individuality amid the resident population, though still

asserting religious and incidentally political supremacy. Such a state

of things seems vividly shadowed forth in the ethnological definitions

preserved in Manu; andit may possibly prove to be more than a

mere coincidence, that the geographical distribution of the limits of

“ Brakmarsht, as distinguished from Brahmdévarta,” in the same pas-

sage, should so nearly be identical with the general boundaries I have

already traced, from independent sources, for the spread of the Bactri-

an alphabet in its Southern course.

I reproduce my latest observations on this subject.

“The Bactrian, Arian, or Arianian alphabet, unlike its southern contem-

porary, the Indian Pali, has no pretension whatever to an indigenous origina.

tion; 1b would seem to have accompanied or followed, in its archaic and imper-

fect form, the Aryan immigration from Media, based as it manifestly is upon

an alphabet cognate with the Phcenician, We are unable to trace its progres-

sive adaptation from the scanty literal signs of early Semitic writing; as we

first find it, in an advanced stage of maturation, in an inscription on the

Kapurdigiri rock in the Peshawar valley (lat. 34° 20/, lone. 72° 12’), where it

embodies the substance of the edicts of Asoka, whose corresponding mani-

festoes in the Indian-Pali character are so largely distributed over the continent

of India,° and the general date of whose incision may be approximatively fixed

at 246 8.0.8. How much further south this character may have penetrated at

this period we have no direct evidence to show, but it is to be remarked that

the same king Asoka simultaneously retains the Indian proper alphabet in his

monumental inscriptions at Khizrabad? and at Khalsi,® near the débouchement

©. Rock Inscriptions :—1, Girnar, in Guzerat. 2. Khalsi, on the’ Upper Jumna.

3, Dhauli, m Cuttack. 4. Naugaum, in Ganjam, 5, Bhabra, in J aipur.

Monolithic inscriptions:—1. Khizrabad, on the Upper Jumna. 2: Meerut

(both moved to Delhi), 3. Allahabad. 4, Rédhia, in Sérun. 5. Mattiah. in

the same locality. :

6. “Journ, Royal Asiatic Soc,” xx. 101; “ Prinsep’s Essays,” ii, 15, ct seq.

7. * Prinsep’s Essays,” ii. 324.

8. “Journ, As, Soc. Bengal,” 1862, p. 99.

Pilehubae dora ‘

dala oth arp cetera =i ye

Se ane hs

SDMA IS

* T

Pas

2 *

Pea

+ &

Pas

Nie

- +f

—

—S

‘a -

a ,

LENO W RR

ate a? toi

SUNS RS rar iron he WE

\ ear

Ag ar i

Tee RTA

aeRO RESEU mre

Sh ahey aren, eerie.

\ 45 |

t :

ao On Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 3,

of the Jumna from the Himalaya range ; while the employment of the latter

character by Agathocles and Pantaleon would imply its currency within, or

proximately south of the provinee of Arachosia. Then again, certain coins of a

kingdom on the Upper Jumna, pertaining to a native dynasty of indeterminate

date,? but whose epoch may not be very distantly removed from the period

under review, are found to be inscribed with the Arian character on the ong

surface, with a corresponding legend in Indian-Péli onthe reverse, Tn this

instance also, the internal evidence would seem to show that the latter was the

alphabet of the mint artificers, while the former may reasonably be Supposed

to have constituted. the official writing of the ruling classes, Under this view,

it may be conjectured that the Arian paleeography encroached upon and inter.

mingled with the indigenous: system of letters as the dominant Northern races

extended their dominions, in successive waves, further into Hindustan, till the

intrusive alphabet reached Mathura, (lat. 27°'30', long. 77° 45°), which is the

lowest point at which any indications of its progress are to be found,}° Whence,

however, it was speedily to be thrown. back, and very shortly superseded and

extinguished by its-more flexible and congruous associate of indigenous: growth.”

(Numismatic Chronicle, 1863, p: 230.1")

As I have claimed for the Pre-Aryan Indians the independent de-

velopment of an alphabet specially contrived for, and adapted to, their

9. “Coins of Kunanda, “ Ariana Antiqua,” pl. xv. fig. 23 ; Prinsep’s Essays,’

i. pl. iv. fig. 1 p. 203; Tbid., ii..p. Ixix. fic. 16,

10. Mathura Inscription, dated in Bactrian. figures, “Journ. As. Soc. Bengal,’

1861, p. 427; Coins, Prinsep’s Hssays,” ii. 197.

11. I recapitulate the leading inscriptions in this alphabet :—1. Hidda (No.

18), near Jellalabad, in Afghanistan, An earthen jar, having an. Arian inscrip-

tion, written in ik, and dated in the year 8, “Ariana Antiqua,’ p. 111, and

plate, p. 262. 2, A steatite vase from Bimirén (Jellalabad), with a legend

scratched on its surface, undated. “ Ariana Antiqua,” pp. 52, 70, pl. ii. fig. 1;

“Prinsep’s Essays,” 1.107, pl. vi. 3. The Wardak (80 miles W. of Kabul)

Brass Vase, now in the India Museum, inscribed with dotted letters, dated 10

the year 51, and recording the name of Hushka, the OOHPKI of the coins;

see “ Ariana Antiqua,’ p. 118; “ Prinsep,” i. 104, pl. x; “Journ. As. Soe.

Bengal,” No. iv. of 1861; “ Journ, Royal As. Soc.,” xx. 37, The Taxila Plate,

dated 78, records the name of “ Moga,” identified with the Moa of the COINS ;

“ Num. Chron.,” Bactrian List, No xxv. 5. Manikyala Stone Slab. (now in the

Bibliothéque Impériale, Paris), dated in the year 18, contains the designation of

Kanishka ; “ Prinsep’s Essays, i. pl. ix.; “ Journ. Royal As. Soc.” xx. 251.

From the same site was obtained the Brass Cylinder now im the British Muse-

um; “ Prinsep,’ pl. vi. To these may be added two inscriptions from the

Yusafzai country, one dated 60; “Journ. As. Soc. Bengal,” 1854, p. 4 00 ;

“ Prinsep,” i. pl. ix.: and the bi-literal inscription at Kangra (Arian and Indos

Pali), “ Prinsep,” i. 159, pl. ix.

[The mention of OOHPKI reminds me, that Gen. Cunningham has complained

m our Journal, of my having given the credit of the identification of that name

with Hushka, to another. I have already taken the very earliest opportunity of

correcting this unintentional error (Journal Asiatique, Octobre 1863. p. 387.)

T availed myself of the same occasion, to express my regret that I, myself, had

=e,

1864. | On Ancient Indian Weights. | O55

own lingual requirements, similarly it can be shown, from as valid

internal indications, that they originated, altogether on their own soil,

that which has so often proved a nation’s unassailable heritage of its

indigenous civilisation—a system of weights and measures, which

retained tts primitive identity in the presence of the dominant exotie

nationality. it is indisputable that the intrusive Aryans, at whatever

period their advent is to be placed, met and encountered a people,

already dwelling in the land, of far higher domestic civilisation and

material culture than themselves. Whether their eventual supremacy

was due to undiminished northern energy, animal physique, or mental

subtlety, does not concern us at present; but independent of the

inner-life evidences to that effect, a parallel inference might be drawn

from the indirect data of the contrasted tenor of the hymns of the

Rig Veda,!® which while indicating a crude social condition, refer

almost exclusively to the country of the Seven Rivers ; whereas Manu,

at a date but moderately subsequent, associates the far higher pro-

gress manifested in the body of the work with a more easterly seat of

authority, and while asserting no community with things or people

beyond or to the westward of the Saraswati, arrogates for the existing

representatives of the Aryans a dominance over kindred kingdoms

extending, in the opposite direction, down the Ganges to Kanauj_

But, in demanding credence for the simple gift of invention arising

out of manifest wants among the already thrice commixed, and in so

failed to do homage for a rectification of his, to which, he, I understand, attaches

Somewhat of undue importanee, that is to say, the substitution of an M. in the

place of Prinsep’s P, as the third consonant in the name of Toramana (J. A.S,

B. vil. 683). It might have been necessary, in early days, to reclaim titles to

discoveries made by Lieut. A. Cunningham, (J. A. 8S. B. 1854, p. 7 14.) but surely

the ‘Bays’ of the Archeological Surveyor to the Govt. of India can afford to

lose a faded leaf with scant damage to the green circlet! |

12. Prinsep’s “ Essays,” London, 1858, ii. 43; Num. Chron,, 1863, p- 226.

13. Wilson, “ Rig Veda Sanhita,” iii. pp. xvili. xix., London, 1857; Vivien St,

Martin, “‘ H’tude sur la Géographie * * * d’aprés les Hymns Védiques,” Paris,

1859, p. 89. 3

14. “Journal As. Soe. Bengal,” 1862, p. 49; Max Miiller’s “ Rig Veda,” pre-

face to. text, iv. pp. xxv.—xxxiv. “The traditional position of the golstitial

points, as recorded in the Jyotisha,” is calculated by Archdeacon Pratt to refer

to 1181 B.c., and by the Rev. R. Main to 1186 8.c. See also p. lxxxvii. on the

subject of Bentley’s date, 1424-—5 B.c.

ior speculative dates concerning the Vedas, see also Max Miiller, “ Sanskrit

Lit.” pp. 244, 300, &.; Wilson, “Rie Veda,” i, 47, ii. 1: St. Martin, p. xix, ;

M. Barthélemy St. Hilaire, Journal des Savants, 1861, p. 53; Dr. Martin Haug,

“ Aitareya Brahmana,” Bombay, 1863; Goldstticker, “ Panini,” p. 72, &c,

‘

256 On Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 3,

far improved! local inhabitants, as opposed to the Aryan assumption

of the introduction of all knowledge, I am by no means prepared to

contend that the doniiciled races gained nothing in return. The very

contact of mdependently-wrought civilisations, to whatever point each

had progressed, could not fail mutually to advantage both one and the

ee other; the question to be asked is, which of the two was best pre-

te ce pared to receive new lights, and to utilise and incorporate ‘the inci-

Se a dental advantages within their own body politie? The obvious result

in this case, though denoting the surrender by one nation of all their

marked individuality, by no means implies that they did not carry

with them their influence, and a powerful one moreover, and affect

materially the character of the people among whom, at the end of

their wanderings, they introduced a priestly absolutism, which has

progressively grown and increased rather than lost power till very

recently over all India.

But here again a most important query forces itself wpon our con-

sideration. The Aryans are acknowledged to have been in a very bar-

barous state on their first entry into the land of the Sapta Sindhu.16

itis not known how long a period they consumed in traversing six

out of the seven streams, or what opportunities may have been

afforded for social improvement during the movement ; but even by

their own showing in the sacred hymns of the ktig Veda, the Aryans,

when they had reached the banks of the Saraswati, were still but very

imperfectly civilised. The Dasyus, or indigenous races, with whom

they came in contact in the Punjaub, may well also have been in a

comparatively undeveloped stage of national progvess ; while the in-

habitants of the kingdoms on the Jumna seem to have been far ad-

yanced in civil and political refinement.!” Ts it not, therefore, possible,

15. “ We have therefore, according to the views just summarily expounded, four

separate strata, so to speak, of the population in India:—1}. The forest tribes

ee ee » who may have entered India from the north-east. 2. The Dravidians,

: | who entered India from the north-west 3. The race of Scythian

or non-Arian immigrants from the north-west, whose language afterwards united

with the Sanskrit to form the Prakrit dialects of Northern India. 4. The Arian

invaders.” . . . .—Muir’s “Sanskrit Texts,” ii. p. 487. See also Caldwell’s

** Dravidian Grammar.” ees

fase a 16, St. Martin, p. 91.

AES 17. Professor Wilson while speaking of the ultimate self-development of the

eee ee Aryans in the Punjab, remarks, “It [is] indisputable that the Hindus of the

Yordtk era had attained to an advanced stage of civilisation, little, if at all, dif:

= SS

—

——7

tas;

——

——— a a

+= zi Sa

i — Ss

Se /SP

_ @ so

= => —

= —

——

=—

1864: | On Ancient Indian Weights. 257

if not probable, that when the Aryan flint, at the end of its course,

struck against the Indian steel, sparks were emitted that flashed

brightly on the cultivated intellects of a fixed and now thoroughly

organised and homogeneous nation, whose leading spirits quickly saw

and appreciated the opportunity afforded in the suggestion of a new

religion, that was capable of being evolved, by judicious treatment, out

of the rude elemental worship, aided forcibly by the mystification of

the exotic and clearly superior language of the Aryans, which came

so opportunely in company P18 The narrow geographical strip, to

which the promoters of this creed confined the already arrogant priest-

ly element, intervening between the two nationalities, would seem to

savour more of an esoteric intention than of any natural result of

conquest or of progressive power, achieved by the settlement of an

intellectually higher class. That the Aryans should be able so com-

pletely to divest themselves of their national entity and leave no trace

behind them, would be singular in itself; but the concentration of all

god-like properties on a mere boundary line, so much insisted upon as

Brahmanism grew and pushed its forces downwards into the richer

countries of Hindustan, while it ignored both the land of the nativity

of its votaries and the site of their later more advantageous domestica-

tion, forms a fair subject for present speculation and future deliberate

investigation. But this in itself is a matter only incidental to my

special subject, and I return to the question, that if the Aryans were

so far instructed on their first immigration as to bring with them, or

subsequently to import and amplify, the Phoenician alphabet, and

similarly to secure its transmission, even as a secondary system of

fering from that in which they were found by the Greeks at Alexander’s inva-

sion, although no doubt they had not spread so far to the east, and were located

chiefly in the Punjab and along the Indus.”’—‘ Rig. Veda,” ii. p. xvii, Iam

inclined to question this latter inference; I do not think the civilisation evi-

denced in the text of the *“* Rig Veda” by any means equal to that discovered at

the advent of the Greeks; indeed, it would be an anomaly that the Aryans,

while occupied in pressing their way onwards, in constant hostility with the

local tribes, should have made a proporticnately greater progress in national

culture than they did in the subsequent six or seven centuries of fixed residence

in their new home within the five rivers.

18. A late writer in the Westminster Review 1864, p. 154, has justly remarked

that the 1026 incoherent hymns of the “ Rig Veda’ constituted but a poor stock

in trade whereon to found a new religion. Nor do the Soma “ inspired” Rishis

by whom they were “‘ seen” appear, from the internal evidence of their crude

chants, to have possessed mental qualifications such as should have been equal

to the origination of the higher intellectual structure of Brahmanism.

Dot

i—_=

’ =i

ais

pose

ihe

: i £

=~ a

Eat

738

»~ *

iow

ois

a=.

, 3

_ ar

258 On Ancient indian Wi eights. [ No.

writing, over all the country of the Brahmarshis, it would be rash to

attempt to place a limit on the amount of Chaldean or other western

sciences that may have accompanied these cursive letters,!9 which,

either directly or indirectly, travelled eastward from the borders of

Mesopotamia to the banks of the Ganges. And clearly, if the oram-

marian Pann’s age has been rightly determined by his special

modern commentator,” Bactrian writing, or YF, avandm-lipt,2 must

have been freely current at Taxila at and before p.c. b4:3, even as it

subsequently became the ruling alphabet in those parts, so as to

appear as the Inscription character under Asoka (2.¢. 246) in the

Peshawar valley, and to hold its own as the official method of expres-

sion i concurrence with the local Pali as low down as Mathura up to

amuch later period. Under these evidences of the spread of Aryan

elvilisation in India, there will be little or no difficulty in admitting

that much of what has hitherto been esteemed as purely indigenous

knowledge, may, even thus early, have been improved and matured by

the waifs and strays of the discoveries of very distant nations, without

in any way detracting from or depreciating the independent origin-

ality of local thought, or the true marvels India achieved unaided by

foreign teaching.

In illustration of. the preceding remarks, and as the necessary

definition of the boundaries of the kingdom to which our initial series

of coins refer, I transcribe in full a translation of the original passage

from Manu.

Manu, ii., 17.22 ** Between the two divine rivers, SARASWATI and DRISHAD-

watt | Chitang ], lies the tract of land which the sages have named BrauMma’VARTA,

19. We have indirect evidence to show that this style of writing was in very

early currency in association with the monumental cuneiform, I assume that

wherever, in the ancient sculptures, we see two scribes employed—the one using

a style and marking a clay tablet, the other writing upon a flexible substance—

the latter is using cursive Babylonian, or what hag since been convention-

ally recognised as Phcenician. M. BH. Renan considers it is satisfactorily esta-

blished, that the Jews used “ phénico-babylonien” letters, at their coming out of

Kgypt, now placed in x. c, 1312. Renan, ‘ Langues Sémitiques,’ pp- 108, 216,

&c. Prinsep’s Essays, ii, 145.

20. Goldstiicker, “‘ Pdmini, his place in Sanskrit Literature,’ London, 1861, pp.

12, 227; so also Alwis, “ Pali Grammar,” Colombo, 1863, p. xli.; and Cole-

brooke’s “ Misc. Hssays,” ii. p, 4.

21. Max Miller, “Sanskrit Lit,,” London, 1859, p. 521 ; and preface to text of

* Rig Veda,” London, 1862, vol. iv. p. ixxiv. Fe

22. Sir W. Jones’s works, London, 1799, vol, iii.; Haughton, “ Hindu Law,

p- 22,

1864. | On Ancient Indian Weights. 259

because it was frequented by gods.23 18. The custom preserved by immemorial

tradition in that country, among the four pwre classes, and among those which are

mixed, is called approved usage. 19, KuRuKsHEeTra [modern Dehli], Marsya

[on the Jumna |, Pancua’La [Kanyakubja, Kanaw |, and Surnasena [or Mathura],

form the region called BraHMmarsHi, distinguished from BranMa’vaRTs. 20.

From a Bralvman who was born in that country, let all men on earth learn their

several usages. 21, That country which lies between Himawar and VINDHYA,

to the east of VinasaNa [where the Sarasvati disappears in the desert?4] and

to the west of Praya’ca | Allahabad |, is celebrated by the title of MapHYaDESA.

[or the central region |. 22, As far as the eastern and as far as the western

oceans, between the two mountains just mentioned, lies the tract which the wise

have named ARyYa’vaRTa [or inhabited by respectable men]. 23. That land on

which the black antelope naturally grazes is held fit for the performance of sacri-

fices; but the land of Murcumas [or those who speak barbarously | differs widely

from it. 24. Let the three first classes invariably dwell in those before-men-

tioned countries; but a Su’pRa, distressed for subsistence, may sojourn wher-

ever he chooses.” #5

Tt is reasonable to infer that, as a general rule, all schemes of

weights among an isolated people, initiating their own social laws,

should preferably be based upon some obvious unit of universal access,

rather than upon any higher measure of weight, which might natur-

ally result, under authoritative legislation, from progressive increments

on the lower basis. So that, in testing the intentional ratios of early

times by the extant money designed in accordance with the contem-

poraneous tables, it will be safer to proceed from the lowest tangible

limit of the seale, in preference to accepting any superior denomina-

tion as a standard whence to reduce, by division, the component ele-

ments involved. The intuitive unit of weight, among an imperfectly

formed agricultural community, would naturally be the most generally

23. For the comparative geography of this tract, see Journal As. Soc. Bengal,

ii. LO6. Major Colvin, vii. 752. ix. 688, Lt. Baker, xiii, 297. Major Mackeson,

Hiliot’s Glossary of Indian Terms, p. 78.

24. Muir, ‘ Sanskrit Texts,” u, pp. 415—418. Wilson, Rig Veda Sanhita iii,

pp. xvili,—xix, St. Martin pp. 15, 73.

25. Mr. Muir has given us a new translation of this celebrated passage, which,

as it differs from the above in the introductory portion, I annex in a separate

note.

“The tract, fashioned by the gods, which lies between the two divine riverg,

Sarasvati and Drishadvati, is called Brahmavartta. The usage relating to castes

and mixed castes, which has been traditionally received in that country, is called

the pure usage. The country of Kurukshetra (in the region of modern Delhi),

and of the Matsyas (on the Jumna), Panchalas (in the vicinity of modern Ka-

nanj,) and Stirasenas (in the district of Mathura), which adjoins Brahmavartta,

38 the land of the Brahmarshis (divine Rishis).”—-“ Sanskrit Texts,” li. p. 417.

wae

i 2

rg aa by ne Due 5 f CaN &

: . +e vf ‘ ya ae 5

Nos ANAL NASA bau

960 On Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 3,

available and comparatively equable product of nature; in the form

of seeds of cultivated or other indigenous plants; and in the Indian

instance we find, after some definitions of inappreciable lower quanti-

ties, the scale commencing with a minute poppy seed, passing on to

the several varieties of black and white mustard seed, barley-corns,

and centering in that peculiarly Indian product, the Rati, or seed of

the wild Gunja creeper, Abrus precatoris |Sanskrit, Krishnala or

ftaktika|, which forms the basis of all local weights, and whose repre-

sentatives of modern growth still retain their position as adjuncts to

every goldsmith’s and money-changer’s scales. Next to the rati in

ascending order comes the dJZasha, which in its universal acceptance

has almost achieved the title to be considered as a second unit or

ponderable standard, and, as such, its name now primarily signifies

“an elementary weight ;”26 but on reverting to its earlier equivalent

meanings it would seem that the term, in its original static sense, like

the whole of the weights hitherto quoted, referred to another of

Nature’s gifts, the seed of the Indian-bean (Phaseolus radiatus,

(gore cele ),27 which, like the rati, claims especially an Indian habitat

as an extensively cultivated plant; and, to complete their associate

identities, the bean as at present raised would seem to correspond with

the weight assigned to it nearly 3,0G0 years ago, and to average about

the amount of five ratis. The next advance upon the masha is, in the

gold table, a swvarna, a word meaning gold itself, and which probably

implies in this case the particular divisional quantity of that metal

which in earlier times constituted the conventional piece or lump

eurrent in commerce. While the silver increment on the masha 1s

designated by the optional title of purdna, or old, which may be

supposed to allude to the, even then, recognition of this measure ot

value as emanating from high antiquity ; and it is precisely the re-

quired amount in corresponding ratis of silver incorporated in the

earliest extant prototype of coins I am now about to exhibit.28 The

26. Wilson’s “* Glossary of Indian Terms,” “ Masha....an elementary weight

in the system of goldsmiths’ and jewellers’ weights throughout India, and the

basis of the weight of the current silver coin.”

27. Wilson’s “ Sanskrit Dictionary,” Calcutta, 1832, sub voce, “ Masha.”

28. J. A.S. B. iv. Plate xxxv. figs. 25—29, Prinsep’s Essays, Pl. xx. figs. 25—29

and vol, i. pp. 53, 209, 211. Madras Journal of Lit, and Science, 1858, p. 220.

Mr. W. Elliot, These pieces of metal, or “ punch coins” as Prinsep named them,

average about 62 grains. | have met with one as high as 54 er. and Mr. W. ai

gives one at 64°2 gr, Supposing an original Mint issue at 55 grains, the authorize¢

—— i ~ ag. Tq ya

1864. | On Ancient Indian Weaghts. 261

higher denomination of the silver Satamdna”® is also derived from the

vegetable kingdom, but unlike the lower divisions, whieh are defined

by single grains, this weight is produced by one hundred seeds of the

Alocasia Indica. When the precise plant, which furnished the Mana

seed for the early standard, is satisfactorily determined, the result

will doubtless prove the near equivalent of 100 Manas to 320 Ratis—

which, it will be seen, comprised the identical amount required for the

weight of the gold Wishka,2° whose minor constituents are, however,

formed upon a different gradational scale, though equally emanating

from the conventional Mati unit. I need not follow the nomenclature

of the larger divisions of weights in the joint tables, but before closing

the inquiry | would revert for a moment to the leading point I desire

to establish, that the Indians were not mdebted to the Aryans for

their system of weights; the latter, in fact, when tried by the test of

the hymns of the “ Rig Veda,’ would seem to have been very ill versed

i i in the #lora Indica, an extensive knowledge of which was clearly

i necessary for, and is evidenced in, the formation of the scale of propor- :

Vi) tions. Indeed, although the Vedic Aryans often invoked their gods i :

via to aid their agriculture, the result so little availed them that their | =

at efforts at cultivation were apparently confined to barley, in the raising ; :

1 of which even they do not seem to have been always successful.3! | a

‘ The next question to be examined is the distribution of the arith- @

, metical numbers whereby the process of multiplication was conducted.

Mr. Poole has laid 1t down as a law for Mesopotamian metrology that,

| “all the older systems are divisible by either 6,000 or 3,600. ‘The

6,000th or 3,600th part of the talent is a divisor of all higher weights

and coins, and a multiple of all lower weights and coins, except

its #rds.’’82

a Rati of Manu’s time, would range at 1.71875 grains or allowing 56 grains for

ip the standard, the return of the rati weight would be 56+32—1.75 ; an amount I

ay am inclined to adopt upon other grounds. We must not be misled by the more

i's modern weight the rati eventually attained, as it rose, in account, with the

rise of mdshas and tolas,

29. wa ata, Wilson makes it, ya 100, ara measure, See, however, B.

i alg Ss. aaa “Arum Indicum.’ Carey, Hort, Ben. pp. 56. 65. Asiatic Res. x,

19.“ Mén Kacht,” Dr. Thomson has sent mea seed of the winp Alocasia fallaw

from Khasia, which itself weighs 24 grains. :

" 30. Nishka occurs in second Ashtaka of the Rig Veda. Wilson, ii. p. 17.

31. Wilson’s “ Rig Veda,” i. pp. xli., lvii., and iii, p--x1

a Mr, Poole has favoured me with the subjoined revised list of ancient metric

systems :—

Fie

vee

—

269 On Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 3

The sixes and sixties of the banks of the Euphrates®3 find no coun-

terpart to the southward of the Sewalik range beyond the inevitable

ten and the included five. The system, like all else pertaining to 16,

had its own independentiy devised multiple, the four: Whether the

first suggestion of this favourite number was derived from the four

fingers of the hand, four-footed beasts, or the higher flight of the four

elements, we need not pause to inquire, ‘bak the Indians have at all times

displayed an unprecedented faculty for tigures, and were from the first

able to manipulate complicated arithmetical problems, and especially

delighted in fabulous totals ; but with all this they have ever evinced

their allegiance to the old 4, which we find in its place of honour

in the earliest extant writings andinscriptions. As the nations of the

West, to meet their own wants, speedily produced a separate symbol

for five,?* and abbreviated the five perpendicular strokes of the Phosni-

cian into<. The Indians, apart from their indigenous Pali signs for 4,

simplified the tedious repetition of the four lines the Bactrian wri iting

had brought with it from Mesopotamia into a cross like a Roman

X, which was doubled to form eight, while they left the five utterly

uncared for, to follow in a measure the original Phcenician method of

Authori-

tative Practical Unit.

Grains. Divisional Scale, Unit. Coins.

Hebrew Gold (double) 1,320,000 —- 100 = 100 = 132 or.

SOTO NS sac sans 660,000 — 3000 — == 220 220 shekel.

Babylonian (full) ...... 959,040 -- 60 —~ 120 = 133-2 [126-7] 84:5 siglos,

or—=- 60— 60 = 266°4

: 60 — 60 = 183:2

3000 = 13832 129 Daric.

140 Ke T.

- lesser ...... 479,520

Persian Gold ...,........ _ 399,600

Heyptian 4, ...s0ccs.., 840,000 :

AW OINCTAN, . 6. cases yeevee 660,000 60 — 100 = 110 110

Attic (commercial), an ee 60 + 100 = 99.8

(Solonian), ......

480,260 [=

120100 = 71-7] 675

55 (lowered), ...... 598, 9 = 60+100— 93:1 923

»» (ditto double), . 860,020 60 = 100: == 717 11 7

», (ditto lowered), 405,000 — 60—100=— 67°5

HUM OIC = sera cl cases tate ce 387,000 [— 6000 == 645] 57:0 denarius.

Hegyptian Copper. A. 1400 gr.= 1 Men. Hebrew Copper. 250 er.= 4

B. 700 ,, = 5 Ket, 125-5 =

C. 2 280 , = 5) 83'S sy +

D. 140 , ele

Ho 70. 2

33. Sir H. Rawlinson, * Journal Roy al ‘Asiatic 0K ciety,’ xv. p. 217,

34, Gesenius, p.88; M. Pihan, ‘ Siones de Numération usités chez les Peuples

Orientaux,’ Paris, 1860, p. L67,

1864. | On Ancient Indian Weights. 2638 :

IX, or 4 plus 1 = 5.35 Of course the Indian table of weights had im :

practice to have its lower proportionate atoms accommodated to the

weights actually pertaining to. the seeds in each instance, but the ‘

} higher gradations are uniformly grounded upon fours and tens ; and :

ul a: show how distinctly the idea of working by fours was fixed in the :

iJ minds of men, we find the gradational system of fines in Manu (vu. :

1 337) progressively stated as “ 8, 16, 32, 64.” So much for the anti- ‘

quarian evidences, and to prove the custom at the other extreme of 4

the chain ef testimony and its survival within a nation of almost :

Chinese fixity, it may be asserted that the whole vulgar arithmetic 1s :

primarily reckoned by gandas = “ fours,’ and in the modern bazars

| of India the unlettered cultivator may frequently be seen having a :

5 complicated account demonstrated to him by the aid of a series of :

i fours, represented, as the case may be, by cowrie-shells, or grains of :

4 pulse. I pass by other elements of calculation, such as the favourite :

iy 84 (7 x 12)36 which might bring me into contest with the astrono- :

th mers, and content myself with resting this portion of my case on the

le coincidences already cited, as I conelude the most ardent upholder :

it of Aryan supremacy can hardly arrogate for that ethnic division of 7.

| the human race any speciality in fours.®” : =

; I now proceed to quote the passage from Manu defining the author- : =

i ised weights and equivalents of gold and silver, which I have cast into : =

‘| a tabular form as more readily explanatory of the text, and as simpli- : =

J) fying the reference to relative scales of proportion. : _

" viii. 131. “Those names of copper, silver, and gold [weights| : =

| which are commonly used among men for the purpose of worldiy z

{ business, I will now comprehensively explain. 1382. The very small 2°

mote which may be discerned in a sunbeam passing through a lattice ae

is the first of quantities, and men cail it a trasarenu. 1938. Eight of =

| those trasarenus are supposed equal in weight to one minute poppy- | z

“ seed (likhya) three of those seeds are equal to one black mustard- 7

ps seed (rdja sarshapa), and three of these last to a white mustard-seed 2

: ( gaura-sarshapa). 134. Six white mustard-seeds are equal to a ;

f 35. “ Journal Royal ‘Asiatic Society,” xix. p. 12. Pas

36, See an admirable essay on this number, under the head of “ Chourasee,” : oe

| in Sir H, M. Elhot’s “ Glossary of Indian Terms,” Agra, 1845. i ES

37. M. Pictet, who has SO jaboriously collected all and everything pertainine : Z

r to the Aryans, in Hs * Paleontologie Linguistique, ’ does not even notice the | io

i) nunber!—“ Les Origines Indo-europeennes,’” Paris, 1863, p. 565, 2

2M 2

Nes a

OL ee ORT en ee ty as

‘

G4, On Ancient Indian Weights. [ No. 33 ;

middle-sized barley-corn (yava), three such barley-corms to one |

krishnala [vaktika|], five krishnalas of gold are one masha, and six-

teen such mdshas one suvarna. 185. Four swvearnas make a pula,

ten palas a dharana, but two krishnalas weighed together are consi-

dered as one silver mashaka. 136. Sixteen of those mashakas are g

silver dharana, or purdéna, but a copper kérsha is known to be a pana

or karshapana. 187. Ten dharanas of silver are known by the name

of a satamana, and the weight of four suvarnas has also the appellation

of a nishka.”’®

Ancient InDIAN System oF WeIGuHTS (from Mann, eap. viii. § 134),

eee SILVER.

2 =e eS 2ratis == 1 masha.

: : ee pee : = anne

320 55 = OOH 4g 10 = 1 satamana,

Gop. s

5 ratis == Imasha. |

80, | ee ee i suvarna, |

ee i

3200 ,, = 640 , = 40 4 + +%.|=|= 10 ,, =1dharana |

Coprer.39 |

Karshapana. | f

As there are some obscurities in the detail of the weights given in

Manu, I have referred to the next succeeding authority on Hindu 4

law, the Dharma-Sastra of Yajnavalkya, whose date is variously attri- |

buted from a period shortly before Vikramaditya, or B.c. 57 to 50 ap. }

His tables are nearly identical with those aiready quoted,*! one un- |

ee 38. “Hindu Law, or the Ordinances of Manu,” by G. ©. Haughton, London,

i ise 1825, and works of Sir W. Jones, London, 1799, vol. iii. Haughton’s transla-

aa tion has been modified as above by my friend, Mr. J. Muir.

39, Mr. Muir has communicated to me the following note on the copper weight.

Se **Kulltiika Bhatta (the Sanskrit Commentator on Manu) explains that lexicogra-

ps! phers declare a Kérshika or Karsha to be the fourth of a pala,” But 5 Krishna-

= das or Raktikas being equal to a Mdsha and 16 mashas = 1 suvarna, and 4 }

suvarnas = 1 pala; a pala will equal 5 % 16 % 4 = 320 krishnalas, and a karsha

being 4 of a pala, will equal 72° = 80 krishnalas. :

Bis ige _ 40. Lassen, “Ind. Alt.,” ii, 374, 470, 510. Dr. Roer, “ Yajnavalkya,” Calcutta,

Same 1859, p. 11; M. Miiller, “ Sanskrit Lit.,” 330; Stentzler (Qnd Cent. A.D.)

Sie ee Al. Sec, 632. Five krisnala berries = 1 masha, 16 mashas = 1 suvarna. Sec. ue

363. A pala is 4 or 5 suvarnas. Two krishnalas area silver mésha; 16 of the

ee latter a dharana. Sec. 364. A satamdna and a pala are each equal to 10 dha- |

ce ranas; a nishka is 4 suvarnas.” “ -* Note. In the corresponding slokas of i

= ‘Manu, 10 palas are said to be equivalent to 1 dharana. We can only reconcile

this by supposing Manu to refer to a gold pala, and Yajnavalkya to a silver pa-

la. The Sanskrit commentator adds, under Copper, 4 karshags = pala, 1 pana

= karsha, 4. e. $ pala,

1864..] On Ancient Indian, Weights. 265

important but reasonable variant being the assignment of three white

mustard seeds instead of six to the barley-corn. There are some ap-

parent contradictions and complications regarding palas and suvarnas,

and no additional information respecting the weight of the copper-

measure of value, which is described in Dr. Roer’s translation as

vaguely asin Manu, “a copper pana is of the weight of a karsha,”

and as the English commentator justly observes, the tables “ by ne

means satisfactorily define the intrinsic weight and signification of the

‘Pana, which as the measure of pecuniary penalty” would naturally be

of the greatest impurtance. It is to be remarked that neither Manu

nor Y4éjnavalkya refer in any way to the Cowrie sheli currency, which

was clearly in these days a seaboard circulation ; nor 1s any mention

made of the tola, which subsequently plays so leading a part in Indian

metrology. So much for the weights and their relative proportions

enter se. I shall defer any examination of the corresponding equiva-

lents in the English standard till I can apply the results to the extant

coins of the period.

Before taking leave of this division of the subject, | am anxious to

meet, in anticipation, an objection which may possibly strike philologists

as hostile to the general position I have sought to maintain in this

paper; inasmuch as it may be held that the fact of the several divi-

sions of the static tables being expressed in Sanskrit words, should,

prima facie, imply that the Sanskrit-speaking “ Aryans” originated.

the system upon which the gradational scales were based. But it must

be remembered that the entire work from whence these data are de-

rived is written in the Sanskrit language, its very exotic character

justifying the inference that it was so embodied, not with a view to

vulgar use, but for the purposes of a superiorly educated or, more

probably, of an exclusive class. Moreover, it is to be borne in mind

that the speech itself, though foreign, had for many centuries been par-

tially introduced into the land, and constituted the chosen means of

expression of the dominant religious and occasional temporal authority.

But apart from these considerations there remains to me the more

comprehensive question as to how much of the Sanskrit tongue of our

modern dictionaries, at this time undergoing the process of formation and

maturation on Indian soil, was indebted to the local speech ? It can be

shown from sound palzographic, as well as from philological testimony,

that the intermingling Aryans borrowed Dravidian letters to improve

aM 2

Tha me

ee,

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La esos:

2 tend

LD CEP APTS

kh A

VVER AR AGE

SER AE OSEAN IMAI R Ce Peer CN eri ECE Rear errant fn APEC ay MUN a eae GRICE PORE ee eT HCH

ME RES MM A se wae yh) Ly BARA es WRAP iM) Wy URIBE Re a ia Pee aa ho fA Aine Tae I Te

r 4 Ny VPUry y L A } y

, 4 - rote

a ’

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cok ois nc ae ae

roe Bath

966 On Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 3,

their then imperfect alphabet, adopted Dravidian words till lately

classed as Aryan,“ and as we have seen, by the inherent evidence of the

Bactrian character, appropriated a very large amount of Indian P4li

design in the mechanical construction of the vocalic and other portions

of their needfully amplified Semitic writing.44

, IT had written thus far, with growing doubts about the universality

of the Indo-Germanic speech in India, when it occurred to me to in.

quire if Dravidian roots might not throw light upon the clearly

misunderstood meaning of the passage in Manu, defining the value of

a copper kdrshapana. The result has more than answered my expect-

ations, as I find the Tamil hdsu, * corruptly “cash,” described ag

“coin, money in general,” and among the details it is mentioned that

ponakdsu, vennikasu, and pettalaikésu still exist as the vernacular

terms severally for gold, silver, and copper coins, while the corre-

With these

hints a new and intelligible translation of the verse a THT faaaz-

weiian: aifaa: qu: may be proposed, to the effect ae a ce karshie

pana is to be understood (to be) a comed copper pana.” If this in-

sponding verb kdsadikka primarily means “to coin.”

terpretation will stand criticism, we have indeed the new phase of the

Indian monetary system, that the earliest Sanskrit authority on such

subjects extant, dating between 1280 and 880 B.C., recognises as an

ordinary fact the institution of coined money, while the context proves

how much of Dravidian civilisation still remained in the Upper Pro-

vinces, and how little competent subsequent Sanskrit commentators .

on Manu’s text were to appreciate anything beyond their own con: jars

fined views and conventional teachings.

42. Norris, R. A. S., xv. p,19. “The Seythie Version of the Behistun In-

scription ‘of Dar Tus,” Caldwell, 6 Dravidian Grammar,” pp. 48, 10%, 111 ; ; Prin.

Sep’s “ Essays,” ii. 151,

_ 43, Caldwell, p. 438; Muir, “ Sanskrit Texts,” ii. Pp. 440,

44. Num. Chron., 1863, p- 232; Prinsep’s ‘“ Hssays,’’ ii, 146.

45, Wilson, “ Glossary of Indian Terms,” sub voce, = ©

SNP LLLP RS AS ELI PL OL ELL NIN AS CLOT OP AS OSS INI L ALR F RPS

cm Ty

1864. | On the Language of the Si-ah-posh hifirs. 267

On the Language of the St-th-posh Kafirs, with a short list of words ;

to which are added specimens of the Kohistéut, and other dialects

spoken on the northern border of Afghinstin, Se—Bby Captain

H. G. Raverty, 3rd Regiment, Bombay N. I.

in the beginning of the year 1859, some time after my paper en-

titled ““Norzs on K4rrristAn’’ had been submitted to the Society,

but previous to its appearance in the Journal,* the Rev. Dr. E.

Trumpp, of the Church Missionary Society, residing, at that time,

within the cantonment of Pes’hawar, was allowed to examine, through

the Commissioner of that district, three men, said to have been of the

Kafir race—that is to say, what we call the Sfah-pos’h Kéfirs—who

had been brought to the district from Panj-korah or its neighbouring

hilly tracts, for the purpose of being enlisted into the British service.

These three men remained at Pes’hawar for “a few days,” during

“three or four hours” of which Dr. Trumpp examined them, through

aman named Muhammad Rasul, a Kohistdénf of “ Panjkore” as the

Doctor terms it, but correctly, Panj-korah.f This man, who was not

an Afghan, since the Doctor calls him a “ Kuhistani,” “spoke Pushto

and a little Persian,” and acted as interpreter between the Missionary

and the so-called Kafirs; and from this short and round-about con-

ference, a short grammar of the language has been made, and a list of

seventy-seven Kafir words appended.

It is not my object to criticise the former at present, but to ove a

list of Kafir words, which I collected some years since, and which I

intended to have given with my “Notes on KAfiristén.” To these

words, for the sake of facilitating comparison, I have also added some

Kohistani words, which I collected about the same time, together with

a few in the Pashai, Barakai, Kash-kéri or Chitrali, and Belichkj lan-

guages. J would have given the Pus’hto equivalents of these had

space permitted, but they may be easily found in my Dictionary of

the language, together with the other words, of which there are often

more than one, bearing the same signification.

From what is stated respecting the appearance of these three men,

that “they were in ail respects like the natives of the upper provinces

of India, of a swarthy colour, with dark hair and dark eyes,’ I should

* No. 4 of 1859.

+* See my paper on Panj-korah in the last number of the Journal,

Ty 5 SPT y

‘ ‘ vr wes =

268 On the Language of the St-ah-posh Kdjfirs. [No. 3,

hardly think they were real Kafirs; and should consider that, in all.

probability, they were nimechahs (4x08) or ‘ half-breeds,” as those

people are designated who have sprung from the mixture of Afghans

with the aborigines of the parts to the north of the Kabul river;

viz. the Kafirs, Lamghanis, Shalmanis, Deggauns, Gujars, Suwatis,

&e., and with each other; for the Afghans, as we know from their

histories, as well as from the accounts of Persian and Hindisténi

writers, have been in the habit of applying the Arabic term “ Kafir,”

or “ Infidel” very indiscriminately, particularly to the aboriginal people

of Afghanistan bordering upon the Kabul river and its tributaries,

and the people of the Alpine Panjab nearest the Indus. Hence, with

them, the term Katir might as well refer to the Lamghanis, or Shal-

manis, before conversion to their own faith, as to the people whom

we know by the name of Si-ah-pos’A Kafirs. Lieut. Wood, when on his

journey to the source of the Oxus, passed close to their frontier, and

he, moreover, saw and conversed with Si-ah-pos’h Kafirs (for they are

friendly with the people of Badakhshan), and he describes them as

being very different to the “‘swarthy coloured people of the upper pro-

vinces of India, with dark hair and dark eyes,” such as Dr. Trumpp

speaks of.* What makes me think that these three men could not

have been real Si-ah-pos’h Kafirs, is the fact of their having come to

Pes’hawar otherwise than as slaves. Both males and females—the

latter in particular, on account of their fair complexions and beauty—

are to be found in the dwellings of the Afghans of the better class, in

the Samdéh of the Yusufzis, but they are always slaves; and some

will be found in the Pes’hawar district also; but they are very dif-

ferent to those the Missionary describes. The Si-ah-pos’h Kafirs, are

too hostile to, and hate the Afghans and other Muhammadans of

those parts too much (except perhaps the people of Badakhshan, as

already mentioned), to meet them, or to enter their boundaries, save

as enemies, or when, as slaves, they are compelled to do so. If these

men were not actually Nimchahs or Kohistdnis, of which, I have little

doubt, they may possibly have been Baris—a certain class or tribe

among the Si-ah-pos’k, who are held in the light of Pariahs. An ac-

count of these will be found at page 36 of my “ Notes on Kéfiristan”

already referred to; but if the Kohistani words I have given be exa-

* Dr. Bellew also met Kafirs when in Afehanistan in 1857. See his excel-

lent work,

1864. | On the Language of the Si-ah-posh Kafirs. 269

mined, and compared with the short list given by the Missionary,

it will be found that what he terms Kafir, are the same words

as my Kohistdni, with but slight exception; whilst what I term

Kafir agree with the list (as far as 1b goes) given by Sir A. Burnes

in the Society’s Journal for April 1838, and are synonymous with

those given by Mr. Norris (the Honorary Secretary of the Royal

Asiatic Society) as an appendix to Dr. Trumpp’s paper,* which were

procured at Teheran from a Kafir woman residing in that city.

The Doctor says he “was very desirous to know by what name

they called their own country, as Kdfiristén is a mere Muharmmadan

appellation ;” and that “the name they gave for their country was

re | Wimasthan, a word, as I found, known to the Kuhistdnis too, who

ial designated it by what is called in Persian Kuihistan, or the highlands.’’+

als! He then proceeds to give, or rather to make out a signification for

jul the word, and applies it to the whole tract forming the culminating

ot ridges of Hindi Kush, as far west as Balkh, in as plausible a man-

tea ner as the “ Heydiddledsddlethecatinthefiddle’? inscription is edited

m _—sc and _transiated in one of the early numbers of Fraser’s Magazine

is for the present year. He will find, however, that there is a tribe

til of Si-ah-pos’h Kafirs called by the name of Wamah, and one of their

ee villages is so named. An account of them and their district will be

mm : found in my paper.

te Dr. Trumpp states, at pages 5—7 of his article, that the Kafir

: ft language, like the Pus’hto, has a short indistinct (?) vowel sound

| approaching the English w in dwt, or the German i; and that “it is

_ not given in my Pus’hto Grammar (1st Ed.) though well known and

| even marked out by the natives themselves.” He then goes on to

| say, a few paragraphs further on, that he “first mistook this sound

for a short 4, but soon found that it was a peculiar swift a, or in fact

an indistinct vowel between short @ and short 7.” He then states,

og that “the sound of Kéafir @ can only be compared to the peculiar in-

vit distinct sound in Pus’hto; as ash = Fl (mas.) and a“ vid5! (fem.),

ssf which can only be learnt by hearing.” To what sound in these four

* “Qn the Language of the so-called K4firs of the Indian Caucasus.—By the

Rev. Ernest Trumpp, D. Phil., Missionary of the Church Missionary Society.”

Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XIX. for 1861.

ul - + The word “ Kohistan” is applied to all mountain tracts

E these parts—there is the Kohistan of Kabul,

it. Suwat river, &c., and not to * Kooner”’ only,

means). |

by the people of

the Kohistan to the north of the

as the Doctor calls it (Kuniv he

PO eee

: dparion 7

jac = : 7 Page ee ome Sa z

270 On the Language of the Si-ch-posh Kifirs. [ No. 3,

words does he refer? to the first word, or the second ; to the begin«

ning, middle, or termination of these words? The explanation he

gives will, | am sure, be perfectly unintelligible to all who do not hap-

pen to understand Pus’hto thoroughly ; I think I can clear up the point.

The Missionary refers, no doubt, to the adjective $351 which takes a

different sound before the final consonant for masculine and feminine

nouns ; and this peculiar vowel sound only occurs, either in the case of

nouns, adjectives, and verbs, before the final consonant of a word. I+

will be found fully explained in my Grammar,in the declensions of nouns,

in the word jc “ghal” a thief; in the word jorge “skhwandar” a

steer, in the fifth variety of nouns of the 6th Declension; in the ter-

minations of adjectives of the same class; and in the terminations of

some verbs. I have always written it, in the second edition of my

Grammar, as explained by the Afghan author of the “ Msarp-vut-

Luenar’* gives it ; vz., as a compound sound of short @ and ¢. Thus

in the example which Dr. Trumpp gives (which, in fact, is no example

at all, since he places the short vowel point (-) —“ a@’—over both the

adjectives he uses), the first should be written so yf (u-de@h) (mas.)

and the second x 3 s/ u-dah (fem.). In the work just quoted, the

author states,—‘ The word ale], is an example of this peculiar sound.

When written with simple r, 4, quiescent gh, 7 with the short vowel

- 49

a, and unaspirated h, or “ hd-1-khaft,” it is the third person feminine

sincular— she goes ;”’

and when written with simple 7, é, quiescent

gh, |, with a short vowel approaching, to a and i stightly sounded, and

unaspirated /, it is the third person masculine plural.” These are the

exact words of the author as I have given them in my Grammar. The

vowel (.) (fat’hah) with (s-) (hamzdéh) combined —_ s° —(@) give an

equivalent sound, as near as possible, which I have therefore adopted.

Tt will be found written thus in the same manner in my Pus’hto

Dictionary, in scores of words. The Afghans, of course, mark it in

speaking ; but in writing they do not mark it: it is supposed, that a

person acquainted with the rules of the language will read and under-

stand it accordingly.

I may mention, that the Doctor has made some considerable errors

with regard to the Pus’hto examples he has given. In the words

stp 34 and as 34,! for example. By the word So he evi-

dently means a man; but if so, the letter J is not correct : it should.

* See my Grammar, Introduction, pages 34 and. 84.

1864. | On the Language of the St-ch-posh Kajfirs. 271

be Afghan j =U J The word for woman should be with Afghan Ly

not with Persian wi: and with fatha’h (-) not with kasrah ()—

a=, not 4, The pronunciation according to the Doctor’s ac-

count would be shidzah, whilst the Afghan pronunciation is, /’hadza’h

by the Eastern, and s’hadza’h by the Western tribes, the peculiar

Afghan letter \_ pt being widely different from Persian ee

He considers the Kafir language to be “a pure Prakrit dialect ;”

‘‘ Note.—I have not been able

to come to any conclusion in regard to the gender of nouns. I doubt

yet, a few pages further on, he says:

greatly if any gender be distinguished, as I have not been able to find

out any trace of it. So much is clear, that adjectives are not subject

to any change, either in regard to gender or case.” If such be the

fact, how can the Kafir language possibly be a “ pure Prakrit dialect ? ”

With reference to the Pashai and Barakai words which follow, I

may mention, that the Pashai language is spoken by the people of

: that name, who inhabit some of the small districts of the hilly country

yt bordering K4firistan on the south-west, and on the left, or northern

bank of the Kabul river, between Jelléldbéd and Kabul. The Pash-

ais are counted among the aboriginal people of the country, which the

bce Afghans are not.

The Barakais, who are not Afghans, are included among the people

termed Tajiks (supposed to be of Arab descent,) dwell at, and round

about Kanigoram, as we generally find it written in English, but

properly, Kani-gram, and about Barak in the province of Loghar, and

But-Khak on the route between Jellalabad and Kabul, south of the

; river of that name.

' I shall say nothing here about comparison of the words which fol-

y | low, although I recognize a great many. It would be unfair towards

that class of philosophers called “ Comparative Philologists,” who, if

Ts they set to work, may discover something wonderful among them,

which none but themselves can understand.

It is necessary to say a few words respecting the orthography. The

system is the same as used in my Pus’hto works ; viz. that known ag

a Sir William Jones’s. The only difference is for the peculiar sounds

i? similar to the Afghan letters, viz; dd for ek for 2 and s’h and k’;

y Wi for :

i) Sas

| No. 3>

On the Language of the St-ah-posh Kafirs.

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273

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On the Language of the Si-ah-po

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[No.. 3,

On the Language of the St-ah-posh Kafirs.

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275

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1864.]

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SEE Do Se ee

Enelish. Si-ah-pos’h. Kash-kari. Kohistanf.

Sword tar-wali kongur

Tron chamin

Axe cha-wi watti

Shield karai huri

Soldier jas-tah

Chief isal-manash

Troop kat-kai

Wall bar-kan

Matchlock to-bakh

Some Persian Inscriptions found in Srinagar, Kashmir.—By the late

fev. 1. LOEWENTHAL.

J. Toe MosgQveE oF SHanrt HamanAn.

As the traveller glides up the placid Jelum from Baramula, and

passes under the cedarn bridges of Srinagar, wondering at the tall,

gable-roofed, many-storied houses on the banks, with their unoriental

profusion of windows, his attention is arrested by a curious building

on the right bank between the Fateh Kadal and the Zaina Kadal

(bridges), which, if he enters Kashmir from the west, he will not

readily guess to be a mosque, having probably passed by unnoticed

similar buildings at Shadarra and Baéramula. The pyramidal roof,

broken into three equal portions, ending in a most curious steeple

resembling a belfry, with gilt bell and heart-shaped ornaments at the

top, the four corners of the roof adorned by wood tassels, the projec-

tion of the roof beyond the walls of the building ;—all this reminds

one more of a Chinese pagoda than of a Mohamedan place of prayer.

The impression one receives from the structure leads to the idea that

the period of the erection of the building may have been one in which

an older form of building, that of the Hindu temple peculiar to the

valiey, was still influencing the architects to whom Mohamedanism

was as yet comparatively new.

1864.] Some Persian Inscriptions found in Srinagar. 279

The building may be said to be constructed entirely of wood.

Massive beams of the indestructible Himalayan cedar placed upor

one another, the interstices being filled up by small bricks, form a solid

square whose sides are relieved by well-proportioned balconies in the

upper story, the floors and roofs of which are supported by hight and

graceful carved wooden pillars.

- Curious as is the appearance of the building, its history seems

as curious. At every turn in Kashmir one meets with evidences

of the policy of the Mohamedans to turn idol-temples into mosques,

tombs, and shrines. This place is an instance. ‘There was on that

spot a famous spring sacred to Kali with (probably) buildings over

and around it. Sikandar called Butshikan (idol-breaker), the grand-

son of the first Mohamedan king of Kashmir, built the present

structure with the rich property belonging to the Hindu temple, as a.

glass. for the numerous Sayids who are said to have come into the

country with Shahi Hamadan, and who were adopting a monastic

form of life. After the death of Shéhi Hamadan, a shrine in his

memory was erected over the very spot where formerly the sacred

spring welled up. It is not uninteresting to compare with this the

practice of other countries, such as the tradition which existed in

Rome concerning the sacred well under the Capitol, and that under

the temple of Apollo at ‘Delphi; or the fact that in the time of

Hadrian a temple of Jupiter-Serapis was erected on the place of

the crucifixion, and one sacred to Venus-Astarte over the real Holy

Sepulchre.

For five centuries now Have the Mohamedans of Kashmir been in

possession of this spot consecrated to the memory of the Hamadan ~

Sayid. Shall any one dispute their right to hold it now? Yes. The

Hindus of Kashmir—they are almost all Brahmans—whatever else

they have forgotten of the history of their country, have not forgotten

this spring of Kali. The Dharm Raj—the rule of a Hindu king—has

been restored to them ; the present ruler moreover is a devout Hindu;

and they are claiming their sacred spring. ‘T'wice already have the

Mohamedans had to redeem their shrine, but this has not saved them

from a great indignity. On the wall fronting the river, which wall

really belongs to the mosque, the Brahmans have put a large red

ochre mark as the symbol of Kah, and Hindus may be seen rubbing

their foreheads and employing the forms of idolatry but a step or.two

280 Some Persian Inscriptions found im Srinagar. [No. 3,

oF from the spot where the Mohamedan is now only allowed to whisper :

eel « God is great |”

oS The news that a Mohamedan had usurped the throne of Kashmir

reaching the countries to the West caused a large influx of Sayids and |

other holy characters into Kashmir, Mir Sayid Ali Hamadani, |

a subsequently known as Shahi Hamadan, came to Kashmir a number

oS of times. This consideration reconciles the discrepant statements of

a — a the native historians that he came from Bokhara, that he came direct

= : from Hamadan in Persia, and that he came from Baghdad. Birbar

ie Pandit Kachrii states that he came to Kashmir in 782 H. (A. D. 1880)

= = ae for the third time. This date appears to be more correct than that

ie given by Captain Newall in the Journal for 1854, p. 414. He men-

tions, on native authority, the year 790 H. (1388) as the date of his

first arrival apparently. This cannot be true, if the inscription over a

the door of the mosque Shahi Hamadan is correct, which gives as the 1

date of his death the year 786 H. (1884). There is, however, great |

confusion in ail the dates of Kashmirian history. Thus, Captain |

Newall, on the authority of Kashmiri historians, places the first usurpa-

tion by a Mohamedan of legal power in Kashmir in 1341, whilst

Baron Hiigel, following Abul Fazl, mentions 1311 as the year of a

Shamsuddin’s accession to the throne. Haidar Malik Chadwaria |

gives the titles of two books, the (bie &% and the gel os 11

which the Sayid wrote at the request of Sikandar Butshikan. He .

died, during one of his journeys, in Pakli, a beautiful valley now be-

longing to the British district of Haz4ra. There is a mysterious-

looking structure about halfway between Abbottabad and Ménsihra,

which we may, in default of any information concerning it, fix upon

as the tomb of Shahi Hamadan.

The readiness with which a people forcibly severed from idolatry

oe passes over to hagiolatry, may be seen from three inscriptions at the

ce entrance of the mosque of Shahi Hamadan, copies of which are sub-

joined.

Bie se : | 1. Large letters on a ground of gold. |

a laws} ge) | am ® me ready) 9 yee cs 9 Sirs J

pies) wrawe} culpa sled SL ytdgsd glo

two | wes bert) 30 &S BOI wl ys Sl cs!

1864. | Some Persian Inscriptions found in Srinagar. 281

Translation.

Hvery advantage existing before either world

Is obtained by the followers of Hazrat Shah of Hamadan ;

Shah (king) of Hamadan, or rather Shéhanshah (emperor) of the world.

A. curse on the eye which looks on with doubt and suspicion !

2, In Arabic characters on a ground of gold.

(43 wold aC)

wy lady Ahn g onokdd weeds Guy all oeat sf jf od pa

Translation.

Date of his death.

in the year 786 from the time of Ahmad, the seal of religion (that

is) from the Hira, there went from the transitory to the eternal

world the prince of both worlds, the descendant of Yasin.

Note. “The descendant of Yasin,” |, sw ly J], @ curious expression

to denote the descendants of the prophet. Yd Sim upemlg is the name

of the thirty-sixth Sura of the Koran, which is so called from the fact

that these two letters mysteriously stand at its head. Their meaning

is uncertain. ‘The Sura itself is considered particularly sacred by the

Mohamedans, and is read by them over dying persons: they say that

Mohamed called it “the heart of the Koran.”

3. Inscription in crimson characters.

conde glb “REALE yy 5) 9) Somilpay a rea calwouy 9S Jou

Coil Brey iIBSly Brocco Bre —— Jy Leg eaasgl 49.5 utlea! wy pide

Translation.

Oh heart, if thou desirest the benefit of both worlds,

Go, it is at the gate of the emperor Shah of Hamadan.

At his gate prayer obtains an answer ;

His gate is the heavenly pavilion ; nay, the pavilion is a type of it.

Il. Tue Toms OF ZAINUL ABIDEN.

Some little distance from the Shahi Hamadan mosque down the

bank of the river there are some remarkable massive remains of the

outer wall of a Hindu temple—mentioned by Col. Cunningham in his

Essay on the Aryan Style of Architecture—with its trefoil arches and

sculptured Hindu divinities. The temple itself disappeared. before the

fanatical zeal of the early Mohamedan kings, and the inner space was.

2-0-2

eh Some Persian Inscriptions found in Srinagar. [ No: 3;

converted into a graveyard for royalty. There is only one large tomb

(or rather the ruins of one) in this inclosure, and this is said to be the

tomb of Zainul’abidin, called Jaina-laba-dina in the Sanskrit history

of Kashmir which forms the sequel to the Raja Tarangini. The tomb

somewhat resembles in its general outlines, though on a much smaller

scale, that of Andrkali at Lahor. It is now used as a Government

granary. It is surrounded by a large number of smaller tombs. Over

a postern gate there is the following inscription :

ita yylble O39 loa “Gady) wy4 5 oy

Hy pho Sd59 LEM wIOld (ole cpsl Sy day

dso sly Go Bie 4 ade

wires us" us® Ls ex 3 eS) Kd9 cr! (3

urs ae i poses | 9 gol phox x2

wrrte ylbles gilt hye pest) (3 iw

Translation.

On visiting the sepulchre of his forefathers, Sultan Habib

Saw it and said: This royal place will soon become too narrow.

He erected another dais and door by its side,

So that no king might fail of the blessing of this Sepulchre.

At the time of erecting the new building I heard by inspiration

The year of its date: “The second sepulchre of Sultan Habib” —981.

Note. This date also evinces the uncertainty of the dates in Kash-

mirian history; for according to Captain Newall (A Sketch of the

Mohammedan History of Cashmere, J. A. §. 1854, p. 426.) Habib

was killed long before this date,in A.D. 1557. The native historians,

at all events, put his deposition nearly twenty years before the date of

the inscription. Narayan Kol states that Habib Khan became king of

Kashmir in H. 960. In 961 he committed great mistakes in the ad-

ministration of justice, so that the pillars of the state became ashamed

of him. Hence Ali Khan put the crown on the head of Ghazi Khan,

his brother (both being uncles of Habib by his mother’s side) ; this

was the beginning of the Chak dynaty. Hiigel gives Chak as an

abbreviation of Chaghatai. ’Azam, another historian of Kashmir, puts

the beginning of the Chak dynasty in the year H. 962; he calls

Habib the son of Ismail Shah, whilst Narayan Kol gives Shameuddin

(Ismail’s brother) as the name of his father.

1864. | Some Persian Inscriptions found m Srinagar. 283

In a corner of this same graveyard there isa large slab with an

inscription which is remarkable as being connected with the first re-

corded visit of an Indian Officer to the valley of Kashmir.

Inseription.

ce wie Baal 9) 9 WS 19 Raraat, Lyte erg, Joa [yrde

oo cae ee re ye q¥-o ee: flee fe WAS g ee lp

Je & wld el ae 5 ure soo] 3 ae 5) wis SARW 9] os we)

SL 8a 78 pros 19 gure Bw wlyed soit alee Jo) cube slow 152 sheet

992 Basle Ga SF Wl asm gil gy) Bolo dot _ptods gldgl 45 gle Oot)

83,83 Sy Bly 38 S55 ass OSS bas yg Soe) Kuo! yqvolo ty of cybe W29

ESM) S Oder sla yl wigiler ape hyo 54 ead) wlhdoy & Salo ay NH rtes hs

goxTy! 99D) lps gl rgd yl (> ls ly pho Wad yAv0 wy! yd ly er sld ols aS

99) WlyeSm flee 89 WD Abd ,S 1) prehS Hbyo avi Aime camry pydgtoms yo

gdh I) yi wast wr gle Cy (sty Sia} rms 3 bles SAY Lag cselcghas ft

ye 9 yh “petal SOW) ws 53 WAS SIS OD 9 (ey rs gh tog why? :

Linle,s LAS gr) rng! Lal ed : sb S59 _yAOos wasle ao wee 9

kw oletal Ens eel ates ual ) ra yh 3048 wile J! 9] 95 90 evs ,

CR ¢ 3b ay > yal yb (59) 3! tr RA Khus Ld flea! W990 wyle SU fw pc 7

YOu elas] dal AS as Ente 1 PPA Kus os! Wi ccales or 1 Pra :

Translation.

Mirzd Haidar Gurgdn, the son of Mirzd Mohamed Husain Gurgan

| and grandson of Yima Khan (who was born in the house of Baber

ip the king), and brother-in-law to Abu Sa’id Khan, king of Yarkand

sf and Moghulistan, the son of Sultén Ahmad Khan, the son of the

be above-mentioned Ytinas Khan, of the progeny of Toghliq Taimur

te Khan, of the race of Chaghatai, the son of Changiz Khan. The

y 2 Mirza was born in the time of Mahmud, in the year 905, in the city’

Af * of Oratapa. fter various vicissitudes he, at the command of Abt,

4 Said Khan, made an incursion from Yarkand. After subduing Tibet:

si he conquered Kashmir with 4000 horse, in the same year, on the 4th

! Sha’ban 935. He then gave it back to Mohamed Shah, who was the

I king of Kashmir, and went to Abi Sa’id Khan, who had remained in

7 Tibet. The Khan ordered him to Lasa. He himself having set out

for Yarkand, died.on the road. As there appeared to be general dis-

284: Some Persian Inscriptions found in Srinagar. [No. 3,

cord, the Mirza went to Badakhshan, and then to Hindustan. He

eame to the Emperor Humayun as the latter having been defeated

was proceeding to Iran. The Mirza went on another expedition with

450 horse from Lahor, took Kashmir again on the 22nd Rajab 974

and ruled Kashmir for ten years. He was accidentally killed by

some man in the year 987. The Mirza had seen the cities of Turdn,

Moghulistan, and India, and been engaged in the service of the great.

He was skilled in most sciences, eloguent, brave, and wise in counsel.

The Tarikhi Rashidi was composed by him. By the order of Mr.

William Moorcroft, Vety. Surgeon under the British Government,

Sayid Izzat Ullah Khan compiled from records an account of the events

to the year 1288. The preface was written on the 11th Jamddussdni

1238 Yunt I'l. : |

Note 1. ‘The expression “ Yunt I'l” denotes the seventh year of the

cycle of twelve, current in the chronology of the Arabians, the Persians,

and the Turks (or Moghuls), though each nation has its own denomina-

tions for the different years. The Ayimi Akbari gives a full account

of these cycles, which were employed for the adjustment of intercalary

periods necessitated by the disagreement between lunar and. solar

years. The Turki cycle was also called I’ghiri (Oighur is the Rus-

sian spelling of the word). The names of the different years are the

names of certain animals. .They are as follows:

1. Sijqan—a mouse. 2. U'd—a cow.

&o. Paras—a panther. 4. ‘Tawishqan—a hare,

5. Lii—a crocodile. 6. Yilan—a snake.

7. Yunt—a horse. 8. Qti—a sheep.

9. Bich—a monkey. 10. Takhaqui—a fowl.

11. I’t—a dog. 12. Tankuz—a hog.

To each of these names the word J’] was added, which denotes

“year.” In Kashmir and Afghanistan, though this calendar is now

obsolete, the memorial verses containing these twelve names, are still

remembered, The present year is Tanktiz. The verses areas follows:

ual ah Condy wlbS3 Gals og! 9 wligte

Sle cold ob o9 Gogh Sly 9 wdlt

wij! ox Gah eel Cogdle ue UY a2

a es

1864. | Some Persian Inscriptions found in Srinagar. 285

Note 2. The dates of this inscription also do not agree with those

given by the native historians. The inscription places Haidar’s first inva-

sion in the year 935. Birbar gives as the date 939, though he agrees

with the inscription in the number of horse, 4000; Captain Newall

gives the less probable amount of 14,000 cavalry. Hiigel (following

principally Abul Fazl) gives 930 (A. D. 1523) as the year of the

invasion, and 10,000 as the size of the army. It is possible to re-

concile these statements by assuming that the army of invasion con-

sisted of 10,000 foot and 4,000 horse. The second invasion the

inscription places in 974; Captain Newall (who does not seem to

recognise the invader as the Mirza Haidar of the former invasion

from the north) gives its date as 947, which is in general agreement

with the above-mentioned Pandit, and with Hiigel, both of whom give

94:8 (1541) ; the latter, however, speaks of “a considerable force.”

The statement of the inscription must probably be understood to

mean that he set out from Lahor with 450 horse; he probably gather-

ed an army of adventurers and malcontents as he proceeded. The

confusion 1s very great in that part of the histories of Kashmir,

which relates to the decade of Haidar’s rule,—it does not seem’ to

have been rezgn—principally because he who was at one time Haidar’s

nominal sovereign, was soon afterwards his nominal opponent. The

name of this individual, evidently a puppet, so common in all Asiatic

histories, was doubtless 3} , \e but whether this should be read Turik

Shéh, as Birbar reads, or Wazik Shah, as Htigel reads, appears uncer-

tain; Captain Newall gives the name Zarkh Shah, which is un-

doubtedly wrong. In this period also falls the first recorded attempt

on the part of the Moghul emperors to take possession of the valley.

For Haidar, much harassed by the rising Chak family, offered the

sovereignty of the country to Humayun, when it was really no longer

in his power to offer it, The Mirza’s embassy found Humayin en-

camped at Atok, on his return from Persia to Hindustan. Humay dn

set out immediately for Kashmir; but the expedition failed, as the

army mutinied at or near Mozufferabad. Haidar’s death the ins¢rip-

tion places in 987, Birbar in 959. ‘The latter relates that during his

war with Tarik Shah, Haidar went alone into the fort of Avantipur ;

a butcher asked him who he was; he could not reply in Kashmiri,

whereupon the butcher killed him with the axe which he happened to

have in his hand, Newall says that his death took place (in 1551

Ae a ee Ser a NOS PGT Er

286

putin ofiiatl buctieindings ah

Note 3. A question remains whether Moorcroft had this inserip.

enterprizing traveller.

Some Persian Inscriptions found in Srinagar.

A. D.) as he had issued from the fort of Indrakoul to reconnoitre

the enemy’s position.

tion cut, as appears most probable, and if so, why. The reply has

been suggested that he did it in order to put on record the feasibility

of an invasion of Kashmir by cavalry from the north as well as from.

‘the south.

led by the name of William Moorcroft upon the tombstone, hag

It 1s not unworthy of remark that many a tourist, mis-

‘stated, i print and out of it, that Srinagar contains the grave of the

III. Inscriptions on and near the Great Mosque.

Opposite the principal entrance of the Jami Masjid, a building

swith the following inscription :

sot wind Oisxc0 3 els" 0855

we» Jos! Gls Gye sod

pylalamso yo 9) as C59) dy gets &S

W 5° colts Cariwe abl as

Wye WA (yom ene ” Us?

wy Les 2) pad Lo) 9m di hd

we Sate GLE! Coy 5

4 *

w'd w= os! pig ee (areas

(st

most remarkable for its numerous tall cedar pillars, there is a bawk

cel! WA Bebe anf ys

ogee? yt OA pad gd

Mdlyt Ge 9 Gs Cyogld

ot vet ot! wis Wo

dy! PHS os isl Sapte cys}!

WT wr} EK 5S (pte lS

wi Fo jh LS say oy

Nna.23 ky cal by {os

g Garg! rds yt yee dig aly &

(5d 75 ae? Sil yo pol 9o

aS} dis, 883 gly yo

Translation.

of a handful of humble men.

became easy.

The fountain of God’s favour eame forth through the laudable efforts

By the grace of God Mahmtd began this work, and the difficult

[No. 8,

1864. | Some Persian Inscriptions found in Srinagar. 287

The fund for its construction was purity of intention and sincerity of

aim, with earnest hearts.

Of worldly and religious glory this is enough that every Musulman :

may wash his face in ¢7.

From this fountain he (the builder) looks for that in which a record

of transgression finds cleansing. 3

People’s sin is washed away by this water whose source is the sea

of knowledge.

Let the amount of the rent of the shops be for the repairs of the

tank flowing with blessing.

Oh God, with thine own hand give graciously to its builder the

ennobling faith.

For this, the teacher’s verse, has its own task; he takes refuge with

weeping eye (and says) :

As thou at the beginning hast given me the name of Mahmud, oh

God, make it Mahmud in the goal!

Into the sea of thought the Intelligent Man (7. e. the composer of

the inscription) went for the date of this auspicious building.

Khizt said, Let my favour flow on; write this date, oh poet:

Oh God, pardon its builder and his father,—Oh Pardoner!—1056.

At the entrance of the Great Mosque itself, there is the following

decree of the Emperor Shah J ehan:

sé 2 slaob whe sls

csi wl, wale bo cebadbus Ub pe wy Ls city SLR nas wle, 9 AR:

iistp ts wripheS Cole) oma Gy sle N10) Kh Quf wide giliy af

ne aS ustly> oat 90x eo ise ne. (bas ee

& &isly O9'9 eyo 092 9d ye!

) 5 ules!

Mf | en phy ordre ses Wradlay 94 U5 9lax0y 99 roo reed My A dp Ds iad Ws>

oka ae us” yhos! Kins st carck _paons ows SEA 9 aS ses

WO A399 &S ee) ee 83 “a bo MQad TF Shine}! diols WS by J &S poses?

Soo! ee Sle As, Mass? wl 728} &S OS Y pho OACKS ads wl Rey

pe <2 = Qae 15840 yldmet 137 &clycs” l Bipo eyils I yfos~o pore ok

BS y SRG yA Satie? Fle) SE") g Od (comb) Sol Esty So} dre BiG af

jlo! = ghas im, MBO stsly | Siom| &ia lo sl) I why9d n° old

2 P

288 Some Persian Inscriptions found in Srinagar. [No. 8,

Madlyd 5 ght yb IU ddyles sly = BS ig (yah? wl 805 US abl aid)

ay rE ie, es 53 dS ais itis Pie ules ng Be jpg

dae yhv0 lle ys yt) gawd 913 ys ESTO} c- EiAVOSLS y g Sees wlc wh

waded 9 M19 esto Kong Sr wb 5! [ yla =) joe &S PO aes 9 cha cord pg

ee 3 $94} wl gem &S or &S amt] Ky E10 dQ dah 5 _— = cis

Os] 4X3 y Lev. dS wey a Ey pe Ni Qw9 9S 90 Spry Wlhl OBL yo ve Dilys OO

Gone DiQwogd yo SB wd yd) Si Quegd ols: oom shir wale plys wld ylaiver,

ae allt Ddrv ph0 elas 5157 ble 51 5.4) ets Go wry! o> &A9 Esso elo Urey

“ot WAS, ‘| ly Lyle, wilaishy ORK dd, ING MQwo 9S & MOL Sb dS rds” 043

Koga! Coy | yas Som co htge wale else wy le glaic hte OM yly 3 le.

PIS 3d5I90 Cord pres? lo Ewa Colom wey) AF Sa9! WI tds yer,

Sxl 859 gb 520 ¥oAv0 Wn 5y 3d (DAs gue wr lodS crm] Lay KORO WAS

OT BF MS) Sy 96) 5 CpA25 LOG WleT O38] BIO WHS 6F ol Sano 6S

la gl WT whale 65 oy dha) dSa3, oll) Chsle Lif ays! Ly S90

ee ae cs et If a ob ads 5 wee 5 ee ee l "3

Serre e ie &S ol se OAKS, ged é=* ty a SoAv0 By as ale

Iy Uusdrsy pass as ae D Md HE! 92 oad, 423 OUI Y , cou!

Too J Paw) po wae 4 Je a O59

@ WI 68 y= Onis nD! 9c Lis, Se psrles ls WOR) 9 da. wataly a2) 31)

& otel slo jof TY

Translation.

Gop IS GREAT.

Shale Jahan the King, Defender of the Faith.

Copy of the auspicious order of his Majesty who occupies the place

of Solomon, the Lord of the Conjunction, the Second, which was re-

corded ‘on the 7th of Isfandérmuz (February), according to Akbar’s

calendar, on account of the petition of the least of slaves (may God

be gracious to him who is known by the name of Zafar Khan), with

reference to the removal of the oppressions which were practised m

the time of former Sttbadaérs in the beautiful city of Kashmir, and

1864. | Some Persian Inscriptions found in Srinagar. 289

were the cause of the ruin of the subjects and inhabitants of these

regions.

Firman.

Since all our exalted desire is turned and bent on the contentedness

of the people, hence we gave the order for the repeal of some acts

which in the beautiful country of Kashmir became a cause of distress

to the inhabitants of the land. Of the number of those matters one

is this that, at the-time of collecting the saffron, men used to be im-

pressed for this work, without any wages except a little salt, and

hence the people are suffering much distress. We ordered that no

man should by any means be molested as to gathering the saffron ;

and as to saffron grown on crown-lands, the labourers must be satis-

fied and receive proper wages; and whatever grows on lands granted

in jagir, let the whole saffron in kind be delivered to the jagirdar that

he may gather it as he pleases. Another grievance is this that in, the

time of some of the Stibadars of Kashmir they used to levy two ddm

for wood on each Kharwar (about 180 pounds) of rice, and during

the government of I’tigdd Khan four dém for the same purpose were

levied on each Kharwar. Since on this account also the people were

much distressed, hence we ruled that the people should be entirely

relieved of this tax, and nothing should be taken on account of wood.

Another grievance is this, that a village whose rental was more than

400 Kharwar of rice, was obliged to furnish to the rulers of the place

two sheep annually. I’tigdd Khan, during his rule, took 66 ddm in

the place of each sheep. Since on this account also the people were

much annoyed, we gave a strict order that it should cease; neither

should the sheep be taken nor money in their place ; the people shall

be held excused trom paying this impost. Moreover, I’tiqad Khan,

during his incumbency, levied a summary poll-tax of 75 dam on each

boatman, whether a young, or an old man, or a boy, whilst it was the

established custom formerly to levy 60 dém on a young man, 12 on

an old man, and 86 ona boy. We ordered that the former custom

should be re-established, that the oppression of I’tiq4d Khan be

stopped, and that people should not act in accordance with it. Ano-

ther grievance is this that the Subadars, in the fruit season, placed

their own men in each garden, large and small, which appeared to

contain good fruit, to watch the fruit for themselves and did not allow

the owners of those gardens-to use the fruit; hence much annoyance

ZO?

Ee re Ti

290 On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. [No. 3,

= was caused to these people, so that some of these men have destroyed

— the fruit trees. We ordered that no Subadar should lay an embargo

on the fruit of the orchard or garden of any one. It is proper that

noble governors and useful collectors and the tax-gatherers of this

and future times in the province of Kashmir should consider these

orders as lasting and eternal, nor should they admit any change or

alteration in these regulations. Whoever admits any change or altera-

tion, will fall under the curse of God, and the anger of the king,

Written on the 26th Adar (March) according to Akbar’s calendar.

On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District of the Punjab.—By a

J. HE. Trmrney Arrcnison, 1. D., FR. CS, £ L. S, va

Assistant Surgeon Bengal Army, &c., &fe., Ke. J

To systematise a description of the vegetation, it will be as well to if

divide the district into several portions, giving a leading and particu- Ve

larised description of what may be considered the principal divisions, |

and then, comparing the other divisions with those already described, ] ‘

pointing out any characteristic features that may belong exclusively Ay.

to that under our immediate notice.

For the ready comprehension of the several divisions or tracts, the

accompanying diagrammatic map is attached, shewing the district to

be divided into

The Jhelum Tract,

The Jelalipore Tract,

The Salt Plains,

Plains upon the Salt Range,

The Tract of the low ranges of Hills

<e The Tract of Ravines,

Se Hills of the Salt Range,

oe Tract of Mount Tilla.

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7 = , \fere ay + S

Lal th

THe JoELUM TRac®.

The town of Jhelum, consisting of about 500 houses, is the head

quarters of the Civil Station, and hence is looked upon as the chief town,

although it is in truth but the fourth or fifth as regards number of

inhabitants, trade, &c., in comparison with the other towns of this

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Shewing

OIVISKGNS: AS DESCRIBED

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M.D, FR.C.S.E.

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Bal cit

JHELUM DISTRICT

From Jhelum dae North

to the Bukrala Range.

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1864: | On the Vegetation of the Jhelum Dustrict. 291

district. It is situated in Lat. 82° 56’ N. Long. 78° 47’ H. (A. K.

Johnston, 1855) and is about 671 feet above the sea level. It may be

considered as occupying the centre of the Jhelum Tract. Nearly a

mile to the west of this is situated the Military cantonment, once

occupied by a large force of native troops, but since the mutiny, all

but left to ruin.

The Jhelum Tract is the plain country enclosed within the Khari-

an and Ratian ranges of hills, with the Jhelum river running in the

midst. It commences at the fort of Mungla, and ends some miles

above Jelallpore, where the Kharian range and Surafur hills close in

upon the river. It consists on the whole of a beautiful plain, which,

near the bases of these hills, is cut up into ravines, but afterwards

opens out into richly cultivated flat land. This, on the Jhelum side,

is divided into three parts, by the wide sandy beds of the Kuhan

(or Bukrala) and Boonah nullas.

The geological formation of this tract consists of —

Ist. Recent tertiary, close to the river, which, in some places, as

at Doolial and Cyngoee, is made up of a rich mould yielding profuse

and good successive crops.

2nd. Pleistocene tertiary; this lies below the recent tertiary, but

the latter disappears as we go inland, and the Pleistocene crops out

upon the surface, containing beds of kunkur at the river, of some

value, with a tolerable amount of surface soil.

3rd. As we approach the base of these ranges of hills, viz., the

Ratian, &c., we enter upon a Miocene tertiary country, characterised

by deep water-courses or ravines full of huge boulders, shingle and

sand. From this the hills suddenly rise up, consisting of clay, marl,

conglomerates, and sandstone, the last containing fossils similar to

those found in the Sewalik range of hills, of which the geology of

these hills is supposed to be the counterpart.

Water is obtained in this tract at little cost and labour, from

wells about 20 feet deep, which yield a plentiful supply, fresh and

sweet. A well is to be met with, attached to every village, and

to many there are several, all worked with the Persian wheel. Their

water is not used for irrigation, excepting for tobacco and small

patches of cotton, but chiefly for gardens: the former of these

crops indeed may be regarded as garden produce. Water is not

raised from the river for irrigation. One stream of fresh water, the

292 On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. [No. 3,

Kuhan nulla, runs through this tract. Its water is not used for

irrigation, but where this stream passes through the range of hills at

Rhotas, its power 1s used to drive three or four flour mills. The

remains of a canal of the old Seikh time are to be traced from near

Doolial, in a direct line, to a little above the Civil Lines at Jhelum,

across that portion of the country, where the river takes a rapid turn

from a southerly to a westerly course.

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE.

Two crops are generally produced during the year, viz:, the Rubbee

and Khureef. For the Rubbee crop the Zemindars begin to sow about

the end of October; and collect the harvest during April. The

Khureef crop is sown in June, and is collected about the end of Sep-

tember or during October. ‘The hot weather extends from the middle

of April to the middle of October; the cold weather over the rest of

the year. ‘The chief falls of rain occur about the end of August or

during September. Heavy rains also fallin March and April. The

crops generally throughout the Jhelum district are dependant for

their maturity upon these special falls of rain.

The chief products of the Rubbee crop are, Wheat “ Gohan, ” Triti-

cum estivum, var.; Barley, “ Jhow,” Herdewm hexastichon. Gram,

“ Chunna,” Cicer arietinum ; Rape, “ Surson,” Brassica campestris and

Eruca li. ; Linseed, “ Ulsee,” Linwm usitatissimum ; Saftlower, “ Ku-

soomba,” Carthamus tinctoria ; with a great variety of the Melon tribe.

Those of the Khureef crop are—

Millet, var. ‘ Bajree,” Penicillaria spicata. Millet, var. “ Jowar,”

Andropogon Sorghum; Cotton, “ Kupas,’ Gossypium herbaceum.

Indian corn, “‘ Makee,” Zea Mays. Sugarcane, “ Gunnah,” Saccharum

oficinarum; Oil seed, “Til,” Sesamum Indicum; Indian hemp,

“Sunn,” Crotalarea juncea.

Where irrigation may be resorted to throughout the year, tobacco

and rape are raised during the whole hot season, as in the Goojerat

district.

Wheat. Of this the bearded white variety is that which is chiefly

grown, although the red is not uncommon ; both are of average quality.

A large exportation of this takes place ; chiefly towards Mooltan.

Barley. The six rowed variety is produced of avery superior quality

and is largely cultivated ; the greatest part of this crop being also

exported towards Mooltan.

1864: | ‘On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. 293

Gram. This is cultivated, but in small patches in this tract—of a

fine quality. The quantity, however, is not sufficient for local con-

sumption, a large importation taking place from other parts of the

district. Along with it we have the “ Massoor,” Hruwm lens, cultivated,

either mixed with the former or separately.

A very small quantity of the pulses are cultivated in this tract, viz.

“Moth.” Phaseolus acomtifolia.

“Mung.” Phaseolus mungo (The split peas of which constitute the

varieties of Dahl). ‘Their quality is good, though the crop is scarcely

sufficient for local consumption.

Bajree and Jowar, both excellent in their quality, are very largely

cultivated, and together with barley and wheat may be considered the

staple crops of the whole district. The Zemindar-class live chiefly on

the Bajree and Jowar, consuming for their food little of either wheat or

barley. Their cattle also are largely dependant for fodder upon the

Boossa obtained from the crushed stalks and leaves of the two former,

owing to the great want of pasturage in this tract. There are several

kinds of Boossa for feeding cattle, viz., that most commonly in use,

which is produced, as already stated, from the crushed leaves and

stalks of the Bajree and Jowar; that made from the straw of wheat

and barley ; that made from the straw and leaves of the pulses and

gram, which last is the highest in price and by the natives oiven

ehiefly to their horses, as also to cattle for fattening. Lastly, Boossa

obtained from the leaves of the “ Baer” the Zizyphus vulgaris.

Oil seeds. Of these we have— : |

“Surson.”” ‘The seeds of Brassica campestris, and Eruca, L. which

by simple expression yield oil called commonly “Surson ka tel,” or

“Thara meera ka tel.” 3B. Hruca yields a darker oil than B. campestris

and hence, to distinguish this oil from that of the latter, it is often

ealled “kala surson ka tel” or “kala surson.” The seed of the Til,

Sesamum Indicwm—also by simple expression, yields “Til ka tel”

viz. Til oil.

The seed of the flax “ Ulsee” yields “ Ulsee ka tel” viz. Linseed oil.

The plants of the above are cultivated, but not in sufficiency for the

uses of the tract, and hence their products are largely imported.

Cotton is grown in tolerable quantities, but as a field crop, 18 very

poor in quality. Where, however, it is grown as a garden crop and

freely watered, some of the produce is exceedingly good, both as

sia eiannie eeeeiiacecines ein.

utilissumus, &e.

294. On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. | No. 8,

regards quantity and the quality of the fibre. The fact is, that the

soil in general is too poor and too dry, but if this be properly

enriched with manure, freely watered, and under shade, a good crop

is the usual result.

Tobacco. “Tumbakoo,” Nicotiana Tabacum, is cultivated more as

garden produce and undergoes free irrigation. There is not so much

raised as is required for local use, but what is raised, is considered of

a good quality.

Satilower. Of this a large quantity is cultivated, good in quality:

and sufficient both for the local market and for exportation. The

seeds are used, though not extensively, for making oil.

Indigo. Indigofera tenctoria—< Nil,” is cultivated strictly for

home consumption, and is used for dyeing the beard of the cultivator.

Rice. “ Chaul,” Oryza sativa has been cultivated in this tract, but

very rarely. ‘The fact is, there is no soil sufficiently moist and loamy

for its cultivation.

Sugar-cane grows in this tract only as a garden product, not to

have its juice extracted for the preparation of sugar, but to be sold

in the bazar in the cane, and thus eaten by the natives. ‘The cane

is very poor, being small and exceedingly silicious.

“Sunn,” Crotalarea juncea and “Sooja Para,” Hibiscus cannabinus

—are both grown in small patches and in stripes round fields, the first,

however, more commonly. ‘The fibres of both are good, and are

manufactured into-a coarse twine by the zemindar and thus sent to

market, ‘They do not seem to be cultivated for exportation.

GARDEN PRODUCE.

From gardens, which are attached to nearly every village, we have

the markets well supplied with all the vegetables that are usually

cultivated by natives, and which are used extensively by them in the form

ot “thurkarees.” The principal vegetables are “ Moolies,” varieties

of the radish—“ Piaz,” onions--“ Baingons,” egg-plant, Solanum

Melongena ; ‘““Shalgum,” varieties of the turnip-—“ Poluch,” varieties

of the spinach-—“ Gaager,” varieties of carrot—“ Shuker-kund,” species

of Arum—‘ Moukha,” Portulaca oleracea—* Ram-turai,” Hibiscus

longifolius—besides an immense variety of the Cucurbitacee vit.

“ Kudoo,” Cucurbita Pepo ; “ Keera,” Cucumis sativus ; “ Khurbooza,”

Cucumis Melo ; “ Turbooza,” Cucurbita Citrullus ; “ Kukree.” Cucumis

bse Sean ~ |

———-

——s

—

wt J

1864. | On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. 295

And used as condiments we have—

“Lal-mirch,”’ Capsicum frutescens ; “ Ajywain,” Ptychotis Ajowain ;

“Sonf;” Feniculum Panmorium ; “ Aneeson,” Pimpinella aniswm 5

Cichorium intybus ; “ Lusson,” Allium satiwum.

The following may be considered as a rough sketch of the vegetation

round a village of the district. Close to the village there are gene-

rally one or two small plots of garden ground, in the vicinity of the

wells from which they are watered. These gardens are carefully

surrounded by a strong and tolerably high fence of the branches of

the “Keekur,” Acacia Arabica. Round the margin of these plots

principally, and in close proximity to the wells, will be found trees of

the “ Keekur’” Acacia Arabica; “ Baer,” Zizyphus gujuba; a few

“ Lessoora,” Cordia Mysxa ; an occasional “ Burna,”’ Crataeva religiosa ;

sometimes a “Sissoo” Dalbergia Sisseo; and not unfrequently some

fine specimens of the A%eus Indica, “ Bore” and £. religiosa, “ Pipul.”

Then come plots of ground a little larger, enclosing tobacco, cotton

and sugarcane, the last uncommon in this tract. These several plots

are more or less watered from the wells, htt with these exceptions no

further irrigation of the crops in general is carried on.

The rest of the fields open out beyond with no divisions between:

them, except perhaps a footpath ; wherever a hedge of any sort is met

with, one may be certain of the close proximity of the dwellings of

the natives or of places for housing cattle.

A few fruits, the produce of the district, are sold in the market.

The chief of these are the mangoe, in a green and unripe state and

of poor quality ; the orange, sweet lime, and citron, all excellent ; also,

during nearly the whole year, the plantain. In the gardens of

Europeans, however, we have a large number of English vegetables

cultivated, with such fruits as the grape, fig, guava, apricot, peach and

strawberry, all good of their kind.

TREES.

Most of the trees in the Jhelum tract have been introduced, though

many have become naturalised ; few indeed can be said to be

native to it. We will therefore in writing of them, class them

under two heads.

Ist. Trees which have been introduced.

2nd. Trees which are native to the districé.

dst.—Of trees that have been introduced we have—

Cordia Myxa, “ Budda-lessoora.’’ The large-fruited Lessoora. This

yields the large kind of Sebesten. It is a handsome showy evergreen

tree, with good-sized timber, but is only found in gardens.

Cordia latifolia, “ Lessoora.” This tree yields the small Sebesten,

which is scarcely used. It is found in most of the gardens in

the district. It has small timber, which is not put to any use in

particular.

Syzigium Janbolanum, “Goulab Jaman.” Of this there are a few

fine trees, generally near the dwellings of Fakirs. There is one tree

on the summit of Mt. Tilla, fifteen feet in circumference.

Parkinsonia aculeata, “ Velaiti Kekur.”

Sesbania Algyptiaca, Pers.

These two latter exist as tree-shrubs: both are trué garden plants

and are extending their range ; both being now occasionally met with

near villages.

Baulima variegata, “ Kochnar.” A garden tree, the flower buds of

which are used largely in curries and pickles.

Morus alba and Morus laevigata, Wall. “Toot,” are in this

tract dwarfed from want of soil and moisture, and do not yield

timber.

Melia Azedarach, U. “ Buchyan,” Persian Lilae is attached to all

villages. ‘The timber is of no use: the foliage gives a good shade and

the ripe fruit is greedily seized upon by goats and sheep.

Moringa pterygosperma, “Sohounja,” or horse-radish tree, in this

tract is a garden product; its fruit is not used for oil making, nor

is its timber applied to any purpose. It affords, however, a good

shade. | 7

oe Populus Euphratica and P. dilatata, Don. “ Safaida” are both the

= | products of the gardens of Europeans.

= Acacia Serissa, Roxb. “ Seriss,” grows to a very handsome tree,

generally near European dwellings.

Cedrela Toena, “Toon,” has been introduced but lately. It both

flowers and fruits.

Bombax heptaphyllum, L., “ Sembul.”

Cassia fistula, L. “ Amultas,” the Indian Laburnum grows near

dwellings, not common; produces good fruit and flowers geuerally

twice during the year,

296 On the Vegetation of the Thelum District. | No. 3,

“

a a

valuable timber, we have but little, and what tree

1864. | On the Vegetation of the Shelwm District. — 297

Salic Babylonica, frequently met with near bunees, tanks, and damp

localities.

Ficus religiosa, “ Pipul,” and & Indica, “ Bore, Burgot,” Banyan

tree. Hine specimens of these are found throughout the district. It

is a matter of opinion as to whether their origin here be due to natural

causes or to their having been introduced. If the former, they must

be upon the confines of their northern limits,

2nd.—T'rees native to the district.

Crateva relogiosa, “ Burna.” This seems to have been at one time

a common tree in this tract, more especially upon the alluvial soil near.

the river, where there are still anumber of very large trees which give

a splendid shade and form large timber. The fruit is used to mix

with mortar for making a strong cement.

Tamaria Indica, Gallica, L. “ Furas.” In this tract the only trees

we have of this, have been planted, but in some other tracts we

find it is prolific. It produces a miserably poor brittle wood, used

chiefly for the fire. This tree resembles a fir and indeed by most

people it is generally mistaken for such.

Acacia Arabica, “ Kekur, Babool.” Of this we have two varieties,

viz.: A. A. var. spina, albida, and A. A. var. cypress. This latter is

the most elegant but the least common in this tract. They are both

large handsome trees yielding good shade, give excellent, useful timber,

and grow rapidly and well, over the whole district. Their wood is

used largely for ploughs, well wheels and tent pegs ; their branches for

feeding sheep, goats, camels and cattle in general, as also for making

hedges. The bark is used for tanning and making country spirits,

besides yielding not unfrequently a large supply of gum, “ Gondh.”

Acacia modesta, Wall “ Phulai.”” In good alluvial soil and where

there is drainage this becomes a fine timber tree. Otherwise, as where

it grows on the hills and ravines of the district, it is but a poor twisted,

stunted shrub, ft only for firewood, but for this purpose it is excellent ,

camels, goats, &e. feed in Spring on its young leaves and flowers. Its

timber is very hard and used greatly for wheels, especially when these

are to be exposed to wetting. The heart wood becomes quite black

and is as hard as iron.

Dalbergia Sissoo, “Sheshum.” Of this, which produces the most

S there are, have

apparently been planted during the rule of the English Government in

a 2

998 On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. [No. 3

the Punjaub. A few trees, however, of Seikh times still exist near

wells, and shew splendid timber. The natives of the district would

induce one to believe that this had formerly been a common tree and

that during the Punjaub campaign it had been cut down. I believe it

has been introduced since our conquest of the country, with the

exception of the specimens near Tullagung.

Zizyphus gujuba, “ Baer,” is a good, rapid growing tree, produces

excelient wood, highly valued by the zemindars, and requires no

care or trouble to rear ; its fruit and leaves yield good fodder to goats,

sheep, &c. and its branches make excellent hedges.

The “ Baer” and the “ Kekur” are the staple woods of the whole

district, from which all the woodwork required by the agricultural popu-

lation is made. They spring up naturally from their seeds, whether

distributed by winds, men or animals. ‘They require no care in their

youth, and both grow freely without water, (or at least under very

straitened cirreumstances for it,) so long as they have some soil to

grow in. Onstony, sandy land they do not grow, but on clay they

spring up readily. At present there are few or no old trees in the

Jhelum tract and decidedly not many in any of the other tracts ; that

is to say, trees fit for timber. This is due solely to carelessness and

negligence on the part of the zemindars to substitute young trees for

those cut down ; hence there is at present a scarcity of timber, which

ina few years, if the present state of things goes on, will end in a

nullity of local produce. It appears to me that Government should

take up this subject in earnest, and only permit trees of above a certain

age to be cut down, making it an established rule, that for every

tree cut down, a proportionate number of young trees be planted.

The greater the age of the tree cut down, the larger should be the

number of young trees required to be substituted for that one re-

moved: and thus, instead of a scarcity of timber, in a few years,

a cheap supply of wood grown on the locality would be the result,

besides the benefit that would otherwise accrue to a country at present

all but destitute of trees. In replacing trees cut down, it is strongly to

be recommended that the Baer and Kekur be preferred to any others:

not even excepting the Sissoo, which, although a valuable timber tree,

takes too long a time to become useful and is too tender, requiring

too much nursing in its youth, to be of real paying benefit. ‘The

rapid growth of the Baer and Kekur and their non-liability to injury

: a. SS

1864. | On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. 299

from want of care, besides their great durability, more especially during

exposure to heat and moisture, are characters which render them of

immense value to the zemindar, who uses their wood for ploughs and

well-wheels where it is continuously exposed to the extremes of moisture

and dry heat; besides which, he gets a quick return for the labour and

trouble expended in rearing the trees, which are grown on the spot

where their wood is required for consumption. ‘Thus he is put to no

expense for carriage, while the branches of both trees are of great

value to him for fences for his fields, and the leaves, blossom and fruit

as fodder for his cattle.

CHARACTERISTIC PLANTS.

The characteristic plants of the Jhelum tract may be classed as

those met with—

1st, On the Islands and banks of the river,

2nd. On the moist marshy soil left by the receding of the river,

ord. in wells,

4th. As weeds in gardens,

5th. As weeds in fields.

6th. The remainder are met with on roads, waysides, fields aud

gardens, in short are not confined to any particular locality.

Ist. The characteristic plants met with on the isiands and banks

of the river Jhelum are :—

Tamarix dioica, Roxb. Called in the vernacular generally “ Pilchee,”

Jhao,” and frequently “ Furas” (the latter name, however, is more

generally applied to the tree 7. Indica). This with Saecharwi spon-

taneum covers the ‘slands (balaa’s) during the hot weather, with a

dense low jungle. Both are considered of some value for thatching ;

the former is also used largely for all kinds of rough basket work.

From the great abundance of both, and their cheapness, they are

used to consolidate the soil laid upon the Grand Trunk Road. By

the end of October, the islands are cleared completely of this jungle,

and nothing but the roots and stumps of the plants are left, which

begin again to send up fresh shoots in March and April. The

fresh shoots of the latter are at this time fed on by cattle. Cattle

will not, however, feed on the full grown grass, which is too coarse

and rough for them. On some of the Balaa’s, but chiefly on the banks

of the river on the Goojerat side, the Saccharum Munja“ Moonj,” is to

be met with in large quantities, forming a much higher and thicker

300 On the Vegetation of the Fhelum District. [No. 8,

jungle than that of the S. spontanewm. Its value is much ereater,

being used for rope-making. The cause of its high price is, that

ropes made from it are able to withstand the effects of moisture

combined with strain, much longer than any other rope made from

muterials as readily obtained. It is largely used by boatmen on the

river, as well as for the anchorage of the boats that form the bridges

on most of the Punjaub rivers. In 1861, the Moonj harvest was a

failure, and in its place large quantities of the leaves of the Chamerops

Ritchiana, “ Puttha” from the Attock district, were imported to the

rest of the Punjaub to supply the bridges with moorage rope. The

ropes are made by steeping the leaves in water for a certain number

of days, then tearing them into ribbon-like strips, which are plaited

together upon the principle of the watchguard plait, and then two or

three of the plaits are twisted into one rope of the required thickness.

The Moon; is said to bear a heavier strain and last longer than the

other, when both are exposed to moisture.

The Anatherum muricatum “ Khus Khus,” is met with in some

quantity, chiefly on the river’s bank, both cultivated and in a wild state,

near Russool ; also a few miles above Jelallpore. It is of value to the

zemindars who sell it for being made into tatties, &e.

2nd. The characteristic plants met with in moist marshy ground

left by the receding of the river, &c., are :— |

Machlys henuspherica, D. C.

Mazus rugosus, Lour.

Mimulus gracilis, R. Br.

Veromca anagalhs, UL.

Paslygonum Persicaria, L,

Lumex acutus, Roxb,

Potentilla supina.

Zeuxine suleata. The only orchid obtained in the whole district

and this only on the banks of the remains of an old canal below the

Government garden at Jhelum.

Alisma Plantago, Ll. ‘This flowers early in April, and its presence

in this part of the Jhelum district, seems to be due to the river bring-

ing down the seeds from a higher elevation ; these vegetate in the

pools of water left by the receding of the river. The seeds of the

Ninghara, Trapa bispinosa are also brought down by the river floods

in large quantities, but I have never seen them vegetate.

1864: | On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. oOL

Potamogeton erispus, La.

Juncus bufonius, L.

Eleocharis palustris.

Lsolepes barbata, R. Br.

Scurpus maritumus.

Cyperus rotundus, Li.

Cyperus niveus.

Cyperus haspan.

Ranunculus sceleratus, L.

2rd. In the wells of the district we meet with—

Adiantum capillus-V eneris.

4th. As weeds of gardens. Garden weeds are in much greater

variety than one would at first be apt to suppose. This is simply

due to the presence of a moister and richer soil than that of the

surrounding country.

Humaria parviflora.

Malcoloua Africana, R. Br.

Sisymbrium Sophia, L.

Sisymbriwm Irio, L.

Capsella bursa-pastoris, R. Br.

Lepidium satiwwm, Li. ?

Goldbachia levigata, D. C.

Oligomeris glawcescens, Camb.

Viola tricolor, Cult. ?

Silene coniea.

Silene rubella, L.

Arenaria serpyllifolia, L.

Portulaca oleracea.

Medicago denticulata.

Trigonella incisa.

Indigofera Senegalensis, D. C.

Vicia sativa, L. and other species.

Centaurea cyanus, L.

Anchusa hispida, Forsk.

f Nonnea Pulla, D. C.

Antirrhinum erontium, Iu.

y? Veronica agrestis, L.

302 On the Vegetation of the Thelum District. LNo. 3,

5th. The characteristic plants met with as weeds in fields.

Harly in March Oxzalis cormiculata, Anagallis arvensis, Lathyrus

aphaca, L., and Asphodelus fistulosus are seen springing up in im-

mense quantities over the whole of the fields, along with the spring

crops. ‘The former are not very injurious, and hence are not weeded

out, but the last if allowed to proceed in its growth would undoubtedly

choke, at all eveuts, wheat and barley. In some fields that have been

sown late and in which none of the corn crop is as yet up, the

Asphodelus at a very little distance may be easily mistaken for the

corn crop. This therefore, when it is large enough to be grasped by

the fingers, is carefully weeded out from the cultivated ground.

Sesbania aculeata is very common throughout the fields, and during

the months of August and September, it may be seen overtopping the

Bajree or other autumnal crops.

Celosia argentea, lL. grows amongst the Bajree and Jowar, and is

found as a weed from a few inches in height to a shrub of fully seven

feet, covered with a profusion of lovely pink flowers. The natives,

upon cutting down the crop, curiously enough always seem to leave

the plants of this, which remain conspicuous over the reaped fields.

Balospermum polyandrum. This seems to be one of the most

difficult shrubs to eradicate, from the large quantity of sceds that

one plant bears, and its readiness to germinate. It is not very

noticeable until the autumnal crop is cut. Immediately after this,

the plant rapidly produces a dark green foliage with flower and fruit,

assuming the characteristics of a shrub. It occupies a belt of land

half way between the Jhelum and the Ratian range of hills, from

which it does not seem to deviate.

6th. Characteristic plants, met with on roads, &c., &c., &e.

Calotropis procera, R. Br., “Ak Madar.” This is to be found in

every part of the district, from the sandy wastes to the most cultivated

soul, from the plains of the Jhelum to the heights of the salt range

and Mt. Tilla. It is a rank weed, but being easily eradicated, does not

give the cultivator much trouble, except on the edges of the fields,

where carelessness permits of its growth.

Adhatoda vasica, Nees, “ Bansa and Bakoor.” This also is

disagreeable neighbour to cultivation, but is easily kept at a proper

distance. It is to be found at an altitude of from 700 to 3,200 ft.

and on the Ratian range of hills forms a belt of vegetation pecu-

ee .-

1864. | On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. 303

liar to the boulders that form a portion of that range. In the ra-

vine country it grows as a large spreading bush.

Peganum Harmala, “ Hurmool,” forms a thick dense bush about a

foot in height and although met with on the low ranges of hills, &c.,

it is not so flourishing as in the plains, round the edges of fields and

on roadsides.

Lephrosia purpurea, Pers. covers the plain country wherever it is

allowed to grow, and exists as a rank weed especially where there is

no vegetation of higher growth than itself: it is easily choked,

but where grass like the Doob and similar creeping plants, with

Pimpinelia erimita, Boiss, and Trichogyne cauliflora, D. C. cover the

soil, as on the parade ground, the plant quickly spreads itself in great

luxuriance.

Lribulus terrestris, is met with, creeping close to the ground in. great

quantity over the whole district, with Malva parviflora, L.

Centaurea calcitrapa, L.

_Microrhynchus nudicaulis.

Boerhaavia diffusa, L.

Convolvulus arvensis, L.

Convolvulus pluricaulis, Choisy.

Heliotropium undulatum, Vahl.

Heliotropium Huropewn, L.

Solanum Jacquini Willd “ Kuthelee Kunth.”

Withania somnifera, Dun.

Chenopodium album, L.

Crozophora tinctoria, Juss.

Lathyrus aphaea, L.

Alysicarpus nummularifolius, D. C.

Alhagt maurorum.

Nomismia aurea, W. & A.

Aanthium strumania, L.

Artemisia scoparia, W. & K,

Echinops echinatus, Roxb.

Inomea sessiliflora, Roth.

Trichodesma Indica, R. Br,

Solanum nigrum, L.

Giesekia linearifolia, Mog.

Huphorbia dracunculoides, Lam.

BRP a LOGY

wate

;

0 Aw

ls ae Le) ) My ae re Meera»

t Se eee eee ntge a weet.

y “4 > yi ~ ee ibis ‘ - ’ j

rere ee

AR te ot ) ea > =

Ni iit a Share

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Heeae way fi)

vin yi F

if]

304 On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. [No. 3;

Viola cinerea, Boiss.

Polycarpea corymbosa, Lam.

HERBAGE FOR CATTLE.

Of grass especially cultivated or allowed to grow for the purposes

of pasturage, there is none in the Jhelum tract, for all land

capable of producing grass is at once placed under some kind of

corn crop. All kinds of cattle are chiefly sent to feed upon the

low hill ranges, or upon certaim tracts of land covered with the

Baer, (from a low thorny shrub to a tree of good size, Ziziphus

nummularia, Mulla, and 4. gujuba) the cattle feeding on the leaves

and fruit. Of such Baer jungles there are several in the Jhelum

tract, made up chiefly of the Baer, but also partly of the “Kureel”

and “ Bakoor,” with an occasional “ Kekur” and perhaps rarely a few

bushes of the Grewia betulifolia. Camels manage to piek up their

fodder, (which must necessarily chiefly consist of the Seccharwn.

spontaneum,) from the islands on the river. This, however, except

in a young state, seems to be too hard a grass for cattle generally.

Green corn 1s even cut for horse fodder, and should a cavalry regiment

be stationed at Jhelum, the grass-cutters of the regiment have to

go down the river as far as Russool, (which is situated fifteen miles

further down, on the opposite bank of the river,) for the purpose of

obtaining grass.

The grass-cutters of the usual inhabitants get what grass they can

along the roadsides, between the edges of fields, or footpaths, &c. and

that which is chiefly collected is the Doob, Cynodon Dactylon,,.Pers.

Pennisetum eimchroides.

Aristida depressa, Retz.

Digitaria sanguinalis.

Pamcum Petweri, Trin.

Pameum procumbens, Nees.

Panicum antidotale, Retz.

Aristida murina, Cav.

Lappage biftora.

Hragrostis Pogoides, Beauv.

Dactyloctenium Algyptiacum.

Koeleria phleoides, Pers. This may be called the cold weather grass,

as it flowers as early as February, and if cultivated, might be of great

use as fodder during the cold weather months,

“cama ~_ aee ~~

SS ==>

1864. ] On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. 305

Many other grasses are met with, but the above are the only kinds

found generally in the tract. The others in damp and shaded

localities, exist rather as botanic specimens than as herbage for cattle.

7th. Of Parasitical plants, the only one met with as yet, has been

Cuscuta reflexa, “ Akas-bel,” which is in this tract supported by the

“ Baer,” on Mt. Tilla by the “ Bakoor,” and at Choya-siden-sha by

the “ Angeer.” (Ficus caricoides, Rox.)

THe Tract OF THE tow HILL RANGES.

' Under this head are included the Bukrala, Ratian, Surafur and

iXharian ranges of hills. Their geology, physical characteristics and

vegetation are similar, and their average height may be considered

to be from 1,000 to 1,200 feet above the sea level. Mori Peak, the

highest ef the Kharian range, is 1,400 feet, and is situated in the

centre of thatrange. Mt. Tilla the most westerly of the Ratian range,

is 8,200 feet. The botany of the latter, will, however, be considered

by itself hereafter.

These hills are more or less covered with a jungle of low trees and

shrubs, besides a few grasses and other herbs. On the whole, how-

ever, they present a barren aspect, being covered with a dried-

up clay and stony soil, lying chiefly upon sandstone, but here and

there upon boulders, and broken up extensively by deep ravines with

sandy bottoms. However, in some little solitary shaded nooks, where

loamy soil has accumulated, and where there is moisture from some

Spring, we come upon a. herbage of a luxuriance only to be met with

in a tropical climate.

The vegetation upon these hills affords pasturage for immense

flocks of goats and sheep chiefly, but also of many camels and

cattle, which feed upon the blossoms and tender shoots of the shrubs

rather than upon the grass, the latter being very scarce in preportion

to the former. 3

This jungle, besides yielding fodder for the cattle, supphes the main

part of the firewood for the surrounding population.

The chief sources of firewood in the Jhelum tract, are—

Ist. Wood obtained from the river. Jhelum by women wading

into its shallows, and picking up the wood that has been brought

down from the hills, but which is so dense with the amount of

water that it contains, that it sinks to the bottom. The women

2 Re

LLG O NILES vad ery ’ 7

TH LONTTLN RD ET Re Da

306 On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. [No. 3,

wade out in large numbers at a time, and feeling with their toes for

the bits of wood, pick them up and raise them with their toes. The

wood is then placed in baskets and afterwards dried in the sun. This

is the cheapest kind of firewood.

9nd. The large roots of trees chiefly of the “Cheer,” Pinus

longifolia, carried down with the floods of the river, but not soaked

with water.

8rd. That obtained from the jungles on the low ranges of hills.

The jungle of the low ranges of hills is made up of—

Stunted shrubs of the Acacia modesta, Wall. “ Phulai.” Capparis

aphylla, “ Kureel.” Carissa diffusa, Roxb. “ Karounda.” Sageretia

Brandrethiana,* “ Kohare.” Gymnosporia spinosa, “ Putaker.” Hhere-

tia aspera, “ Chumroor” and “ Kookhun.”

Grewia betulrfolia.

Cocculus leeba,

Periploca aphylla.

Asparagus, several species.

Tavermera nummularea, D. C.

Dedonea Burmanniana.

_ These constitute the main part of it, but in some portions it may

be made up of the Zizyphus gujuba and Acacia Arabica, both very

stunted, with Adhatoda vasica, Nees, and the “ Dhak,’ Butea frondo-

sa, the last chiefly in broken ground, where also we meet with Tecoma

wndulata, “ Loora.” On the higher localities on the ridges of Mt. Tilla,

we may pick up shrubs of Olea Huropea, Cow. ‘

The under-shrubs and herbs growing with the above jungle are;

Salvia pumila, Benth. which in many places covers the ground like

a grass and is much sought after by sheep.

Loucerosia aucheri, “ Choonya,” a very characteristic plant, spring-

ing up from the roots and among the stems of the larger shrubs.

The natives collect it and use it largely as a bitter tonic.

Solanum gracilipes, Jacq.

Linaria ramosissima, Wall.

Commelyna communis, L.

Commelyna Bengalensis, L.

Polygala arvensis, Willd.

* Sageretia Brandrethiana, called after Arthur Brandreth, Hsq., Bengal

Civil Service,

ar Se

1864.] On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. 307

Polygala Vahliana, D. C.

Astragalus multiceps, Wall.

Pupalea lappacea, D. C.

Dipteracanthus prostratus, Nees.

Arua javanica, Juss.

Ballota limbata, Benth.

Allium rubellum, Bieb.

Cleome linearis, Stocks.

Abuitilon Indicum.

Sida rhombtfolia, L.

Triumfetta angulata, Lam.

Besides the above, we have several grasses :—

Cynodon dactylon, “ Doob.”

Melanocenchris Royleana, Nees.

Pewmnisetum Cinchrordes.

Aristida depvessa, Retz.

Hragrostis Cynesurotdes.

Dactyloctenium Algyptiacum.

In some ravines Saccharum Munja and S. spontaneum and not ute

commonly also Neriwm odorwm are to be met with. The last planti

1s, however, more common where these ravines open out into the

nullahs. It is not to be found on the banks of the river, in its whole

course from the fort of Mungla to Shapore, but seems to prefer

the hills, as no sooner does one get into the hilly country above

Munela, than it is met with in large quantities on the river bank.

Except during the rainy season, water is not obtainable in these low

ranges of hills, unless it be from Bumnnees, which are reservoirs of

water formed more or less artificially in connection with springs. To

these all the cattle are brought from miles round, as the Bunnees are

few in number and generally at some distance from each other,

The inhabitants of this tract always use their water in preference to

any other. Jn nearly all these Bunnees we have a form of aquatic

vegetation peculiar to them. In those of some depth we have

Nelumbium speciosum, the fruit of which is greatly relished by

the natives. In most of them, we have Nymphea eerulea, alba?

and pubescens, with Polygonum barbatum, L. and Persicaria, beside

Sagittaria cordifolia, Roxb.

Marsilea quadrifolia.

S—--

308 On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. — [No. 8,

Potamogeton erispus, L.

Juncus bufonius, Lu.

Celsia Coromandeliana, Vahl.

Feumex acutus.

In their vicinity, the vegetation is usually of much greater luxuri-

ance than that of the surrounding country.

Tract oF RAVINES,

This constitutes that portion of the country between the Ratian

and Bukrala ranges ; as also that to the north of the Bukrala and Salt

ranges. It consists of plain ground broken here and there by low

elevations, and cut up in every direction by ravines. ‘The average alti-

tude of these plains about Chuckowal and Tullagung is 1000 feet

above the sea level. Their geological formation is chiefly tertiary mio«

-cene, with little or no surface soil. The vegetation is much poorer than

that met with in the Jhelum tract. The agricultural products are

chiefly Bajree and Jowar, which are usually very fine, bearing heavy

erops if there has been a good rainy season. Wheat is poor, and cotton

also, except where cultivated in the courses of the nwllahs or ravines in

which alluvium has been deposited: the small garden plots, for they

appear little or nothing more, are then watered from wells sunk at

a little distance from the bank of the nullah: this kind of culti-

vation is well illustrated, at Doomun ; where seven or eight wells,

with their garden plots of cotton and tobacco are seen, on the

margin of the nullah at the base of the fortress. Except near wells

or bunnees or tanks, trees other than the Baer and Kekur are scarcely

to be met with, and these are uncommon. From Chuckowal west-

wards, large and fine crops of gram, Cicer arietinum, with varieties of

Phaseolus are raised, this country supplying much of the gram to the

rest of the Punjaub.

Lo the west of Chuckowal the land spreads out into much more

extensive plains, and is much less eut up by small ravines than that

to the east of it, although traversed by many large nullahs, upon the

banks of which good fodder is obtainable, and where we find the (al-

bergia Sissoo, Sheshum, growing in its natural soil and producing tim-

ber by no means to be despised : especially near Tullagune.

Herbage is not procurable for cattle except on the low ranges of

hills, and in the ravines that run through this tract, or on the banks

1864. | On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. 309

of the nullahs already spoken of, where Saccharum spontaneum is fre-

quently to be found growing in great luxuriance, vying with Meriwm

odorum.

During the hot weather the cattle of the zemindars suffer oreatly

from the want of good water, and their owners have recourse to build-

ing mud tanks for collecting water during the rains: to these, as

Flemming says, “Men and animals go for drink indiscriminately.”

Tanks not fed by springs have, apparently for this reason, no vegeta-

tion in them, unless it be species of Pistia.

The uncultivated land of this tract has a vegetation very similar

to that described as existing upon the low range of hills; with this

exception, that in the ravines and beds of nullahs, we meet with the

“Dhak” Butea frondosa, in much greater quantity, in some spots

even constituting a jungle, as at Booroo jungle on the Bukrala nullah.

The piece of land, however, on which this jungle grew, has been to

a great extent, reclaimed. Near Tullagung are hedges of the Cactus

Lndica growing in great luxuriance. |

The Colocynth, Cucumis Colocynthis, “‘ Indraun,” covers the hard

sun-baked ground throughout the whole of the hot weather: Limeum

JLndicum is very common.

THE JELALLPORE TRAcT

Constitutes that portion of the district that lies between the river

Jhelum and the Salt range, from where the Surafur hills come down,

upon the river, to the town of Pind-dadun-Khan. This tract con-

sists of an extensive plain, spreading from the baso of the salt hills

to the river, with but a very slight incline towards the latter. The

plain consists of a rich alluvial deposit, except at the base of the hills,

where it is made up of a mass of boulders, shingle and debris,

Interspersed throughout it are tracts of soil impregnated largely

with saline matters: the last increasing in amount as we approach

Pind-dadun-Khan. In some places torrents from a higher level than

that of the salt, deposit loam upon certain lands close under the salt

range, making them the richest in the whole district. To facilitate

the deposition of the loam, as well as to prevent its being carried

off by rains after its deposit, ridges of earth of about eighteen inches

in height are thrown up round the fields.

Over this tract wells are very plentiful, with a large supply of water

310 On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. [No. 8, ,

at a little depth, but the water except in close proximity to the river

is saline, and decidedly more so the further west we go.

Where the well water is not greatly charged with saline matter, it is

largely used for irrigation, and where the river presents a high bank

its water is also raised for the same purpose. At Baghanwalla a small

a stream from the hills is nearly used up for irrigation. fe

2 oy — : The chief crops irrigated are,—sugar-cane, rape and cotton. i |

a = a The crops are the same as those in the Jhelum tract, but the cotton

a on the whole, is very much finer and the produce much greater.

Sugar-cane 1s cultivated as a field product and is of fine quality.

ported, as also of Til, Sesamum Indicwm.

Rice is occasionally raised on the islands on the river and on land

that is frequently flooded.

Indigo is occasionally grown and brought into the market. “)

Of Trees, the “Kekur,” and in greater numbers, its variety the

cypress, grow in much greater luxuriance than elsewhere, as also do

the “Bore” and Pipul, Aiecus Indica and F. religiosa. In this tract |

we meet for the first time with Salvadora oleoides, “Pelu.” It is

confined, however, in the most easterly part of this tract, to the imme- h

diate base of the hills. nh

Also close to the base of the Hills, growing in its natural state, as

well as introduced into some of the fields near Jelallpore, we have

| Moringa pterygosperma, Sohounja.

= The barren soil alluded to as occurring amidst the cultivated

as land, is covered with alow, shrubby jungle consisting of Caroaylon

jetidum, Mog, Anabasis multiflora, Mog, Sueda fruticosa, L., the

first of which chiefly alone, but not unfrequently with the two latter,

is largely burnt to yield Sugee-muttee, a coarse carbonate of soda and

potash. In this tract, however, but little is made in proportion to

that produced in the tract we shali next speak of, or that of the

district of Shapore. Except near the river’s bank we have scarcely

any of the grasses met with in the Jhelum tract, their place being now

occupied by Alluropus repens, and Cressa cretioa.

At Pind-dadun-khan which may be considered the end of the

Jelallpore tract, we have very rich alluvial soil supporting some fine

trees of Tamarindus Indica “ Imlee Umlai.”

Rape “Surson.” Of this, large quantities are cultivated and ex-

1864. | On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. dll

Syzygium Jambolanun, “ Jaman.”

Phyllanthus Emblica, “ Howla—Aowla.”

Heronia elephantum, “ Khair,” which bears fruit.

Mangofera Indica, Mango, highly cultivated in some of the gardens.

Phenix dactylifera, “ Khujjoor,” which, although we meet with

occasional specimens on the river’s bank between Jhelum and this

place, only here occurs as naturalised, producing fruit in some quantity,

and tolerable in quality.

Guilandina Bonducella, “ Kut-karounja,” apparently naturalised, is

found in profusion near gardens.

Besides the trees mentioned, we have all the others enumerated

as occurring in the Jhelum tract, and all, without exception, having

a far finer appearance: this is due no doubt to the depth and rich-

ness of the alluvial soil, with a sufficiency of moisture.

From this point passing westwards we enter upon the tract of the

salt plains, viz. the plains that lie between the river and the salt range

to the west of Pind-dadun-khan for about 30 to 40 miles, that being

about the extent of the Jhelum district.

Tract OF THE SauT Pratrns.

In this division we have a tract of country all but a dead level, and

in which the cultivation is restricted mainly to the margin of the river,

the remainder being near the base of the hills, while between the two,

the land is a jungly waste, owing to the excessive impregnation of the

soil with saline matter. Through the whole tract, except close to the

river’s bank, the well water is so bad, that for water for their own

use and for their cattle, the inhabitants are dependant on that collected

in mud tanks; and for the watering of their crops On rain; except

where, as at Keutha, a stream of fresh water comes down from the

hills; and in that case it is necessarily used for irrigation. Hence

a poor and scanty crop of Bajree and Jowar with a little cotton

may be considered the chief products of this tract. Along the banks

of the river, however, wheat and barley, with the above, and the oil-

seeds are largely cultivated, and yield good crops. ;

On alluvial soil, as on the banks of the river, or where cultivation

is carried on, the Cypress variety of the Kekur, the Baer and the Date-

palm may be considered the characteristic trees,

On the land incapable of cultivation we have a jungle consisting of

stunted trees, bushes and shrubs, viz.—

312 On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District, [No. 3, Li

Tamarix Indica, ‘ Furas.”

Salvadora oleoides, ‘‘ Pelu.”

Prosopis spicigera, “ Jand.” i

Acacia modesta, “ Phulai.” | fe

: Capparis aphylia, “ Kureel,’ with Acacia Arabica and its variety at

ae =e Oupressus. | ik

Se Sueda fruticosa, L. th

3 ae Anabasis multiflora, Moq. | it

- he Farsetia Jacquemontii, Hf and T. it

Saccharum spontaneum with Aéluropus repens. | Op

Immense herds of cattle are pastured in this jungle, and their fodder te

seems to consist of the abovementioned shrubs and bushes more than of te

either of the grasses : the former when in full growth being apparently fi

too hard for them, while the latter only springs up in any quantity

during the rains, or as long as moisture lasts in the soil. “i

During the month of May and when the fruit of the “ Pelu” is be- lin, y

coming ripe, whole villages of people go out and stop in the jungles, altho

living solely upon it. This occurs more especially in the Shapore

district, where a much greater extent of the jungle exists which is

tremely from the want of good water, for what they drink is solely

that collected from falls of rain.

The fruit of the “Jand” Prosopis spicigera is largely used by the

natives as a vegetable diet, especially before it reaches maturity,

{

there called the Baer. Men and animals suffer in these jungles ex- | Ik

and is considered highly nutritious. hy.

From the “ Furas,” Zamariv Indica, both galls and manna are said |

to be obtained; the galls are very poor; of the manna none was met

with by myself on this tree.

Where the gorges of the salt range open out from the hills mto

the plains, and shingle, sand and a little soil with a large amount of

saline deposit, occupy the intervals between the boulders, we come upon e

Rhazya stricta, Deca, forming a shrubby jungle in itself. It spreads

also beyond, to soil that is capable of producing other plants.

On the beds of the saline streams that make their exit through

these gorges, uwmex vesicarius grows in great abundance.

= a From the gorges just mentioned, we naturally enough pass on t0

2) the salt range, of which we will now treat.

1864. | On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. 313

Hints OF THE SaLT Rane.

In ascending through the gorges, on the red marl of the salt

strata, we meet with two species (undescribed) of Pluchea growing in

great magnificence and presenting the characters of tree shrubs. These

are particularly characteristic plants of the marl.

As we rise still higher, passing above the salt strata, we come upon

the “ Pupper,” Buxus sempervirens, occurring in great quantity, more

particularly at the head of the gorge at Keutha, and producing wood

of good quality which, however, is not used for any particular purpose

by the inhabitants. The branches are, however, largely used for

thatching, for which purpose the durability of the leaves renders

them well fitted.

On the summit of the range, which averages 2000 feet above

the plains on the south, we come upon a jungle very similar to that

existing on the low ranges of hills, but consisting largely of the Olive,

Cow. with Prosopis spicigera and an occasional Acacia Hburnea, in

addition to the plants common in the latter. There is, however, none

of the A. Arabica. Besides these, characteristic of the range, we have

Dodonea Burmamana in great quantity.

Horskolea tenacissuma.

Astragalus leuco-cephalus, Benth.

Barleria cristata.

Lindenbergia polyantha, Royle, with Allium rubellum and. several

species of Asparagus, viz., racemosus, curillus, &e.

On the southern aspect of the range, from its base to its top, pass-

ing up the gorges, we have Salvadora oleoides forming a large por-

tion of the jungle. But the moment we rise to the actual summit,

and bend our way northwards, not a single plant of it is to be seen, its

distribution being limited to the west of the Surafur hills and the

south of the salt range.

These jungles supply large quantities of fire-wood but no timber

whatever.

THE PLAINS ON THE SatT Rana@e.

These are alluvial plains occurring interspersed throughout the

hills, many of them consisting of a limestone formation, and having

occasionally streams of fresh water running through them. These

streams in general make for the river Jhelum, and entering the salt

strata, become impregnated with saline matter, which they deposit on

28 2

B14 On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. [No. 3,

the galt plains beyond. Through these they are not able to cut their

way, but are absorbed by the soil long before they reach the river,

and thus instead of aiding in its irrigation, render 16 incapable of

producing a vegetation useful to man.

The plains wpon the salt range yield splendid crops of wheat and

barley, especially the former, as also all the other crops of the Jhelum

tract, except sugar-cane. In addition to these we have in the fields,

as at Kulakahar and Choya-siden-sha, opium largely cultivated, as also

the rose; from the latter an immense quantity of rose water is distilled,

its manufacture being lucrative.

Irrigation is not common, but where streams supply water, the

cultivation is laid out in terraces, walled round, to aid in a

free distribution of water and to prevent the washing away of

the soil.

Where these streams do not exist, water is scarce, wells being

sunk generally through rock and to some depth. Hence the fields

are solely dependant upon rain, and should a dry season occur, a com-

plete failure of the crops is inevitable.

On the alluvial soil bordering the streams above mentioned, we

have Morus alba, forming fine timber, especially at Kulakahar ; also

thus integerrima, Wall. ; “ Kuker*”’ in great magnificence both at the

last place and at Choya; as also Acacia modesta, “ Phulai,” at-

taining its greatest girth, with Vitis vinifera (naturalised) trailled

to the top of the highest trees. The Sissoo is rare, although the

largest tree of the sort I have ever seen, is at Kutas.

Besides the above—

Salia Babylonica.

Lizyphus vulgaris, “ Jujyuba.”

Neus Indica and religiosa with Melia Azaderach are common.

As shrubs on the hilly ground, we have generally those met with

on the low range of hills, mixed, however, largely with the Olive and

Dodonea, and not unfrequently Gardinia tetrasperma, Roxb.

’ As weeds in the fields, the most characteristic are—

Salvia Moorcroftiana, Wall. “ Kalather,’ met with over all the

fields.

% Called also Kuker-singa, because of the horn-like protuberances that are

developed upon its branches.

Osa

, SEBs bh

= ‘

e——

1864.] On the Vegetation of the Thelum District. 815

EHdwardsia, new* sp. “Koon,” said to be poisonous to cows—in

great quantity at Choya.

Hremostachys Vicaryi, Benth. not common.

Gypsophila Vaccaria, L. is very common in the corn-fields at thi:

elevation, growing along with the corn-crop. |

Lithospermum arvense.

Psoralea corylifolia, UL.

Gnaphaliuwm luteo-albwm.

Avena fatua, L.

Lepidium draba.

Nesha panculata.

Alhagi Maurorum * | :

In moist damp soil near fresh water, we have—

Herpestis monnera.

Stachys parviflora, Benth.

Samolus Valerandi, L.

Cyperus mucronatus, Roth.

Apium graveolens, L. with

Cynodon dactylon, in great profusion.

Some fine grazing for cattle is to be had along most of the fresh

water streams.

Mount Truua. 3

The most westerly of the Ratian range of. hills, is situated 17 miles

due west from the town of Jhelum. Its height is 3,277 feet above

the sea level. On its Hastern and Southern. aspects it presents a

scarped face with a direct ascent of nearly 1500 feet. The usual

route to its summit is by the western side from near the village of

Bagree.

It is covered with a low shrubby jungle at its base, corresponding |

to that met with on the low ranges of hills, but as we ascend to about

1,200 feet above the sea level, the vegetation gradually assumes a

character not found in any other part of the district, and in no way

analagous to that at a similar height in the salt range. This is owing

to the total absence of the salt rock, which in this hill does not

present itself wpon the surface.—A saline stream makes its escape

from the west side of the hill near the village of Bagree.

* Hdwardsia Hydaspica, (Edew.).

316 On the Vegetation of the Shelum District: [No. 8, i

SS None of the characteristic plants of the salt marl have as yet been 0

Zz = - a discovered on this hill, nor a single specimen of the Salvadora Ff

= oleoides. :

2 é , The first change that we notice in the vegetation as we ascend the

= = = hill, is that Acacza arabica in the form of stunted bushes gradually s

Stes disappears, so that it 1s quite absent at about 1,200 feet. Secondly, ei

grasses become more numerous and present. a greater amount of ver-

dure than we have as yet seen, except upon the plains on the salt is

range. i

= a These grasses are—

SS Anthistiria anathera, Nees. i

Cymbopogon Twarancusa, Roxb. ik

Andropogon annulatus, Korsk. fl

Heteropogon contortus. te

Crysopogon serrulatus. | “ a

Apluda aristata, Roxb. Ai

Pamcum Petweru, Trur. ; it

Pennisetum cinchroides. they

Pamcum antidotale, Retz. ‘

Aristida depressa, Retz. i

Aristida murina, Cav. Dh

Lappago biflora. bey

Cynodon dactylon, Pers. A is)

Digitaria sanguinalis. ay

Hragrostis pogoides. Dh

| Dactyloctenuum Agyptiacum. bi

Melanocenchris Royleana, Nees. in

, : The first six are the characteristic erasses of Mount Tilla, and cover th

ale 8 : ib with a splendid herbage for cattle, from its base to its summit. he

:. | a L This hill with its lower ridges may be considered as affording the best i

te = a runs for cattle in the whole district. tng

©: | a ‘ | Phaseolus trilobus, Ait., exists in profusion at the base of the 7 a

flee) es escarpment on the east side of the hill, creeping through the long é

grass and matting it together. bes

fie Lantana alba, commences about an altitude of 1,000 feet, be- Ne

1 4 oe | coming more common the higher we ascend, and characterising the | '

bad = = 7 vegetation of the hill with its lovely white inflorescence. ‘

Dalbergia Sissoo, “Sheshum” occurs upon the northwest slopes in

-_ Gay ec*ee...- ers

—

J SS ee

1864. | On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. 317

one or two places, as young trees of from 4 to 5 years’ growth: here

and in some ravines of the Surafur hills it seems to be rapidly becoming

naturalised.

Dodonea Burmaniana—<Syna,’ covers the hill from base to

summit on its western slope, forming a remarkably characteristic

jungle, (of which there is the analogue in the higher parts of the salt

range), and along with it on the same slope, choosing as it were a

similar locality, the “ Khujjoor”’* Phanix Sylvestris which produces

fruit in abundance. ,

Bambusa arundinacea, “ Bansa”—gyrowing in great luxuriance in a

valley that looks to the south, closed in on its other three aspects by

the high ridges of Mt. Tilla. Here the sun seems to have but little

effect and abundance of moisture exists. Along with it, we meet, for

the first time, with Rhus integerruma, Wall. “ Kuker,” presenting

some fine trees and fair timber; as also Jloringa Pterygosperma, and

Bombax hepiaphyllum, L. “Sembul,” the last shewing magnificent

inflorescence during March. Of this last, there are some fine trees in

the valley half way up Mt. Tilla, on the usual road from Bagree,

At 1,200 feet we meet with Physorynchus Brahuicus, Stocks, in

profusion. On the low range of hills it is rarely to be found.

Plectranthus rugosus, Benth. commences about the same height and

forms a dense mass, through which it is nearly impossible to make

one’s way, and affording excellent cover for chuckoa; it is greedily fed

on by cattle and sheep.

Plumbago Zeylanica, begins now to shew its fine white blossoms, and

Grislea tementosa, “Tawa” in the clefts of the rocks, presents an

inflorescence only equalled in splendour of colour by that of the Bombax

or the Butea. This is only to be met with, however, on the eastern

face of the hill.

Olea Europea, Cow. may be said to commence at 1,500 feet, although

found occasionally below this altitude; it is in this latter case but a

very small shrub. Indeed at the height abovementioned it is but a

shrub, assuming however rapidly the characteristics of a tree. It

does not attain its maximum growth under 3,000 feet. On the top of

Mt. Tilla there are some very fine trees of it growing through the

building of the fakir’s temple.

* The true date palm and the P. sylvestris are both called Khujjoor by the

natives.

Try Teena Haynie’

318 On the Vegetation of the Thelum Dice [ No. 3,

At the same height, species of Grewia viz. G'. oppositifolia, villosa

and fotiz, begin to appear as shrubs, but as we ascend, they put on

their true tree form.

We now come upon great tufts of grass, as it were, hanging from

the crevices of the rocks and covering the steeper sides of the hill ;

viz. Hriophorum comosum, ‘ Babila,” highly valued for rope-making :

the rope made from it is chiefly used for tying the earthen dishes upon

the Persian wheels. Exposed to continuous wet and in constant use,

a rope, the thickness of two fingers, will last during a whole year, if

properly twisted.

We now have, at 2000 fect, ALimosa rubicaulis, in some quantity.

All the good timber of this tree seems to have been cut down by the

villagers and shepherds. They have no name for it except “Kekur,”

Rhamnus Persica, is not uncommon on this hill, but is more

common on one of the ridges of the hill to the south-west.

ettlera tinctoria, Roxb. “ Rooin, Rolee, Kamela’’—exists in oreat

quantity in the narrow valleys leading down from the main hill. Its

seed vessels are highly valued as a vermifuge, and are also used to

prepare a red dye.

Here also, but in one locality only, viz. on the northern ridge of the

hill, we have Horskolea tenacissima, a characteristic salt range plant

found on strata much superior to that of the salt. And very common

over the whole hill is Welhania abutiloides, Arn.

fibiscus Gibsoni, Stocks, occurring in some quantity in the valley

through which the road leads, between the southern escarpment and

the main hill.

Boerhaavia repanda, Willd., in great luxuriance along the summit

of the face of the eastern escarpment.

Vitis carnosa, Wall., with Cissampelos Pariera are to he met with

all over the hill. The iaaee however, prefers the western aspect.

Colebrookia oppositifolia, Sm., at about 2,500 feet of elevation,

forms a bushy thicket; mixed with it, Haméltonia suaveolens, Roxb.

is very common. Barleria cristata begins to shew its lovely pink

fiowers, gradually spreading over the whole hill.

Letranthera Roxburghit, Nees,—not unfrequently met with as a

tree shrub. 3

ivydia ealycina, Roxb., chiefly as a shrub, but one or two good trees

exist upon the hill. From the number of stumps to be found scat-

——_

1864. | On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. 319

tered over the hill, it would seem that this tree has formerly existed

jn large numbers. It is very characteristic, more especially during the

winter, when enormous bunches of dried flowers are seen hanging from

it, the tree itself being deprived of all its foliage.

Demia extensa, R. Br. and Gardinia tetrasperma are not unfrequent-

ly to be met with over the cliffs.

Asplenium Dathousie is very common in the nooks and corners of

the rocks where moisture collects and affords a damp soil.

Above 2,500 feet we come for the first time upon a species of the

genus Arum, most likely Lyphonium (?)

Although at 1,500 feet on the rock above the fort at Munela,

Amphicoma Hmodi, Royle, is to be found in sreat luxuriance, I

have not obtained it on Tilla under 2,500 feet.

We now see the eastern face of the main hill covered with a shrub

producing enormous palmate foliage, but as I obtained neither its fruit

nor flower, I can only say that it is most likely to be a Sterewlia (?)

A single specimen of Cordia.vestita (?) Hf and T. occurs upon the

margin of the tank on the southern shoulder of the hill. From its

situation by the tank and its being the only specimen of its kind, it

has most likely been introduced. 7

Adiantum caudatwm occurs now, in great abundance in damp loca-

lities.

Celtis Caucasica as a small tree is here common, shewing tolerably

good sized timber.

At 3,000 feet we come upon the Convolvulacee in great luxuriance,

viz., Pharbitis nil, Lpomea muricata, Roxb., and. I. pilosa, Choisy,

with Campanula canescens ; the last only in damp localities, where also

we obtain that beautiful grass batratherum molle, Nees.

Galium aparine with Oheilanthes Jarinosa, in the recesses and

clefts of the rocks.

On the very summit we have Geranium rotundifolia and GC. lucida ?

being the first of this genus as yet obtained, with Gallia aparine,

which indicate a great altitude ; besides Phyllanthus nrurt, Olematis

Gouriana, Jasminum grandiflora and Vitess negundo, I.

On the summit of the hill we have a tolerably level piece of ground,

partly cultivated by the fakirs, with a miserable attempt aba garden,

planted by Government ; the remainder consists of a mass of jungle.

Here we have a temple belonging to the fakirs, with their burying places

2 7

320 On the Vegetation of the Thelum District. [No. 8,

scattered over the top of the hill; a small house belonging to Govern-

ment for the benefit of travellers; and lastly a magnificent tank fed

by numerous channels running towards it, from every direction. Ex.

cept from rain, neither on the summit nor indeed_ on any other part

of the hill, 1s water to be had, (except from the tank already mentioned

on the southern shoulder of the hill). But I have no doubt that if

a well were sunk in the valley between the eastern escarpment and the

main hill, water would be found at no great depth.

The vegetation on the summit is curiously varied. A splendid

specimen of the Pinus longifolia, “ Cheer,” bearing fruit, was introduc.

ed 30 years ago by the Fukirs. The olive occurs in great luxuriance ;

the “Khujjoor,” Phanix sylvestris, yielding fruit, and the Ficus

Indica, “ Bore.” The co-existence of the above four kinds of trees all

im full vigour tells us that we must be in a most genial climate ;

one in which neither the severity of the hot weather nor the dry-

ness of the atmosphere, is too great for the Pinus longifolia. Nor does

it seem that the intensity of the cold in the cold weather is so ex-

treme that the Meus Indica should not but rival some of the finest

specimens of its kind to be met with in the Jhelum district. Together

with these two forms we have the “ Khujjoor,” Phoenix sylvestris,

in its native luxuriance, with the olive and the pomegranate, Punica

granatum. :

For further information relative to the district of J helum, see—

Asiatic Society’s Journal for 1848. The camp and battle field of

Alexander and Porus, by Captain James Abbott, Bengal Artillery.

In ditto for 1849, Diary of a trip to Pind-dadun-Khan and the

salt range, By Andrew Fleming, M. D., Asst. Surgeon, 7th N. I.

In ditto for 1850, Descriptive notice of the Jhelum district by L.

Bowring, Bengal Civil Service.

In ditto for 1853. Report on the Geological structure and mineral

wealth of the salt range in the Punjaub, ke. &. &., by Andrew

Fleming, M. D., Edin., Asst. Surgeon, 7th N. T.

Survey of the Jhelum River by Charles Foster, Lt. I. N. in the

Punjaub Govt. Reports, No. VI. for 1861, published by Govt.

debate

ARAB? ZAGAT ES (R14

REDUCED FAGSIMILE OF THE DATE OF THE BENARES PLATE

FACSIMILE OF THE DATE OF THE DIGHWA PLATE.

ea i

MAR Ee ee ets 6 45

—=——

ee =“€ °°

— —-

La J _

—_--

=> JS) DS

1864.) On a Land- Grant of Mahendrapdla Deva of Kana. 321

On a Land-Grant of Mahendrapila Deva of Kanawj.—By Babu

RASENDRALALA Mitra, Corresponding Member of the

German Oriental Society.

In 1848 Mr. J. W. Laidlay, then editor of the Journal, published

a translation, by me, of a Sanskrita inscription meised on a large slab

of copper which had been presented to the Society by the late Col.

J.C. Stacy. It was the record of a gift of land by a prince of the

royal house of Mahodaya (Kanauj), and remarkable for being sur-

mounted by a figure of Bhagavati and the genealogy of the princes

named, cast in relief on a tablet of brass. A. counterpart of that

document has lately been found in the village of Dighwa Doobaneshar,

in the Pergunnah of Manghee, Zillah Sarun. Mr. P. Peppe, to whom

I am indebted for a transcript of the record, was informed that “ it

was dug out of a field some years ago by a Dighwaét Brahman of

Chhaprah ;” but Mr. James Cosserat of Motihari, who has favoured the

Society with a carefully prepared facsimile of the monument, learnt on

enquiry of the owners that “ their ancestors found i¢ in a temple in a

ruined Musalman fort in that village, but it was so long ago that

they did not seem to have any distinct tradition about it, nor to be

able to give any authentic information on the subject.” The weight of

the plate, according to him, is thirty seers. The surmounting tablet

he says “is a casting apparently of iron with a mixture of copper, and

the letters raised. It appears of older date than the lower portion of

copper engraved. ‘There is a small figure of an idol at the summit ;

the part left uncopied is a cornice and the idol itself (very indistinct)

which I have found it beyond the power of the natives here to take an

impression of. ‘The whole of the inscription, however, has been sot.

The upper portion has been roughly but securely joined to the lower

or larger and engraved part. The plate has suifered from fire, the traces

of which appear in the indistinctness of parts of the impression.”

The size of the monument, the style of the character incised on it,

and the tablet and the figure of Bhagavati which surmount it, bear

so close a resemblance to those of the Stacy plate that the two

documents seem to have been prepared by the same artist, and inscrib-

ed by the same engraver. The genealogy of both begins with the

same prince, Devas’akti Deva, but while the Dighwa plate ends with

the sixth descendant Mahendrapala Deva, the Stacy record carries it

27 2

B22 On a Land-Grant of Mahendrapala Deva of Kanauj. (No. 3

down to Vinayakapala, brother and successor of Bhoja Deva who was

the immediate heir of Mahendra.

The subject of the grant in the Stacy plate is the village of Tik-

karika, in the district of Benares, that of the Dighwa record the village

of Pamayaka, in the subdivision of Talayiké, of the district of Sr4vast/.

The date of the Dighwa grant is “the 7th of the waxing moon in

the month of Magha, Samvatsara 389,” the last figure being open to

question. In my first reading of the Stacy plate I took its date to

be “the 6th day of the dark half of the moon in the solar month of

Phélguna Samvatsara 65 ;” the word “solar” being deduced from

an indistinct letter which I took for at “ light” or the “sun.” In the

redecipherment* of the record published in the XXXI. Vol. of this

Journal (p. 15) Professor F. H. Hall has dismissed the figures by

stating that after the word Samvatsara “follow two unrecognized

numerals, denoting a dynastic year, and an indistinct compound cha-

racter of unknown significance. Further on the day of the semiluna-

tion 1s expressed by a single numeral. It is the same as the first of

the two just spoken of.” On re-examining the document with the

light of the Dighwa plate, I feel disposed to take the first figure for

an ancient 4, being somewhat similar to the same figure in the West:

ern caves and on coins. The second is an imperfect or partially

effaced cypher, or possibly an 8, but in that case very unlike the same

figure in the Dighwa plate; and the indistinct letter after it, which

looks very much like a bhra and no figure, having the perpendicular

line of the long vowel after it, a9. The figure for the semilunation, being

the counterpart of the first figure of the year, must of course be read

as 4, making the date “the 4th of the wane in the month of Phélgu-

na, Samvatsara 409.” ‘This would bring the record 19 years after the

Dighwa plate, which would be in no way too much for the latter

portion of the reign of Mahendrapéla, the whole of that of Bhoja and

the beginning of that of Vindyakapdla. The last figures, however,

being in both the documents very doubtful if we take them for initials

* It is remarkable that in this so-called “ redecypherment”’ the only emenda-

tion of any value is the relationship of Vinayaka Pala to Mahendra. The learned

Professor makes him a son, whereas my reading made him a grandson. For the

rest the new reading adds little to our knowledge of the document beyond

the fact of there being some obvious inaccuracies of spelling in the original

which in my reading I had corrected without note, and a few mis-prints in my

transcript which had escaped my eyes. The “‘redecypherment”’ did not, even in

the opinion of the Professor, render a re-translation necessary.

~~ I

iNet

a y ike

f. |

1864.] On a Land-Grant of Mahendrapéla Deva of Kanawj. 323

of some now unknown words the dates would read 38 and 40, 45 or

48 as we aecepted the second figure of the Stacy plate to be a cypher

a 5, or an 8, giving an interval of 2, 7 or 10 years between Mahendra

and Vinayaka. I annex facsimiles of the two dates; in order that

others may be enabled to solve them more successfully than I have

been able to do.

The word samvatsara means simply a year and not an era, it is

impossible therefore to ascertain to what particular era allusion has

been made by the two plates. Had the era of Vikrama been meant,

the word samvat would have been preferred ; besides the character

of the plates is too modern to entitle them to a place in the 4th

century of Vikrama. If the Ballabhi samvat be assumed the date of

the Dighwa document would be carried back to (818 + 889 = 707)

the beginning of the 8th century, which would lead to the anachronism

of making Devas’akti and his successor contemporaries of Harshavar-

dhana and co-sovereigns in Kanauj in the beginning of the 8th century ;

even if it could be shewn that the Ballabhi samvat had extended so

far to the north-east of Guzerat—the place of its origin—as Kanauj.

Again, if the Harsha era be assumed,—a very likely era being a

purely Kanauj one—the date of Mahendra would be brought to the

end of the 10th century, when Kanauj was for certain under the

Tomaras. Under these circumstances I am compelled to take the

era of the records to be a local or family one, the zero of which it is

impossible now to determine. This does not prevent us, however, from

ascertaining the probable period when the princes under notice flourish-

ed in India. Govindardaja, sovereign of Rdashtrakita in the south

Marhatta country, in a donative inscription dated S’aka 780 = A. D.

808, states that his father Paura had once entered Mérwar at the

head of a hostile army, and “ conquered Vatsardja, who had been

intoxicated with the wealth of the king of Gauda, which he had

seized.” This Vatsardja was, we suppose, the second potentate of

our list and not a prince of Marwar which he is nowhere said to have

been, though he was defeated in that country. There is ample testi-

mony to shew that Marwar and a good part of Malwa was, at the

end of the 8th and the beginning of the 9th centuries, under the sove-

reignty of the Kanaujites, and it is more probable that a Kanauj

king, in the zenith of his power, should extend his arms as far as

Gauda on the one side and Malwa on the other, than that a prince

324 On a Land-Grant of Mahendrapala Deva of Kanawj. [No, Sy

of Marwar should cross the territories of the Kanauj kings in quest of

“the wealth of Gauda’, which could not have been at any time go

great as that of Kanauj, notwithstanding the martial successes of

some of the Pala rajas of Bengal, who at one time extended their con

quests as far as Benares. It is to be admitted that the name Vatsa hag

been borne by several kings, and that according to Mallindtha and

Somadeva, a country, a town, and even a race of men have borne the

same title, but the inscription under notice distinctly alludes to a king

Vatsaraja who conquered Gauda and not to a “king Vatsa” (Vatsa

raj4)—and it is evident that at the time when the said Vatsaraja

lived, the conquest of Gauda from the west could be possible only to a

Kanauj king, and therefore we may in this instance from the identity

of name assume the identity of person. If this assumption be admitted

Vatsaraja must have lived about the end of the eighth and the begin-

ning of the ninth century, at the usual average period of eighteen

years to a reign, from 796 to 814, his predecessor Devas’akti, the founder

of the dynasty, commencing his reign from 775-76. According to this

calcuiation the several princes will stand as follow :—

Devas akti A. D. 775-776.*

Vatsaraja, son of D., 796.

Nagabhatta, son of V., 814.

Ramabhadra, son of N., 832.

Bhoja I., son of R., $50.

Mahendrapala, son of B., 868.

Bhoja IT., son of M., 885.

Vinayakapala, son of M., brother of B. II., 900.

This table, however, has to be adjusted with reference to the date of

the Stacy plate, which places an interval of, at the outside, only 19

years between Mahendrapdla and Vindyaka. And if we provide for it

by reducing the reign of Bhoja II. to eight years, we shall bring him to

the middle of the eighth decade of the 9th century and make him

synchronous with the Bhoja of Gwalior, with whom he was most

probably identical.

The Tomaras assumed the sovereignty of Kanauj about the end of

the 10th or the beginning of the 11th century, we have therefore a

gap of about 80 to 100 years to bridge over to complete the list of

* In the quotation of this date in my paper on the Bhojas (ante XXXIL p.

96), a misprint has converted the 776 into 779,

e..

1864.| Ona Land-Grant of Mahendrapila Deva af Kana. 325

KKanauj kings from Devas’akti to the end of the 12th century when the

Mahomedans finally conquered the country. To fillup this gap, as far

as our knowledge at present extends, we have only two names, those of

Sdhasanka and Vira Sifiha. The latter was the contemporary of Adistra

king of Bengal who obtained from him five learned Brahmans to in-

struct his people in certain Vedic ceremonies.* This happened accord-

ing to the genealogical tables and the memorial verses (Kulapanjis

and Kulachérya Kdrika's) of the Bengal Ghatakas in the S’aka

year 994 — A. D. 1072. The Khiti sdvansdvalt Charita places the

event in the year 1078, and Ritter’s Geography, in 1068 A. D. These

dates, however, are all evidently incorrect, as they bring us to the

time of Ballala Sena who lived several generations after Adis’ira. I

depend therefore on the genealogical tables for the date of the latter.

Of the five Kayasthas who came to Bengal on the invitation of Adi-

s’ira three, viz., Makaranda Ghosa, Dasaratha Basu and K4liddsa

Mitra, acknowledged service to the Brahmans and were ennobled by

the king as the highest patricians (Kulinas) of his land. The other two,

Dasaratha Guha and Purusottama Datta, repudiated the right of the

Brahmans to call them their servants and declined to assume the

servile title Dasa, Purusottam with noble pride exclaimed “A Datta,

was never a servant.” (Datta kéro bhritya naya.) This temerity

deprived them of court favour and brought on degradation to the ranks

of the plebean or Maulika. The Kulina K4yasthas as well as the proud

Datta have carefully preserved their genealogy. ‘They hold periodical

meetings (ekajayis) at which all the family heralds or ghataks assemble

and record the names of every succeeding generation. The last meeting

of this kind was held several years ago at the house of Raja Radhdékanta

Deva when the names of the 24th generation of kulinds were duly

recorded. The writer of this note is himself one of the 24th in descent

from Kalidasa Mitra. In some families the 26th, the 27th and even the

28th descent have already appeared, but no where later. Taking the

average at 27 generations, we have at three generations to a century

just nine hundred years from this date, or A. D. 964, for the time of

*= The Khiti’sa-vansdvali-charita Says, to officiate at the performance of a, Ceres

mony for obviating the evil effects of the fall of a vulture on the house top which

the Brahmins of Bengal knew not how to perform. The Ghatak karika quoted by

Raja Radhakanta Deva makes the ignorance more general, but does not advert

to the expiation for the fall of a vulture.

Vt Aid EO ABE DA SALTER IG Tan

326 Ona Land-Grant of Mahendrapéla Deva of Kanauj. [No. 3,

the first advent of the Kayasthas in Bengal, and of the period of

Vira Sinha’s reign.

Ofthe Brahmans who came to the court of Adis'tra the most renown-

ed was Bhatta Narayana. He wrote the Venisdihara and presented it to

Adis’ura, on his reception by that monarch at his palace in Ramapala.

He also wrote a treatise on religious ceremonies entitled Prayogaratna

which is still extant. He purchased five villages from Adis’tira which

in the time of one of his descendants Bhabdnanda Majumadara form.

ed the nucleus of a large principality, that of the Nadia Rajas, who are

his immediate descendants. Next to him was S'riharsha of the

clan (gotra) of Bharadwaja whose descendants form the present

Mookerjea familyof the Kulina Brahmans.* No work of any note

as far as we know, has been attributed to him. It seems probable,

however, that he is the same with the author of the Maishada Charitg.

That work was written by a poet of Kanauj, for he prides himself at

the end of his poem for having been honoured with a betel leaf by his

sovereign. He also acknowledges himself to be the author of nine dif-

ferent works including among others a “ history of the kings of Gauda”

(Gaudorvishakulapras'asti), “ a description of the ocean” (Arnava var-

nana) and a refutation of some of the leading philosophical systems

of the Hindus (Khandana khanda khadya). Now Bengal has al-

ways been deseribed as the Boeotia of India; its name occurs but rare-

ly in Sanskrit literature, and it is generally called in derision a coun-

try to which the Pandavas never came even for a marauding excursion,

Pandava varjita des'a; while its kings, with the exception of some of

the Palas, were poor, insignificant and unknown. It is not likely

therefore that either Bengal or its kings should have been thought of

as a fit subject of praise for a royal poet like S riharsha of Kashmir, or

to a laureate of the proud court of Kanauj in the 7th century to

whom the Naishada Charita and, by implication, the Gaudorvisha-

kula-prasastt have at different times been attributed. The “ descrip-

tion of the ocean” too is not a work of that kind which is likely to

proceed from men in the vale of Kashmir or the inland town of

Gadhipura. To the former the snows of the Himalaya would offer

a more appropriate theme for song than the distant and briny ocean.

These objections do not apply to the S’riharsha of Bengal. He was

* The names of the other three Brahmans were Daksha, Vedagarbha and

Chhandada,

1864.| On a Land Grant of Mahendrapala Deva of Kanauj 327

born and brought up in Kanauj, and as a court poet of that kmgdom he

could well pride himself on the favours he received from his sove-

reign. He came then to Gauda and, to propitiate his new master,

thought proper to strike his lyre in praise of his family. In Bengal

he must have seen the sea, for it is on record that the five Brahmans

eame to Gangdsdgara, and that offered to him a novel and majes-

tic theme for his descriptive powers, while to display his versatility

he took up the philosophical treatise Khandana Khanda, which is com-

mon enough in Bengal but is scarcely known in Kashmir. ‘This

assumption, however, probable as it may appear, is, it must be admitted,

founded entirely upon presumptive evidence, and must await future

more satisfactory research for confirmation. At present it is opposed

to the opinions of the late Professor Wilson and of Dr. F. E. Hall.

With regard to Séhasafika I have little to say beyond what is al-

ready known to Indian antiquarians. There were evidently two

princes of that name in Kanauj, one a predecessor of Harshavardhana

in the 6th century and the other a distant successor in the 10th,

probably a contemporary of the author of the Naishada who is said to

have recorded his biography, although that work is not now extant,

and it is impossible to say to whom it referred. Its name, which is

all that is left to us, is remarkable; it is Navasdhasanka charita which

may mean “anew biography of Sahasaika,” in contradistinction to

an old one; or “a biography of the new Sahasaitka,” to distinguish the

hero of the work from a former potentate of the same name who rivalled.

him in glory, or, as suggested by Professor Hall, “the biography

of the nine Sahasafkas,” who, like the nine Nandas of Pataliputra,

reigned successively in Kanauj. If the last be the correct inter-

pretation we shall find in the eight princes of the Benares plate

with a hypothetical descendant of the last of the series, just the neces-

sary number for our purpose. In the absence, however, of the origi-

nal work such speculation cannot lead to any satisfactory result.

Transcript of a copper-plate grant from Dighwa in ape

(I1.) @ cate Sawreaaaratfaarad RATS ACYT-

faamac Terarcracaqaya (Il.) az wWedanfa-

edqwa qawaleiawytae Stufaate daraag: qcHaL

sac (II.) wera silamsedaue Fawarerayyra:

> RS rh See TE Canes

Ma a NTE ilk , ION EOE a aig ;

328 On a Land-Grant of Mahendrapdla Deva of Kanawj. [No. 3,

Blgael fedatqaa: we guradt a (1V.) @ aera

Saas hedqaes ACMA Bagaciedaraag:

ucartee (V.) HA ABA Blcawatdasy yaar.

equa: lacaredataa (VI.) & uty wnaituaq

aes Bwsiedawy yawarerqwyta: slay (VIL)

(vjgttcars dargera: Ug UNIMHA ABI sass.

qiaeq: | staat (VIIL) wae) mae aeureutiz

qufaa-faaveaguiagagiaaa (1X.) unata aatag

queataara ofa7 afaas aahksusfa sufcife-

(X.) feamtaatdimaata aaxyiatatand yacw <q

maeadtsn(a) (XI.) aat fusto qentess aaa.

Ta AYA ARTA saatte (XI1.) weugtectagatag:

Raa AT aial ufauea yfaurfea efa fafear (MITT. )

vafgeaaaaa sivatfatacarsraqatses UM Aart.

ave dat (XIV.) vatar xfa sta gieas yea We-

az faecaa? | are ace araefe © faaz |

a. Not legible in the facsimile, but there is space for it. The

transcript prepared for Mr. Peppe has it.

6. ‘The vowel mark is not legible.

e. ‘The visargah is omitted in the original.

d. ‘The vowel mark is not legible in the original.

e. In the Stacy record I took this word for pdddéntakhydta

“celebrated after the foot of another” from padasya “ of foot,” ante

“alter” khydta “celebrated,” the foot standing by a figure of

synecdoche for the predecessor, this mode of expressing respect for pa-

rents and elder relatives being common in India. Accordingly we see

the usual address on letters from a son to his father running, “ to the

auspicious lotus-like feet of my respected father so and so:” Amuka-

pita-thékura-mahisaya-s'richarana-kamaleshu, instead of “ to my father

so and so, &.” In criticising this reading of mine, Professor Hall

in the XXVIIth volume of the Journal, (p. 226), observed, “ This

epithet would signify, if any thing ‘ whose toes are notorious.”’ He

was led to the mistake by referring to his Dictionary for the com-

pound term pdddnta instead of the separate words pdda and dnta.

1864.| Ona Land-Grant of Mahendrapala Deva of Kanawj. 329

Commenting on the word pdddnudhydta he says, “ It appears, from

two examples occurring in the same inscription, that it sometimes

indicates merely a kindred successor, or perhaps only a successor.

Where of two brothers, the elder and younger, the latter accedes to

the throne in sequence to the former, the words (?) pdddnudhyita are,

in the cases alluded to, used to denote their relation as consecutive

princes” (ante XXVIII. p.8). Colebrooke takes the compound to

mean “whose feet are revered by,” and that is the correct interpre-

tation. It is used to indicate a junior blood relation and successor

but never a mere successor, for the expression of respect wovld be

uncalled for in that case.

j. The first two syllables of the name obliterated in the original,

I supply them from my reading of the Stacy plate.

g. For parama ; param is incorrect.

h. Bhata for bhatta.

2. Incorrectly engraved Fukto.

gj. The r of prat: is missing.

k. The yna is curiously written.

4, ‘Che « of 72 is omitted.

m. ‘Uhe r of rv is omitted.

m. ‘The portion commencing from 44 &e. is legible enough, but of

doubtful mee I take it for qiened FIMay.

o. The of Tis omitted.

». I know not the meaning of the word Chandragasa. It is evi-

dently intended to indicate a particular class of Brahmachart,

q: "Waata recteé.

7. WQ#fHT in original.

s. For Weicae.

¢. The last word is grammatically wrong.

Translation.

Om! May it prove auspicious! Possessed, through his greatness;

of innumerable war-boats, elephants, cars, horse and foot soldiers, and

a thorough Vaishnava from the purity of his conduct, was the Maha-

raja S’‘ri Devas‘akti Deva. His son and successor, born of 8’ri Bhuyiké

Devi, was the devout follower of Mahesvara Mahardja S’ri Vatsardja

Deva; whose son and successor, born of S/ri Sundari Devi, was the

devout follower of Bhagavati Maharaja S’ri Nagabhatta Deva. Hig

son and successor, born of Sri Mahisaté Devi, was the devout follower

20 2

330 Ona Land-Grant of Mahendrapdla Deva of Kanayj. [No. 8,

— A IAPS CRIMES AMINED “

. ' 4 , . 2

Fp, Drennan Peewee Ao OS ote r

In fcret! hee Fad used 2 eee

of the Sun Mahéraja S’ri Ramabhadra Deva, whose son and succegsor

born of Sri Madappa Devi, was the devout follower of Bhagavat,

Maharaja S’ri Bhoja Deva. His son and successor, born of S’ri Chan-

dra-bhattarika Devi, was the devout follower of Bhagavati Maharaja

S’ri Mahendrapala Deva who, when in S’ravasti, thus proclaimed to the

assembled crowd of the inhabitants and neighbours of the village of

Pamayaka of the subdivision (vis'aya) of Valayik4 in the district

(Mandala) of S'ravasti. The aforesaid village with all its produce, ex.

clusive of what has been already alienated as shares to divinities of the

place, has been this day bestowed by me, for the promotion of my

parents’ virtue, after performance of ablution on the occasion of a con-

junction of the sun with the aquarius, and to last for the period of the

duration of the sun, the moon and the earth, upon Bhatta Padmesvara

of SAévarna Gotra, a Brahmachari of the Kauthuma P Sdkha of the

Sd4ma Veda. Knowing this, you should abide by it, and the neighbours,

mindful of this order, should leave unmolested all the rights and pri-

vileges (of the donee). (This is written) for the permanency of the

Edict of his auspicious Majesty. Done on the 7th of the waxing moon

in the month of Magha, Samvat 389.

P. §.—I avail myself of this opportunity to acknowledge the cor-

rectness of General Cunningham’s last emendation of my reading of

the Pehewa inseription. ‘The name of Bhoja’s father in that record is

Rémabhadra, as pointed out by the General, and not Ramachandra as

originally read by me. The great similarity between bha and cha in

the medieval Nagari and the commonness of the name Rémachandra

led me into error.

The deduction, however, of the first Bhoja of that inseription being

the same with the Bhoja of Gwalior is still open to question. To prove

the identity the General has been put to the necessity of allowing

twenty-five years to each of the eight princes of the time of Deva-

sakti, when our antiquarians are all unanimously of opinion that the

average period of an Indian reign has never been above eighteen

years. ‘The learned General himsel’, who holds the highest rank as an

authority in all matters connected with Indian Archeology, has re-

peatedly in his former papers adopted the same average, and I do not

see any reason to depart from it in the present instance. Had the

Bhoja of Gwalior been acknowledged in any record as the son of

1864.] On a Land-Grant of Mahendrapdla Deva of Kanawj. 331

Ramabhadra and a sovereign of Kanauj, the case would have been

different, but as it stands we have simply a Bhoja at Gwalior in A. D.

876, but nothing to shew that he was in any way connected with

Kanauj or Pehewa, and we cannot therefore at once accept him to be

the same with the first Bhoja of Kanauj. The name Bhoja has been so

frequently assumed by Indian princes from the time of the Rig Veda to

within the last two hundred years, that it cannot possibly be taken by

itself as a guide to the identification of persons or dates. The identity

of names in such cases can never be a proof of identity of persons. No

doubt the Kanaujites had for a time exercised paramount power in

Gwalior, but there is nothing to prove that Bhoja son of Rama-

bhadra did so, nor anything to prevent Bhoja son of Mahendrapéla,

being the individual named in the Gwalior inscription.

The era of the Pehewa record may be that of Harshavardhana,

but that of the Stacy and Dighwa plates cannot be the same, for they

place an interval of 118 years between Bhoja and his son Mahendra-

pala. It is worthy of remark too, that it is odd, that the father

and son should adopt two different eras.

General Cunningham observes that the Pehewa, record as published

by me comprises portions of two separate inscriptions and that I mis-

took them for one. In explanation of this charge I beg to state that I

have never been to Pehewa myself, and that the inscription I pub-

lished was communicated to the Asiatic Society by Mr. L. Bowring,

C.S., who distinctly stated it to be one record, and added that it was

“engraved on a tablet of red sandstone in the temple of a follower of

the Gorakhnath persuasion,” and not on two tablets at different

places. On the face of this, all I could say at the time when I noticed

the record was, that “ the document was divided into two portions,

first of which was in verse and comprised twenty-one lines, and the

second was in prose and included eight lines.” The facsimile was full]

of lacunz and blots, and, as now appears, very imperfect, the prose

portion containing only eight out of sixteen and a quarter lines. It

is a pity that the General who has lately visited and examined the

record has not given more detailed description of the places which

the two inscriptions occupy in the temple, nor furnished the Society

with fresh facsimiles. The missing eight and a quarter lines of the

prose portion is likely to throw much new light on the question at

issue.

tetas Te

BBY Literary Intelligence.

LITERARY INTELLIGENCE.

General A. Cunningham in a letter to Mr. Grote gives the following

results of his late visit to the Punjab.

During my last season’s tour through the Punjab I visited all the

spots that I could hear of, that gave any promise of yielding remains

of interest, and although I have obtained but very few inscriptions,

I believe that I have ascertained the position of Taxila in the im-

mediate neighbourhood of Shah-ki-Dheri, beyond all doubt. I believe

also that Sangla-wdla Tiba, or the hill of Sangala is the actual site

of the Sangdla of Alexander. It is a rocky hill rising to 215 feet

in height above the plain, and half surrounded by a sheet of water

during the rains, but which must have been a permanent lake or

swamp 2,000 years ago. ‘The site is covered with very large bricks,

and has evidently been deserted for many centuries. The more

modern town of Cheka as described by Hwen Thsang, may I think

be identified with the large ruined town of Asarur which is still

inhabited.

The point where Alexander crossed the Hydaspes may I believe be

looked, for a few miles above Jalalpur. I examined the whole

neighbourhood carefully, and I am myself satisfied that the Greek

camp must have been near Jalalpur and the Indian Camp near Mong.

The latter place I look upon as the Nikaia of Alexander, and I

believe that the name was changed to Mog or Mong by the Indo-

Scythian king Aoas, or Moga, the reputed founder of the place.

The ruined city near Dardpur, on the west bank of the Hydaspes,

is now occupied and named Dildwar. It is undoubtedly an ancient

site, and may dispute with Jalalpur the honor of being the site of the

famous Bucephala. Jalalpur itself with its precipitous hill fort of

Gur Jhék, is one of the most ancient places in the Punjab. I think

it may be identified with the Gurt-vraja of the Mahabharata.

Minikydla is attributed to Raja Manik, and I believe with good

reason, as I found a coin of the satrap Zeionises son of Manigal,

deposited in a Tope, which I excavated, along with a relic-box marked

with the Arian letter J, the initial of the name of Jihoniya or Zeronises.

The relic-box itself is a perfect model of a Tope, the details of the

mouldings, and the surrounding basement, corresponding exactly with

those of the Great Manikydla Tope. But the summit is crowned by

[No. 8,

—s

—

(=3

1864. | Literary Intelligence. 833

a series of four umbrellas resting on a square pedestal, and I conclude

that the great Tope itself must originally have been finished in the

same manner. Jam quite satisfiel that Manikyala is the holy site

where Buddha was believed to have made so many sacrifices of his

body toa starving tiger. Hwuta-murtti, which means ‘sacrifice, or

oblation, of body’ is found twice in General Court’s inscription, and the

ground, as described by Hwen Thsang, is still red with blood of the

holy Teacher.

Near Shah-ki-Dheri there are the remains of a very extensive city,

with stone walls and square towers and streets at right angles, exactly

like Taxila as described by Philostratus. There are also scattered

around the city the remains of 30 or 40 monasteries and of not less

than 50 Topes, of which two are somewhat larger than the Great

Manikyala Tope. I discovered the base of a pure Greek Ionic

column.

The parade ground of the Rawul Pindi cantonment is another

ancient site, which has yielded several didrachms of Azas and Hippos«

tratus besides one unique didrachm of Appollodotus.

Another ancient city exists near Hasan Abdél and close to Baoti

Pind. It possesses several Topes all of which had been opened except

one, on the top of a hill, in ‘which I obtained a gold coin of about

A. D. 400 to 500.

I still adhere to my original position of Aornos at Nogram, as

published in 1848. The hollow or valley on the top of the hill agrees

exactly with the descriptions of Aornos, and the place is besides

attributed to Raja Vara.

Profr. Holmboe of Christiania draws attention to further discoveries

of the relations which formerly existed between Asia and Scandinavia.

A summary of these is given in a letter from him to Babu Rajendralal

Mitra, of which the following is a translation.

“Jn the memoir on the Ortug or Told, I showed that the ortug of the

medizval Scandinavians was identical with the tola of the Indians ;

which is the more remarkable, as no other EKuropean nation has vais

use of a similar weight. The Grtug is = + eyris = gz ol the Scandi-

navian mark, as in Southern India the to]l4 == 2 s pala = 1 of the sir.

Many of the ancient weights in the museums of Sa

countries are marked with points or circles equal in number to their

SORE GULLY AGE Ie

“

‘s

| ~

;

334 Literary Intelligence. [No. 8,

weight in ortugs. J have enumerated these at pages 1—10* and

compared them at p. 18. I have shewn the probability that the

above mentioned weights were used for the weighment of coins and

precious metals, as the tola is now used in India. I have shewn that

there was a period, when the half-mark or 12 Ortugs was regard.

ed as a superior unit, and that the ancient rouble of Russia corre-

sponds in weight to the half-mark of Scandinavia. F inally I have at

page 24 given a list of several Swedish, Norwegian, Danish and Indian

weights, of ancient dariks and of Sassanian gold coins, which have

all nearly the same weight.

A belief exists among the lower classes of Scandinavians, that a

light sometimes appears over the sepulchral tumuli of pagan times

indicating that a treasure has been deposited in the tumulus. TI have

compared with this belief the traditions preserved in the life of the

Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang, concerning the light which it was

believed was seen over several Indian topes, and the efforts made by

the Buddhist priests to imbue the people with the belief in a luminous

power in the topes and dagobahsin the depths of the rock cut temples.

Previous authors have instituted a comparison between the arms of

the gods of thunder, Thor and Indra, but have restricted themselves to

acomparison of their form and effects. To these I have added in

my memoir, a comparison of their consecrating power.

The fourth pamphlet} contains firstly a description of a little bronze

hatchet, lately discovered, and secondly the inventory of a sepulchral

tumulus which was opened eleven years ago at a spot, about twenty

leagues south of Christiania. Among other things were the skeletons

of three horses, one of which bore a saddle, the metallic parts of which

were of gilt bronze. With this fact I have compared the customs of

the Tartars of the 13th century, spoken of by Rubruquis and Jean du

Plan de Carpin who relate that the Tartar chiefs were buried with three -

horses, one of them saddled.”

* Om Ortug eller Tola en Skandinavisk og indisk Veegteenhed.

+ Amuletter og om Stormeends Begravelse blandj Skandinaver i Hedenold

og blandt Mellemasiens Buddhister.

ONO INL cad Nn Yad hl Val cel OS Ved el

Ri | OF THE

| PROCEEDINGS

ay For Jung, 1864.

q ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

———

ii The monthly General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Bengal

Bi, was held on the Ist instant.

ay Captain W. N. Lees, Vice-President, in the chair.

me The proceedings of the last meeting were read and confirmed.

zie Presentations were received—

2 1. From L. Bowring, Esq., copies of Photographs of some In-

Bois scriptions found at Anantpur.

hei 2. From Babu Ramchunder Mitra, copy of a report of a meeting

: of the Bethune Society held on the 10th September, 1862, and the

a address to Dr. Duff from the Society, with his reply.

| 3. From Lieutenant R. C. Beavan, specimens of schorl in quartz

and Zoological specimens, namely, two specimens of Bungarus candidus,

4 one of Calotes versicolor, a skin of Felis Jacquemonti and one of a

species of Lepus; also two Bear’s skulls.

4, From Capt. A. K. Comber, Deputy Commissioner of Debrooghur

through Major D. Briggs, the skin of an Arctictis DBinturong, from

>, . the Burhampooter river.

). From Babu Rajendra Mullick, dead specimens of Dromaius

Nove Hollandie and Struthio Oamelus.

| ry 6. From T. Tomlinson, Esq, on behalf of His Excellency the

y Governor-General, a dead Tiger from the Barrackpore Park Men agerie.

7. From J. R. Macdonald, Esq., a leaf cloak such as is in common

use among the K6l labourers at Hazaribagh.

8. From Lieutenant-Colonel R. C. Tytler through A. Grote, Ksq.,

a specimen of a new species of Varanus from the Andaman Islands,

296 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 8,

9. From Mr. C. Swaris, Taxidermist to the Society’s Museum, a

Bhotanese sword. :

10. From Lieutenant-Colonel Thuillier on the part of Mr. Mulheran )

of the Hyderabad Topographical Survey, a set of 18 Stereoscopic :

Views of the Caves of Hllora and Ajunta. E

ll. From A. Carlyle, Esq., copies of his work entitled “the Tale of

the Battle of Padmanabham,” with a Telugu translation of the same,

12. From the Government of India, through H. R. Carnac, Hsq.,

a fine specimen of a fossil Amphibian from the Pachmari Hills.

Mr. Blanford called the attention of the meeting to this very inter-

esting specimen, which had. been expected for some time past, but had

only arrived a few days ago. “It was discovered in the early part of it

last year by Major Gowan, exposed on the face of a block of sandstone |

lying on the mght bank of a small mountain stream about a mile to

the westward of Bijori, in the Chindwarra district. The block lay at “i

a spot where the stream is crossed by the cattle road passing from the

hill plateau of Pachmari via the Rhori pass and Bijori to Mohtoor,

and the fossil appears to have been well-known to the natives as the é

“Machh Satta,” (fish bones.) The exact spot has been marked by i

Lieut. Sin (who subsequently visited the place) on Mr. Medlicott’s

geological map of Central India, and is on a tract coloured by Mr.

Medlicott as the Mahadeva sandstone, a formation of great thickness

forming the mass of the Pachmari Hills and resting unconformably Dh

upon the coal and plant-bearing groups, part of which are contempo-

raneous with the lower part of the coal measures of the Ranigunge

field. ‘The age of the Mahadeva sandstones is unknown, no fossil

remains having hitherto been found in them, but they are overlaid by

trap-rocks with intercalated fresh water deposits, the age of which has

been lately determined by Mr. W. ‘I. Blanford as pre-nummulitic,

while from data afforded by the late Mr. Hislop and others there bn

seems but httle doubt that these fresh water deposits are not older ee th

than the newest deposits of the Cretaceous period. ll

Major Gowan’s report on the discovery of this fossil was forwarded ti

to the Society by the Government of India, in May 1868, and its !

importance having been pointed out, the Chief Commissioner of the 1 i

Central Provinces was requested to have the specimen procured and | r

forwarded to Calcutta. The fossil was shortly afterwards removed i

by Lieutenant Sim, R, EH., carefully packed to prevent injury, and

ee te

=) oo

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Socvety. 337

forwarded to Nagpore, where it remained in the charge of Mr. H. R.

Carnac, awaiting an opportunity of being forwarded to Calcutta, in the

charge of some trustworthy person. Meanwhile photographs of the

fossils were taken by Mr. Crommelin who had kindly placed the

negatives at the disposal of the Society, prints from which were

exhibited at the April meeting of the Society.

“From an examination of the specimen as al present exposed, it

appears to be allied either to the Archegosaurus or the Labyrinthodon,

but the state of the specimen does not at present admit of its precise

affinities being accurately determined. It exhibits a nearly pertect

cast of the skull, the roof bones being wanting, and probably having

remained attached to the matrix when the fossil was removed. ‘The

form of the skull and the position of the orbits are, however, distinctly

shown; the mandible is partly preserved, but the teeth are all broken

through longitudinally, and so worn away that little more than their

general form can be traced. The palatal bones and all the floor of the

skull are probably preserved, but hidden by the hard sandstone which

fills the cavity of the lower jaw. ‘The base of the skull is also 1m-

bedded, and the existence of condyles, the presence of which would

determine its Labyrinthodont affinities, cannot be ascertained.

“ When found, the position of the specimen was reversed, the ventral

face being uppermost, and a portion of the dorsal vertebre and ribs,

or rather their impressions, being exposed on the surface of the stone.

“The ribs are short, very slightly curved and flattened at their distal

extremities ; their attachments are not seen. ‘There 1s some question

as to the centra of the vertebre; if, as Dr. Partridge thinks, the con-

tinuous series of hour-glass-shaped sandstone bodies visible represent

the centra, the notochord must have been persistent, and this character

would place the fossil nearer to Archegosaurus than Labyrinthodon.

Some squamose plates partially exposed on the ventral surface of the

throat tend to bear out the idea that the present species is Ganoce-

phaloid, but further investigation with hammer and chisel is required

to settle the point.

“To whichever group this fossil may eventually prove to belong, its

geological indications are much the same. The Ganocephala have indeed

hitherto been met with only in rocks of the carboniferous age, whereas

Labyrinthodonts are known to range from Carboniferous to Upper Trias

vey

yaaa

COTE ANY Gg ES

293 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 8,

or possibly the Lias, but no great stress could be laid on such a degree

of difference in range, the remains of such animals being everywhere

rare. Both groups are characteristic of the great transition fauna

intervening between that of the Silurian and Devonian systems and

that of Mesozoic times. So far as one can predicate the geological

age of such remains from our present knowledge, we may refer the

fossil either to the Carboniferous, Permian or Triassic period, with

a preponderant probability in favour of the former.

“Until the geology of that part of the Mahadeva hills in which the

fossil occurs has been re-examined by some one acquainted with the

ocal peculiarities of the rocks, it will be premature to offer any

opinion as to the age of the Mahadeva sandstones. ‘The belief I have

entertained for some years past is, that they are cretaceous, a belief

partly foun¢ed on Mr. Theobald’s inference of their relation to the

Baug beds, partly on their geological relations to the trap rocks

already mentioned, and which rest conformably upon them; but if

the specimen on the table be really from the Mahadevas, this formation

must go back to a very much more ancient period. It should be

mentioned as bearing on this point, that the mineral character of the

matrix of the fossil is a hard gray micaceous sandstone such as 1s very

characteristic of the coal-bearing rocks of India, but is very different

from the typical sandstones of the Mahadevas, which are soft coarse

crits with little specks of Kaolin, and frequently ferruginous.

“ Labyrinthodont remains have twice before been discovered in India,

viz. at Mangali about 120 miles south of Nagpore and in the form-

ation which overlies the upper coal-bearing rocks of the Ranigunge

coal field, and which has been termed by Mr. W. T. Blanford, the

Lower Panchit Group.”

In conclusion Mr. Blanford expressed the indebtedness of the Society

to those gentlemen to whose exertions the Society owes this highly

interesting fossil, and proposed that the special thanks of the Society be

voted to Major Gowan the original discoverer, to Mr. H. Rivett Carnac,

who had throughout taken an active part in procuring the fossil, and

in getting it photographed, and finally in transmitting it to Calcutta ; to

Lieutenant Sim, R. E., who had gone to its site, expressly to obtain

it, and to Mr. Crommelin, who had photographed it and presented the

negative plates and several prints thereof to the Society.

This proposition was unanimously acceded to by the meeting.

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety. 339

A letter from L. Bowring, Esq., relating to the copper Sashana

from Mysore was read.

The following gentlemen duly proposed at the last meeting were

balloted for and elected ordinary members:

Brigadier General H. G. D. Showers; R. E. Goolden, Esq. ; J. O'B.

Saunders, Esq.; Moulvi Moula Bukhsh Khan Bahadoor and Babu

Jadu Nath Mookerjee.

The following gentlemen were named for ballot as ordinary mem-

bers at the next meeting:

Lieutenant H. Trotter, R. E., G.T.8., proposed by Captain

Montgomerie, R. E., seconded by Lieutenant-Colonel 'Thuillier.

J. C. Whishaw, Esq., Civil Surgeon, proposed by Captain W. N.

Lees, seconded by Mr. H. F. Blanford.

Babu Debendra Mullick, proposed by Mr. Grote, seconded by Mr.

H. &. Blanford.

With reference to the proposal of Dr. Jerdon that Mr. Blyth be

elected a corresponding member of the Society, the Council reported

that in their opinion the proposed election would confer no additional

distinction on Mr. Blyth, that gentleman being already an associate

member of the Society.

The Chairman reported to the meeting that the announcement made

at the last meeting that Mr, Beaufort had withdrawn from the Society

was erroneous ; Mr. Beaufort’s name had therefore been restored to the

list of members.

The Secretary read the following letter from Colonel Thuillier:

To H. F. Buanrorp, Esq.

DEAR Sir, 6th May, 1864.

“Having gone out of the Council of the Asiatic on rotation in

virtue of a principle introduced for the benefit of the Society, I do not

consider myself eligible for re-election at so early a period. I regret

therefore that it is not in my power to respond to the honor which

the Council has been so good as to confer on me, and I must beg of

them to excuse me.”

Your’s faithfully,

(Sd.) H. L. THurrrrer.

The report of the Council appointing Mr. H. Scott Smith as a

member of their body in the place of Mr. H. Leonard was confirmed.

sraaew

PCO TE LENE GETS on

340 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [ No. 3,

The Council reported that they had elected Mr. H. B. Medlicot¢

and Mr. Oldham to the Council in the place of Colonel Dickens, who

had resigned, and Colonel Thuillier who had been elected, but had

declined to accept the office at present.

They further reported that the following gentlemen had been elected

to the’ Committees :

iMeteorological Committee.—Colonel H. L. Thuillier and T. Martin,

Esq.

Natural History Committee.—Lieutenant R. C. Beavan.

Hinance Committee—H. D. Sandeman, Esq.

They also reported that they had appointed Mr. A. Carlyle ag

Officiating Curator of the Society on a salary of Rs. 250 per mensem,

on the express understanding that the appointment should be a tem-

porary one.

Communications were received —

1. From E. Thomas, Esq., a paper on Ancient Indian Weights.

2. From W. Theobald, Hsq., Jr., a paper entitled “ Observations

on Certain Strictures of Mr. H. F. Blanford on my paper on the distri-

bution of Indian Gasteropoda in Journal, No. 2&9, Page 69.”

0. From Dr. A. Bastian, a copy of a translation of the oldest

stone inscription found in Siam.

4. From Baboo Gopinath Sen, an abstract of the Hourly Meteo.

rological Observations taken at the Surveyor General’s Office for the

month of March last,

The papers of Dr. Bastian and Mr. Theobald were read.*

Mr. Blanford in reply to Mr. Theobald’s remarks, admitted that

Mr. Theobald had very properly corrected him on the question of

authority, and that he must therefore modify his statement somewhat

carelessly made on a former occasion that no Naturalist of any emi-

nence held the view that species were of sporadic origin. He did not

think, however, that this correction made any material difference as to

the real point at issue, viz. whether there were any good grounds

for inferring that one and the same species had commenced its existence

at more than onecentre. Mr. Blanford had not seen the work quoted

by Mr. Theobald, but if Mr. Theobald’s quotations fairly represented

the arguments for sporadic origin, he thought they were quite 1-

conclusive, and the facts adduced in support offered nothing new or

* These will appear in due course in the body of the Journal,

1864. | Proceedings pf the Asiatic Society. B41

not contemplated by Mr. Blanford in his former objections to Mr.

Theobald’s deduction. The argument was that in two distinct drainage

basins, the majority of the species were distinct, whereas one, the

pickerel, was common to both, and the inference drawn was that

therefore the pickerel had commenced its existence as a species in the

two areas independently. But similar phenomena are of common

occurrence, though exceptional, as compared with the general facts

of distribution—and it did not seem that they justified the conclusion

drawn by M. Agassiz. It would be impossible to offer more than

suggestion towards explaining the particular case quoted, in a manner

reconcilable with the view that the species of pickerel had originally

proceeded from a common centre, inasmuch as many very important

data bearing on the case were not at hand. He would therefore make

some general suggestions, and illustrate them by a parallel case, with

which he was more acquainted, being in fact that which had given

rise to this discussion.

When it is said that species are distinct, nothing more is as a rule

really implied than that two series of forms shew such a degree of

difference that it is convenient to distinguish them by different names.

When the differences are small it is usual to call them varieties, but

at the present day the distinction between species and varieties can be

merely regarded as one of degree, and whether a new set of forms is

treated as a species or variety, depends partly on the habit of the

deseriber, partly on the amount of information he possesses as to

the existence of intermediate forms. |

The definition of Cuvier, which had long been accepted by naturalists,

that “A species is a collection of individuals descended from one

another, or from common parents, and from those which resemble

them as much as they resemble themselves,” is clearly of no use when

the question under discussion is whether two given distinct sets of

forms are, or may be, descended from a common stock. Actual

degrees of resemblance are in most cases the only criteria at the

command of a naturalist, and in a few cases the power of interbreeding

and producing fertile progeny. But the inferences drawn from the

latter are by no means always in accordance with those drawn from

the former. The recent investigations of M. Ch. Naudin on the

hybridity of plants proved that in certain cases, species which in external

and anatomical characters were only distinguishable by great practice,

Ab MN LING Hi Kile !

ee |

349 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. No. 3

and which indeed “most Botanists fail to distinguish” resist al]

attempts to cross them, while others very different from each other,

and universally recognised as species easily give origin to fertile

hybrids. Man is generally regarded as a single species, but M. Pau]

Broca brings forward a multitude of facts to shew that between the

different races of mankind, the degrees to which crossing is possible

vary greatly, and that the Australian and European do not produce

a permanent mixed breed. The same appears to be the case in Ceylon,

where the Portuguese and Dutch have left scarcely any descendants

of mixed blood, and where there is good reason, on excellent authority,

to infer that were the Inglish now to leave the Island, the same

extinction of the mixed race would shortly supervene. Much more

might be said on this pomt, and to show that hybridity is not a simple

phenomenon, but exists in all degrees and is affected by shght changes

of condition.

If, then, interbreeding be taken as the criterion of species, resem-

blanee of apparent character which is in most cases the only point

ascertained, is clearly not reliable. ‘The Chinese and Indian pheasants

interbreed freely although very different in plumage, &c., and the

mere fact of two forms differmg to such an extent as to be entitled

to receive different names is no argument that their origin is distinct

even according to our present knowledgs, and on the unproved and

apparently improbable assumption that forms of common descent in

all cases interbreed freely.

In the case adduced by M. Agassiz, we do not know how far the

species termed by him distinct are really so on other than grounds of

external difference, and the case therefore cannot be argued. It may

be that at a former geological period communication existed between

the two basins, and that there was a dispersion of species, that since

the separation certain of these have so varied in one or both areas

as now to be regarded as distinct, while the pickerel has not so varied.

Again, two rivers flowing respectively north and south would afford

conditions so different that certain forms formerly common might

become extinct in one case or the other, whether by change of climate,

by collision with new species of other forms of life, in short by a

change in any one of those numerous conditions which affect existence

and the destruction of a balance of favourable conditions previously

existing. All these are possibilities which, although they can be merely

1864.) Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. 343

suggested, still require investigation before the inference drawn by

M. Agassiz can be admitted.—To take a case better capable of argu-

ment; that of the Hill Mollusca of Southern India. It is an actual

fact that while certain of the species, as Helix Castra are common to

two or more isolated groups, others, such as the Diplommatinas differ

on two hill groups, but are more closely allied to each other than to

their congeners on the Himalaya or elsewhere. This latter may be

regarded as a case in which specific variation has supervened since

that communication of conditions existed between the hill groups,

which has been inferred on geological grounds. The Streptawes differ

less than the Diplommatinas, and it is questionable whether on the

score of difference of external characters alone they should be treated as

species or varieties, so that here we have gradations of difference up

to actual identity. This is certainly in accordance with the view that

variation has supervened since separation, and is not accounted for

rationally by the assumption that each hill group is an original centre

oi specific distribution.

Mr. Theobald has much combated and ridiculed the idea of acci-

dental distribution by floating timber, &e., but now apparently admits

it as an occasional though rare phenomenon. It was never regarded

by Mr. Blanford as otherwise than exceptional, but there may be

other modes of distribution by transport, not yet known or fully

appreciated. In a paper lately transmitted to the Linnean Society,

Mr. Blanford had remarked upon certain facts of distribution of

Melame and Paludomi which seemed to support Mr. Darwin’s view

that birds are active unconscious agents of transport. The Melanie

and Paludome of marshes, tanks, estuaries, &c., which are much fre-

quented by water fowl, are of extremely wide distribution. Those

of hill streams, which are not frequented by water fowl are of very

restricted range, and even in small areas, as in the hill region of Ceylon,

two adjacent streams not communicating were tenanted by forms so

different that they had in a great number of cases been described as

distinct, although as Mr. Blanford had shown by the comparison of

large numbers taken from a great variety of localities, they were

almost unquestionably mere varieties, that is, that the most diverse

forms were connected by intermediate gradations. How communication

originally took place can only be surmised, but the comparative

absence or rarity of communication had here admitted of great local

344 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

variation, which was treated as specific until a thorough investigation

with ample materials had been undertaken. |

The theory of common descent of animals and of plants must

require centuries of investigation to establish it, but reviewing the

whole history of Biology hitherto, Mr. Blanford could not but arrive

at a conclusion similar to that of the veteran Schleiden, “ Wonderfully |

strange and even absurd as the thought may appear to-day to many,

that all organisms on the earth, vegetable as well as animal, extinct

2 a = as well as living forms, are connected with one another as a single

= great family. by natural descent, a man need not be a great prophet

to tell, that before long, this doctrine will be the currently accepted |

oa and unquestioned property of every man of Science. Though at |

=o present many intelligent and many unintelligent voices are making ie

themselves heard against Darwin, he has already a large number of __

powerful allies on his side, and the result cannot be doubtful.”

The chairman then read an extract from a letter from General ‘oh

Cunningham to the address of Mr. Grote on the subject of the '

Pehewa inscription, which extract appears as a postscript to General dy

Cunningham’s paper on that subject in the present number of the tl

Journal, p. 229. . (ey

NI FNRI

WNT OLG = shoe ~——F

7 Rh 9 aro pee:

em Ror ee of |

q ci faire

A Seah ere p ne eid

ASR ar 53

A OWN A eas ge

m@ ASTATIC SOCIETY.

No. IV. 1864.

— So

On the application of the Characters of the Roman Alphabet to

Oriental Languages,—By Capt. W. Nassau Lars.

I cannot call the paper I am about to read to you this Evening

a “scientific paper,’ and perhaps I owe this «meeting some apology

for reading it within these walls: but the name of our illustrious

founder is so often associated with the question which I have discuss-

ty ed, and the subject is so intimately connected with the labours of such

distinguished members of our Society as James Prinsep, H H. Wil-

son, H. Thomas, E. C. Bayley, General Cunningham, Babu Rajendra

Lall Mitra &e., that I have thought it would not prove wholly

i uninteresting to you.

The substitution of the Roman for Oriental alphabets is a question

that about some thirty years ago occupied the attention of educa-

tionists and others in India. I¢ did not make much progress at first,

nor find favour outside missionary circles ; and for a long time the

subject would seem to have slumbered. Within the past few years,

however, it has occupied the attention of certain distinguished mem-

bers of the German school of Orientalists ; Sanskrit books have been

printed in it; and Dr. Sprenger, an eminent Arabic scholar, well

known in India, has written two able and interesting articles in the

: Augsburgh Gazette, which within the last few weeks have been re-

published in Caleutta, advocating the change, as one necessary to

enable the languages of the East to become the vehicles of conveying

western ideas to the people of this country. As long as the d

iscus-

a 2 ey

BAG Application ef the Roman Alphabet. [No, 4, :

sion regarding the introduction of the Roman alphabet, into India,

was confined to missionaries, it was not necessary for us to meddle

with it; but when it is taken up by such high authorities, as those

who are now interested in it—and has been removed, as it were, from E

the arena of controversy, considering the important bearing it has on |

Se the intellectual progress of an empire containing very many millions af

3 = : = : = of souls, it is one that ought not to be treated hehtly ; but in a sober

= ee and philosophic spirit, such indeed as that adopted by my esteemed | 0

z eee friend Dr. Sprenger, in his paper alluded to. E

= = In considering every question, however, in which a variety of inter- h

= : ests are involved, or which is peculiarly liable to be acted upon by | i

circumstances outside and foreign to the end ultimately to be arrived i

at, it ought to be a sine gua non, that prior to its diseussion, that jr i

end should be so fixed and determined, that we shall know exactly i

what we desire to accomplish, and that during its discussion the areu- i

ments used shall tend solely to that finite point where proof of the ih

proposition or theorem proposed for demonstration can be found. | ha

Now in the discussions on the subject of romanizing the Oriental ) it

alphabets carried on many years ago, the parties engaged in them ete

had far too much of the character of partizans to arrive at any sound

conclusion. Dr. Sprenger has fallen into error in supposing that Dr.

Tytler, the two Prinseps, and Sir Charles Trevelyan, were in accord in

these discussions. They were wholly opposed ; but their opposition

may be traced, I think in a great measure to partizanship. In those

days there were two schools of educationists in India—the orientalists

and the anglicists. The former, in these discussions, was represented

by James and Thoby Prinsep and Dr. Tytler. The latter by Messrs.

Macaulay and Trevelyan, Dr. Duff and other missionaries. The ques-

tion they fought, though nominally the battle of the alphabets, was

quite as much a battle of languages, and this question has perhaps.

also been too much mixed up with the real one by Dr. Sprenger.

| = SF - Missionaries again,—and I do not suppose they make any secret of

: aoe it,—advocate the adoption of the Roman alphabet, rather because they

ee believe it will aid them in the work of conversion, than from a con-

viction of its greater suitableness for the purposes of writing

ee oriental languages, and from that source, therefore, we can hardly look

a eee

a ip ae

= = ee for wholly unbiassed conclusions.

ee) A third class would adopt the Roman in preference to the Oriental

1864. ] Application of the Roman Alphabet. B47

characters, because books printed in them could be sold cheaper, and

to this school belong, I believe, all German orientalists who are in

favour of the change, except perhaps Dr. Sprenger himself. The Ger-

mans, it is an admitted fact, are the best Oriental scholars in the

world. Indeed, it is almost impossible to find a Sanscrit scholar now,

who is not a German; and it is a grave disgrace to England and to

India that such should be the case. They buy a very great number of

Oriental books, and they would naturally like that the price of these

books should suit their purses. I woald not, however, be understood

to allude to the learned Lepsius. His papers deal chiefly with

unlettered languages. Nowhere would cheap books be of sreater

advantage than in India, but admitting the fact, we must admit also

that ¢had is not the whole, nor yet the main part of the question we

have to decide. Every one will readily grant that it woald be an

immense convenience, and an immense advantage, to have a universal

alphabet—af to the difficulty of learning a new language, we had not

to add the difficulty of learning a new and perhaps complicated SyS-

tem of letters, bristling with hooks and points. In short, since the

general introduction of steam navigation and rail-roads, &c., the idea

of a universal alphabet seems quite natural. Nay, since almost all

civilized nations, though thousands of miles apart, can now communi-

cate with each other, by means of electricity, it seems strange that

we should not ere this have had,—not a universal alphabet ; but a

universal language,—so strange that were Julius Cesar to rise from his

ashes, and to ask why all the world were not speaking and writing

Latin, we should be somewhat puzzled for a ready reply. In regard to

language, the curse of Babel would be a convenient if not a sufficient

answer ; but in the matter of the alphabets we could not unfortunate-

ly excuse ourselves so easily. It will not be a waste of time then to

inquire why such has not taken place; and first I will state that I

propose to look at the question, not as a theological, a philosophical,

or an educational question—nor a question of expediency, nor of

policy, nor yet one of price; but one simply of sounds and symbols :

and viewing it as such, it does not appear difficult to assign reasons

why the Roman alphabet could not take the place of all the alphabets

which are now uszd in India with advantage to the languages them-

selves or the people who read and write them.

Dr. Sprenger, in his article, has given us illustrations from the

248 Application of the Roman Alphabet. [No. 4,

Arabic alphabet ; but though he has dealt only with this one charae-

ter, his proposal seems to be more comprehensive. In India, how-

ever, though we have a great many alphabets, all are off-shoots of

two parent stems, or possibly in the remotest antiquity of only one.

These two great progenitors of the large family of alphabets and

modifications of alphabets with which medals and inscriptions have

furnished us, are the Palz, or the true primitive alphabet of India, and

the Phoenician, or Phcenico-Babylonian alphabets. Reading briefly

the historic records of these alphabets, so far as they go, we find,

that though the limits of the Pal language and its alphabets are

not very accurately known, from the widely extended range over

which éd¢ and rock-cut inscriptions in this character have been found,

we must coneede to them an extensive domain. These inscriptions

are chiefly to he found in the central belt and northern part of the

Peninsula, and they carry us back 2,400 years, or to about 550 B. C.

though probably the characters of this alphabet may have been in

use at a much earlier period. The pure Sanskrit element would

not seem to have made its appearance in India for several centuries

later, or rather I should say, we have no rochk-cué record of it.

Coexistent with the Pale alphabet, which occupied the central

division of India, for at least 250 years B. C., were the Bactrian

alphabet of the North-Western, and the Dravidian languages, (ap-

parently without any written characters) of the southern division of

the Peninsula, the limits of the former extending almost to the confines

of Persia, and those of the latter from the Vindian hills and the

river Narbudda, to Cape Commorin. The early history of the Dra-

vidian colony and their languages, is somewhat obscure ; but there is

internal evidence in the structure of some of their languages, viz.

Lamil and Telugu, to prove that, though they have occupied the South

of India from very remote ages, they were of Scythian origin, and it is

assumed that they entered India by the same route as the Sanskrit-

speaking people. ‘Their languages then, though at present not wholly

unallied to the Indo-Aryan family, are not of them ; but their alphabets

would seem to have been remotely derived from the same models, though

how they came to differ in their existing forms so widely is not clear.

That they are more modern does not admit of a doubt, but for the

rest the matter is involved in much uncertainty. The points regarding

which we are left in the dark are— When did theSanskrit-speaking colony

: A a pe ee ae ln et ta —o a

1864. | Application of the Roman Alphabet. 349

come, and when they did come, whom did they find in India P Was it

the original tribes of the country, and did they exterminate them so

completely as to leave not a trace of their language —or was it an

earlier emigration of Scythian colonists, and did they drive them

southward before them so effectually as to leave no land-marks of

their cccupation behindthem ? These are questions admitting of much

argument ; but which I must leave to be discussed by those whom

they concern—the students of language and ethnology, and turn

again to our alphabets.

The Bactrian alphabet, on the contrary, owes nothing to the Indian

model. It has been satisfactorily established that it is one of the

many off-shoots from the Pheenician parent tree.

Now the Pheenico-Babylonic alphabet is the most ancient of which

we have any historic record. Mensieur Renan in his Histoire

genérale des langues Semitiques, (probably following Gesenius who

some twenty-live years previously had expressed a similar opinion,)

thinks there is evidence sufficient to shew that the Hebrews wrote in

this alphabet on going up out of Egypt. I cannot say any thing for

or against this surmise; but be ib as it may, there is little doubt

that modifications of this alphabet were in spontaneous use from the

banks of the Indus to the straits of Gibralter, by the people of the

whole world as it was known to the ancients, about the eighth

century before Christ. From it the Greek alphabet was modelled ;

from it the Aramaic, the Syriac, the Hebrew, the Arabic and the

many modifications of these alphabets have sprung ; and from it, also,

we have the Roman alphabet. ;

It would be impossible in a brief, hurried, and imperfect: memoran-

dum, such as this, to give even a cursory outline of the history of the

progressive development of these alphabets, even if I had full materials

for the purpose ; which is not the case. For a long time we had no

better guide than Gesenius’ work, published now some thirty years

ago ; but Dr. Levy’s Phonizische Studien, and the duc de Luynes’ valu-

able tables printed by Mr. EH. Thomas, and since published inscrip-

tions, have added much to the world’s knowledge on this subject,

which is at once so interesting and instructive to the palzographer,

the philologer, and the historian. But still light is required,—more

heht,—and it is satisfactory to know that able scholars are deeply

engaged in investigating the comparative -paleography, as well as its

int ene ag SOO MATS ALAM ne ,

Appleation of the Roman Alphabet. [No. 4,

cognate subject, the comparative philology of Hastern languages. The

Hast it is now acknowledged must be the starting point with all who

would study the history of man as well as the sciense of language,

and the art of writing. The last mail received from England, brought

the announcement of the publication of no less than two books

which promise to be of great value to all who are interested in these

subjects, Levy's Phomziches Worterbuch, or a sequel to his Studien,

and Spregel’s Hran das Land Zwischen der Indus und Tigris, and our

German oriental students work with such a will in the fields of oriental

research, that we may confidently expect each year to increase our

store of information. Whether they will succeed in finding Abraham,

Zarathustra, and the leader ef the Aryan colony which overran India,

sitting under the same fig-tree, framing languages and alphabets for

the whole world, is a question yet admitting of very great doubts, but

there is no doubt that if ever they have done so, and left any traces

behind them, our friends will find them.

Assuming the correctness of the facts above stated, it will be seen

that excluding the immediate consideration of the Pahlawi and Zend

alphabets, we have two primitive alphabets to deal with—the Indian

and the Phoenician; and from these two alone the very numerous

alphabets of almost of all the written languages of Europe, Africa,

America, and half of Asia have been drawn.

We have the very best evidence moreover, viz. clearly written in-

scriptions on tablets, coins, and rocks,—to prove that many of these

derivative alphabets are of very great antiquity, and this of itself,

though not a practical objection to the substitution of a good for a

bad, or a perfect for an imperfect alphabet, must nevertheless always

present a very serious difficulty to the engrafting of new alphabets on

old languages. Most nations take an intense pride in the antiquity

of every thing belonging to them; and no nations possess this cha-

racteristic in a greater degree than Oriental nations, This difficulty,

of course, is much heightened if the character in which the language

is written, as well as the language itself, is sacred, which is the case

with the two classical languages of India. It is almost superfluous

to mention that the Brahmanas are of divine origin; that the lan-

guage of the Vedas is the language of the gods; and as for their

alphabet, its designation, the Deva Nagari, renders it unnecessary

to say whence it has been derived. As if to give weight again to

;

}

1864. | Application of the kwman Alphatet. 851

their ideas regarding the antiquity of the Hindu era, its cycles have

been elaborated into a system of yugas, which carry us back to ages

quite sufficiently remote to satisfy the most ardent votary of the

geologic theory. |

Nor if we pursue the enquiry in the opposite direction, do we find

greater encouragement for the reception of a change of alphabets.

We cannot trace the Koran to its origin, for it was not created. The

doctrine is one of the most noted heresies of Islamism. The Koran

is co-existent and co-eternal with the Supreme Being, written in the

Arabic characters on the lawh 7 Mahfiz, or sacred tablet, which is

guarded by the angel Gabriel. As regards the Koran, moreover, an

especial virtue is inherent not only in the words of the text; but in

the actual letters in which they are written, for the bvok would not

be the Koran, if transcribed in any others.

To obtain sympathy or support, then, from the learned in India, for

any system that proposes the general substitution of a foreign alpha-

bet for those they have been led to consider as sacred, I look upon as

impossible. But were it possible, the difficulty of inducing any peo-

ple to accept a new alphabet for the purposes of ordinary reading and

writing, when they have one which they have used for centuries,

which is already familiar to them, and which they find to answer all the

purposes of life, is of itself of sufficient magnitude, to render it unwise

in the advocates for so great a revolution, to encounter any obstacles

that might be avoided. As an illustration of this minor difficulty, I

may instance the Greek, the German, and the Russian alphabets, all

of which still exist in certain portions of Hurope, to the exclusion of

the Roman alphabet, which has been adopted in all other countries.

Some years ago indeed it was proposed to the Greeks to adopt the

Roman characters ; but the patriarchs rejected the idea with scorn.

In Germany it has frequently, I believe, been attempted to introduce

the Roman letters more generally, but except in books intended for

exportation, the change does not appear to have found favour, and it is

a singularly apt illustration of this difficulty, that the very articles in

which Dr. Sprenger has so ably advocated the universal adaptation of

Roman alphabet to Oriental languages, are printed in the old and

familar German type. Now the difference between the German and the

Roman characters is comparatively trifling, and as the powers of the

letters are precisely the same, for all practical purposes, the one alphabet

352 Application of the Roman Alphabet. [ No. 4,

may be considered as good as the other. That the old alphabet then

retains its hold on the Germans, furnishes us, in my opinion, with a

strong proof of the very great tenacity with which a people will cling

to an alphabet, when it has been so widely adopted as to have become

familar to their whole nation. Indeed, if experience is a guide, it

would appear easier to change a language, than to change an alphabet.

These difficulties, however, it may be urged are, more or less, con-

nected with the weaknesses of human nature, and may be traced to

bigotry, vanity, prejudice, force of habit, false ideas of nationality,

&e., all of which might be overcome by a ruling power occupying the

position of the English in India ; and this is in a great measure true ;

but admitting its truth, the most important part of the enquiry—

indeed, I may say, the whole of the enquiry, will still remain, viz. the

suitability of the characters of the Roman alphabet, to represent the

sounds to be expressed in all the languages, both living and dead,

which are in use in India. I have read a great deal that has been

written on the subject, and I must coniess that I have never seen this

portion of it thoroughly well investigated. Indeed it is far more often

settled in a very summary and off-hand manner, by a reference to

some system which has already been adopted, and which has been

used, it is advanced, with great success. Yet it is of the essence of

the enquiry, and until it is satisfactorily disposed of, it is quite need-

less to refer to the many advantages that would result from the adop-

tion of a universal alphabet, a point which { assume nobody will care

to deny. Nor does the fact of a certain currency being obtained for

books printed in a particular type prove what is wanting. Many

people thought that putting pantaloons on Hindustanis would make

English soldiers of sepoys; but it did not do so, a fact which the

English discovered to their cost in 1857, After wearing them, father,

son, and grandson for a whole century, on the very first favourable

opportunity, they tore them off, and cast them away. And why, may

I ask, did they do so? Because they found them not so suitable to

their habits and customs, and the climate of their country, as the

dhotis they had been in the habit of wearing for ages. The educated

Bengalis have for a quarter of a century been familiar not only with

the alphabet we use, but with the language we speak. They speak it

and write it infinitely better than they do their own language, yet we

do not find that when they write Bengali, they use this or any other

1864: | Application of the Roman Alphabet. 353

than the Bengali alphabet. How it would be, if the language and the

Roman alphabet were familiarized, if I may use the expression, I can-

not say; a great many Bengalis now wear pantaloons, but in the

matter of the alphabets experience, as at present available, 1s not cer-

tainly encouraging to a change.

It is surely not unnatural, that a people, after labouring for centuries

to compass an important end, to invent and elaborate a system of

sions and combinations of signs, and to apply them to every sound in

their language, and having accomplished it, should be unwilling to

resign that which had cost them so much time and trouble. The Deva

Nagari alphabet, if it is the most elaborate, is also the most perfect

alphabet in the world. It was modelled and improved from the

Pali or most ancient Indian alphabet expressly for the Sanskrit

language ; it was fashioned for this language ; it was made to fit it, and

therefore 16 does fit 1b better than any other; and it is a singular coin-

eidence, that this fact attracted the attention of, and was noticed by

the very remarkable Chinese traveller, Houen-thsang, upwards of 1000

years ago, and from his memoires, I make the following extract :—

“ Les caractéres de Vécriture ont été inventés par le dieu Fan, (Bra-

ma) et, depuis Porigine, leur forme s’est transmise de siécle en siécle.

Elle se compose de quarante-sept signes, qui sassemblent et se com-

binent suivant Vobjet ou la chose qu’on veut exprimer. Elle s’est

répandue et s'est divisée en diverses branches. Sa source s’étant

élargie par deerés, elle s'est accommodée aux usages des pays et aux

besoins des hommes, et n’a éprouvé que de légeéres modifications. Hn

général, elle ne s’est pas sensiblement écartée de son origine, C’est

surtout dans l’Inde centrale qu’elle est nette et correcte.”

It is unnecessary to go into a comparative analysis of the two alpha-

bets to establish the truth of these remarks. The coat that is made

for aman is likely to fit him better, than the coat that is made for

somebody else, and this, it appears to me is, if not the whole ques-

tion, certainly the major part of it. “Yet” it will be urged by

progressists, “fashions may change, and it would be unjust and a hard-

ship, to condemn an ancient friend always to appear in his antique

costume, because it had once, when in fashion, been made to fit him.”

I answer, that if it becomes him better than any other, it would be

a far greater hardship, to make him change it to suit the taste e to

please the eye of foreigners; but even if he agreed to put on a new

2 Z

854 Application of the Roman Alphabet. No. 4,

coat, you would still be obliged to make one to fit him, and herein lies

a very great difficulty.” I consider it to be a fundamental principle

of the art of paleography, that the power of each symbol should be

so determined that its euphonic value in all combinations of symbols

shall be fixed and not variable, as is the case with the Roman alpha-

bet, as it has been adapted to English and some other modern tongues ;

that these values should be readily ascertainable, and that, as far as

possible, distinct phonetic values should be represented by distinct

symbols and combinations of symbols, and the same always by the

same, wherever they occur. Now if we investigate the history of the

progressive development of alphabets, we will find that while these rules

have been steadily kept in view in the adaptation and modification of

alphabets in the Hast, they have been systematically set aside in mast

modern languages of the West; and the result is, that while an edu-

cated Eastern gentleman, seldom or never makes a mistake in ortho-

eraphy, few Englishmen or Frenchmen can trust themselves to write

their own language without a pocket dictionary at their elbow. There

are again numerous letters in the Deva Nagari alphabet, for which we

have no corresponding signs in the Roman alphabet, and many sounds

in the former language of which no combination of the letters of this

alphabet will convey to the ear even an approximate idea. And the

same may be said of all the alphabets and languages derived from

this source, and also, though in a less degree, of the Arabic and Hebrew

alphabets. All attempts to express certain letters in the Arabic

alphabet in Roman characters have failed, and for obvious reasons all

future attempts will fail likewise. In short, if it be proposed to

make the alphabet of any one language the basis of an alphabet for

another language, its capabilities and powers must first be carefully

examined with reference to the requirements of that language, and its

redundancies eliminated, or its deficiencies supplied, as the case may

require. This was the course adopted by the Brahmans in regard to

the primitive alphabet of India, in the second and third century B. C.,

and this was the course adopted by the learned Lepsius in the 19th

century A. D. when propounding his scheme for a missionary alphabet.

He did not set up the doctrine that any existing alphabet, much less

the Roman alphabet with its twenty-six letters, was perfect, in the

universal application of the term. He assumed rather the converse,

and the plan he adopted was as follows :—

1864. | Application of the Roman Alphabet. 355

Having first arranged all the sounds prevailing in the known lan-

guages of the world, to these he applied the characters of the

Roman alphabet as far as they would go, and for those sounds for

which he could not find corresponding signs in the Roman alphabet,

he indented on other alphabets, or invented new ones, adapting thus

his alphabet to his languages, not vice versd.

But if no existing alphabet is so perfect as to be made applicable

to all existing languages, speaking generally, the alphabets of most

languages which have received such a development as to entitle them

to take rank as literary languages, and all those which may be dis-

tinguished as classical, have been so far perfected in relation to these

languages themselves, and their symbols and sounds have become so

closely identified, that any attempt now to dissever the one from the

other, especially in the case of dead languages, would result in very

serious consequences-—indeed consequences so serious, in my opinion, as

to give grounds for alarm, lest the true phonetic values of the original

letters should soon become irremediably confused, and in the revolu-

tion of epochs, the languages themselves might be lost. This is a view

of the case that will perhaps be disputed, yet it is one which will, I am

sure, be clearly intelligible to all who have occupied themselves with

decyphering ancient inscriptions, and are consequently aware of the

stumbling block those inscriptions prove to archeologists, and numis-

matists, in which a language, foreign to the transcriber, has been

rendered by the ear, in a character equally foreign to the language

in which it is written.

I venture to consider it proven then, that the Roman or any other

modern alphabet, cannot be applied to any of the dead or living lan-

guages of India for which an alphabet has been already perfected,

with advantage to those languages, and that any attempt to do so,

except in so far as the transcription may suit the convenience of

foreigners and ripe scholars, would only lead to very great confusion.

It remains, however, to enquire whether, setting aside those lan-

guages, and patois, which have not been reduced to writing, we have no

languages which have received a considerable development, but for which

no written character, original or adapted, has been perfected. And

here our attention is at once arrested by a language which is some.

what peculiar in its characteristic—a, language which is written in many

characters, yet which has no alphabet of its own ; which hasan ex-

222

eer! i WAR

306 Appleation of the oman Alphabet. [No. 4,

tensive vocabulary ; yet few words in that vocabulary can be said to

belong to it; which is at once the most widely spread, the most popu:

lar, and the most useful of the languages of India, yet of which there is

no definite form or dialect that can properly be called a language of any

part of India; which cannot be developed without losing its identity,

and yet which wanting, as it is, in all these, the attributes of a perfect

language, has a grammatical structure which is essentially its own, and

which it carries with 1¢ into whatever other language it may be merged,

The language I allude to, is that which is commonly called Hindustani.

Jt is the lingua franca of Hindustan, and is so universally familiar,

that many I dare say will say that my remarks are paradoxical, and

some that they are absurd. I venture to think that they are neither

the one nor the other. But, as few will feel disposed to accept my

simple word for the fact, I beg to offer the following explanation. The

Hindustani language, as now existing, can hardly be called an indepen-

dent language,—a language which springing from an original and

ancient source, has existed, first in a primitive and rude form, and by

a gradnal and progressive development, always preserving its original

basis, has finally received a polish, and been imbued with an elasticity,

such as to make it a suitable medium for the expression of complex

ideas. It cannot be said to belong to the Aryan ; it certainly does not

belong to the Semitic; it does not belong to the Scythian family of

languages. It is a language, the elements of which are drawn from all

these sources. ‘The basis, that is the grammatical structure of Hin-

dustani, if ever it was Sanskrit, is now so distinct from it, as to possess

quite a character of its own, and its vocabulary is made up from lan-

suages both of the Aryan, Scythic, and Semitic families. It is so far

then a composite language, but inasmuch as languages of distinct

and separate origin will not readily mix, the moment any attempt

at attaining a high degree of development is made, a conflict of ele-

ments takes place, which generally ends in the complete overthrow of

one and the merging of what is called simple Hindustani into lan-

guages which, while they preserve in a great degree their Indian

structure, indent for their vocabulary either on languages purely of

Aryan, or purely of Semitic origin. This conflict is mainly attribut-

able to the cause here assigned, the hostility of the primitive elements,

and possibly of the races, but there can be little doubt that it is oreatly

fostered and encouraged by the maintenance of a double alphabet, and

1864. | Application of the Roman Alphabet. 357

the difficulties of fusing these opposite elements, into a composite

language, in the ordinary acceptation of the words, would be con-

siderably diminished if an alphabet could be invented that would be

~ common to both.

The Deva Nagari alphabet is quite as unsuitable for expressing Ara-

bic and Persian words, as the Greek alphabet is unsuitable for express-

ing Sanskrit words pure and derivative, and the language as now

written, presents as bizarre and outré an appearance, as if a language

composed of English, German, and Russian words, was written in

Hebrew characters. In most composite languages, such as English

or the Romance languges, the whole forms an amalgam in which

sometimes, the original materials can be recognized with difficulty, and

often not at all, as all will be aware who have read Dean Trench’s works

on the English language. Butin Hindustani it is different, the materials,

particularly those of Semitic origin, remain exactly as they were, and

it 1s the same with modern Persian in regard to its Arabic words,

which Sir William Jones has well illustrated in the following pas-

sage. “ This must appear strange to an European reader ; but he

may form some idea of this uncommon mixture, when he is told that

the two Asiatic languages are not always mixed like the words of

Roman and Sazon origin'in this period, ‘ The true law is right reason,

conformable to the nature of things, which calls us to duty by com-

manding, deters us from sin by forbidding ; but as we may suppose

the Latin and English to be connected in the following sentence :

“The true lex is recta ratio, conformable nature rerum, which by

commanding vocet ad officuwm, by forbidding a@ fraude deterreat.”

But the difference in the case of Persian is, that it and Arabic have a

common alphabet while the two languages of which Hindusteni is

chiefly composed, have separate and distinct alphabets.

The obstacles again to fusion under present cireumstances are creat-

ly increased by distinctions of race and creed. Without entering

into nice ethnological distinctions, it will be sufficient +o consider

that we have in India two great classes to deal with, Hindus and

Musalmans. The former, in writing Hindustani, use the Deva.

Nagari, or one of its derivative alphabets ; the latter generally use the

Nas Télig or Persian character. Neither know the characters in

which the others write, and as the races are prevented by religious

differences from intermixing, there is neither inducement nor necessity

OEM SVN LEA weg Pa AT)

OC ———

B08 Application of the Roman Alphabet. [No. 4,

for improving their acquaintance with each other’s customs in this

respect. When letters pass between two educated gentlemen of

different race and creed in India, though written in what may be call-

ed the mother-tongue of both, they must be taken to the village scribe

to be read. This certainly is an anomaly —an anomaly which does

not exist perhaps in any other part of the world. But we have no}

yet reached the end ; we are introducing railways, telegraphs, and all

kinds of mechanical power into India, and we are teaching sciences

bristling with technical terms. A medical student who may be un-

able to speak a word of English, will glibly run over half the Latin

terms in the pharmacopoeia of medical science, and any ordinary native

gardener will give the Latin botanical name for every tree and flow-

erin a well-stocked garden. We have here, then, not an alphabet

seeking for a language; we have a language seeking for an alphabet,

It has greater natural claims perhaps on the Deva Nagari alphabet

than upon any other, because the language, in its ancient dialectic

form must have been closely allied to the Sanskrit, and the present

Deva Nagari alphabet was formed from the Indian alphabet ; but cer-

tain portions of the frame-work of the language are so distinct as to

be deduced with difficulty from Sanskrit, and if English, Sanskrit,

Arabic, and Persian words are to be adopted into the language, and

one of the three alphabets is to be selected to be a common alphabet

for all races who use this language throughout the country, the ba-

lance, on many grounds, is in favour of that alphabet which is used by

the most highly civilized people—the ruling power.

Certainly very great difficulty would attend the inaugural measures

of a comprehensive change of the kind; but these I need not discuss

here, further than to add that any attempt to accomplish so great an

end, must be made gradually, and with much caution.

But besides Hindustani, it must be borne in mind, that there is a

very wide field that the Roman alphabet may occupy at once. I

allude to the very numerous dialects which we find in all parts of

India to which the civilization of the Budhists and Brahmins have not

penetrated. In the province of Assam and neighbouring districts,

we have eight different dialects which, are stated to be distinct lan-

guages,* having no affinity with one another.

* 1. Garow. 5, Abor.

2. Naga. 6. Mishmee.

3. Booteah. 7. Kamptee.

4, Khassiah. 8, Mikir.

1864.| _ Appleation of the Roman Alphabet. 859

This is probably a mistake; but these languages are still so distinct

as to be a bar to intelligible inter-communication. In addition to

these, there are numerous dialects, presenting, for the most part, the

characteristics of the central-Asia type of languages ; but all differing

from each other in a greater or less degree, and almost all not yet

reduced to writing. The same remarks are applicable to Birmah

proper, British Birmah, Pegu, the Tenasserim Provinces, Chittagong

and Akyab.

The great majority of the languages here alluded to, having no

affinity with Sanskrit, the Deva Nagari alphabet cannot be said to

have any peculiar claims on them. The Missionaries on the North East

frontier have adopted the Roman characters in their teachings, while

the Missionaries on the South Hast frontier have adopted the Burmese

characters. Now, much may be said against teaching uncivilized tribes

a character that will not enable them to carry on business relations in

writing with their neighbours ; but if it is ever intended to apply the

Roman alphabets to any of the languages of India, the best languages

certainly on which to experimentalize, are those to which no alphabet

has yet been naturalized.

The Missionaries in British Birmah are making very rapid pro-

gress with the instruction in Burmese and the conversion to Chris- -

tianity of the Karens, and the Welsh Presbyterian Mission at Cherra-

poonjee are printing some books and a dictionary in the Roman cha-

racters. ‘The Education Department in Assam first adopted the books

of the Missionaries, but have discarded them, I believe, for books

printed in Bengali type. The question therefore ought to be authori-

tatively settled, or we shall see, what it must be confessed is not un-

common in India, one generation taking infinite pains to do that which

the next will take equal pains to undo.

The conclusions then at which I have arrived are, that any attempt

to adopt the Roman alphabet to the classical languages of India

would be mischievous; and that all those languages for which an al-

phabet has already been perfected by the people speaking them, have

no need of such a change; but that an attempt might be made to

adopt this alphabet, or a modification of it, to all Indian languages

which at present have no alphabet which can properly be called their

own. 7

a ee

tP Pay Tan h

A) f > N

40st = aa = = Tah, Oe are,

Rie ey

cnataiioes LEAR BE AT COTA WS og

‘ ; ; ET Ra ORS

PTE LE ACT Para pena resr eae ee rf OP onan

. reeeiry ful SO fr Wee Foie Ly :

‘ ph —~ t a aw FeO om Fee 5 AP RRs i Oe ~

US ay geet | a ; highesyhes AS

: 360 On the Buddhist Remains of Sultanganj. [No. 4,

On the Buddhist Remains of Sulténganj—By Bébu RAsenpratina

Mirra.

Ascending the Ganges from Bhagalpur, the first object of interest

which arrests the attention of the traveller is a singular mass of oranite

towering abruptly to the height of about a hundred feet from the

bed of the river. Its natural beauty and romantic situation have

long since dedicated it to the service of religion; and J angirah, the

name of the rock in question, has been associated with many a tale of

love and arms. It stands at a distance of about a hundred yards

from the right bank immediately opposite to the mart of Sultangany,

and is surmounted by a small stone temple which is visible from a

great distance, and serves as a beacon tower to the mariner. The pre-

siding deity of the sanctuary is named Gaibinatha, a form of S’‘iva

whose identity I cannot ascertain. Along with him are associated

a number of statues and images whom the resident priests hold in

such slender respect that they did not object to my scratching some

of them with a penknife to ascertain the nature of the stones of

which they are made.

The temple bears no inscription, and the attendant Brahmans could

not give me any information regarding its history. Judging, how-

ever, from its make and appearance, I believe it cannot be more than

two or three centuries old. Around it are situated a few low rooms

for the accommodation of the priests. |

The face of the rock is covered by a number of bassi-relievi, most

of which are Hindu and include representations of Ganes’a, Hanu-

mana, Krishna, Radha, Vamana, Ananta sleeping on a snake, Siva

and other Pauranic divinities. But there are a few which are decided-

ly of Buddhist and Jain origin. The Buddhist figures, mostly

Buddha in the meditative posture, occupy more centrical positions

than the Hindu ones and appear to be more worn away than the latter;

both circumstances affording conclusive evidence of the place having

been originally a Buddhist sanctuary which the Brahmans have ap-

propriated to themselves since the downfall of Buddhism. A Jain

temple still exists on one side of the rock to which a few pilgrims

occasionally come to offer their adoration to Paras'wanatha the 23rd

teacher of the sect.

— i Se oe PED

~s on

1864. | On the Buddhist Remains of Sultangang. 361

There is only one place at the foot of the rock at which a boat can

be put in where there is a landing-place, and thence a very steep and.

winding path leads to the summit.

According to Montgomery Martin, at the three sacred full moons,

in October, January and April, (Bengali Kartika, Magha and Vaisakha, )

from twenty to thirty thousand persons attend to bathe at this

place ; “but the great emolument of the priests arises from about

50,000 pilgrims who at various times come to carry away a load of

water which they intend to pour on the head of various celebrated

images in distant parts. In the south of India I have met pilgrims

earrying their load from this place ; but by far the greater part goes

to Devaghar in Virabhum where it is poured on the Priapus or Lin-

ga called Baidyanatha, to whom this water, taken from a scene of former

pleasure, is considered as peculiarly acceptable.’’*

To the east of this rock on the river bank there is another mass of

granite having a few carvings on its western face, and a brick-built

mosque on the top of it called the Dargah of Baishkaran.

Lhe village of Sultanganj stretches westward to the extent of about

a mile from the foot of this rock. In a line with Jangirah the posi-

tion of the village is Lat. 25° 19’ 20” N.; Long. 86° 48’ 25” E. At

the time of Mr. Martin’s survey, forty years ago, it contained about

250 houses, of which only two were brick-built and three tiled. The

number of houses has now quintupled, and the main road in front of

the mart which gives name to this place, is lined by a good many

pucka godowns.

The railway station of Sultanganj stands behind this mart and at

a distance of about half a mile to the south of it.

‘The space between the mart and the railway station forms a quad-

rangle of 1,200 feet by 800. It seems never to have been under

much cultivation, and is covered by the debris of old buildings, the

foundations of which have lately been excavated for ballast for the

railway. ‘The trenches opened along the line of the foundations are

not continuous, and in several places have been filled up, but from:

what remains I am disposed to believe that the place was at one time

divided into courtyards having lines of small cells or cloisters on all

four sides. This idea has been strengthened by the discovery of a

series of six chambers ina line at the south-western corner of the

~* Martin’s Hastern India, Vol. IT. p, 38,

3 A

—

rae

pee

;

—

~—

herte edte- +

Foe niet ke ek el]

EET hn A EE DSN NG ED

depbeaierain an ites

362 On the Buddhist Remains of Sultangany. [No. 4,

quadrangle. These chambers form a part of the western side of a

large courtyard on the north of which Mr. Harris, Resident Engineer,

East Indian Railway, under whose superintendence the excavations

under notice have been carried on, has brought to light the founda-

tions of two similar chambers. ‘The southern and the eastern facades

yet remain unexplored. But the accumulation of rubbish on those sides,

rising to the height of 10 to 20 feet, clearly indicates that chambers

corresponding to those on the west and north are to be met with

under it.

At the middle of this long ridge of rubbish Mr. Harris has found

the foundation and the side pillars of a large gateway which was evi-

dently one of the principal entrances to the quadrangle. Similar

gateways probably once existed on the other three sides, but their

vestiges are no longer traceable.

The accumulation of rubbish at the south-east corner is greater than

any where else, and on it is situated the bungalow of the Resident

Engineer. It would be well if a shaft could be run through this mound,

as it is here that relics of importance are most likely to be met with.

The chambers excavated at the south-western side are not all of the

same dimensions. They measure within the walls from 12 x 10° 6” to

14’ x12’. The depth from the top of the plinth to the lowest part of

the foundation (the only portion now in situ) is 13 feet. This

depth was found full of earth and rubbish, but divided at intervals

of 3 or 4 feet by three distinct floors formed of concrete and stucco.

The lowest shews no trace of plaster. The upper floors had open-

ings or hatchways through which people descended to the bottom, and

used the different stories as cellars or store-rooms. No valuable

property or remains of corn or other goods have, however, been traced

in these cellars, as most probably they had been removed before the

monastery fell into the hands of the destroyer.

The interior of the walls had never been plastered, but the front,

facing the courtyard, has a thick coating of sand and stucco such as

are to be seen in modern Indian houses. |

The bricks used in the building of these chambers measure 13%

9” ~ 22"" and in density, colour and appearance are similar to those

employed in the construction of the great temple at Buddhagaya.

At Sanchi, Sarnath and other old Buddhist remains, bricks of such

large size appear to have been common, and they give a pretty close

1864.| On the Buddhist Remains of Sultdéngany. 363

idea of the era when they were most in use. The largest bricks

known are met with in the ruins of Hastindpur, which, according

to Mauluvi Syad Ahmad,* measure 20 inches long, 10 broad and 2% thick.

if they be, as has been supposed, synchronous with the heroes of the

Mahabharata they are the oldest as well as the largest known. The

next in size are those from the walls of Babylon, for which the

clay thrown out of the trenches surrounding the city supplied the

material; they measure sixteen inches square, with a thickness of three

inches. The next are those from the pyramid of Howara in Egypt. They

measure 173 inches by 8% inches; the thickness being 52 inches.

Next to them are those of Buddhagayd, Sdrnath, Sulténganj and other

Buddhist localities ; they vary from 13” to 14” by 8” to 10 inches, the

thickness ranging from 2} to 84. This kind of brick, was in use for

upwards of seven hundred years down to the fifth or sixth century of the

Christian era. The bricks of the Hindu Rajas of Lilput, Avangpur,

Luckerpoor are much of the same size, but of very different

appearance. The early Pathans also used very large bricks, and in

old Delhi they are very common. The later Pathans reduced the

size of their bricks to 12 inches, and in the days of the Moguls

they were further reduced to 10”, hence it is that in the many palatial

buildings of Akbar, Jehangir and Shah Jehan, the greatest builders

of the race, we find no trace of a single large brick.

Beyond the western wall of the chambers there is the foundation

of another and a broad one, which formed the boundary wall of the

quadrangle. It runs due north and south and is joined by one which

runs along the ridge on the southern side. Similar boundary walls,

no doubt, once existed on the north and the east, but their traces have

long since been effaced.

In front of the chambers there are to be seen the remains of a hall

or verandah which formerly formed the most important part of the

building on this side of the quadrangle. Its floor is on a level with

the highest floor of the chambers, and seems to have been made of con-

erete and stucco, and painted over in fresco of a light ocherous colour.

How it was enclosed in front has not been made out. Probably there

was @ range of square pillars, forming a verandah or pillared hall re-

sembling a modern Bengal dalan or the choultry of Southern India.

The floor of the courtyard has not yet been laid bare, but judging

* Journal of the Archeological Society of Delhi, p. 50.

oA 2

from

864 On the Buddhist Remains of Sultdnganj. [No. 4,

the position of a water-course formed of scooped flags of granite which

runs under the floor of the hall and through one of the partition

walls of the chambers to a drain beyond the boundary wall of the

quadrangle, and which was evidently intended to carry off its drain-

age | am induced to believe that it stood about 8 feet lower than the

hall. Similar water-pipes of granite have been met with at Buddha-

gaya, Sarnath and elsewhere.

Of the relics which have been collected by Mr. Harris in course of

his excavations at this place, the most important appears to be a

colossal figure of Buddha which was found lying on a side of the hall

described above. It had evidently been knocked down by some

iconoclast before the destruction of the hall, and removed several feet

The latter too hac been tilted over, but not

much removed from the centre of the hall which was its original posi-

IL” x 3’—9" the

The statue was secured to this stone by

away from its pedestal.

tion. It was formed of a slab of granite 6’—

thickness being 94 inches.

two bolts, the remains of which are still visible. The statue is of

copper and seems to have suffered no injury from the hands of the

destroyer, except the mutilation of the left foot across the ankle.

Its dimensions are—

Prom the topknot on the crown of the head, along the back to

bheedee of tlie leehet ates) ne .5 5 : 7 3

From do. along the front to the sole of ‘ane foot wie the

IMSbOPysa er sib ule tae es Pee es seen Sie ie

Round the head, ........... Se ens ee a Poe!)

JOIN OU omens ects oe we Soo oe 0 3

From bottom of fontnck 6 forehead, ...... rae ee opecirend aes ae 0 hg

Length of face from forehead to chin, ..... ee iG sesvstets 0 10

Brome bined OWA O=WOIS pccs1 oc oes | Geeks Be

rom pwalstet0 S01 620b 100tssoa, an, could Ge ne Ae 0

Hound sul’ DieaStes co ia. ee eS

Across the shoulders, Se ee ee.

Prom saoulder-joit tose bow, — onc ke oesce a ee vee LO

From elbow to wrist, ................ re ee ee

Hrom wrist-to end-of middle finger, -..<........ cn tcc oa ot 0

Foot from heel to end of 2nd toe, .............00.. So en ee

The above measurements were taken with a common tape without

any reference to the principles followed by artists in the calculation

1864. | On the Buddhist Remains of Sultanganj. 365

of the relative proportion of the different parts of the human figure.

They disclose, however, some curious facts: thus omitting the top-knot

formed of a collection of hair on the crown of the head, we find that

the total length of the figure (7 feet) is to the head (125 inches,)—as 1

to 6 and 22, or in the language of artists 6 heads, 3 parts, 9 minutes,

instead of the usual standard of 1 to 8, and also considerably under that

of the antique statues. In the Hercules the Apollo and the Laocoon

the length of the body varies from 7 heads, 2 parts, 8 minutes to 7

heads, 3 parts,7 minutes. ‘The tallest statue known is that of Mirmillo,

and it measures 8 heads only. The length of the fathom again, which

in Hurope is reckoned to be the same as the height, is in our statue

fully one-third more. This is owing no doubt to the belief common

in India that the simian pecularity of the hands reaching down to the

knees is an emblem of divinity and universal sovereignty. It is worthy

of note, however, that in a table published by Dr. Emil Schlagin-

tweit in his recent work on Tibetan Buddhism,* the fathom of

Brahmans of Upper [ndia, is represented to be greater than the

length of their body,and the Bhots have the same peculiarity in a greater

degree. Itis remarkable also that the latter make their Buddhas

and Bodhisatvas have shorter fathoms than their genii and dragsheds.

The increase in the fathom is effected by an inordinate prolongation

of the hands, leaving the arm and forearm less than their natural

proportions as compared to those of Indian Brahmans, of Bhots, and

of Bhotanese idols; but somewhat longer than the European standard

of 1 head, 2 parts and 3 minutes to the arm and J] head, 1 part and 2

minutes to the forearm. The foot, according to modern artists, should

* T take the following from Dr. Schlagintweit’s book to bring to one view

the relative proportions of the different parts of the human figure compared with

those of Bhot statues. ‘The second column A has been added by me.

A, B. C. D. KE.

Buddha from| Brahmans Bhots. Buddhas, | Dragsheds

Sultanganj.| of Upper Bodhi- Genii, Lamas,

India. Sattvas, of of Tibet.

Tibet.

2g wacnanameoes ay LL | SASS ST ar STO

he rere |

Total height, 5a ea 1.000 1.000 1.000 :

Head, .., = vf 0.119 0.145 0.149 oe tee

Periphery round the forehead, | 0.285 0.322 0.3485 0.350 0.420

Length of Fathom, Sal 188 1.025 1.069 1,080 1.117

Ditto Arm, w.{ 0.214 0.433 0.451 0.449 0.430

Ditto Forearm, | 0.142 0.165 0.164. 0.149 0.155

Ditto Hand, .., | 0.142 0.107 0.110 0.110 0.110

Ditto Foot, ... | 0.148 0.144 0.145 0.140 0.144

366 On the Buddhist Remains of Sulténgan;. [No. 4,

be one-sixth of the body, but in the statue this has been exceeded by a

few minutes. The torso is slightly shorter than the Grecian standard.

On the whole, even after making ample allowances for the fact that the

changes which the human form undergoes from infancy to old age and

in different nationalities and climates preclude the possibility of limiting

its measurements to any ideal standard, it must be admitted that the

artist of the statue had a very imperfect knowledge of proportion. He

had evidently adopted the tall North Indian and not the squat Bhot

for his model.

The figure is erect, standing in the attitude of delivering a lecture,

and in this respect bears a close resemblance to the sandstone statues

so largely found at Sarnath by General Cunningham. The right

hand is lifted in the act of exhortation; the left holds the hem of a

large sheet of cloth which is loosely thrown over the body. Both

hands bear the impress of a lotus, the emblem, according to Indian

chiromancy, of universal supremacy, and as such is always met with on

the hands of Vishnu, Brahma and some other Hindu divinities. The

ears are pendulous and bored, and the hair on the head disposed in

curled buttons in the way they are usually represented on Burmese

figures, and not very unlike the buttons on the heads of some of the

Nineveh bas-reliefs. The lips are thin and the face, though more

rounded than oval, is not remarkable for any prominence of the cheek

bone. On the forehead there is a circular télak or auspicious mark.

The material is a very pure copper cast in two layers, the inner one

in segments on an earthen mould, and held together by iron bands

which were originally ~ of an inch thick, but are now very much

worn down by rust. The outer layer of the copper has also oxidized in

different places and become quite spongy. The casting of the face

down to the breast, was effected in one piece ; the lower parts down to

the knee in another, and then the legs, feet, hands and back in several

pieces. A hole has been bored through the breast, and chips have

been knocked off from other parts of the body since the exhumation of

the figure, evidently with a view to ascertain if it did not contain

hidden treasure such as is said to have been found by Mahmood in

the belly of the famous idol of Somnath, but it has led to the dis-

covery of nothing beyond the mould on which the figure had been cast.

The substance of this mould looks like a friable cinder. Origin-

ally it consisted of a mixture of sand, clay, charcoal and paddy husk,

1864. | On the Buddhist Remains ef Sultangan. 367

of the last of which traces are still visible under the microscope. Babu

Kanaildla De, Assistant Professor of Chemistry, Medical College,

who kindly undertook to analyse this black stuff for me, says that it

consists of—

Siliea, e@eoeoo@eeceevere¢e FSH 8BO9 ECBO FOR HHH FEE OEOGA4BX ocGeoevae HH FHSS CHS OSH 20a ww ° 73 50

Oxide of copper, peroxide of iron, alumina, lime, and

WIdONCSIA.— av. e is ccs FS cnt RE es eee 18 O

Organic matter and moisture, ....... Ve es or pies wir OU

100 00

On the annexed plate, which has been drawn from a photograph, the

statue is represented with two small figures on its sides. These were

found close by it in the chapel hall. They measure 1’-10%” and 1’-5”

inches high respectively. They are carved in basalt and, in style and

attitude, bear a very close resemblance to the copper statue; but they

have each an attendant devotee kneeling before it with folded hands,

and the Buddhist creed “ Ye dharmdhetw’ Sc., engraved in the Gupta

character on the pedestal. The small one has the same also on the back.

Among the other relics found I may mention—

1. <A mutilated terra cotta figure similar to the above.

2. A large conch shell (sankh), its animal matter nearly all destroyed.

3. A great number of cowries not much affected by time.

4. A piece of elephant bone—the top of the tibia sawn both

across and longitudinally, the sawing mark most distinctly visible.

9. A slip of ivory about a foot long and an inch broad; flat but

not sharp : edged.

6. An Iron axe destroyed by rust, but the shape is distinct.

7. Ditto smaller.

8. Ditto very much destroyed ; the ring broken off.

9. An Iron ring about three inches in diameter with a spike on

one side, very much destroyed by rust.

10. A chisel with an iron handle, very rusty.

11. A copper disk or cover destroyed by rust.

12. Sitting figure of Buddha in copper, partially destroyed by rust.

13. Three standing figures in do. do. ; the heads had halo which

were found broken and detached.

14, The hand of a large copper figure.

15. A number of broken bits of rusty copper domestic utensils.

16. Lumps of copper ore.

4 ot am

PVCU AG AY «

368 On the Buddhist Remains of Sultangany. [No. 4,

17. A miniature copper bell.

18. A fragment of a crucible,

19. Lumps of clay of the same composition as the crucible.

20. Fragments of enamelled earthenware; black and variegated

patterns.

21. A miniature teapot, broken ;—vessel about an inch and a

quarter, with a spout.

22. Miniature terra cotta chaityas, containing within the seals of

the Buddhist creed, some having seals stamped on the bottom.

23. Ditto having the figure of nine chaityas stamped on its sides

and of seals at the base.

24. Several of the above seals detached.

25. Balls of earth pear-shaped and perforated.

26. Cylinders of do.; both probably intended for nets, to make

them sink fast.

27. A number of pebbles.

28. Fragments of red ocherous rock.

29. A number of terra cotta lamps, circular, flat-bottomed, the

spout not very projecting.

30. Handles of terra cotta frying-pans.

31. Fragments of handles, spouts and covers of earthenware vessels

much stronger than ordinary.

32. Ditto of terra cotta basso-relievo figures, red-glazed.

33. Head of Vishnu in baked clay, seasoned with paddy and

glazed in red, with the seven-headed cobra over head (the only Hindu

relic met with).

34. Well formed heads of surki cement plastered with stucco, one

with a particularly beautiful profile. -

30. Hands and feet of do.

36. Fragment of a tile with basso-relievo figures of palms.

37. A bit of crystal.

38. A round hollow piece of iron covered with copper gilt and

stamped with the figure of a chaitya on each side.

39. Hragments of encaustic tiles.

40. Fragments of white stucco coloured red in fresco from the

floor under the great copper statue.

41. Fragments of cylinders, red-glazed.

42, Fragments of terra cotta ornaments.

aa = Sa SSS

—s =r = = Ss

— oOo ort = =

1864. | On the Buddhist Remains of Sultdnganj. 369

43. A number of bivalve shells.

44. Lamps of stone, similar in shape to No. 29.

The articles named above leave no doubt as to the nature of the

buuding in which they have been found. The quadrangle was evi-

dently a large Buddhist monastery or Vihdra, such as at one time

existed at Sarnath, Sdnchi, Buddhagayd4, Manikydéla and other places

of note, and at its four corners had four chapels for the use of the

resident monks. Two of these which abutted on the mart have alrea-

dy disappeared, and of the other two, that on the south-west has

yielded the relics neted above, and the last remains under the railway

bungalow, a most promising field for the antiquary who could devote

a week or two to its exploration.

Of the history of this Vihdra nothing is now traceable. From its

extent and the style of its construction, it is evident that at one time

ib was a place of great repute, and the resort of innumerable pilgrims.

But its glory set a long while ago, and even the name of the place

where it stood is now lost in obscurity. The present appellation

(Sultanganj) is quite modern, not more than two or three centuries

old, and is due to a prince of the house of Akbar. Fa Hian makes

no mention of it, and Heuen-Thsang talks of the ruins of several

large monasteries in the neighbourhood of Bhagulpore, but gives us no

clue to the one under notice. It is to be presumed therefore that it .

had been ruined and forsaken, or at least had fallen into decay, before

the advent of the latter Chinese traveller. The Inscriptions on the

minor figures, in the Gupta character of the 8rd and 4th century, shew

that the Vihara with its chief Jares and penates had been established a

considerable period before that time, probably at the beginning of the

Christian era or even earlier, for Champa (modern Bhagulpore,) was

a place of great antiquity and the Buddhist took possession of it very

early as the capital of Hastern India, and established many Vihdras

and chaityas in and about it. Though most of these have been des-

troyed by the ravages of time and the ruthless hands of adverse sectari-

ans, there still stand in its vicinity two round towers, each about seventy

feet high, the names of whose founders and the object for which they

had been built have long since been forgotten, but which from their

close resemblance to the pyrethra so common in Affehanistan and else-

where, are evidently Buddhist monuments of yore,

Though the principal residents of Buddhist monasteries were priests

3 0

wfsea

ei le ee | nO Ty 0

370 On the Buddast Remains of Sultangany. [No. 4,

who were sworn to celibacy and poverty, who shaved their heads,

wore the simplest garments, and earned their subsistence by alms, still

the Viharas of old were not without the possession of considerable wealth,

and the proximity of a mud fort was always deemed a desirable source

of security. Hence it is that large mounds, the remains of former

mud forts, are generally met with in the neighbourhood of extensive

monasteries. At Sarnath a fort stood within five hundred yards of the

Vihara, at Buddhagaya one was situated within a stone’s throw of the

great temple, and at Kusia and elsewhere the like may be seen within

very short distances. It was to be expected therefore that at Sultén-

ganj there should be a fort within hail of the monastery, and according-

ly we find one to the west of it at a distance cf about three quarters

of a mile—a square mound of about 400 yards on each side raised to

the height of about 20 feet from the plain, and now the site of an

indigo factory. ‘To the south of it there is a large tank which yielded

the earth of which the mound was formed,

Another peculiarity in which the Vihdra at Sultdnganj bears a

close resemblance to Buddhist monasteries in other parts of India, is

the great abundance of the little fictile bell-shaped structures called

chatyas. They occur either in alto-relievos as No. 22, or in bass-reliefs

stamped on small tiles, as No. 23. The former generally have the Bud-

dhist creed enclosed within or stamped at bottom, and the latter the

same stamped below the figure of the Chaitya. The type seems to

have been conventional and common all over India. Mr. E. Thomas

found the exact counterparts of these at Sarnath, General Cunningham

noticed them at Bhilsa, and I have seen some brought from the ruins of

Brahmanabad in Guzerat and now in the possession of Lady Frere. A

short time ago Colonel Phayre sent a few tiles to the Asiatic Society

from Burmah which, though shaped differently, and intended to

hold the figure of Buddha in the centre, have the chaityas and the

inscriptions so exactly alike that they may easily pass for relics from

Sarnath or Sultanganj. The inscriptions on all these are in the

Kutila type which had a long range of four centuries from the 8th to

the 11th; the monuments on which they are found, must have

therefore existed at least down to the 7th, 8th or even the 9th or 10th

century. The Kutila characters, however, could not have been current

in some of the countries where they are met with, such as Burmah and

Guzerat, and must have therefore been adopted as mystic or sacred

1864. ] On the Buddhist Remains of Sulténganj. 371

symbols in these places. It is remarkable at the same time that while

the characters remained intact the “creed” failed to withstand the

change of climate, and underwent several alterations of reading.

These structures are models or miniature representations of sepulchral

monuments, and they owe their origin to an injunction in the Bhud-

dhist scriptures which recommends the dedication of such monuments -

as an act of great religious merit. Hence they have engaged the

earnest attention of the followers of Gautama from an early age, and

many are the ruins in India which now attest the lavish expenditure

which some of its former kings and princes incurred in raising them

in a manner worthy of their ambition.

They were originally hemispherical in shape and of stupendous size,

rising directly from the surface of the earth like a bubble on water,

and typical of the evanescent character of all worldly objects.* They

are represented by the topes of Sanchi and Satdhara, which, according

to General Cunningham, date as early as the 6th century before

Christ, but which certainly must have existed since the fifth. Two

hundred years subsequently, about the time of the third synod,

the hemispheres were raised on cylindrical plinths of small

height as in the chaityas around Bhilsa. Gradually the plinths were

raised higher and higher, until, in the beginning of the Christian

era, their altitude became equal to the diameter of the hemisphere,

as at Sarnath near Benares and in the topes of Affghanistan; and

ultimately they merged into tall round towers surmounted by a dome,

or bell-shaped structures with elongated pinnacles, such as the Deh-

gopas of Burmah or the bass-reliefs on the clay figure under notice.

These were costly edifices and could be constructed only by the wealthy.

But as the merit of dedicating them was not dependent upon their

size, men of moderate means satisfied their religious craving by the

consecration of small stone models which the clergy assured them would

secure to them as much merit as the lordly structures would to their

princely donors. They added that vows to dedicatesuch tokens were most

effectual in averting an impending evil or securing an expected good,

Thus a great impulse was given to this act of devotion, and the number

of offerings was greatly multiplied. The poor supplied the place of

stone models by little terra-cotta figures of small value, the offering: of

which was very much encouraged by the priesthood, as their consecra-

* Vide Cunningham’s Bhilsa Topes, p. 169.

30 2

TN LPT RITA ERAT ——-

PETE Br pty y.

379 On the Buddhist Remains of Sultangan. [No. 4,

tion afforded the latter a small but constant source of income.* A similar

cause in the present day promotes the offering of fictile models of

horses to Satyapir and other local saints, and hundreds of them may

be seen about every consecrated Banian tree in Bengal. The Buddhist

figures were made after various designs and in different ways, but

generally they were either cast in moulds or stamped on plastic clay.

The basso-relievo tiles appear to be the most common. ‘They contain

figures of 1 to 20 or 80 chaityas impressed on them, and sometimes have

also a figure of Buddha in the centre. In India they have preserved

their independent character as objects of votive offering, but in

Burmah they have been largely used in the ornamentation of temples

and monasteries. That most if not all of them were, however, at one

time votive offerings, is evident from the fact of many of them containing

inscriptions recording the name of the donors. On the back of one

of Colonel Phayre’s tiles (No. 1) which was taken from the “upper

layer of the arch of the relic chamber” of a temple at Pugdén in

Burmah, and which has the figures of 30 Buddhas and two chaityas

impressed on it, there is a corrupt MAgadhi inscription in rude Burmese

characters, which states that the tile was dedicated by one for the good

of his parents and of all Buddhas past and to come. The words of the

inscription as read by Burmese scholars have already been published,

(ante p. 57) but asno attempt has yet been made to translate them and

the reading appears to me to be incorrect, I here supply a different ver-

sion together with a tentative translation. The reading I propose is :—

Atawisati mé buddha

Tinsasammeékona saha

Buddha tya tatta 1ya

Sabban matu pitu ara

Chariya putta ra a cha

Sabba satta hita picha

Buddha hitati nagateti.

Pranslation—To the 28 Buddhas together with the 29th and the

80th, for the good here and hereafter of all, of my father and mother,

of my tutor and his son, of all living beings, as also for the good of

all Buddhas past and to come.

* Vide Col. Sykes’ Note on the Miniature Chaityas, &c. in the Journal Rl. As.

Soc. Vol. XVI. p. 87.

eee sae eee

Epis ioe CS

——_

ay —

* HL.Frazer Lith:

sere LASS

COLOSSAL COPPER STATUE OF BUDDHA.

found uv the ruins of Suéanguiy

1864. | Notes on the Didunculus Strigurostris. 373

Notes on the Didunculus Strigirostris, or Tooth-Billed Pigeon of the

Navigator Islands—the nearest living Ally to the extinct Dodo.

Communicated by Sir W. DENIsoN.*

[ Received 4th Dec., 1863, |

Many of your readers, and especially those interested in natural

history, will be glad to hear that the long lost tooth-billed pigeon,

Didunculus strigirostris, is not quite extinct, as is generally supposed.

This fact is now satisfactorily proved by a living specimen having

been brought up to this city [Sydney] by Mr. J. C. Williams, H. B. M.

Consul for the Navigator Islands, from Upolo, one of that group.

it will be needless to enlarge upon the great service thus rendered

by Mr. Willams. Let it suffice to say that it is the only living

specimen which has ever come under scientific notice, and in all pro-

bability will remain so. Scientific societies, both in England and

Hurope, have offered large rewards for this interesting bird, but it is

to be hoped that if our Acclimatisation Society does purchase this

bird, 1t will not share the fate of other rare specimens, and be sent out

of the colony. |

Mr. Williams has kindly allowed me to examine his specimen, which

is still in Sydney ; and has given me the following information respect=

ing its habits, of which nothing has been previously made known.

| The didunculus, or gnathodon, is known by the natives of the

Navigator’s under the name of the manu-mea. It was at one time

very plentiful on those islands, and particularly upon Upolo, where

Mr. Williams obtained his specimen ; but owing to the number of cats

which, having become wild, now infest the islands, this pecuhar bird

has become almost extinct. The natives also have had a share in its

destruction, for as long as the birds could be procured in tolerable

numbers, they were in the habit of making annual excursions into the

mountains for the sole purpose of catching and feasting upon them.

The game was secured either with bird-lime, made by mixing the

sticky gum of the bread-fruit tree with oil, or by means of nets fasten:

ed to the end of long light poles and thrown over their victims, which

were enticed within reach by tame decoy-birds kept for this purpose.

* These notes, apparently by Mr. Ramsay, Sir W. Denison’s correspondent

pores a printed extract from a Sydney newspaper, and a MS. description of

374 Notes on the Didunculus Strigirostris. [No. 4,

The manu-mea is strictly a ground pigeon, giving preference to the

thickly wooded sides of the mountains, which, when these birds were

plentiful, they traversed in flocks from ten to twenty in number, feed.

ing upon various berries, and particularly upon the mountain plantain,

for which they had a great liking.

When forced to take wing, they fose with a great flapping Noise,

which was so characteristic that even up to the present time, the

saying, “as noisy as 4 manu-mea,” is common among the natives,

Lhe only note observed by Mr. Williams is a low plaintive cry

something resembling that of a chicken, but not so shrill, nor repeated

so often. The specimen which Mr. Williams has, is now about the

size of our common domesticated pigeon, but as it is yet quite a young

bird, it will probably grow much larger.

The natives still keep up the practice of pigeon feasting, and are

using their best endeavours to exterminate the little brown ground

dove, peculiar to the Navigator’s Group, although at present this

species still seems to be very plentiful.

In the photograph there is apparently a sort of crest on the head of

the bird, this is caused Ly a gathering from the bird knocking himself

about in its cage, it is only the feathers sticking out from the top of

the head.

Didunculus Strigirostris.

Bill orange yellow at base, light horn colour nearing the tip, which

is almost white with a dark line down the ridge, skin round the eye

cere, fleshy orange very like the ordinary colour of Pigeon’s feet, feet

of colour more like the base of the bill. In the young bird the head

and neck are dull slaty blue with a tinge of metalic green ; breast dull

dirty brown, abdomen same colour, tail and upper tail coverts, middle

of back deep chestnut brown ; wings brown, many feathers barred with

red deep chestnut. The iris hazel brown ; skin round the eye, fleshy

orange. ‘The second bird was very like the adult specimens figured

in Gould’s works, but not so bright.

SNL OLS OLLI ISL NP LOSS IONE SOON LOLOL LOLOL OIL OL OLS LOL Vi free Cy

DIDUNCULUS

STRIGEROSTRIS,

IH ent ain Pais Ree ek PRY eke,

. ELEM OLN PA Ihe

1864. | | Hlephant Statues im the Delhi Palace. a Ves)

Memorandum on the Elephant Statues in the Delhi Palace.—By

Col. J. ABBOTT.

[Received 2nd December, 1863. |

In the last number of the Society’s Journal, No. III. of 1863, I have

read with interest General Cunningham’s remarks upon the life size

statues found in the Royal citadel at Delhi.

As I happened to be at Delhi when these statues were disinterred,

I had opportunity of examining them and at once recognised the long

sought statues, mentioned by Bernier in these words. |

“The entrance of the fortress presents nothing remarkable besides

two large elephants of stone placed at either side of one of the princi-

pal gates. On one of the elephants is seated the statue of Jemel

(meaning no doubt Jye Mul) the renowned Raja of Chitore. On the

other is that of his brother Polta (Putta). These are the brave

heroes who, with their still braver mother, immortalised their names

by the extraordinary resistance which they opposed to the celebrated

Achar; defending the towns besieged by that great emperor with

unshaken resolution and being at length reduced to extremity, devoted

themselves to their country, and chose rather to perish with their

mother in sallies against the enemy, than submit to an insolent inva-

der. It is owing to this extraordinary devotion on their part, that

their enemies have thought them deserving of the statues here erected

to their memory. These two large elephants, mounted by the two

heroes, have an air of grandeur, and inspire me with an awe and

respect which I cannot describe.”

Could I have supposed that any one visiting Delhi, would not have

this account fresh in memory, I would earlier have troubled you with

the reference.

Regarding Chittore, Ferishta says that when Akbar was besieging

Chittore, after the failure of two assaults, the emperor was so fortu-

nate as to shoot Jugmull, whom he had observed on the ramparts

directing the defence. On which the enemy lost heart, destroyed

their wives and children with fire, on a funeral pule with their slain

chief, and retiring to their temples refused quarter, but were slain,

(apparently without resistance,) to the number of ten thousand,

This Jugmull must be the same as the Jemel of Bernier.

376 iiephant Statues in the Delhi Palace.

[No. 4,

The Hindoo account as collected by Tod from the records and tradi.

tions of Mewar is as follows.

“But the names that shine brightest in this gloomy page of the

annals of Mewar, which are still held saered by the Bard and true

Raypootre and immortalised by Akbar’s own pen, are Jeimul of

Bednore and Putta of Kailwa, both of the sixteen superior vassals of

Mewar. The names of Jeimul and Putta are as household words

inseparable, kc. When Saloombra fell at the gate of the Sun, the

command devolved upon Putta of Kailwa. He was only sixteen years

of age. His father had fallen in the last shock, and his mother had

survived but to rear this the sole heir of their house. Like the Spartan

mother of old, she commanded him to put on the saffron robe and to

die for Chittore. But, surpassing the Grecian dame, she illustrated

her precept by example, armed the young bride of her son with a lance

and with her descended from Chittore ; whence the defenders saw the

young bride fall fighting by the side of her Amazonian mother.

When wives and daughters performed such deeds, the Rajpootecs

became reckless of life. They had maintained a protracted defence

and had no thought of surrender, when a ball struck Jeimul who had

succeeded to the command.”

The northern ramparts had been entirely destroyed by the mines of

Akbar. The fatal Johur or sacrifice of females was awaited, and at

its close, the gates of the fortress were thrown open, the work of de-

struction commenced, and few survived to stain the yellow mantle by

inglorious surrender. Akbar entered Chittore and slew 30,000 of his

enemies. Nine queens, five princesses, their daughters, with two infant

princes, and the families of all the chieftains not attheir estates, perished

in the fatal Johur or in the sack. The gates were taken for the

emperor’s fortress at Agra.

Akbar claimed the honour of Jeimul’s death by his own hand. The

conqueror of Chittore evinced the sense of the merits of his foes

in erecting statues to the manes of Putta and Jeimul at the most

conspicuous entrance of his palace at Delhi.

I have shortened and simplified Tod’s inflated narrative which is

often sufficiently obscure.

The origin of these statues is still matter of uncertainty. Had

they been made by Akbar or carried from Chittore by him, we might

expect to find them rather at Agra, his chief capital, than at Dell.

1864. | Llephant Statues in the Delhi Palace. 377

The stone of which the elephants are built is of black colour and slaty

texture, greatly resembling that of which the Indo-Greek sculptures are

wrought near the Indus. There is nothing of this kind at or near

“Delhi; nor do I think it is found at Chittore: but of this I am not

certain. Being in blocks of moderate size it may have been brought

from afar. The statues stood at the gate of the citadel of Delhi at

the commencement of Aurungzebe’s reign, When that monster’s

religious frenzy attained its height, they were probably pulled to

pieces, in deference to the hatred of the orthodox for images of all

kinds. Bernier states, not (as quoted by Tod), that they stood at

the principal entrance to the citadel, but that they stood at one of

the principal entrances. This was probably the Delhi gate of the

citadel ; so called as facing the original city of Delhi. They were

found buried in old and in recent rubbish, inside the citadel, at a spot

intermediate between the two principal gates, but nearer to the Delhi

Gate.

The screens to the citadel gates were built by Aurungzebe him-

self, and they could not perhaps have been built without removing

these statues, which at any rate would be most suitably posted out-

side the gate of the screen. Supposing them to have been pulled

down accordingly, it is not to be supposed that the saintly monster

would have had any share in reconstructing idols.

P. S.—In Tod’s narrative we are told that there were 30,000 in-

habitants in the fortress of Chittore when it opened its gates. Yet

he does not say that these rushed out sword in hand upon the enemy.

And from Ferishta’s account we gather that they could have made little

or no defence, as few if any of the assailants were slain. The spirit of

manhood seems to have deserted the breasts of the males to centre

in that of the women. Indeed the brutal sacrifice of the Johur whilst

30,000 of the garrison survived, or even the ten thousand reckoned

by Tod, denotes anything but the spirit of heroes. Undoubted in-

stances of the gallantry of Rajpootres are on record. But they seem

at times to have despaired very early in the day. Certainly no army

of undisciplined troops could have taken Chittore if manfully defended

_ by ten thousand men.

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¢ : t2 a tA eae new ron

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Rivgdieh NG

(pia ge Ra i

Np fl i)

378 Geological features of Bunnoo. [No. 4,

Observations on the Geolcgical features Se. of the Country in the

neighbourhood of Bunnoo and the Sanatorium of Shaikh Boodeen,

—By C. P. CosteLxo, Hsq., Asst. Surgeon, 6th Punjab Infantry.

Communicated by the Pungab Auailary Committee of the Asiatic Society.

[ Recewed 16th February, 1864. |

The Bunnoo Valley is surrounded by hills on every side—on the

north by the hills of the Caubul Kheye Wuzeerees which are a cont}-

nuation of the Sooliman range, on the south by the Batannee range :

on the east by the Khattuck hills; and on the west by the Sooliman

range. I am not possessed of any geological information regarding

the Caubul Kheye hills. The Batannee hills strike off at an acute

angle from the Sooliman range on the west, proceed at first in a south-

easterly direction until they reach Peyzoo; and then run eastwards

across the Murwut Valley; and terminate by sloping off towards the

Indus at the junction of this river with the Koorum below Esan

Kheyl. The portion of the range next to the Sooliman hills is called

the Peyzoo hills, which terminate at Peyzoo. The next portion is

called Shaikh Boodeen, which is about 6 miles in length, and termi-

nates in sand [sandstone ?] hills (the highest of which is about 1200

feet above the plain below,) which form the termination of the whole

range.

The Peyzoo hills are irregular, wavy, sand [sandstone P| hills with

two passes through them—the first, next the Sooliman range, being

called the Buenderra; the second the Peyzoo pass. I have not

obtained any fossils from these hills. Each pass is intersected by

numerous nullahs.

Shaikh Boodeen is about 4,500 feet above the level of the sea ; and

the little hill station on its summit is the frontier Sanatorium. The

general dip of the strata is towards the north, and their strike from east

to west. The angle which the dip forms with the horizon is a good

deal more than a right angle. ‘The upper portion of the hills is com-

posed chiefly of limestone, which very often is stained red and yellow

by peroxide and bisulphuret [?] of Iron. Lower down the hill, there is

more claystone mixed with blocks of limestone; and at the foot of the

hill, we meet with the low sand [sandstone ?| hills continued from the

Peyzoo range. This lowermost portion of the hill, is in many places

covered with the debris of the higher parts, in the form of broken rocks

1864. | Geological features of Bunnoo. 379

and lime mixed with sulphur [?] ; this is most remarkable on the Agsun*

Kheyl side. The limestone above-mentioned affords very good quick

lime for building; and the stone itself is also very useful for the

same purpose. ‘The water found in springs at the foot of the hill

has a strong chalybeate taste. Hitherto no springs of any consequence

have been discovered on the hill higher up; but search is being

made for them. The principal fossils (shells) found about the summit

of the hill are Belemnites, Cardiums, Hchini, and Pectens; also

Durrilites, one or two specimens being in Capt. Urmston’s collection

which he has formed at Lahore.

This portion of the hill would therefore seem to belong to the

“ Upper Chalk.”

On the very lowermost portion of the southern face, I have found a

few specimens of a Pecten resembling the Pecten Jacobeus. The next

portion of this range} 1s composed of sandstone hills, which are disposed

in parallel ridges running from north to south. The highest ridge is

about the centre of this portion ofthe range, the ridges on each side

sloping off, on one side, towards Shaikh Boodeen, and on the other to-

wards the Indus. From these hills, I have obtained portions of heads,

teeth, tusks, vertebrae, and limbs of Mammalian animals, Amongst

these, 1 may mention the head and teeth of the Mammoth and other

species of Elephant. I have forwarded a number of these to the

Lahore Exhibition; and as they are afterwards to be made over to

Captain Stubbs, Offe. Sec., Punjaub Auxiliary Committee of the Asiatic

Society of Bengal, I don’t wish to make any special reference to

any of them, until I know how far I have been correct in naming

them. This terminal portion of the Batannee hills would, (on account

of the occurrence in them of fossil species of the Elephant seem to

belong to the Tertiary formation.

I don’t know anything about the Khattuck hills. All I know of the

Sooliman hills, is that the Wuzeeres find quantities of henite and

pyrites in them.

The Bunnoo Valley appears to be composed of modern alluvium. T

have observed several vertical sections of the soil—some of them being

from 20 to 40 feet in depth. In all cases, the sections have been

formed of alternate layers of sand and conglomerate ; most of the stones

* The northern side,

+ Batannee.

oP 2

mote Rr Mune ROA me :

rer d wr, mpm ‘ale ton Aaah a ¥ :

a la ‘¥* T 7 = x r| i

PTA OR a ees Viiyenery ne - tet rains =

} Lt tila saa nD Wout oe (iT ee } PI at :

7 SS hee ty Lor fy si" i. ~ fh Pe ae) i ie eee ee: : es

wi PORE TURES E TPIS Ri a aC ae ee aD RD RR ae hei }

f , f rela » ah ta Vi Lhaaes pars Pap aS ie ne i i eh

7 sa wht ren 4 (i M4 . :

= eae hacsanie meal fii oh i 4 ea ev t ‘| Bs

PESINS we z herd ee =e a) a4 sense e

ve Pest areas PA ae ry u fe

Pod nll aN aire (kal: ;

380 Geological features of Bunnoo. [No. 4,

in the conglomerate being rounded. In these layers species of Paly-

dina, Planorbis, Limnea, &c. are found. The Koorum river enters

the valley at its northern extremity through the Caubul Kheyl Wu-

zeeree hills; the Gombelah through the same hills, but more to the

west. The latter unites with the former below Lukkie, and the

Koorum thus enlarged, finally empties itself into the Indus below

Esau Kheyl. It is not improbable, that the Bunnoo Valley was once

a lake; and that the two rivers were the feeders of this lake ; which

probably, finally became emptied by the water gradually cutting its

way through the pass in the Khattuck hills, through which the

Koorum zow runs to join the Indus. Between the southern face of the

sandstone hills, (to the east of Shaikh Boodeen), and the Indus is another

range called the Betote range ; and the intervening valley is called

the Lagee Valley, at the mouth of which is the village of Punnialla,

This Betote range appears to be of the same composition as Shaikh

Boodeen ; at its upper portion at all events. From this upper portion,

good limestone is also procured, and fossils of the same kind as on the

upper portions of Shaikh Boodeen are I believe, found on it. From the

middle and lower portions the following fossil shells have been procured

—a’ good number by myself:—Inoceramus sulcatus, Lima Oardiiformis,

Producta horrida, Producta semireticulata, Spirifer striata, Calceola

sandalina, Uncites gryphus; and fossil Corals—Syringopora ramu-

tosa, and Lithodendran wregulare.* These fossils with some others, are

among those which will be made over to Captain Stubbs, R. H, A.

* The author is responsible for these and other identifications,—Ebs.

1864. | Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. B8t

Extract from Report of the Operations of the Great Trigonometrical

Survey of India during the year 1862-63.—By Major J. T.

Waker, R. EH. Superintendent G. T. Survey.

[Received 10th November, 1863. |

In accordance with the sanction of Government, I proceeded,

in the autumn of 1862, with the officers and assistants marginally

detailed,* to Vizagapatam to measure a Base Line. Vizagapatam is

situated nearly on the same parallel of latitude as Bombay; and is

the point where the Bombay Longitudinal Series, when extended

eastwards to the Madras Coast, will terminate. This series of tri-

angles will form, with the Great Are Meridional, the Calcutta Longi-

tudinal, and the Coast Series, a vast quadrilateral fisure, circumscribing

the Meridional Series of triangles which are required as a basis for

the interior topographical details. Base Lines had been measured

several years ago, by Colonel Everest, at Beder, Seronj, and Calcutta,

the 8. W., N. W., and N. E. angles of this quadrilateral. One

more Base Line remained to be measured, which, for considerations of

symmetry, 1b was desirable to place in the vicinity of Vizagapatam.

Captain Basevi, the officer in charge of the Coast Series, being

located at Vizagapatam, was directed to select the site. After several

trials, owing to the difficulty of carrying a straight line, several miles

in length, so as to avoid the numerous irrigation tanks with which

this district is studded, he eventually succeeded in finding a suitable

line, on the undulating plain between the Military stations of Vizaga-

patam and Vizianagram, at a distance of about fifteen miles to the

west of the port of Bimlipatam. The ground was chosen before the

commencement of the rainy season of 1862, when trenches were dug

to carry away the expected rain fall during the monsoon, and every

precaution was taken to keep the line dry. But when Captain Basevi

took the field early in October, he found that the rains had been go

heavy, that the surrounding tanks had been converted into lakes, and

the line lay submerged under a sheet of water, in some parts as much

as sixteen feet deep. By great exertions the water was drained off

into adjoining ravines. A portion of the line was ready for measurino

on my arrival in December, and the remainder had become

: fairly dried

by the time it was reached, in the course of measurement.

* Messrs. Hennessy, Taylor, Campbell, Wood, Burt and Mitchell,

A TAG TE PTT EE Me Ft ree men

- } L Py ~ : :

: TPF ese TF nur

, ' is tae og he - 4 > |

Y ~ r J t : > ry. et Boe WA

ia, Py bis Mie y Ie esa re f rf 3

LAM MEN ERIN O a titias ree aD REO OA REA

i EMS ep ea i ari , 4

cae ae de oe pepe

ee ; a»

FIGARO yp i ra

382 Leport of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4,

The Aree employed, consisted of a set of Compensating

Bars and Microscopes, on the principle of those designed by Colonel

Colby, for the Ordnance Survey of Great Britain, which had been

constructed under the superintendence of Colonel Everest, by whom

they were brought out to India in 1882. This apparatus has been

employed in measuring three Base Lines on the Great Are, two at the

north and south extremities of the Calcutta Meridiona] Series, and

two at the extremities of the Indus Series. The leneth of these bases

has, in each instance, been determined in terms of ten foot Standard

Bar A, the unit of measure of the Indian Survey.

At the time this Standard was constructed, if was believed that

the length of a well made iron bar, supported by rollers at its points

of least flexure, might be considered invariable for any given tempera-

ture. But, of recent years, there has been a growing tendency to

doutt the invariabilicy which has hitherto been assumed. Series of

comparisons made by the Ordnance Survey show there is mush proba-

bility that the texture of an iron bar changes gradually in the course

of years; for the factors of expansion obtained from groups of com-

parisons made at intervals a few years apart, differ from each other by

larger quantities than are due to errors of observation. It is prefer-

able, therefore, to employ several Standards, constructed of different

metals, rather than to trust to the integrity of a single bar.

To ascertain whether our Standard has altered in length,

would be necessary to remeasure the whole, or part, of one of the

Base Lines which were first measured after the arrival of the Bar

from England. I wished to obtain some light on this subject, by

remeasuring certain short sections of the Caleutta Base Line, the

extremities of which were originally indicated by permanent marks:

But, on examining the positions of the section markstones, I found

that, though concealed from view, there had been a regular thorough-

fare over them, for many years, of carts and elephants, as well as foot

passengers ; consequently, they must, in all probability, have been

disturbed, and they cannot be safely referred to, to decide so delicate

a matter as the constancy of the Standard.

Disappointed at being baffled in my efforts to investigate this

matter by any simpler and shorter process than the remeasurement of

a whole Base Line, I determined to mark the intermediate section

stations of the Vizagapatam Base as permanently as the extremities,

eee

tar BE

athe

“Theis

hig

eto

1864: | Leport of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 383

in order that any future enquiry regarding the length of the Standard,

at the time of the measurement of this Base Line, may be conducted

without greater labour than the measurement of a short section.

It has been well said, by one of the greatest living authorities

on scientific matters, that “the ends of a base line should be guarded

with religious veneration.” In this country they are liable to be

viewed with mingled cupidity and dread; the natives sometimes

fancy that money is buried below, or they superstitiously fear that the

Englishman’s mark will cast a spell over the surrounding district. In

either case, the mark is liable to be destroyed, as has already happened

at the Seronj Base Line.* To ensure the protection of the ends of

the Vizagapatam Base, I have had substantial domes of cut stone

masonry built over them, without any openings, so that,. before the

marks can be reached, the domes must be pulled down, which will be

so laborious, that the Police should be able to hear of and arrest the

perpetrators, before they have had time to harm the marks.

Captain Basevi, and the Assistants of the Coast Series Party,

shared in the measurement of the Base Line, which occupied about

two months. ‘The length of the line is six and a half miles. It was

divided into three verificatory sections, which were subsequently

checked by two series of triangles, one on each flank of the base, to

test the measure of each section against the others. These tests were

satisfactory ; for the extreme difference between the measured length

of the whole base, and its computed length by triangulation from

either section, has been found to be one inch. The comparison of the

measured length, with the computed value brought down by triangu-

lation from the Calcutta Base Line, is singularly satisfactory, for the

error of the computed value is only a quarter of an inch, though the

triangulation embraces a distance of four hundred and eighty miles,

* On this subject, the following extract is taken from a letter by Colonel Sir

George Everest, C. B., to the President and Council of the Royal Society, dated

Sth April, 1861 :—

“The natives of India have a habit, peculiar to human beings in that state

of society, of attributing supernatural and miraculous powers to our instru-

ments, and the sites which have been occupied by them. In cases of death, or

any other natural visitations, they often offer up prayers to those sites, and if the

object of their prayers be not conceded, they proceed to all sorts of acts of

destruction and indignity towards them ; nay, aS in all cases where it was

practicable, my station marks were engraved on the solid rock in situ, they

have been known to proceed in bodies, armed with heavy sledge hammers, and

beat out every vestige of the engraving.”

a~W .

Ee ad es |

RL ES eee er ter Yer tenet: le

: :

‘Tv Fa wet . .

Party c Tees —

i Be PF ON he? Se ee ie wT A oy 4 why

; PEA toa 1 LOR Bre be cont io) Je

LOA 7 Crp ee ane TEST A i 1 i

; F (at Posie an aa f tye: 5 oer? 4

+ = Wi or ctenby bugis, 7 reed RLU, :

ig ioe bial pos ay SE J. she,

ot : peat Leave rit

4 Db yee te Hine awed eof Welk :

ha MBA ting BAB they iat af DP ks

fre EES Ss ry had Uy: i

Unie OR Rae S ee En UY RISE Ap ME REESE M/s abl 34, PIS abE

SH ish bw ai haba A ai ea Wy ia

nisi my se 5 corte ns pre yt by edeitihd Mor ister 3

Wise nite 5

384, feeport of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4,

much of it passing over flat plains, which are covered with dense

forest and jungle, and very difficult to work through.

On the completion of the Base Line, Captain Branfill was deput-

ed to connect it with the principal triangles of the Coast Series,

and to execute the verificatory triangulation between the sections,

Meanwhile, Captain Basevi proceeded, by my instructions, to make a

reconnoisance of the neighbouring territories of the Rajah of J eypore,

It is a singular fact that, in the vicinity of the British sta-

tions of Vizagapatam and Vizianagram, and within sixty miles of a

coast which has been frequented by British traders for upwards of a

century, there is an extensive tract of country, subject to a friendly

Rajah, of which less is known, than of districts occupied by hostile

tribes, along the frontier of our recently acquired Punjab Provinces,

A glance at any map of the Madras Presidency reveals a great blank

in our geographical knowledge, in the tract of country which lies

parallel to the coast, and North-East of the Godavery river. Its

deadly reputation appears to have been a bar alike to the explorations

of the curious and scientific, and to the visits of sportsmen. No

regular survey of it has ever been attempted; the few places given in

the map seem to have been obtained from native information, for

they are generally exceedingly erroneous.

A reconnoisance of this tract was required for our own opera-

tions, in the extension of the Bombay Longitudinal Series to Vizaga-

patam. As any reliable information regarding lands so little known

might be expected to be of much value and general interest, I was

much gratified when Captain Basevi volunteered to reconnoitre this

terra meognita ; though, at the same time, I could not but feel appre-

hensive for his safety in a country so deadly, for his route would have

to pass through dense jungle, in which it would be necessary for him

to preserve his reckoning by the troublesome process of traversing ;

which, under such circumstances, is very laborious, and entails the

necessity of performing the greater part of each day’s march on foot.

The inevitable exposure to be thus undergone is very great, in a

tropical climate, and when the district to be traversed is known to be

exceedingly feverish and unhealthy, no small amount of courage 18

needed, to prompt a man to volunteer for such a task.

Captain Basevi took with him one European Assistant, Mr.

O’Neill, and a few natives. He, himself, fortunately escaped with a

1864. | fteport of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 385

slight attack of fever, but Mr. O’Neill suffered severely, and has not

yet recovered, and the natives of the party were also, more or less,

incapacitated by fever, so that but for the assistance afforded by the

Rajah of Jeypore, the operations would have been stopped almost at

their very commencement. The results are, a good preliminary map

of Jeypore, which has been forwarded to the Surveyor General, to be

lithographed and published ; a report by Captain Basevi, giving details

of his route, and a general description of the country ; several valuable

astronomical determinations of latitudes and longitudes, and baro-

metrical determinations of heights; also memoranda of various other

routes, the details of which were obtained from native information.

In consideration of the great value of Captain Basevi’s services, he

has been permitted to proceed to Hurope on furlough for one year,

during which his appvintment will be kept open for him.

During the summer of 1862, the Field Season of the Kashmir

Survey Party, the triangulation made great progress to the east of

Leh, and stations were fixed on the Chinese Frontier, from which a

number of peaks in Tartary were determined. Some of these were

more than one hundred miles distant, and will materially aid in the

construction, from native information, of maps of districts into which

the surveyors will probably be unable to penetrate. Several of the

stations observed from were over 20,000 feet in height above the sea,

and Mr. Johnson visited one peak of a height of no less than 21,072

feet, but, owing to a very heavy fall of snow, was unable to observe

from it.

A great many points were fixed in the Pangkong district. The

whole of Astor was triangulated, aad several peaks were fixed to

the north of Gilgit; none of these were of any great height, the

highest being only a little over 19,000 feet. The natural difficulties

of the country were at first much enhanced by bad weather, which

came on with the heavy rains in the southern and outer Himalayan

Ranges. Notwithstanding these circumstances the out-turn of work

has been good, and the general progress very satisfactory, the total

area of the triangulation being about 10,500 square miles, and of

topography 10,400 square miles, on the scale of four miles to the

inch.

The topographical operations made good progress, though not

so great as would have been the case had all the assistants Y

3 D

etained

he a <

——- a eis AN wy » ¥

386 Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4,

their health. Unfortunately two of them, on entering the ligher

ranges, broke down completely, and a third had to leave off work

early in the season. ‘The ground sketched was generally very elevated

and barren, the Surveyor’s chief difficulties arising from the want of

provisions and firewood, and sometimes even of fresh water. The

plane table sketches required for the map of Little Tibet have been

completed, and lodged in the Head-Quarters Office at Dehra. A

glacier, about twenty miles in length, was discovered by Mr. Ryall at

the head of the Nubra Valley. Some large glaciers were also found

in the neighbourhood of the Nanga Parbat.

I fully concur in the testimony which is borne by Captain Mont-

gomerie, to the great zeal with which these arduous Survey opera-

tions have been carried on by all the assistants under his orders.

The good fortune of success has hitherto attended all undertakings

executed under the superintendence of this officer.

There is much reason to expect that, if the snows are not un-

usually heavy, and if most of the Surveyors keep in good health, the

remainder of the country to be surveyed in and around Kashmir and

Ladak, will be completed during the next field season. Captain

Montgomerie has made every effort to persuade the Maharajah of

Kashmir to allow one of our Surveyors to go to Gilgit, and has

obtained a half promise to this effect. Possibly the fear of being

called to account, should any harm happen to a European in his terri-

tories, causes the Maharajah to hesitate to sanction an undertaking

which might be somewhat perilous. He informed Captain Mont-

gomerie that, during the late winter, his troops in Gilgit had been

sleeping ; no exacter information could be elicitedthan what is suggested

by this metaphor. If, as Captain Montgomerie thinks likely, the

sleep was that which knows no waking, the Sikh garrison of the

Maharajah must have been massacred by the hill tribes, in which case

there is little hope of our Surveyors being soon able to penetrate into

Gilgit.

The Eastern Frontier Party, under the charge of Mr. C. Lane,

Chief Civil Assistant, has been employed, throughout the Field Season,

in Independent Tipperah. At the end of the preceding season this

triangulation had reached a point to the South of Cherra Poonjee, on

the confines of Tipperah, where the British Boundary retrogrades

Westward to a considerable distance, so that the triangulation would

mie

fel

| illo

lw ¥

tar

| Th

Bin

| Mer

eonalad

1864. | Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 387

have had to make an extensive circuit, in its onward progress to

Chittagong, had the operations been required to be kept within the

British Boundary. Fortunately, Mr. Buckland, the Commissioner of

Chittagong, had sufficient influence with the Maharajah of Tipperah

to induce him to consent to our operations being carried across his

territory, on the direct line to Chittagong.

Mr. Lane proceeded, in the first instance, to Agartolla, the

chief town of Tipperah, where the Maharajah resides; and there he

succeeded in securing the friendship and good-will of the Prince and

his Court to an extent to justify the expectation, which was subse-

quently realized, of obtaining their cordial assistance and co-operation.

Mr. Lane deserves much credit for the tact he has displayed in eculti-

vating amicable relations with the barbarous races that inhabit the

hill country of Tipperah, who have long been a terror to the industri-

ous population of the piains within the British Frontier. Mr. Lane

has sent a valuable report on the portion of Independent Tipperah

traversed by himself and Assistants during the past Field Season, from

- which extracts will be given in an appendix to this Report.*

* The duty of selecting stations for the Triangulation devolved on Mr.

Rossenrode, than whom the party could not have had a better pioneer. The

following simple narrative of his operations is extracted from his letters :—

“When the Kookies were apprized of my arrival at Heara, they naturally

eoncluded that I had come to apprehend and punish them for the robberies and

murders they had perpetrated on our frontier. They hid themselves in the

jungles, and left their villages. With much persuasion the Rajah’s people

brought them to my camp. They watched all my proceedings, and asked me

no end of questions. I always keep a man near me to interpret, and I answer

every question they put me; all seem satisfied with my answers, and the

confidence I place inthem, Of course my movements are slow, because my

work has the greatest difficulties to contend with; the inhabitants must be

conciliated, the site to be fixed upon must be traced and found, and cleared of

jungle. To fix on sites at all in this dense and almost uninhabited forest, in

which the sun can seldom be seen, is a feat any man may be proud of, especi-

ally when the inhabitants try to mislead. I hope to get on faster, when I divest

the minds of these savages of all suspicion. I am all day long climbing or

descending hills, or wading through water. Wild elephants and buffaloes are

numerous, and may be come upon suddenly, when wading through the water-

courses. Whenever you see a bamboo signal, avoid the direction it points to,

because an unerring arrow is placed there, with a bow strong enough to give an

elephant his death blow, The Kookies think of nothing but eating and drink.

ing. Heeding them occasionally is a good plan, and they would become very

much attached to yon, and follow you like dogs, and, no doubt, prove faithful,

and work well, if well fed. Last year I had to deal with the Nagas and

Kookies of Cachar, as well as those on the Manipoor frontier. They are the

same filthy, naked savages as their brethren in Independent Tipperah. They

frequently enquired whether I knew of Captain Guthrie, who made the road

from Cachar to Manipur, over the hills, and they said he was the best sahib

they had ever met with, and gave them buffaloes, cows, pigs, and goats to eat

daily, and grog to drink, so that, even now, they think of his feasts,

oD 2

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388 feeport of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4

The East Calcutta Longitudinal Series Party was formed on

the Ist September, 1862, and placed under the charge of Lieutenant

Thuillier. The object of this Series is to become the basis for the

surveys of the districts of Nuddeah, Jessore, and on, vid Dacca, to

the Eastern Frontier, along a parallel of latitude shghtly North of

Calcutta. ‘The publication of the sheets of the Indian Atlas, which

embrace these districts, has long been delayed for want of this tri-

angulation.

The party proceeded from Dehra Doon, by steamer and railway,

to Calcutta, where they took the field in November, on the termina-

tion of the rainy season. Operations were commenced at Chinsurah,

on a side of the Calcutta Meridional Series. Much assistance wag

derived from a carefully executed Map, prepared in the Surveyor

General’s office, by which Lieutenant Thuillier was enabled to lay out

his lines so as to pass through a minimum amount of property. In

working through forests and jungle, it is usual, in the first instance,

to cut a narrow glade, in a perfectly straight line, through all inter-

mediate obstacles, in the direction of the required station; when this

‘“‘T must notice one peculiarity among the Kookies. They all assemble from

adjoining villages of the same tribe, and perform the work allotted to them, and

share the hire. If you want twenty men from a village, and there are sixty in

that village, all will come, whether you wish it or not. If they have to cut

jungle, they will all do it; if they are to carry loads, they will divide the twenty

loads into sixty, and each man will carry something. One man will never act as

a guide, or do any work singly; he mnst have a companion, and both must be

paid. I have tried to break through this habit, but have been told that, if all

are not allowed to work, they will not come at all. One might suppose that

Sixty men would finish the work sooner than twenty, but this is not the case;

they eat three times a day, will not begin work before nine, they work until

twelve, and then walk off, without asking or telling anybody. They remain

away two hours, cooking and eating, and then return and work till an hour

before sunset During the working hours, some are smoking, some making

drinking mugs from the bamboo, and others amusing themselves; half are thus

occupied, while the remainder are working, and then they change about, and

those who are relieved smoke, making drinking mugs, walking sticks, or other-

wise amuse themselves. The Rajah’s agents have no control over them, and

they do not always obey their own Sirdars.

“A Kossyah coolie is really worth four Kookies. When a Kossyah carries a

light load, or is lazy, he is called a Kookie by his companions, which annoys

him so that he will carry the heaviest load, or tuck up his sleeves, and work in

right good earnest. I attribute the Kookie’s want of energy and inability to

carry loads to the excessive use of spirits, which are distilled in every hut, and

partaken freely by every member of the family. There are many Chiefs among

the Kookies in the Tipperah Raj. These are all called Rajahs ; they have their

Wuzeers, Nazirs, and Sirdars, and a number of servants of both sexes. The

JKookies have no. written language. The Rajahs never pay visits, even to the

Maharajah, and their Wuzeers and Nazirs are sent to the Court only on very

important occasions.”

1864. | Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 389

trial line has been carried over a distance of eight to ten miles, the

ground beyond is carefully reconnoitered for a suitable site, to which

a line is cut from a convenient point in the trial line; thus two sides

and the included angle of a triangle are given, with which data it 1s

easy to ascertain the direct line between the two stations, which is

then cleared to obtain mutual visibility. Owing, however, to the

valuable nature of the property through which the triangles were

earried, it was necessary to run a traverse along each line, with numer-

ous intermediate bends, to avoid houses and orchards. In clearing

the final line, great caution was requisite to prevent any tree from

being cut down needlessly, a matter of some importance in Bengal,

where every tree is more or less valuable, and has to be paid for.

These circumstances greatly increased the labour of the preliminary

operations, and protracted them over a longer period than is usual.

Further delay was caused in building the principal stations. These

are usually, towers, with a central pillar, four feet in diameter, of

burnt brick and lime masonry, surrounded by a platform of unburnt

bricks and mud, fourteen to sixteen feet square, the whole raised to a

height of twenty to forty feet, according to the nature of the obstacles

to be overlooked. This structure has been adopted on account of its

cheapness, and the rapidity with which it can be constructed; it has

hitherto been found to be well adapted for our requirements. But it

appears to be inapplicable for the rainy and moist climate of Eastern

Bengal, where unburnt bricks rarely have an opportunity of drying

suiiciently to be safely used, in raising a structure of such necessarily

large dimensions. At one of Lieutenant Thuillier’s stations, in conse-

quence of the employment of damp materials in the unburnt brick

work, and constant and heavy falls of rain during the construction,

the building gave way, under the weight of the instruments and

observatory tent. Fortunately, the large Theodolite was packed in

its case, and received no injury, but the season was too far advanced

for the tower to be rebuilt before the setting in of the monsoon, and

as the mishap occurred in the first polygon of the principal triangula-

tion, and there were no more towers ready in advance, the out-turn of

work, as measured by the area triangulated, is unusually small, though

much valuable experience has been gained, and there is every reason

to hope that there will be a full out-turn of work next season, The

design of the tower stations wiil have to be altered to suit the climate

De eed ee ee

- ‘

' 4 x

A eA!)

of het tp ¥

ote ee ene

ty :

: 15

ey A LAA NLT 5 he

390 Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4,

of Hastern Bengal; in lieu of the present solid mass of earthwork, it

will be necessary to build a masonry wall around the central pillar, to

support the observer’s piatform.

The Rahoon Meridional Series, under the superintendence of Mr.

H. Keelan, First Assistant G. T. Survey, was brought to a ter-

mination during the last Field Season, by being extended southwards

until it jomed the Great Longitudinal Series of Triangles, connect-

ing Calcutta and Karachi. The meridional distance triangulated is

sixty-nine miles, by thirteen principal triangles, arranged in polygons,

for mutual verification, and covering an area of 1,603 square miles.

This Series has taken six years to accomplish. It was commenced

by Mr. Logan, late First Assistant G. T. Survey, but has been

chiefly executed by Mr. Keelan. It is double throughout, the triangles

being arranged in successive quadrilaterals and polygons of remarkable

symmetry. its meridional length is 457 miles; the principal and

secondary triangles cover an area of 23,620 square miles. The

computations and maps connected therewith will be completed by

the Ist October, when the party will be transferred to the districts

on the meridian of 84°, between Sumbulpoor and the East Coast.

The total cost of the operations, up to 1st October, will be about

Rupees 2,01,609, which gives a rate of Rupees 8-8-6, or about 17

shillings per square mule.

The field operations of the Gurhagurh Series, on the meridian

of Umritsur, were brought to a termination at the end of season

1861-62, when it formed a junction with the series of triangles on the

same meridian which had been brought up by Captain Rivers as far

as Ajmere, from the Great Longitudinal Series. By the Ist October,

1862, the recess computations and charts were completed, and the

party was available for transfer elsewhere. This Series has taken five

years to complete; the greater portion has been executed by Mr.

George Shelverton. Its meridional length is 557 miles; the area

covered by the principal and secondary triangles, 19,096 square miles ;

the cost, Rupees 1,08,212, which gives a rate of Rupees 5-10-35, or

about 11 shillings per square mile.

The Sutlej Series follows the left bank of the Sutlej from its

junction with the Indus, near Mithunkote, to a side of the Gurhagurh

Series near Ferozepoor. It was commenced towards the close of

Field Season 1860-61 by Lieutenant Herschel, and was completed

1864. | fteport of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 391

last season by Mr. Shelverton. It is single throughout. The recess

computations will be completed by Ist October, when the party will

be transferred to the meridian of 80°, to execute the required triangu-

lation between Jubbulpore and Madras. During the past Field Season

the triangulation extended over a distance of 112 miles, covering an area

of 1,866 square miles. A very creditable amount of secondary tri-

angulation was also executed. The total cost of the Series, up to Ist

October, the date of its completion, will te about Rupees 80,743 ;

the total area covered by the trangulation is 8,142 square miles, thus

giving a rate of Rupees 9-14-8, or nearly 20 shillings per mile.

The Bombay Party, under the superintendence of Captain Haig,

Royal (Bombay) Engineers, having completed the triangulation

in Northern Bombay, was deputed to execute a series of triangles to

the south of the parallel of Bombay, on the meridian of Mangalore.

While the preliminary operations and selection of stations were pro-

ceeding, Captain Haig marched to the origin of the Bombay Longi-

tudinal Series, with a view to making this Series double throughout,

by adding flank stations, so as to form polygons in parts where there

were only single triangles. On reaching the ground, it was found that

the ends of the Beder Base Line were, fortunately, in good preservation.

Three of the advanced stations had, however, been completely destroy-

ed. Captain Haig judiciously determined to triangulate the Series

anew, as far west as the Mangalore meridian. The revision having

been executed with a much superior instrument to that employed in

the original triangulation, the value of this portion of the Bombay

Longitudinal Series is very greatly enhanced.

Having completed this revision, Captain Haig was proceeding

with the principal triangulation on the meridian of Mangalore, when

an untoward accident brought his operations to an abrupt termination,

The large Theodolite was set up for observation on the tower station

of Palwan, when, without any previous warning, the tower gave way

on one side, causing the fall of the instrument and observatory tent,

whereby the instrument was so seriously injured that it is incapable

of being again used, until it has been repaired by the makers in

England. Fortunately, the horizontal circle, the most valuable portion,

appears to have escaped injury, but the vertical circle was destroyed,

and the injuries are such that the instrument cannot be repaired in

this country. Captain Haig convened a Court of Enquiry to report

OT a SON EY TY LO

399 Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4,

on the circumstances ; the proceedings of the Court have already been

submitted to Government. The Court came to the opinion, in which

I entirely concur, that the fall of the tower was occasioned by the

sudden and unexpected sinking of the ground below, and that no

blame is attributable to Captain Haig, or any other person, for the

mishap.

Captain Haig had already turned out a very excellent season’s

work, comprising thirty-two principal triangles, covering an area of

6,625 square miles, and extending over a length of 260 miles, whereof

66 appertain to the Mangalore meridian, and 194 to the parallel of

Bombay. :

The Spirit-Levelling Operations were carried on by Mr. Don-

nelly, Civil Second Assistant, under the superintendence of Lieutenant

Thuither. The party accompanied me to Calcutta, to receive the

necessary instructions regarding the programme of the season’s oper-

ations, which could not be decided on until I had obtained reliable in-

formation regarding the Railway levels between Calcutta and Agra. I

had hoped to be able to incorporate these into our work, so as to avoid

the labour and expense of carrying a line of levels ail that distance.

During the previous Field Season, a connection had been made, at Agra,

with the Railway levels brought up from Calcutta, and the Trigono-

metrical Survey levels, brought up from the mean sea level at Karachi.

The two sets of results differed by about twenty-four feet, and it was

hoped that all difference would disappear, on connecting the Railway

datum, the site of Howrah Dock, with the mean sea level of the Bay

of Bengal.

That level had already been closely ascertained, by a Series of

Tidal Observations taken at Kydd’s Dock, and subsequently verified

by others taken at Kejiri, from the description of which (vide foot-

notes, next page,) it is evident that the mean sea level of the Bay of

Bengal may be considered to be known to within a few inches of the

truth. On connecting the Railway levels with Kydd’s Dock, 1t was

found that there still remained a difference of about twelve feet between

the Railway and the Survey height of Agra. On discussing this subject

with the Chief Engineer of the Railway, I ascertained that there were

several breaks in the Railway levels, that, in consequence of the pres-

sure of other work, there had been no opportunity of preparing a

correct and true section of the whole line, and that it was contemplat-

1864. | Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 393

ed to re-level the line, as soon as the Engineers had leisure to do so.

I decided, therefore, on deputing the Levelling Party to re-level the

line of the Railway, and connect all the Trigonometrical Stations

within reach thereof.

Mr. Donnelly made good progress, and accomplished two hundred

and forty-two miles of first-class levelling,* forty-one of which had to

* With an Assistant levelling the line, independently, behind him, station by

station, after the method described in the published volume of Tables of

Heights. |

The following description of the connection of Kydd’s Dock with the mean

sea level of the Bay of Bengal is taken from a Report, dated 1st November, 1854,

on the Calcutta Meridional Series, by Colonel Waugh, Surveyor-General, and

Superintendent G. T. 8. :—

‘‘A Register of the Tides in the River Hoogly is regularly kept at Kydd’s

Dockyard, near Calcutta, the height of each successive tide being referred to a

fixed datum line or zero, which is the bottom or sill stone of the dock, and

therefore, an object of invariable character.

“A transcript of the Register of the Tides for two years viz.,—from May,

1846, to April, 1848, having been obtained from the Marine Department, a

Monthly Abstract of Mean Tides was deduced therefrom.

“The waters of the ocean would maintain a constant level if undisturbed

by the action of the Sun and Moon. La Place has demonstrated that this level

is a mean between the highest and lowest state to which the surface of the

ocean is reduced by the attraction of those bodies, This mathematical truth is

corroborated by observations made on open coasts, from which it results that

the mean of high and low water for two consecutive tides represents, very

nearly, the level of the sea, and that the average for a lunation is constant

within a very small quantity.—Vide Professor Whewell’s Report, 7 vol.,

British Association’s Report

*“ An examination of the Abstract of Monthly Mean Tides will, however,

show that considerable irregularity exists in the River Hoogly, the monthly

means differing as much as six and a-half feet. Now, if the annual average be

considered as the true level of the sea, it would follow that for some months,

consecutively, the mean height of the River is two and a-half feet below the

sea level, a conclusion which is altogether inadmissible.

“The lowest monthly mean tide occurs about February and March, when the

fresh water in the river is lowest, and strong Southerly winds do not prevail.

The mean tide rises gradually, as the river rises during the South Mongoon

until it attains its maximum in September or October, at which time the

monthly mean exceeds that of February by no less than six feet. This rise is,

obviously, the effect of accumulation, produced by inundation in the valley of

the Ganges, and the force of the South-West wind, which dams up the fresheg

in the long and narrow channel of the river.

“Yt has been remarked by Colonel Cheape, Chief Engineer, in his Memoirs,

dated April, 1825, that the surface of the Salt Water Lake, wherein the rise of

the tide is almost imperceptible, would, on account of its wide expanse, repre~

sent very accurately the level of the sea with which it communicates. He also

observes that Captain Taylor’s levels indicate that the surface of the lake in

the dry season, is 2f. 4:3ins. below the mean state of the river, This result

corresponds very nearly with the mean tide of the river itself, which in

February is 2f. 5is. below the level of the annual mean.

“Colonel Cheape further states that the periodic rise of the surface of the

lake in the wet season is ten inches. Now, the contemporaneous rise in the

mean tide of the river has been shown to be six feet, and as the cause of these

elevations is precisely the same, though the effects are in the ratio of seven to

3 E

CE EY 1 (ORL Gaur

394 Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4,

be re-levelled, on account of large discrepancies which were found in

the Railway levels. The operations had reached the vicinity of Bha-

one, the greater rise in the river can clearly be attributed only to the narrow-

ness of its channel compared with the bay; it is probable that a considerable

portion of the rise of ten inches in the surface of the lake is also due to ac.

cumulation; so that, although a rise may be supposed to take place in the level

of the sea at the head of the bay, during the continued pressure of the S. W,

Monsoon, still, that elevation must be mruch less than what takes place in the

lake, where the effect of this rise is increased by the narrowness of the channel,

and. the influx of fresh water during the inundation,

*‘It has been shown that if the annual average of mean water be taken ag the

sea level, it would lead to the inadmissible conclusion that, in the dry season,

the average level of the river at Calcutta is twenty-nine inches below the sea,

with which it freely communicates. It has also been shewn that the surface of

the Great Salt Water Lake, in the dry season, is on a level, or nearly so, with

the mean tide of the river at the same time. It is likewise manifest that the

periodic rise of mean tide during the monsoon, to the extent of six feet in the

river and ten inches in the lake is occasioned by local causes, independent

altogether of the true level of the sea, which is a constant level, and these

causes, 1b appears, operating in narrow channels, are capable of producing exag-

gerated results in the proportion of seven to one, showing clearly the fact of

accumulation. Hence the conclusion is inevitable, that the lowest monthly mean

tide of the river, observed in February and Mareh, represents the nearest

approximation to the actual sea level, and that the rise of mean tide at Calcutta

during other months, may fairly be ascribed to disturbing causes of an inland

eharacter, altogether independent of the true and constant level of the ocean.

The variable character of the disturbing causes is shewn by the fact that the

monthly means of corresponding months for the two years differ considerably,

except in the months of February and March, the monthly mean tides of which

are very accordant.

“Proceeding upon this principle, I have used the following observations to

refer the datum line in Kydd’s Dock to the sea level :—

** Mean Tide February, 1847, above datum, as measured on Guage, ,.. 8°11 feet.

55 March, a 5 3 = woe =8'40. yy

3 February, 1848, a & e se OAR yy:

33 March, 33 93 59 99 vee 8005 4,

39 February, 1850, 45 5 4s »» O28 5

3 March, 3 = i i wa O62 55

5 February, 1851, 34 - a in beg

99 March, a a5 y 99 .. 836 ,,

es eee

Mean, ... 8'343 feet.

*¢ Correction for Error of Graduation on Guage by Mr. Bedford's

. Measurements, .., ms oa ied ... 0'2388 feet.

“ By Tides measured at Caleutta in February and March, Mean Sea

Level above datum, me Ss ve ... 8'576 feet.

“Again, in the years 1850 and 1851, Mr. Bedford, the Marine Surveyor, took

a@ series of tidal observations at Kejiri, and connecting this point by a series of

levels with Kydd’s Dock, found that the datum line at the latter point is 9°07

feet below the sea level. Mr. Bedford’s observations from whieh this result 1s

derived, are ag follows :—

feet. inches:

“Mean Height of Sea Level above the datum line at Kejiri, ... 8 9°79

‘Datum Line at Kejiri above that of Kydd’s Guage, ... .. «. O 288

“Sea Level above the datum line of Kydd’s Guage, ... «. « 9 0°63

‘Which reduced to decimals of a foot becomes, ... sve + 9:03

1864. | Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 395

gulpore, when Mr. Donnelly was compelled, by severe illness, to close

work.

Mean Levels of the River's mouth at Kejiri, at Neap Tides, for the

years 1850 and 1851, excluding the South-West Monsoon.

Highest Lowest

2s hiéw Water ish Water 2s

1850. Het ths Keet. Ins, |\Heet. arn

POUT; oe Ge ne | , 7 : : ae

SECORUDIV iy cecadca wie cee i 7 : = - : ie

EATON. oe. creisan oo geod { : - - : ia

PR pcces cea. tacts hf ogee 2 leas da Re gedaees

May, ee ee \ 4 a ; : :

WG, i... <7. oa } ; ay : - a

INOVEMDEL, 0 5..5. 00.25. { ; : o : 3 ee

December, iat teed i . ; : iu

1851.

ONWOAEYs esc pices niece { P 5 ae : : 7

February, eae : a : f a

DMAPC ree A : a : : ne

ca. eh oe oboe (ares ale

ee eee

June, Pe, ; 4 ie : i

During the year under review, I was called upon to collect all the

available data of levels, existing in the Public Works, Railway, and

Which differs from my determination by half a foot; but, if the tides at

Kejiri for February and March be alone taken into account, at which period the

inland waters flowing seaward are lowest, the result would agree with tha

derived from my discussion of the tides at Calcutta to about one inch,”

So E-?

a = M — i

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i fii side ¢ ty , - iT . - - aes

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i > Prive oi y ; pt & Eh oe Sr a peer : *

crus it lanpallynoet _ ‘ i

: - ' , \ eel 2s § P| ; Posh D4P pee cy Tie

; a Wires! . mal AE

els ay ¥ . 6b Gee. <r

. f § JTW by ip Ribera srry Lian = aa facut an

i f if y t i ‘< nF iat ( ied Pee rer

Alsen fs : Te toe Pai £ F mh

Deve eR TY a[ spo ais ; } PE Cerna eds

ae at Pep eSrots ets re ibPny pat ‘nies sane ee Ha tax ees re Bet

ae MN tS We RB Ey re i 13 Dates fer nsine|

i esis Ray SEDER RLS. caren i) PE ROR EER aD LAGE ¢ i

eae as me tucnt BCC eawal aie PEO REE eee OH a as BST

a Py roy z = =i te a ca] f fay! S ? : : oS th 4 fe ios

bene. Ms ra * “Le MS as 7 f AS Te yEg

ve eet Sa tea ale read: Sata : Seyi ee a

Mets . 7 E} A 3 43 Pierecetee - Sere} 4 Ele aeee) Z

ve : a M ~ Lhe c z = ;

eS —

396 Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4,

Survey Offices, all over India, in order to reduce them to a common

datum. As a first step towards this desirable measure, I have pub-

lished a volume of Tables of Levels, based on the Spirit-Levelling

Operations of this Survey, and reduced to the mean sea level of

KCarachi Harbour, as their datum. Additional volumes will be pub-

lished as soon as possible. They will enable officers of the Public

Works and Railway Departments to reduce their levels to the mean

sea, by connecting them with the nearest Bench Mark, or Station, of

the Trigonometrical Survey. In most instances, however, the business

ef connecting will probably devolve on the Survey Department. At

present, we have only one Levelling Party, which is employed in

Bengal; I therefore submitted a project for the formation of other

parties to carry on operations, simultaneously, in the Madras and

Bombay Presidencies, as the only means of speedily accomplishing an

operation, of which the practical value will be greatly enhanced by

early completion. Unfortunately, financial reasons have interfered to

prevent this proposal from being sanctioned.

I now proceed to report on the Astronomical Observations for the

determination of the Latitude and Longitude of the Andaman Islands,

which were instituted on a representation by the Superintendent of

Port Blair, that the erroneous positions assigned to some of these

Islands, in the published Charts, endangered the safety of ships sailing

between Calcutta and Singapore. Under the orders of Government, in

the Home Department, the Surveyor General had deputed a Surveyor,

Mr. Nicolson, to conduct the necessary observations, the superinten-

dence of which was subsequently transferred to the Trigonometrical

-branch of the Survey.

Mr. Nicolson started from Calcutta early in December, 1861, to

reconnoitre the Coco and Andaman Islands. He found that, in order

to take a complete Series of Astronomical Observations at the Great

Coco, it would be necessary to have a steamer placed. at his. disposal

for some weeks, to keep up his communication with Port Blair, and

bring the necessary supplies for his party.

About this time, a communication was received from the Bombay

Government, representing that there was as much doubt about the

accuracy of the position of Port Blair, as of that of the Coco Islands.

‘Under these circumstances, it seemed advisable that Mr. Nicolson

should begin operations by fixing Port Blair, in order that the proposed

‘

yal

1864. | Report of ths Great Trigonometrical Survey. 397

operations might be commenced at the place where the greatest faci-

lities for their execution existed.

The inaccuracy of the present Charts of the islands lying between

Sumatra and Burma being admitted on all sides, it appeared necessary,

in the absence of any regular survey of those islands, to fix, by astro-

nomical observations, the positions of Acheen Head, Port Blair, the

Great Coco, or the Preparis Island, and an island in each of the other

groups, intermediate between Acheen Head and Cape Negrais. It is

believed that the relative positions of the mutually visible islands of

each group are already correctly shown on the Charts; consequently,

by determining the absolute position of a point in each group, it would

be possible to rectify the existing Charts, without making a general

re-survey.

Mr. Nicolson, having completed his reconnoissance, returned to

Calcutta in February, 1662, by which time one of the large 3-foot

astronomical circles of the Trigonometrical Survey had been got ready,

and a portable observatory, with rotating dome, constructed for the

observations. There was no good astronomical telescope available in

the stores of the Mathematical Instrument Department; consequently,

Mr. Nicolson was directed to take all his observations, whether of

occultations, eclipses, or moon culminations, with the telescope of the

astronomical circle, which he could point to any part of the sky,

through the aperture in the rotating dome of the observatory. Owing,

however, to the small number of occultations and culminations which

eceur monthly, and the risk of losing some of them in cloudy weather,

Mr. Nicolson was directed to base his observations for Longitude

chiefly on the measurement of lunar zenith distances, for which the

astronomical circle is well adapted. He was supplied with an astro-

nomical clock, and all other necessary instruments, from. the Calcutta

Observatory.

In May, 1862, Mr. Nicolson had set up his observatory at Port

Blair, and was ready to commence observations. Unfortunately, the

season of fine weather had then nearly terminated; the Monsoon set

in with unusual severity, nights favourable for observing were few and

far between, and, consequently, several months elapsed before the whole

of the necessary observations for Latitude and Longitude were complet-

ed. ‘The work was further impeded by the delays attendant on postal

communication between Calcutta and Port Blair, making it very

es a ae e<

398 feeport of the Great Trigonometrical Survey.

[No. 4,

difficult for me to exercise that degree of supervision over the oper-

ations, which their delicate and difficult nature required.

By the end of 1862, Mr. Nicolson reported that he had taken a

sufficient number of observations to fix the position of Port Blair: he,

therefore, applied for a vessel to be placed at his disposal to enable him

to proceed to fix the positions of the Great Coco, and other islands,

Owing to postal and other delays, it was not until the end of February,

1868, on my return from Vizagapatam, that I learnt from the Marine

Department that no vessel was available, nor could one be got ready

before the fine weather season would have terminated.

From the same communication I also learnt that the Secretary of

State for India had ordered a complete Maritime Survey of the

Andaman Islands to be executed. Being then in Calcutta, I went to

Captain Rennie, the Secretary to Government of India, Marine Depart-

ment, and was informed that, under instructions from the Admiralty

Hydrographer, it had been determined to find the differences of

Longitude between the various groups of islands, chronometrically,

by a battery of thirteen or fourteen chronometers.

The circumstances under which it was originally proposed to fix a

series of positions by astronomical observations had thus entirely

altered. ‘The complete Maritime Survey, which has been ordered by

the Right Hon. the Secretary of State for India, renders further

astronomical observations unnecessary. The determinations of differ-

ences of Longitude, which are the only really difficult portion of the

work, can be done chronometrically by the Marine Surveyors, with

much greater rapidity and economy, and, probably, even with greater

accuracy, than by the best astronomical observations for absolute

Longitude.

Consequently, in March last I desired Mr. Nicolson to restrict his

operations to taking as many more observations for the determination

of the Longitude of Port Blair as could be obtained before the setting

in of the monsoon, and then to return to Calcutta. He reached the

Presidency in June, and has ever since been employed in reducing his

observations. They consist of 82 lunar culminations, 186 lunar zemith

distances, 130 transits of clock stars, and 162 meridional zenith

distances of stars for Latitude, observed up to the 12th March, when

the astronomical clock met with an accident, and Mr. Nicolson was

afterwards obliged to employ a chronometer. His subsequent observ-

cette ™ cee Eee -

1864. | Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 399

ations are, consequently, not as valuable as the earlier ones; they

consist of 9 culminations, 64 lunar zenith distances, and 386 clock

stars. The whole of the Latitude observations have been reduced,

and found exceedingly satisfactory. There has not yet been leisure

to reduce more than a few of the observations for Longitude, but the

results obtained hitherto are satisfactory. The final resulting Long-

tude will be communicated for publication in the Calcutta Gazette

as soon as ascertained. It should serve as an excellent datum for the

proposed Maritime Surveys, and save the expense of a series of voyages

between Madras and Port Blair, which would otherwise have to be

incurred to obtain a good chronometric determination of the Longitude

of Port Blair. 7

[A tabular abstract statement of the field-work executed by each

batty during the official year 1862-3 is given on the next page. |

The Computing Officer has been employed in a variety of prelimi-

nary operations, which are necessary to form the basis of a general

reduction of the whole of the principal triangulation of this Survey,

which will shortly become necessary, now that almost the whole of

the triangulation of the tracts of country comprised in the great

quadrilateral figure connecting Calcutta, Karachi, Attok, and Purnea,

is completed. Though the triangulation has been executed with the

very best instruments, and though the system of observation which

was introduced into this Department by Colonel Everest, is more

rigorous and accurate than that of any European Survey, it is evident

that, in consequence of the vast length of each Series, and the

imperfections which necessarily attend whatever is the work of human

hands, each Series generates a certain amount of error, which becomes

apparent as linear error, on the termination of the Series on a

measured base line, while on the close of a circuit formed by two

Meridional Series, and the portions of the connecting Longitudinal

Series at their extremities, it produces errors of Latitude, Longitude,

and Azimuth. ‘The dispersion of these errors in such a manner as to

obtain the most probable results of the whole, giving its due weight to

each fact of observation, and taking into consideration the bearing of

every such fact on all the rest, is a matter of great intricacy and difficult y;

on which it will be necessary for me to consult with the ablest

mathematicians of the present day in Europe, before deciding on the

system to be finally adopted. Meanwhile, the necessary preliminaries

[No. 4,

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1864. | Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 401

for the eventual calculations are being carefully elaborated by Lieute-

nant Herschel, to whom I am indebted for numerous very valuable

suggestions, and for co-operation as cordial as ib has been unintermit-

tent,

While the practical operations of this department may be confidently

pronounced to be of a superior order to similar operations in any

other part cf the globe, it must, on the other hand, be admitted, that

the theoretical applications, for the reduction of the triangulation,

have not kept pace with recent improvements in geodetical science,

which have been introduced into some European Surveys. The method

which has hitherto been employed for reducing the observed angles,

so as to satisfy all the equations of condition of each figure, though

a great improvement on any previous method, has had, in its turn, to

give way to the subsequently discovered method of minimum squares.

Lhe algebraical solution of the equations necessary to satisfy the

condition that the sum of the squares of the errors shall be a minimum,

is by no means difficult, but hitherto there has been no practical

adaptation of it in this Survey, chiefly owing to the pressure of other

and more urgent business, on those alone capable of dealing with the

subject. Much progress has, however, been recently made in this direc-

tion, and I am indebted to Lieutenant Herschel for devising methods

of calculation, which will enable the reduction of our figures to be

effected, according to the new and rigorous system, by native com-

puters possessing little more than a knowledge of arithmetic, with

even greater facility than the less refined methods of reduction, which

have hitherto been employed.

The drawing office has been chiefly employed in compiling maps

of the dominions subject to the Maharajah of Kashmir, from the

plane table sheets sent in by Captain Montgomerie. A new Chart of

the Triangulation of this Survey, up to date, has also been prepared,

and a Chart to illustrate the volume of Tables of Heights recently pub-

lished; both these Charts were lithographed in the office of the

Surveyor General, Calcutta. Nine original preliminary Charts of the

triangulation, in various parts of India, have been prepared, in dupli-

cate, for the use of the Surveyor General’s Office, and the Geographer

to the Right Hon. the Secretary of State for India. The Photographie

apparatus is also being usefully employed in copying and reducing

maps, and in furnishing preliminary copies for current use, until the

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402. Leport of the Great Trigonometrical Survey, [No. 4,

originals are engraved and published. Owing, however, to the small

establishments at my disposal, the photography is necessarily restricted

to the short period of the recess of the Kashmir Party, three to four

months, when the services of our best photographer, Captain Melville,

are available for their management.

In the Instrumental Department, great advantages may be expected

by the appointment recently made by the Right Hon. the Secretary

of State for India, of an officer, Colonel Strange, to superintend the

construction of the new great Theodolite, and various astronomical

instruments, which are being prepared in England for this department.

When they are received in India, we shall be in a position-to undertake

the necessary operations for ascertaining our Longitudes, in connection

with the Observatory at Greenwich, by means of the Electric Tele-

graph, which is now brought across from the Mediterranean to India.

On the Antiquities of Guzerat.— By Captain H. Mackenzie.

(Communicated by the Punjab Aumitiory Committee of the Asiatic Society.)

| Recewed 16th February, 1864. |

Guzerat City and Fort.—There are few antiquities in this district

and of these few, little is known. Guzerat itself is considered to be of

great antiquity: a town had existed here in former ages. I have

not heard of any antique coins having been found in Guzerat itself

by which any perfectly trustworthy dates might be fixed, but there

seems no reason to doubt that it was a place of some importance

prior to Greek invasion. A Hindoo Raja named Raja Buchanpal, a

Soorujbunsee, who emigrated from the lower Gangetic Doab to the

Punjab, is said to have first built a city here, and called it Ooda-

nuggree, the Everlasting or Sweet Smelling City. It is not known

when this city ceased to exist, but it is recorded that in Sumbut 175

or 1740 years ago, Ranee Guzran, wife of Raja Budr Sain, (son of

Raja Risaloo of Sealkote) rebuilt the city, and called it Guzran Nug-

gree, ‘This too passed away. In Sumbut 1350, Sultan Mahmud

Guzniwalla laid it waste, and it seems to have remained so until 285

years afterwards, when the Emperor Akbur Shah chose the ancient

‘

1864. ] On the Antiquities of Guzerat. 408

The year 996 Hijree, A. D. 1580, is fixed upon as the date of its

erection. Itseems not improbable that the Emperor Shere Shah may

have had a hand in it at an early period ; for, after building the fortress

of Rhotas, he is reported to have taken much pains to settle this part

of the country, so long disturbed by the contumacy of the Ghukkers.

In those days there was no stronghold in the Ghuj Doab to mark the

Imperial power, and it was the high road between Dehli and Cabul.

Thus the position as well as the features of the locality were favourable.

The Emperor therefore decided to build a fortress on the present site of

Guzerat. The story goes on to say that according to the old Asiatic

principle “ Minuk az Sirkar,” “ Arud az Bazar,” the Emperor proposed

that the inhabitants of the country should bear half the expense,

But the Jats, in whose section of the Doab it was situated, objected, and

the Emperor was obliged to turn for assistance to the Goojurs who

inhabited the neighbouring country to the west. The sum required

was one lakh and a quarter, but the idea of having a Goojur Fort in

the country of the Jats was so tempting, that the Goojurs agreed to

raise the money. Futty Mahomed Chondra of Varaichanwalla, a

village near Dingah, took the lead in the matter, but the cash was

advanced by Adum, a wealthy Goojur of Dingah. This man, however,

was so wnlettered that he could only give the cash by measure, and he

accordingly meted it out ina Zossa measure. His descendants are

known to this day, as the Tossa division of Goojurs and the names of

the villages they own and inhabit, all have the prefix of Tossa, thus

Tossa Oosman, Tossa Adum, &e. &e.

The fort was thus built with the assistance of the Goojurs and

called conjointly after them and the Emperor “ Goojerat Akberabad.”’

This so vexed the Jats that they soon after sent a deputation to the

Emperor at Dehli, and tried to induce him to change the name. But

the Emperor refused to do so, and only consented to mark off their:

country as a separate Turuf with any name the Jats might choose to

give it. ‘They chose the name of Herat, from the Persian province of

that name being their real or supposed place of origin. The upper

part of the Doab was therefore henceforth divided into the two Turufs ;

Herat of the Jats and Goojerat of the Goojurs, either of which

will be found specified in almost all old documents concerning lands.

and the rights thereto.

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404 On the Antiquities of Guzerat. [No. 4,

The fort of those days is now hardly traceable, for it was renewed on

a large scale in the early days of Sikh rule, by Sirdar Goojur Singh,

The usual Imperial adjuncts, however, of a Baolee, Musjid and Hum-

maam, or at least the first and last, still exist and are in use at the

present time. The fortis now much hemmed in by houses and streets,

Its walls are 20 to 85 feet in height; it has only two entrances,

and would still prove a considerable defence against an unscientific

enemy.

The place grew in importance as time went on, but chiefly during

the reign of the Emperor Shah Jehan. It then happened that a Pir

of great virtue and sanctity, named Shah Dowla, took up his residence

here. As the offermgs made to him were large, so was his expendi-

ture lavish, and a good deal was laid out on the improvement of the

town and suburbs. ‘There are yet to be seen the remains of a via-

duct built of brick arches, and which seem to have extended from the

north to the north east of the city, but whose use is not very

apparent.

Hailan.—There are some extensive, and as reputed, very old ruins

at Hailan, but nothing is known to determine their former history with

any exactness. Some coins have been picked up among the ruins

bearing the date of the 8th century Hijree, but nothing earlier than

the Mahomedan times has been discovered. There is a large tomb

still in very good order. Slabs are let into the walls bearing inscrip-

tions. It appears to be the Tomb of Mirza Shaik Ullee Beg, an

Ameer of the Emperor Akbur, who was killed in an encounter with the

Ghukkurs ; it is dated 999 Hijree. He founded a village close to

Hailan, still called after him, Shaikh Ulleepoor, and possessed by his

Mogul descendants.

Patu Kothee.—This is a very old ruin situated on the banks of

the Jaba Nullah, at the foot of the Pubbee in Zail Kurriahe. The

natives can give no information of its origin or use. It is of

no great extent, but is reputed to be part of an old, perhaps

buried city; the bricks are of a large model, one foot square and three

inches thick, such as are never found in buildings posterior to Maho-

medan rule, and very finely burnt ; unfortunately no researches hitherto

have-succeeded in finding inscriptions of any kind. The bricks have

often a mark in them as if described with the finger round the thumb

as a pivot.

Le |) ot

1864. | On the Antiquities of Guzerat. 4:05

1 E ftussool.—Russool presents some vestiges of antiquity. An old

mosque here contained an inscription commemorating its erection.

The date was read as 1000 Hijree or thereabouts. It was placed in

1 the Crystal Palace by Mr. Edward Clive Bayley.

Lslamghur.—Islamghur ig on a very high and imposing mound,

which must be very ancient. It is said to have been the head quar-

ters of the large chourassee of villages belonging to the Varaich Jats ;

in later times it was converted into astronghold. The chiet Chowdrees

of the Varaiches have their residence and possessions in Jelalpoor to

which Islamghur is close, but the latter is situated within the limits

ie of the adjacent village of Koolachour.

~ Vay)

Moong.—Moong is a very old place, it is very prolific in coins of |

later Indo-Greek kings, Azas, and the great (nameless) saviour king

of kings, particularly small copper coins.

Khawaspore Serat.—The route to Cabul through the district has

still the remains of the Serais and Baolees erected by the Mahomedan

Hmperors. The Serai at Khawaspoor was built by Suku Khawas

Khan in the year 952 Hijree. Khawas Khan was a man of power

in the service of the Emperors Shere Shah and his son Selim Shah.

His mother was a slave girl in the former Emperor’s seraglio, and he

himself was married by the Emperor to the daughter of a Ghukkur .

chief, and deputed to govern this part of the empire. He immorta-

lized his later master by converting the Bhutiaras of the Serai, and

dubbing them Suleem Shahees or Islamshahees, which appellation the

a Maachus of the village and its neighbourhood give to their caste to

a the present day.

At Kharian there are two very large Baolees. Both are said to

have been built at the same time, and their very different appearances

| now, are accounted for by the western one having been very thorough-

1 ly repaired by Sirdar Lena Singh. ‘The eastern Baolee is in its original

state, built of stones now very much worn ; over the top of the steps is

yb! a massive dome with an inscription. It simply records the completion

a of the work in the month of Ramzan 1013 Hijree, in the reign of

y Akbar, who ordered it to be built by Jutyoollah son of Hajee

PI Habeeboollah, and that it cost 11 000 Akburee Rupees, and it con-

si cludes with a prayer that the maker’s sins be forgiven. Kharian bears

y the prefix of a Serai, but it does not appear that a Serai was ever

| |

406 On the Antiquities of Guzerat. [No. 4

built here. It was a staging-place and the Baolees were provided

oe but no Sera.

ee Serat Alumgeer.—The Serai at Nourungabad was built by the Em-

eee peror Aurungzebe, who gave his title of Alumgeer to it. It is impro.

24 perly called the Serai of Nourungabad which is a village half a mile

=e = = -. distant, and altogether out of the Alumgeer lands, which were granted

a 2 = = 2. to certain Khutrees to preserve the Serai. But during the Sikh rule |

Boe there was a cantonment at Nourungabad which properly accounts :

for the Serai becoming known by that name also. |

Chowkundee and Alumgheer.—Besides the above there are no relics |

28 of the; Imperial sway, except the ruins of a hunting residence near We

Alumegheer in the upper part of the district. The ruined edifice still |

goes by the old Sanscrit derived name of Chowkundee. It was built by a

the Emperor Akbur Shah, in the 34th year of his reign, and was the

first halting-place after crossing the Chenab, in the royal progresses ;

from Dehli to Cashmere. :

These Serais have long ceased to serve their purposes. After the

decay of the empire, their utility was no longer appreciated : the mate- h

rials were, to a large extent, appropriated to other purposes, and now il

the walls or their foundations only can be traced through the mass of j

plebeian habitations which cover their sites, but their remains attest 1

their substantial construction and are still monuments of a large- J 3

15 handed wisdom and public beneficence, which found no imitators in l

i the Sikh or Duranee governments which succeeded. t

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1864.| The Question of British Trade with Western China. 407

Memorandum on the Question of British Trade with Western China

vid Burmah.— By Dr. C. WILLIAMS.

[Received 24th June, 1864. | [Read 7th September, 1864. |

‘The subject appears to naturally divide itself into the consideration

of several sets of circumstances that may be conveniently classified

under the following heads:

Ist. The political state of the several countries between the Bay

of Bengal and Central China;

2nd. ‘The Physical Geography of the district proposed to be tra-

versed by the various lines of communication ;

srd. Their commercial condition and capabilities including popu-

lation, products, former and existing trade, &c. ;

4th. The conclusion from consideration of the above three sub-

jects, as to which is the most desirable and practicable route.

J.—POLIrricatL.

_ Pegu, Martaban and Tenasserim, with their rivers and ports,

being permanent portions of British territory, and all therefore but

insuperable physical obstacles, being under the direct control of the

British authorities, it is needless to consider their political condition.

The state of the political relations of Burmah Proper with the

British Government of India, up to the end of 1862, has, I believe,

had much to do with the direction which public attention has taken

in Icoking for the desired opening of Western China.

Up to that time, the Burmese Government, unwilling to acknow-

ledge in any way the stubborn fact of the province of Pegu being

British territory, had obstinately rejected the repeated overtures of

the Indian Government to the settlement of a permanent peace, and

had in fact behaved towards that Government in a spirit of passive

hostility. |

At the time of first turning my thoughts to a career in Burmah,

and especially in Upper Burmah, one of the prospects most distinctly

in my view, was that of the old route to China by the Irrawaddy

being re-opened and made available to British commerce, by an alte-

ration of the then existing feelings and intentions of the Burman

Government towards the British. This is not the place to enter into

a history of the changes gradually produced in the minds of the chief

authorities of Burmah Proper. Suffice it to note that the political

ad din GF

F1 esque SO EROS eh Conary

408 The Question of British Trade with Western China. [No. 4,

position, as bearing on this question, is now totally different from

what it was during the decade succeeding the last Burman war. The

Envoy of the Viceroy and Governor-General has negotiated a treaty,

wherein the British and Burmese Governments are declared friends,

and trade in and through Upper Burmah is freely thrown open to

British mercantile enterprize. Arrangements are there made by which

our direct trade with China may be carried on through Upper Bur-

mah without any harassing restrictions, and subject only to a transit

due of 1 per cent. ad valorem, on Chinese exports, and nil on imports.

A British agent resides at the Burmese court, acknowledged and

conferred with by the Burmese Government, under the title in their

own language of “Agent to the English minister,”—the Burmese

translation of Chief Commissioner referring to his political capacity

of agent to the Governor-General, being “ Ayebamg Woongyee,” a

term only applied among themselves to the minister who has the con-

duct of political affairs, which minister is invariably the chief Woon-

gyee or Vizier,—whose functions are precisely those of a Consul and

Charge d’affaires, taking his instructions from the Chief Commissioner

of British Burmah.

No one acquainted with the history of the former relations between

the Burmese and British Governments, can fail to see in this, the

proof that there has taken place within the last three years, a substan-

tial revolution in the political position of Upper Burmah, and that in

looking for routes into Western China, that country must be now re-

garded in a light not only different from what was formerly the true

one, but almost the very opposite. There is no longer a hostile Go-

vernment shutting up its territory and excluding British trade. The

Burman Government is now a friendly one, inviting British trade,

and not only willing to open to it the high way to China, but fully

alive to the advantages that commerce through its territory would

confer both on the monarch and the people.

Burmah Proper is no longer a barrier, but a gangway, open to the

use of whoever will avail themselves of it.

To the East and North-East of the frontier of British Burmah,

hanging about, so to speak, the lower and middle Salween, are

several tribes of various Karen races, some of them acknowledging

British, others Burman Suzerainty, and others not only really, but

nominally quite independent.

—

—————

1864.| The Question of British Trade with Western China. 409

Their character is as wild as the mountains they: inhabt. The

converts to Christianity, extraordinary as has been the success of Dr.

and Mrs. Mason among these tribes, are as yet, comparatively too

tew to alter the general character of the Karen chiefs and people.

4. Passing over the Salween valley, and approaching the northern

portions of the Cambodia, there are found Shan States tributary to

Burmah, and acknowledging their vassalage, with, in reality, the inverse

ratio of their distance from the Burmese capital. To the west of

these Shan States.are others whose comparative proximity to the

Irrawaddy makes them more substantially submissive to the Burmese

Government. The Salween may be said to be the line westwards of

which the sovereignty is real, while eastwards it 1s merely nominal.

The Tsaubwas, or hereditary rulers of these various states, are in-

dependent of each other, and it is this fact with the frequent strifes

between them,.and even between the several members of one Tsaubwa’s

family, that explains the success of the Burman policy in regard to

them, which is simply “ divide et impera.”

Crossing the Cambodia, other Shan States are met with, tributary to

China, and finally the north boundary of Siamese territory, the west

of Annam, and the southern limits of China Proper, are separated by

Shans whose allegiance to either of these three Powers, is very ill-

defined.

The most important matiter, perhaps, for consideration in this divi-

sion, i8 the position of the part of China we desire to reach, viz.

Yunan and Sechuen.

Unfortunateiy the province of Yunan has for some eight years past

been the scene of a tierce struggle between the orthodox Chinese and

Tartar officials on the one hand, and the Mohammedan insurgents

on the other. To quote my letters dated from Bamo in 1863—“ The

Mussulman Chinese, or ‘ Pansees,’ as they are called, seem to have

first suffered what they deemed oppression and persecution. The

fierce tenets of their faith soon led them to resistance, and being but

a handful in the midst of their Buddhist fellow-subjects, they had to

fly en masse to the jungles and hills, whence they commenced a dacoi-

ty-war on the Chinese towns and villages. The Mussulmans were

bound together by their common peril, and afforded another instance

of the strengthening influence of a vigorous religious belief, by the

success they everywhere met with in combating their numerous, but

3 G

09 Pope — - ; — .

ecient

410 The Question of British Trade with Western. China. [No. A,

enervated enemies. These successes soon attracted to their side a

crowd of the innumerable class who had nothing to lose, and were

anxious to gain. ‘To these the Pansees gave ample encouragement by

abandoning to pillage every conquered town. Not numbering among

themselves more than 20,000 fighting men, they have now at their

command, armies amounting to between two and three hundred thou.

sand, of Chinese, Shans, and people of the wild hill tribes, Kahkyens,

etc. The war has become a struggle that has devastated the country,

destroyed commerce, and rendered life and property utterly insecure.

The captured cities were dealt with in truly oriental style, of which

particulars are needless. ‘The conquerors seem to have restrained them-

selves from debauchery in order the better to handle the hordes of

villains at their command. ‘The Pekin authorities, it is well known,

have had enough on their hands elsewhere, and seem to have made no

efforts to support the local government. In Western Yunan, at least,

this has been, in consequence, completely upset, and the Pansees have

formed a regular government of their own to replace it. 'The seat of

this new Mussulman power is at Tali, the second city of the pro-

vinee. In that city now resides the Pansee king. The system of

government is, as yet, purely military, the country being under the

roughest kind of martial law. The king is called Tuwinseu ; his

chief officer, Sophutyangin, has the management of affairs at Momien,

a large Chinese town close to the Shan States, west of Yunan; and

another commander, Tawsuntutu, is stationed at Yunzehan. Many.

of the highest commands are given to Chinese and Shans who have

committed themselves to their side !*

From conversations at Bammdé and Mandelay, with various persons

more or less the accredited agents of the Pansee government, I and

also convinced that it is the earnest desire of that government to

re-open the trade with Burmah. Through these same agents the

Pansee authorities will have also been enlightened as to the purely

commercial views, the British authorities have in regard to their

territories, and the solid advantages that will accrue to them if they

facilitate the opening of the routes and afford due protection to the

Chinese traders.

* Fyom information I have procured during the past year, I cannot but think

that this Pansee ascendancy in Western Yunan is for the present, or until i

Emperor of China can spare an overwhelming force to destroy it, firmly

established.

1864.| The Question of British Trade with Western Ohina. 411

The Province of Sechuen not less important to us than Yunan, is,

as far as I am aware, unaffected either by the Taiping or the Pansee

rebellion.

To the West of Yunan Proper is a small cluster of Shan towns

under their several hereditary chiefs or Tsaubwas, commonly called

the Shan Shzpyee or eight Shan States. They are, beginning at the

North, Maintee, Sanda, Mainla, Hossa, Lassa, Mowun, Maingmo

and Kaingma. ‘These formerly belonged to the Burman Empire, but

were lost in the time of Shingpyn Shirg, about 1769. On the

Pansee rebellion breaking out, the insurgents did not find it difficult

to obtain partizans among the disputants, invariably in the families

of the hereditary Shan T'saubwas. By such influence they contrived

to get a peaceable submission to their sovereignty in place of the

Chinese; and many of the Shan chiefs are in their service, the

Nantia Tsaubwa, for instance, who is a Pansee officer under the name

of Laututw, and the Lookhyang Tsaubwa Siyintutw. The temptation

to oppression was, however, too strong, and several of the Shan towns,

unable to put up with the penalties of Mussulman domination, have

again thrown off their allegiance to their new masters and assisted the

Chinese commanders still holding out against the Pansee. At Bammé

I often conversed with inhabitants of these Shan districts and gathered

from what they told me that any settlement would be welcome to

them that would save them from being a prey to two enemies at once.

Not unnaturally the Burmese government has been led to think of

resuming its former position in reference to these Shan States, impor-

tant for their teeming population, rich lands, and situation, and I am

informed on the highest authority, that some of the Shan towns have

invited the king of Burmah to take them into his dominions and

under his protection. As “ quieta non movere” is, however, a maxim now

in much force in Burman policy, it is not probable Burman dominions

will grow in that direction. Were these Provinces, however, to

become Burman territory, the political obstacles to communication

would be very much diminished, not only by so much more of the route

bemg under friendly Burman rule, but by the Kakhyen tribes on

the hills, being then pinched in between Burman authority on both

sides, and thus more easily compelled to respect the lives and property

of travellers, and cease their mischievous hindrances to trade across

their mountains.

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412 The Question of British Trade with Western China. [No. 4,

The Kakhyens above alluded to are a portion of the vast horde of

Singphos that inhabit the mountainous districts of Northern Assam,

and stretch round the North of Burmah into Western China. These

extend not only all along the Northern frontiers, but dip down Sonth-

ward wherever the mountzin ranges lead them, even to half way

between Bammé and the capital. They have ousted many Shan

tribes, particularly “ Paloungs,” from the hill districts, and wherever

they appear, they assume the same character of lords of all they can

reach, and are only to be appeased by some form of black mail. In

proportion as their locations are within reach of Burman troops, the

chiefs acknowledge themselves vassals of the Burmese king. How

strong the tie was even in vigorous Tharrawaddy’s time, may be judged

of from an anecdote. One of the chiefs of the hills north of Shoaygoo

was honoured with special dignity by that king whose golden foot he

had worshipped at the capital itself; but having some few years after-

wards incurred the displeasure of the Burman ministers, they ordered

the local governor to call him, take away his chieftainship and give it

to another. ‘The chief came to Shoaygoo, but on hearing why he had

been sent for, spat on the ground, saying: “ When I take that

spittle again into my mouth, the king may take back the rank he

gave me,” and returned to his hills and to his Tsaubwaship, ruling

with increased, rather than diminished prestige.

The tie is at present still more slender. The Kakhyens, as the

Burmese call these “Singphos” levy black mail even to within six

miles of Bammé, the seat of a Burman governor of the rank of a

Woongyee. They inspire such terror, that in the neighbouring plains,

no Burman nor Shan will venture alone, or even in company, unarmed

along the roads within their reach.

The communities I have now to remark on, inhabiting the range of

hills between the Bammé and Momeit valley, and the plains and

valleys of the eight Shan States, are identical in race and language

with the Singphos of Assam. They belong to various tribes;

they obey no common authority, but are divided into numerous

little clans, each with its own chief, and each perfectly independent of

the others. Some of these chiefs rule a country of a thousand families,

others but a fewscore. They are frequently at feud with one another,

and are habitually ready for strife. Their people invariably carry arms,

and have among them great numbers of matchlocks of Chinese and

their own manufacture.

1864.] The Question of British Trade with Western China. 413

9. The Burmese frontier is still officially supposed to be on the

east side of these Kakhyen hills, and but a few years ago, there were

Burmese and Chinese stockades on the western and eastern sides of

a little stream, the Lucyline, that marked the limit between the

respective territories. Although this outpost has been withdrawn,

and the Burmese, now, have no troops further East than Bammé, the

Kakhyen chiefs still acknowledge in theory the Burmese Suzerainty,

those near Bammdé coming into the town at the call of the Governor,

anc, to # certain extent, obeying his orders.

The Shan villagers along the Taping creek assured me that fifty

years ago, there were scarcely any Kakhyens in those hills, but peace-

ful Peloungs, who have been gradually displaced by them. Signs of

former population and extensive culture obtrude themselves upon the

attention of the traveller, and corroborate the native assertion that

the Kakhyen nuisance is one of only recent growth. The inhabitants

very naturally, and, perhaps very justly, throw the blame on the

Burman government, whose local officials, careful only for the revenue —

of to-day, neglect the duty of protecting the people, and leave them,

their lands and their property, a prey to these wild depredators whose

power for mischief might be not only curtailed, but effectually des-

troyed, were a little timely energy used towards them.

In the late conflicts between the Chinese and the Pansees, these

Kakhyens have often mixed. More generally favourable to the Panseeg

because they are rebels against the Chinese, who used often to punish

them, they have helped in their very rough way either side, according

as their immediate interests prompted. ‘Their feelings towards the

Chinese may be imagined from what the Chinese themselves told me.

“In old times” said they “the Kakhyens on our side of the frontier,

were much afraid of the Chinese officials. How many villages have

we burnt and how many men have we killed, to punish their robberies

of our caravans. Several thousand men would 20 up and surround a

village which had committed some outrage, and burn and destroy

every soul and everything ; but still after a few months a fresh village

would spring up near the same spot, and it would be as bad as the

former.”

With some of the chiefs of the Kakhyens, on the mountains east of

Bammo6 and Taiping, I became acquainted ; and there is no doubt but

that these chiefs are keenly alive to the fact, that, not only are they

‘oe

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A14, The Question of British Trade with Western China. [No 4,

the masters of the passes into China, but unless these passes are made

use of, they can reap no advantage from them. The language of one

of them serves as a sign of the feelings of all: “I will make a road

across my district and will conduct any number of merchants safely

into China; no other route shall be like it; and I don’t care whether

they be English, Burmese or Chinese. I want them through iy

district ; and will guarantee that nothing shall happen to them.”

They, in fact, look on the routes as sources of income, and would be

very glad to assist in making them safe and easy, provided they saw

it to their advantage to do so ; if, in short, tolls were secured to them,

They care for no one party or nation more than another: the best

payers will have their best good will.

It may be worth while remarking here that the general population

of Northern Burmah, above Miadoung, is Shan. There are also along

the Upper Defile Pwons, and to the west of Katha, Kadoos. Both

these races, as well as the Shans, are Buddhists, and bear a good charac-

ter tor quiet, agricultural and trading industry. Their languages have

a great many words identical with the Kakhyens, Burmans and Shans.

IJ.—PHysicat.

1. The Salween, splendid as the channel is near its mouth, unfor-

tunately refuses to permit of navigation beyond a few miles above

Maulmain, where commences a series of rapids and rocky passages

that it is scarcely to be hoped, can be overcome or avoided by

any engineering operations for which either Government or private

capitalists could prudently provide the outlay.

2, ‘The route vid Shoaygyeen to the Salween and along its valley

to near Kiangtungye, is so filled with well known obstacles, in the

way of mountain ranges, made worse by the character of the Karen

tribes inhabiting many of them, that it is unnecessary to speak of it.

North of our Pegu frontier is a great plateau, having a few isolated

mountains and some ridges of hills, neither high, continuous nor preci-

pitous. No physical difficulty, in fact, opposes the formation of any

description of road across this plain from the Irrawaddy to the Shan

mountains. This fact has invited much attention to this route, and

up to that point, it is certainly most attractive. But what lies

beyond? The very next step is an ascent of, at least 8500 feet above

the plain. As far as I am aware, nature has provided no pass oF

1864.| The Question of British Trade with Western China. 415

slope that the most enterprising engineer would think of attempting

to make available to a Railway Company who wished to make their

undertaking pay. The passes by which the natives go from the plains

to the high lands are few, and are all reported to be difficult and

tedious, even for the pack animals that now form the only means of

transit for goods. The ascent once accomplished, hills and undulating

ground at a general level of about 3000 feet continue to be the

features of the country till the valley of the Salween is reached.

Here a descent is to be accomplished, and iv the Salween be navigable,

the difficulties are over. But if, as I fear and expect, that river is

not available for either steamer or extensive boat traffic, another ascent

has to be made on the other side of the Salween, and a still less

known series of mountain ranges and high lands must be traversed to

reach the Cambodia. This, a much larger river than the Salween, has

the character in Upper Burmah at least, of being like it, too rapid

and too rocky to serve asa highway of trade. It is at any rate from

just below Kiang Hunggyee to Kyangtsen, (7. ¢. from Lat. 20° 30° to

22°) full of rapids, over which only small boats can be dragged safely.

Beyond the Cambodia, are mountains again, and no one knows

what difficulties he between that river and Esmok, wherever that may

be, so that, after all, the route ends in the same unknown region

and reaches the same undesirable goal as that advocated hy Capt.

Sprye. |

It has been proposed as the best route by H. M. the king of Burmah

himself, to start from the river at the capital and follow the ancient

trade route of Thongze, Theebo and Theinnee ; and, as far as I am ina

position to judge, I think this route to be freer from physical

obstacles than any more Southern one. The Irrawaddy conducts you to

within 20 miles of the passes up into the Shan plateau. These passes,

however, I believe to be quite impracticable for either rail or tram-

way. In 1861 passing along the westernmost ridges of the mountains

where the Theinnee route pierces them, I had to go by paths at a

height of over 5,000 feet (by barometer) above the river flats. T

have been up and down the western face of the range in that

neighbourhood by four different routes, each of them precipitous and

not only at present impracticable, but, as far as one, without engineer-

ing experience, can judge, such that it appears impossible to make them

available for any kind of rail or even tramway, without an expenditure

in eye

Ferrey

416 The Question of British Trade with Western China. [No. 4,

far beyond what it is possible to suppose can be made reasonably

devoted to the purpose. The ascent once accomplished, however, an

undulating and hilly tract of country permits of the easy extension

of the road to Theinnee. From Theinnee it is, I believe, an almost

uninterrupted plain to the very central point of Yunan city. Other

routes are also open, viz., straight to Tali without passing through

Yunchan—or again through Manyo to Maingmé and on by the further

portion of the route to be next spoken of.

5. From Rangoon to the Burmese capital, the Irrawaddy river js

known to be navigable and to be a good channel for steamer traffic.

No steamer has, however, ascended beyond the capital further than

Tsingoo, above which commences the lowest of the three defiles through

which the great river passes in the upper half of its course, and it

has been generally regarded as closed to steam traffic beyond that

point. On my way up and down the river last year, I was naturally

led to note most carefully everything that I could observe, bearing on

this question, and took great pains in making such a sketch plan or

survey as would serve as a guide to the river for intending navigators,

All the obstacles, narrows, rocks, &c., in the way of safety to steam

trafiic, were there carefully noted, and I cannot do better here than

copy the general observations I then made on this portion of the

Irrawaddy.

“The chief characteristics of the Irrawaddy above the capital, are

the three defiles, each of which has distinct features of its own. Above

and below them, the river maintains much the same character as

between Rangoon and Ava. In these open parts it may be laid down as

a general rule, that navigation meets with difficulties in proportion to the

breadth of the river. In the long reaches below Tagoung and in shorter

portions equally well defined, where the breadth scarcely varies, and the

banks are almost parallel, the channel may be taken anywhere between

them. Where, however, the river spreads out into a varying expanse

of stream, sandbank and island, the current sometimes fierce and to be

overcome with difficulty, at other times scarcely moving ; here several

fathoms deep, there but a few feet or even inches, the relative positions of

the deep and shallow being changed, often entirely reversed in a season,

the navigation is intricate and difficult, sometimes even for the native

boatmen. Such are the broad portions of the river near Powa, from

Moale to Khyannyat—-from Tongne to below Thigaim—from Thigaim.

1864.| The Question of British Trade with Western China. 417

to Shoaggoo—and between Sawuddy and the upper defile. Still, even

in these parts boats drawing five and six feet of water can always find

passage and therefore with the aid of pilots or masters who have “ an

eye for water,” steamers could undoubtedly do so as well.

- ©The two defiles met with below Bammé are both remarkable for

the contrast they present to the other parts of the river in their

contracted breadth, their great depth and except in the freshes, ther

almost imperceptible surface current. The lower defile, extending

from Singoo to Malé, has an average breadth of about one-fourth of a

mile, the banks are wooded to below the high flood-mark and slope down.

from the hills whose steep sides form the valley of the defile, so as to

afford a continuous series of pretty views, without any grand or

imposing scenery.

“The second defile, much shorter than the lower one, 1s also of

another character ; approaching it from below, the narrowing of the

river towards its mouth is gradual, but before entering it the high

hills led one to expect that once within, the scenery would be some-

thing totally different from that seen either in the open reaches of the

river, or in the lower defile. There was little room for disappointment.

Soon hard limestone rocks mottled and striped with calcspar veins,

formed the boundaries of the river, scarce a third of a mile across.

As the channel narrowed still further, these rocks give place to bold

and precipitous hills rising from the water’s edge, clothed, where not

quite perpendicular, by thick masses of forest follage,—and then to

magnificent precipices, looking naked and defiant over the placid stream,

and making the rugged jungle beside them appear beautifully soft.

“The most lofty of these cliffs is about a third of its length from

the upper or eastern end of the defile. Overhanging the deep but quiet

stream is a rough mass of rock about fifty feet in height, topped, it

is needless to say, by a little pagoda, that peeps out from between

the branches of some shrubs that have crept up from the jungle

below, as if to Jook up and down the river. Close behind this rock,

there rises straight up with one unbroken front, the face of half a

mountain of which one cannot help asking ‘ Who or what has split it

in two to let the river pass ?’ One involuntarily looks to the other side

for the remaining half, but there lofty mountains form an irrecular

amphitheatre, with smaller hills piled one cn another, leading 5 to

tr fi “p aye ai w + = F fe, > fa |. aS as ~ * °

them from the riyer side. The face of the precipice, perpendicular ag

o HH

A418 The Question of British Trade with Western China. [No. 4,

it is, cannot defy a few hardy climbing shrubs holding on to the

lines of erevices and ledges between the strata of the limestone. Their

roots and winding stems seem from below to be simply stuck against

the rock. This imposing cliff 1s of the shape of a huge wedge, lying

on its side, with one sloping face to the east, the other to the south,

and each exposing an immense expanse of reddish grey limestone,

streaked with interlacing white veins of calespar.

“'The great: Irrawaddy itself seemed awed into quiet and humble

limits as 16 wound beneath the clitis of this defile. Actually not more

than 200 and 300 yards wide, it looked but 100. The surface tranquil,

with no perceptible current, the mighty stream of one of the finest

rivers in the world, seemed to hide itself, and pass the mountain in

the mocest shape of a quiet creek.

“ Beneath the surface, however, the current is as strong and rapid

as it is quiet and gentle above, and it instantly drew the lead from its

perpendicular.

_ As to the depth, close to the face of one of the cliffs, the ten-

fathom line could not reach ground; but at another spot I found

bottom near the centre of the stream at eight fathoms. |

“At one of the narrowest parts, I found the breadth of the river

to be 970 feet, though judging from the eye, I could not believe it

more than 150 yards. ‘This defile is thus narrower, shorter, and more

winding than the lower, and affords much more picturesque and

imposing scenery. Neither the one nor the other, however, can be

any obstacle to steam traflic. Except in the freshes, indeed, these

are the safest, and easiest parts of the whole river. The spring rises,

itis true, are said to cause very fierce currents, and it is not untfre-

quent that boats are lost in the effort to stem them. But steamers

of not too great length and of sufficient power, would avoid the

dangers that threaten boats poled and towed along the banks, and if

able to conquer the flood stream, could ascend safely in all seasons.

“The few rocks found in the stream and those projecting from the

general line of the banks, are noted in the sketch:plan of the river.

The most serious of these are at Khyankmo above Thigame, and just

below Koung-toung, above the second defile. In both cases, however,

there is clear passage for steamers, as indicated in the plan.

«<The seneral course of the river, described as traced from below, is

northwards to Katha and then eastwards, (Gncluding several bends to

1864.| The Question of British Trade with Western China. 419

the north-east and south-east,) to just below Bammo, where it again

turns northwards, and continues in that direction as far as it has been

explored. About ten miles above Bammdé commences the Upper or

1st defile, of which it is sufficient here to note, that its irregular banks of

limestone, flint and serpentine, would alone make steam navigation

extremely dangerous ; but the many places where boulders and islands

composed of the latter two rocks stand out in the stream, forming a

labyrinth of “ Scyllas and Charybdises,” make it quite impossible. At

one spot where the whole Irrawaddy is literally poured through a

gorge 50 yards in breadth, the labour and danger of getting a boat

up round the jutting rock, even at the time of the slackest current, is

very great, and the sensation of peril on being shot through the middle

of it, when the river is rising, into the midst of the whirlpools that

play below, is one that, once experienced, can certainly never be

forgotten.”

Two tributaries of the great river, from their position rather than

their size, are also worth noticing here. One, the Shoaylee, which

comes down from Yunan, close by Maingmd, and after traversing

the Kakhyen hills, meanders through the Momeit plain, to fall into

the Irrawaddy below Bammo, at about one-third of the distance

between that place and Mandelay.

Could the passage of that river be taken as a proof that the

Kakhyen hills are pierced by a valley, however tortuous, that it would

be possible to take advantage of for a great commercial road of any

kind, nothing would be more promising than the attempt to make

such a road from, say Tagoung by Momeit to the Shoaylee valley, and

to follow its course on by Maingmé into Western Yunan,

Unfortunately, however, I could get no tidings of such a valley.

Quoting my journal again: “ The accounts I get of the Shoaylee in

its passage through the Kakhyen hills represent it ag a succession of

rapids, falls androcky torrents, through impassable ravines. Once in the

plains, however, it becomes a quiet river with numerous Shan villages’

on its banks. A few miles up from the mouth of the river, beyond

which, time would not allow of my going, I find it at this season,

(April) an even current of water, of a depth varying from a few inches

to over 12 feet, running between banks two and three hundred yards

apart, with marks of rise of water in the flood, of twenty feet

more above the present level. It is said to continue of this char

o H 2

acter

ery hibit. i the

420 The Question of British Trade with Western China. LNo. 4,

for one day’s journey, and then for five days to be a most Intricate

series of shallows, islands, channels, and sandbanks, to where the

Momeit river falls into it. One day leads to Momeit town, and at two

or three days’ boat journey from the junction, the Kakhyen mountains

are met with, and further progress stopped by the rocks of the ravines

from which the river issues.”

In the dry season, boats drawing three feet can ascend to Momeit.

In the summer floods, the largest boats, of 80 and 100 tons can 0 up

for two or three days’ journey beyond the junction of the Momeit stream.

The river is so winding however, that nine days’ journey by the river

can be accomplished in four by land, and except for rafts of timber,

bamboos and pickled tea, and boats with heavy cargoes, the river is not

much used, the land routes along its course being much more convenient

for the lighter traffic. The lands near its banks are very low, are flooded

in the rains, and reported to be very unhealthy. I may mention too

that Kakhyens are “ about,” even to within a few miles of its mouth.

They come down from the hills, and burn the jungle lands on the

plains for “ Toungya” cultivation, and make all the roads unsafe.

The other river is the Taping. This too comes from Yunan

through the same ranges of mountains, and falls into the Irrawaddy.

Like the Shoaylee, it is worthless as a guide. I went up it as far as

a boat could possibly go, except in the driest season. Issuing from

the hills, about 15 miles EB. N. E. of Bammo, near the site of the

ancient Shan town of Tsempenagd, or the “old Bamm4é,” it is so far

a quiet river, of a breadth varying from 100 yards to half a mile, (and

now and then enclosing islands, half a mile or more in length, between

its channels,) and of depth sufficient even in the driest seasons to give

passage the whole way to boats drawing two or three feet of water,

and often showing no bottom at two fathoms. In the freshes it rises

some 15 feet or more and overflows its banks; it takes a moderately

winding course to reach the great river at Suseewah, a couple of miles

north of Bammé.

At the point reached by my boat, a few miles within the defile by

which the creek comes through the hills, I found the first of the rocky

portions that make navigation impossible, and from. the manner in

which, at that season of the least water, the stream poured through

between immense rocks of silicious mica schist, polished and burnished

by the friction of the summer flood, I was convinced that if but a slight

————————E nnn” af ee <

1864.| The Question of British Trade with Western China. 421

rise were to take place, no boat could even approach where we then

reached, much less go beyond. There was seen indeed more than

enough to verify the description given by the Shans of the utter impos-

sibility of using the stream for navigation. As to depth, we could reach

no bottom at 12 feet, even between rocks only 6 or 8 feet apart.

Below these rocks the river was like a long placid pool, at the bottom

of a deep ravine whose sides were clothed with luxuriant jungle. It

is about 50 yards broad, the current on the surface scarcely perceptible,

but the depth must be great, for within three feet of the water’s edge,

the 12 feet pole could find no bottom, Immediately on leaving the

hills, the river spreads itself and begins to form large sandbanks

and islands between its banks as above noticed.

The mountains just spoken of are the next claimants to atten-

tion. I regret very much that [ have only been a few miles among

them. From what I saw at that partial close inspection, and from

the neighbourhood of Bammé6 and Sauwaddy, and from the information

I have gathered from various sources, I believe that they consist of

an irregular triple range of hills composed of limestone, mica-schist,

eneiss and other primary rocks, running down from the mountain

chaos at the east end of the Himalayas, where the Irrawaddy has its

sources, and forming the boundary wall, as it were, between the high

Jands of Yunan, and the valley of the Irrawaddy. On the north it

joins the mountains of the first defile, and on the south is connected

with those pierced by the second, and it is, I believe, continuous with

the range that passes east of Mandelay, down through Karennee to

Martaban. ‘The general width of the range, opposite the Bammé basin,

varies from thirty to fifty miles. The Irrawaddy slope, about 15

miles east of Bammé, is much deeper than that towards Yunan. The

average height of the western ridges, I guessed to be about 2000 fect.

The number of passes into and through them as shown by Map No. 2,

confirms the belief suggested by their appearance, that they do not

form any thing like the obstacles to transit that the more southern

portions of the range do. They can be traversed, in fact, from the

Bammo6 to the Yunan side in as little time as is required to merely to

ascend from the plain opposite Ava to the plateau of the Shan country,

by the Netteik Pass. Of the various routes marked in the Map No. 2,

those from Ingtha to Wannim and from Monmouk to Lueylin, are

the most used ; but those to Maingmé have to traverse the least difficul-

AE EET 4) TS Di gs ey A te ote ——

499 The Question of British Trade with Western China, [No. 4,

ties, and I believe that there is more chance of finding a practicable

breach for the charge of the iron horse between Sawuddy and Moung-

sun, than in any other direction.

As above noticed, the two rivers Taping and Shoaylee that pierce

the range from east to west, are of no use as guides; even their

tributaries render the ordinary routes impassable in the rainy season,

None of these mountain streams, however, are of a breadth too oreat

to be bridged in the simplest manner, and wherever bridges are

required, there is both timber and stone in abundance, everywhere at

hand.

Once across this range of hills the physical geography of the land,

as far as we know of it, is not unfavourable to the construction

of any kind of road. The Taping and Namwoon valley stretches

north and south from Chanda and Mola to below Mowun. That of

the Namoung or Shoaylee leads from Moungsun through fertile plains

and by large Shan towns, among which are Maingmé and Seefan, to

within forty miles of Momzen on the left, and Yunchan on the right.

As the regular Chinese trade route is there reached, it is not probable

that any insuperable obstacles exist to carrying on the lines and

making new bridges over the Shoaylee, and the much more important

Salween and Cambodia, where they are already spanned by the

Chinese iron suspension bridges. |

I have also been informed by travellers who have been there, that

from Moungsun there is an almost uninterrupted plain across to the

eity of Yunan, and that this direct route to that important capital

passes over no mountains whatever.

ITI.—CoMMERCIAL.

As to British Burmah it is unnecessary to do more than notice the

fertility of the soil, its well-known production of rice and the paucity

of its population.

Burmah Proper, however, requires more notice, not only from the

extent to which it takes our manufactures in exchange for its own

products, but also on account of its little known mineral wealth.

The total value of Exports from Upper to Lower Burmah in the year

1862-63, was in round numbers 43 lakhs of Rupees, of which 884 lakhs’

worth went down by the Irrawaddy. This amount included—Sesamum,

oil and seed, 6 lakhs ; raw cotton 44 lakhs ; jaggery 54 lakhs ; petroleum

1864.| The Question of British Trade with Western China. 423

14 lakhs ; eutch 14 lakhs; timber 14 lakhs ; rubies 1 lakh; sticklack 13

lakhs ; gram 1 lakh ; wheat 13 lakhs, for the foreign markets or European

consumption, and of native silk fabrics 45 lakhs; cotton ditto over 2¢

lakhs ; lacquered-ware over 2¢ lakhs ; and pickled tea 14 lakhs, for con-

sumption in British Burmah. Nearly all the products thus exported are

grown below the capital. ‘They might be increased, 1t may be said, inde-

finitely, by a more numerous population, sure of more protection and

freedom to dispose of property, than unhappily at present obtains.

Large tracts of land to the south and of still greater extent to the

_north of the capital, formerly producing cotton for the China market,

are now abandoned and left uncultivated.

As to the mineral resources, there are three or four distinct places

where coal crops out, from which good samples have been procured,

and that promise to be the signs of extensive veins. These spots are

not distant from the river. Copper is found, but I do not know of

the ore being worth working. Iron of good quality is made from the

Hematite found near the Paopadoung, N. EH. of Sagham, and also

near the Arracan mountains beyond Yan. I can also give my personal

testimony to the fact that large deposits of the richest magnetic oxide

exist in the ridges directly east of the capital, surrounded by lime-

stone which may serve as flux, and forests, (not improbably also coal)

which may afford fuel. I can also guarantee that this ore, though it

has never been made use of, produces a steel of iirst rate quality, and I

have reason to believe that it exists in abundance within a stone’s throw

of the banks of the Myit-Ngé. Lead, silver, gold, and precious stones

are mineral products of Burmah Proper, well-known to be at present

comparatively undeveloped sources of wealth. Too these may be added

bismuth, sulphur, marble, serpentine, amber, salt and limestone. The

iron and the coal are, however, of more particular importance with

reference to the question under consideration.

The population of Burmah Proper including the Cis-Salween Shan

States, may be estimated at 4 millions, (a very small proportion of this

-—probably not more than one million—Burman). Already a great

portion of this population wear clothes of English manufacture, |

imported from British Burmah, including 18 lakhs worth of silk and

cotton piece goods, 15 lakhs of woollen ditto, and 82 lakhs of cotton

twist and yarn. It only requires a better communication and a lower

import tariff to increase the number of customers +o the whole

Ot le ae ee Sut AORN A bay

4QA The Question of British Trade with Western China. [No. 4

population. At present a kerchief sells at Bammo for quite double its

price at Rangoon.

The people of the Shan States traversed by the proposed overland

route, are also consumers of British manufactures. The Shan States

are believed to be rich in mineral products; the lead and silver of

Burmah are almost entirely the produce of mines in Burmah—Shan

territories.

In the northern portion of Burmah are held annual fairg at

several points on the Irrawaddy, where not only the Shans, Pwoons

and Kadoos of the interior, but the Kakhyens of the mountains come

to buy the wretched specimens of Birmingham manufacture and the

inferior cotton and silk piece-goods that the native traders of the

capital take up to those markets. The trade is very unsatisfactorily

conducted. The sales of each trader are small, but the profits large ;

the articles, therefore, are very inferior and very dear. None of them

have ever been exported to China, the Chinese themselves producing

better at a less price. Another important article of trade in that

direction is salt. It is exported from Bammo all around, all the

tribes, wild and peaceable, being dependent on Burman salt, and great

quantities find their way into Yunan. ‘The average wholesale price at

Bammo is about equal to a penny a pound.

The commercial state of the Kakhyens of the hills is very simple.

In some parts they grow a little cotton, more than enough for their

consumption ; in others they depend on the Bamm6é markets. They

make strong cotton fabrics for their own clothing, of very excellent

quality, that certainly Manchester could not compete with in price.

The present merely nominal value of labour explains this cheapness.

In these mountains, however, are at least two most important

metals, Jead and silver. A specimen of galena that I obtained from

a spot where it occurs in abundance, but which has not been worked as

a mine, contains according to the analysis of H. B. Medlicott, Esq.,

of the Geological Survey, “ 63 ozs., 14 dwts. 8 gr. ¢o the ton of lead, a

wery rich ore indeed.” Bishop Bigandet also informs me that he heard

of mercury being procurable within a few miles of the western slopes,

near the Burmese village of Tali (vide Map No. 2).

The eight Shan States on the other side of the range are know2

to be thickly populated, and labour is there abundant and exceed-

ingly cheap. At their southern end, in Burmese territory, ea

eee ee ‘al

i, RS eee >

1864.| The Question of British Trade with Western China. 425

Kaingma, is an extensive silver mine, known for ages, but recently

abandoned from motives only comprehensible to those in the secret

of Burman polities.

As to Yuwan itself, with its ten millions of population and 21

cities of the first order, it is now well known to be, in a commercial

point of view, one of the most important provinces of China. In

the extreme south are copper and perhaps zine, and certainly the

finest tea in the Chinese Empire. The middle and northern portions

are still more rich, the minerals alone including gold, silver, copper,

aron, mercury, arsenic, lead and ceal. Silk, tea, rhubarb, musk,

hams, honey, and many articles suited rather for the Burman than

European market are also produced, and were formerly exported from

this portion of the Province. The centre of trade in western Yunan

is Kungchan, where are the head quarters of the great company that

has had for so many years, in its hands, the whole trade with Burmah.

All the above-mentioned articles are there traded in. Tani and Yunan

are still more considerable places of trade.

The next province, SECHUEN, is, except in its being more dis-

tant, of equal importance to our object, with Yunan. It has a popula-

tion of seme 80 millions, and contains some dozen cities of the first

order. It produces silk of better quality and more abundantly, I was

informed by the Chinese of Bammd, than any other province. Its tea

is also superior and abundant. It furnishes rhubarb, musk and several

other drugs, and inany of the minerals found in Yunan. 7

QUEICHO is also a province in the neighbourhood of Yunan, and the

great artery of trade Yangtsekiang runs up from Yunan, between it and

Sechuen. Its products and its market also are well within the reach

of British trade via Burmah, if the proper route be adopted.

Quanesr is, I believe, much infested with wild tribes, but the

banks of the T'siking or Pearl River are dotted with Chinese towns

connected by roads with the city of Yunan.

The former trade between Yunan and Burmah eonsisted almost

solely of an exchange of the silk, copper, gold, orpiment, quicksilver,

hams, honey, drugs, carpets and paper of Western China, for the

raw cotton, ivory, amber, jadestone, peacocks’ feathers, birds’ nests,

&c. of Burmah. Little tea was brought over beyond what the

Chinese in Burmah consumed and scarcely any of the foreign articles

imported into Burmah were taken to China.

Pata Sa ah ce ee ee Wie ad el

Fe ee

ee ets .

= ye wes sg _

—- ——

426 The Question of British Trade with Western China. [No. 4

The following information regarding some of the products of Wes-

tern China was given me by the Chinese merchants at Bammé:

SinK.—-Two kinds are recognised, AKoezo from a district of that

name, and Sechuen from the provinee so called. Price of Sechuen

silk, 20 and 25 tickals the bundle of 165 tick ; occasionally, however,

it rises to 40 «tickals. Keezo silk from 15 to 80 tickals the bundle.

These are prices estimated from the old trade. Not an ounce of silk

is sold at present at Bammo. ‘The price of Sechwen at the capital is

now from 30 to 85 tickals the bundle.

Very little silk is produced in Yunan. Nine bales make a bundle.

They are packed first in paper, then oiled paper, then cotton cloth,

and finally in case of transport to Burmah, in baskets lined with

bamboo leaves, (the same as Kamsuks are made of,) and coarse carpets

are thrown over the load of each pack animal.

The Chinese gave me the idea, that the road once open, this article

ean be supphed in unlimited quantity.

Tra.—The only kinds apparently known in the market at Bammo

are the flat discs of China tea and the balls of Shan tea.

The dises weigh 20 tickals each ; seven piled together make a packet

which used to sell at 15 tickal and 2 tick. At present no tea is

found at Bammé, except the Shan balis.

Western Yunan seems to produce little of this article. To the

north and south, however, I was informed it is grown in abundance.

Poour, a city of Yunan, about fifteen days south-east: of Tali, produces

excellent tea, and some Chinese informed me that from that district

came the tea specially devoted to the Emperor’s use. Others, however,

contended that Sechuen, not Yunan, produced this celebrated tea.

All agreed that Sechuen produces good tea and more abundantly

than Yunan.

Coprrer.—In solid ingots or discs, and in the form of pots. The

latter is the best, and used to sell at from 180 to 250 tick the 100 viss.

The discs used to sell at from 100 to 180 tick. This is abundantly

produced in Yunan.

Gotp.—TIn leaf and in small ingots. Always touched when dealt

in. The leaf, more easily and exactly estimated, averages 19 tickals

of silver, the tickal of pure gold. It varies, however, to from 10 to 20

tickals. The ingots are less in value, owing to the less amount of

certainty in the estimation of their quality, and are generally sold at 5

annas less than the leaf per tickal of estimated pure gold,

——_

OO OO Oo, EEE

——" a

~~ ——— a_i

1864.] The Question of British Trade with Western China. 427

Opr1um.—Packets in paper, one viss each, averaged 20, 25 and 30

tick the viss, but varying from 10 to 50 tick on unusual occasions.

The present price is 20 tick when bought by the traders of Bammo

from the Kakhyens and Shans, who are now the only importers. The

packets are some of them well packed and labelled, and are the produce

of China; while the rest are carelessly packed, sometimes adulterated

and are the produce of Shans and Kakhyens.

Musx.—This is mostly purchased by the Chinese from the moun-

tain wild tribes. Its present price 1s 20—25 tick, the tickal, bought

in the natural bag. It comes from Mogoung, Khamti and the Shan

States as well as from the mountains in China Proper.

SILVER.—I was informed is obtained from several mines. Perhaps

the same motives led to the localities being not spoken of as to the

Chinese telling me that the gold mines were exhausted.

Coat.—Several accounts agreed in affirming that there is abundance

of this mineral at Momien and at Tali.

SALT.—There is no salt produced in Yunan as far as I could

ascertain.

SUNDRIES.—Straw hats, felt rugs, strike-lights, paper, white and

coloured, rhubarb and other drugs, hams, honey, pipes, jackets and

pants used also to be imported for sale to Burmans and Shans, and

exportation down the river. Formerly at Bammdé they used broad-

cloths and other woollen and cotton stuffs imported from Yunan. Now

every thing comes from below, and British stuffs, were pointed out to

me as “ having come round by sea from Canton instead of as formerly,

overland.”

The raw cotton formerly exported to Yunan from Burmah exceeded

a million of pounds a year. It is used not only for weaving but also

for padding the winter garments.

Both this foreign and the internal trade of Yunan are now in

abeyance, and for the time, extinct, owing to the disturbed state of

that province, and the opposition of the Kakhyen tribes to Chinese

traders. The capabilities of the country, however, remain the same.

The articles of British manufacture that { could ascertain to be likely

to find a market in Yunan, are broadcloths, lastings, blanketings and

flannels, manufactured figured and damask silks, cealicoes, long-eloth,

muslins, Jaconets, drills and plain dark blue or black cotton cloth, for

which there is unlimited demand. Broad-cloth is universally used by

a1 2

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< PF pana “on Sis teers a Fens

498 The Question of British Trade with Western China. [No. 4,

the Yanan Chinese who can afford to buy it. Blue and black are the

favourite colours. Some fine broad-cloth I had purchased at Rangoon

at'73 Rs. the yard, would, at no time, fetch that price in Yunan,

I was told. The home-made cloth was described to me as very

thick, and used to sell at from 8 to 6 tickals the cubit in Yunap.

That which came from Canton overland and from the interior,

(Russian ?) they describe as thinner, like the cloth I had bought at 15

shillings a yard at Rangoon, and worth 1-8 or 2 tiekals acubit. There

is however no doubt, I imagine, that cloth can be brought from

England to Momien, via the Irrawaddy, at a cheaper rate than vid

Canton. Cotton twist and sewing thread, cutlery, buttons, mechanics’

tools, locks and sewing needles, were also mentioned to me as things

wanted for sale in Yunan.

The prices of all these articles have hitherto depended on those of

Rangoon or Mandelay. It appears that British goods have never

been, to any extent, imported into Yunan, vid Bammé.

In explanation of the above prices, I should mention that a tickal

weight is the 28th of an English pound, and a tickal of silver worth

just 12 Rupee or half a crown. A viss is 100 tickals or exactly

Ibs. 3.652.

TV.—ConcLusion.

From the statements brought forward under the preceding heads,

and especially those under para. 2nd or that of the Physical Geogra-

phy of the country to be traversed by the proposed line—and

not omitting from consideration the new political position of Upper

Burmah in reference to us, as well as the direction which any future

political changes would certainly take—what then is the best route

for European enterprise to avail itself of, in its endeavour to create a

China trade through Burmah ?

Granting that the object to be sought is the most feasible way

of reaching commercially the products and the markets of western

China, especially Yunan, Sechuen and Queicho, it should first be

ascertained what conditions should determine the plan to be adopted,

in order to obtain that object.

Besides the obvious ones of the least political difficulties and the

greatest commercial advantages, are there not others that have BO

perhaps hitherto been sufficieutly thought of? viz. 1st. The holding 12

1864.| The Question of British Trade with Western China. 429

our own hands and having under our control the greatest possible

length, at this end, of the line of communication ; 2nd. That the plan

be capable of being tested without a previous great expenditure ; 3rd.

That when permanently established, as little as possible of the capital

embarked in the means of transit be irretrievably sunk ; 4¢/. That the

general route adopted be one already known and made use of by native

traders ; 5th. That it also be one that—failing the possibility of con-

structing either a tram or a railway, either at once or even ultimately

—may yet be worked with no great hindrance by the construction of

a cart-road; 6th. That the changes of mode of transit be as few as

possible ; and 7¢2. That in short the greatest safety, cheapness and

rapidity of carriage be combined with the least sinking of capital in

the fixed plant intended to form the means of transit.

3. If such are the desired conditions, is it not obvious that, provid-

ed the Irrawaddy be navigable, and it be feasible to make a road

from its highest easterly turn to Yunan, the best means to the object

sought, is steam communication between Rangoon and some point

near Bamm6, and a land road thence to Yunan? That the Irrawaddy

is navigable for steamers just up to the desired point and no farther,

tT reported, a year ago. That the road across the 30 or 40 miles

of Kakhyen hills to the plains of Yunan, can be constructed

and ultimately replaced by a tram or railway, I have also recorded

my firm conviction. Granted these two provisions, this route, then,

sanctioned by ages of use between Burmah and China, shown above

to be politically and physically that most feasible to follow, and

commercially that most lkely to give the highest returns for the

least expenditure, is surely worthy of more attention than has hitherto

been paid to it. Indeed the reasons for preference are so obvious and

so old, that there is no room for a “ discoverer,” and I long deemed

them too evident to need an advocate. It is true that, as long as the

Upper Salween remains a river, whose navigability is only “not proven,”

we are none of us in a position to speak with absolute certainty. In

regard to the Lower Salween, and the overland routes to Esmok, we

have seen that material obstacles oppose themselves most strongly to

their adoption. That, in the advocacy of which Capt. Sprye has so

usefully and successfully roused the mercantile community at home,

has the disadvantage of passing through hundreds of miles of unsettled

country, peopled in many parts by wild and savage tribes, of traversing

aye

Mi deal 3

; ,

NaH

- 4

‘i an}

+15 0 COP OE FLEE Y teem ory wm +

a a a ee

430 The Question of British Trade with Western China. [No. 4,

several successive mountain ranges, and the valleys of three considerable

rivers, the Sittang, the Salween and the Cambodia. But even if the

“ Emporium” of Esmok be neither a myth nora hyperbole, that is

surely not the point where it is most desirable to tap Western China,

It is too far South for the districts we want, and for the desired easy

access to the western end of the Yangtsekiang; while Quangsi is

certainly not worth the trouble of reaching it by such a route, even if

it were practicable. For my own part, I am indeed convinced that my

anticipations, as recorded at the time of my first visit to Upper

Burmah, will be ultimately realized, viz. that the ancient trade

between Yunan and Burmah, via Bammd, would be revived and

increased to a vast exchange between the manufactures of England

and the products of China.

4. Intimately connected with this subject of trade route, is that

of the overland telegraph communication between India and British

Burmah, and the open ports of Hastern China. In reference to that

subject and to the possible railway, I quote from a letter, written soon

aiter my return from Bammo last year.

1. “As to a telegraph from Shangai to Yunan city, a line may

and will pass, along the great artery Yangtsekiang.

2. “From Canton to Yunan, the Tsikyang may contend for the

line to follow its course in preference to the above. There will pro-

bably be both.

3. “From Yunan city there is the regular trade route and high

road through Tali and Yunchan to Momien, and thence through

Sanda, Mowun or Maingm6 to Bam, or a point just below it. Between

either Sanda, Mowun or Maingmé and the valley of the Irrawaddy, is

about 30 miles of mountainous country inhabited by Kakhyens. At first

these people would not perhaps respect the wire, especially in case of

any individual being in want, at any moment, of metal for his bullets,

arrows, or spears ; but for ages they have been accustomed to give safe

escort to dawk runners, and, to begin with, this two days’ march may

be got over in that way. ‘rifling subsidies would, however, soon

reconcile the tribes and ensure the continuity of the wire.

4. “ Fromthe foot of the Kakhyen mountains to Bammé and on

through Shoaygoo and Katha to Munipoor, across the country of

quiet trading Kadees, there is no obstacle either geographical or in the

way of wild tribes. From Munipoore to Calcutta, although in our own

a —

SS ee eee ——_

1864.| Zhe Question of British Trade with Western China. 431

territory and dependencies, would perhaps be the most difficult part of

the line. Part of it, however, is already completed by the Assam lines.

5. “Sacha line would be almost entirely between Lat. 23° and

25°, and in the case of the Tsikyang being followed from Canton to

Yunan, would very nearly describe an are of a great circle passing

through Calcutta and Canton.

6. “ From Katha a line would, of course, branch off and connect

Rangoon via Mandelay and the present Pegu line with Bammd.

Indeed this portion from Bamm6é to Thayetmyo or Prome will be,

probably, the first constructed.

7. “A telegraph may go where a railway cannot; but the same

reasons that forbid me to think of any other route than the above

for the former, force me to believe that if Western China is to be

tapped at all from the West or South, it will be by the same route.

And if a railway or tramway be required, it will be from the neigh-

bourhood of Bammé to Yunan city. The possibility of such a railway

is for the present, I admit, as chimerical as that of one through any

other unsurveyed region. By this route, however, the unknown

occupies less of the distance than by any other.

8. “The railway, however, is not necessary te even a vast com-

merce by the Bammo route. River steamers and flats can navigate

the Irrawaddy up to Bammé. There is the alternative of the Taping

river or a perfectly flat road from Bammé to the foot of the Kakhyen

hills. Up to this point, the route is through our own and the friendly

Burman territory, the latter open to us by right of treaty.

9. “Three or four days mountain route, frequented from time.

immemorial by thousands of ponies, mules and asses that have carried

westward, silk, tea, copper, gold, &c., and eastward, cotton, salt, serpen-

tine, &c., reach Sanda or some other Shan frontier city, whence again

the route is taken up by the civilization of China, and carried north.

east, east and south-east.

10. “ Bammo will be a mart again in a short time, as soon, in fact,

as Yunan is quiet enough to make any trade possible; and seeking

for any new mart in the unknown regions of Esmok, seems like looking

for a new port to get at the cotton of the Confederate States, somewhere

in Chili, because Charleston happens to be for the present, blockaded.

The modification of this route which, I believe will be found advi-

sable is, as mentioned under the 2nd heading, to stop the steam

Sannin NETO TES RE

~ AR RRR TU: er ae *-

4.82 The Question of British Trade with Western China, [No. 4,

traffic at a point below Bammd, say Sawuddy or even Koungtowng, and

to make a tram or railroad along the plain to near Masseen (vide. Map,

No. 2). The passage of the 30 miles of Kakhyen hills to be made by

a good road that may be, by and by replaced by a tram or railway,

The telegraph to follow the same line, and both road and telegraph

to enter China by the Shoaylee valley at Moungsun, and pass on by

Maingmo, Seefan and Minglon to Vunchan, instead of passing from

Bammo by way of Sanda and Momien to the same city.

11. “ Referring to both trade and telegraph route, if any line is

possible, it appears to me that this line is the most so. If any line

will pay, it must be this, and if any line can be safe it must be this.

Such a line will be, I firmly believe, that ultimately adopted, since it

will be the shortest, the easiest, the cheapest, and the safest, and it

follows the most frequented and oldest trade routes through the most

populous and civilized territories between the Indian and Chinese

seas.”

Whichever be the route followed, however, and it may be that

thorough surveys will entirely change the data on which present opini-

ons are founded,—the day is evidently not far distant when Burmah will

become the highway for a vast trade with China, Although Yunan

is, for the time, so disturbed, I see no reason to fear that the domestic

and foreign trade of that province will long remain in its present

unsatisfactory state of abeyance. The Pansee revolution may indeed

be found to have been useful in breaking up the power of exclusion of

the Chinese authorities, backed as this would have been by all the

influence of the Chinese merchants, whose jealousy blinds them to

their true interests, and especially of the old Burmah company ;—

the chief of whom is said by the Right Rev. Bishop Chauveau to

have 30,000 men at his orders. And while the province is in course

of resuming such a settled condition as will make extensive commerce

possible, whether it be under the old Chinese or the new Pansee

authority, the surveys may be made, the routes and .plans of action

definitely arranged, and perhaps the communication opened just in

time to meet the reviving trade.

The Taping rebellion by impeding as it must do, the commerce

between the western province of Vunan, Sechuen and Queicho, and

the eastern seaboard, encourages the attempt to pierce those provinces

from the west. They form a splendid field, most inviting to the

cen ce

Seca er eS ET

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sasirennennent

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Scale 165 Miles-! Inch

Wiles 0 160 140 120 00 80 60 40 20 QO 240 } ie

Wiles 220 200 180 1 io 12 10 (

Ty illustrate DT EC. Williams Memorandum or the

3 ‘ ; ) REFERENCES.

question of British Trade with westerre lund via Burmah:

The proposed trade routes...

Pinang ox) Geor getfum The proposed Telegraph connecting the route Telegraph

Prince of Wales LA" ; . ts oy

Perak

The Hisivak ( Sxmao) anh Thetniee POU... 7 ie Ao eee

Malaccare

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v ER PAPER BY ARNATH DASS. .

ONSTE SHS Fe po 0 LiTHOG. BY H.M SMITH, SURV: GENL (OF FICE, CAVCUTTA, NOV: 1864

432

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the eastern seaboard, encourages the attempt to pierce those provinces 7

from the west. ‘They form a splendid field, most inviting to me

- = Ss F =

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: .. =}. nite it Fenre Pra tes :

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has been actually inspected.

cating the discrepancy. .

6. The Races of the Inhabitants of the various villages

ascertained.

|. Of the country shewn in this Map viz: the Kakhyeen Mountains ‘find the plains on their

Jastern and Western sides; only the portion in the neighbour) bod of the Irrawaddi

9. 'Phe remainder 1s constructed from data obtained by questi bning a large esnarnliye

of well informed persons who had actually been the routs; jaid down; these

data being subsequently collated and combmed into a co psistent Blase

3. ‘That these various accounts should admit of being made ifnto a consistent rate

is in itself a good guarantee of their general accuracy.

4. Want of space prevented the insertion of several villagqis near Bamo and

along the Taping Creek, these however are of no importiince.

5, The principal routes are indicated by double or single tas the figures betwecn

the places referring to the distances in Burman Deing (jequal to two miles )

Where the accounts did not agree I have marked two jr more figures indi-

letters following the name of the place. (B,) for Burmar}. (ch,) for chinese,

(s.) for Shan and (k.) for Kakhyeen. The tribe of Kakh\yeen is shewn where

eh SP .

J ote"

| = —

\ The Megoung W the Amber

7 and Serpentine Mines /, Mungcha.

' 1 x ¢

| =a

Tate i

) Jl Ayeniteant. .

) = ‘\ . YUNCHAN

A MENS HAW Qa ae (Woneina |

Pundurng Shaw 3 $1 \ : é BLO D

= ender Sho 3 HN (2. \ a 5 area

ASSO /, “ \\ ] R Ca ; Horas. ZA Bosiniyss)

05 Ss y asiweygeen © 2 eal lye y Lanne. (72 I) Ae —_ } 5 ¢

4 / Aa [ et

Tohona(p) }

: * Prong I

’ Sergha cuipar /

dngte

— [

™ mI -

| 1 So Palting kat: CO Mainglay

: fe Jungle |

Nouk cho

: Tiana. @Uilinge 7 (Lap bak 50%e)

| :

| [eget (Shar Pwon 40h.) ee Maanitre (5)

: \ My o40hv) ~ f (Bhar Tswatwa:)

; (| Farmerty 1000h,) Molatkey trta Taporyg River

\ Lapan kung(t0 Porn) (ee

Leaimah;

sNanhay (30 Por) ys »:

~ =~

y |

wy (UM,

HN UESIAS HAYS

mats

=e yaaa,

eS - (Kangnai) J

~ Men EE f}

3 i

§ an

8 y

ER ed)

ie be

| Maznéitae (S,)

Dior Svemwiun)

g f

os My

A h

~ |

~ i

Uh WW hy

a ae A

/ ff i) < “ !

Hnweein oe ;

cal. Hilts ( Jf Pye Sill f

Z| Manypo 6s) iH

AN Seyi

Sr Reseq

~ ‘&

. i arabe i

() 4 2D) @) ungy uwer Oo sue

5 A fanny .

’

, Sg

A S4

oO .

“ &

24 g

PungaNummahe

t ms hrkung Cheyoas

Ki ETE ; i S . US

: Se

LFS TA,

are, y

Mirna 75.)

Hong

DUP TO

ie Namkhar

& flowns are shewn by

916°

Tal

TRADE ROUTES

BETWEEN

AO WesTery enna

BURMAY

To illustrate Dr. ©. Williams “Memorandum on the

question of British Trade with Western China via Burmah”

Seale-Inch aw Mule . (Syn d. yh C Uy pss

it aw » arDemg

Figures veler to Deong.

British Burmah.

alr COMPILED FROM DR WILLIAMS, SKETCH MAP, IN THE OFFICE OF THE SURVEYOR GENERAL OF INDIA, CALCUTTA, OCT. (864 ok"

BANSFER PAPER BY ABDOOL HALEEM,

Y /)

Uy / LUM,

Agent to thet COR NUSSUONE

LITH? BY H M. SMITH, SURVEY OR GENERALS OFFICE CALCUTTA, NOV: (Boa.

from the west. They on 4 splendid ee cae inviting to the

1864.] The Question of British Trade with Western China. A383

spirit of enterprise that of old has characterised our commerce. ‘There

are forty millions of people waiting to be clothed with British

piece-goods, and to be furnished with the handiworks of all the

manutactories of England, and ready to give, in return, silk, tea, and

the most valuable of the useful and precious metals, from mines that

Huropean skill would make many-fold more productive than now.

The barriers imposed by man are removed. ‘There remain but

those, of nature. To the conquest of these, our science and capital,

energy and perseverance will march again as they have so often

marched before, and again will overcome them; to British commerce

will accrue a new nation of buyers of our goods and sellers to our

wants ; to the cause of progress, a new opening for the living civilization

of Europe to compete with the sickly semi-barbarism of Asia; to

the cause of religion and humanity, a new field for Christian truth and

beneficence to modify, alleviate and displace the cruelties of a fierce

fanaticism and the vices of a degraded infidelity.

With the opening of this new way to China will be written a fresh

page in our already glorious commercial history ; will be taken another

step in our onward destiny, and will be given yet another proof that

Providence sanctions the mission we attribute to our race.

Mandelay, April 25th, 1864.

LOLOL LOFLPIIOIOLOLILIIILOIIPIIOLOP PLL LOLOL PLP ALL NRPS I

y .

= | AB 4: Table of the Cows of former Governments, [No. 4,

Table of the Ooins of former Governments more or less current in

the Bazars of the Goojrat District in 1859,

Communicated by the Punjab Auxiliary Committee of the Asiatic Society,

[ Received 16th February, 1864. |

: Name. Inscription. apis es re

60) Coinage. |:

: Fy =

r 4 |These coins are scarce, they

is 7

1 3 | Un- |a| pass for ll annas and 3

S None. known. |S |. Pics: |

= “|= |Their date of coinage ig not

| S o}| exactly ascertainable.

3 Ulsooltan-ool-Azim Ala. ‘The silver of this coin is very

"a se woodoonia woodeen. Ab- “| pure. ‘The coin is rare, and

= 4 dool Mozuffer Mahomed =| is much prized, being sup-

poe 2) §< | Shah al Sooltan. 883 || posed to carry good luck '

ee Hijree. |4| with it.

= : Secunder sani zaheerool aviIt is worth R. 1-4 and 1s

3 Khilafa nasiramiroola ri} often sold for as much as

= nowneen. Rs, 2.

: 3 UI] Khuleef-amir-ool mom- 4|Lhis coin passes for 12 annas.

: = << | neenKhuludulla moolkhoo, &| Only a few are current.

: 3 :

S Futtyab Feroze Shah mud- =

& dullah. =

tE = 4 U1 Khuleef-amir-ool mom- a

= = neen Khuludulla moolkhoo. =

= Ae 5 2 As No. 3.

= SN |Feroze Shah Sooltanee zur- =

= 2 but fee Khilla Dehlee. D

= ees

z Lailaha ililah Mahomed 2 |The silver of this coin is very

: oor-russool illah. 993 /5| pure.

= . Hijree. |e, |

< 5] 2 al

22 <= |Jelaloodeen Padshah Gha- SlIt sells for Rs. 1-4 in the

i ZeC. 2! Bazar.

ee Se ee Sea ee

MIG 1p

864. | current in Goojrat. 435

E |Name. nscription, Gaines: :

\As on No. 5. g|This coin is frequently met

s 993 |2| with.

6) gs | Hijree. | 3

™ |Jelaloodeen Mahomed Ak-' & |It sells for Rs. 1«4 to 1-8,

<q bar Padshah Ghazee zarb: ee

oordeo zuffer pykur. wt

‘a |Sikka Mahomed Shah Pad- |Chis coin is very commen,

a shah Ghazee. 1015 |&

‘a= Hijree, | 3

|Juloos mymnut maloos - {ei |its price is generally about

S moostukurrool Khilafé jv) BR. 1-0-6,

zarb Akbarabad. |r

5 8

Sikka. zuddur Jehan Cho 2

2 budur mooneer Shah Au- 3

eh rungzebe Alumgeer. 1118 | =

Si, ¢§ Hijree. | ,- As No. 7.

= |Juloos mymnut maloos s

= zurb, 3S

‘a |Mahomed Shah Padshah a

oa Ghazi Saheb Qiran sani. | 1161 |$

wl Hijree, | 3: As No, ¥.

qj |Jaloos mymnut maloos zurb' =F

g dar-ool khilafah Shahje- sib

E hanabad. m4 :

Sikka buzur zud zimahee . (This is an impure coin,

ta bamah Khooservé =

10 gaitee. 1162 |

ley

Hijree. si

rt It only sells for 53 annas.

Cashmiri do

summa.

Sitan Mahomed Shah zurb:

| Cashmir sundo.

Jaloos mymnut maloog zurb

sahrind,

‘<q |Sikka mobaruk Ahmed | 3

= Shah Padshah Bahadur &

11) @w Ghazee. | 1204 {2 As No. 4%.

3 Hijree, |=

= jis

= re

<i ro

a ae Ae Wee ete) E54. 9 OO eran eer tres orl a theqn— ‘

rrr y Wei iteabibainan tol. : _ rr eee —

. . ; Th hr 0 2a ee yh Geel : ' ¥ + :

: nai 7 mh Ale eae eu. f lil be PET

= = ; ay LAS a as 2 bh an : : b= Heart 4 wee dL

i : 5 St eh Ps , ¥ y

Ltn srl H.: ‘tee

: — q i

, j Ty, Fe 4 i + has

f ety a : {

ee enn “4 , re

iy f JAC en be eid ‘ Be aah.

; q | aes \ ¢ bY

felbg idee eet Regeael : Bah A te a

oa Vp bay ; api Bids (i 4 z Seat) rib

dD LILIES tet RODE PRA pS ED eR RS ale y, : OOM dele

Table of the Coins of former Governments,

[No. 4,

; 43

S Name. Inscription. = evn Of “Sp

Bp Coinage. |-3

= a | ee ee ee sete

‘dq |As on No. 11, a

s 1204 | As No, 7

a piss o Ge

12] B gece 2

is =

a jJaloos mymnut maloogs zurb ais

a on ca

= Atawah. rt

‘a |Deg-tegh Futty nusrut be ee Sells for 14 & 143

a dring-yaft az Nanuk Goo- ‘a| annas.

J3) roo. 1836 3

a 4

z= Sumbut. }_,,

|Gobind Sing. =

EO =

2 Kuraryaft ba hookum i Kho- ‘Common but full of alloy &

da hurdo jebhan rewaj a| sells only for 11 annas,

eae Nikka dowlut ba nam| 1204 {5}

- 'S) Shah zuman. Hijree. Ss

oe ;

| 'S |Jaloos mymnut maloos zurb a)

Cashmir. =

| Ms

o |

J As on No. 13, + |This coin sells for 14 annas

Gee 1861 |) and 9 pies.

s 5 Sumbut, |

15g Ss oy

2 as

A ee :

= Jaloos mymnut maloos zurb < It is often met with.

Akal. = |

3 Se ee ee

3 As on No, 13. 1859 |4|This sells for only 12 annas

3 Sumbut. || being full of alloy.

16} 3 Ss

S |Jaloos mymnut maloos sree =

5 : re

iS Umritsur. S,

St 6

F Sikka zud bur huft Kishwar Sells at par. Only a few are

B Sahé Fuzl illah hamideen- 2) obtainable.

= i-Mahomed Shah Alum| 1221 |% =

7 © Bad Shah, Hijree. s

s4 !

S Jaloos mymnut maloos zurb “=

G Furookhabad.

™

‘Y i a lL TT

1864. | current m Goojrat. 437

S Coinage. |"3

Fa =

cs As on No. 17. 1222 | 4|Sells at a discount of 6 pies.

3 Hijree. |S

18 = — 3

oa e

os) lst

= rt

5 re

= |Ason No. 17, 1222 | Sells at a discount of 3 pies,

Se Hijree. |-o

19) =

S =

pcs! 2) sH

i=)

irl

‘g _‘ \Sikka shood roshun zi shahe .|Very impure, worth only 64

ri ¢ | Noordeen raij az mukh- @| annas.

20) 5 : doom Qootub Arfeen. 1223 co

8 2A Hijree. =

4 |Zurb khilla, Cashmir sun-i- =

S ahed, =

S 4ud ba taeed girdgar Azeem | Very common, worth 10 annas,

e Shah Ayoob Sikka brer s

21) on zur seem. 1224 |'2

‘d Hijree. |'s

— |Jaloos mymnut maloos zurb =

S Cashmir, P

ae Se eee a ee nas eneeneieeee

'g =|Sikka bur zurzud ba towfeeq- As No, 21,

a i-illah khoosrowe gaitee 3

22; S sitan Mahomed Shah, 1224 |"a

3 Hijree. [sj

€ |Zurb khilla Cashmir sun =

5 teen. Se

As on No. 18. 1865

Sumbut.

Value 8 annas.

Zurb Jaloos mymnut maloog

sree,

ies)

Jelalpooria Golab

Singhia.

|\10 Mashas, 5 ruttee

438 Table of the Coins of former Governments, [No. 4,

AS \Coinage. |-=

Fe =

: af iSikka zuddur Jehan ba fuzl | y Value 10 annas, uncommon,

‘< illah gusht raij ba nam| 1225 =

24) Qaisar Shah. Hijree. e

op)

eee

‘q {As on No. 13. | ;|Worth 9 annas, very common;

Se) 1866 || the usual medium of prez

rE a -

25; Sumbut. g sents at marriages. f

3 =

‘= (Zurb mymnut sree. cols

ims ©

hd re

is |Gaitee sitan, Mahomed _|Worth 12 annas, common,

5 Shah. |

St 1229 |

oS DI

26| Sa Hijree. |S

as =

ae C2 Jas! |

a Z

2 Durool Sultanut (imperfect).

8 |As on No, 18. 1877 4 |Value 9 annas ; rather scarce.

: Sumbut, |-o

27 oo

E =

| |Zurb Khilla, Cashmir.

: } Ags on No. 13. 1877 |%\Common and pure.

g “A Sumbut. |3

ee 28) og S

ie E ‘

i= ak

. i= Zurb sree akal. ri It sells at par.

. EE :

. i. cor rrr

| ie 2

ii Sikka zud bur gseemozur az Lately become common, impor:

= ; fazl Rubb-i-zool Hnunun | ted from Hindustan 1m con-

: E Ghazeeoodeen Hydené &j|_ siderable numbers.

: : 29; alee nusab Shahé zumun.| 1842 | %/Sells at par.

/ : cS Hijree. [=

Se ee | 5 |Jaloos mymnut maloos zurb| nis

SS dar ool Sultanut Sooba | Ss

Owud.

Uy,

—".

mg 1

1864. | current in Coojrat.

439

5 Coinage.

-¢ =« | As on. No, 18. 1882

; a

30} wm

-¢ |Mynut zurb sree.

ee | ee

11 Mashas

& As on No. 18, 1882 |..

, as S|

ae g

= =

A aa

eS Zurb sree Akal. ea

(2)

Sikka zud bur hurdo Alum 2

= Shah Nanuk Wahib ust. | 1879 |&

32| Sumbut. | 3

ra_|Futty tegh Gooroo Gobind eS

4 Singh fazl sucha Saheb a

ust. rt

3 = {As on No. 138, wh

a 1879 |.3

33] ~ Sumbut. |S

a Zurb sree Akal. a

Tegh Gooroo Gobind fazl.

Dadun Khani.

Zurb Akal,

Rulia Rami Pind

114 Mashas

Value 143 annas, not common.

At par value.

Value 114 annas.

Par value.

a ee

As on No. 13.

oe 1876

Kirpa Rami.

Zarb mymnut Cashmir,

11 Mashas

, |An impure coin, worth only 11

annas.

—

= CONTIN,

cae -

eT OD LIT PRR EI ere eta

Od EE

se Se

cae: iby

SETAE MOH pee

; “h a3 4 ee aT

44.0 Coins current in Goojzrat.

Bees Coinage. |-3

ca =

& Saheb Qiran. 2 , {an old coinage of very pure

iE & silver: date unknown,

36 a ma} scarce ; worth 16 annas.

S =

q re

ES Jaloos Mymnut maloos. S

2 Sheonathjee Sehoy. 1194 A 4-anna piece,

S Hijree.

37| nO

a 5

‘> |Zurb sree.

2 Sheonathjee Sehoy. Ditto.

38: A

5 |Zurb sree.

= Se ee

| = Sikka Moobaruk, _ = Common, value 11 annas.

| 3 | 1261 |

39, © Hijree. |S

= @

5 =

3 Mymuut sun jaloos zurb. x

S OFFICE, CALCUTTA, OCTOBER 1864.

: i

8N TRANSFER PAPER BY ABDOOL BAREE @ LITHOG: BY-H.M. SMITH, SURVEYOR GENERAL?

ee ee

Ure Cre nser Duper ou WW. Rictirrd/.

LU}

Oy EM. Smith, Surv: Gents: Uifice, Calcutta, det: 1864

PLATE Hl.

a oy

Sad

Sn 2 > ihe

re eA TR

een PES PETES

ON TRANSFER PAPER 8¥Y HAFFEEZUDDEEN AHMUD AND LitH? BYH.M. SMITH, AT THE SURVEYOR GENERAL'S OFFICE. CALCUT TA.OC 1264

Td Roane ae Raa eta

2 .

Se al

2 oe" af ar 3 " 7 :

“ rv +e ow! pgerigets sehr 2 9 —~erceeen) ee pee nema ae

Mees wie

o, -

ONTAANSFER PAPER. BY ABDOOL FUTTAN + AND -LITH? RYH. AI. SMITH SURV?

GENLS: OFFICE GALAUTTA OCT? 1864

Lisjines

ER FEN SL,

: rts : ey ere:

1864. | Literary Intelligence. AAT

LiveERARY INTELLIGENCE.

The following is an extract from a letter lately receiwed from

General A. Cunningham.

In following up the history of the different races of the Punjab, I

have extended the enquiry to the Chinese accounts of the Yue-chi,

White Huns and Turks, and I believe that I have succeeded in identi-

tying two of the Khakans of the White Huns and one Khakan of

the Turks with some of those who are mentioned in western history,

The want of success which had hitherto attended all attempts of this

kind has led some ethnologists to doubt the value of the Chinese ac-

counts of the Tartar nations but the identifications which I have al-

ready made will tend to remove this reproach. Thus AitaBovdos the

—Xayev of the Tovpxo, who received the embassy of the emperor Jus-

tin 1s beyond all doubt the same as the great Khakan Sha-po-lio of

the Turks, whose rule extended to the Caspian. The dates corres

spond; and so also de the names, for I take Diza to represent Sha of

the Chinese—for which the more correct representative would have

been Dza. But just as the ch == ts, of Ohatur became reco, so the J

or 4= dz became Ard. The name in fact is the same as Zamol in

Zamolwis, and Zabul in LZabulistan, both of them being only the

Scythian appellation of Hercules,

LIS LOIS INL LL SIS SII SS EL ISS LIS LI AS LEDS OPO III IOS

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

For Juny, 1864.

—

The Monthly General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Bengal

was held on the 6th Instant.

Captain W. N. Lees, Vice-President, in the chair.

The Proceedings of the last meeting were read and confirmed.

Mr. Oldham said— |

“ At the last meeting of the Society (June Ist) the attention of the

members was directed to a very interesting specimen of a fossil repti-

lian, which had been received by the Society from Nagpore: and the

Secretary (Mr. Blanford) made some valuable remarks bearing on the

natural history, and geological age of this fossil. Mr. Blanford stated

that the locality where it had been found was within the limits of the

area coloured on the Geological Survey map of the Nerbudda valley

prepared by Mr. J. G. Medlicott, as belonging to the “ Mahadeva”

eroup; and then entered into some speculations as to the possible

age of this group, pointing out how essentially the fact of the occurs

rence of this reptile in the rocks of that group would affect the

question of their geological age. As I believe that this fossil has

nothing whatever to say to that group, I would desire to record the

facts.

“Tt was stated to have been found about a mile west of Biyori

village, at a spot where the stream is crossed by the cattle road from

the Puchmuri plateau by Rori, &. Now a mile west of Bijori, and

where the hill path crosses the stream, is well within the limits of the

Damuda works, on Mr. Medlicott’s map, and as I have been at the

spot, I can also say that it is so, in reality. Further the spot indis

eated on the map by Lieut. Sim, neither coincides with this deserip-

tion of the spot where the fossil was found, nor is it, at the base of

—— ee

» ca

= =

—-_ =

——S

c—— a

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 443

the Mahadeva hills as stated, but on the top. There is, evidently,

therefore, nothing trustworthy in either of these statements, as bear-

ing on the question of what group of rocks the fossil in question was

derived from. Immediately on seeing the announcement of the dis-

covery, I wrote to the Rev. S. Hislop of Nagpur, asking him to make

very particular enquiries as to the locality, and stating my belief that

it would be found not to be from the Mahadevas: and, with the per-

mission of the Society, I will read an extract from his letter in reply,

the last, I regret to say, of a long and valued correspondence I had

with him. His mtimate acquaintance with the rocks in his district,

gives special value to his observations.

“Mr. Hislop writes—(under date 14th August, 1863) speaking of

the fossil im question—‘ On the footpath leading to the Rori-ghat,

Major Gowan met with a detached block of sandstone, bearing the

impression of the ribs and vertebral column of an animal, which the

natives around were in the habit of calling a fish, but which our

countryman more properly considered a reptile. The matrix having

been found out of position, it was difficult for the discoverer, or the

Huropean officer who was requested subsequently to tread in his foot-

steps, to ascertain to which sandstone strata it had belonged, whether

to the great pile of arenaceous beds that constitute the mountain

mass, or to the few that lie below. This is no longer a matter of

uncertainty. J have had a good deal of experience in the various

kinds of sandstone that occur in this province, and the sample from

near Byori I saw at once belonged, not to the Mahadeva formation

but to the lower Damuda group. There was an absence of all tenden-

ey to ferruginous septa, so characteristic of the former, and an abun-

dance of mica so uncommon in the former, but so frequent in the

latter. In splitting some of the lamine produced by the mica, I de-

tected carbonaceous matter, such as is found between the layers of the

Lower Damuda sandstone. There can be no question then, that the

slab is from the inferior strata of our Indian Coal formation.’

“Mr. Hislop proceeds to describe the characters of the Reptile in

question, and to note the particulars which he observed when clearing

out the fossils from its matrix. But these are matters relating to itg

natural history, and my only object now is, to place on record the

fact, that the specimen in question had almost certainly, nothing

whatever to say to the ‘ Mahadeva’ group.

aL 2

ever fe She T

; ta aay

7 iP

a kal 4

Car

7 riey

Add Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [No. 4,

“ Mr. Blanford himself noticed the difference in mineral character of

the rock in which this fossil was imbedded, as compared with the ordi-

nary aspect of the Mahadeva rocks.”

Mr. Blanford remarked that he too had inferred from the mineral

character of the matrix that the fossil was not from the Mahadey

sandstones, but showed that the spot marked by Lieutenant Sim on

Mr. Medlicott’s map placed it in the Mahadevas, and at some distance

from the boundary of the older rocks.

Presentations were received—

1. From the Under Secretary to the Government of India, Public

Works Department, an impression in clay of a Sanscrit inscription

found at the foot of one of the jambs of the inner gateway of the

ruins at Baragaon. ;

2. From Colonel S. R. Tickell, two specimens of a fish in spirit,

supposed to belong to the Cod family.

3. From J. R. Macdonald, Esq., a specimen of a mat used by the

natives of Moulmein for thatching purposes.

4. From A. Grote, Esq., specimens of a Hylobates lar, and a

‘Centipede. |

5. From Dr. Squire, on the part of Mr. Dunn of Akyab, a collec-

tion of snakes in spirit.

6. From A. Carlyle, Esq., Officiating Curator, two specimens of a

large species of Petrel, a few specimens of North American fresh

vater and semi-fossil shells, and a piece of Iron Ore from N. Wales,

also a few small specimens of native Turquoise found in situ in Asia

Minor.

7. From the same, a copy of Graves’ Ovariuwm Britannicum, also

two articles about the battle of Trafalgar and Lord Nelson, published

in the Gibraltar Star a few days after that battle.

8. From the same, specimens of fishes and crustacea from the

Salt. Water Lake.

9. From Mr. C. Swaris, a pair of shoes used by the people of

Bhotan.

Letters from J. P. Grant, Esq. C. 8., and Baboo Ramgopal Ghose

intimating their desire to withdraw from the Society, were recorded.

The following gentlemen, duly proposed at the last mecting, were

oO?

balloted for and elected ordinary members :

Lieutenant H. Trotter, Bengal Engineers.

ised.t Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 445

J. ©. Whishaw, Esq., Civil Surgeon.

Baboo Debendra Mullick.

The following gentlemen were named for ballot as ordinary members

at the next meeting :—

Dr. ©. R. Francis, proposed by Mr. Grote, seconded by Mr. Blanford.

©. B. Garrett, Esq., C. 8. proposed by Mr. Grote, seconded by Mr.

Blanford.

W. Swinhoe, Esq., proposed ky Mr. Obbard, seconded by Mr.

Blanford.

Rev. J. Ebenezer Marks, proposed by Mr. McCrindle, seconded by

Mr. Blanford.

The Secretary read the following letter from Mr. Oldham :—

Calcutta, June 21st, 1864. —

To the President and Council of the Asiatic Society.

GENTLEMEN,— While feeling much honored by my re-election to

the Council of the Asiatic Society, I regret that I cannot accept the

duty without sacrificing a principle for which I have long and strenu-

ously contended. I only ceased to urge the alteration in the rules of

the Society which make a certain annual change in the constitution

of the Council and officers compulsory, because some of my colleagues,

approving the principle, and proposing to act on it, still thought it

not desirable that this change should be obligatory.

Glad, therefore, to see this change introduced, as I believe it to be

essential to the well-being of the Society, I could not without great

inconsistency, again rejoin the Council at present. After the lapse of

the proposed interval, I shall be happy to be of any service in my

power.

I am, Gentlemen, &c.,

(Sd.) T. OLDHAM.

The report of the Council, appointing Mr. H. B. Medlicott, a

member of their body, vice Colonel Dickens, was confirmed.

The Council reported thai they had elected Messrs. J. Strachey

and J. Geoghegan to the Council, in the place of Mr. H. Scott

Smith, deceased, and of Mr. Oldham, who has declined to accept the

nomination.

Communications were received —

1, From Colonel S. R. Tickell, description of a supposed new

genus of the Gadide. 3

ee OM ge

a ram

Fin yer Pi

TRE LE ee. Ww

y - rn

446 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 4,

2. From the Secretary of the Punjab Auxiliary Committee to the

Asiatic Society, papers containing a description of Coal in the Khuttak

Hills. |

3. From R. H. Barnes, Esq., Meteorological Abstract of Obser-

vations taken at Gangarowa, Ceylon, from September, 1863, to Feb-

ruary, L864.

4, From Dr. C. Williams, Memorandum on the question of British

Trade with Western China vid Burmah.

5. From Baboo Gopinath Sen, an Abstract of the results of the

Hourly Meteorological Observations taken at the Surveyor General’s

Office in April.

6. From Captain W. N. Lees on the Romanizing of Oriental

Alphabets.

Captain Lees then read his paper above mentioned ;* and at the

close of the reading a discussion ensued on the interesting question

of which it treated, in which the Lord Bishop, Mr. Heeley, and the

author took part.

The Bishop heartily agreed with Captain Lees that the Roman

character should be used in reducing to writing the languages of the

aboriginal tribes of India, and regretted very much that Dr. Judson

and the American Missionaries had written the Karen language in

Burmese characters. He also rejoiced in the willingness which Cap-

tain Lees had expressed to apply the Roman alphabet to Hindustani.

But he desired to go further than this, and omitting the consideration

of dead languages, as involving many peculiarities which it would be

too long to discuss, he would gladly see that alphabet used for all the

living languages of India. That a change of alphabet was practicable,

he considered certain, for it had frequently occurred. The old Hebrew

character, now commonly called the Samaritan, was abandoned at the

time of the captivity, and for that alphabet (which had probably been

regarded as sacred, certainly as venerable) the square Claldee letters

were substituted, in which we now read our Old Testament. The

Mahomedans forced the Arabic letters, as a religious duty, on the

nations which they conquered; and they are now used in writing

languages as different as Arabic, Persian and Malay. Yet the Persians

had a character which they must have regarded at least with rever-

ence, and to which they had been accustomed for ages. In Europe

* See ante, p. 845,

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 47

there had been changes, scarcely less important, from the Celtic and

Gothic alphabets to the German and Roman. Captain Lees had

quoted the tenacity with which the Germans and Greeks cling to

their own alphabets in support of his argument. But in the first

place the difference between those alphabets and the Roman is trifling,

and the trouble of decyphering them slight. In the second, in each

‘ease there had been a patriotic feeling recently at work in favour of

the old alphabet: the wars of Napoleon had thoroughly disgusted

the Germans with everything French, and therefore with the Roman

Alphabet: and the newly emancipated Greeks were anxious to prove

their descent from the contemporaries of Thucydides and Plato.

Besides, in Germany, the Roman alphabet was making way. Ewald,

for instance, had printed his history and commentaries in that charac-

ter. Again, the Dravidian language in Southern India used alpha-

bets derived from the Devanagri; though they had no affinity to

Sanserit, and therefore they might as well use the Roman. Hence,

as the change appeared from historical examples to be practicable,

it ought to be adopted, not merely from theological or economical, or

any partial consideration, but from the general fact that the multi-

tude, variety, and needless diversities of the Indian Alphabets, made

it absolutely impossible to master all the Indian languages, and effec-

tually separated from each other the natives of different parts of the

peninsula. Captain Lees had scarcely stated with sufficient force the

terrible medley of characters with which the country was afflicted.

Dialects differing less than those of Yorkshire and Somersetshire, were

written in different characters. The two great parent alphabets had

branched out into at least twenty varieties. Orissa had a different

form from Bengal: each of the three Dravidian tongues had its own

alphabet. A change seemed essential to the civilization of India, and

though to attempt to force one upon the people would be wrong, and

must end in ludicrous failure, yet books in every living Indian language

should be printed in Roman character, and left to make their own way.

Mr. W. L. Heeley maintained that alphabets, like constitutions,

were developed by nature, and suited to the instincts of the several]

races which used them, and that it would be highly difficult, if not

impossible, to impose a strange alphabet upon any race which had

developed one by its own efforts. We have not yet obtained a

scientific analysis of the circumstances under which alphabets had

44.8 Proceedings of the Asratie Society. [No. 4,

been adopted; but he thought that the cases, which on a cursory

view of the subject occurred to him, would supports his belief. The

Lord Bishop had referred to the change in the Hebrew alphabet

made during the Babylonish captivity, but this was a mere change

in the form of letters, like our English change from German tex+ So

the present Roman hand; no letters were added or omitted ; and

the change was not proved to be derived from any foreign, or non-

Semitic, influence. Instances like the adoption of the Arabic alphabet

by the Turks were cases where a totally illiterate people without an

alphabet (for the Turanians of Central Asia do not seem to have

developed one,) adopted that of the race most allied to them by

polities and religion ; and the case of the Magyars was a similer one.

That, however, the natives of India took most kindly to the indige-

nous, or Nagi, alphabet, of which the various alphabeis in use are

modifications, might be proved in many ways, and among others by

the non-success of the Mussulman rulers in introducing their own, or

the Arabic, alphabet. Hindustani, though spoken almost all over

India, was not the written language of any portion of India; only

scholars and Court Amlah could write the Arabic character, and, for

the purposes of common life, the native alphabet was preferred even

when, as among many of the Bengali Mussulmans, the literature was

composed in a patois which had more Arabic and Persian words than

Sanscrit words. The attempt, therefore, to apply to Hindustan the

English alphabet was not likely to sueceed. Persons who would not

Jearn the Arabic alphabet would naturally write in Nagri, or one of

its derivations. He could not agree in the conclusion to which both

Captain Lees and the Lord Bishop had arrived, that, in case of non-

Arian languages of limited extent which had not a vocabulary of their

own, the English alphabet might be used with advantage, and he

instenced the Khonds, hill-tribes of Orissa, who were surrounded by,

and mixed up with, an Ooriah population speaking an Arian language

“with an alphabet derived from the Sanscrit. A Mission had recently

been established there, and the missionaries had very properly, in his

opinion, printed their Khond books in the Ooriah alphabet. What

was the object of introducing the English alphabet? Not that it

was more perfect;—the Ooriah alphabet was a far more perfect and

useful and better arranged one, and quite as easy to read. The object

was to put them en rapport with civilization, to facilitate their

a = -

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. 449

acquisition of English. But when are the Khonds likely to want

English ? Certainly not before the Ooriahs want it; and the know-

ledge of the Ooriah alphabets would be practically useful to them

every day. They will seldom see Huropeans. The very work of the

mission, and of téaching, will be carried on mainly by Ooriah minic-

ters and catechists; and the business of daily life, the buying and

selling, is altogether conducted by Ooriahs. It is clear that in this

case the advantages of the Ooriah alphabet outweighed those of the

English, and it would probably be found the same, on the most super-

ficial view, in other similar cases. Broadly, it appeared that the

civilization of these scattered and insignificant tribes would be better

attamed by bringing them up to the level of civilization enjoyed by

surrounding districts, than by attempting anything higher; what we

wanted was not to Europeanize parts of India, but to weld the whole

into a compact mass, to give it that homogeneity, the absence of

which so much weakens all exertions either of the teacher or legislator

for the benefit of the people. Ifa common alphabet could effect this

to any extent, that alphabet must be the one which the indoles of the

natives of the country had worked out for itself, and which could

more easily be learnt than any other, besides being in itself true,

perfect, and better than any alphabet we could give them. Mr.

Heeley concluded by appealing to Captain Lees for corroboration of

the views expressed by him with regard to the non-development of

an indigenous alphabet among the Scythian races.

Captain Lees said he was glad the Bishop had favoured the meeting

with an expression of his opinion on this question, in which it was

known he took a deep interest. He had listened with great interest

to his Lordship’s remarks, and while he concurred in much that he had

said, he thought that much in which he could not concur might be

reconciled with the views enunciated in the paper just read. The

object his Lordship and those who were of his opinion had in view

was universality, and now he thought that sufficient consideration had

not been given to the widely-spread area over which the Hindustani

language was used, a range of country extending from Peshawur on the

north to Cape Comorin on the south. If we applied the Roman

alphabet to this one language, no doubt it would familiarize a very

large portion of the people of India with these characters. But fo

do even that, would be a magnwm opus. It would, moreover, at the

3 M

ABO Proceedings of the Asiatre Socrety, [No. 4,

outset at least, be experimental ; and it must be admitted that in all

experimental undertakings, however good grounds we may have to

hope for success, we must not be unprepared for failure. Now, if we

were suddenly to print books in all the languages of India in the

Roman characters, and introduce them into all our villages and

vernacular schools, and the experiment were to fail—z. e. if the

people generally were to refuse to adopt these characters—there can

be no doubt that we should have succeeded in doing a very great

mischief. In dealing with Hindustani alone, we tread on sure

eround, We make the experiment with some prospect of success,

while we reduce the risk of danger toa minimum. It must be recol-

lected however, that the present movement is wholly an outside one.

The natives of this country, for whose languages alphabets have been

perfected, do not ask for any change. They do not wantit. We

find the number of these alphabets inconvenient, and we wish to

change them all for our own; but we are aliens, and the question 1S,

should such a point be decided by foreigners? In regard to the

question asked by Mr. Heeley, I am not prepared at present to enter

on a review of the progressive development of writing amongst the

Scythians. ‘The early history of the colonies of these races who

entered India, is involved in much obscurity, from which it will

probably never be unveiled. ‘heir earliest records are to be found

on the coins of Bactriana subsequent to the downfall of the Greek

kingdom. They are written in two characters—corrupt Greek and

Bactrian, merging later into the Indian and Sanscrit alphabet ; and

as both these alphabets were foreign, it would appear that the early

Seythians had no alphabet of their own. The Thibetan alphabet is

borrowed from the Indian, and is comparatively modern. The irrup-

‘tion of the Osmanli Turks into Europe did not take place until long

after they had embraced Mahomedanism. That people had changed

their alphabets, as well as their languages, there can, however, be no

question. In fact, if we trace the history of the progressive develop-

ment of alphabets, we find it to be one continued series of changes,

and it is to the variety of directions in which these changes and

developments have been made, that we owe the multiplicity of alpha-

bets we now possess, as I have explained in my paper. Nations

with imperfect alphabets have never objected to change them. On

the contrary, they have shown a tendency to elaborate, improve, and

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. 451,

perfect them, as their ideas and their languages became enlarged.

In short, in the East, Mr. Heeley is quite correct in speaking of the

indigenous growth of alphabets, for undoubtedly in India alphabets

have grown with the languages they belong to, and to them they

lave a prescriptive right. I do not think then that it would be

difficult to reconcile the extreme views of either of the speakers with

the more moderate and mean position I have taken up.

The Librarian submitted a report of the accessions to the Library

since the meeting held in February last.

LIBRARY,

The following additions have been made to the Library since the

meeting held in February last.

Presentations.

*.” The names of donors in capitals.

' Les Animaux; extrait du Tuhfat Ikhwan us Safa.—M. Garcry

DE Tassy. 3

Cours d’ Hindoustani for December 1863.—THE Same.

‘Lables: of Heights in Sind, the Punjab, N. W. Provinces and Cen-

tral India determined by the G. T. Survey of India.—Tur Go-

VERNMENT OF Inpra.

Catalogue Raisonneée of Oriental MSS. in the Library of the (late)

College of Fort Saint George, now in the charge of the Board of

Examiners ; by the Rev. W. Taylor, Vols. II. and I1J.—Tuz Benga.

GOVERNMENT.

Westwood’s Oriental Entomology.—Lr. R. 0. Bravay.

History of the Reigning Family of Lahore with some account of

the Jummoo Rajahs—By Major G. C. Smyth.—Tre AurHor.

‘The Daya Bhaga.—-Banu P. C. Tagors.

A Treatise on the chronology of Sinaitic monuments, by His Hich-

ness Hekekeyan Bey.—TuE Auruor.

History of Hyder Ali and Tippoo Sultan—Prince GHonay

MAHOMMED. | .

452 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [No. 4,

Brief History of Ancient and Modern India from the earliest

period of antiquity to the termmation of, the late Mahratta war.—

THE SAME,

Natuurkundig Tidschrift voor Nederlandsch Indie, Vol. XXVI.—

THE SOCIETY.

illustrations of the Meteorology of India and High Asia, by H.

de Schlagintweit.—Tur Benga GOVERNMENT.

Ditto ditto.—T ue InsprecToR GENERAL OF Hospirats.

Official Hand-book of the Punjab Exhibition —Tae Pouysap

GOVERNMENT.

A Collection of Treaties, Engagements, Sunnuds, relating to India

and the neighbouring countries, Vol. V., compiled by C. U. Aitchi-

son, Esq.—T He GOVERNMENT OF INDIA.

Indische Studien, Vol. VILII.—Tue Enprror.

On the identification of the Acanthacese of the Linnean Herbarium,

by 'T. Anderson, Esq., M. D.—Tue Autuor.

An enumeration of the species of Acanthaces from the Continent

of Africa by 'T. Anderson, Esq., M. D.—T ue Same.

Le Trésor des chartes d’ Arménie ou Cartulaire de la Chancellerie

Royale des Roupéniens, Par Victor Langlois.—J. Avpatu, Esa.

Memoires del’ Academie Impériale des Sciences de St. Peters-

bourg, Tome IV. Nos. 10 and 11.—THe Acapemy.

Bulletin del’ Academie Imperiale des Sciences de St. Petersbourg,

Vol. IV. Nos. 7 to 9, and Vol. V. Nos. 1 and 2.—Tnum Same.

Annales Musei Botanici Lugduno Batavi, edited by F. A. Guil.

Miguel, Tome I. Fasc. 1, 2 and 3.—Tne Luepuno Baravian

ACADEMY.

Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, New

Series, Vol. VIII. Parts 1 and 2.—Tur AcapEmy.

Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Vol.

V. pages 241—457, &e., Vol. V1. pp. 1—96.—TuE AcADEMY.

Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, Vol. VIII. Nos.

1, 2 and 3.—T'HE Socinry.

Proceedings of the Natural History Society of Dublin, Vol. IV.

Part 1.—Tunm Socrery.

Report of the Proceedings of the Archeological Surveyor to

the Government of India for 1862-63.—Tue GoveERNMENT OF

INDIA. .

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 453

ely, Annual Report on the administration of the Coorg districts for

| 1862-63.—THE BenGaL GOVERNMENT.

Si Annual Report on the administration of Mysore for 1862-63.—

| Tue Same. |

hi: Report of a Meeting of the Bethune Society held in honor of Dr.

Duff.—Bazsoo Ramcnunper Mirrer.

Transactions of the Entomological Society of New South Wales,

Vol. I. Part 2.—T uz Soctinry.

Lhe Anthropological Review and Journal, Vol. I. Nos. 1 to 3, and

Be, Vol. II. No. 4.—TuHE ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

a Toungoo News Sheet, Vol. I. Nos. 1 to 3.—Tu Ruy. F. Ma-

“ SON.

Professional papers on Indian Engineering, Vol. I. Nos. 1 and 2.—

Masor J. G. Muprey.

Purana Sangraha, Parts 12 and 18.—Baznu Kanr Prosonno

SINGH.

Selections from the Records of the Government of India, P. W. De-

partment, No. 40.—THr GovERNMENT oF Inpra.

Hil | 7 ),,

| 7

——t

obit Report on the result of the administration of the Salt Department

for 1862-63.—Tur BENGAL GOVERNMENT. |

ws bt! The Chinese and Japanese Repository of facts and events in Science,

History and Arts, relating to Hastern Asia, Vol. I. Nos. 1 to 5.—

Ale PROFESSOR SUMMERS.

| Address delivered at the Anniversary Meeting of the Geological

)) Society of London on the 19th February, 1864, by Professor Ramsay

I. R. 8.—TuE AvurHor. :

Report of the Committee of the Bengal Chamber of Commerce

from 1st November, 1868, to 80th April, 1864.—Tur Cuamerr or

COMMERCE.

Instructions for taking Meteorological Observations, with tables,

by Sir H. James.—Con. H. L. Tauriizer.

A Pali Grammar, by J. Alwis—TuHxE AuTHor.

1" Hight years in Asia and Africa from 1846 to 1855, by J. J. Benja-

min, Esq.—TsuEe Aurnor.

1 Byan Maka Za Oolum, compiled by Salyed Keramut Alii—T ae

COMPILER.

yf Die Gedichte des Urua ibn Alward, herausgegeben, ubersetzt und

if erlautert von T, Néldeke,—Tur EDITOR.

ae) Sa:

ABA Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, [No. 4,

Catalogue annuel de la Librairie Francaise, by C. Reinwald.—Tyz

COMPILER.

Catechism’ of the Shaiva Relaion, Parts 5 and 6.—TuE Rryv.

T. FOULKES.

_ The Kusumanjali or Hindu Proof of the Existence of the Supreme

Being, with a translation.—E. B. Cowrtn, Esq., M. A.

Bleeck’s Spiegel’s Avesta, the religious books of the Parsees.—

THe EDITtor. |

The tale of the battle of Padmanabham, with a Telugu transla-

tion.—A. L. CARLYLE, Esq.

Ovarium Brittanicum—or an accurate delinsiGon of 50 Figs. of

British Bird’s Higgs, by G. Graves, Esq.—Tue Same.

The Annals of Indian Administration, Vol. VIII. Part 1.—Tux

BenGAL GOVERNMENT.

_ Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, Vol. XX.

Part 1.—TuHe Sociery. |

Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. XXVI. Part 4,

and Vol. XX VII. Part 1, with an Index to Vols. XVI—XXV.—

Tne Socrery.

Journal of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of India,

Vol. XIII. Part 2.—Tue Socrery,

Jahrbuch der K. K. Geol. Reichsanstalt, Vol. XIII. No. 3.—TxHe

SOCIETY.

Journal Asiatique, Sixieme Série, Vol. II. Nos. 4 to 7, and Vol.

III. Nos. 8 and 9.—Tuz Astartc Socrery or Paris.

Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, Nos. 58 to 68.—THE

SOCIETY.

_ Rahasya Sandarbha, Vol. I. Nos. 10,11, 12 and 18.—THe Catcurta

ScHoot Boox Soctrery. |

Bijdragen tot de Taal-land en Volkenkunde Nederlandsch Indie,

Vol. VI. Stuk 3.—Tur Untversrry or LEYDEN. |

The Calcutta Christian Observer, Vol XXV. Nos. 290 to 294.—

THE Eprror.

Journal of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, Vol.

V. Part 4.—Tue Acapremy.

Proceedings of the Same Nos. 3 to 7 of 1863.—TuxE SAME.

_ Memoirs of the Geological Survey of India (Paleontologia Indica)

Vol. IIT. Part 3.—THE Government oF Iypta.

es |

1864..] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. A

Another copy of the Same.—Tuz GoverNMENT OF BENGAL.

Another copy.—TuE SuPERINTENDENT GroLoGicaL MUSEUM.

Memoirs of the Geological Survey of India, Vol. III. Part 2, and

Vol. IV. Part 2.—Tnx Same.

Proceedings of the Scientific Society of Ghazipur, Nos. 2 to 4 of

1864.—TueE Socrery.

The Oriental Christian Spectator, Vol. TV. Nos. 5 to 8.—THE

E,DIvor.

The Oriental Baptist, Vol. XVII. Nos. 201, 202 and 203, Vol,

XVIII. Nos. 205 to 209.—Tur Eprror.

The Calcutta Review, Nos. 76 and 77.—Tue Epiror.

Selections from the Records of the Bengal Government, No. 39,

Part 2.—Tur BengaL GOVERNMENT.

Selections from the Records of the Madras Government, No. 76

for 1862-63, with a map.—THEe GovernMENT or Mapras.

Returns showing the operations of the Income Tax Act in the

N. W. Provinces for 1861-62.—Tuz Government N. W. Pro-

VINCES. )

Proceedings of the Royal Institution of Great Britain, Vol. IV.

Parts 1 and 2.—Tuu Roya Insrirvurion,

List of the members and officers and Professors of the Royal Insti-

tution of Great Britain for 1863.—TuE Same.

Calcutta Christian Intelligencer, Vol. XXXIX. Parts 1 to 8,

4 and 6—Tue HEpriror.

General Report on Public Instruction in the Lower Provinces of

the Bengal Presidency with Appendices for 1862-63.—Tur Director

or Pusiic INsTRUCTION.

Selections from the Records of the Bombay Government, No. 79,—

LHe BoMBAY GOVERNMENT.

Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London, Part 2 of 1863.—

THE Socrery.

Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, Vol. XXXII.

—T'nE Socrery.

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland

Vol. XX. Parts 3 and 4.—Tur Soctery.

A list of the Fellows, annual Subscribers and Honorary and Corre-

sponding members of the Zoological § Society, London, for 1863.—

THe SOCIETY.

456 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [No. 4,

Journal of the Chemical Society of London, 2nd Series, Vol. I. Nos.

for October, November and December, 1868, with a Supplement for

Dec. and Vol. II. Nos. for January, February and March, 1864,—

THE SOCIETY. |

ee Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical Record, New Series, Vol.

ao IV. No. 8 and Vol. V. No, 9.—T'um Eprror. '

So Report of the Pulni Mountains, to accompany the Series of sketches

by Ineutenant-Colonel D. Hamilton.—Tuz Mapras Gov.

“9

Ale)

Verhandlungen der Zoologisch-Botanischen Gesellschaft, Wien—Vol.

XITI.—THE Socrery.

Monographie der Oestriden von Friedrich Brauer.—Tur Zooro-

Gico-BoTAaNnic SOCIETY OF VIENNA.

Leary oT Toye -

lM hy

Jahrbuch der Kaiserlich-Koniglichen Geologischen Reichsanstalt,

XIII. Band. No. 4.—Tne Ivprrtan Mrneran CaBinet oF VIENNA: Yo

Indische Studien, herausgegeben von Dr. Albrecht Weber. Ser

Band.—T ue Eprror. | |

Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Band

XVIII. Parts 1 and 2—Tue Soctmry. sh

Mjolnir og Vadjra af C. A. Holmboe. Pamphlet.—Tur AutTHor.

Om Ortug eller Tola, en skandinavisk og Indisk Vaegteenhed af

Professor Holmboe—Pamphlet.—Tux Sama. « |

Amuletter og om stormends Begravelse af C. A. Holmboe— |

Pamphlet.—Tun Same. - ) &

Om Haugelys af C. A. Holmboe—Pamphlet.—Tue Same.

Resultate Magnetischer, Astronomischer und Meteorologischer !

Beobachtungen auf einer Reise nach dem Ostlichen Sibirien in den

Jahren 1828-1830 von Professor Christoph Hansteen und Lieutenant i

Due.—Tue UNIVERSITY OF CHRISTIANIA. a i,

Aegyptische Chronologie : Ein Kritischer Versuch von. J. Lieblein.

Se —THE SAME. } |

: Nyt Magazin fur Naturvidenskaberne— Udgives af den Physiogra-

oo phiske Forening i Christiania ved M. Sars og Th. Kjerulf. Tolvte

= Binds, forste andet og tredie Hefte—TueE Samu.

eS Det Kongelige Norske Frederiks Universitets Aarsberetning for

Soe Aaret, 1861.—Tue Same.

Se a Beretning om Bodsfeengslets Virksommhed i Aaret, 1862.—THE | i

ee be SAME. Da

Ak) ||)

1864.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 457

General Beretning fra Gaustad sindssygeasyl for Aaret, 1862.—

THE SAME.

Forhandlinger i Videnskabs-Selskabet i Christiania Aar, 1862.—

THE SaME.

Norsk Forfatter-Lexicon, 1814-1856 af Jens F. Kraft.—TuHe

SAME.

Det Kongelige Frederiks Universitets Halvhundred Aars-F est. Sep-

tember, 1861.—THE SAME.

Norske Vegtlodder fra Fjortende Aarhundrede beskaevne af C. A.

Holmboe.—THE SAME.

Peter Andreas Munch ved Paul Botten Hansen.—Tuek Same.

Taxidermi— Pamphlet.—THE SAME.

Apercu des différentes méthodes de traitement employées 4 Vhépital

de l’Université de Christiania contre la Syphilis constitutionnelle, par

J. L. Bidenkap.—THE SAME.

Commuittee—Beretning Angaaende Syphilisationen.—Tue Same.

Statistiske Hfterretninger om Christiania Kathedralskole for

skoleaarene 1848 til 1822.—TuHE SaMe.

En storre Bibelhistorie. Det Nye Testament.—THE Same.

Beretning om Sundhedstilstanden og Medicinalforholdene i Norge i

Aaret, 1860—Afgiven af Departementet for det Indre—Tuer Same,

Tabeller over de Spedalske 1 Norge i Aaret, 1861, 1862.—TunE

SAME,

Hachanges.

The Atheneum for November, December, 1868 and January, Feb-

ruary, March and April, 1864.

The Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science, Vol. X XVI.

Nos. 177 and 178, Vol. XX VII. Nos. 179 to 188.

7 Purchases.

The Annals and Magazine of Natural History, Vol. XII. No, 72

and Vol. XIII. Nos. 73 to 77.

Comptes Rendus de L’Academie des Sciences, Nos. 17 to 26, Vol.

LVIT. and Nos. 1 to 17 of Vol. LVIII.

The Edinburgh Review, Nos. 243 and 244.

Journal and Chronicle of the Numismatic Society of London, Vol.

III. No. 12.

Journal des Savants, for Nov. and December, 1868 and for J anuary,

February, March and April, 1864.

458 Praceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 4,

The Quarterly Review, Vol. CXV. Nos. 229 and 230.

Revue des Deux Mondes, for 15th November and December, 1863

and for January, February, March, April and lst May, 1864.

= Revue et Magasin de Zoologie, Vol. XV. Nos. 10,11 and 12,

| a e and Vol. XVI Nos. 1, 2 and 3.

2 Reeve’s Conchologia Iconica, Parts 232 to 237.

a American Journal of Science and Arts, Vol. XXXVI. No. 108 and

| Se Vol. XXXVIL No. 109.

ee Westminster Review, Vol. XXIV. Nos 49 and 50.

Se 2 . Natural History Review, New Series, Vol. ITI. Nos. 13 and 14.

a Atlas Ichthyologique des Indes Orientales Neerlandaises, Livraisons

J1, 12 and 13, by M. P. Bleeker.

Indische Studien, Vol. VIII.

The Arabian Nights, translated by E. W. Lane ; 8 vols.

Standard Alphabet, by C. R. Lepsius.

Crania Brittanica, by J. B. Davis. Parts 1 to 5.

Orient und Occident, Vol. II. Part 3. By T. Benfey.

Hercule et Cacus, étude de Mythologie comparée, Par M. Breal.

Hewitson’s Exotic Butterflies, parts 49 and 50. |

List of the Specimens of Lepidopterous Insects in the Collection

of the British Museum, Parts 21 to 26, by E. Gray.

Works by H. H. Wilson—Essays on Sanskrit Literature, Vols.

3 and 4.

Catalogue of Fishes in the British Museum, Vol. 4.

Amara Kosha, Sanskrit MS.

Kavyadars’a, ditto.

Apastambha Sutras, ditto.

The Rock-cut Temples of India. By J. Fergusson.

Dictionnaire Classique ; Sanscrit—Francaise, Parts 1 and 2, by

Burnouf. |

Gould’s Birds of Asia, Part 16.

Vendidad Sadé, Part 9.

5) Dictionnaire Ture—Arabe— Persan—Turkisch—A rabisch— Persis-

: =e S a Handworterbuch, Part 6. By Dr. J. T. Zenker.

eet Wolf’s Zoological Sketches, 2nd Series, Parts 5 and 6.

| a= 4 Numismatic Chronicle and Journal of the Numismatic Society of

| Se London, New Series, Vol. IV. No 18.

——

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 459

The Kamil of El-Mubarrad, Part I. By W. Wright.

Deutsche verbesserte Uebersetzung der Biicher des Zoroaster. Erster

Theil Zen-dawasta (das “ Leben-Gebende!”) von Dr. Prof. Ignatius

Pietraszewski.

Memoires D’Histoire et de Géographie Orientales; (Memoire

sur le Fotouho’s—Scham) par M. J. De Goeje, No. 2.

Noms Indigénes d’un Choix de plantes du Japon et de la Chine,

Par MM. J. Hoffman et H. Schultes. |

The Grand study, (Ta Hio or Dai Gaku) Edited by Dr. J. Hoffman,

Parts 1 and 2.

Gia-Dinh-Thung-Chi. Histoire et description de la Basse Cochin-

chine, Par G. Aubaret.

Memoire sur la partie Méridionale de L’ Asie Centrale, par Nicolas

de Khanikoff.

LAL Gopat Durt.

July 6th, 1864. ,

For Ateust, 1864.

The adjourned Monthly General Meeting of the Asiatic Society

of Bengal was held on the 11th instant.

Caprain W.N. Luss, LL. D., Vice-President, in the Chair.

The Proceedings of the last meeting were read and confirmed.

Presentations were announced—

1. From the Secretary of the Benares Debating Club, a copy of

the Rev. W. Hooper’s Lecture on Letters, lately delivered before the

Club.

2. From Baboo Jwalanauth Pundit, a collection of Persian and

Urdu MSS. |

3. From C. Horne, Hsq., ©. 8., two skins of Paradoxurus.

4. Krom Lieutenant R. C. Beavan, a collection of Indian Lepi-

doptera (Papillionide and Tinew) a collection of egos of Indian

birds ; and two skins of the Paradise Fly-catcher.

5. From R. D. Stewart, Esq., two young bats in spirit.

6. From A. Grote, Esq., a Kangaroo.

7. From Lieutenant ©. S. Pratt, of the 31st Punjaub N. I,

3.N 2

VERT Os a ery

we sy) fly yt ae

460 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 4,

several Cossyah swords and arrows captured during the late. distur-

banees in those hills.

8. From Colonel C.8. Guthrie, specimens of a peculiar kind of

Ivory called “ Shermie,” used in the Upper Provinces of India, in the

manufacture of dagger handles, &c., &c., and said by those that deal in

it, to be brought from Russia.

9. From A. C. L. Carlyle, Hsq., Officiating Curator, specimens

of Plumbago and Manganese Ore, obtained by him from Pedda Kada,

Kondah in the Zemindary of the Rajah of Vizianagaram, Northern

Circars. ;

The Curator exhibited the following Zoological specimens.—A

Varanus and two small bittern-like herons viz., a variety of Ardeola

Malaccensis and a specimen of Ardeola cinnamonea shot by him for

the Society; a large Monitor shot near the Salt Lake Canal; speci-

mens of certain snakes obtained by him, wez., Zropidonotus stolatus,

Tropidonotus schistosus, and TLropidonotus umbratus ; a specimen of

a species of fossil OClypeaster found by him in the desert near the

Great Pyramid ; and specimens of some shells collected by him in the

Sunderbuns.

The Curator reported that he had procured from Mutlah an enor-

mous Crocodile, sixteen and half feet in length, for the Society, through

the kindness of J. Sturmer, Esq., and H. B. Farr, Esq., of the Mutlah

Railway Company, to whom the thanks of the Society are due. The

Crocodile is being made into a skeleton specimen for the Museum.

Mr. Blanford proposed that the special thanks of the Society be

given to the above named gentlemen ; which proposition was put to

the vote of the meeting and carried unanimously.

A letter from D. M. Gardener, Esq., C. 8., announcing his with-

drawal from the Society, was recorded.

The following gentlemen, duly proposed at the last meeting were

balloted for and elected Ordinary members :—

Dr. C. R. Francis, C. B. Garrett, Hisq., C. 8., W. Swinhoe, Esq., and

Rev. J. Ebenezer Marks.

The followmg gentlemen were named for ballot as Ordinary

Members at the next meeting :— :

J. Beames, Esq., C. 8., Coilector and Magistrate of Purneah, pro-

posed by Lieutenant-Colonel F. P. Layard, seconded by N.S, Alexan-

der, lisq.

1864:. | Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. 461

The Hon’ble Elphinstone Jackson, proposed by W. L. Heeley,

Eisq., seconded by H. F. Blanford, Esq.

Baboo Taruck Chunder Sirear, proposed by Baboo Jadava Krishna

Singh, seconded by Captain W. N. Lees.

Captain E. B. Sladen, Madras Staff Corps, proposed by H. F.

Blanford, Esq., seconded by W. L. Heeley, Esq.

Rk. Jardine, Esq., C. 8., proposed by W. L. Heeley, Esq., seconded

by Baboo Rajendralal Mitra.

The Secretary read the following letter from Lieutenant C. A. Sim,

R. E., to H. Rivett Carnac, Esq., Assistant Secretary to the Chief

Commissioner of the Central Provinces, relating to the fossil amphibian

lately presented to the Society’s Museum, a copy of which letter had

been forwarded by the latter to the Society.

From Lieut. C. A. Stm, Royal Engineers, to Harry Riverr Carnac,

Hsq., Assistant Secretary to the Chief Commissioner, Central

Provinces.

Gondwarra, dated 23rd May, 1864.

_ Srr,—In reference to your demi-official communication of the 30th

March last, I have the honour to state, for the information of the Chief

Commissioner, that, in company with Dr. Orr, I again visited, on the

21st instant, the spot where the Saurian was found in last J uly.

I then accurately marked the position in the. geological map which

you forwarded to me: so I need not again revert to the subject of

site. The Nandiya stream has been now examined for some distance

on both directions of the Saurian site, but I regret to say that no

new fossil has been discovered. The rocks in the bed of the stream

are mostly of a very hard sandstone; all appear to have been washed

down, and to be continually changing their position. The strike

or dip of some of these layers of sandstone was observed to be as

much as 80° to the north, whilst the dip of the rocks in the base of

the neighbouring hills is but 8° or 4° to the same point of. the

compass. Occasionally, nodules of basalt and layers of shale are met

She # the bed of the stream, and this js easily accounted for

when the rising ground in the immediate vicinity is

hills are nearly all capped with Trap, having a senor : a ee

with heads dipping 8° or 4° to the north. a

The presence, then i

stone ae of a Rete seas: ve bee = nes

‘ at of the neighbouring

4.62 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [No. 4,

hills, leads to the conclusion that the Saurian stone is not a rock |

“in situ,’ ut evidently a loose block washed down from a position

perhaps higher up the stream, perhaps from the base of the hills in

the vicinity. ‘The dip of the river stones is so various that all those

at present visible have evidently fallen from above, and are, in all

probability, of a recent displacement. The character of the rocks in

the immediate vicinity may be described as trap overlying sandstone,

the latter very hard, and with heads dipping 3° or 4° to the north.

Trusting that this information may be a sufficient answer to your

demi-official communication previously quoted.

I have the honor, &c.,

(Sd.) C. A. Sim, Lieutenant,

ftoyal Engineers.

(True Copy)

(Sd.) H. Riverr Carnac,

Assistant-Secretary, Central Provinces.

The Secretary read the following correspondence that had passed,

between the Society and the Government of India on the subject of

the proposed transfer of their Museum to Government.

From the Secretary to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, To E. C. Bay-

LEY, Hisq., Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department.

Asiatic Society's Rooms, Calcutta, 5th April, 1864.

Srr,— With reference to the previous correspondence on the pro-

posed transfer of the Asiatic Society’s collections to Government,

printed copies of which are hereto appended, I am instructed to

inform you that the Council has now received full powers from the

Society to enter upon final arrangements with Government on the

basis recognised in your letter No. 7622 of the 5th December, 1863.

It is deemed highly desirable by the Council that these arrange- 7

ments should be entered upon with the least practicable delay, inasmuch,

as pending the result of the present correspondence, the Council has

deferred the appointment of a properly qualified Curator, in succession

to their late Curator, Mr. Blyth, and the collections although as far

as possible cared for in all that regards their preservation and display,

and continually increased by donation and purchase as heretofore,

are not rendered subservient to the extension of scientific knowledge

in the same degree that they would be under a skilled Zoologist.

In accordance with the provision of Rules I. and III. as submitted

= Wh

vie .

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 463

in the late Secretary’s letter of the 18th June, 1862, the Council will

be prepared to make over to a Board of Trustees, to be incorporated

by an Act of the Legislature, the management, arrangement and

disposal of the collections, together with the right of free access to

those portions of the Society’s premises which are now devoted to the

Museum, until such time as the new Museum Building shall be ready

for the reception of the collections. The constitution of the Board of

Trustees will therefore be a necessary preliminary to further steps in

the transfer.

As, however, some delay must necessarily intervene previous to the

completion of the transfer, and as a similar delay must be incurred in

the selection and appointment of a qualified Curator to the Museum,

it appears highly desirable that the two measures should proceed

simultaneously in order that the Museum be placed as soon as may

be under the immediate charge of a paid officer. It has been long

felt that the extent and variety of the collections are such as to

render it impossible for one man to perform the necessary scientific

work in connection therewith, and at the same time to undertake

their preservation, the disposal and exchange of duplicates, &c., and to

carry on the business and mechanical duties of the Museum.

The Society’s collections are not indeed at present, of such extent

as to require the entire services of two specially educated Zoologists,

although such a contingency may be fairly contemplated at no distant

period. But the Council would strongly recommend that provision

be made for one head Curator or Museum Superintendent of high

scientific attainments, and for an Assistant Curator such as may be

obtained in this country or in Europe on a moderate salary.

The Society is at present in receipt of a total sum of Rs. 500 per

mensem irom Government, for the support and preservation of the

Museum: this sum will lapse to Government with the transfer of the

Society’s collection. Should His iixcellency the Governor-General in

Council think it desirable to invite the Society’s recommendations

with regard to the appointment of and pecuniary provision for a

Curator, I am desired to state that the Council will have much pleasure

in submitting its views for His Excel] ency’s consideration.

I have, &ec.,

(Sd.) H. F. Buawrorp,

Secy., Asiatic Society.

464 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 4,

From EH. C. Baytry, Esq., Secretary to the Government of India,

To H. F. Bhanrorp, Hsq., Secy. to the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

Dated Simla, the 8th July, 1864.

Srz,—I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, No,

Home Department. 177, dated the 5th of April last, and to state

that the question of the proposed transfer of the Asiatic Society’s

Museum to the Government of India, with the view of forming an

Imperial Museum, has been submitted for the final sanction of Her

Majesty’s Government.

2. The Secretary of State has been solicited to select and send out

a Curator during the ensuing cold season. The Governor-General in

Council is of opinion that until the arrival of that officer in Calcutta,

nothing will be gained by the transfer of the Society’s collections to

Government. The present grant from Government being continued,

the Society should make intermediately the best arrangements possible

for the preservation of their collections. The exhibition of these

should for the present be quite a secondary object.

3. The appointment of Trustees under the contemplated Act will

be made on the arrival of the Curator.

4. The necessary steps will be taken in the Public Works Depart-

. ment for the construction of a suitable building for the Imperial

Museum. Endeavours will be made to ensure that the building shall

be commenced in 1865, and it will, it is hoped, be completed within

two or three years.

. I have, &c.,

(Sd.) EK. C. BAayYLey,

Secy. to the Govt. of India.

The report of the Council appointing Messrs. J. Strachey and

J. Geoghegan, members of their body, was confirmed.

Lhe Chairman then rose and said—

“It is my pleasing duty to announce to the Society this evening

the completion of another volume of the very valuable Persian series

we are now publishing in the Bibliotheca Indica, and as some account

of our progress, and the plan that has been sketched out for us to

follow, will be interesting not only to the Society but to Oriental

scholars in Europe, I have prepared chiefly from a minute in the

Philological Committee, a short memorandum on the subject.

—

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 465 7

“The present object of the Society in regard to the Persian series

of the Bibliotheca Indica, is to aid in working out an idea, which

originated with the late distinguished Sir Henry Elliot, viz., to place in

the hands of the future historian, the best original materials for com-

piling a history of this country, and the plan proposed for accomplishing

our task is, to publish texts of the most trustworthy authors, giving

the preference, when possible, to writers contemporary with the events

their histories chronicle.

“JT. In this view, we have already published that portion of Abuwl-

Hazl Bathaki’s Tartkh-t al-t Soboktikin which contains the biography

of Mas’td, the son of Mahmiid* of Ghaznin; and it should be our

endeavour, I think, to complete this period from other sources ; because

the kings of Ghaznin have exercised so material an influence on the

progress of events in India, and the affairs of the two countries are so

interwoven, that any history of India, without an account of the rise,

progress, and decline of the Ghaznin dynasty, would certainly be in-

complete.

“Tam not prepared to say that materials at present exist and are

available for satisfactorily fulfilling this portion of our task, which

embraces a period of about 200 years, commencing with Nasir ol-din

Soboktikin, and ending with Khosraw Malik, who died A. H. 583.

“II. The succeeding or second period of the History of India,

treats of the Afghan dynasties, including the Ghori, the Slave, the

Khilji and Lodhi kings. It commenced with M’oiz ol-dfn Mohammad

Ibn 18am Ghori, and coneludes with Soltén Ibrahim Ibn i Sakandar

Lodhi; or, including the interruption caused by the invasions of the

Chaghattais, may be carried down to Mohammad Adil, in the year

A. H. 963; in which year also Homaytn died.

“In furtherance of our object in regard to this period, we have al-

ready published the history of Zia ol-din Barni, which chronicles the

reigns of eight kings of Delhi, from Ghaids ol-din Balban, to the 6th

year of the reign of Firoz Shah, a period of 92 years. Zia ol-din took

up his narrative of events from the point where the author of the

Lubagat 4 Nasiree left off.

* The poet Onsari, a contemporary of Mahmiid and the creat Firdawsi

wrote Mahmud’s life, and copies of the book were extant in India a century 100;

Whether a copy exists anywhere now or not, I do not know. It would be most

valuable for the history of this period,

3 0

466 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [ No. 4,

“The Zubagat 2 Ndsiree is a general history, compiled by Minh§j

ol-din Jawzjani. It commences with the birth of Adam, and con-

cludes with the biography of Nasir ol-din Mahmid b-Shams ol-din

Altimash, the eighth king of Delhi of the Ghori dynasty.

“Té must be evident that that portion of Minhaj ol-din’s work which

treats of ancient history, is of no value for illustrating the history of

Mohammadan India. The account he himself gives of this part of his

history is as follows :—

—— “He found, he says, a tabular chronicle compiled by the Im4m Mo-

ee hammad Ali Abu l-Kasim Imédi, in the time of Nasir ol-din Sobokti-

(=a kin, containing in a very concise form, some account of the prophets,

the early and later Khalifahs, and something of the life of Nasir ol-din

Soboktikin. This he desired to enlarge ; and by giving a more extend-

ed account of the kings of Arabia and Persia, including the Tobbas of

Yemen, the kings of Himyar; the Khalifahs, the Bayahs, Téhiryan,

Saffarydn, Samaniydn, Saljukyan, and Rimyan, so make a complete

history. |

“ But, for this portion of general history, we cannot expect to learn gE

anything very new or instructive from Minhaj ol-din ; for, we have

older, and better, and more numerous, authorities than those he used ;

and many of these works have been already printed and published.

“There is, however, a portion of his history which is of great value

for our purpose, viz.: that which contains the chronicle of his own

times, commencing with the Ghori dynasty, (of the Royal House of

which he was himself a protegé,) and concluding with NaAsir ol-din |

a er

Mahmud b-Soltan Altimash. Of the contents of the work, the late

Mr. Morley in his catalogue, gave a brief outline: and from the exa-

mination I made of the book, his remarks appeared to convey an

accurate impression of its value: of the propriety then, of our publish-

i ing the portion mentioned, there could not, I think, be a question. ;

F ; 4a : “Tt might be thought that this author’s account of the Kings of the |

ae house of Nasir ol-din Soboktikin (in whose time, and by whose order,

oS the chronicle on which Minhéj ol-din professes to have based his

isis account of this period was compiled) would be valuable. But it ap-

= a pears to be very meagre. ‘The reigns of three or four kings, are

ae sometimes discussed in half the same number of pages, three only a

= being allotted to Mahmud the great, and his twelve invasions of

India.

2a 7 -

rr OFTEN 7 OST a a pare

; [Php@e ol Ae ivr Mue ita

- oe re

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. 467

«What is related, however, is doubtless taken from the authorities

considered most trustworthy at that early period—authorities some of

which are no longer extant ; and it will be interesting and satisfactory

to this Society to hear that the author supports their opinion of Bai-

haki as a historian, for he opens his account of this period in the

following words: ‘The Imém Abu ]-Faz] Baihaki relates as follows ;’

and quotes Baihaki often, in preference to Mohammad Ali Abu 1-Kasim

Imadi, the compiler of the court chronicle and historian of the time,

thus establishing, that he had in his possession the last portion of this

valuable history, and leaving fair grounds for us to conclude that he

consulted it, as the best authority then extant, for the history of the

early portion of this period.

“ As it was a matter of serious doubt whether we could obtain full

materials for illustrating satisfactorily, the history of this period ; and

as under any circumstances, Minhaj ol-din’s brief sketch appeared:

valuable as a correct index of the truth of other works, our edition of

the Tabaqat 1-Nasir ol-din commences from the rise of the Ghaznavide

dynasty. |

“This work we have now completed, and it forms the third volume

of those very valuable histories we have published within the last few

years.

“TIT. The third period of the history of the Warere te Kings

of India, may be said to commence with the reign of Akbar, for though

Babar and Humayoon are numbered amongst the kings of Hindustan

by most Mohammadan and all European Historians, it cannot be said

that either succeeded in founding a dynasty or in consolidating an

Empire.

“In fulfilment of our object in regard to this period, we are now

about to publish the Muntakhab al-Tawérikh or the Tarikh i Badéoni

and it is already in the Press. We have three MSS. and copies of

the Tarikh i Nizami and the Tabaqat i Akbari, from which the author

abridged a large portion of his work. This work is divided into three

parts: (1.) The lives and times of the Kings prior to the reign of

Akbar ; (2) the life and time of Akbar himself; (3) Biographies of the

learned and pious men who were contemporary with Akbar; and as

giving us the character of the great king, from a different point of

view to that of all other historians of the day, this history has a special

value for that period.

30 2

rye Spe Oa ae i 7

hdd fee * VN beds

vt f

AGS Proceedings of the Asiatic Socvety. [No. 4,

«The history of the greater portion of the earlier periods we shall al-

ready have placed in the hands of the public, in the histories of Min-

haj al-Din and Zia al-Barni, far earlier and possibly far better sources

of historic evidence than those consulted by Abd al-Qadir i Badéoni :

we have thought it therefore undesirable to go over the same ground

while the history of other periods remained uncompleted. I think it

well worth consideration, however, whether in conjunction with this

work, we should not publish in lieu thereof a certain portion of the

Tabaqdt i Akbari which Abd al Qadir professes only to have abridged,

and which all later historians have made such good use of. Sir H.

Elliot in his Mohammadan Historians, says that “ notwithstanding

Ferishtah pronounces his history incomplete, he has borrowed from it

very freely.” Put Sir H. Ellot’s translator (for he generally marked

his passages, and gave them to others who had more time for translat-

ing than he had,) has misinterpreted the passage, for what Ferishtah

does say, has quite the opposite sense. He says “of all the Histories

of Hindustan that have come into my hands, I have not found a single

one complete, except the History of Nizam al-Din Ahmad i-Nakhsabi,

meaning this “ Tabaqat,” the only thing wanting according to Ferish-

tah, being the additional information which he himself possessed and

which we may assume he supplied in his own large work.

“Tt would seem hardly fair, viewing the question of character from

that even, disinterested and unbiassed point, and with that jealousy

proper to the honest and truthful historian, to publish a history, the

greatest value of which consists in ‘correcting by its prevalent tone

of censure and disparagement the fulsome eulogium of the Akbar

Namah,’ without, at the same time, supplying the panegyric; the

more especially as I find in Badaoni’s histcry, abundant proof that

his religious bigotry was such as to render it difficult for him to give

an unbiassed and impartial sketch of the character, or to draw right

conclusions from the actions of so tolerant a monarch as Akbar. No

recommendation has yet been made on this subject to the Soviety but

I hope soon to bring it forward.

“We will then have to consider the reigns of the three great succes-

sors of Akbar, Jahan-Gir, Shah-Jahan, and Aurang-Zeb, during which,

including the reign of Akbar himself, the glory of the Mohammadan

power in India may be said to have attained its zenith. But for this

Hin |

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 469

and the fourth period which we may call the deelune of the Moham-

madan power, no arrangements have as yet been made.

“ And here I may convey to the Society the gratifying intelligence

which has reached me within the last few days from Mr. Grote, that

Lady Elliot has at last placed in the hands of Mr. E. Thomas and our

late Secretary, Professor Cowell, the whole of Sir Henry Elliot’s MSS.

with a view to their being published by our Society, with the assistance

which her Majesty’s Secretary of State in Council has so liberally

offered us for that purpose, and that we shall thus have the means of

conferring an inestimable boon on the Oriental World, and at the same

time of erecting a noble and lasting monument to that accomplished

scholar and distinguished member of our own body, will, I am certain,

be most gratifying to all members of this Society who knew him when

living, or who honour and respect his memory.”

Communications were received—

1. From Lieutenant R. C. Beavan, Revenue Survey ;—A few re-

marks on the Tusseh silkworm of Bengal.

2. From Baboo Gopinath Sen, an abstract of the hourly Meteoro-

logical Observations taken at the Surveyor General’s Office Observatory

in May last. |

3. From Babu Rajendraléla Mitra, on the origin of the Hindvi

and its relation to the Urdu dialect.

After a few introductory remarks, the author, in this paper, takes a

retrospective view of the principal changes which the Sanskrit has

undergone in its transition to the modern vernaculars of India. The

oldest vernacular, next to the Sanskrit, he says, was the Gathé dialect,

which prevailed at the time of Buddha’s death in the fifth century

before the Christian era. This was followed by the Péliin the time

of As’oka, Emperor of India, and it changed into the different Pr4-

kritas a little before the birth of Vikramaditya. Nothing is known of

the north Indian vernaculars for a thousand years alter this, until

the time of Prithfraj of Kanouj in the tenth century, A. D. when the

Hindvi became the vernacular of the most civilized portion of the

Hindu race. The Hindvi has since that time under

changes and been divided into several] dialects, but it is substantially

one language, which, in its grammar, bears the closest analogy to the

Sansknt. This the author proves by a detailed analysis of the inflec-

tional and conjugational terminations of the Hindvi

gone many

as well as of the

Te) a ip ELS

Feled i 4 , if ; t ; tht

Ah nah .

——_

Trees iT aed

moe eed, RHA. hor ;

470 Proceedings of the Astatie Society.

LNo. 4,

auxiliary verbs, and pronouns. The Hindvi among the Mohammadans

has become the Urdu. Its grammar is strictly Hindvi, but its vo-

cables are partly Hindvi and partly Persian and Arabic. Thus the

Urdu, which is also called the Hindustani, is nothing but Hindvi with

a variable proportion of foreign elements. Inasmuch, however, as

such foreign admixture does not alter the genealogical affinity of a

language, the author contends that the Hindustani is an Aryan and

not a Semitic dialect. He next enters into an examination of the

capability of the Roman characters to represent the phonology of the

Hindvi and the Urdu, so as to supersede the use of the Native alpha-

bets, and comes to the conclusion that the introduction of these cha-

racters into the Mofussil Courts, for the writing of Native dialecty

would be troublesome, impolitic, mischievous, and in no way conducive

to the good of the people ;—troublesome, inasmuch as they cannot be

used for the Native languages without a multitude of diacritical marks

which, in Lepsius’ Standard Alphabet, affect no less than 160 letters,

and which can never be attended to in rapid writing ; impolitic, because

it will create disaffection among the people who cannot but look upon.

the supersession of their ancient and superior alphabet by an imperfect

one utterly unsuited to their wants, as highly oppressive ; and mischie-

vous, because it would lead to frequent and serious mistakes in the

Judicial records of the country. The great want of India was a lingua

Jjranea and not an universal alphabet, which last, without a common

language, would be a name and an idea, but of no possible practical

good.

CapTaIn Lens said :—‘“‘I did not anticipate it would be necessary

for me to say anything this evening; but as no other member of the

Society has risen, I cannot allow the mecting to separate without

an expression of opinion that our special thanks are due to Babu

Rajendralala Mitra, for the excellent paper he has just read, on a very

interesting subject. It will hardly be credited by the members of

this Society, who may be supposed to be better informed on this

subject than the outside public, that notwithstanding the Hindustanee

language is the lingua franca of India, and understood from Peshawur

to Cape Comorin, and notwithstanding that the English have had

India now for upwards of a century, the Essay that we have just

heard read, is the first scientific paper of the kind that has ever been

written in India. Dr. Trumpp’s paper on the dialects of India, to

1864. ] Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. ATI.

which the Babu has frequently referred in his lecture, may have been

prepared in this country; on that poimt I am not informed, but it

was published in a foreign journal and must be credited to the country

to which that journal belongs. While expressing, however, my great

satisfaction at the manner in which the subject has been handled, I

must correct an error into which the Babu has fallen, in stating that

I had said that the Hindvi or Hindi had no alphabet of its own.

He has been led into this error probably by an imperfect recollection

of what I said, as when he has had the benefit of reading my paper in

print, he will see that what I did say has quite a contrary sense.

The language which I said had no alphabet was the Hindustani, and

the only difference between us appear to be that while he has consi-

dered the Hindvi or Hindi, the Hindustani, and the Urdu as one

Janguage, I have considered them as three languages. If it be

admitted, what is asserted, that ninety per cent. of the vocables of

Hindi are Sanserit, which I think is probably true, I am not at all

prepared to admit that in Urdu the proportion of Arabic and Persian

words is only fifty per cent. In ancient Urdu, it was much less; but

if the Babu had read the Soroor i-Sultani and many modern works

published at Lucknow and Agra, he would find that the percentage

of Indian words in them is quite as few as the percentage of foreign

words in Hindi. In short, it is so infinitesimal, that this element can

hardly be recognised at all; and to such a language, I think the Deva

Nagri Alphabet would be quite as inapplicable, as the Roman alphabet

would be to Hindi. I think, moreover, that my learned friend has

laid too much stress on the influence the origin of a language ought

to have on the characters in which it is written. This, in my opi-

nion, has very little to do with the question, as alphabets in all

countries of the west have been children of adoption, foreign to the

countries and the languages which have adopted them. Turning

again to the more immediate subject of the lecture, I am quite

prepared to admit, that the balance of evidence in regard to the

grammatical structure of Hindi, in common with the other Vernacular

dialects of the Upper half of India, is strongly in favour of its having

reached us through the Prakrit from the Sanskrit ; but I do not sini

that the arguments used by Dr. Trumpp, nor yet the additional

arguments that we have heard this evening, are

sufficient to satisfy

those who hold opposite views. It must be borne

in mind that one of

A hill ol A ae eh aes

472 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

[No. 4,

the laws on which the dignity of a science is claimed for language, and

on which Babu Rajendra Lal Mitra has based his strongest arguments

is that of phonetic corruption and grammatical regeneration, heneay

if 1s impossible to arrive at a Sanskrit origin for the vernaculars of

upper India, or for the Hindi dialect at least, without violating this

law, and admitting grammatical or structural corruption as far more

serious than anything that has taken place in phonetics. I do not at

all wish to dispute the position, for, as I before said, the balance of

evidence 18 certainly now in its favour; but the subject is not ex-

hausted, and cannot be exhausted until we know more of the numerous

dialects which are spoken by those rude people who inhabit the

fastnesses of our central and frontier ranges of mountains. These

dialects we may count almost by scores, but of the most of them we

literally know nothing, and until we do, it is almost impossible to say

what influence, (if any) they have exercised on the modern verna-

culars, or even the older dialects of India. ‘The learned lecturer hag

drawn attention in the opening of his paper, to the influence that

special knowledge has had on discussions on this highly interesting

subject, but in admitting the justness of his remarks, it becomes

doubly necessary to guard against falling into the very error of which

he has warned us. It is not very long ago, indeed the time is so

short, that it will be in the memory of most here present, that all

language was supposed to be of Semitic origin: our sacred Scriptures

were written in Hebrew; our earliest history records were transmitted

to us through that medium; all the dialects which are now current

in the regions of its birth, and all those which existed for ages past

and were lost, were asserted to have sprung from this most ancient of

all languages. But little more than half a century ago, the researches

of Sir William Jones, Colebrooke and other distinguished members of

this Society, and addresses read from the very chair, which I now

accidentally and unworthily fill, let in a flood of new lght, which has

since revolutionized European ideas on the subject of language; and

it is not twenty, nay it is hardly fifteen years ago, that the antiquity

claimed for Sanskrit was resolutely disputed by men of high attain-

ment. For the last ten or fifteen years, however, everything has

been Sanskrit; and the learned lecturer, in common with most. others

who have written on the subject, has traced all our Indian dialects

back to that mother tongue. Now, at the present day, it is impos-

sr a ev

‘ rity

}

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. 473

sible to refuse to admit that the Sanskrit language 1s of most remote

origin—so remote, that with our present imperfect means of research,

we find ourselves entirely at fault, if we attempt to elucidate its early

history ; but though it 1s impossible to discover a new language hke

the Sanskrit, bearmg in mind what has taken place, and looking to

the rapid strides that within the last two or three years have been

made in researches in the Zend language of the ancient books of the

Parsees, and the arrow-headed Inscriptions in that language, we

must not put out of mind the possibility of our one day being in a

position to ask, “If all the modern dialects of India are based on

the Sanskrit language, on what language is the Sanskrit itself

based?’ Nor in making this remark do I wish to cut anything off

the age of the Sanskrit. At present, the language is altogether pre-

historic, and may possibly remain so for ever. We cannot be blind to

the fact, that speaking chronologically, we are first brought in contact

with it not at the beginning but at the end of a period. ‘The first date

which we can grapple with anything like chronological precision, is

that of Sakya Muni, and his era records,—not the dawn of a civiliza-

tion such as we meet with in tracing the early history of many other

nations we now call ancient, but a revolution and the overthrow of a

religion, and a system which had existed certainly for very many

centuries before, and in which he was not the first reformer. . That

the Vedas are long anterior to the period of Sakya Muni, his existence

is sufficient proof. But beyond this isolated fact, besides the internal

evidence furnished us by the Vedas themselves, we have little to

guide us. The exact spot from whence the Aryans came is doubtful ;

when they entered India we cannot even conjecture; but if by the

rakhshases, daityas &c. spoken of in the Jlahabharat, (which no doubt

contains the history of a period much anterior to that of its composi-

tion,) and represented by the learned lecturer as being driven to take

refuge in the rocks and caves of the hill fastnesses, and in a oreat

measure exterminated, as have been the red Indians in North Ame-

rica, are to be understood the aborigines of India, it appears to me, that

we shall have some difficulty in placing that remnant of the other

colony which now inhabits the southern half of the Peninsula, and

whose languages, the Tamil and Telinga, proclaim them to be of

Seythian origin. It is generally admitted that these people reached

India by the same route as the Aryan colony, and how they could

Aird, Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 4,

have travelled south, if the north had been already occupied by a

strong and powerful race of Aryan people Ido not quite compre-

hend. We have incontestable proof in late researches, that the

religion of China went from Ceylon, and that India received nothing

from the seaboard. But I] must not detain the meeting longer. The

subject now so ably handled by my friend Babu Rajendra Lal opens

up questions of the deepest interest in Ethnological, Philological

and Historical points of view, which instead of being exhausted, are

comparatively fresh; and I trust that the interest excited by his

paper will be such as to ensure us many more of them from other

parts of India from persons as competent to deal with the difficulties

with which they are surrounded as he is.”

The Honourable G. Campbell had great pleasure in very heartily

seconding the proposal for a vote of thanks to the learned member

whose most interesting and instructive paper had been heard with

so much profit. Not being himself a scientific linguist, he could not

presume to pronounce an opinion on a matter which depended on a

skilled comparison of Grammar and structure, but the subject was one

which had been too much neglected: he was sure all the members

took the greatest possible interest in it. The arguments of the

learned gentleman seemed most convincing, and if much might still be

said on the subject, all must feel under the greatest obligation to the

learned gentleman for so well broaching it, and provoking a discussion

which will no doubt eventually throw complete light on the matter.

One word he would like to say as a mere lay bystander, on the

point last noticed by the learned gentleman, viz., the character to be

used in writing the Vernacular language. He had understood the

learned gentleman to say,—that the character used by the unhappy

gentleman of Agra, who was so unfortunate as, by a badly written

note, to induce his wife to commit a premature Suttee, was Hindi.

Now, be must say that story seemed to tell against the learned

gentleman’s argument, for Hindi being one of the Nagri characters

which he extolled, if all adopted that character, a similar inopportune

accident might happen to any one of the present company. The

fact seemed to be, that although the Nagri in print or carefully

written, is a very clear and precise character, it appears to be too

angular and square for use in common writing, and in all parts of

India some rounded modifications of it had been adopted for ordinary

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 475

4. use. Those modifications were exceedingly difficult. to write and

read, As regards the most common character, the Hindi, he must

+ say, that he had known many people who wrote that character, but

«y very few who could read their own writing, and scarcely any who

* could read any one else’s writing. Bengali might be better, but,

coming as he did from a part of the country where the Persian charac-

ter was used in official business, to one where the Bengali character

was used, he could not but be struck with the very great inferiority

ba of the latter for practical purposes, being as it was, so very slow to

x write and so little rapid or smooth to read. Those defects seemed to

a affect all the modifications of the Nagri commonly used, and he

doubted whether they could be got over.

Then as respects the Roman character, the remarks of the learned

bet gentleman suggested to him (Mr. C.) what had occurred to himself,

hal viz., that in the discussion on this subject, sufficient place had hardly

an been given to the very important question, whether in fact this

7 Roman character is really good in a phonetic point of view ; whether

sat it has phonetic qualities of that catholic stamp which would render

aby it fit for universal use. Being as he had said not scientific, he could

not venture an opinion on this point, but as a practical man he could.

SF not help mentioning that doubts had occurred to him, from what he

by had seen of the use of the Roman Alphabet, when applied to two

| st languages foreign to it. One of these was the English. Now they

| well knew that no language in the world was written in a less

phonetic way; in none was there such a discrepancy between the

writing and pronunciation, so much variety and uncertainty in the use

| of the same letters, and so arbitrary an attribution of various sounds

af to those letters. He could not but fear that great part of this

difficulty might be due to the application of a foreign Latin Alphabet

to a Teutonic dialect to which it was unsuited. Again, we had seen

we a partial application of the Roman character to the ordinary vernacular

i! Hindustani of this country. And he confessed that such attempts as

ig? he had seen, appeared formidable and horrible to the eye, and he never

i could make head or tail of them. The immense variety of spelling

i when Roman letters are applied to Indian words, also seemed to

yf indicate difficulty. A gentleman had two or three years ago pub-

lished a guide book to India, in which for the expression of Indian

Ri names and terms, he used the Roman alphabet in what he considered

yl 5) P 2

476 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 4,

——

a phonetic way. The result was, that it was impossible to recognise «

the most familiar of our old friends. ‘To take an instance, we know i

‘Cawnpore,’ well enough but when we come across ‘ Khanpur’ we can

make nothing of it. It did appear to him that the phonetic excellence |

of the Roman character had yet to be demonstrated. |

- There remained the Persian character now so extensively used

throughout a great part of India. Of course he meant the Arabic

character as modified and used in the modern Persian, and. here )

generally called the Persian character. He had much practical ex-

perience of the use of this character, and thought it could not be for

one moment denied, that for ordinary business, and all the purposes

of cursive writing, this character possessed enormous advantages. It is |

true, he said, that there is a want of precision and certainty about it,

when used to express foreign proper names and words not of custom- : |,

ary use, being in fact, as ordinarily written, a sort of refined short

hand; but even this could be for the most part remedied by the use

of Arabic punctuations in regard to particular doubtful words, and by

the introduction of our stops and capitals. It is also true that

the free use of this character requires much practice; that in fact

it is not fitted for rude beginners, and can only be used with advan- |

tage by highly educated people. But as used by them, it undoubt- } ie

edly possesses a facility both for writing and reading unrivalled, and y |

is not only first, but is without a second. The rapidity and facility a «:

with which business is conducted in this character, as compared with |

any of the Nagri forms or even with English, is astonishing. In |

truth he could hardly doubt that as it is a later product of the human

mind, so it is a more refined and polished instrument of human art :

than the Nagri or Roman characters.

Without therefore venturing an opinion, which he was ill-qualified

to prove, he would only venture with much diffidence to throw out a

suggestion whether there might not be advantages in the simultane-

ous use of several alphabets now prevailing in the greater part of

India. The arguments of the learned gentleman whose paper they

were discussing, had certainly suggested to him grave doubts whether

uniformity of alphabet is really so great an object, when there is diver- |

sity of language, for as the learned gentleman well said, the time i

required to master an alphabet might be measured by hours, while

that required for a language must be measured by years. If then a

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. ATT

second Alphabet renders the use of a second language more easy,

might not the hours required to master the second Alphabet be well

spent ? His suggestion then was this: whether the vernacular Alpha-

bet of Nagri type or better the Nagri itself might not still be used

for the lowest form of instruction and the expression of the most

vernacular form of languages by villagers and children ; also perhaps

for matters of accounts and some village records, whether the higher

education of all the more educated classes might not still be con-

ducted in the Persian character, so much the best for cursive epistol-

ary and ordinary business transactions ; and whether, for the higher

official business and record, for the higher literature, languages and

science, the English language might not gradually be brought in,

instead of attempting to force the Roman character before the English

language.

For SEPTEMBER, 1864.

The Monthly General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Bengal

was held on the 7th instant.

Captain W. N. Lees, Vice-President, in the Chair.

The Proceedings of the last meeting were read and confirmed.

Presentations were received—

1. From Lieutenant Waterhouse, a set of Photographs of ruins

at Pathari.

2. From Major General A. Cunningham, a rubbing of an Arme-

nian Inscription from a grave-yard in Behar. The Inscription was

sent to Mr. J. Avdall, by whom it has been translated. He says—

“It 1s devoid of any public or literary interest.”

3. From Lieutenant R. C. Beavan, a collection of Indian Lepi-

doptera and a grass Parrakeet. :

4. From J. Cock, Esq., a collection of Coleoptera from Assam.

5. From W. L. Heeley, Esq., a Mantis,

6. From Major C. Herbert on the part of A. Gr

iangaroo.

7. From Mr. C. Swaris, a Bird of Paradise.

8. From Captain A. B. Melville, a set of Ster

ote, isq., a

eoscopic Photo-

4.78 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 4,

graphs* representing the principal characters of a mystery play wit-

nessed by him at the Hisnis Monastery between Leh and Ladak.

The following letter accompanied the presentation :—

“ Dehra Dhoon, August 20th, 1864.

My prEar Srr,—In the beginning of 1868, as we were marching

up through Ladak towards the Pungong Lake, where our survey

operations for that year were to be carried on, we were delayed

several days by rain at the village below the celebrated Boodhist

monastery of Hisnis, which is situated in a lateral ravine about two

marches up the left bank of the river Indus above Leh. While

encamped here, we got information from one of our guides about the

religious mystery plays performed by the monks on certain religious

festivals. ‘They are mentioned in Moorcroft’s Travels, Vol. I. page

345. By means of a present to the Abbot, we persuaded him to

give us a private performance. Luckily, having photographie appa-

ratus with me, I arranged to take negatives of ten of the principal

characters, prints of which I now enclose. I have put the names I

obtained on the back of each,

I was greatly struck with the resemblance of this play to the

Burmese poeys (or Nautch,) that I saw in 1858, particularly as to

the masks and demons introduced, and I have been informed by an

officer who assisted at the reception of the Burmese Ambassadors in

Calcutta, that the head dress shown in No. 6 is almost identical with

some of the head dresses then worn by the Burmese. It struck me

also that there was a very strong resemblance between this play and

the old Roman Catholic feast of Unreason or All Fool’s Day, so well

described in one of Sir Walter Scott’s novels, either the Abbot or the

Monastery. The Band shown in No. 10, throughout the whole of the

performance, kept up a low monotonous music, accompanied by a low

chant of monks. The figures came in, generally in groups of 5 and 6,

and after dancing a short time, retired into the monastery, and were

replaced by others: occasionally a jester and a sort of harlequin, with

him, came in with the other characters, and played practical jokes on

each other.

* Endeavours will be made to reproduce these for publication in a future

number of the Journal, in conjunction with a more detailed description of the

play, communicated by Captian H. H. Godwin Austen.—Eps,

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 479

The plot, as far as we could make out, seemed to be a Ladaki

Royal Court, with gods as the chief personages instead of kings, and,

in one part of the performance, the characters represented in No. 4,

and several others came in, attending on Thlogan Padma Jagnas who

had a large umbrella held over him. These then performed a slow

solemn dance.

The characters represented in No. 3 were always seated in line,

with the bell and a small drum in their hands, and appeared to

represent the courtiers. There is a wonderful resemblance in their

dress to some of those worn in Roman Catholic processions.

The dresses were very handsome, being made of thick China silk

covered with devices, in which the dragon continually figured. The

masks were beautifully made of papier maché. One peculiarity about

the costumes, is the continual use of the human skull as an ornament,

as shown in Nos. 4 and 5; and nearly all the masks have three eyes,

one in the centre of the forehead.

The figures in No. 1 had a most remarkable hat with long streamers

of different coloured silk flying behind. Their dress was, I think, the

handsomest, and as they moved round in a sort of revolving dance

had a strange and very novel effect.

The great peculiarity of No. 2 was that they had masks of brightly

polished brass, which the name indicates, azong Copper and bukha

masks. No. 9 appeared to represent some sort of fight. There were

twelve characters, all with flags, with three eyes paimted on them,

fastened to the top of their head dress. They were all dressed alike,

with the exception of 6 having red masks and 6 brown. The red

masks (Wumking) came running in from one side and the brown

(Tsaking) from the other, and performed a sort of war-dance, striking

each other’s drums, &c., and then retiring as they had come in. No. 7,

was perhaps the most remarkable cf all the dresses: it was an attempt

to represent the dance of death. Only two characters came in, dressed

as skeletons ; their masks were beautifully made, and had springs by

which the jaws opened and shut, and thus enhanced the effect.

No. 8 apparently represented the divinity to whom the monastery

at Pituk near Leh, is more particularly dedicated.

Besides the characters I have described, there were many more, but

very similar, and I think the photographs I have sent will give a very

fair idea of the costumes and dresses, What is the meaning of these

4.80 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [No. 4,

plays and whence their origin, is a point well worth inquiry. Captain

Godwin Austen, who was one of our party was lucky, enough to

purchase a manuscript giving the stage instructions for these plays ;

he is trying to have it translated, and I hope it may throw some light

on the subject.

From the monks themselves it 1s impossible to find out any thing ;

either, the origin and meaning of these plays has been lost, or is con-

fined to the monasteries near Lassa, or else they are unwilling to

‘divulge the mystery. |

Captain Godwin Austen told me that as he was returning by the

Gaurin monastery, he saw a similar mystery play going on: only they

had the body of a man made of dough in the centre, on a sort of bier,

and they were dancing round, firing arrows into the body and cutting

at it with swords. This reminded me very much of the old days of

magic.,in England, when we read that to do a person an injury the

magician used to make a figure of that person in wax, imagining that

the wounds and tortures he inflicted on the figure would be extended

to the actual person.

I hope shortly to send another set of photographs, illustrating the

monasteries and idol rooms of Ladak.

Hoping that this slight sketch may interest some of the members

of the Society.

IT remain, &c.,

(Sd.) A. B. Mrenvitie, Capt.,

G. T. Survey.

To the Secretary, Asiatic Society, Calcutta.

Babu Rajendraléla Mitra read the following note on a hoard of

Pathan Coins lately discovered in Cooch Behar.

“ A short time ago, Colonel Haughton announced the discovery of

a large hoard of ancient Coins in Cooch Behar, and suggested that it

might be received as bullion by Government, as part of the annual

tribute of the Cocch Behar estate, in order to enable numismatists in

Calcutta to have a sight of it.

“ The Coins have since been received at the Mint, and I have had

several opportunities of examining them. They number 18,500, and

comprise specimens of the coinages of eight of the Pathan sovereigns

of Delhi, and of four of the independent Paéthdn kings of Bengal.

“ Though presenting no great features of novelty, these coins are

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. AS]

of interest as affording a number of varieties which were hitherto

unknown. ‘This is what was to be expected in a large collection,

masmuch as the art of dic-cutting was in so primitive a state in the

days of the early Pathans, that no two dies could be turned out exactly

alike, and their produce was necessarily very different. Muhammadan

sovereigns, besides, took great interest in the designs of their coins,

and frequently changed them, and in long and prosperous reigns this

too led to a great multiplication of types and varieties.

“ The oreat bulk of the find consists of the coins of Shamsuddin

Tlids Shah Bangarah, Sikandar Shah bin Ilias, and Ghyasuddin Azim

Shah bin Sikandar, three of the earliest independent kings of Bengal.

Of the first of these, there are three distinct types, the first having

the legend enclosed in a large circle on the reverse, and the second

in a small circle; the third having a double line square framing on

the obverse. Of varieties of these types there are no less than 20,

but they are due entirely to the die-cutter, and therefore call for no

notice. Of the coinage of Sikandar, son of Jlias, there are no less

than six distinct types, four of which have not hitherto been noticed

by any antiquarian. One of them offers the rudest specimen of coin

in the whole collection, and another as good as any that has ever been

issued by a Bengal Pathan. Ghydsuddin, son of Sikandar has five

types and no less than fifteen different varieties.

“ Of the other Bengal Pathdéns whose coins occur in this trove I

have to notice Firuz Shah the Abyssinian, who appears with the

prenomen Shamsuddin instead of the commonly known Tajuddin,

and Bahadur Shah, who raised the standard of revolt in A. D. 1817,

during the reign of the effeminate Mubdrik, and for some years suc-

cessfully maintained his independence. The time of Bahddur was

occupied in organising and strengthening his newly-acquired princi-

pality, and he had little leisure to think of the design of his coin.

He affords, therefore, a single type and a very indifferent specimen of

Bengal rupee. Mr. Laidlay does not include this prince in his paper

on the coins of the Péthdn kings of Bengal, but his independence was

complete, and I see no valid reason for excluding him. The number

of his coins in the trove exceeds.200..

“The Delhi Pathaéns represented in this trove are Ghyasuddin

Balban, Muazuddin Kaikobad, Jelléluddin Firuz, Allduddin Muham--

mad Sikandar Sani, Ghydsuddin Tughlak, Fakheruddin Mohammad.

3 Q

482 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 4

and Mohammad Adil Shah. The total number of their coins does

not exceed 150, or about one-fiftieth of the whole. There is only

one type of each reign and of the earlier kings not more than

two or three specimens each. ‘The coins of Tughlak Shah and

Mohammad Adil are of new types, the latest com in the hoard is

that of Adil Shéh who ascended the throne of Delhi in 1552, and

the hoard therefore must have been buried within a few years

after that date, or about three hundred years ago. The number of

Adil Shéh’s coins does not, however, exceed a couple: the great

bulk of the hoard is made up of coins of the 13th and 14th centuries,

if must therefore have been collected two centuries before 1t was

buried.

« The following is the list of the different kinds of coins found in

the trove :—

LIST.

Dretut PATHANS.

Ghydsuddin Balban, A. D., 1266 to 1286, 10th King.

Miiazuddin Kaikobad, 1286, 11th ditto.

Jelldluddin Firtiz, 1288 to 1295, 12th ditto.

Allauddin Muhammad Sikandar Sani, 1295 to 13816, 14th ditto.

Ghydsuddin Tughlak Shah (new type), 1821 to 1825, 18th ditto.

Fakheruddin Muhammad bin Tughlak, 1325 to 1851, 19th ditto.

Muhammad Adil Shah (new type), 1552 to 1558, 39th ditto.

BencgaL PATHANS.

Ghyasuddin Bahadur Shah, 13817 to 1822.

Fakheruddin Mubarik.

Shamsuddin Ilids Shah Bangarah, small circle reverse, 1843 to 1358.

Ditto ditto, large ditto,

Ditto ditto, Square field obverse.

Sikandar Shah bin Ilias, Rose field reverse, 1858 to 1867.

Ditto do., Hexagonal field reverse,

SN SO RE Se AN ea

Ditto do., small circle reverse.

Ditto do., large do. do.

Ditto do., short legend, rude letters.

Ditto do., field on the obverse formed of a rose with 4 petals the

margin having 4 cirelets, the field on the reverse has an angular figure

with 6 salient and 6 receding angles.

vit

————

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. 483

Ghydsuddin Azam Shah bin Sikandar, lozenge obverse, 1367 to 1373.

Ditto ditto, square ditto.

Ditto ditto, field on the obverse square having scalloped projections

from the middle of each side, the reverse a rose of 4 petals.

Ditto ditto, square obverse, lotus reverse.

Ditto ditto, circular obverse and reverse.

Shamsuddin Firtz Shah, A. D. 1491. |

Babu Réjendraldla Mitra also exhibited a set of the Zodiacal

rupees of Jehangir (except Scorpio and Aquarius) and a bacchanalian

medal of that Emperor belonging to the collection of Colonel Guthrie.

The rupees bear the Agra mint mark, and the same legend throughout,

but their dates differ, Leo, Taurus, Gemini and Virgo being of 1028 H,

Aries of 1030 H, Libra, Sagittarius, Capricornus and Pisces of 1031,

and Cancer of 10838 H. ‘Their excellent state of preservation and

the fact of the figures of Aries, Taurus, Gemini, Libra, and Sagit-

tarius, being unlike those to be met with on genuine Zodiacal rupees,

but very similar to those of the Zodiacal Mohurs, suggest the idea of

the rupees being forgeries, probably of the batch which is said to have

been coined by General Claude Martin of Lucknow.

The medal was described as new, having an effigy of the Emperor

seated in the centre and holding a decanter of wine in one hand and a

cup lifted to his mouth in the other, with a legend round the margin.

The reverse has on the field the figure of a lon passant with the sun

rising behind it, and a legend on the margin. The figures represent

the entrance of Sol into Scorpio and are emblematic of the birth of

the Sovereign on a Sunday in the month of August. In its style of

workmanship and state of preservation it is equal to the best specimen

of Jehangir’s coinage. Marsden in his Nwmismata Orientalia has

a figure of a bacchanalian medal of the Emperor, but the legend in

it is given on one side. He also alludes to a medal in the Collection

of Mrs. Welland, which has the legend round the margin, but the

wording of which appears to be different.

The word 26m in the legend, the Babu said, was suspicious, inasmuch

as it occurs in no other coin of Jehangir, but he accounted for it on

the ground of exigency of the metre in which the legend was written.

The bacchanalian character of the figure, he added, was in no way

unbecoming a monarch who, in his autobiography, reckons the daily

3 Q 2

orn fips

li 4

DMR

ib iy Hire i

484 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society.

allowance of his drink at 25 glasses of double distilled arrack, however

much the parade of such weakness was unbecoming in a Moslem.

The legend in the obverse is—

sla ST cyl ph Lem cpdII 93 gle Kade

393.9 Pd wg olor) Se Cog»

Ditto on the reverse—

gLBol aS] cyt ya whe COT y 9 x Lado

Bly xo Bld prem! yo ae El ye 0}

The Honourable George Campbell observed that he would take

advantage of the introduction of the subject of coinage to enquire,

with reference to a statement in “ Purchas,” now under republication

in the Lnglishman newspaper, that there was a coin in currency in the

Mogul times called Serafin, of the value of 10 Rupees, whether they

might not be the origin of the English “Sovereign.” He threw out

the suggestion, merely as likely to lead to an interesting enquiry, and

perhaps to show that recent financial measures have been anticipated

so long ago as the time of Jehangir.

The following gentlemen duly proposed at the last meeting were

balloted for, and elected ordinary members: J. Beames, Esq., ¢. 9.5

‘The Hon'ble E. Jackson; Baboo Tarruck Chunder Sircar; Captain

i. B. Sladen, and R. Jardine, Hsq., c. s. |

The following gentlemen were named for ballot as ordinary members

at the next Meeting:

Baboo Bhoodeb Mookerjee,—proposed by Baboo Gourdass Bysack,

seconded by Mr. Heeley.

H. H. Locke, Esq., Principal of the Calcutta School of Art,—

proposed by Mr. Heeley, seconded by Mr. H. F. Blanford.

The Hon’ble J. B. Phear,—proposed by Capt. Hyde, seconded by

Mr. H. F. Blanford.

Col. W. D. Short,—proposed by Mr. Heeley, seconded by Mr.

Geoghegan.

C. W. Hatton, Esq., proposed by Mr. Heeley,—seconded by Mr.

H. F. Blanford.

The Council reported that the following gentlemen had been elected

to the Committees.

[No. 4,

1864. Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 485

Philol. Committee.—H. C. Sutherland, Esq. ; Nat. Hist. Committee

Baboo Debendro Mullick ; Statistical Committee—C. B. Garrett, Esq.

They also reported that they had added a Durwan and a Ferash to

the establishment of the Museum.

Communications were received—

1. From the Ven’ble J. H. Pratt, a letter on his paper entitled

“on the degree of uncertainty which local attraction, if not allowed

for, occasions in the map of a country, and in the mean figure of the

earth as determined by Geodesy; a method of obtaining the mean

figure free from ambiguity by a comparison of the Anglo-Gallic,

Russian, and Indian Ares; and speculations on the constitution of

the earth’s crust.” ,

2. vom Baboo Gopeenath Sen, an abstract of the hourly Meteoro-

logical Observations taken at the Surveyor General’s Office in June

last.

3. From H. B. Medlicott, Esq., a note relating to the Sivalik Fauna.

4. From Lieutenant Colonel EH. T. Dalton, notes during a tour in

1863-64 in the Tributary Mehals, under the Commissioner of Chota-

Nagpore, Bonai, Gangpore, Odeypore and Sirgooja.

5. rom the Rev. F. Mason through Colonel Phayre, answers to

the “queries for travellers’ embracing Religion, Mythology and

Astronomy among the Karens, with a vocabulary of eight dialects.

Mr. H. B. Medlicott read a notice referring to his description of

the Sub-Himalayan rocks in the Memoirs of the Geological Survey

of India, Vol. III. p. II. The deep unconformability between the

upper and middle groups of those tertiary deposits had led him to

question a statement that fossils had been found in the older groups,

of the same kind as those in the true Sivalik beds. Sir Proby Cautley

sets at rest the fact of fossils being found in the inner Zone; and re-

affirms his opinion that they are the same as some of those from the

Sivaliks. The inference, therefore, becomes very strong, that in the

Fauna Sivalensis two separable stages have been confounded: the deep

unconformability along the inner boundary suggests a far greater

separation than could be surmised from the mere fact of succession as

apparent in the outer section. As Colonel Cautley’s collections from

those special localities have been lost, the question must wait for

fresh data.

Mr. Blanford made some observations on this paper.

486 Preceedings of the Asiatie Society. [No. 4,

A memorandum by Dr. Williams on the question of British Trade

with Western China vid@ Burmah was then read by the Secretary :—

Dr. Williams first touches upon the political state of the countries

between the Bay of Bengal and Central China, and shows that

the feelings of the Burmese Government with regard to the promotion

of British enterprise had undergone a favourable change. After

dealing with the condition of the Karen and Shan States, he explains

the political position of the province of Yunan, where the rebel

Government of the Pansee, or Chinese Mussulmans is now predominant;

and he states that it appears to be the wish of that government to

facilitate communication with the West. The Singpho or Kahkyan

tribes stretching from North Assam round the North of Burmah to

Western China have of late assumed practical independence with

regard to their Burmese Suzerain, but also appear to be quite prepared

to give a passage to traffic, on certain conditions of black mail.

The next subject is the physical character of the district, viewed

with reference to the selection of a line of route for trade. The

Salween is not navigable, and the formation of a road from Showgyeen

to that river and along its valley to Mantungye, or across the hills to

the Cambodia river, is rendered impassable by the steepness of the

mountain passes which would have to be traversed. ‘The route from

Mandalay to Theinnee also contains one difficult and almost impossible

ascent, although, this once overcome, there is an uninterrupted plain

to the centre of Yunan. The ascent of the Irrawaddy above the

capital is practicable to Bamo, for steam navigation, but the defile

above Bamo would form an insuperable obstacle to further progress.

East of Bamo, however, the range of hills, though not fully explored,

appears to present fewer difficulties than in any other direction; and

when once crossed, there is no obstacle to the construction of any

kind of road or railroad. This, therefore, is the route which Dr.

Williams recommends.

He-then proceeds to enumerate the commercial advantages to be

expected from this communication. Coal crops out in several places

near the Upper Irrawaddy, and there are large deposits of magnetic

oxide of iron, producing steel of first rate quality. The lead ore in one

of the mountains is exceedingly rich in silver. English manufactures of

the most inferior kind find a good market in Upper Burmah and among

the Shans; and the trade might, with better roads, be indefinitely

mepdainenacer

7 SEALE papi

ter

Lat +

aay A

PP)

vats

1864. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 4.87

extended. Yunan itself with its ten millions of population is a most

important district; it produces cotton, silk, and the finest tea.

Sechuen, with a population of thirty millions, is at least of equal

importance. Dr. Williams gives much detailed information respecting

the products of these provinces, and the articles of British manufactures

which are likely to find a market in Yunan.

He concludes by pointing out that the Bamo route, the ancient

highway of trade between China and Burmah, is the route to which

there are fewest objections, both for railroad and telegraphic communi-

cation ; that even the construction of an ordinary road would immensely

aid traffic, and that the revival of this traffic would be of immense

advantage to China, Burmah and Britain, and to the cause of progress

generally. :

PII AL INININIRI VS ICL ISL WII IVI VIII IVI IIL IAII AP

The Title Page, List of Contents and Index to Vol. XXXNY, will

be issued separately in the course of a few days.

yf y , j

uf ar L i

ie ea hfe ret 7

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASTATIC SOCTETY.

—

No. V. 1864.

LN IN LO

On the Origin of the Hindvi Language and its Relation to the Urdu

Dialect.—By Babu RaTenpRawa/tA Mirra. Corresponding Mem-

ber of the German and the American Oriental Societies. |

[Read 12 August, 1864.—Revised 10th October, 1864, ]

The history of our vernacular dialects, like that of our social and

political condition during the Hindu period, remains yet to be writ-

ten. It is not remarkable, therefore, that considerable difference of

opinion should exist as to their origin. Our Sanskritists take every

thing to be Sanskritic. Those of our philologers who have devoted

much of thei time to the dialects of the south of India, cannot, from

habit and long association, look at an Indian dialect from other than

a Turanian stand-point. And most of our Persian and Arabic scho-

lars, in the same way, observe every thing through a Semitic me-

dium. Hence it is that the Hindvi has been sometimes called a

Sanskritic, sometimes a Turanian, and sometimes a Semitic dialect.

The balance of opinion, however, now preponderates in favour of the

theory which assigns to it a Sanskrita origin. It has been shewn that

the affinity of its roots is unmistakeably Aryan, that its phonology

and laws of permutation are peculiarly Sanskritic, and that the num-

ber of Sanskrita vocables traceable in it, amount, at the lowest com-

putation, to 90 per cent. The discussion on the subject has, how.

ever, not yet been brought toa close. Even at the last meeting of

this Society, my learned and respected friend, Capt. Lees, in his valua-

ble essay on the Romanising of Indian Alphabets, stated that the

Hindustani had not an alphabet of its own, and was therefore a fit

3 RK

amy

- heat

Seta Met APL sneer r

24Re

490 On the origin of the Hindvr Language. iNo. 5,

dialect to be written down in the Roman characters. It may not be

uninteresting therefore to enquire what is the origin of the Hindvi, the

parent of the Hindustani, and how far is it removed from the original

Sanskrita to be disentitled to the use of the Nagari alphabet as its natural

symbolical representative; although in making the enquiry, I shall

necessarily be obliged to run over ground which has already been very

carefully traversed by some of the most distinguished philologers of the

day, and to repeat much that is generally well known and admitted.

The Hindvi is by far the most important of all the vernacular

dialects of India. It is the language of the most civilised portion of

the Hindu race, from the eastern boundary of Behar to the foot of

the Soliméni Range, and from the Vindhya to the Terai. The Gir-

khas have carried it to Kemaoon and Nepal, and as a lingua franca

it is intelligible everywhere from the Kohistan of Peshawar to Assam,

and from Kashmir to Cape Comorin. Its history is traceable for a

thousand years, and its literary treasures are richer and more extensive

than of any other modern Indian dialect, the Telegoo excepted. No

doubt it has not always been the same, nor is it exactly alike every

where over the vast tract of country in which it prevails. For a

living language growing with the progress of time, and diversely

influenced in different places by various physical, political and ethnic

causes, such a thing would be impossible. But there is sufficient

similitude between the language of the Prithvtrdya-Raso, the most

ancient Hindvi work extant, and the Hindvi of our day, and between

the several dialects of Hindvi, Hindustani, Braja Bhésh4, and Ranhgr

into which the modern Hindvi is divided, to shew that they are all

essentially one—dialectic varieties of the same language—branches of

the same stem, and not issues from different trunks.

The Prithvirdya-Rdso was written nearly nine hundred years ago,

and yet the difference between its language and that of the Premasagar

one of the most modern books in the Hindvi, is not even so great as

—certainly not greater than—that between the languages of Chaucer

and of the Times newspaper, and whatever that is, itis due more to the

use of obsolete and uncouth words than to any marked formal pecu-

liarities. Chand, the author of the Prithvirdya-Rdso, has been very

aptly described by the learned de Tassy as the Homer of the Rajputs.”

* Chand, qu’ on a nommé I’ Homére des Rajpouts, est certainement le plus

populaire des poétes Hindvi, De Tassy’s Rudiments de la Langue hindy), p. 7.

i )

Ang

‘

Bak

‘ i

= ii

few

1864. | On the origin of the Hindvi Language. 491.

He was a minstrel in the court of Prithviraj, the valiant knight of

Kanouj, and appealed to the people im language suited to their pe

city. It will be no presumption then to take the language of his epic

as the vernacular of the then flourishing kingdom of Kanouj and

of Northern India generally. How long before the time of Chand,

that language was the vernacular of India, it is impossible now to

determine, for from the time of Vikramaditya the great to that of

Prithviraj, we have no reliable information of any kind regarding the

vernaculars. The literary work of every-day life was in those days

transacted in the Sanskrita, and the language of familiar intercourse

was never thought worthy of record.

Passing over per saltwm the gap between the time of Prithviraj

and Vikrama, we find in the first century B. C., a number of dialects

bearing the names of some of the principal provinces of India, such

as Behar, Mahratta, &e. These were undoubtedly the vernaculars of

those provinces at the time, for they could not otherwise have taken

their local designations, nor assumed the position they held in the

dramatic literature of the time of Vikramaditya. Their mutual differ-

ences were but slight, not much more prominent than what may be

noticed in the English as spoken in London, Wales and Yorkshire ;

and they were all known by the common name of the Prakrita. Pro-

fessor Wilson, it is true, was of opinion that the Prakrita could not

have been a spoken dialect, but his arguments have been so fully met

and so frequently refuted by Max Miller, Sykes, Weber, Lassen and

a host of other distinguished scholars, that I need not dwell upon

them here.

Iwo centuries before Vikramaditya, As’oka appealed to his people in

favour of Buddhism in a language which has been called the Pah. It

was a form of Prakrita standing midway between the language of

Vararuchi’s grammar and the Sanskrita of Panini. Whether it was

ever a vernacular of India has been doubted, and some have gone the

length of calling it a “ quasi religious” or a “ sacred dialect.” But

“a careful examination of the Asoka edicts,” to quote what I have

elsewhere said, “clearly shews that itis a stage in the progress or

growth of the Sanskrita in its onward course from the Vedic period

to the vernaculars of our day, produced by a natural process of pho-

netic decay and dialectic regeneration, which can never be possible

except in the case of a spoken dialect. Professor Max Miller, advert-

Sh 2

492 On the origin of the Hindvi Language. [No. 5,

ing to these changes, justly says, they ‘take place gradually, but

surely, and what is more important, they are completely beyond the

reach or control of the free will of man.’ No more could As’oka

and his monks devise them for religious purposes, than change the

direction of the monsoons or retard the progress of the tides. It ig

said that Marcellus, the grammarian, once addressed the emperor

Tiberius, when he had made a mistake, saying, ‘Cesar, thou canst

give the Roman citizenship to man, but not to words ;’ and mutatis

mutandis, the remark applies with just as much force to As‘oka as to

Tiberius. There can be no doubt that As’oka was one of the mightiest

sovereigns of India. His sway extended from Dhauli on the sea

board of Orissa to Kapur-di-Giri in Afghanistan, and from Bakra in

the north-east to Junagar in Guzerat. His clergy and missionaries

numbered by millions ; they had penetrated the farthest limits of

Hindustan proper, and had most probably gone as far as Bamian on

the borders of the Persian empire. Religious é¢nthusiasm was at its

height in his days, and he was the greatest enthusiast in the cause.

of the religion of his adoption. He devised his edicts to promote that

religion ; had them written in the same words for all parts of his king-

dom; and used exactly the same form everywhere: but with all his

imperial {power and influence, he could not touch a single syllable of

the grammar which prevailed in the different parts of his dominions.

In the north-west, the three sibilants, the r above and below compound

consonants, the neglect of the long and short vowels, and other dialec-

tic peculiarities, rode rough-shod over the original as devised by him

and his ministers and apostles in his palace, and recorded in Allaha-

bad and Delhi; while at Dhauli nothing has been able to prevent the

letter 7 entirely superseding the letter r of the edicts. Had the lan-

guage under notice been a “ quasi religious,” or a “ sacred dialect,” 1b

would have been found identically the same in all parts of India, for

the characters used in the Delhi, Allahabad, Dhauli and J unagar

records are the same, and if uniformity had been sought, it could

have been most easily secured. But popularity was evidently what

was most desired, and therefore concessions were freely made in

favour of the vernaculars of the different provinces at the expense of

uniformity. Unless this be admitted, it would be impossible to ex-

plain why the word #djé of Delhi, written in the same characters,

should in Cuttack change into Ldjé. Had the language been a sacred

1864. | On the origin of the Hindvi Language. 493

one, intended for the clergy only, no such concession would ever have

been required. The Sanskrita of the Brahmanic priesthood is alike

everywhere, and so is the Latin of the Roman Catholic clergy. It

is the people whom As’‘oka wished to address, and accordingly adapt-

ed his language to the capacity and the idiom of his hearers.”” And if

these arguments be admitted, and similar arguments have already led

Dr. Max Miller, Mr. Muir and others to admit, that the Pali was

the vernacular of India from Dhauli in Cuttack to Kapur-di-giri in

the Yusafzai country in the time of As’oka, and for some time before

and after it.

Ascending upwards to the time of the first great convocation of the

Buddhist clergy, soon after the death of S’akya Sifiha, we come across

a kind of corrupt Sanskrita called the Gidthé, which was used for bal-

lads and improvisations by the scalds and bards of that period. For

reasons which I have already submitted to this Society in my paper

on the Gatha dialect, I take that language to be the first stage in the

transition of the Sanskrita into the Prakrita, and the vernacular of

Brabmanic India in the fifth and sixth centuries before the Christian

era.* For the purposes of the present enquiry we need not proceed

further. We have the Gétha proceeding directly from the Sanskrita

and forming the vernacular of India in the sixth century, B, C.; the

Pali folowing it in the third, and the Prakrita in its different forms of

Magadhi, Sauraseni, Mahratti, Pais‘dchi, &c. in the first century of

that era. How long the last flourished we know not, nor have we any

information as to the transitions it underwent, or the dialect or dialects

which succeeded it. But passing over a period of about a thousand

years, we come to the Hindvi in the tenth century, and the question

hence arises, Is the Hindvi a produce of the Prdkrita, or a different

and distinct language which has succeeded it? Muir, De Tassy, and

the German philologers generally, maintain the former position ; while

Crawford, Latham, Dr. Anderson of Bombay and others assume the

latter. They all agree that no less than 90 per cent. of the vocables

of the Hindvi are Sanskrita; and if the affinity of its roots were

alone to decide the question of its affiliation, there could be no doubt

as to its claims to a Prakritic, and necessarily a Sanskritie origin.

But, since a language is to be judged more by its formal than by

* Dr. J. Muir has adopted this opinion in his Sanskrit Hextracts, Vol. II. p.

124 et seq.

al:

494 On the origin of the Hindvi Language. [No. 5,

its radical elements, and the formal elements of the Hindvi are

apparently very unlike those of the Sanskrita, but closely similar to |

those of the Scythic group of languages, it is argued that it must be a yy

| 3 Turanian or Scythic, and not an Aryan dialect. To meet this, we must }

eae enter into some detail regarding the changes which the erammatical

=e S68 ee apparatus of the Sanskrita has undergone in some of the Sanskritic

ae iS dialects, such as the Gatha, the Pali and the Prakrita and then trace

SS its relation to the Hindvi.

Beginning with the inflection of nouns, we find that the first step

in the transition of the Sanskrita into the Gathé, was the omission of

the mark of the nominative singular—s, which after @ assumed the

form of the aspirate visarga. Where the Sanskrit said Ltamah, the

Gatha was contented with Réma. This was exactly what was to be

expected, for the most prominent feature of the changes which led to

the transition of the Vedic Sanskrita into the language of the Ramé-

yana and the Mahabharata was the softening down of harsh and

difficult combinations of several consonants, and of elision of aspl-

rates. ‘'he aspirate of the nominative singular was, besides, not com-

mon to all nouns, but only to themes ending in a Words ending in

consonants, in the vowel 77 and in long 7 or %, received no aspirate, and

their analogy prompted the elision of it also after a. This elision in

the Gatha was, however, occasional and not universal. It retained the

aspirate as often as 1b dropped it, and sometimes supplied its place by

the letter w, and so all the three forms of Rdmah, Rama and Rému* 4

are to be met with in the ballads of the Gatha.

The s of the Sanskrit, which becomes a visarga after a, changes into

o if an a@ follow it. But in the Zend, the latter condition is not neces=

sary, hence o is the usual termination in the nominative singular,

and itis its contraction that we meet with in the GAth4 in the form of vw.

The Pali of As’oka’s edicts omits the s, but never takes the o or u ; but |

in the Pali of Katyéyana’s grammar and as we find it in the Cingalese

chronicles, the o is preferred to simple elision, so is it in the Prakrita.

= Of the modern vernaculars the Braja Bhashd or the Hindvi of Mathura

2 iS a alone occasionally takes the wu, but the others all drop all case-mark ©

i for the nominative. Thus the Sanskrit Bdlakah becomes in Gath

Bilaka or Bélaku,* in Pali Bélako, in Prakrita Bélaka, and in

* I have not noticed these words declined in the different forms, but the forms

occur in connexion with different words.

1864. | On the origin of the Hindvi Language. 495

Hindvi Balak or Bélaku. The euphonic laws which regulate these

changes are not yet known, but their operation is universal, and we

accordingly find that the s of the Latin nominative singular 1s first

dropped in the language of the Troubadours, in Provengal and

French, but transformed into o in the Itahan and Spanish. ‘Thus

the Latin oculus,* eye becomes in Provengal huel, in French cz, in

Italian occhio, and in Spanish 070; the changes being almost parallel

to what we have seen above.

The flexional termination for the accusative, like that of the nomin-

ative, has been either dropped or assimilated with the dative in almost

all the modern vernaculars. This commenced as early as the time of

the Apabhramsa in which the Sanskrit accusative mark m used to be

frequently if not uniformly omitted. In the Hindvi, this mark is ko,

which in some of its patois, in poetry, and in some of the earlier

writings, occurs in the form of ku, kon, kaun, kaha, kanha, kahan

and ht. Apparently this termination is perfectly distinct from the

Sanskrita inflection, for both the accusative and the dative, and this

has led to much discussion as to the ethnology of the Hindvi speaking

races of India. Dr. Kay, (ante xxi. p. 109) thought the ko of the

Hindvi and the ke of the Bengali, came from the Tartar suffix ha,

and Dr, Caldwell bases on the existence of this particle his strongest

argument in favour of the Dravidian origin of the Hindvi. He says,

“of all the analogies between the North Indian dialects and the

Southern, this is the clearest and most unportant, and it cannot but

be regarded as betokening either an original connexion between the

northern and the southern races, prior to the Brahman irruption, or

the origination of both races from one and the same primitive Scythi-

an stock.” Dr. Trumpp, commenting upon this, observes: “ At the

first coup dail the identity of u, a, At, etc., with the Dravidian

dative case-affix ku, ete., seems to be quite convincing ; yet, on

nearer investigation, we shall find this comparison to turn out illusive.

In the first instance, the fact speaks already very strongly against }

that the Marathi, which is the closest eee to ae hae

tongues of the south, has repudiated the use of & or at altogether,

and used an affix, the origin of which we have attempted +

as we hope, past controversy. We shall further see a2 cee

* The Sanskrita Akshi (eye) the counterpart of oculus, runs a

, Similar courge

but as a neuter noun takes no case-mark in the nominative, :

4.96 On the origin of the Hindvr Language. [No. 5,

and Panjabi have also made up for the dative case by postpositions,

borrowed from the Sanskrit, without the slightest reference to the

Dravidian languages, and we may therefore reasonably expect the

same fact for the remaining Arian dialects. It would certainly be

wonderful if those Arian dialects which border immediately on the

Dravidian idioms, should have warded off any Dravidian influenee,

and that those more to the north should have been tinged “ deeply”

with Scythian characteristics. J*ortunately we are able to shew that

such an assumption is not only gratuitous, but irreconcilable with the

origin of the above-mentioned dative affixes. We derive the Sindhi

wand the Bengali @ from the Sanskrit locative wa, ‘for the sake

of,’ ‘on account of,’ ‘as regards,’ being thus altogether identical in

signification with the Marathi 1, Bengali re, etc. This will at

once account for the aspiration of @ in the Sindhi &, for this is not

done by mere chance, but according to a fixed rule. [See my System

of Sindhi Sounds, 1, and note.| In Bengali there is no such influence

of r on the aspiration of a preceding or following consonant, and

therefore we have simply #. The Sanskrit form a becomes in Pré-

krit first fava, then (by the regular elision of @) faz, and contracted

to a, and in Sindhi by the influence of (elided r) @.

“The Hindvi and Hindustani form of this affix a1 (dialectically pro-

nounced ku in the Deccan), which has apparently invited its compari-

son with the Tamil £z, etc., we derive in the same way from the

Sanskrit accusative neuter @@, which is used adverbially with the

same signification as the locative @a. In Prakrit already, and still

more so in the inferior dialects, the neuter is confounded with the

masculine, (and in the modern dialects which have no neuter, the

neuter has been altogether identified with the masculine) ; we have

therefore first in Prakrit, fart, then again (by regular elision of

a) fa I, and contracted #1. We can thus satisfactorily account for

all these three forms, @, and #1, and aT; how Dr. Caldwell will now

identify them with the Dravidian kw, etc., I cannot see. That this

derivation of @, @, and @1 rests not on a mere fancy of mine, is farther

proved by the Sindhi particle < without, which is derived in the

way described, from the Sanskrit locative form a, ‘with the excep-

tion of,’ ‘ excepted,’ ‘ without ;’ Prakrit first fra, then T<¥, and con-

tracted <.”’*

* Journal Rl. As. Soc. XIX. p. 392. The re turns up in the Bengali dative

in the same way.

ie —— ae = =—S ~~

& s

ee . A

1864. | On the Grigin of the Hindyt Language. 497

This explanation, ingenious as it is, is not satisfactory. rita 1s a

participle from the root Arz “to do,” and the dative or accusative signi-

fication attributed to it is altogether a forced one. ‘The indeclinable

particle /riée is often used in Sanskrita in lieu of, or to imply, some forms

of the dative; but its contraction does not yield 4o. We must look else-

where, therefore, for the origin of this puzzling particle, nor are we at

all at a loss on the subject. Professor Max Miller derives the Bengali

dative ke from the Sanskrita suffix 4a, which is largely used in modern

Sanskrita as an expletive, and I think we may trace in it the germ of the

Hindvi so. As a simple means of reducing nouns of different terminations

to one standard, the syllable ka is a valuable adjunct, and scalds and im-

provisatores use it frequently to obviate the necessity of a multiplicity

of declensions. Now, if we bear in mind that in the Gathé, the ordinary

method of indicating the elision of a case-mark is by the addition of u

as in the words jayw for jayam, kritu for kritam, hélu for kalam, &e.,

(vide my edition of the Lalita Vistara,) we find the missing components

of ku which was the architype of £o, and which is still largely used in

colloquial Hindvi for both the dative and the accusative. We believe

the ka at first took the ordinary accusative affix m after it. But

gradually it wore down to a nasal % and the inflexion became kaw. This

transition is by no means uncommon in Aryan languages. In Greek

the Sanskrit accusative affix m passed into » at a very early period, and

in Bengali it is invariably sounded as #. Now if we apply the expletive

w to this kan it becomes kun, and in this form we meet with it in

the Uriah, which has preserved its similitude to the Sanskrit with

more care than any other Indian dialect. It also occurs in the Dec-

can Hindvi, and in the Braja Bhéshaé. The prolongation of the wu yields

kon, and this variously pronounced forms in Northern India koi, hawt,

ko, and the rest.

The dative of the Sanskrit in the first person singular is e which

added to ka makes, by the elision of a, the Bengéli dative ke. It is

true that according to the rules of Panini, the e of the dative after

themes ending in @ should change into aya, but as corruption is the

result of a fanciful analogy on the part of the illiterate masses, it is not

remarkable that the universal affix e should replace the especial ay tt.

In the Gatha the reverse of this often occurs and the especial ena, the

instrumental ending of themes in a, is frequently used after themes

ending in consonants instead of the more legitimate and general affix

3 §

_—_

aq-

—_ 3

SUMP esa COMO) Ler 2

Ls WR ees

Tia) er

498 On the Origin of the Hindyi Language. [No. 5,

4; the examples being mahatena for mahatd, yasena for yasasé, rajena

for rajnd.

One form of the instrumental in the Sanskrit is nd. It is used

after themes in 2, w and 2. and the Hindvi adopts it with but a slight

change in the vowel, the endings being na, mi, ne and nen. The simi-

litude here is so close that we need not dwell on it at any length.

The Sanskrit ablative termination in the singular number of words

ending in other than ais as. This changes into hz or hinto in the

earlier Prakritas, and to he in the later, in which the ablative is con-

founded with the genitive. In the Bengali the hinto passed into hatiite

a little before the time of Chaitanya Deva, and subsequently into haite,

the form in which we now have it. The he of the Prakritas, according

to Dr. Trumpp, merged into se or sew in the Hindvi on the ground of 2

and s being interchangeable, but we think the original Sanskrita smd¢

the especial affix of the pronouns, offers a more probable source of sew

and se than the secondary he. In either case the origin of the ter-

mination is purely Sanskritic. In the Braja Bhasha the se is generally

replaced by tee, an obvious corruption of the Sanskrita fas.

The genitive affix in the Bengali and the Uriah is formed by hard-

ening the Sanskrita sya into ra. But in all the other Aryan Indian

dialects, a novel mode is adopted which is traceable only in the old

Vedic language. According to Dr. Trumpp, “The noun, which ought

to be placed in the genitive case, is changed into an adjective, by an

adjectival affix, and thence follows naturally, that this so-called geni-

tive, which is really and truly only an adjective, must agree in gender,

case, and number with its governing noun, as every other adjective

does. The adjectival affix, used thus, to make up for a genitive, varies

in the different dialects * * * The Hindvi and Hindustani have pre-

served the original Sanskrit adjectival affix @ without changing into

a palatal, viz., #1; in Hindvi we meet with the genitive affix ail ait.

A further proof that these genitive affixes SiT, ST, aT, ‘AT, ebc., are

really the adjectival affix a@ of the Sanskrit, and the at of the Prakrit,

we have in the fact, that they all end in 0, a long vowel, 6 = 4 ; as all

those adjectives do, which are formed with this affix (see my system

of formation of themes under the termination aT.)

The locative in the Sanskrita is 2 or e, which has been carefully

preserved in the Bengali, though the ablative te proceeding from the

Sanskrita ¢as is occasionally used in a locative sense. ‘The e changes

ie ain,

- —_

, et

1864. | On the Origin of the Hindvt Language. 499

into smin after words of the class “ Puérva, Jc.” and this smn seems

to have been adopted as a general termination for the locative in the

Pali. In the Prakrita it merged into mmi, and in the Hindvi the mm

appears in the different forms of men, mai, mon, man, mahi, &e. Dr.

Trumpp has overlooked this obvious derivation in his “ Declensional

Features of the North Indian Vernacular,” in which he says, “ In

Hindvi and Hindustani the locative, as a case, has been quite lost, and

only some vestiges of it remain, as: Sta, or emphatic Beaesl, ‘in

being,’ and thus a locative can be formed with all participles, present

or past, which are generaily looked upon by our Huropean gramma-

rians as indeclinable participles, but which are in reality only locatives

as it is most clearly borne out by comparing the cognate dialects.” *

In some forms of the Hindvi, the me of the locative is replaced by

pat and rarely by paii, the origin of which we can trace only to the

Sanskrita preposition wpara “upon” which first changed to par in

such sentences as mupar “on me,’ and subsequently to paz, the nasal

affix bemg a euphonic adjunct which in the Braja Bhasha is largely

introduced often without any obvious reason. ‘The same was the case

in the Bengali four hundred years ago, and the Chaitanya Charita-

mrata affords innumerable instances of its use in words like 7ayid,

khanyinyd for the modern jdywyd, khayiyd, &e.

The vocative in the Hindvi is identically the same as in most forms

of the Sanskrita, being formed by the addition of the interjections he,

ye, ahe (for ayt,) &c. A few of the imterjections are peculiar to the

Hindvi, but they offer nothing of importance for comment.

The personal pronouns are so obviously Sanskritic that we need not

swell this paper by tracing the gradual changes which they have

undergone from the time of the Prékritas to our own day. ‘The

only word which appears to some to be of doubtful origin is the third

person vah plural var, but the difficulty vanishes if the Sanskrit asaw

be taken as its archtype.

The verb generally undergoes a greater variety of changes than any

other class of words. It is said that in some American languages,

verbal roots may appear in no less than six thousand different forms.

In Sanskrita, the changes are not so numerous, still they exceed three

hundred. In Greek and Lat they are less, end in modern

Kuropean languages generally very few; in English the least—not

* Journal Rl, As, Soc. Vol, XIX, p. 898, 7

rT wiue

Al. a

ety 7”

Th he ©

7 :

| Eee rr 44

i] wn 7!

tik deges 128A f

500 On the Origin of the Hindvt Language. [No. 5,

more than six or seven in all. Still compared to nouns of their

respective languages, the verbs assume a much greater variety of

forms, and therefore their conjugational affixes offer the most ready

materials for tracing their origin. ‘This test applied to the Hindvi

fails entirely to detect in it the smallest amount of a Scythie or

Dravidian element. No doubt the niceties of the Sanskrita conjuga-

tion, the ten classes, the three voices, the ten moods and tenses, have all

disappeared in the Hindvi, as they have more or less in all other modern

vernaculars, whether Indian or Huropean ; but what is left to us is purely

Sanskrita and not foreign, and we may fairly conclude therefore that

what has disappeared was likewise Sanskritic, and that the whole

system owes its origin to a Sanskrita source. The process has been that

of decay and regeneration, and not of development and expansion.

History does not afford us an instance of a language growing out of a

rude state, developing new forms and gradually acquiring symmetry and

perfection, such as the Latin out of the Spanish or the Italian. It is

the perfect that wears out and readjusts 1ts members when the first

arrangement ceases to be expressive. Hence it is that we find in the

Hindvi, as in all other vernaculars, the original inflections losing their

power and significance and yielding their places to verbs and participles,

which in their turn wear out and assume the form of inflections. It

is easy to suppose that the verbs which will most frequently adopt

this auxiliary character are those which indicate “to be,” “to exist,”

‘to live,’ “to go.” These in Sanskrita are as, bhu, stha and gam,

and they therefore constitute the principal auxiliaries in the conjugation

of the Hindvi.

The bhw of the Sanskrita becomes in the first person singular of

the present tense bhavanw. In the Gatha the process which converts

bhu into bhava is partially carried out, and the word becomes bhomi. In

the Prakrita the bhis changes to ho and hudba and those forms continue

in all the Aryan Indian vernaculars. Some think the transition of bhu

to ho to be unnatural and therefore assume it to be a non-Sanskrita

word, but, besides the authority of Vararuchi who nineteen hundred

years ago wrote down in his grammar the rule* that “in Prakrit bhwu

should be changed to ho, and huba,”’ we find that notwithstanding the

* Bhubo ho hubaw. Delius Radices Prakritice, p,1. Band h were inter-

changeable eyen in the time of the Vedas and in the Srauta Sutra os Aswalayana,

the same word is written at option both gribhéia and grihita.

1864. | On the Origin of the Hindvt Language. 501

use of two thousand years the ho in the past tenses of the Braja Bhasha

appears in its primitive form of bha in Bhaye, Bhayethe, §c. The

conjugated form of the ho in the Prékrita was homi, and in the Hind-

vi hut. In the definite present this again is intensified by the addi-

tion of the past participle hota before it.

The past tense is formed by the past participle hota with the aid of

the Sanskrita stha “to remain” changed to thd, the personal dis-

tinction being indicated by the alteration of the terminal vowel. The

perfect is formed by the union of the present participle with the pre-

sent tense, hud-hon, ‘This duplication of the verb in the perfect tense

is peculiarly Aryan. It occurs in Sanskrita, Greek, Latin, Zend, Anglo-

Saxon and Gothic, and is by itself a strong proof in favour of the

Sanskrita affihation of the Hindvi. In the pluperfect the thé again

occurs as an inflection, the verb remaining in the form of the present

participle hud. For the future tense the auxiliary is the root gam

“to go” in the form of gd or ge added to the verb in the indicative

present. This paraphrase is peculiar and not common in any other

Sanskritic vernacular. Its analogue in the English may be traced in~

such phrases as J am going to do.

In the case of other verbs ho becomes an auxiliary for the perfect,

the other tenses being conjugated in the same way as ho; it is not

necessary, therefore, to adduce examples.

Nor is it necessary to dwell longer on the subject of the grammati-

eal forms of the Hindvi. What has been said will, I trust, be sufficient

to shew the strong affinity which it has to the Sanskrita, and the rela-

tion it bears to the Praékrita and the other Aryan vernaculars of India.

There are, we admit, breaks in the chain of our evidence, but they are

not of such a character as to render the whole untrustworthy, At

any rate 1b will be seen that the Hindvi as it stands, could not have

proceeded from any other known language except the Sanskrita, and

this sort of negative evidence, in the absence of positive proof, has

been recognized in judicature, and may with every reason be adopted

in history.

It has been said that inasmuch as the earliest geats of the

Brahmans in India at the time of their advent were occupied by the

aborigines, and the two races f eely coalesced together, their vernacu-

lars must have, from a very remote period, assumed a mixed char

: acter.

But the Vedas give us no reason to

suppose that any such extensive

502 On the Origin of the Hindvi Language. [No. 5,

admixture did take place. On the contrary it is certain that the abori-

gines receded as the tide of the Aryan conquerors flowed onward from

the north-west, very much in the same way as the Red Indian in North

America receded from the contact of the Saxon and the Celt, and they

could not therefore leave behind much of their dialects to leaven the lan-

guage of the aggressors. At the same time as it is impossible for two

languages to come in contact without exchanging their vocables, so

we find that from 5 to 10 per cent. of the vocables of the modern

Aryan vernaculars of India are of non-Sanskrit or Turanian origin.

Owing to the same cause the dialects of the aborigines shew a con-

siderable stock of Sanskritic vocables, varying of course in proportion

to the extent of mtercourse which the different tribes who speak them

had with the Brahmans. When the aborigines had receded beyond the

Krishna, their flight was checked by the sea, and they had accordingly

there to make their last stand against their conquerors, and it is

beyond the Krishna, therefore, that we find the descendants of those

aborigines in the largest number and in full possession of their origi-

nal dialects.

After having thus taken, what I trust will appear, a sufficiently

consistent view of the origin of the Hindvi, I shall now turn to the

Urdu, otherwise called the Hindustdént. Mahomedan writers inform

us that the necessity of colloquial intercourse between the Moslem

invaders and the natives of this country, produced a mixed dialect of

which the grammar was purely Indian, but the vocables partly foreign

and partly Indian. It was first principally used by the Affghan sol-

diery and therefore called the Urdw or the “camp dialect.” Chiefs

and nobles next took it up and it now forms the language of nearly

half of the Mahomedan population of the country, the other half

speaking the ordinary Hindvi. ‘This sort of fusion of the vocables of

one language into another is common enough in the history of lan-

guages. To a small extent it is taking place in almost every language

on earth ; and instances are not wanting to shew that it has happened

to a very large extent without affecting in the least the grammatical

peculiarities of the recipient. In Bengal the language of the courts

contains no less than 30 per cent. of Arab, Persian and other foreign

words, and still it is acknowledged to be Bengali. There is a class of

books also in Bengéli which is said to be written in “ Mahomedan

Bengali,” and some of the Gospels have been translated into it. Its

= = — =

Fad —-z

1864. | On the Origin of the Hindvi Language. 503

grammar is pure Bengali, but it contains no less than 35 per cent. of

foreign words. The Persian in the same way, though an Indo-Euro-

pean language, has received a large accession of Semitic element from

the Arabs without in the least altering its grammar. Again the

Turks, though Turanian by birth, have a language which contains,

almost in equal proportion, vocables of Semitic Turanian and Aryan

origin. Its grammar nevertheless is purely Tartaric. According to

certain missionaries quoted by Hervas* “the Araucans at one time

used hardly a single word which was not Spanish, though they pre-

served both the grammar and the syntax of their own native speech.”

The English, however, offers the most remarkable instance of a lan-

guage borrowing its stock of words from a variety of foreign sources

without in the least altering its grammar. It is well known tha¢ in

al, England, for three centuries after the Norman conquest, the language

ail of court and law, and of elegance and fashion, was French, and nobody

sat was held respectable who did not speak in it. This led to the acces-

ai sion of a large stock of French words into the Saxon, generally esti-

mated at 17 or 18 per cent. and to such a change in the character of

tik the language of the metropolis, that Chaucer doubted that his poetry

wit would be intelligible out of London. But its erammar was left un-

ses touched. Omitting all mention of the other foreign elements, the

i Hebrew, Spanish, Italian, Portuguese, Bengéli, Hindusténj, Malay and

ir Chinese words to be met with in English, I may observe that it has

4 been proved by Thommeral that of the total number of 43,566 words

" in Webster’s dictionary, no less than 29,853 come from classical and

| ,! only 13,280 from Teutonic sources. And yet the English is not a

eS, classical but a Saxon language, and that because English can be writ-

: ten with words entirely Anglo-Saxon, but never by Latin or French

words only. The Bengéli of the Mofussil courts in the same way may

have 80 per cent. of foreign words, but those words by themselves

can never construct an intelligible sentence. Hence the great axiom

in the science of language “ that grammar is the most essential

element, and therefore the ground of classification in all languages

wy) which have produced a definite grammatical articulation,’’+ Applying

gi this rule to the Urdu, we find that in Hindvi there are several works

| which contain but a small admixture of foreign element. Insha Alla

yi! Khan wrote a tale in the so-called Urdu, which does

* Apud Max Miiller, Science of Language, p. 76,

not contain a

+ Max Miller, loc, cit,

° ee

504 On the Origin of the Hindvt Language. [No. 5,

single Persian or Arabic word,* and the largest extent to which

Semitic element has been traced in any Urdu work does not exceed

40 or at the outside 50 out of every hundred.+ While on the other

hand its remaining 50 to 60 per cent. of vocables are Hindvi, and its

structure and grammar are entirely so, and that to such an extent

that it is impossible to construct a single sentence in it without the

aid of the Hindvi grammar. Pedantic Mauluvis may string together

endless series of adjectives and substantives and even adverbs, but

they can never be put in concord without indenting on the services of

Hindvi verbs, Hindvi inflections, Hindvi case-marks, Hindvi pro-

nouns and Huindvi prepositions. Nothing could be more conclusive

than this ; the grammar of the Urdu is unmistakeably the same as

that of the Hindvi, and it must follow therefore that the Urdu is 4

Hindvi and an Aryan dialect. A variety no doubtit is, differing from

the original in having a large admixture of foreign element, but still

a variety of the Hindvi, as the Assamese and the Coch are varieties

of the Bengali. Englishmen who maintain that 200 per cent. of

Latin and Greek do not alter the Saxon origin of their vernacular

will, J am sure, readily admit my position, and if this be admitted

the question as to the character in which it should be written becomes

self-evident. As Sanskritie dialects the Hindvi and the Urdu have

undoubted claims to the Nagari, for that alone can supply the neces-

sary symbols properly to indicate their system of sounds. The Persian

alphabet has no such symbols and therefore fails adequately to repre-

sent the phonology of the Hindvi, except by the’ aid of a cumbrous

system of diacritical marks. It is besides, notwithstanding the great

facility with which it may be written, to quote the language of the

learned translator of Ferishta, ‘“ the most difficult to decipher with

accuracy, and the most liable to orthographical errors. In writing it

the diacritical points, by which alone anything like certainty is

attainable, are frequently omitted ; and in an alphabet where a dot

above a letter is negative, and below the same letter is positive,

who shall venture to decide in an obscure passage which is correct, or

how is it possible that a person unacquainted with the true orthogra-

phy of proper names can render a faithful transcript of a carelessly

written original Pt

It is true that owing to a feeling of national pride on the part

* Ante, vol, xxl, p. 1. * Vide Appendix, { Brigg’s Ferishta, p. x1.

lcs

1864. | On the Origin of the Hindvi Language. 505

Is of the Mahomedan rulers of India, and partly to the inconvenience and

My trouble on their part of learning a foreign alphabet, the bulk of the

o, literature of the Urdu is now written in the Persian character, which

cannot now be changed, and there are certain Arabic and Persian letters,

such as @ ¢ ¢ 5 & which have not their counterparts in the Nagart ;

but these facts cannot, I contend, invalidate the right of a language

to the use of its own native alphabet. In importing foreign words,

the rule has hitherto been to assimilate them to the language into

which they are imported, and not to invent a new alphabet for their

sake ; the Greeks did not add to the number of their letters when they

met with new letters, such as 7, in the language of their neighbours,

but represented them by their nearest equivalents in their own alphabet,

and the same course should be, and in fact has hitherto been, adopted

in writing the Hindvi.

But whether it be proper to write the Hindvi in the Nagari or the

y Persian characters, certain it is, on the arguments so ably set forth by

Capt. Lees, that the Roman alphabet is by no means adapted fairly to

represent its system of sounds.

The question is one of greatimportance. It has already engaged the

attention of some of the most distinguished scholars of Hurope,*

and it would be presumptuous on my part to dispose it off at the

fag end of an article on a different subject. But as a native who

feels deeply interested in the prospect of the vernaculars of his coun-

try, I cannot allow this opportunity to pass, without observing that

the question has been hitherto discussed mainly, if not entirely, from

an Huropean stand-point. The benefits which European scholars, offi.

cials and missionaries are to derive by substituting the Roman cha-

racters in their writing and printing of Indian dialects, are what have

been most elaborately discussed, but little consideration has been

ti shewn as to the advantage which the natives are to derive by accept-

ff ing the Roman as a substitute for their national alphabet. It is from

* It is worthy of note that Sir William Jones, Gilchrist, Wilson and some

a others whose names are intimately associated with schemes of Romanising, were

iF not advocates for converting all native writing into the Roman character for

natives, but for supplyiug a uniform plan for representing foreign words in

gi Huropean languages for the use of Huropean scholars, Dr. Max Miiller’s system

ie is also avowedly intended for Huropeans. It is called the “ Missionary Alpha-

| bet,” and Christian Missionaries in foreign parts are the principal persons who

r, are expected to benefit by it. Hven Lepsius looks to Missionaries for his

principal supporters.

x mi

af 3 T

caf?

‘iy

506 On the Origin of the Hindvt Language.

[No. 5,

that point, therefore, that I wish to discuss the question here. TJ have

not the least objection to the adoption of a uniform system for the

reproduction of foreign words in European languages. On the con-

trary I think, for Englishmen in India, such a system is most urgently

needed, as much for the sake of convenience and precision—“ to avoid

the chaos of caprice’’—as for the researches of philologists; and I

have always advocated it to the best of my humble powers.

Philologically considered, sounds are all that are of importance in a

living language, and therefore it is perfectly immaterial what are the

shapes of the symbols which indicate them; and if it can be shewn

that one set offers advantages in writing and printing as well as

in precision, over another, considerations of antiquity or national

vanity ought not to stand in the way of improvement. But as the

case stands, while the Roman alphabet is without question highly

defective both in its arrangement and in the range of sounds which

can be expressed. by it, the Sanskrita has heen acknowledged by

competent scholars to be the most perfect of all known systems of

letters, and the proposition therefore amounts to the substitution of

an avowedly inferior in place of a superior alphabet. It is true

that the Nagari letters are angular, and in cursive writing must yield

the palm of superiority to the Roman, but facility in writing is not

the only nor the most important requirement of a good alphabet.

Besides, the Roman, notwithstanding its superiority, is in this respect

far from being perfect. It% is utterly unsuited for the purpose of re-

porting public speeches, and various systems of short-hand writing have

had to be devised for that work.

taking down depositions, the Bengali and the Persian have been found

in our Courts quite as good for the Bengali and the Urdu languages

as the Roman for the English, and the proposed change therefore is

uncalled for, particularly when we bear in mind that the Roman let-

For ordinary rapid writing, such as

ters cannot be used in writing the oriental languages without a mul-

titude of dots and dashes and accents and commas, which completely

neutralise its cursive superiority. In the standard alphabet of Lepsius,

there are no less than 189 letters, of which the first @ appears under nine

disguises, produced by dots and dashes and hooks and spurs above,

below and by the sides. ‘The d in the same way has nine, e thirteen, 2

nine and w twelve disguises. ‘To such an extent has this process of

accentuation been carried with regard to the other letters that we

™

‘ig

1864. | On the Origin of the Hindvt Language. 507

find but a few that have escaped its metamorphosing influence, and no

less than 165* letters heavily loaded with excrescences. Several of

those letters are Greek and others oblique and horizontal lines with

diacritical marks which had never before been made to do duty for

letters, except in some systems of stenography. These are surely not

recommendations by way either of simplicity or precision, the two most

important requirements of a good alphabet, and hence it is, that the

use of the standard alphabet has proved so troublesome in the Cape

Colony.f The Roman has only two diacritical marks, the dot on the z

and the score on the ¢, and both these are unmanageable in rapid writ-

ing; to multiply them a hundred-fold, and still to expect that the

alphabet would remain simple and easy of writing, is to expect what

experience has already proved to be, an impossibility. Mr. J. G.

Thompson of Madras once suggested “ An unpointed Phonetic alpha-

bet based upon Lepsius’ Standard alphabet, but easier to read and

write; less likely to be mistaken ; cheaper to cast, compose, correct

and distribute, and less hable to accident ;” but unfortunately for his

scheme, his letters were distorted and disproportioned, and so meta-

morphosed by hooks and loops and spurs that they could not at all be

recognised as Roman. Other systems there are, but none free from

diacritical marks, nor of so uniform a character as to be generally

understood all over Europe. It has been said that when the Roman

alphabet becomes familiar to the Indians, it will not be necessary to

retain the use of the points, and by their omission, writing will be

free and easy. But the proposition amounts to writing a language

without vowels, and the mischief of such a course in writing gener-

ally, and in mofussil legal proceedings particularly, must be frightful

to contemplate.f The experiment has been tried already and found to

break down completely. The Awtidl Hindvi is written in characters

* Tt is necessary to note that these are all distinct simple letters and not

compound consonants and vowel marks of the Sanskritic alphabets, with which

some Romanisers wish to confoundthem, The Sanskrita is a syllabic alphabet,

and therefore every letter or combination of letters represents a complete syl-

lable with its necessary vowel, whereas the Roman, being a literal alphabet, has

to put in a separate letter for every sound both consonantal and vocalic that

occurs in a syllable, and most of them when used for oriental languages have to

receive their special diacritical marks above and below.

y+ Professor Max Miler declines to give in his adhesion to Lepsius’ system,

{ It has been said that since the Persian, a diacritical alphabet, has been so

Jong in use, the Roman is not likely to prove more troublesome. But the object

of the proposed change should be to give us a good alphabet instead of a bad

ene, and not to substitute a defective one by another equally bad. 7

a1 2

508 On the Origin of the Hindvt Language. | [No. 5, ~

closely allied to the ordinary Nagarf, but without mdétrds or vowel marks,

and in this state it is perfectly unintelligible to all except the initiated.

its use 1s therefore confined exclusively to drafts and cheques, and

even there, for the sake of precision, the sums have to be written with

such circumlocution as ‘‘ rupees twenty, the double of which is forty

and quadruple, eighty, and the half of which is ten and quarter, five.”

It is said that once a gomdstdé wrote in it from Agra to his master’s |

family at Muttra, stating that his master was gone to Ajmere and the

oe a

—s}

big ledger was wanted. The words used were

Babu Ajmir gaye badi bahi bheja dijiye.

Without vowel marks and written continuously without breaks in

the native fashion, the words were read— |

Babu ag mar gayt badi bahu Bheja dijiye.

““ Master is dead, send his wife,” apparently either to perform a suttee,

or attend the funeral obsequies. ‘The story may be false, but I firmly

believe that the mistake it is intended to ridicule, will multiply many

fold, if Indian languages be written in the Roman characters withous

diacritical marks.

One great argument in favour of introducing the Roman characters He

in India, is the uniformity of sounds which will be secured to the

whole country. But the argument is based on a fallacy. Sounds are

regulatec by the condition of our vocal chords, and as those chords

must change in their tension, elasticity and power, with every change

of climate, human organs of speech cannot produce the same sounds ye!

with equal facility everywhere. Hence it is that the Roman characters Pea

have no uniformity in Europe. They differ in almost every dif: ‘

ferent country. The alphabet of England is not the alphabet of i

France, nor is the alphabet of France that of Germany, Sweden or i

Russia. In each of those countries, the same letters are very differ- i

ently pronounced, and the difference is greatly increased when they

coalesce into words. Further, they do not retain the same sounds in

all positions. Their natures and powers vary, and they become hard

or soft, long or short, sounding or mute, with reference to the natures

of their neighbours, and hence a constant source of difficulty presents

itself in their use. This is well illustrated in the pronunciation of |

Englishmen and Frenchmen. ‘The two races use the same alpha- 1

bet borrowed from one common source, and yet such is the force of ‘

genius loci on sounds, that Englishmen find the greatest difficulty in i

: ~~

‘ rt

;

+ - 4

VY - n

7 pA

“ %

1864. | On the Origin of the Hindvt Language. 509

pronouncing French words correctly, and the Frenchman is rare who

can speak English hke an Englishman. It is to obviate this difficulty

and secure uniformity in spelling and reading, that the “ Phonetic

System” has been originated in England, and Ellis, Pitman and others

are trying to supersede the Roman characters altogether. This prob-

lem of phonetic reform involves questions of mathematics, physiology,

and acoustics, besides those of convenience, easy writing, and ecconomy

of printing, which I cannot undertake to discuss. The system that will

satisfy all the requirements of the different languages that we have to

deal with, remains yet to be devised, and until that is done it would

be too hasty to take up the proposition in connexion with the Indian

dialects. The advocates of the phonetic system, who are making such

rapid strides in England,will, ere long, do away with the present arbitrary

and puzzling Hnglish orthography, and then will be the proper time to

think of romanizing the Indian vernaculars. At present the want of

uniformity of the Roman characters in the different countries of Europe,

has led to many dissimilar and often contradictory systems of roman-

ising ; and since every one of them is more or less defective, their

introduction in vernacular writing in India, where we have to deal with

several distinct nationalities having many peculiar sounds of their own,

cannot but prove most troublesome and vexatious. These sound, even

when stereotyped by a number of diacritical marks, will still remain

peculiar, and be quite as unintelligible as foreign letters to an ordinary

Hiuropean scholar. No language unaffected by physical causes can

borrow sounds. Centuries ofthe Norman conquest failed to foree French

sounds into English organs of speech,* and it is impossible therefore

to suppose that the Huropean languages will ever receive foreign

sounds for the sake of a few diacritical marks: and if they will not,

where is then the uniformity for which we are to sacrifice all the Indian

dialects? Ifthe familiar Knglish ¢, the emblem at different times of s

* Perhaps the real cause of the arbitrary character of the English alphabet is

due to the adoption of the Roman letters by the Saxons for a Teutonic language

the sounds of which they could not represent without assuming other en

the sounds which had been originally assigned to them. Hence it ig.

that the Latin dentals t and d have become cerebrals in English. the

latter having no ¢ andd sound at all, Translating from the English eae

number of foreign names are, in the vernaculars, written with cerebral es

dwhen they should be represented by dentals. <A ridiculous instance of

this occurs in a Bengali novel where an aping Young Bengal is made to cal] hig

father CBIbIZIY VE instead of cBisigiy ye. 7

512 On the Origin of the Hindvot Language. [No. 5,

Bengéli and Burmese, and that if the Semitic letters be reduced to

the same face, as that of the Longe Primer or the Bourgeois, they

would far surpass the Roman in compactness. No doubt the natives

of this country, accustomed to manuscripts for ages, are fond of large

types, as were the natives of Hurope two or three centuries ago; but

already the people of Bengal have taken to Bourgeois and Brevier

in Bengali, and the same will soon follow in the Nagarf and the Per-

sian. It is possible that Bengali types, as generally used, with the

vowel marks cast in separate pieces and the lines leaded out, take,

face for face, a little more space than the Roman, but while this dis-

advantage may be easily obviated by mechanical means, the superiority

of the Roman on this account is so small, that it cannot at all make

up for the defects which have been set forth above.

As a question of policy 16 would not be proper for our present

Government—the most liberal and tolerant that India ever had—to

force the introduction of the Roman character into our schools and

courts. One great cause of complaint in Poland, Hungary, Schleswig-

Holstein and Austrian Italy is the attempt on the part of the conquerors

to force their languages on the subject races, by introducing them into

the courts of those countries, and a similar course in India, even if

confined to the alphabet alone, will, I apprehend, prove a like source of

discontent. ‘The Hindus regard their alphabet to be of divine origin

(Deva Nagari) and a gift from the Godhead. With it is associated

their religion, their literature, and their ancient glory. To touch it is

to meddle with their religion, their past greatness and their cherished

recollections. In the case of Austria, Russia and Denmark there is

some advantage in prospect. It is a prerogative of Government and

a source of power to use its own mother-tongue in the courts estab-

lished by it, though the main object of dispensation of even-handed

justice may not thereby be fully attamed. The people of India could

understand the object of introducing the English language into our

courts, though they would feel the injustice of sacrificmg the

interest of the million for the convenience of a few officials. But

they cannot but think it a gratuitous and vexatious interference

with their language, to force upon them an alphabet which is avow-

edly unfit to represent its system of phonology, and that merely for

the sake of an idea. Give them what is good for them, and they will

receive it with thankfulness. Offer them the English language and

1964.1 On the Origin of the Hindvt Language. 511

therefore to say a few words on the subject, though I claim no especial

knowledge of that art. It has been repeatedly said that the Roman

letters occupy less space, and are more easily composed, more lasting,

less liable to breakage, and consequently more economical than any

other known class of letters, and if these could be proved to be facts,

a strong argument no doubt would be made in its favour. But I am

afraid the advocates of the Roman alphabet have come to their con-

clusion, without making sufficient enquiry. I have been assured by

several respectable printers, and I know from personal knowledge, that

the cost of composing in Sanskrita and Bengali types is much lower than

that of setting up Roman letters; and that the lasting quality of the

former compared to that of the latter, is as2 to 1. The Rev. C. B. Lewis

of the Baptist Mission Press, assures me that “ the English type soonest

shows signs of wearing out. This arises from the more delicate outline

of a nicely cut Roman and Italic type—and especially from the

seriffe of the letters. e. the fine line at the end of each stroke of b p us.

When this line is worn off, the Roman letter, even if otherwise good, has

avery ancient decayed look.” As regards breakage, the Roman type has

great advantage over the Nagari, but this advantage is entirely negatived

by its wearing out much faster than the latter. On the whole therefore

the balance of advantage is in favour of the oriental type and against the

Roman. Nor is this compensated by any saving of space through the

slimness of the Roman letters. I have a volume by me, containing a

prayer by the Armenian patriarch Saint Nersetis Clajensis, translated

into thirty-three different languages, and also separate pamphlets con-

taining translations of the same into Sanskrita, Bengali and Burmese.

The translations in German, Hebrew, Turkish, Arabic, Persian, Syriac,

Chaldee, Ethiopic, Malayan, Burmese and Chinese are given in large

type: the rest in type very nearly alike. These books therefore

offer valuable data* for ascertaining the extent of space which a given

quantity of matter takes up in different type, and on examining

them, I find that the Roman is inferior to the Greek, Sanskrita,

_ * The following list shews the number of pages which the prayer takes up

in the different languages. Armenian 13 pages, Greek 12, Latin 18, Italian

16, French 18, Spanish 14, Lusitanian 16, German 15, Dutch 14, Swedish 14,

Danish 18, Icelandic 13, Greenlandic 14, English 14, Hibernian 14, Celtic 16,

Wallachian 14, Russian 14, Polish 15, Illyrian 18, Servian 13, Hungarian 14,

Theriac 22, Turkish 13, Persian 16, Arabic 15, Hebrew 14, Syriac 17, Chaldee,

31, Chinese 25, Althiopic 23. Mal 20, Malayalim 21, Burmese 12, Sanskrita

12, Bengali 12 ple ao, Malayan aU, iY ? )

512 On the Origin of the Hindvt Language. [No. 5,

Bengali and Burmese, and that if the Semitic letters be reduced +o

the same face, as that of the Lone Primer or the Bourgeois, they

would far surpass the Roman in compactness. No doubt the natives

of this country, accustomed to manuscripts for ages, are fond of large

types, as were the natives of Hurope two or three centuries azo; but

already the people of Bengal have taken to Bourgeois and Brevier

in Bengali, and the same will soon follow in the Nagari and the Per-

sian. It is possible that Bengali types, as generally used, with the

vowel marks cast in separate pieces and the lines leaded out, take,

face for face, a little more space than the Roman, but while this dis-

advantage may be easily obviated by mechanical means, the superiority

of the Roman on this account is so small, that it cannot at all make

up for the defects which have been set forth above.

As a question of policy it would not be proper for our present

Government—the most liberal and tolerant that India ever had—to

force the introduction of the Roman character into our schools and

courts. One great cause of complaint in Poland, Hungary, Schleswig-

Holstein and Austrian Italy is the attempt on the part of the conguerors

to force their languages on the subject races, by introducing them into

the courts of those countries, and a similar course in India, even if

confined to the alphabet alone, will, I apprehend, prove a like source of

discontent. ‘The Hindus regard their alphabet to be of divine origin

(Deva Nagari) and a gift from the Godhead. With it is associated

_ their religion, their literature, and their ancient glory. To touch it is

to meddle with their religion, their past greatness and their cherished

recollections. In the case of Austria, Russia and Denmark there 1s

some advantage in prospect. It is a prerogative of Government and

a source of power to use its own mother-tongue in the courts estab-

lished by it, though the main object of dispensation of even-handed

justice may not thereby be fully attained. The people of India could

understand the object of introducing the English language into our

courts, though they would feel the injustice of sacrificing the

interest of the million for the convenience of a few officials. But

they cannot but think it a gratuitous and vexatious interference

with their language, to force upon them an alphabet which is avow-

edly unfit to represent its system of phonology, and that merely for

the sake of an idea. Give them what is good for them, and they will

receive it with thankfulness. Offer them the English language and

atte

1864. | On the Origin of the Hindvi Language. 513

they will learn it with all their might and main, for they know it

enables them to have intercourse with their governors, and opens the

way to wealth and power ; but they cannot perceive that changing

their own ancient and superior alphabet for a defective one, can do

them any good, and they will have none of it. The interference of

Government in such a case cannot but prove mischievous, for were

the Government even to confine its patronage of the Latin character

to printing vernacular books in it and giving them a wide circulation,

it would still displease its subjects, for, preternaturally suspicious as

they are, they cannot but look upon such a measure as an act of an-

tagonism against their ancient literature, while it will divert to a useless

channel a portion of the limited resources of the education department.

The Germans are more highly civilized and more intelligent than any

modern Asiatic race, and yet they have, up to this time, notwithstand-

ing the experience of centuries, failed to appreciate the superiority of

the slim Roman to the cumbrous German type. The Hindus cannot

but prove infinitely more obtuse. It has been said that a patriotic

feeling for their ancient characters prevents the German from adopt-

ing the Roman letters. Ifso, (and most probably it is so,) how much

stronger must that feeling be in the Hindus in favour of the alphabet

in which is preserved their ancient and much revered Vedas, and

which is the repository of all their correspondence, accounts and title-

deeds. ‘Teach the Roman character in our vernacular village schools,

and you will teach what the pupils will be most anxious to unlearn, for

it cannot help them at all in the affairs of their lives. for centuries

te come, nor keep them aw cowrant with the rest of their countrymen.

For my part I believe, with Sir Erskine Perry, that “ were a legisla-

tive enactment to insist, even under penalty of death, upon the use

of the Roman character, it could not convert our banias’ accounts to

round German text.”

Grand no doubt is the idea of a universal alphabet and grander

still is that of a universal language, but the curse of Babel is still

upon us, and neither the one nor the other is practicable.

POSTSCRIPT.

I take this opportunity to express my entire concurrence in the

opinion expressed by Capt. Lees, on the reading of my paper in

August last, as to the number of non-Hindvi or foreign words trace-

3 U

PrP igs

mA Ce

Ta -

oUt ean were 14

ALAR:

PMRW NE ErTesiit;

’

—

ies

’

‘+ 1 ohn Phase

cievy

-T

514 On the Origin of the Hindvi Language. [No. 5,

able in the Urdu. My estimate of 40 to 50 out of every hundred was

founded upon the ordinary run of Urdu books, and is not applicable

to the style of some of the works patronised by the late effete courts

of Delhi and Lucknow. The percentage of foreign words in those

books, is, I readily admit, much higher. But at the same time it wil]

be seen from the subjoined extract from the Sarur e Sultdni, the

book to which Capt. Lees particularly drew my attention, that it

is not so excessively great as to affect much my general conclusion.

Tadd an extract from the Mshaneh Ajaéb which also belongs to

the highly Persianised class of writings of the Sarur e Sultdéni,

and the relative proportion of Hindvi and foreign elements in it

appears to be as 62 to 88; in the first named book it is 57 to 88,

2. €. 60 and 64 per cent. respectively. My quotations are, I must ac-

knowledge, taken at random, and there are passages in both the

works which are much more Persianised, while there are others which

are less so; but on the whole they may be, I believe, taken as

fair average specimens, as the facts they yield correspond very closely

with the results of my enumeration and classification of the words

of several pages of each of the two works. To be exact, it would be

necessary to count and classify all the words that occur in them,

and even then no satisfactory conclusion could be drawn, owing as

much to my own limited knowledge of the Semitic languages as

to the doubtful origin of many of the words. It is even likely

that my division of the Hindvi and foreign words in the short

extracts given below will be questioned, but that will not, I believe,

alter my position, for I do not depend so much upon the relative

proportion of the two elements of the Urdu, as upon its structure and

grammar, which I contend is purely Hindvi. The verbs haz, tha,

hua, geyd, dekhe, sunke, &c., in the extracts are all without exception

Hindvi; the case affixes he, ka, ki, son, men, &c., are likewise Hindvi,

and so are the pronouns and prepositions, apne, uoh, se, tak, kia, Se.

Take away those case-affixes, verbs and prepositions, and the sentences

will crumble down and cease to be sentences. It would not-be ele-

gant to say in English “the bouleversing of the escritoire created

quite a sensation in the boudoir of the Mademoiselle ;’ but similar

sentences are not rare in first class periodicals and novels, and.

they afford a fair example of what the Urdu is. Their construction

and grammar are English, and though we may call them Gall-

1864. | On the Origin of the Hindvt Language. 515

cised we cannot say they are French. No Frenchman would

for a moment recognise them as such. English rhetoricians, no

doubt and very justly, condemn them, but still they admit them

to be English and quote them as specimens of English. Following

them, we may call the Urdu, Perstanised Hindvi, but still Hindvi and

not Persian. In the four Mahomedan Bengali books, from which

extracts are given below, the number of foreign words appear to be

quite as large as in the ordinary run of Urdu books, and yet those

books are described by their authors to be Bengali, and translated

from the Persian and Urdu expressly for the people of Bengal. Vir-

tually their language is as much the Urdu of Bengal, or Bengali

Urdu, as the Urdu is the Hindvi Urdu, or the Urdu of the North-

West. If they be taken for distinct languages, I see no reason why

the anglicised Hindvi in which Englishmen in India say,

Kl EK 2 Hl E38 EK 4 H 2

“ bearer couchkaé samne dlnarime pantaloon rakkho,”

a new language. In it we find no less than four European and only

two Hindvi words. Similarly the Bengali of our courts, which contains

twenty per cent. of English words, would have a fair claim to a

distinct rank. The language of Young Bengal again is a patchwork

of English nouns and Bengali verbs, and yet nobody has thought of

calling it a distinct language. And if they are not distinct languages,

but corruptions and dialectic varieties of one language, the Urdu can

hold no higher position.

The colloquial Urdu of the masses contains a smaller admixture

of foreign words than the written Urdu, and Capt. Lees is of Opinion

that it is a distinct dialect independent of the Urdu of our books ;

to it he applies the term Hindustani. But the principle of this sub-

division is open to grave objection. Pressed to its legitimate end, it

would justify our dividing every living language into not only two

distinct dialects, the written and the colloquial, but to as many dia-

lects as there are orders and ranks of people.

Extract from the Surir Sulténi, p. 11.

PS 4 H4 HS H2 Hi Fs F2 Fi

wye gy) LIS Sag Fgh 54d Keren cries! Ondige

H18 Hi2 Hill HIOHS9 FY H8 F6: HY HE as

cree) Seka ma US ohh Sas, US ole! IS ode Lili

8 u 2

fer S ¢ ‘ny

MPA PEA

7 teed deed J abd d ntied

POSTE gter or

516 On the Origin of the Hindvi Language. [No. 5,

F112 H18 H17 Fill H16 F10 H 15 H14 F9 Fs

pe" gtd Lled 9S GIS LL sabe Koil cess Gel dub

F116 H23 4H 22 H21 F156 F114 F138 H20 Hig

Sexo! ceilyd hE eyo ee lyst pS? wiles pandg} 4)

F22 F21 H27 H26 F20 Fi9 BIS: 1-25 —H 24 = 847

KB Jbo gy 19 US 6 pale goye ee! lke Oys3

F23 H36 H35 H34 H33 H32 H31 H 30 H29 H28

cere 3 Cr = cols yas Cre 152 eb jo

H45 H44 H43 H42 H41 F25 H40 H39 F24 H38 H 37

wp ela fle js) ee [40 estar! 919 Lye ae wha 2S

F27 H50 F26 H49 H 48 H 47 H 46

wd (sH9d sy _ykoo us we tbalaw eS er Gis xe i lees Kile

fF 29 F 28 H ol

ag? gyly CN IF 59) wlyoslAS yo MOOS 16 dy Gyred WOR fles

H54 F35 H538 F34 $F83 F382 H52 F831 F230

Vog? zone Ip — CwglyP agg Ay 19 Cay wie sf

57 = F388 F37 H56 H55 £36

LS fg y dE wlasds bF (59 G (sdsht0

Extract from the Fisineh Ajdeb, p. 7.

F6 F5H6H5 H4F4 H3 H2 F838 Hl F2 Fl

wees Sn 9S isl 2% #& Gs sols ee eee soe? 4 Ai ylai

H17 FOHIGH15 F8 H14Hi8H12F7H11H10H9H8H7

SY 49) 90 # cg Jloabd 2 yb LI eS @ ye 9 El

FISH22 H2l Fi Fil H20 H19 H18 H18

a jy Pr cs® Ig jad 56 “E310 yuo cp wlS9a _y2 Fs us® Sirs] oe

H 24 H 31

F15 H30 H29 Fl4 H28 H27H 26 F256

cer! ode cst yo ho le 5 jlo 6 wha gne da” 5

H 88 F 19H 37H 39 F18 F117 H 35 H 34H33F 16H 32 H32 Hdl

ps? lle LS 2 prarenee Lipo aS Eb Jy aS yg Sle gle pmailyye

H41 F26 #£4#H 40 F225 F 24 F 23 22 P21 Hopf 20

cl See.) es whe coh wh Gs lo sae KRvbas est itl wl

H47 F831 F30 H45 F29 H44 H43 F28 H47 $F 27

* <—lo 9 bro ges os \y enrslb Jo x cel o ison sryloul

* Persian Quotation from Ferdusi.

1864. | On the Origin of the Hindvi Language. 517

H54H53F 34 H52H51F33 H50 H49 H48 F338 F32 _

| 156 155

ec] ES Fog

The following is an extract from the Iblisndmeh (p. 1.) The total

number of words in it is 58, of which 35 are Bengéli and 28 foreign.

Its grammar is pure Bengall.

eal K 2 F383 Bl B2 F4 B38 B4 F5 BS BEL

ACRAICS CAMCNAl, BS Sid ACT Bilal, cA AN CHS Ba 2 Sis I

EK 6 HK 7 BZ FE 8 EF 9 B8 BOBIO BIL B 12

WICIA WHA Sed, MAfacy SAR BA, Facaics Stal caicaats u

B13B14 F10 B15 B16 B17 B18 B19 B20 Bal

aq Sle caginia, aeiaca aigtal af. cafa ait afaata wee |

Fil F 12 B22 B28 B24 8B 25 Fils F114 B26 B27

WAR SAAT SA, coal Afalcs Mita, CHA CHWS ACH SICA I

F15 F16 B28 F16 F17 Fig F19 B29 B30 F 20

STATA CHBS US, caiG] aul Riess, cata qs ofacn aata

F 21 F 22 B31 B32 B33B34 B35 #£4¥£23

YAAAT QETACG, WAaics Jaisce, ofa wl areien cotaia

The following is from the Kédématndmeh (p. 2). The number of

Bengali words in it is 86, that of foreign 16.

Bl B2 Fl B38 2 BA #3 F4 BS F5

AS COTA CoH Wiey cautucs! fS ace Aina atv aca wicr-

B6 F6 BY B8B9B10 Bll B12 B13 B1l4

CATH AHI Baica UM cGT SCS GIF! BDilasaAl ocwcs CRA AAS

B15, F7 ¥F8 B16 Bl7 B18 F9 B19B20 B21

Aare ll MTA SATA cate Sta cAelteHell | wicafa ofa w= az

B 22 F 10 B23 B 24 F ii K 12 B 25 B 26 B27

WA BIS HRCA BWCAS Wicy ars sicaq! ateia afacw sta

B28 F118 F114 B 29 F15 B30 B8l B 32 B33 B 34

ATR PRCA CHAN CHMLSA AAA CATA Sita AcTNCA! ceNcA =Bca

B35 B36 ¥F16

fet ARTA Baca |

§ A P? * ‘ Ped

i" eons

: ov rats

518 On the Origin of the Hindvt Language.

LNo. 5,

The Chahardurvish, p. 2, which has an admixture of 16 foreign in

every 40 Bengali words, proclaims itself to be current Bengali, translated

into it in order that 1t may be easily understood by the Bengali public.

picts ively Ste sity toate! HacH aface Sis stazq Patz |

K4zi Safi-uddin, in his preface to the Avlas ul ambid, says

ARCS A SE vITTT tera coal cotata ARE g afte ascy ot-

CAH WCZ, M4 AACS AFA SAA SAKA] SISA ae wap

Sida ZiAtscsre |

“It contains accounts of prophets and messengers according to

the hely Koran and the Hadith, and now I, having got it trans-

lated into Bengali, print it at a great cost.”

The language of the translator, Reza-ullah, will be illustrated by

the following extract, in which we have 17 foreign for every 24 Ben-

vali words.

Bl Fl B2 B83 2 3 FE 4 B4 B5

aq cal cytta wre otal cautat Sicatca Aree ta asc

BE 5 EF 6 E7 EF 8 EF 9 F 10 Fil B6 B77

CARTA TATA CUTS AA alate cemtaint Havaazt tea Sta

BS8 F 12 F 13 HK 14 B9 B10 Bill Bil2 Fi5 B13

Baca SAT I A485 Alay CHE CIM Stat! cafatcs cows Sta

B14 B15 B16 B17 F1l6 B18 B19 B 20 B21 B 22

ait fai tifa | Bieta Feacs Hica Sey Maga! Sacra ofaTi

BLE _ B28 B 24

AIR Atfatet catacey |

: EMENDATIONS,

Cc) " Cc e ry @ a 9

P. 498, line 4. For “7, u and ri” read “4, w and neuter nouns in 7%.’

= = : ° . 3

P. 498 line 7. For “ singular number of words ending in other than a is as,

read “plural number is bhyas.”

—

re —— —

‘

| .

r ‘iy Kid ‘ Mt pee SU re erlelt eS. —

= — / — = a j : n = SS — = <= —-

> = ~—- =n ~ s— : “ ~~ —+ a

— —— t=

1864. | The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana. old

The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana.—By Col. J. C. Brooxz.

[Received 6th April, 1864.—Read 4th May, 1864. |

Khetree is situated at the foot of the Arabullee range of hills, which,

yunning south-west and north-east, divides Rajpootana into two por-

tions, separating the fertile eastern states from the more desert western

- ones. The Arabullee, commencing south of Oodeypore, and touching

the western shores of the fairy lakes of that capital, supports the table-

land of Meywar, till, opening into numerous spurs, among which dwell

the brave and faithful Mhairs, perhaps the only race in India who have

accepted the British rule in full and unreserved confidence, it passes

Ajmere. From Ajmere the Arabullee tends a little more to the east,

dividing Jeypore proper from Shekhawattee, and at the extreme north

eastern corner of the latter district, the Arabullee meets the Toura-

wattee and Ulwar ranges of hills, the direction of which is generally

. north and south. |

At this extreme corner, some lofty spurs occur, on one of which

) the hill fortress of Khetree above the town of that name, Pl. I., and

on another, that of Bagore are placed. The spurs of these hills run

, south east and north west, at right angles to the main range, which

has a south west and north east direction. In these spurs are rich

h mines of Iron, Copper, Alum and Cobalt, and perhaps other minerals

exist, which a careful examination of the rocks may bring to light.

Attention must soon be directed to this region, in the prosecution of

7 the search for coal,* which the extension of railways will necessitate,

1: and to judge from the variety and character of the rocks, there are few

)

af places deserving of more careful examination than Khetree.

\ The little state of Kuerner is an allodial Fief belonging to a Rajah,

6S sob. under the sovereignty of J eypore, to which it pays a quit rent for

some of its pergunnahs, of Rs. 80,000 a year. Khetree enjoys a net

/) _‘fevenue of about three lakhs a year, of which, however, very little is

the produce of the mines.

b The town of Khetree contains about 1000 or 1500 houses, among

| which are those of a few wealthy families, the most notable of whom

has constructed a large and magnificent temple at the entrance of the

* No published notice of the Geology of Rajpootana with which we are acquaint-

ed, mentions the occurrence of the coal- bearing rocks in Rajpootana,—Hps.

-~ ° -

OY sy ee

: 2 y eye Fy a he

520 The Mines of Khetree vn Rajpootana. [No. 5,

town. ‘he founder of it amassed his wealth in the situation of Com-

missariat Gomashtah at Cawnpore, on a small salary. Generally

speaking, the people of Khetree are poor, partly owing to the lawless

character of the Shekhawattee population, which prevents much trade

or commercial enterprize, and partly to the oppressions of the various

Kamdars and managers during the long minority of the present Rajah.

Amongst the poorest of the Khetree population are the miners,

These are of two races, Hindoos and Mussulmans. The Hindoos work

the alum and sulphate of copper works, whilst the Mussulmans confine

themselves to the ores which require smelting.

The mines, as before remarked, are situated in the small ranges of

hills near Khetree. One of the largest of those now worked, though

not the most profitable, is the ‘“‘ Koolhdn’” mine, and a description of

the process, carried on at this, will suffice as an example of the whole.

The approach to the Koolhdn mine, about half a mile from the town,

is over hills of clay slate, through which granite, iron stone and other

rocks have forced themselves. Along the same spur, which runs from

Khetree to Singhana, are several other copper mines, intermixed with

sulphate of copper and alum mines, which predominate as Singhana is

approached.

The entrance to the Koolhdn mine is 300 feet above the plain

below. The mine descends at an angle of about 60° in a zig-zag,

but in a very irregular course, and branches off in various directions.

Sometimes, for ten or twenty yards, it is only just sufficient to admit

the recumbent body of a man, and at others, opens out into considera-

ble chambers, according to the richness of the rock, from which the ore

has been not fairly “ worked,” but one may say, “stolen.” The richest

ore, as frequently happens, is at the greatest depth; but there the

mine is generally choked with water. This is the great difficulty the

miners experience. Their only means of getting rid of the water, in

consequence of the tortuous course of the mine, is to form a chain of

human beings from the mouth of the mine to the water, along which

ghurrahs are passed by hand, filled with water and the rocky debris

which neglect has allowed to accumulate in the mine. This is a slow

and expensive process. In one branch of the Koolhdn mine, no less

than 27 people were required for the purpose, and as each occupied as

nearly as could be estimated, 8 feet, it gave 216 feet as the depth ol

the working. The labour of emptying is continued day and night. On

— a, i

1864. ] The Mines of Khetree of Rajpootana. 521

this occasion, upwards of a month had been expended in this primitive

and inefficient process, and the cost was about 200 Rupees. ‘To clear

the whole mine properly would require about Rs. 2,000, which is a

sum, those employed in the trade could ill-afford to lay out.

The richest mines in Khetree are lying useless from being thus

choked. There is one especially, the ore from which the miners con-

fidently affirm contains 75 per cent. of pure metal. It is situated near

a running stream, and various traders have expended large sums to

clear this mine, but hitherto without result.

At Baghore, a fortified hill about 200 feet higher than Khetree,

are other mines of copper intermixed with cobalt, the latter alternating

in thin layers with the copper.

The copper mines are owned by the miners themselves, whose ances-

tors discovered them in former times. The larger are managed by a

punchayet, on behalf of the mining community, who are descended

from the ancient discoverers. Some of the smaller mines are owned by

traders, who have bought them up, either from the original discoverers,

or else gradually from their descendants, as these have become in-

volved in difficulties, and have pawned or made over their shares to the

traders; who pander, for their own interests, to the unthriftiness for

which all such men are noted. The larger mines do not appear to

have shared this fate.

Hach year, after the rainy season the various branches of each

mine are put up to “auction” by the punchayet. The Koolhdn mine

has six or seven branches. The miners themselves are the bidders.

Hach branch of the Koolhan mine sells for from Rs. 50 to 100 a year,

and the whole mine fetches from Rs. 400 to Rs. 600, which is a small

sum, considering the rich treasures existing in it.

Hach branch of the mine is jealously watched by the miner who

purchases it, and who hires other miners as laborers on two annas per

diem. Were the mine not guarded, these laborers might purloin the

ore and sell it. 7

The miners work in gangs, and a party of eight men, starting in the

morning at about 8 o’clock, will bring back from 24 to 3 maunds of

ore by the evening. The ore is brought in small baskets, weighing

about 6lbs. each, and is then put up to auction, in the same manner

as is done with the ore obtained from the mines still in the hands of

the original proprietors, or the traders, The auction takes place at

a x

a2 :

gt we

eA ALAR AR

ard ay esleec terri etearceet sae dice

522 The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana. [No. 5,

the town of Khetree itself, and furnishes a scene of much excitement,

The purchasers are Mussulman Bhoras, who conduct all the subse-

quent operations; and here the interest of the miners entirely ceases

in the produce -of the mines. If the ore is black sulphuret of the first

class, it will fetch as much as Rs. 10 per maund of 264: seers; but if

good pyrites, perhaps Rs. 4 or 5a maund. The pyrites is much the

most plentiful ore, but there are several poorer ores fetching as low as

Rupee 1 a maund. 3 |

The Borah having concluded his purchase, employs a man with a

small hammer, who receives Rs. 3 per month, to separate the ore from

the schistose rock and quartz, (with which it is intermingled in about

equal quantities), and to break it into small pieces.

The ore has now to be finely powdered. This is done by men

using ‘Ghuns’ or heavy hammers, weighing from 82 to 84 pounds

each. The hammer is lifted with both hands, one on either side of the

hammer head and. brought down with great force on a small heap of

the ore, raked into place with the toes, that never failing substitute

for the hand among natives: as this is the most laborious operation in

the whole process, only the strongest men are employed. Pl. II. The

ore has to undergo the hammering three times before it is fine

enough for the roasting process.' A Ghun man on coming to his work

very early in the cool of the morning has five maunds of ore weighed

out to him, this is his proper quantity for a day’s work, and is as

‘much as can be supplied daily by the coarse breaker. Preparing this

properly, gives the Ghun laborer six hours of hard unremitting

work, and his wages are proportionately high, viz., five rupees a

month. et, | Se

The ore, having been reduced to a proper state, is next mixed with

cow-dung, and made into rolls about four inches long, which are first

dried in the sun, and then roasted in the open air, in a fire of eow-dung

cakes. This is an inexpensive process, costing only a few annas for

cakes to roast five maunds of ore.

The ore 1s now ready for the smelting furnace. For this, Koomhars

or potters are employed. The potter builds and works his own furnace,

and supplies the bellows ; in fact extracts the metal. Four people, one

of whom may be a child 12 or 14 years old, are required for each fur-

nace. ‘They receive collectively Rs. 11 a month. The furnace is

about 33 feet high and 12 inches in diameter, built of pieces of slag

——— —— -

AA,

oe te ae ee ey

o Cay niow

: ae hy fe

tA Be be abt

Sal LTRs oo

UT ae

ees A

-7

hy Aa 2

Dirake

ay Oa

2 *

pei eee

PPLE, OPA Orne

a smelting Furnace for Copper Ore

ing

Koomhar mak

eet

aie

Bah

Shr

Vie ota) ” 1”

OW IAS >

1864.] The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana. 526

cemented with clay in a most primitive manner Pl. III. ; and the nozzles

of the bellows are built up init. The nozzles are earthen tubes which

are thickest at the furnace end, and at the top of the thick part is a

small air hole, usually closed with a piece of wet rag, but opened

now and then to clear the tubes. The other end of the tube is fixed

to the bellows bag. The bellows valve is formed by two sticks at the

mouth, which are opened when the bag is raised for the admission of

air, and closed when the bellows are pressed down with force by the

bellows men, who use both hands for the purpose. The upper part of

the furnace is formed with rings of fire clay, about 10 inches deep.

The bellows are worked on three sides, while on the fourth is the

opening to the furnace, in which a plate of fire clay is placed, at the

lower part of which is a hole for stirring the molten metal and allowing

it to flow out. Pl. IV.

The furnace 1s prepared daily, each smelting occupying about 12 to 14

hours. After the furnace has been lit and well heated, the roasted ore

is gradually introduced, alternately with charcoal and the flux which is

called “ Reet.” This is the refuse from old iron furnaces, of which

hills of debris still remain, the iron having been worked for ages before

the copper ore was discovered. At each operation, five maunds of

roasted ore is gradually introduced into the furnace; this requires an

equal amount of the “ Reet,” and four maunds of charcoal to smelt it.

~The produce of course varies with the description of ore. The

poorest kind, which is sold for eight annas a Khetree maund, and the

value of which is doubled by the cleaning and crushing, will produce, at

the lowest rate, twenty seers of unrefined copper, which in refining is

agai reduced one-half, leaving only ten seers. This would make about

303 Tukkas in copper pice.

The expenses may be calculated as follows :—

) maunds ore, said sed eo .. ls. 5 0 0

Hammer-men, de aed Xs cos 0 Oe 0

4 maunds charcoal at 831 maunds per 12 Rs. ... 1 4 O

Koomhars for smelting 12, ... oo ie cae 0 20 0

Refining, ... as ew i coc vx 0 38 0

Total, ... 7 11 0

eae)

Raj share + of 9 rupees,

wack

524 The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana.

[No. 5,

The produce will be ten seers as before stated or 303 Tukkas, and

deducting ith, the share of the Raj, &c., 228 Tukkas worth about

Rs. 9 will be left. Ii we take from this the expenses Rs. 7-11, the

net profit will be Rs. 1-5 per diem, but allowing for extras, roasting

not charged, etc. we may reckon it at 1 Rupee per diem, when the ore

1S poor.

There is sometimes’ a loss in the smelting operations, but the

Bohrahs take their chance of this, the gain sometimes being very con-

siderable. On an average it may be reckoned at about 2 rupees on

each smelting. 3 | |

After the ore has been smelted, the metal has to be refined, and the

sulphur driven off. This is done by passing a very strong current of

heated air over the liquid mass, and constantly skimming it. Pl. V.

To obtain the blast a single bellows is used, which is worked by one

man. opening. and drawing it up, and two others pressing it forcibly

down with their feet, placing their whole weight on the bellows, and

maintaining their balance by means of ropes fastened to the roof of the

building. : |

About one maund is refined at a time, which produces about 20 to

25 seers of good copper. .The refining is contracted for at 8 annas

the maund. The process requires about three hours, and the men are

paid 1} annas per diem each. When the pot in which the refining

has been conducted is ready, the ore is poured into small earthen

troughs prepared on the ground for the purpose, and is then taken to

the mint for weighment and duty. |

The measure at the Khetree mint is the Shahjehanee maund,

equal to 86% seers of the Jeypore maund, but only to 30 seers of the

Khetree maund. In the Shahjehanee maund are 1,212 Tukkas or

2,424 pice. Of this, the Khetree Rajah takes 269 Tukkas as his

share, Twenty-two Tukkas go to the coiners for their trouble in con-

verting the copper into pice ;, nine to the Darogah of the mint ; two to

the weighmen, and four to caste charities; total 306, leaving 906 to

the smelter. ‘Twenty-six Tukkas at. Khetree sell for the rupee, whereas

at Jeypore usually only twenty Tukkas can be procured for the

same: The value of 906 Tukkas at Khetree would be Rs. 34-12

nearly.

In.some of the mines, a'sulphuret of cobalt is found in thin layers,

between the masses of copper ore. No great quantity of this 1s pro-

— — a! a

’

r J

}

Wiccan irbyentan hae oll

nec

NP EN MINIT Ut

HBT asic cee

lav.

€ in p

Copper Ore smelting furna

No.

oe:

FS ane Ye Me

bee ie Bg te

had p bed d

tao iMate

Tee Mott,

hed

vast

ee MELO Ta

oes

steal sete

see ee

ERae

Aaa

ete

al a0 roddo

hb “e } is

ae c= : Hon)

u (Jo

PEAT

““7e]aUl IO] SYSnoly Yq 20euin]

‘s

Lohr iste

1864.]} The Mines of Khetree in Raypootana. 525

duced however, not above 200 lbs. per month in any particular mine.

It is merely pounded fine, and exported, and finds its way all over

India. It is largely used in enamelling, forming the beautiful blue

enamels which native proficients in this art produce. Its price ‘at

Khetree itself is Rs. 50 per Jeypore maund of 58 lbs. the Raj share

being one-fifth or 10 Rs. per Jeypore maund.

The above is a short description of the rude processes employed in

smelting the rich copper ores found in Khetree. The miners are

wretchedly poor and ignorant: the mines are choked with rubbish,

and worked without system, so that the more valuable ores are not

reached : the ore only passes through the furnace once. The metal

then separated is the only part kept, but the layer next above the

regulus, which is also rich in metal, is thrown away: of this, vast heaps

or rather hills'exist, both at Khetree and Singhana, and the present

furnaces are on these mounds, from which a little enterprize and know-

ledge would extract a large produce.

There 1s no means of knowing what the produce of the copper mines

would be, if worked on Huropean principles, or whether the fuel,

which suffices for the insignificant native works would not soon be

exhausted. The fuel is charcoal from the ‘phog’ plant. It crows

freely all over the neighbouring sandy deserts. The ‘ phog,’ on which

camels feed freely, is a low succulent plant about a foot and a half high,

but the roots of which swell out to a large size and make excellent fuel

for all purposes.

Besides the copper mines at Khetree, the alum mines are deserving’

of attention. They occur indiscriminately with the former, but the

workings are not usually so deep. When the alum and copper ore are

in the same mine, the alum and the resultant sulphate of copper, are

contracted for, separately from the regular copper ores. The miners

who work in the alum mines are Hindoos, whilst those in the copper

mines are Mussulmans. Seventy-two houses are employed in the

twenty alum works, which are in full operation at Khetree; about

double the number are in work at Singhana. In each establishment

about six men are employed, on wages varying from Rs. 2 to Rs. 4

a month; the latter being for able bodied men, who can work from

9 o'clock in the morning till a couple of hours after sunset.

Two men go in the morning to the pits, and bring about seven

maunds of shale during the course of the day, whilst a couple of others

526 The Mines of Khetree in Raypootana. [No. 5,

are employed in breaking it up into small pieces. The broken shale

mixed with the crust from the refuse heap, (hereafter alluded to,) is

then put into gurrahs till they are half full. The gurrahs previously

arranged along the edges of the heap are then filled with water. The

whole is turned and mixed three or-four times a day by one of the men

with a bit of broken gurrah in his hand, so as to expose every

part.

At the end of 24 hours, the water, which now holds a considerable

quantity of the sulphates in solution, is poured off into other gurrahs,

holding a fresh portion of shale, and surface refuse, whilst fresh water

is added to the first shale. The operation is repeated a third time

with the shale, after which, the latter having parted with a considerable

quantity of its sulphates, though not by any means with the whole, (as

the shale was at first only coarsely broken and not pounded,) is

thrown along the slope of the refuse heap, which is purposely kept

smooth and hard. |

The refuse heaps Plates VI, VII, are formed as truncated cones and

are very regularly and evenly kept; so much so, that they appear as i

prepared and kept smooth by a spade. They rise in successive layers to

a considerable height, each being less than that below it, by the

breadth of terrace left at. its base; this terrace is bordered by a low

ridge for the gurrahs containing the shale, and which give to the

whole so peculiar an appearance. The ridge also serves to retain

any water that may be spilt on the terrace, and any rain water, which

sinking into the heap, carries portions of the sulphates to the surtace

slopes, where efflorescence takes place as the heap dries. It is this

surface shale which is mixed with the

fresh: shale from the mines in equal

quantities, to.form the material with

which the gurrahs are charged. The

section of a pile would be something 2%,

like the accompanying figure. Year Y UY Yy

after year the heap increases by the —

deposition of half exhausted shale, and many of the existing heaps are

formed of the refuse materal accumulated by many generations.

It has been already said that each charge of shale is exposed to

three changes of water. The water on the other hand is changed in

the gurrahs, till it has taken up, the sulphates from seven different

iS =

he oad a Yarns ot

ea ited Gd a en a‘ \ ;

‘ t D

REIN RIPE

Pe Ape res

“sdeay asaya Surmays syi0m szoddog jo ayeyding pue unty “9 “ON

othnedebes aid

Bleed lth dbs ph pal

es >_ . RR od

No. 7. Alwm and Sulphate of Co; works shewing refuse Leaps (an :

ee eee

Vihdde jf talus

Pe eee oe oe

1864. | The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana. | 527

gurrahs. It is now of a thick dirty bluish green colour, and is taken

to the boiling house, Plate VIII., where it is boiled in common

gurrahs over a fire in choolas, something like those used in kitchen

ranges. When the liquor is sufficiently concentrated to string, it is left

to cool, and thin sticks being introduced, the sulphate of copper at once

separates and crystallizes on them. The mother liquor is then drained

off into other gurrahs, as it still contains in solution, a considerable

quantity of the sulphate of copper as well as of alumina: it is again

boiled down, and treated with nitrate of potash, which causes alum to

crystallize at the bottom of the vessel.

The residual liquor still contains a quantity of both sulphates, and

is allowed to evaporate in broken gurrahs in the sun, when a con-

siderable quantity of impure and imperfectly crystallized sulphate of -

copper and alum is left, taking the shape of the bottom of the vessel.

Both the sulphate of copper and the alum require another crystallizing

to purily them. The pure sulphate of copper sells at Khetree for Rs. 14

per Khetree maund, the impure for Re. 1. The alum sells for Rs. 4

per maund. Hach maund of ore is said to yield + of a seer of pure

sulphate of copper, 14 seers of impure ditto and + of a seer of alum.

The results of the expenditure and profit of one establishment were

as follows.

Seven to eight maunds of shale, to which an equal quantity of the

crust from the heap had been added, produced four large gurrahs of

good liquor, each weighing 40 to 45 seers. Hach gurrah gave

2 seers of sulphates in about equal proportions, and ) seers of impure

residue.

Four seers sulphate copper at 14 Rs. per maund, Rs. 1 6 5

Four seers alum at 4 Rs. per ditto, ... ano Os 6-5

Twenty seers impure sulphates at 1 Re. ee ditto, eS =()

Reiko = oe 210

Se eee

Or per month Rs. 69-1, which would be for eight working months

Rs. 552-8. From this however, must be deducted the Raj’s due,

which is % of the gross produce, or Rs. 92-1-4, leaving Rs. 460-6-8

per annum to the Bunya.

598 The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana. [No. 5,

The expenses were.

Five maunds wood (at 16 maunds per rupee) and

oplah (cow-dung cakes) per diem, say Rs. 8-5-4 per

mensem or for 8 months, ... oe --. Hs. O6 10-8 :

; Gurrahs 1 Re. per mensem for 12 months, ... i DS 00)

Baskets, oil, &c., at 8 annas per ditto, 5 ye 1 ee

= e Wages to laborers 2 at 4 Rs. and 4 at 2 Rs. per

ae mensem; total per annum, oe ma 3.5: 192" 0-0

Sis = a . Total of costs, 2... 276:10 8

—— Leaving profit, ... 183 12 0

eer

Total returns, ... 460 6 8

ee ae

The above shows a profit of 183 rupees a year or 15 rupees a month,

but if we allow for festivals, d&c., the profit may be stated at 12 rupees

a month, and the poor condition of the Bunyas who outer the works )

would not induce one to place it at a higher sum. |

During the rains, the boiling of course ceases, as the sulphates will |

not crystallize. At that time the water draining from the lower terraces . |

is poured again and again on the upper ones, to bring to the surface as

much as possible of the undissolved sulphates in the heap. On fine |

days the labourers are employed in storing wood, or in visiting the |

mines to lay in a stock of shale for Sus during the more =

favourable season. |

List or PLatss.

{.—Town of Khetree with hill fort.

I1.—Pounders of copper ore with ‘ ghuns.’

T1l.—Koomhar making a smelting furnace for copper ore.

IV.—Copper smelting furnace in work.

V.—Copper refining furnace with troughs for metal.

Te VI.—Alum and sulphate of copper works, showing refuse heaps.

VII.—The same, (another view.)

VIIT.—Interior of boiling house for alum and sulphate of copper.

; thee ‘ Dt ke ek ein

Troe reer NTH al caer

res ‘ ‘ ; . ) :

t -roddog jo ayeyding pur wnyy Ioj esnoy Surplog jo Joweyuy *g “ON

Satay.

SEAR or

Rite

864. ] The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana, 529

List or SPECIMENS FORWARDED.

1st.—¥irst class glance ores and copper pyrites.

2nd.—Ditto glance ores, sometimes pounded and sold as Soorma

(antimony) for the eyes.

3rd.—Average copper eres, usually smelted.

4th.—Specimen of strata in which the copper ores occur.

oth.— Average copper ores freed from rock, before pounding by the

¢ ohun.”

6th.—Ore mixed with cow-dung and roasted, as put into the

smelting furnace.

7ih.—Slag picked up from mounds, (evidently still containing

copper).

8th.— Alum shale with sulphate of copper ; (average specimen),

91h —Sulphate of copper after first boiling.

10th.—Sulphate of copper (purified).

1ith.—Alum after first boiling.

12th.—Ditto, (purified).

13/h.— Sulphate of iron found in combination with the ether sul-

phates. |

14th—Impure residue of alum, sulphate of copper, and nitrate of

potash.

15th.—Ores, of which the miners desire an analysis.

16th.—Fossil wood encrusted with copper ore as dug out of the

copper mines.

17th.—Cobalt ore, called by natives “‘ Sheta,” as found in the mines

mixed with copper pyrites. —

18%h.—Ditto, ditto pounded.

In the box in which the above have been sent, are specimens of

other ores, having, however, no connection with Khetree or its copper

mines, viz.

19¢h.—Zince ores from zinc mines at Jawur near Qodepoor in Mey-

war; not now worked. The specimens were struck oif the rock in an

old working.

20ih—Specimens of crude yellow ochre from near the same

place.

21st—-Choice and beautiful specimens of carbonates and sulphates

of lead from the lead mines at Ajmere. |

22nd—Antimony from the same mines.

3 ¥

530 Note on the Hail-storm of Thursday the 24th March. [ No. 5,

Note on the hail-storm of Thursday the 24th March.— By Uunry F.

BuanrorD, A. if. 8S. M., £.G.S., Joint Secretary of the Asiatic

Socrety.

[Reeeived 6th April, 1864.—Read 6th April, 1864] _

« The formation of hail is well known to be one of the most. obscure

phenomena of meteorology, more especially in the case of hail-stones

of unusual size, which, from the very circumstances of the case, must' be

formed within the space of the few seconds succeeding the consolidation

of their nuclei, and during which they are fallme, m obedience-to the

law of gravity. In tropical climates, where the temperature at a

considerable height from the earth is much above the freezing point,

and where nevertheless, some of the largest recorded hail-stones have

fallen, the stones must attain their maximum dimensions in the first

portion of their fall, and during some subsequent seconds, must be subject

to the liquifying influence of the lower and denser strata of the. atmos-

phere. It has appeared to me therefore. that a few observations on the

stones which fell in Calcutta in a hail-storm on Thursday the 24th

ultimo, may be not without interest as a contribution ‘to this branch of

Meteorology. For the thermometric, barometric and anemometric ob-

servations I am indebted to Col. Thuillier, the Surveyor-General. -

‘The storm commenced about + to. 6.in the afternoon, the wind being

from the south-east, and for a few minutes previous to the fall blowing

in strong intermittent gusts, though not stronger than commonly pre-

cede the afternoon showers of this season.*. The clouds, a thick mass

ef nimbus, approached or formed from the north-west, but -did not

move. ‘at any great rate, and indeed they appeared to be stationary

during ‘the latter part of the storm. Lightning was frequent, andforked,

radiating in zig-zags from a small mass of cloud to those around, and

the thunder was frequent and almost continuous, but not loud. . Heavy

drops of rain began to fall at to 6, and were soon accompanied by a few

hail-stones about the size of hazel nuts. They were not very numerous,

* At the Botanic Gardens, the stillness ‘of which is more favourable to obsery-

ation than the noise of Chowringhee, Dr. Anderson noticed that the storm was

preceded by a prolonged rushing sound, similar to that which would-be pro-

‘duced by a number of railway trains rushing by at no great distance. ‘This

increased gradually, apparently from the north or north by west, and appeared

to pass overhead, before the hail fell. The direction of the hail near the ground

was from the south-east.

Sections

of Hailstones

Observed on

24” March

every es

Pe ae

; WT PhS Peet, ' i ‘watt t MEP

uf y

» j :

tied

a ie RGA

“P981 YOR up Z YO pealesqQ seuoysprepy jo suoysec

Cie

_— =. = — Sots <3 —- -Y~——— —__ _— = —— 7 a — eT ae aes te

= , ——— . . a aay Neat! aoe SO : = £ = == ae — = =

r a w =! ” j ; OTT AR SET de oo SS =

Cond

1864.] Note on the Hail-storm of Thursday the 24th March. 531

perhaps one or two per square yard per second, and although they

increased in frequency and number during the fall, which lasted about half

an hour, they were at no time very thick, and were throughout accom-

panied by rain, which increased in proportion to the hail. As the

stones increased in frequency, so also they increased in size, and the

largest fell just before the end of the storm.

The form and structure of the stones are noteworthy. They had all

of them a more or less oblate or discoid form, some being rudely

elliptical in section, while others, and especially the larger, were irre-

gular discs. The exterior was extremely irregular, resembling the

extremities of a mass of crystals, but I noticed no regular development

of crystalline faces. [It must, however, be remembered that the stones

were partially melted at the time of their touching the ground.| The

interior (nucleal portion) as seen in a fracture or a partially melted

stone, fig. 2a. Pl. I. was formed by alternating opaque concentric bands

(of which in one case I distinguished 7) separated by rings of less

opacity, and the outer portion consisted of transparent ice containing

numerous air-bubbles.* The air bubble which escaped from the largest

of these when the stone was melted under water was as nearly as large

as a grain of mignonette seed. The arrangement of the air bubbles

was irregularly radiate. Many of the more discoid stones exhibited

deep depressions, almost amounting to holes, in their axis, as shown

in fig. 3.

The largest of the stones which I noticed, are those represented in

figs. 1,2. Pl. I. The dimensions of the latter of these, taken when first

picked up, were,—diameter 45 mm. thickness 27 mm. The stone,

fig. 4, is represented of its natural size, and its irregularity appears to

be due to the coalescence of two nuclei. It is the only one I noticed

exhibiting this phenomenon.f

* Dr, Brandis has since furnished me with the accompanying sketches of

sections of the stones made by him during the fall. Pl. I. He points out that

some had transparent, others opaque nuciei. I may also refer to these sketches

as independent evidence of the oblateness of form, which, as I have above

observed, characterized most of the stones.

+ This must have been due to an oversight on my part, and my having been

engaged in sketching the stones, &ec. during the last 5 or 10 minutes of the fall.

Dr. Partridge who lives only at the distance of afurlong, and Dr. Anderson three

miles off, inform me that during the latter part of the fall, the majority of the

stones were agglomerated. rom their description, these appear not to have

been larger than those simple concretions which I have figured. The weight of

the largest weighed by Dr. Anderson was 3 drachms. At the reading of the

Dai 2

a. for g

Peer

WERYA;

532 Note on the Hail-storm of Thursday the 24th March, [No. 5,

‘The thunder and lightning continued vividly for half an hour or

more alter the cessation of the fall, but gradually the clouds disgolved

and by 9 o’clock the sky was clear. The wind continued from the

south-east for the remainder of the evening.

The fall was very local. At Serampore there was rain but no hail,

(Friend of India) ; at Dum Dum there was no fall simultaneous with

that of Calcutta, but a heavy fall occurred about half or three quarters

of an hour later, which Mr. Boulnois who left Calcutta after the end of

the hail-storm, experienced on the road to Dum Dum (but which

did not reach Calcutta). At Koolnah, according to the newspapers,

there was also a heavy fall, and a stone is said to have fallen there of 5

seers (10 Ibs.) in weight. This, however, wants confirmation. The total

fall at Calcutta, as estimated by the lower Rain guage at the Surveyor

General’s Observatory, was 1.22 inches.

It would be a point of some interest to ascertain the direction of the

wind, temperature and other meteorological data in the northern parts

of Bengal e.g. at Moorshedabad, Purneah, Malda, Kissengunj, &e.,

im order to determine the causes of this interesting hail-fall. Hail, as

is remarked by Sir J. Herschel, seems always to depend on the sudden

introduction of an extremely cold current of air into the bosom of a

quiescent,* nearly saturated mass. Now the dew point at 5 o’clock ag

calculated by Apjohu’s formula from the observed temperatures of the

wet and dry bulbs was 84,° the dry bulb thermometer being 86.6. The

air was therefore very near saturation, as might be expected of a

heated wind, which had recently swept over many hundred miles of a

tropical sea. Were such a wind met by a cold current from the Hima-

jaya, we should have the conditions required to produce hail, but in this

case we should expect to find some indications of the northerly current

in the direction of the wind, and‘in a lower temperature at some of the

northern stations. It is not necessary that the temperature of this

current should be below the freezing point. Its collision with the

above paper it was observed by the Honorable Mr. Beadon, and confirmed by

other observers, that many of the later stones were very irregular and perfectly

transparent lumps of ice. One in particular was described as resembling a

double fanged tooth in form, These appeared to be agglomerated stones.

* The air could scarcely be said to be quiescent in this case as previous to

the storm and again after its close the south-east wind blew strongly, but this

would be checked when met by a strong northerly current, and an ascending

current produced, |

1864.] Note on the Hail-storm of Thursday the 24th March. 533

southerly current would cause a sudden rise of both into the higher

regions of the atmosphere, and if this were very rapid the reduction in

the temperature consequent upon the expansion of the heated air, aided

by the cooling influence of the northerly current, might, I think, reduce

the temperature sufficiently to cause the formation of hail. That such

an upward current existed, is, I think, proved by the barometrical

reading, which at 6 o’clock (@ hours after the afternoon minimum)

gave a reading of 29.712 inches, whereas the corresponding morning

reading was 29.811. At the usual period of the afternoon minimum

(4 o’clock) the pressure was 29.719, at the morning minimum 29.769.

The clouds were not low during any part of the storm, but it is

scarcely probable that the hail was produced in their lower strata.

The quantity of rain which accompanied the hail was greater than

could well result from the mere partial liquifaction of the hail-stones,

and I am inclined therefore to infer, that rain fell from the lower strata

of cloud, the formation of hail being confined to the upper portions of

the mass. ;

The uniformly concentric structure of such stones as that delineated

in fig. 2a, and the air-bubbles of the clear portion, afford interesting in-

dications of the mode of formation of the hail-stones. The clear ice

must have been condensed in the fluid form, and have contained a large

amount of air in solution, which, as in the formation of lake ice, was

squeezed out at the instant of solidification, forming the air-bubbles now

entangled. The concentric zones indicate so many atmospheric strata

of condensation and it is probable that they consist of radiating snow

spicules 7. e. ice condensed from vapour below the freezing point, and

crystallizing on a solid nucleus, instead of forming free flakes. On this

view each clear zone represents a portion of the stone formed in an

atmosphere above the freezing point, and subsequently frozen, while

each opaque zone represents that contributed by an atmosphere below

32°. This would shew a great variability in the upper strata of cloud,

but such might result from the eddying of the mingling currents.

The oblate or discoid form of the stones and their axial hollows are

more difficult to explain. Were they in rapid rotation, they might

indeed acquire the observed form by centrifugal force, but there is no

apparent reason why such a motion should be set up. I do not know

that a similar observation has been previously recorded, but the pre-

valence of the phenomenon in the case of the hail-stones in the storm

534 Observations on keeping Salt-water Fish alive. [No. 5,

recorded, prove that it is not accidental, but due to some cause operating

generally in their formation. |

I bring these remarks forward, in the hope that further observations

may be elicited from some of our members or others, on the pheno-

mena of the storm, as well as to draw attention to the importance

and interest of this branch of meteorology, in case future storms may

afford opportunities of detailed observation. :

"PNA IMPOP IPS SINISE SSIS SL INS POLL ANPP I

Observations on keeping Salt-water Fish alive for a considerable time.—

By Lir.-Cou. BR. C. Tytrer.

[Received 28th Feb., 1864. | [Read 6th April, 1864. |

In offering the following observations for publication, I should here

remark that they are entirely the result of a great many experiments,

made during several months of my stay at Port Blair, and which I am

happy to say have been completely successful.

1. If fresh water from the sea be put into a vessel and changed

every twelve hours, sea fish will live in it. 3

2. It requires a quart beer bottle full of sea water, to keep a fish

the size of a minnow alive for twelve hours. |

3. Atfter twelve hours, the water begins to be offensive, Grom the

escape of Sulphurretted Hydrogen ;) the fish comes to the surface, swims

in circles impatiently, and dies before twenty-four hours: the water

about this time becomes most offensive.

4. If salt water be put into an iron vessel and boiled over a brisk

fire till nothing but the dry salts remain, it will be found that a tea

spoonful and a half of this salt, added to a quart beer bottle of fresh

tank water, will keep alive a fish the size of a small minnow, for a con-

siderable length of time, without any change of water being required for

months: this simple fact took me months and months to arrive at, and

it now affords me the greatest pleasure to make the result of my suc-

cessiul experiments known,

5. No food should be given to the fish, beyond a fly or smashed

cockroach now and then.

6. Freshly caught fish should be kept in a vessel at least twenty-four

hours by themselves, before being placed with those already in the

aquarium.

1864. | Observations on a few Species of Geckos. 535

7. To prove how successful the above plan has been, I should here

add that I have brought fish alive from Port Blair to Calcutta that

had at least been three months in the same water, and the latter

was as fresh as possible up to that time.

Observations on a few Species of Geckos alive in the possession

of the author.—By Lr.-Cou. RK. C. Tyrie.

[Recieved 27th March, 1864. |

Port Blair, 1st Janwary, 1864.

On several occasions lately, interesting living specimens of Geckoid

Lizards have been brought from the jungles, which has induced me

to make an attempt to keep them alive, for the purpose of observing

their habits more closely, than appears generally to have been

done; in order to accomplish this object I have been obliged to

resort to many expedients, and the only one that has proved

successiul has been the following: I have had a great many

boxes made of light deal wood, two sides of which are glass: the

wooden portion is perforated with holes in every direction, so as to

admit of air passing freely through : one of the glass sides forms a slide

to allow of the box being opened when an animal is put into it; at one

end of the box is a small tin trough for water, similar to that used in

Canary cages and at the bottom there is an inch of clean sand : a small

branch put into the box for the use of Arboreal species, completes the

arrangement, the tin for water is always kept full, and a number of

living flies, or young cockroaches are kept loose in the box, and I find

that this is sufficient for all the requirements of these Lizards.

My boxes vary in size, but the most convenient are 10 inches by 6,

and two inches wide, or 6 inches by 4, also two inches in width; but

as the glasses are liable to accidental breakage, I have in a measure

contrived to provide for and meet this, by having a separate light

wooden box made, capable of holding six of the glass cases : this not

only protects the glass, but keeps the freshly caught animal quiet, from

being inthe dark, and undisturbed, which it greatly prefers; and

prevents the restlessness it shews on such oceasions in the heht.

Mia] <a f nee Ee 2 ae =a og. =

Without in any way wishing to question the existing classifica-

tion of saurian animals adopted by naturalists, I feel in the present

536 Observations on a few Species of Geckos. [No. 5,

instance, while studying the forms, and closely examining the habits

of the geckos now alive in my collection, that it is incumbent on me

simply to adopt the genus Gecko, for every species in the family,

rather than place them in the several genera, enumerated in modern

classification. Geckoid lizards bear a strong similarity to each other,

and are in themselves unmistakable. One specimen alone is almost

sufficient to mark the entire type, notwithstanding that on comparing

species, one with another, a marked difference is visible, quite sufficient

to distinguish species, but insufficient In my opinion for a division of

the genus Gecko into genera, to meet alterations caused by size, or

slight differences of form. J have therefore adopted the genus Gecko

for all these lizards in my collection, whose habits I have lately

been enabled to observe closely. The word Gecko, is evidently taken

from the sound, uttered by very many of the species, in which ‘ yecko,’

or ‘gecko,’ or ‘chucko,’ is distinctly audible. From the formation

of the pupils of their eyes, it will at once be remarked, that they

are more or less nocturnal in their habits. In many the pupil

strongly resembles that of a cat, when much contracted. In ‘the

day, it 1s contracted to a fine dark hair line, but this is only the

case with those which are most nocturnal; others again which are

diurnal in their habits, preserve the fullness and rotundity of the

pupil in ordinary strong lghts: this is the case with my Gecko

chameleon (Phelsuma Andamanense of Blyth,) a very beautiful species,

peculiar to the Andamans, where it is found in great abundance. The

pupil of this species remains round in all lights, and is intensely black;

whereas, in my Gecko pardus, which, I think, may prove to be Hemi-

dactylus cocteec auctorum, the irides, which are of a peculiar bronze and

very metallic hue, shew during the day simply a very fine vertical

hair-like pupil. Almost all the other small species have the same,

but in Gecko toucktay of mine, which is Platydactylus verus, the irides,

which are of a yellowish green, instead of having by day-light a _hair-

like contracted pupil, have five or six minute unconnected dots vertically

arranged, which, on the reduction of light, rapidly increase and connect

themselves, forming in the dark a full pupil. This latter I ascertained

from a gecko that had died in the dark, the pupil of which I found to

be fully developed and round. Geckos seem to/feed entirely on insects ;)

the localities which they frequent therefore, are those best suited to

the description of insects they feed on, for capturing which, nature

1864. | Observations on a few Species of Geckos. 537

has given them remarkable peculiarities, admirably adapting them for

capturing their prey. I allude to the extraordinary power they

possess of changing their colours, so as to adapt themselves to the various

localities which they frequent, and by which their complete conceal-

ment is effected. In Gecko Chameleon for instance, when in dark places,

or in the earlier part of the day, the colour is almost black with red

markings, and this remains under ordinary circumstances till nearly mid-

day, when a gradual change takes place, and the dark hue gives way to

an intense emerald green on the body, with a bright blue on the tail, the

under surface becoming of a fine canary yellow, and the red marks still

remaining on the back. By one or two o'clock, the change of colour 1s

complete, and the animal sallies forth from his dark place of conceal-

ment, onto the bright green leaves of trees, in quest of insects: but the

change of colour may take place at any time during the day, according

to circumstances of position and light ; for if one of the green coloured

lizards be placed in a dark spot, the colour changes to a dark hue, in

the same ratio that the dark animal becomes green when placed in the

sun, or in a strong light on the leaves of trees. The change of colour

is also influenced by the seasons, for during the rains the change is not

go rapid as it is in brighter weather. |

The casting of the skin is of frequent occurrence with all the Geckos,

but particularly so with Gecko Chameleon, and, strange to say, other

lizards in the same case, devour the skin as soon as it is cast : in many

instances I have even seen them tear it off before it was fairly changed.

All Geckos are ‘great water-drinkers ; they drink by lapping with their

tongues like dogs; it is therefore very necessary to keep the little tin

trough in their cage constantly supplied with water. Insects should also

be kept in their boxes to satisfy their voracious appetites. Though

insect-eaters, and at times greedy and voracious, still they are capable

of enduring hunger for a considerable length of time, without seeming

to suffer any inconvenience from it. One of the most marvellous traits

in the habit of the Gecko, is its power of frequently and most rapidly

changing its colour, and also its markings, to suit the places it may be

in; I have seen an animal become, from a light straw-colour, speckled

all over with dark marks; and perhaps in another instant of time

almost black or a light slate. ‘No chameleon can change more rapidly

or perfectly than the gecko) In Gecko chameleon, the change is more

apparent and striking, owing simply to the contrast between an almost

3 Z

eines Tea isin ieh af = ; ee

re ea A desley <t ae = = MES

538 Observations on a few Species of Geckos. [No. 5,

black color and a brilliant ight emerald green, but this change is not

more remarkable than that which takes place in the more humbly

coloured species ; for in many, not only the general colour changes, but

briliant markings suddenly appear, which were previously invisible.

(An animal which is of a dull grey and transparent, and without any

apparent markings, when examined in one of my boxes and held up

to a strong light, may, when placed in a more subdued light, assume a

brilliant tortoise shell hue, or a light straw, or perhaps become nearly

black: such extremes and differences in colour are truly surprising.

Most Geckos have five distinct toes. The thumb is more or lesg

defined, and the toes are furnished with or are without sucking pads,

possessing more or less adhesive powers; those which have the pads

less developed, or confined to the tips of their toes, find greater

difficulty mm ascending: plane vertical surfaces than those which have

the suckers fully developed. In some of the small species which

frequent walls, a membrane unites the toes, while others possess

membranes on the sides of their tails, heads and bodies ; according to

which characters the group is separated into several genera. <A

peculiarity in the claw of the gecko is’ its powerful retractility,

which in some species is not confined to the claw, but is in a great

measure possessed by the entire toe: the sucking pad is even capable

of reduction, either by a folding process or an internal retraction.

Another strange peculiarity is in the eye, which is furnished

with a transparent case, behind which, the eye moves freely and

rapidly. :

In casting their skins, the portion over the face draws off from the

nose towards the occiput, leaving the case of the eye, in some, un-

changed. This, it will be perceived, is different from the process which

obtains in the case of a snake when casting its skin, for in the latter case,

the case over the eye is invariably renewed with the skin. I have already

alluded to Geckos being entirely insect-eaters, and they ave active insect-

destroyers; but for all that, they are remarkably choice in the selection

of their prey, as they may be seen for a considerable length of time,

perfectly motionless on a wall, watching some particular insect they

may have selected for their food; and they will, in the meantime, allow

numbers of others to pass their very mouths, without making the

slightest effort to secure them. Fhes and cockroaches form a very

favourite food, but the insect must be alive, or they will not touch it.

= te

Observations on a few Specres of Geckos. dad

864.]

In collecting lizards, I always send natives out with wide mouthed

bottles to put them into when caught, but this, simple as 1t appears,

requires a little management and caution, for should a cork be put into

the bottle, the animal is apt to die from suffocation, and putting too many

in a bottle, causes perhaps the destruction of the whole; besides which,

it often occurs, that a lizard may adhere to the side of the bottle, and

shew great disinclination to quit it; the violent shaking then resorted

to, to oblige it to do so, frequently causes the animal to die in a few

days from its injuries it suffers. I find it is also a bad plan, to allow

~an injured gecko to be with others, for the skin being once rubbed off,

the surface remains raw and tender for some considerable time; and the

result too frequently is, that small ants are attracted, who will completely

destroy a box of geckos in a night, by adhering to every one they can

get hold of, and stinging it to death. This has happened to me on

several occasions, and caution is required to guard against it, for the

gecko, though an insect-destroyer, is a very timid animal, and rapidly

flees from the attacks of insects.

‘During the day, geckoid lizards are found under stones or in boxes,

and other suitable localities, but at night, a lamp near a wall will al-

ways attract them, whilst the insects fluttering about will always in-

duce them to remain about the spot. Many of my most interesting

specimens have been obtained in this manner.

it is not unusual to observe, the interesting, though at the same time,

somewhat cruel habit of the larger sized geckos, destroying the small-

that if a large gecko is gently

On such occasions, it

er ones ; and it almost invariably occurs,

driven towards a small one, whilst on a wall, he almost immediately

seizes the other, and a scuffle ensues, which ends either in the total

destruction of the smaller one, or at all events the loss of his tail.

Nature appears to have provided against this act of cannibalism

amongst them, for the tail is easily detached, and although it be-

comes the trophy of the larger animal, its loss frequently enables the

smaller one to escape with his life. The tail when detached, from a

most sluggish appendage, becomes a very lively member, and owing to

a powerlul muscular action, wriggles about for a very considerable

time. In about three weeks the tail is renewed on the tail-less animal.

From the readiness with which the tail is detached, it almost appears

that its rejection is voluntary, and resorted to to aid its possessor in

escaping from imminent danger ; but this can hardly be the case, for

3 2z 2

}

eT nee

540 Observations on a few Species of Geckos. [No. 5,

it often happens that the renewed tail is deformed, either by being

thicker at the junction, or, in many instances, by several tails branching

off from that one spot.

‘The toe-pads or suckers are a perpetual source of care and attention

to these little animals, who constantly keep licking them with their

this takes place from the moment they are caught; the mere

eet act of catching them appears to derange, in some measure, the

eee B regularity of their suckers ; for when first captured, the animal remains

Se Be | perfectly quiet, as if astonished or paralysed, but on recovering

from the effects of his surprise, he licks his pads, examining them

minutely, and struggles violently to escape, and even endeavours to

bite his captor; which latter, should he succeed in doing, is of but

little consequence, as his bite is not in any way venomous.

The Gecko toucktay is considered by the Burmese, to be poisonous,

though unfoundedly; and therefore this harmless lizard is looked

upon with dread and alarm, though, strange to say, his startling

and somewhat unearthly call, uttered on a dark still night, from

some densely wooded spot, or interior of a house, creates little or

no annoyance. The call of the toucktay is a frequent repetition of

the word ‘ touck tay,’ uttered in a hoarse sonorous and loud tone, re-

peated five or six times, and ending in a suppressed groan, as if his

efforts were entirely exhausted.

Though some few geckos are more or less furnished with an

interdigital membrane, bearing the appearance of a swimming web,

I have never seen them voluntarily take to the water, but they

confine themselves to trees, rocks and houses. It is possible, how-

ever, that during heavy rains, when water accumulates in different

in which case these membranes must materially assist them in so

doing. |

fe ee Geckos preserved and sent to museums in spirits for scientific purposes,

oS undoubtedly answer all that is required for the examination of their

| structure, but as most of them have the power of changing their colour,

Bee and as in many instances preserved specimens lose some of their peculi-

= o al : arities, I find that to study and form an idea of the habits of these little

as fa : creatures, it is necessary to examine and watch them in their living state,

=~ is whenthey will be found to afford a highly interesting study, very astonish-

fleshy tongues, and removing all impediments to their adhesiveness;)

places, these animals may have to swim in order to save their lives,)

“ay,

1864. | Observations on a few Species of Geckos. 541

ing, and of a very pleasing nature. Thelargersawreans, fromtheirimposing

size, have rendered themselves familiar to many, but the little gecko

has seemingly been neglected, though constantly put into bottles

indiscriminately, and sent to museums with little or nothing said

about its habits, beyond a casual remark of its being found on walls or

trees, and apparently an insect-eater. In reality little or nothing is

known of the habits of Geckos, and these can only be ascertained by

taking an interest in these minute creatures, and keeping them in a

glass box for constant examination.

The Gecko toucktay is a (very savage animal when first caught;

and as he dashes with the greatest ferocity to bite his captor, his

huge gaping mouth and ferocious) aspect render him a somewhat

alarming as well as forbidding animal to look at, notwithstanding the

pretty red, white and slate-coloured markings he has over his body.

I find that Geckos which have spines on their tails, on losing the tail

and the same being renewed, have the newly formed tail smooth for

a considerable length of time, nor do the spikes appear for at least three

weeks or a month after its formation. When at rest, the gecko coils his

tail, so as to be entirely concealed in the crevice or other place he happens

to be in; but when in search of food, or disturbed, the tail remains at its

full stretch, and in a certain measure assists him in adhering to walls or.

other places, as well as to guide him in his movements. When a gecko

loses his tail, he appears to be much inconvenienced by the loss, for instead

of creeping gracefully and leisurely as he generally does, his move-

ments become short leaps, or a succession of rapid running jerks with

his head elevated.

On seizing an insect,/the gecko does not. use his tongue, but seizes

his prey with his jaws, and after a few bites and gulps swallows it

without tearing it to pieces.) The tongue of the gecko is large and

fleshy, and rounded or notched at its extremity, which is free. The

teeth, which are very small, are sharp with cutting edges, and numerous,

adhering to the internal margin of the jaws, but there are no palatine

teeth. A curious and somewhat strange peculiarity in these lizards,

is that ‘on being caught they pass a quantity of urine, which

is evidently not the result of alarm, but it seems as if this is

resorted to for the purpose of aiding them in their escape when seized

by other animals.) The liquid 1s quite clear, and although plentifully

passed on the seizure of the animal, it is often ejected when not

va - i

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549 Observations on a few Species of Geckos. [No. 5,

disturbed. That this liquid is capable of producing sores on a tender

skin, I doubt not; for when my fingers have been touched by it,

on several occasions, I have felt an unusual caustic sensation and even

a tingling at the tips, which after the lapse of a few minutes entirely

passes away.

In a gecko toucktay brought to me at Moulmein, and which had

been put alive into a dry bottle, I was astonished to see the amount of

moisture collected in the bottle in a few hours, as well asthe water which

seemed to be coming through the pores of the skin; for though the

sreatest portion had been passed during the night, moisture was still

passing through the pores of the skin in the morning. |

I find whenever my specimens of the gecko tide are Gn bad health

or about to die, a gradual wearing away is visible; the neck becomes

very thin and dilated, the head looks unusually large, the lips swell

and become sore, the eyes much projected ; particles of dust also adhere

to the transparent, immovable eyelid, and about the corners of the

mouth, which latter often fills with dust; when this occurs they seldom

or ever recover.! The presence of dust on the immovable eyelid, is in

itself a marked indication of approaching death, for geckos constantly

lick it with their tongues, and keep it scrupulously clean when in

health.) The living animals in the same box do not in any way seem

to shew repugnance at the presence of a dead companion, but move

about it, or cluster around it precisely as if it were alive. The

clustering of these animals, when not confined in a box, is not

unusual, for I have found several concealing themselves in the same

crevice, where they sometimes lay one over another. In my glass cases

this is a frequent occurrence.

I have already remarked on the constant casting off of the skin, on

the part of the Gecko chameleon, and although it is less frequent with

others, still they all cast their skins often, and in the glass boxes this

would appear to occur more frequently than elsewhere: the confinement

may perhaps in some measure influence the act, and promote a more

rapid change; before it takes place, the animal becomes unusually

languid and of a grey slate colour, appearing in certain lights of a

whitish hue, As the time of casting approaches, the grey colour becomes

darker and duller, all markings disappear, and the skin begins to crack and

fall off, either in one or several long pieces; that of the tail being the last,

which slips off like a long sheath. Other Geckosin the same box, attracted

: ae

1864. | Observations on a few Species of Geckos. D483

by the pure white appearance of this cast off coat, seize and eat it. The

skin is of a pure white, beautifully netted and marked , strongly resembling

that of snakes. No sooner is the skin cast off, than the little creature

becomes quite lively again. A toucktay which I had, commenced

casting its skin in one of my boxes, two or three days after its cap-

ture; on the third day the skin cracked and as usual began to peel off.

On this occasion, it was nearly a week getting rid of its skin, but for

all that, I do not think it was in any way weakened by the operation,

as might reasonably be expected from the animal’s sluggishness and

refusal of all food. I havel/observed that geckos on touching shining or

polished surfaces, invariably lick them with their tongues, probably

mistaking them for water, but the gecko chameleon does the same to

the small shining particles of sand.

The contraction of the eye of these lizards is remarkably cat-like,

but in gecko toucktay, it is more remarkable than in any other, from

the peculiar greenish hue of the iris, which is so markedly different

from the brass bronze lustre, or brown hues of the smaller species.

When the mouth of the toucktay is open, it is truly hideous, the inside

appearing like a deep pink cavern, with the palate black. Although

this is equally descriptive of the smaller lizards, it 1s most striking

in the larger ones. Although the gecko toucktay is (vicious and

furious, it soon becomes reconciled to confinement, and does not

attack or bite others of the same species,) when put into the same

box. This huge gecko adheres to a wall, or the perpendicular surface

of a pane of glass, as firmly and as securely as the smaller animals,

and is almost more tenacious of its hold, requiring a strong shove

or even stroke to knock it off a wall: during the day this animal

adheres to a wall or tree with his head downwards, or frequently hangs

by his hind feet, with the head down and the front feet clasped to-

gether.

Other sawrians may in a great measure be able to cling to, and ascend

vertical surfaces, but the power of adhering to such places like a fly,

with suckers, and to traverse ceilings with the greatest facility and

rapidity, where no other lizard dare venture, belongs exclusively to

the gecko. This is effected by means of their flattened and ex-

panded toes, which are transversely laminated beneath, or furnished

with powerful imbricated suckers; and by its claws, which are sharp-

hooked and retractile) like a cat’s, and greatly assist the suckers in

JAR TERR

Pera

a —

y 4 Via peels |

hewets t

544 Observations on a few Species of Geckos. [ No. 5,

their hold : for they have a clinging capability, which, when added to the

suction of their toe-pads, gives the animal a surprisingly powerful hold, \

the toe-suckers acting in reality like minute air-pumps. . I have lately

lost a beautiful specimen of the gecko towcktay, which, previously lively

and active, died suddenly. On a post mortem examination, I found

in the stomach, an oblong piece of a substance like lime, the size of a

marble, and as hard as a stone, and which had evidently caused its

death. It is possible that since so many species of the smaller geckos

inhabit the same place, hybrids may be of frequent occurrence; and this

I have had reason to suspect in many instances: but although several

species of geckos may inhabit the same locality, yet, as a general rule,

they keep separate and aloof from each other; for instance in a house,

the dark cellars may be the resort of one species, the roof of another,

and crevices in the walls may be occupied exclusively by a third species.

However, at night they issue forth in quest of insects, and may be found

mixed up together in the same spot, but on the slightest disturbance,

or when they have done feeding, they return hurriedly to their parti-

cular hiding-places. |

(Two eos of a perfectly round and milk-white colour seem to be the

most they lay. These le about chinks in the wall, unprotected till

hatched, which process takes place according to temperature and other

circumstances. When the eggs are first laid they are soft, and covered

with an adhesive glutinous substance, which causes the eggs to stick to

any surface, as well as frequently to each other. Shortly after the eggs are

laid, the shell and gluten become perfectly hard, and were it not for this

admirable provision of nature, these ight minute eggs, would be blown

about by every breath of wind, and their hatching would be rendered al-

most an impossibility, particularly so in the localities their parents

intend the young to inhabit. ' The power the geckos possess of in-

troducing themselves into minute crevices, is owing to the natural

flexibility of their bodies, the formation of which is depressed, and

covered with imbricate scales or tubercles, and frequently spines like

prickles, on the tail as well as on the body. Femoral pores exist

in the males or in both sexes, but there are several species in which no

indication of these pores can be found. Besides the immoveable case

which covers the eye, and behind which the eye moves freely, there is a

slightly developed regular eyelid, which, from its incomplete formation,

gives a staring glance to the animal, for the eye is itself naturally

—

1864. | Observations on a few Species of Geckos. H45

very large, full and bright. The orifices of the ears are on the side of

the head, with the membrane of the tympanum much depressed.

I have already said that in my classification of the living geckos in

my collection, I should simply adopt the genus Gecko in preference to the

acknowledged genera, but as this may not be satisfactory to others, I

will here briefly classify the eeckoid saurians. Their position in the

zoological series isin the second section (haplapnoa ) of the class reptala ;

in the order sawrit, tribe sguamatz, and family ascalobote. This family,

in my opinion, admits of only one genus, Gecko, but owing to the

structure of the feet, the toe-suckers of which vary considerably in

form, and are quite a study in themselves, the geckos have been divided

into several genera, the principal of which I shall here enumerate.

Lomato-dactylus (Van der Hoven), Levwrus (Blyth),

Platydactylus (Cuv.), Spheriodactylus (Cuy.),

Pteropleura (Gray), Diplodactylus (Gray),

Hemidactylus (Cuv.), Ptychozoon (Kuhl.),

Piyodactylus (Cuy.), Crossurus (Wag.),

Phyllodactylus (Gray), Stenodactylus (Fitz.),

Thecadactylus (Dum.), Gymnodactylus (Spix.),

Phelsuma (Coct.), — Tarentola,

Rhacodactylus (Fitz.), Phyllurus,

and a great many more, but I think the above may be considered

the most important of those hitherto acknowledged : but without speci-

mens of the animals or good illustrations, which latter these brief

observations of mine do not admit of, it is totally impossible for me to

describe, or convey any idea of the peculiarities existing in the

formation of the suckers of the several species. |

I will now describe each of my living specimens separately, It is

possible that some of them may have been described already, but as

Tam not aware of any such description and have no means of reference,

I will name each myself and give a brief description of it.

1. Gecko verus ; length 9 to 12 inches; general colour, dark slate

with light ash coloured bands round the body; the light bands are spotted

with white, and the dark slate with red spots. The tail is of the length

of its body with bands all round it of light and dark slate, divided by

dark red or nearly black bands. Trides greenish yellow, large and full

of veins. Body compressed, with rough tubercles on the surface, as also

on the tail, of a small size. The taales are darker than the females, and

an iareiie i

a) 4 Take |

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Ug. | eds

BAG Observations on a few Species of Geckos. [No. 5,

also larger.) Toes five, of nearly equal size, furnished with powerful

suckers. Head large: pupil of the eye with powerful contracting powers:

the eye islarge and staring. Inside of the mouth red. Very vicious and

bites with great ferocity: inhabits Burmah : my specimens are all from

Moulmein. Found in houses, trees, &c., and called by the Burmese

Toucktay, [Platydactylus verus of authors]. The Burmese name is in

imitation of its call, which is five or six times repeated.

2. Gecko Verreauaxt, n.s., Tytler; a splendid large new species found

on the main island of the Andamans, as also on the smaller. In size it

not only equals the last named species, but is frequently larger, measuring

from 18 to 14 inches in length. I have named it after my esteemed

friend 7. Jules Verreaux of Paris, the great and well known naturalist.

The Gecko Verreauar is of a dark brown colour above and lighter be-

neath : those sent to me from Mount Harriet have little or no marking,

but those from Aberdeen have dark markings on the back, and some-

times circles on the tail. The body is covered with tubercles, and there are

six rows of prickles or spines on the tail ; which latter is flat sided. A

deep grove runs down the centre of the tail, which is as long as the body.

There are two rows of these spines on the top and two on either side

of the tail. The animal, in colour, is so like the bark of an old tree or

dried wood, and so changes its brown hue to suit the colour of

the tree it may be on, that it is a matter of the greatest difnculty

to find it. (The animal has a very formidable and forbidding look,

and the natives greatly dread it, so that it is difficult to obtain.)

The colour of the irides is a metallic yellowish green, full of veins;

the eyes are large and full. Hach foot has five large toes with powerful

claws and large suckers. The call of this species is a loud ‘ Tuk Tuk

Tuk’ five or six times repeated.

3. Gecko tigris (Tytler). I think this is the Puellula rubida of

Blyth, for the character which induced him to give this generic name to

a gecko he received from the Andamans, is perceptible in all my living

specimens: I have called it ¢2gris from its fierce disposition. In length

it is from 5 to 6 inches: general colour brown with numerous dark

markings, and rings round the tail: the markings are in the shape ol

lines. The tail is longer than the body, and when the animal is moving.

the tail is held up horizontally and stiff, with a curl at the tip : the back

is rough with tubercles, as also is the tail. The under surface is fleshy and

smooth and of a purplehue. The upper eyelid with a yellow line on res

el ci a, Me,

SS = =

SCS A —>—s _—

i no a

1864. } Observations on a few Species of Geckos. DAT

iridesof a brownish green. Toes with very minutesuckers, scarcely visible,

appearing as if none existed : toes five on each foot, long and nearly equal.

The colour of the animal is very changeable; a dark variety with deeper

markings has been brought to me from Mount Harriet. The species

appears to be peculiar to the Andamans, where it is found under stones,

stumps of trees, &e.

4, Gecko Tytleri n. s. (Tytler); from 4 to 6 inches long; body and

tail rough, covered with small tubercles; the tail has also spines on it.

Toes five; the thumb small; suckérs on the toes small. General

colour brown, lighter on the under surface; colour very changeable.

Irides brown. Found all my specimens in dark cellars at Moulmein,

where the species is common.

5. Gecko chaus, (Tytler). I think this is Hemedactylus froenatus of

Schl. Length from 4 to 5 inches; tail as long as, or longer than body.

General colour slate grey, lighter on the under surface; colour very

changeable; body smooth with dark marks; tail with spines. Feet with

five toes; thumb small; suckers on toes of moderate size. Lrides brown.

Found on trees, in houses, &c., at Moulmein and Rangoon : those found

at Rangoon are somewhat smaller than those from the former place, and

a slightly darker variety.

6. Gecko caracal, n.s., (Tytler); very similar to the above, but

without any spines on the tail; found in dark cellars, but chiefly in

native huts| at Rangoon. Length about 4 inches, At first from its great

similarity to No. 5, Gecko chaus, I was inclined to think it was

simply a local ‘variety of that animal, but I now feel satisfied it is not

so, but a distinct species. It can at once be distinguished from Gecko

chaws by the absence of prickles or spines on its tail, this latter

being perfectly smooth in Gecko caracal.

7. Gecko pardus, (Tytler); length from 4 to 5 inches; body much

compressed ; tail flat, thick and fleshy at base, passing off to a fine point.

Body dotted with light spots, margined with minute dark spots and

specks ; general colour brown, very changeable ; lower portions lighter,

without marks. Irides metallic yellow like brass. Toes five, full size,

connected by amembrane; suckers full size. A great variety of markings

found in different individuals. Found in houses at Rangoon, Moulmein

and Port Blair: those obtained at Port Blair have a thicker tail than

those I collected in Burmah. I am of opinion that the Port Blair

4aQ

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548 Observations on a few Species of Geckos. [No. 5,

animals have been introduced into the settlement in boxes, &c., from

Burmah, for I have hitherto only obtained them on Ross island, and

not from the main island. I do not think this can be a new species,

for it is very common.

8. Gecko Harrietr, n. s. (Tytler). This beautiful little Gecko varies

in length from 2 to 8 inches. Its general colour is light brown, with

particularly pretty, dark markings: a dark mark extends from the nose

along the sides, but the colour is so very changeable that it is im possi-

ble to describe it: from a light straw, it instantaneously becomes almost

of adark brown. It has five well developed toes, with full sized suckers

under each. Irides bright copper colour. Tail equal in length to body.

Under portions lighter than upper, without markings. (The tail is curled

when at rest.) It is periectly arboreal, frequenting trees, and is found

concealed under the bark: inhabits the Andamans; all my specimens

are from Port Blair and its neighbourhood. I have named it after

Mrs. Tytler.

All the Geckos which I have described above, have pupils which

contract like those of cats, and are more or less nocturnal in their

habits; but the following species is quite diurnal, and the pupil does

not seem to contract, but remains round and full all day.

9. Gecko chameleon (Tytler.) ; (Phelsuma Andamanense of Blyth);

about 4 to 6 inches long: general colour, in the sun or strong light, rich

emerald green, with blue or green tail; under portions bright yellow;

red marks on head and back in most individuals; in dark places or in a

subdued light, the colour is perfectly dark, nearly black; the markings

slightly visible and the yellow usual on the under portions entirely

disappears. ‘These lizards are quite arboreal. Feet with five toes;

thumb very small; suckers of moderate size: tongue bright red.

Peculiar to the Andamans, where the species is very common.

PPP OL LOL LO lh leh Ah Ll A eB LOLA ah acd LPG oa AL ek ll eg We NS el eel el,

1864. | Inscription at Harlan. 549

Inscription on the Muqbura at Haalan.*

(Communicated by the Punjab Auciliary Committee of the Asiatic Society.)

[Received 16th February, 1864 |

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550 Inscription at Hailan. [No. 5,

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651

D02 The Pullar Towers of the British Islands.

[No. 5,

Peculrarities and Uses of the Pillar Towers of the British Islands, by

Dr. T. A, Wiss.

[Recewed 25th March, 1864. |

So much has been written on the Pillar Towers of the British Islands,

and so conflicting are the conclusions drawn, that it may be of use to direct

the attention of members of the Asiatic Society, to these remarkable

monuments of antiquity, in the expectation of obtaining more correct

suggestions than have hitherto been made, regarding their use; as

there isa growing belief that they are of Asiatic origin. In the

course of the following remarks several examples of Indian Pillar

Towers will be mentioned; and it is hoped that photography will

afford aid to prove their relationship with those in Hurope. Their

number must necessarily be few, owing to the lapse of centuries, and to

their having been generally destroyed by the persecuting Brahmans;

and they will therefore only be found in distant and unfrequented places.

There are no records of the people who built these Towers, or the

purposes for which they were built in Ireland and Scotland; and

they are so ancient that the most general traditions among the people

are that they were the work either of fairies, or the ‘“ good people,”

or ‘‘the weird people of the Beghts”; or of saintly old women; or of

the Danes, the last conquerors, and cruel devastators of Ireland in

ancient times. Without stopping to criticise such fancies, I shall

confine myself to a general description of the peculiarities and uses of

these remarkable structures, with a few remarks on the probable age in

which they were built.

General description—The graceful outline, and simple style and

construction of the Pillar Towers, standing in the solitary waste,

or rising unchanged amidst mouldering ruins of churches and tomb-

stones, and their mysterious origin and uses, have long occupied

attention, and afforded scope for the ingenuity of antiquarian

speculators.

There are 118 of those Pillar Towers in Ireland, and two in Scotland ;

and they appear to have been constructed by powerful and intelligent

missionaries, animated by religious zeal and a sense of security. Such an

origin would explain theirresemblance to each other, in their graceful form

——)

1864. | The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. DDO

and peculiar structure. They are from fifty to sixty feet in circum-

ference, and eight or nine in diameter throughout, and are divided into

from three to seven or twelve stages, forming apartments of different

heights. Their floors are supported in some instances by ridges

taken off the thickness of the walls, or by abutments or rests four or

six inches in size. In the older Towers, holes are left for the recep-

tion of beams to support the floors.

Some of the Pillar Towers have holes in the lintel-stones to receive

the hinges of the door. In other Towers the door appears to have

been kept shut by a ladder resting upon the opposite wall, and against

the closed door ; in others again by a bar across the back of the door, the

extremities resting im holes behind it, to keep it shut ; which fact, with

the depth of the floor below the door, prove that security was attended

to. The different stages or apartments of the Pillar Towers were reached

by a ladder drawn up from the elevated door, and from floor to floor

as required, in times of danger. The entrance was from eight to twelve

feet from the ground, was generally wider below than above, and flat,

or rounded at the top. There were two kinds of windows; those

near the top were generally four* in number turned to the cardinal

points of the compass, and below these were small oblong openings at

intervals, generally in opposite directions, to give light to the different

stages of the Tower. Their size, position, and number, vary considera-

bly in different Pillar Towers. The Towers are usually covered with a

conical top, sometimes laid with horizontal, and in other cases by

herringbone masonry.

Neither the number of stories, nor the direction of the entrance or

windows were of any material importance to the object of the building,

as they varied so much in different Towers. The Towers generally

resemble each other in the entrance being elevated seven, ten or thirteen

leet above the surface of the ground; whereas the floor of the Towers

is often three or four feet below the level of the door; and up to

this elevation, the Tower is generally solid, sometimes with a projecting

ridge of four inches, on the outside, level with the ground. ‘The

foundation descends two or three feet below the surface, except where

the Tower is built on the solid rock.

* There are nine in the Pillar Tower of Clonmacnoise, and none in that of

Dunnoughmore.

5d4 The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. [No. 5,

The stones of which the Pillar Towers are built were carefully and

judiciously selected, and were often brought from a distance. They are

fashioned into an oblong square form, accurately adjusted to each other,

and embedded in a small quantity of shell lime,* the interior being

common rubble work. The dressed stones are laid in horizontal layers,

or in some cases in a Somewhat spiral form, rising from the left to the

right, in order apparently to add strength to the building.

The Pillar Towers were built by different races of mankind for various

purposes ; their construction extending over a period of several centuries,

which fact will assist us in explaining many of their peculiarities. This

has induced me to arrange them as Pagan or primitive, transition or

Saxon, and Christian or Norman, which classification will be found

more useful, than perhaps, strictly correct.

1. The Irish Pillar Towers of the primitive, early or simple form

are few in number, and are more mutilated than the others owing

to their age, to the stones having been selected with less care, and to

Clondalken near Dublin. Ross Camk near Galloway. | Drumeliff near Sligo.7

* Ulster Journal, vol, I, p. 146. :

~~ A road contractor tried the effects of gunpowder in reducing this vene-

rable tower for road purposes.

42)

1864. | The Pillar Towers of the British Isbands. N00

the dressing and arrangement not being so good as in the other

classes. Like the early erect stones or obelisks of the North Hast of

Scotland, they were numerous and were erected by Pagan workmen;

but they underwent considerable changes as the people advanced in

knowledge, social position and religious opinions.

These are examples of the primitive Pillar Towers, which appear to

have been erected by Buddhists between the first and the fourth centuries,

as 1s indicated by the sacred symbols of the sun or deity. They were

unacquainted with the use of the arch. This is a strong indication of

their Asiatic origin : for, amidst the most graceful and splendid remains

of Buddhism in Asia, the absence of the arch is most striking. It was

with the object of propagating their faith, that the Buddhist, Missionaries

visited Ireland ; and at this early period they would find the country ina

rude condition, and governed by numerous chieftains in constant collision

with each other, while exposed to the inroads of seafaring robbers: not

united enough to resist effectually, but too strong to submit to their

tyranny. It was among these turbulent factions that the Buddhists first

found it necessary to erect the Pillar Towers, both as a sacred emblem,

and as the most simple and effectual means of obtaining personal

security, as well asasafe deposit for the sacred relics and most precious

effects of their religious worship.

The Chinese Travellers who visited India to study the Buddhist

religion, and saw the use to which the Pillar Towers were put, enable

us to explain the means employed to call the congregation to their

devotions. This was done by the use of cymbals, horns, and drums ;

and this explains the use to which the brass trumpets were put, which

are still sometimes found in the neighbourhood of the Pillar Towers

in Ireland.

Besides the Pillar Towers figures of which are given, the following

belong to this division: that of Luck in the county of Dublin; those

of Tighado, Kildare ; and Clones, Monaghan.

The Towers of the second class were constructed during the transi-

tion period, and were built by native artists as sacred monuments,

and owing to their acquired power, with more care and skill than

the primitive towers. This may explain the retention in general of

the distinctive form of the earlier edifices, which were intended as

sale places of retreat and defence.

4B 2.

nbrtay

a es bed of

1, He

baw

556 The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. [No. 5,

The Cloyne Pillar Tower may

be instanced as an example of this

class. The top of this graceful

tower was injured by lightning, and

a battlemented top was built upon

it. The reddish coloured sandstone

of which the tower is built, was

obtained in the neighbourhood, and

is still in excellent preservation.

The curvature of the tower was

worked with a chisel-pointed

hammer. The stones are large and

fiat-bedded, and carefully worked

into the form required. The thick-

ness of the wall atthe door is34 feet,

— “yr

fort ie

Cloyne, Ireland. Abernethy, Scotland. ee ee

throughout. The door-way looks

SH by H. and is 114 feet from the ground. It is flat topped, being covered

with a lintel, andis wider below than above. The tower has six stories;

the first being on a level with the door, and the others resting upon

ledges projecting from the wall; the height of these chambers is 114

feet. The four top windows face the cardinal points, and like the door,

are broader below than above, in the Pelasgic and Hegyptian style.

Below, there are, several small openings, one of which, over the door,

is larger than the others, and has a marked modification of the arch.

Only two round Pillar Towers exist in Scotland. These have the

Same peculiar form and structure as those of Ireland, appear to have

been built at the same early period, and afford good examples of the

two varieties already described, while they are surrounded by the same

mystery as to their uses.

The following description of the Abernethy tower is extracted from

@ previous essay of mine.

‘Abernethy,* in Fifeshire, was the capital of one of the Pictish

Governments, but the Pillar Tower which is situated there is not men-

tioned in any of our ancient histories. We only know that the people

~* The name is derived from aber confluence, of the small stream Nethy, that

passes down to the town and into the river Harn ; and the town is sometimes still

called by the Scoto-Irish name Invernethy,

: 13864. ] The Pillar Towers of the Britesh Islands. 557

hy were christianised, and the town and adjacent district were dedicated.

f to God and Saint Bridget, in the fifth century (A.D 456)*. It is

probable, at this early period, that they followed the heathen custom of

worshipping in the open air, (swb dio) at sacred stones; for we find in

the eighth century (A.D. 711) that Nectan IIL, King of the Picts,

being dissatisfied with the primitive custom of worship, and desirous

to follow the Romish ritual, wrote to Ceolfred, Abbot of Jerron, in

Northumberland, requesting information regarding certain disputed

observances, and asking for architects to build a church, which was to

be dedicated to St. Peter, the Prince of the apostles.t The architects

i were accordingly sent, and the church was built of stone, like that of

| the Romish church. This has passed away; new churches, and a

collegiate establishment formed by the Culdees, and a priory, established

He) in 1273, have disappeared : since then, another very old church has been

chi taken down, and in the beginning of this century, another was built

vil rather remarkable for its superior style of architecture. During these

a changes, extending over a long period, the Pillar Tower has stood, and

| is still distinguished by its form, and by the admirable manner in

which the material was selected and the building executed.

x ‘The Abernethy Tower stands on a sloping bank, at a short distance

A from the Ochill hills, and a mile south of the river Tay, near where it

joins the Harn. The view from the tower is contracted towards the

south by the proximity of the hills, where a beautiful valley stretches

ri southwards; while to the north, there is an extensive prospect of a

rich and undulating country, the granary of Scotland, towards which

da direction the entrance of the tower looks. The building is 75 feet in

y height, and 48 feet in circumference; and its extreme diameter at the

top is 13 feet 9 inches, increasing to the bottom, where it is 15 feet 6

inches ; the thickness of the wall at the top being 2 feet 9 inches, and

“ at the bottom 3 feet 74 inches. The tower is now without a roof, and

the coping over the wall is probably modern. It is divided into five

: Stages, each supported by stone abutments. The tower is built of

sand-stone, which is now much disintegrated, except on the lower

and

1a western side, where there are twelve coursesof grey ireestone, little chang-

ed by exposure to the weather. The stones are all carefully dressed,

st convex on the exterior, tapering inwards, and coneave on their inner

* Innes’ Critical Essays, vol, 1, pp. 111, 122, 117,

t Bede, L. 5, c. 21.

558 The Pullar Towers of the Bratush Islands. [No. 5,

surface, to give a circular form to the tower; and they are accurately

adjusted in regular courses with but little lime or cement. The door-

way is six feet above the base of the tower; but in consequence of the

graveyard adjoiming having become greatly elevated above the general

surface of the soul, the door is now only two feet above the ground, It

is 7 feet 94 inches high, 29 inches in width at the spring of the semi-

circular arch, and 274 inches at the base. Four windows near the top

of the tower face the cardinal points: they are 3 feet 102 inches in

height, 1 foot 43 inches in width above, and 1 foot 63 inches below,

and seem to differ from each other in their architectural form. Gordon,

in his /tonerary, mentions, at the beginning of last century, that “ each

window is supported by two small pillars ;” traces of which are still

very evident in one or two of them. Those in the west window are

entirely gone. Dr. Wilson supposes* the windows may be modern ;

but after a careful examination, on the spot, I have come to the conclu-

sion that they were prepared at the same time as the rest of the

tower. Besides the four windows, there are three small openings to

give light.

‘ This tower was repaired thirty years ago, when seven human skulls

were found within it, lying together. Some of them were of a dark

colour, as if they had undergone some process of embalming. Along

with these, several long bones were found, some of which had been so

recently deposited that they had still their ligaments attached to them.+

The tower stands about twenty yards to the SW. of the parish church,

which is a modern structure. It is now used as a belfry, and the

beadle informed me that it is “ pretty well’ adapted for this purpose.

It also contains the village clock; and the ancient Jouge, or pillory,

is attached to it.

‘The Pillar-'Tower of Abernethyt is said to have been built by Nectan

fil, A. D. 720, in the capital of a Pictish kingdom. The Culdees

alterwards had a college there; and in 1273 this was converted into

a priory of regular Canons of the Augustine order.’

* Prehistoric Annals, p. 595.

+ Small’s Roman Antiquities of Fife, p. 154, and Appendix F.

£ The name which the Highlanders give to Abernethy is Obaiv Neachtain, or

Abair Neachtain, i. e., “the work of Nectan.” This Nectan or Nethan desired

architects to be sent to build a church, [see Bede] perhaps that of Abernethy.

“ Fergustus episcopus Scotiee Pictus,’—i,e., Fergus, the Pictish bishop of Ireland,

was in the Roman general council, A.D. 721—|a Binis, t. 3, quoted by Pinkerton,

Inquiry, I1,, 267; see also Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. xX., p. 430.

, 1864. | The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. 5d9

Bu, To this class belong the Pillar Towers of Agharullee Kilkenny ;

x , Kibrie, St. Carrice, Kilkenny ; Cashel and Roscrea, Tipperary ; Castle-

ty dormor, Kilcallen, Kildare; Fertagh and Kelles, Meath; Swords,

Ah. Dublin; Furlough, Killala and Meeleck, Mayo; Kilmallock, Limerick ;

hi, Monasterboice, Louth; Rattoo, Clare; Seven churches, King’s county ;

Keneith, Cork, and Seven churches, Wicklow.

The Pillar Towers being no longer strictly religious edifices, their

original form was modified to suit the fancy of the architect and the

prevailing style of the period. The graceful Pillar Tower of Ardmore, is

built in square-coursed work of reddish sandstone. The courses vary 1

thickness from 6 to 10 inches, and the

inner face of the building is ordinary

rubble-work walling. Its external

circumference diminishes considerably

with the height, and it has three sets-

off externally, with weathered string

courses, with sets-off internally. The

door is 13 feet from the ground and

semicircular at top, and diminishes

in height and width internally; and

Keneith, Ardmore, _ the jambs widen below, with a three-

inch torus round them, at their outer angle.

The Keneith Tower is built of the slate-stone of the locality; and

is very peculiar in its external form, having a hexagonal base ;

each side of which ig 10 feet 4 in. in width, and 20 feet in height.

Including the round part, the tower is 50 feet 4 inches in height, and

it appears to have been left unfinished ; or else a portion of the original

top has been destroyed. The Tower is built upon a levelled rock,

| cropping abruptly from the ground. The door laces the west, and

is fourteen feet from the ground. The whole has undergone recent

repair, and has been provided with iron stairs to the door, and to each

of the four stories, which rest upon ledges leit m the thickness of the

wall; each compartment is 11 feet and 9 inches in height. The diameter

of the Tower contracts as the wall rises ; and the breadth of each ledge,

pi four inches, increases the splaying of the wall. There is a small bell in

the upper stage, supported by cross beams, but it appears to be unused.

The walling of the foundation consists of large rough stones, and the

ae £48 Oty

7 4r

ree oF here GPR s fro fa we

560 The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. [ No. 5,

selection of the slate stones has been so good, that it is still in good pre-

servation. The marks of the narrow, flat, and slightly concave chisel-

hammer are still clean cut in the stone. The floor of this Tower is on

a level with the door, and is supported by a flat arch with a well-hole

in the centre, proving the advanced state of the arts at the time of its

construction : a chamber is thus formed below the level of the door. The

whole erection is admirably executed, and cemented with shell-lime, and

the general effect 1s most graceful. This would be much more apparent,

but for the ivy which covers the lower part and has already displaced some

of the stones. If this ivy is not removed it will endanger the Tower.*

8. Tn the third, or Anglo-Saxon period, the Christian religion had

been introduced into Ireland. It extends from the fifth or sixth to the end

of the ninth century ; when the primitive churches were made of mud,

and wattled asin Britain. As the influence of the priests increased, they

absorbed much of the wealth of the country, and brought architects trom

the continent, whose constructive skill they employed in preparing the

first stone edifices, while they enriched their altars with their most

precious ornaments, to increase the splendour of their religious rites.

This explains why these establishments were so frequently attacked by

their unscrupulous neighbours, and the merciless Danish pirates. By

the priests, the Pillar Towers. of Ireland were found most valuable

erections: near them they resided, and took refuge in them with their

most valuable effects; thus following the injunction of Pope Gregory to

Augustine of Canterbury, in the sixth century, to adopt any thing good

from the Pagan places of worship, for Christian purposes ; making such

additions, as were necessary or convenient. They accordingly not only

occupied such as already existed, but partially built some of these useful

erections. These latter may be known by their more modern construc-

tion, and by their rounded doorways being cut into a series ol recesses,

the angles of which are slightly rounded off : also by the addition of a

moulding, a mere incision upon the face and soffit of the arch. Other

of these modern doorways are decorated with the chevron and bead

ornament, as in the gold ornaments found in Irish bogs and in some

very antique cinerary urns, dug up from old Pagan and Htruscan cairns

and tumuli. In some of the Towers, the pediments, and the repeated

columns, and successive arches and various mouldings of the doorway

* In the annals of Munster, still in MS., this Tower is said to have been |

built in 1015, soon after the battle of Clantarif.

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1 864. ] The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. 561

become rich and striking; the latter narrowing as they récede into the

wall. The capitals of some of the columns are heads, the hair of which

is entwined with snake-like animals; as in the Timahoe, and Kildare,

the ornaments of which resemble the rich and elaborate decorations on

Cormac’s chapel Cashel, executed towards the end of the ninth century.

It may be allowed that Norman builders executed these doorways, and

decorated them with the ornaments and symbols of their religion, like

Donnaghmore, MeCarthey’s church and Pillar

Tower, Clonmacnoise.

their churches and other buildings. As they were in the habit of

working in sandstone, these ornamented entrances in the Pillar Towers

were usually of this stone. So much was this prized, and so marked

is the contrast between the entrance and the Tower, that the former

is supposed by that able architect, Mr. R. B. Brush, to have been

subsequently inserted.

The Donnaghmore Pillar Tower has the ruins of a church and

beliry close to it. This having been more modern, and being used as

a place of retreat, has the door elevated, and is without the four upper

windows. A crucifixion is over the door (page 564.) of this Tower.

McCarthey’s church in the N. W. side of the cemetery of

Clonmacnoise, is interesting from its having a Pillar Tower built at

the same time, of the same stone, and similar in the character of the

Masonry. Part of the solidity of the Tower was sacrificed to give full

562 The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. [No. 5,

space to the thaste specimen of the Saxon chancel arch attached to it.

This Tower is 55 feet in height, and 7 feet in diameter, and is built

with lime. The conical cap is built in the herring-bone style. The

door is ona level with the ground, and there are only two small

windows near the top, looking to the north and south.

Another Pillar Tower of this class is that of Brechin* in Scotland, and

is distinguished for the beauty of the workmanship, and the elegance

of its form. It 1s supposed to have been built in the ninth century;

or a century or more earlier than the old church of Brechin, which ig

supposed to have been founded by Kenneth IV. A. D. 990.¢ The present

church, to which the tower is attached, was added long afterwards.

The Tower of Brechin is built on a gentle elevation, to the north

of the old Castle of Brechin, and of the river Hsk. It has a contrac-

ted view of a fruitful valley on the west; while on the east there is

a rich and wide plain, terminating with the Bay of Montrose and the

German Ocean.

The stones of which this tower is built have been carefully selected,

and formed into square shapes, so modified as to give the circular form

to the building; and they are so placed and fitted to each other, for 20

feet from below upwards, and in patches particularly on the east side,

as to give a spiral resing to the tiers or courses, thus throwing the

pressure of the superincumbent mass upon an inclined plane. Iam

not aware that this remarkable circumstance has ever been observed

before; nor does it occur in any of the Irish Round Towers existing.

Very little cement had been employed in the building; but the nature

of this cement cannot readily be ascertained, as the tower has been

thoroughly repaired, and a modern octagon roof erected over it, with

angular-headed windows at each of the abutments and spaces, to give

it the same architectural character as the modern church, which it

joins, and of which it forms the south-west corner. The old tower,

previous to the repairs, was eighty-five feet in height: it is now

increased by eighteen feet, the height of the new roof. Its extreme

circumference at the top is 38 feet 6 inches, sloping outwards to the

bottom, where it is 50 feet; the interior diameter at the top is 7 feet

8 inches, at the bottom, 8 feet; the thickness of the wall at the four

* From the Gaelic name Breaichnain, a “ brae,” or sloping bank.

+ Hic est qui tribuit magnam civitatem Brechne domino, Chr, Pict. Kenneth

died by treachery (per dolum) A. D. 994. Ulster Annals.

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1864. | The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. 563

upper windows is 2 feet 10 inches, and at the doorway 4 feet, including

the projection of the door-lintels, which is 2 inches.

There are seven openings in this tower. One of these is the door-

way, which faces the west; and there are two oblong openings facing

the south and east, to afford light to the interior; and four oblong

rectangular windows, near the top, facing the cardinal points. Over

all these openings are built large stones, and that over the door of

the tower is scooped out, so asto give it an arched form. Those

which surround the doorway are large blocks of sandstone, more

prominent than the other stones of the building, and sculptured with

bas-reliefs. That over the door is the crucifixion; and those on

the lintels are the supposed figures of St. John and the Virgin Mary.

At the side of the bottom of the doorway, are sculptured, on one

side, a crouching animal, and on the other, a monstrous griffin ;* and

the lozenge ornament in the middle of the door-sill appears to have

been filled with tracery. The double rows of button-like orna-

ments surrounding the doorway bear a resemblance to those upon

the Inch-brayoe and Brechin sculptured pillar-stones.t All these

figures and ornaments are now much defaced by time.t The other

stones used in the building of the tower are grey-coluured freestone.

Many years ago a second entrance was made, leading to the adjoining

church, by removing a number of stones from the tower, which

weakened it, and which perhaps accounts for “the large mass, in

storms of wind, being seen to sway from side to side.”§ There are

six unequally sized stories, with platforms of wood, resting upon

abutments or supports of hewn freestone, each of which projects

from six to ten inches, and bears a strong timber floor. The top of

the tower is reached by a series of six ladders. The only ‘mason-

marks’ yet discovered in Pillar Towers are in the interior of this

building, and have been delineated by Mr. Chalmers.|| They are

often repeated, particularly about the middle, and are generally cut

* Perhaps symbolical of evil. See Eusebius’ Life of Constantine, B. 3, ch. 3.

Tt See Sculptured stones of Scotland (Spalding Club,) plates 86 and 138.

{ This opening was built up in 1847 by order of the Commissioners of Woods and

Forests. Iam indebted to the accurate Mr, Jervis for this and other particulars.

§ Black’s History of Brechin, p. 259.

|| Mr. Chalmers, of Aldbar, was so kind as to allow me the use of a beauti-

ful drawing of the doorway, which is here lithographed on a reduced scale, and

which was intended to illustrate a posthumous work of his late able and laments

ed brother, prepared by the distinguished antiquary Cosmo Innes, Esq.

4 ¢ 2

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564. The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. [No. 5

along the whole length and depth of the face of the stone. Uh-

fortunately the stones of the Abernethy Tower are so much disintegrat-

ed that, if any such marks ever existed, they are not now to be found.

They have not been noticed in the Pillar Towers of Ireland. (Arche-

ologia, v. 34. p. 33.) At the time the adjoining church was built, two

bells were placed in the Tower; but the situation was found incon-

venient, and they were removed. |

P. T. Antrim. Donnaghmore. Old Church Fore.

The simple cross over the door of the Antrim Pillar Tower proves

its Christian origin, and resembles that over the Church of St. Fechen

at Fore; this saint died in A. D. 664. The crucifixion over the

Donnaghmore and Brechin doorways proves that they were built at a

more modern period.

We can suppose that the watcher on the Tower, on the approach of

danger, could collect his friends by the horn, drum, or cymbals; and

priests, in more peaceable times, could exhibit their relics, and instruct

their followers, from the elevated doorway. ‘These suppositions serve

to explain the number of the Towers in unsettled countries, and among

a, turbulent race of people.

To the third variety of Pillar Towers belong Tunahoe, Queen’s

County ; Seven Churches, Smaller Tower Norsida; Kildare, Kildare ;

Antrim, Antrim; Donnaghmore, Meath; and Brechin, Scotland.

Such are the three classes in which the Irish Pillar Towers may

be arranged. The first or original form was most probably erected

by Eastern Missionaries, chiefly for religious purposes; and the other

two classes were modifications introduced in the course of time, as the

buildings were more required as places of defence. As such, they were

probably used both before, and after the Buddhist Eastern religion had

ceased in the country in which it was first propagated, as they afforded

_ the simplest, and most effectual means of protection ; and this explains

1864. ] The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. 565

their number among turbulent races, as compared with those in more

peaceful countries; the few in Scotland compared with the number

among the warlike inhabitants of ancient Ireland. They long retained

their sacred character, and while used for religious ceremonies, they

were ijound most useful as places of security and defence. There the

Priests deposited their most precious effects, as the monks of the present

day preserve their books, records, and other valuables in their in-

accessible monasteries in Egypt and Syria; on the approach of danger

they carry their shrines of gold and silver, and holy relics, into their

Towers of safety.

Round Towers which have no connection with religion are found

in many countries. In Egypt, where the inhabitants are subject

to the depredations of robbers, they resort to such Towers. That

1 be @€s

Fig, 2. Rig. 3.

delineated in the margin (Fig. 1) still exists where shepherds hold

watch, and in it they deposit all their most valuable goods, with their

women and children.* When they have drawn up their rope-ladder

they can annoy their enemies with great effect. In border countries

where the people were turbulent and warlike, round towers often

exist in considerable numbers as the most useful and_ strongest

places of refuge. A good many of them are found on the ghauts,

in Hindustan ; on the road between Arcot and Bangalore ; and skirting

the Mysore country. They are from 50 to 60 feet in height, with

a door 12 or 15 feet from the ground, reached by means of a ladder:

this was drawn up and the door secured. These Towers are often of

considerable size, the lower part being used for harbouring cattle.

Where the doors are closed, the garrison could easily defend

* L’Kgypte Htat modern, quoted by Dr. Kiito,

oh Ls

tN eatery ale bee ae renee ‘ Ke

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rie a

566 The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. [No. 5,

themselves from their enemies armed with bows and arrows, and the

like. In the “ Histoire des découvertes dans la Russe et la Perse,”

there is an account of many round towers, “ said by the inhabitants to

be the work of very remote times.” At Bulgari there is a round

Tower called Misger,* according to Pallas. In the midst of the ruins

of Kasvmof, on the Oha, which falls into the Volga, is a round and

elevated Tower called in the language of the country Misguwr.+ Tn

the Kzste and Ingushti, very ancient nations of the Caucasus, most of

the villages have round towers.{

In Rajputana there were numerous round insulated Towers, thirty or

forty feet in height, built on commanding eminences,

whence could be descried the approach of enemies

from a distance, and from which the garrison were

> ™ te be

enabled to alarm the country. The only entrance to

these Towers was by a small doorway 12 or 15 feet

from the ground. ‘This was reached by means of a

ladder, which was pulled up in times of danger, and

the door closed, and secured; thus out of danger, a

few could repel a great many. The enemies most

dreaded were Pindaree horsemen; and the Towers

afforded a ready and secure retreat to the husband-

men, who could use their matchlocks with great

effect from the loop-holes with which the tower was pierced. LHven

when the door was reached and driven in, the defenders had the differ-

ent stages to retire to, which thus became so many successive fortresses.

Some of these were flanked with breastwork ; and such facility did they

atford for refuge, and such encouragement to continual warfare, that

many of them were destroyed by order of the English Government.§

The late Colonel Stacy met with a characteristic example of the use

to which these Towers were often put, in his advance on Cabul from

Candahar ;—“ near the camp, within one hundred yards of the road,

on the slope of a hill, there was a small but high Tower, with only one

774

* A corruption of Muzei, os°° which signifies ‘to make a holy fire burn

bright.’ Richardson.

+ Guttorn.

ft Ib. p. 145, referred to by Dr. Petric, p. 29.

§ Cap. Western, B. HE. told me he had blown up some thirty or forty, to the

great benefit of the inhabitants, as they were no longer required, and they had

become harbouring places for robbers.

SS ee

Tt Pe

1864. | The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. O67

door about eight feet from the base, in which three men were concealed.

They suffered the column, and some of the baggage to pass, and

then opened their fire. Fortunately a guard over some stores was

passing at the time, and four men were sent up to the Tower, which

appeared to have no floor; for they placed a musket inside, pointed

upwards, and brought down one of the assailants the first shot. Fear-

ing the others might escape, a fire was kindled in the doorway below,

which filled the inside of the tower with smoke, and soon obliged

the other two to descend; one was killed close to the door, and

the other was shot in attempting to escape.*” So well suited are

these towers for defence, that the Block-houses, which were erected

during the late rebellion in Canada, (1838 and 1839) were upon

the same principle—modified so as to be

constructed of the materials of the country.

In Canada the retreat was supported upon

logs of wood, so as to raise the house 8

or 12 feet above the ground. The only

entrance was by means of a ladder, which

was then drawn up and the trap door

closed ; and the floor and walls being loop-

holed, any one approaching was exposed to musketry.

Lhe Buddhist missionaries changed their symbolical Pillars (Jats) to

hollow cylinders or Pillar Towers, to protect their persons and the pre-

clous relics which they carried with them to distant countries, and

valued so highly. The remains of some of these are still to be found

in different parts of Hindostan. Tennent states that the pagodas of

Blyars, of the Circars, are chiefly buildings of a cylindrical or ‘Round

Tower’, shape ; with their tops either pointed, or truncated at the sum-

mit, which frequently bears a round ball on a spike, to represent the

sun.t Hanway, in his travels in Persia, states that there are four

round temples of the G'uebres, or worshippers of fire, “ about thirty

feet in diameter, and about 120 feet in height.t

The sacred nature of these Pillar Towers in Buddhist countries ex-

plains why they are sometimes delineated upon coins, with other sacred

objects; as in the accompanying drawing, in which the “ Tower of

Deliverance,” and the sacred tree are both represented as springing out

* Narrative of Services, p. 205. |

+ View of Hindostan, vol. IT. p. 128, or vol. VI. p. 133.

f Ibid, p. 187,

~~ ht Oy 4f 4am siiage

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- we

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68 The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. No. 5,

of a sacred pot.* The second

_ figure annexed is that of a Pillar

Tower in the Island of Ormus,

in the Persian Gulf. Sailors

often erroneously consider it to

be a light house, without any

lantern.}

Near the Tower of safety in

former times was the chapel

(wrbarva) or the place of worship,

which consisted of a quadran-

gular building; and the solid

cairn (dagoba) in which the relic

of the body of a saint, or good

, buried. The Pillar

an eer ~=SCman,_was

—_—ot

Tower, protected the priests,

their most precious effects, and the relics employed in worship. Fa Hian,

who travelled in Hindustan in the beginning of the filth century for the

special purpose of studying the Buddhist ritual in its original seat, at

the-time it was the prevailing religion of India, has left us an interesting

account of his travels in that country.t He informs us that in his time,

as indeed in Buddhist countries of the present day, the relics of the great

Buddhist saints, were considered of inestimable value ; and when a Temple

or city possessed such a treasure, its security was ensured by every

possible means. Fa Hian informs us that Nakie, a city east of

Ghuzni, possessed a portion of the skull of Buddha. (Foe), for which

the king of the country entertained the greatest veneration. The relic

was gilded, and covered with the most costly ornaments ; and so much

afraid was he of its being purloindé, that eight chieis of the pring...

pal families of the kingdom, had each a-seal, which they set on the wate

of the chapel, or ‘ Tower of deliverance.”* Early ‘im the morning the

eight proceeded to verify the seals, and then opeiied: the gate. On

entering, the chief washed his hands, took up the venerated skull-bone

of Buddha, conveyed it to the chapel, and secured it, under a bell-

* In Major Cunningham’s Bhilsa Topes, Plate 32, No. 2.

+ London Illustrated News for 38rd January, 1857

+ The Journal of this pilgrim was translated from the Chinese by M. M.

Remusat, Klaproth and Landresse; and reprinted in Calcutta, in 1848, with

interesting notes and illustrations by J. W. Laidlay, Hsq.

1864. ] The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. 569

glass, upon a round stone table, placed on a throne adorned with all

kinds of precious ornaments. Every day at sunrise, the attendants of

the chapel ascended the pavilion, beat the great drum, sounded the

conch, and struck the copper cymbals, to collect the inhabitants for

worship. The king, and the assembled people offered up flowers and

perfumes, and performed their devotions. Hach one, according to his

rank, placed the relic upon his head, and then retired to his ordinary

occupations. The skull bone was then taken back to the chapel, or

“tower of deliverance’ and secured.

The most magnificent tower in the entire continent of India, was

constructed by oe leon sha, in honour of Buddha; in this his beg-

sing pot was preserved, an indispensable and characteristic utensil of

the Buddhist recluse. We are informed that the possession of such a

treasure induced the king of Yuets to invade the country with a power-

ful army, to gain possession of this sacred pot.* In this case the

tower was a place of great strength: but such was not always the

case, as the towers were of various sizes and forms, according to

fancy, or the purposes for which they were intended. ‘They had often

seven, nine, or twelve stories, corresponding to fortunate numbers, or

to the twelve nzdans or conditions of relative existence. In some cases

‘they were erected on spots made sacred by some holy action, as the

receptacle of some relic of a saint. When such a Tower was erected by

any one directed “‘ by great faith, and the impulsion of a well directed

heart,’ who then established ‘ the ceremonies and worship,” he was

promised re-birth among the gods;} the highest state of Buddhist

reward in the next world. This tenet is stated to be taken from the

sacred book, “‘ of the names and titles of the eight great divine towers.”

According to this authority, there are upon the earth and in the heavens,

a great number of these Towers. This explains why king Ni Kia

erected a tower upon a sacred spot, more than forty toises high

(about 400 English feet); and adorned it with all manner of precious

things. So that all who beheld it, and the Temple, admired their

beauty and magnificence, to which nothing can be compared. t

It was considered by the Buddhists to be of the greatest. importance

to visit and join in worship at the shrines of these sacred Temples.

If such Towers existed in considerable numbers, and of such a size

* Ibid, p. 76. + Ibid, p. 172. + Ibid, p. 74,

| 4p

57 The Pillar Towers of the Britush Islands. [No. 5,

in Hindustan and other countries where the Buddhist religion prevailed,

we must expect to find them still remaining, Such is the fact; and a

few of them may now be mentioned. Lord Valencia, gives the drawing

of two round towers, he saw near Bhaugulpore in Bengal,* which re-

semble those in Ireland: the door being elevated above the surface of

the ground, and the tower provided with four large windows near the

summit, and a stone roof.t Captain Smith has delineated another

such Tower, which he found at Cole near Allyghur.t These Towers

were never common among the peaceful inhabitants of Bengal, and

many were most probably destroyed by the persecuting Brahmans and

fanatical Mahommedan conquerors of Hindustan.

The Buddhists of Hindustan were originally separatists from the Hin-

du religion, having rejected caste, and the sacred books of the Hindus,

&c., while they adopted a pure system of morals, and believed that no

good work was equal to that of spreading their religion to the uttermost

extremity of the world; and such was the enthusiasm of these Asiatics,

that in a few centuries they converted a large portion of the inhabitants

of Asia to their faith. They even penetrated at an early period to

Africa and Hurope; extensive traces of their presence are still found in

the British Islands, and a Buddhist community still exists in Huropean

Russia.§

In these distant countries, and among such different races of people,

they found it necessary to vary their forms and ceremonies, to suit the

fancy and circumstances of the people among whom they resided;

this explains the contradictory nature of a few of their precepts, and

the obscurity of some of their doctrines.

On reaching Europe, the enthusiastic Hastern missionaries soon

* Travels in India.

+ These Towers are often referred to, but I have in vain made various

efforts, when in the neighbourhood, to procure drawings of them. They

are the same referred to by the Marquis of Hastings in his private journal.

He states there are two insulated Towers near Bhaugulpore, which have some

resemblance to the Round Towers of Ireland; but ‘ they are not above half the

height. The door was on a level with the ground. Hvidently those which I

saw to-day were of no considerable antiquity.”* These cannot be considered as

examples of the Pillar Towers; and as the late Magistrate of the Bhaugulpore

district could not find any trace of them, I suspect his Lordship must have made

a hurried sketch, or the engraver took great liberties with the drawing which

he got. The late distinguished Jurist HE. A. Samuells, C. B., long the able

Magistrate of the Bhaugulpore district, could not find any traces of them.

~ In William Benham’s Iberia Celtica, v. 2, p. 200.

§ In Chambers’s Journal for August, 1858.

* Vol. I. p. 95.

| 1864. ] The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. aval

- visited the beautiful British Islands, and at an early period acquired

i the confidence of the Celtic inhabitants of the North Hast of Scotland

= end Ireland. In both these countries many specimens of their

ao architecture exist ;—in the engraved stones of Hastern Scotland, and

ny the Pillar Towers of Ireland; to execute which, a religious purpose

alone would urge such a population as inhabited Scotland and

Treland, at the time of their erection. These Buddhist missionaries

It} were well known in Europe, and are repeatedly referred to, by the

ity primitive fathers of the Church, in the first centuries of the Christian

a era. Clement of Alexandria, who lived at the close of the second

century, had heard of the monastic practices, and peculiar monuments

7 or topes of the Buddhists. He mentions the Brachmani, and the

Hi Sarmani who worship Buddha, or Bouth, whom they honour as

ae a god: and about the middle of the followimg century, Porphyry

one repeats information alluding to Buddhist practices, from Bardesanes,

a who obtained it from Indian envoys sent to Antoninus. ‘ There are,”

he writes “two divisions of the Gymnosophists, Brachmans and

a, Sarmani.” The former are so by birth, the latter by election, consist-

1 ing of all those who give themselves up to the cultivation of sacred

| learning ; they live in Colleges, in dwellings, and temples constructed

by the princes, abandoning their families and property. They are

summoned to prayer by the ringing of a bell, and live upon rice and

fruits.” Cyril of Alexandria mentions that the Samansans were the

philosophers of the Bactrians, showing the extension of Buddhism

beyond the confines of India; and St. Jerome, who like Cyril, lived at

the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century, was acquaint-

ed with Buddhistical legends; for he says that Buddha was believed

ev to have been born of a virgin, and to have come forth from his mother’s

side. From Cyril of Jerusalem and Ephraim, who wrote in the middle

4? oi the fourth century, we learn that Buddhism tainted some of the

og heresies of the early Christian Church, which the latter terms the

‘ Indian heresy. Their accounts demonstrate that the Buddhism of

India was known to Christian writers between the second and the

fifth century of our era ;* but as no Towers of Safety were erected in

any part of Hurope, except in Ireland and Scotland, we could not sup-

pose that the primitive Christians were the first architects.

The Pillar Towers were erected by artists from the Hast, with a

* In H, H. Wilson’s Works, v. 2, p. 313, et seq.

4p 2

SS aa

wile

572 The Pillar Towers of the Brotish Islands. [No. 5,

degree of skill that has never been surpassed, and at a time when the

inhabitants of Ireland and Scotland were in a state of great rudeness.

The towers were well adapted for defending their persons and effects |

from the rapacity of the warlike chiefs among whom they dwelt.

From the elevated windows they could descry their enemies ; on which

they raised the entrance ladder, shut and secured the high door, and

gave warning to their friends at a distance.

The able and enthusiastic pagan architects may have refused to

construct any other sacred buildings than their sacred Pillar Tower; as

they appear to have erected the standing stones only, in the north-east

of Scotland. These at first bore only the pagan symbols, to which

conquering races aiterwards added the symbols of the Christian faith,

In like manner in Ireland, at first a sacred pillar was erected, on which

the national ornaments and Christian emblems were placed, in a more

advanced state of the arts. In no other erections of the earlier period

was the same architectural superiority exhibited, as sacred forms were

alone considered worthy of the exertions of the architects.

In peaceable times, the missionaries collected their followers by

sounding the horn or beating the drum at stated times; and from the

elevated doorway, they performed their religious ceremonies and

exhorted the people, as they did in Scotland while standing by the side

of the sacred erect stones bearing pagan emblems, to which the

Christian cross appears to have been afterwards added. It would be

difficult to construct any other building that would possess so many

advantages as the Pillar Tower.

From the above facts I conclude—

1. That the Pillar Towers were first erected in Asia as a. religious

symbol ; and the form was modified in foreign and unsettled countries

in order to afford protection to the persons, the relics, and other

valuable effects of the builders.

2. That eastern missionaries erected those sacred symbols in Ireland,

as places of refuge and observation, from whence they could alarm their

friends by the blast of the horn, the clang of the cymbal and the roll

of the drum during the day; and by waving a torch from the aper-

tures at the top of the Tower at night.

3. These Towers were found so useful that they were adopted by

conquering races, who decorated them with their national ornaments,

and Christian symbols,

PROCEEDINGS

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

For NovempBrr, 1864.

The Monthly General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Bengal

was held on the 2nd instant. | |

Baboo Rajendralal Mitra, Vice President, in the Chair.

The Proceedings of the last meeting were read and confirmed.

Presentations were announced—

1. From Baboo Rajendra Mullick, a young Emu, and a mounted

specimen of a crown pigeon.

2. From L. B. Bowring, Esq, a photograph of an Inscription on

a rock at Taikal.

The following letter accompanied the presentation :—

‘“BanGALoRE, 17 tH Suprumper, 1864.

‘“My Duar Sir,—I have the pleasure to send you a photograph of

a curious rock inscription at Taikal, a few miles from the Colar Road

Station of the Bangalore Branch Railway. It is in Teloogoo, which

is the prevailing language in the Colar District of Mysore; but it has

been deciphered with difficulty, and the translation given overleaf is

rather the general purport than a literal rendering.

“At the time mentioned, 1438 Salivahan, the Colar country was

apparently under the rule of the Anagundi kings, and it is probable

that the Deva Raja referred to in the inscription was of that Dynasty.

“Yours truly,

(Signed) “L. B. BOWRING,”

er7sc.8i"s3

sitygee «

514. Proceedings of the Asratic Society. [No. 5,

TRANSLATION.

“The order of Deva Raya, the chief ruler, to his next in authority

Gopa Raja, son of Kanthappa Raja Wodiar, dated 1438.

Banda Baliaka Naik.

Allarpa Naik.

Bhungeeda Naik.

‘These three are counsellors of the said Gopa Raja, their household

god being Vardharaj Devaru; they conducted their domestic affairs in

the form of a procession in the service of that god.

“‘ At this time it was reported that a tiger had killed a cow in the

vicinity. Then a hero, named Pratap Singh, visited Gopa Raja, with

his followers, during the procession in honor of the god. At the

request of Gopa Raja, he hunted and slew the tiger, for which service,

Deva Raya, on the recommendation of Gopa Raja, granted to the said

Pratap Singh, in the name of the god, 93 wet lands and 13 dry lands

near the village of Coomsee.”

Under the figure of a Tiger :—

“This shasanam is engraved by Kallukote Tirumallaga. 93 wet

lands and 18 dry lands have been granted for slaying the tiger by

order of Deva Raya. The said wet and dry lands have been obtained

by the favor of Vardharaj Devaru.”’

3. From J. Beames, Hsq., two silver oa four copper coins.

4, From C. A. Elliott, Hsq., Rubbings of Inscriptions at the foot

of some Jain Images in the Hoshungabad district.

Mr. Blanford exhibited some specimens of flint implements of the

‘early stone period,’ found at St. Acheul, near Abbeville, which he

had lately received from England. He pointed out the resemblance

of their general form to that of the stone implements from Madras

exhibited a few months since by Mr. Oldham, and gave a brief descrip-

tion of the deposits in which these implements were found. He spe-

cially pointed out that the evidence of the immense antiquity of man

rested not on mere vague calculations of the rate at which alluvial

deposits were formed, as had been recently stated, somewhat dogma-

tically, by an eminent mathematician, who was evidently but slightly

informed on the enormous changes that have been effected in the

physical Geography of Western Europe since the formation of the

deposits in which these implements were found. To suppose that the

. =

1864. ] : Proceedings of the Ascatie Society. 515

Somme Valley had been hollowed out ina period of six thousand

years, or even six thousand years two or three times multiplied, would

be utterly at variance with all that we know of the eroding action of

rivers; and the Somme Valley only offered one instance out of a great

‘number in which broad river valleys must have been formed since man

lived on the earth. Some persons without practical acquaintance with

the forms of stones naturally fractured, had doubted whether the flint

implements were really of human manufacture, in spite of all the

evidence of design afforded by their uniformity, and the number of

fractures by which that unformity had been attained; and the absence

of human bones from the deposits containing the flint implements had

been much commented on, as being adverse to the view of the human

origin of the flint knives. It might be satisfactory, therefore, to such

persons to know, that within the last few months a considerable

number of human bones, including a human skull of very depressed

form, a sacrum, portions of jaws and other bones, had been disinterred

from the old flint-knife gravels of Moulin Quignon, not by the

questionable agency of workmen, but by M. Boucher des Perthes and

a number of French Geologists, whose names were a sufficient guaran-

tee for the genuineness of the discovery. Mr. Blanford concluded

by reading a paragraph from the August number of the Annals and

Magazine of Natural History, which gave an account of these dis-

coveries.

Mr. Blanford then drew the attention of the Meeting to some

portions of a semi-fossil human skull, found some years since, unlabelled

and without any note of locality, in the Society’s Museum. It consist-

ed of the occipital and parietal bones and a portion of the frontal,

with portions of upper and lower jaws, and was filled with a mags of

shells of the genus Unio, also semifossilized, and loosely connected

together by calcareous infiltration, in a sandy matrix. The Unio was

of a living species, but that fact would afford no indication of age, as

the fresh water shells which accompany the bones of extinct Mam-

mala in the Nerbudda alluvium are all of living species. Mr. W.

Theobald had found this specimen some years ago in the Museum,

shortly after hig return from the Nerbudda Valley, and then stated

that the matrix of the specimen resembled that of certain of the

Nerbudda bone deposits. The specimen had been laid by, and had

4H 2

4B Ad dae Rey

o- Ys,

‘

’

ot]

“~

-*.

576 Proceedings of the Asiatic Societys [No. 5,

only been refound lately after much search. Mr. Blanford now exhibit-

ed it to the Meeting, in the hope that some of the older Members of

the Society might be enabled to throw some light on its history. The

skull, so far as could be judged from the fragments preserved, was

well formed, and not unlike that of some of the recent native skulls

in the Society’s Museum. Until something was known of its history,

no inference could be drawn as to its antiquity.

Mr. Blanford then read to the Meeting a note by Professor John

Phillips, of Oxford, on the supposed Spiti fossils in the Oxford Mu-

seum, prefacing the reading with the following remarks :—

‘Tt will be remembered by those Members who were present at the

December Meeting of the Society last year, that Mr. Oldham read

a paper ‘on the reputed Spiti fossils,’ in the Society's Museum, in

which I was called to account for having rejected on insufficient

grounds the genuineness of certain of the fossils in that collection,

more especially a few species of Ammonites which differed trom those

forming the majority of the collection in apparent geologic age, as

well as in matrix, &c.; while they were absolutely identical in species,

matrix, and every other point with the well known Lias fossils from

Whitby in Yorkshire. Some of them were figured as forming part ol

Dr. Gerard’s Spiti collection, by Mr. James Prinsep, in the Gleanings

in Science of 1831, and again inthe 18th vol. of the Asiatic Re-

searches; but as this was the only evidence that I could discover of

their genuineness, and as similar fossils had not been discovered by

any other collectors in Spiti or elsewhere in the North Himalaya, 1

considered it probable that the specimens in question had been acci-

dentally intermixed with the genuine Spiti fossils subsequent to the

receipt of the latter by the Society. Mr. Oldham endeavoured to

combat this view by adducing the fact that fossils of the same species

and similar in character to those rejected by me existed in the Oxford

Museum, where they were labelled as Spiti fossils; and that it was

absurd to suppose that a similar accidental intermixture of Whitby

and. Spiti fossils had taken place at Oxford and Calcutta.

“In replying to Mr. Oldham’s remarks, I pointed out that the

Oxford specimens could not be received as independent evidence, unless

it could be proved that they had been despatched by Dr. Gerard to

England as an independent series, and under circumstances which

» ry)

1864. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. DTT

rendered it impossible that the supposed intermixture had been effected

prior to their despatch. Admitting the fact that the Oxford fossils

had been received in England some time previous to the publication of

the 18th Volume of the Asiatic Researches, I stated that I had been

unable to find any record of the date of the actual receipt of the

fossils by Dr. Buckland, or of that of the Society’s series by the

Society. If these two dates could be ascertained and compared, it

would then be seen whether the evidence of the Oxford fossils could

be regarded as that of an independent series or not. I asked Dr,

Oldham whether he had any such dates, to which he did not reply

at the time, but afterwards rose and said that he had not his notes

with him, but that he knew that the Oxford series was received at

Oxtord before the Asiatic Society had received theirs. Thinking

however, that Dr. Oldham might possibly be mistaken on this head,

and with a view, if possible, to settle this very important point of

evidence, I wrote to Professor Maskelyne, to ask him to ascertain

whether there existed any record of the actual date of receipt of the

Spiti fossils at Oxford, and briefly stating the question at issue, which

that date was required to decide. Professor Maskelyne very kindly

communicated my letter to Professor John Phillips, and the result is

the note which I now read to the society.

“* Notes on Himalayan Fossils in the Museum at Oxford ; June 2nd,

1864. By Prof. John Phillips.

‘About 80 years since, I sent from York to Calcutta a considerable

series of the fossils of Whitby and some other tracts. The specimens

were selected from the duplicates of the Yorkshire Philosophical

Society, and were presented by that Institution to some individual of

position in Calcutia, whose name I cannot remember (it seems to me

to have been Patterson), but could find out. Whether the collection

was careiully kept separate at Calcutta, I know not; but some years

aiterwards, on being shown in England a specimen of A. communis

said to be ‘from the Himalaya,’ I at once conjectured that the York-

shire collection might have given forth this offset so like—so absolutely

like—in form, colour, and accompaniments of shale or ironstone. The

Same astonishing resemblance occurs in regard to these specimens in

the Oxford Museum, especially in regard to the Ammonites communis

and A. bifrons (Walcott), which are very common at Whitby.

i ee oe oe

oe ee

a“ if~e-«

578 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 5,

‘On the other hand, the other fossils in this collection do not offer

any especial analogy to Yorkshire types; some are of Oxfordian

shapes, and of the Belemnite in particular, it is unknown in York-

shire, but a good deal like some found in the South of England, as

to form, not, I think, as to conservation, &.

‘Among the fossils we note as of Liassic age, Ammonites communis.

‘Ammontes Bifrons (Walcott): such occur at Whitby. The

variety of A. commums called crassus, is found both at Whitby, and

in this series, from the Himalaya!

‘Pachyodon Listert in plenty. It is not quite like ordinary English

specimens.

‘Small Spirifera of the Liassic type, such as occurs in South of

Hngland, not in Yorkshire.

‘With this Sprrifera in plenty, occurs :—

‘Rhynchonella of the types conconna and obsoleta.

In separate masses,

‘Avicula like Braamburiensis.

‘ Astarte.

‘Trigoma of atype near middle and top of Bath Oolite series, not

quite like any English form, and separate.

‘Belemmtes of the group B. Sulcatus, Miller, probably of Oxiord

clay.

‘ Palceozoic Fossils also occur, including

‘ Producta antiquata.

‘ Sporifer 1.

= 3. ‘ Attenuata

‘ Strophomena.

(Sd.) ‘JOHN PHILLIPS,

Oxford.

‘2nd June 1864.’

“Tt would appear from this note, that Professor Phillips entertains

some doubt on the genuineness of the Oxford fossils, but as he omits

to give the date, which is especially required to settle the question,

I am still uncertain whether any record of it exists. Dr. Oldham has,

however, given us to understand, that he possesses such evidence of

the dates both of the receipt of the Society’s and of the Oxford collec-

1864. | Proceedings of the Asvatec Society. 579

tions, as will tend to settle the point, and it will materially aid in the

elucidation of the question if Dr. Oldham will communicate these, for

record in the Society’s proceedings, in order that their authenticity

may be thoroughly sifted, and the question of genuineness, if possible,

thereby set at rest.’’

Babu Rajendralal Mitra made the following remarks on four unde-

scribed coins, which were exhibited by him.

“Since the last meeting, I have had occasion twice to examine the

Cooch Behar trove at the Mint, in order to select afew sets of coins

for a friend; and while so employed, I discovered two varieties of

coins, which had before escaped my notice. Both of them appear to

me to be unknown to numismatologists. I take this opportunity,

therefore, to submit them to the inspection of the meeting: one of

them has on the obyerse the name of one Sultan Ruknuddin Kaikaus,

the son of a Sultan, and the grandson of a Sultan; and on the reverse,

that of the Khalif Mostasim. The margin of none of the four speci-

mens that I have seen is perfect, but on one of them the words Sulsh

and Satamayd, or “six hundred and three,”

are distinct, with a word

in the middle, which appears to me to be very like Tasaayin or ninety.

On asecond, the words Saneh ahad, ‘“‘In the year one,” are clearly

legible, and traces exist of Zasaayin Satamayd. ‘The third specimen

has Tasaayon or ‘‘ ninety,” the rest being illegible. Reading the dates

with the help of each other, I take them to be 691 and 693 respective-

ly. The place of coinage, I read with some doubt to be Sonargaon.

It follows hence, that the king who issued these coins must have lived

in the last decade of the 7th century, and exercised sway either at

Delhi or Gour. Now it is well known that Nasiruddin Bagora, the

second son of Balban, was in undisputed possession of Bengal from

the Hejira year 681 to 698, or A. D. 1282 to 1299; and our Kaikaus,

therefore, could not have been a King of Bengal at that time. At

Delhi, Ghyasuddin Balban died in the year 1286, leaving his Empire

to his grandson, Kai Khusro, son of Muhammad. But his nobles set

aside his will, and raised another of his grandsons, Kaikobad, son of

Nasiruddin of Bengal, to the throne. That dissolute prince reigned

for only three years, and was succeeded by Jellaluddin Firuz, the

Khilji, in H. 687, or A. D. 1288. Ziaa-i-Barni, the historian and

contemporary of this Viruz, says, that during the last illness of Kaiko-

ev FAY

rong fe § 7/¢«

Saye

ery Fa PF

fe eer

aad oil

580 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 5,

bad his Moghal Omrahs got possession of his only son Kaimurs, a boy

of three years of age, and proclaimed him King under the title of

Shamsuddin. They were, however, unable to maintain their ground,

and in three months Firuz mounted the throne, and subsequently

caused the young prince to be put to death. This statement has been

repeated by all subsequent historians, except the author of the Mirat

al’Alum, who, according to Mr. Thomas, changes the name of the

prince, from Kaimurs to Kaikaus; and it is to this prince that I feel

disposed to assign the coin under notice. Its shape, size, and style of

writing are very like those of the coins of Kaikobad, its legend is

mutatis mutandes the counterpart of that of the other, and its reverse

has the name of the Khalif Mostasim, given in identically the same

words, as on the coins of Balban and Kaikobad, while there is a strong

family likeness in the names of Kaikaus, Kaimurs, Kaikobad and Kai

Khusro.

The dates of the coins, however, are opposed to this assignment.

The units “one” and “three,” are perfectly clear, and they will not

admit of our bringing the coins which bear them to the year 687,

when Kaimurs was proclaimed king, even if we doubted the term for 90

(Sasayin) and read it 80 (Samanin.) The title also is opposed to my

assignment. According to a contemporary historian, the prenomen of

Kaimurs was Shamsuddin, while that of the Kaikaus of our coin is

Ruknuddin, These difficulties, however, may be explained away.

There are on record several instances in which Muhammadan Sove-

reiens have appeared under different prenomens at different times, and

this may be one of them; and the discrepancy in the dates may be

due either to the prince having lived as a fugitive much longer than

Ziaa-i-Barni admits, or to a desire on the part of Nasiruddin, Governor

of Bengal, to continue his allegiance to his grand son Kaimurs, even

after his deposition, and possibly after his death; for he could not

readily recognize the usurpation by Firuz of an empire which belonged

to his family for three generations. Should this theory of mine be

untenable, it will be for others to decide who this prince was, whose

coin we have now on hand.

Osv. “Ul Sultan ul A’zam Ruknuddunia-o-din Abu Mozattar

Kaikaus Sultan ibn ul Sultan ibn Sultan.” Rev. “Ul imam ul

Mustasim, Amir ul momnin Maz Zarb haézeh ulsikka Saneh stls

tasaayin satamaya,” :

—

ai 3 op A

1864.] Proceedings of the Asvatic Socrety. 581

The second coin I have to notice, has the name of one Ali Shah

on the obverse. His prenomen was Alauddin, and he calls himself

the Alexander of his age, Sekander uljeman; I have found several

specimens of his coinage, but none sufficiently perfect to give me his

date in full. . The only word legible is Sabaamaya, or “ seven hundred.”

Traces also are visible of a word which may be taken for arbayin, or

forty, but what the unit was [ cannot make out. The place of coinage

was Lucknouty. Assuming upon those premises that it is a Bengal

coin of the 5th decade of the 7th century, I attribute it to Aly

Mubarik, the officer of Kaddar Khan, who proclaimed himself king

of Bengal, in 742 Hejira, or A. D. 1342, under the prenomen of

Alauddin. He was assassinated, after a reign of a year and five

months by his foster brother Hajy Ilias.

The legend on the coin is as follows :—Osv. “ Ul Sultan ul Azam

Ala ul dunia-o-din Abul Mozaffar Ali Shah ul Sultan.” Rev.

“Sekander ul jeman ul *** zarb ul Sikka Lakhnauti, Saneh Arbayin

* Sabamaya,”

I take this opportunity to exhibit two Assam silver coins, placed

at my disposal by Col. Guthrie. They bear the names of Surjané-

raéyana Deva and Surja Deva Chakradhvaja Sinha, with the Saka

years 1570, 1575, ov A. D. 1648 and 1653. They were the earliest

Hindu Kings of Assam, but their dates had hitherto remained un-

settled. James Prinsep, following the Assam Burunjt of Holirama

Dhekial Fukan, placed the first Hindu King of Assam, Chakam or

Jayadhvaja Sinha, in the year 1665, with a mark of interrogation

alter it, and a Chakradhvaja Sinha in 1621, immediately below him.

The Assam Burunji of Radhénatha Bor Borua removes Chuhun-

mung alias Surjanéréyana the first Hindu Raja, to the year 1497; and

then, after two Burmese names, has a Chuhingtfa, alias Surjanarayana,

who after two Burmese successors was followed by a Chutamla, alias

Jayadhvaja Sinha, in 1658, and a Chupangmung, alias Chakradhvaja,

in 1663. Chakam, alias Jayadhvaja Sinha, is said to have defeated

a general of Aurungzeb, and his era, therefore, must be subsequent

to 1658, and he is evidently identical with the Surjadeva Chakradh-

vaja Sinha of our coin, who commenced his reign before 1658, Hig

immediate predecessor was Surjandréyana, who was probably the first

convert to Hindu faith; for the first prince ‘of that name in Radhé-

582 Proceedings of the Asvatie Socrety. [No. 5,

nitha’s history 1s evidently a mistake. In his coins he invokes both

Hari and Hara for his patron divinities.

The legends of the two coins, are, Ist, of Surjanarayana.

Isr Arga.—Sri Sri Hari Haracharana pardyanasya.

2np ArnEA.—Sri Sri Surjandréyana Devasya Sake 1570.

2nd, of Surjadeva.

Ist Arna.—Sri Sri Siva Rémagana paréyanasya.

2nd Arza.—Sri Sri Surjadeva Chakradhvaja Sinhasya Sake 1575,

A letter from Mr. Carlyle, announcing his resignation of the Curator-

ship, alter the Dussehra holidays, which has been accepted by the

Council, was recorded.

The following resolution was proposed by the Council, expressive

of the Society’s recognition of Mr, Blyth’s services :—

“ On the eve of transferring the Zoological collections of the Society

to Government, to form the nucleus of an Imperial Museum of Natural

History, the Society wishes to record its sense of the important services

rendered by its late Curator, Mr. Blyth, in the formation of those

collections. In the period of 22 years, during which Mr. Blyth was

Curator of the Society’s Museum, he has formed a large and valuable

series of specimens, richly illustrative of the Ornithology of India and

the Burmese Peninsula, and has added largely to the Mammalian, and

other vertebrate collections of the Museum; while by his numerous

descriptive papers, and catalogues of the Museum specimens, he has

made the materials thus amassed by him subservient to Zoological

science at large, and especially valuable to those engaged in the study

of the vertebrate faunas of India and its adjoining countries.”

The resolution, being put to the vote, was carried unanimously.

Letters from the Rev. J. Cave Browne, Lt. Col. A. Fraser, and

Mr. T. Dickens, intimating their desire to withdraw from the Society,

were recorded.

The following gentlemen, duly proposed at the last meeting were

balloted for, and elected Ordinary Members :—~

Baboo Bhoodeb Mookerjee.

H. H. Locke, Esq. )

The Hon’ble J. B. Phear.

Lieut. Col W. D. Short, R. E.

— ~. a _

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety. 583

The following gentlemen were named for ballot, as ordinary members

at the next meeting.

W. Anderson, Esq., proposed by Captain W. N. Lees, seconded by

Mr. H. F’. Blaniord. /

H. Dunlop, Esq., proposed by Captain W. N. Lees, seconded by

Mr. Geoghegan.

J. G. Sarkies, Esq., proposed by Mr. Woodrow, seconded by Mr.

H. F. Blanford.

D. R. Onslow, Esq., proposed by Mr. Sandeman, seconded by Mr.

H. F. Blanford.

J. H. A. Branson, Hsq., proposed by Mr. Heeley, seconded by Mr.

Wheeler.

Whitley Stokes, Hsq., proposed by Mr. H. B. Medlicott, seconded

by Mr. Heeley.

R. J. Richardson, Hsq., C. 8., proposed by Mr. H. F’. Blantord,

seconded by Mr. Heeley.

E. S. Robertson, Esq., C. S., proposed by Mr. Heeley, seconded

by Dr. Colles.

K. T. Atkinson, Hsq., C. S., Jaunpore, proposed by Mr. Heeley,

seconded by Mr. H. F. Blanford.

The Council reported that they had elected Colonel C. Douglas to

the Meteorological and Library Committees.

Communications were received :—

1. From E. Thomas, Hisq., A continuation of his paper on Ancient

Indian Weights.

2. From Baboo Gopee Nath Sen, Abstract of the results of the

Hourly Meteorological Observations, taken at the Surveyor General’s

Office in July and August 1864.

3. From the Secretary Antiquarian Association of the Central

provinces :—

I. A Memorandum on some of the principal Hill Tribes of the

Satpoora Range.

II. Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna, by Major H. B. Impey,

Deputy Commissioner of Sumbulpore.

Tif. <A letter from the Officiating Deputy Commissioner of Belas-

pore to the Commissioner of the Chuttesgurh Division, containing

a History of the Hey Hey Bunsee Dynasty of Ruttenpore.

4p 2

584 Proceedings of the Asvatic Society. [No. 5,

4. From Captam H. H. Godwin-Austen, F. R. G.&., description

of a mystery play as performed in Ladak, Zaskar, Ge.

The Librarian submitted a report of the accessions to the Library

since the meeting held in July last.

Captain Godwin-Austen’s paper was read by the Secretary. He

stated that mystery plays were enacted in the principal monasteries of

Liadak, in the spring and autumn of each year. He saw the perform-

ance in the monastery of Hinnis, situated in a ravine opening on the

Indus, a day’s journey above Leh. Captain Austen describes the

monastery and its furniture at some detail, and proceeds to analyse the

performance, which commenced with a dance to music of masked figures,

in an extraordinary costume, with the device of a skull upon the

breast; each dancer also held a ladle, made of a human skull, with

long streamers of silk attached to it. ‘To this succeeded other dances,

the masks being frequently changed; one set had the third eye in the

centre of the forehead, which is the mark of a deity; others were

jesters or harlequins; others represented the Court of Indra; and the

scene closed with a “ dance of death,” the performers in which were

got up to represent skeletons. Captain Austen’s paper was illustrated

by stereoscopic views of the various tableaua, taken by Captain A. B.

Melville, and which had been previously exhibited to the Society, and

was accompanied by a translation of a MS. obtained in Ladak, and

furnishing directions to dancers.

Captain Lees said,—‘‘ I was asked a question at our last meeting

by the Hon’ble George Campbell, whose attention had been attracted

by the following passage in Purchas’ travels in India during the reign

of Akbar :—

“Tn his Treasurie of Agra are in gold of Seraffins Ecberi (which.

are ten Rupias a piece) three score Leckes. Of another sort, which

are one thousand Rupias each, twentie thousand pieces; and ten

thousand of another sort, halfe the value. Of Toles (euery tole is

a Rupia of siluer, and ten of those toles is the value of one of gold)

thirtie thousand. Of another sort of ten toles, five and twentie

thousand ; of another sort of five toles, fiftie thousand.’

“The learned gentleman wished to know, with reference to the

proposed introduction of a gold currency into India, whether the coin

here alluded to under the name Serafin, the value of which would

a a ee eh al

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatec Society. D8d

appear to have been Rs. 10-0-0, could have been the original of our

Kneglish Sovereign. At the time, I stated that no value could be

placed on any deductions made from foreign words occurring in the

work alluded to, in consequence of the barbarous style of the Author’s

or Editor’s Orthography; that I believed that by the word Serafin

the author meant Ashrafi; but as, notwithstanding the elaborate work

of Abu’l Fazl, there was considerable doubt regarding some points

connected with the currency of India in Akbar’s time, I promised to

make enquiry on the subject. Enquiry, however, has resulted in

little more than a strong confirmation of the opinions I expressed in

this room a few months back, regarding the very great danger of too.

general an application of the Roman alphabet to oriental languages,

It would be impossible, I think, to. find a better illustration of the

mischief that might result, if the Romanizing principle were carried:

beyond its legitimate limits, than is contained in this work, one short

passage of which I will read to the meeting.

“<< Garcias ab Horto writes, that ‘The Mogors had possessed the

kingdome of Delly: but a certaine Bengalan (rebelling against his

master) slue him, usurped his state, and by force of warre added this

of Canara also to his dominion; he was called Xabolam. This king

made his sister’s sonne his successor, who was much addicted to

Forreiners. He divided his kinedome into twelve parts, or Provinces,

over which he set so many captains: Idaleam from Angidaua to

Cifarda; from thence to Negatona, Nizamaluco; over Balaguate, or

the up- ‘hill country (for Bala in the Persian bapaae e signifieth, the

toppe, and Guate a hill), Imadmaluco, and Catalmaluco, and Verido,

&c. These all rebelled, and captured Daquem their King at Beder,

the chief citie of Decan, and shared:his Kingdome amongst themselves

and some Gentiles, partners in the conspiracie. They were all forrein-

ers but Nizamaluca. This and the other names before mentioned,

were Titles of Honour, given them with their offices by the king.

corrupted by the vulgar in pronouncing. Idaleam is Adel- ham ; Adel

in the Persian language, signifieth Justice ; Ham is the Tartarian

appellation, signifying a Prince, or King Ge hame might well be

the reliques-of the Tartarian conquests in those parts), so Adel-ham

is king of justice. Neza in the Persian (which Scaliger saith ig of like

extent in the Hast, as Latine in the West) is a Lance; Maluco sions

Pew

oe f.

in he eee

Sh orenercnc=

4 4 _ ?

ra Pee Tee

Patt,

Red

‘

i-m

at au,

£.-* J eum

586 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [| No. 5,

ficth the Kingdome. Neza or Nizamaluco, the speare or lance of the

kingdome. So, Cotamaluco, the Tower of the kingdome. Imadmaluco

the Throne of the kingdome, &e. Nezamatluco is also called Nizamoua,

which wa or scha is a Persian title (signifying as Monsieur in France,

Don in Spaine), and given by /smael the Sophi and Tamas his sonne

to all those kings that would communicate in their sect, which Nizamova

only yielded to. Other of them made shew, but soone recanted. Thus

farre Garcvas.’

‘‘ Now here we have an intelligent, and certainly an honest traveller,

rendering his narrative, as far as the identification of proper names is

concerned, not only almost wholly unintelligible, but leading himself

into the commission of serious etymological blunders. By Nizamaluco

no doubt is meant Nizam al-Mulk. This to the present day is a popular

error for Nazim al-Mulk, a title meaning administrator, or a country

governor of a kingdom, and frequently applied to the emperor's

Nabs or Viceroys. The other titles I assume to be, Adz Khan,

Imad al-Mulk, Kutb al-Mulk, Nizam-Shah. To the last mentioned,

Verido, no oriental word that Iam acquainted with will approximate.

{ fully concur in all that is said regarding the advantages that would

result from reducing the number of alphabets in which we now find

the languages of the world written; and if efforts are confined to

anlettered languages, or those which have little or no original literature,

probably no harm would result from making the attempt. If, again,

the numerous alphabets of cognate languages could be reverted to the

existing form of their original type, or that form of the same family

of languages which had received the highest development, while in

one sense it would be a retrogression, in another it would be an

immense stride in advance. But if we were seeking for it, we could

not, perhaps, find a more forcible illustration of the mischievous effects

which I fear, as those who think with me fear, would follow the general

adoption of a principle which, I cannot but think, when it came to be

practically applied, would prove wholly impracticable.

“But to return to our Seraffins. can find no such word in any

oriental history, nor any nearer approach to it than that which, I before

mentioned I believe it to represent—viz., the ashrafi, which I may

mention is itself etymologically a word of some obscurity. Abu!

Fazl has given very detailed information about the mints and coins of

a i

1864. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 587

Akbar. Iam inclined to doubt if it can be entirely relied on. He gives

a very long list of gold and silver coins as current. On four of these

(the chozal, weighing 8 tolahs and 54 ratis, Rs. 30; the aftdbe, 1 tolah

2 mashas 4? ratis, Rs. 12; the Ll/ahz, 12 mashas 14 ratis, Rs. 10; and

the Adl Gutkah, 11 mashas, Rs. 9,)—Mr. Thomas has based some

calculations. ‘The rupee, Abul Fazl states, was first introduced by

Shir Shah, and maintained in his currency by Akbar, who it is stated

raised the standard, a statement which experiment will bear out. The

currency of the Mohammadan Sovereigns of India, as a matter of

antiquarian research, is of considerable interest to those who are study-

ing this subject; but at the present time, when the question of a gold

currency for India is being discussed, there is a point connected with

it which, if this Society could throw any light on, would be of some

practical importance. I allude to the value of silver expressed in gold,

250 years ago. Mr. Thomas, assuming the accuracy of Abu’l Fazl’s

statements, and on the basis of some ealculations made by Colonel W.

Anderson, has stated the relative values of gold and silver in Akbar’s

time to have been as 1 to 9'4. But I am unable to verify the data to

be found in Abu’l Fazl, and here Purchas’ statement, that an ashrafi,

or Serafin as he called it, was worth only Rs. 10, is of some value.

I find no gold coin of Akbar’s existing that will fit most of the coins

described by Abu’l Fazl. Marsden figures 7 of Akbar’s gold coins,

five averaging 166% grains, and two 188 grains. Prinsep gives three,

one weighing 159, another 174, and the third 186 grains. Dr,

Shekleton, the assay master of the Calcutta Mint, who takes much

interest in enquiries of the kind, and who is at present engaged in

the preparation of some tables in continuation and amplification of

Prinsep’s, which will be of much value, has very kindly given me the

weight of some thirty Shir Shahi and Akbari rupees from the rapidly

formed but large collection of Colonel Guthrie, who has promised

aiturther supply of gold coins for the same purpose. In forwarding

the data, Dr. Shekleton says:—‘ I agree with you that Abu’l Fazl’s

coins and their par of exchange are hardly reliable: 9-4 to lis a

relative value of gold to silver which never could really have existed gf

and he adds :—‘ None of the silver coins are pure absolutely ; they are

about 16 Br., or 98.333 per cent. of pure metal. This, however, is

termed pure by the native refiners, as their process does not admit of

PUR ITE,

whit Fit

ryt as

588 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 5,

a higher quality of refinage. ‘ Pure,’ therefore, with reference to native

coins, means that they contain no purposely added alloy.

‘The average weight of all the Akbars is grs. 168.482.

‘The value of 10 in Indian Rupees (present currency) is Rupees

10-0-7 at 16 Br.

‘The average weight of the Shir Shah Rupees is grs. 167-13-3.

‘Value of 10, in Indian Rupees, is Rupees 9-15-7, at 16 Br.,

showing that 10 Rupees of either Akbar or Shir Shah’s coinage are

‘about equal in value to 10 Rupees, present currency.’

“Brom the earliest times the current coins of all Mohammedan

sovereigns have been the dindr, or gold denarius; the derhem, or silver

drachma; and the copper fals, or, as it is more generally used in the

plural, falus. The word dindr, is a word of considerable historical

importance, as it has given rise to certain chronological speculations

by no means of small interest. It is used in an inscription of Chandra

Gupta’s date, as if the coin were then current; but it occurs very much

earlier in Hindoo shasters prior to the time of Panini, who it is sup-

posed lived in the fourth century B. C. It is mentioned, however, in

early Sanskrit literature as an ornament only, and would appear to

have been worn round the neck, several being strung together, separated

by coral or other beads, in a manner similar to the necklaces of gold

mohurs we see every day worn by the natives around us. The ancient

Sanskrit Grammarians endeavoured to derive the word from Sanskrit

roots; but there is no doubt that it is the Roman denarwus, although

that coin was of silver. The dirhem is the Greek drachma. Our cabinets

of Bactrian coins furnish us with numerous specimens of drachmas,

didrachmas, and tetradrachmas,

“The falus is the obolus. Akbar adopted the rupee of Shir Shah,

and, if we are to put faith in Abu’l Fazl, paid great attention to the

standard of his coins. Still, all the silver coins of his mints I have

had tested differ somewhat in weight, some as much as 10 grains,

The average of eleven, however, gives a coin as nearly as possible equal

in weight to the Company’s Rupee. ‘The basis of his currency was

the dam. Abw Fazl says that one of Akbar’s rupees exchanged for

forty of these dams, and this statement has helped Mr. Thomas; but

LT think some further investigation with the help of the coins themselves

is desirable, before we accept so very low a value for gold in the reign

of Akbar.”

— "a

a ee ON rs

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. = (089

Mr. Blanford asked Captain Lees if he could inform the meeting

of the origin of the application of the term sovereegn to the coi.

Captain Lees replied that he had no doubt that the origin of the

application of sovereign in England to gold coins of the realm was

similar to that of the Napoleon and lows d’or to gold coins in France,

and Frederic d’or to gold coins in Prussia. As to the word itself, its

English orthography is so barbarous as to conceal its origin. The

correct word is swveran, French sowverain, for the Latin swpernus, or,

more nearly, the Italian sovrano ; and it is a very singular coincidence,

(but I may add that I attach to it only the singularity of a coincidence, )

that in ancient Hindu literature gold and gold coin is most usually

mentioned under this very term swverna; or 1f we drop the inherent

final vowel, as is usual in the vernaculars, we shall have precisely the

word the origin of which we are in search of, swvern.,

Lrprary.

The following additions have been made to the Library since the

meeting held in July last.

Presentations.

x4 The names of donors vn capitals.

Verhandlungen des Zoologisch-botanischen Vereins in Wien, Jahr

1855—62, Vols. V. to XI1—Tue Zooroetco-Boranic SoctutTy o¥

VIENNA.

Bericht iiber die Oesterreichische Literatur der Zoologie, Botanik

und Palaeontologie, aus den Jahren 1850, 1851, 1852, 1853.—Tu

SAME.

Personen- Orts- und Sach Register der Wiener K. K. Zoologisch-

botanischen Gesellschaft, 1851—55 and 1856—1860.—T ue Same.

Nachtrage zu Maly’s Hnumeratio plantarum phanerogamicarum

Imperii Austriaci Universi, von A. Neilreich.— Tux Samr.

Separat-abdruck naturwissenschaftlicher Abhandlungen aus den

Schriften des Zoologisch-botanischen Vereins in Wien.—Tun Same.

Festkranz zur zweiten Jahresfeler des Zoologisch-botanischen

Vereins.—Tue Same.

Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften,

Methematisch—Naturwissenschaftliche Classe, Band XLVI. abth. J.

4@4

wsrges

vr etr;

| Aad ae

s* w

7. |

(2A ROS TED

590 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 5,

Nos. 6 to 10; Band XLVII, abth. IL Nos. 1 to 3; Band XLVI,

abth. II, Nos. 8 to 10—Band XLVIT, abth. II, Nos. 1 to 4 ;—Philoso-

phisch-Historische classe—Band XL, Heft 3, 4 and 5; Band XLI,

Heft 1 und 2.—Tue Ivprriat AcapEmy.

Historischen classe der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vol. [V.—

Tur SAME.

Archiv fiir Kunde Oesterreichischer Geschichts-Quellen; Band

XXVIII, Zweite Halfte, und Band XXIX. Erste und Zweite halite —

THE SAME.

Fontes Rerum Austriacarum, Oesterreichische Geschichts-Quellen,

Band V, abth. 1; Band XXII, abth. [1 —Tue Sama.

Denkschriften der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Mathematisch-

Naturwissenschaftliche classe, Band. X XI.—Tuz Same.

Physicalische Verhaltnisse und Vertheilung der Organismen im Quar-

nerischen Golfe, von Dr. J. R. Lorenz.—Tue Same.

Mémoires de L’Académie Impériale des Sciences, Belles-Lettres et

Arts, de Lyon—Classe des Lettres, Tomes IX. and X.—Classe des

Sciences, Tomes X. XI. and XIJ.—Tuer Acapemy.

Annales des Sciences Physiques et d’Industrie, de Lyon, Vols. II. to

VI. 8rd Series.—Tue Same.

Abhandlungen der Akad. d. Wissenschaften zu Berlin, aus dem

Jahre 1862.—Tne Prussian ACADEMY.

Monatsberichte der K. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu

Berlin, aus dem Jahre 1863.—Tux Samu.

Memorie della Reale Accademia delle Scienze di Torino, Serie Secon-

da, Tomo XX. 1863.—Tur Rovan Acapemy or Scrence or Turin.

Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, Session 1862-63,

Vol. 5 No. 59.—Tue Society.

Abhandlungen der Mathemat.-Physikalischen classe der kéniglich

Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Neunten Bandes, dritte

abtheilung—Tu Rovan Bavarran Acapemy,

Sitzungsberichte der Kénigl. bayer. Akademie der Wissenschaften

za Miinchen; 1862, Band II, Heft 24; 1863, Band I, Heft 1 and 2.

—T'rr Same.

Denkrede auf Joh. Andreas Wagner, von Dr. Carl Friedrich Philipp

von Martius.—Tue Samu. 3

1864. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 591

Ueber die Deutschen Hinheitsbestrebungen im 16 Jahrhundert, von

dem Konigl. Universitits-Professor Dr. Cornelius—Tuu Same.

Rede in der offentlichen Sitzung der K. Akademie der Wissenschat-

ten am 28 Marz 1863, von Justus Freiherrn von Liebig—Tum Same.

Ueber die Stellung und Bedentung der pathologischen Anatomie,

von Dr. L. Buhl, Mimchen, 1863.—Tue Sag.

Zapiski Imperatorskago Russkago Geographikeskago Obstestva, 1862,

knizka, L., IL, and IV. and 1863, knizka I. and I1—Tue Inprrrat

Acapremy or St. PETreRsBURGH.

Otketé Imperatorskoi Publiknoi Biblioteki za 1860 God6 to 1862

God6.—Tuxr Same.

Geographikesko—Statistikeskii Slovare Rosstiskoi Imperii, Tomé I.

—THE SAME.

Catalogue des Manuscrits et Xylographes Orientaux de la Bublio-

theque Impériale Publique de St. Petersbourg, 1852.—'Tnm Same.

Kin Beitrag zur Deutschen Literatur aus Russland, der Universitat

‘Jena; Lavater’s Briefe an die Kaiserin Maria Feodorowna.—TuE Same.

Guide dela Bibliotheque Impériale Publique de St. Peétersbourg,

1860.—Tue Same.

Weeweiser der Kaiserlich Oeffentlichen Bibliothek zu St. Peters-

burg.—Tue Same.

Réglement pour les visiteurs de la Bibliotheque Impériale Publique

de St. Pétersbourg, 1852.—Tuz Same.

Les Elzevir de la Bibliothéque Impériale Publique de St. Peters-

bourg, 1862.—Tux Same.

Catalogue des publications de la Bibliothéque Impériale Publique

de St. Petersbourg.—Tue Same.

Catalogus codicum Bibliothecae Imperialis Publicae Graecorum et

Latinorum, Fasciculus Primus—Codices Graeci—Tue Samp.

Putevoditel po imperatorskoi publicnoi bibliotek —Tux Same.

Chrofiologiceskaya Rospis Slavienskich Knig, by I. Karatayeb. —

Tue Same.

Pravila dla posietitelei imperatorsckoi publicnoi bibliotekiTux

SAME.

Deciatilietie Imperatorskoi publicnoi biblioteki, 1849-1859.—Tux

SAME.

4g 2

| : : 7

I Ti : { ;

Qin “4 Pde Si He rd yi:

ot r ’ . - pu

NG Aiken ij Hod wukh it ' :

ere mined CT hey

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592 Proceedings of the Astatic Socrety. [No. 5,

Address of the President of the Linnean Society of London, deliver-

ed May 25th, 1863, and May 24th, 1864.—Tur Soctrry.

List of the Linnean Society for 1863.—Tue Samer.

The Annals of Indian Administration, Vol. VIII, Part 2—Tuer

Benegal GOVERNMENT.

Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. XXVIT, Part 2,

with a list of its Fellows in 1863.—Tue Soctery.

Journal of the Agri-Horticultural Society of India, Vol. XIII,

Part 3.—Tux Socrery.

Journal Asiatique, Vol. III, Nos. 10 and 11—Tue Astaric

Socrery or Parts.

Proceedings of the Royal Society of London ; Vol. XIII, Nos. 64 to

67.—Tuer Roya Socrery.

Rahasya Sandarbha; Vol. II, Nos. 14 and 15.—Tur Catcurta

ScHoot Boox Socrry.

Bijdragen tot de Taal-land-en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indié ;

Vol. VII, Stuk 4 and 5; and Vol. VIII, Stuk 1—Tue Unrversrry or

LEYDEN,

- Transactions of the Linnean Society of London, Vol. XXIV, Part 2.

—THe Soorery.

Journal of the Linnean Society of London—Zoology; Vol. VII, Nos.

27 and 28, and Vol. VIII, No. 29._—Botany ; Vol. VII, Nos. 27 and

28, and Vol. VIII, No. 29.—Tux Soctgery.

The Calcutta Christian Observer, Vol. XXV, Nos. 296 and 297.—

Tur Hprror. |

Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, Vol.

CLIT, Parts 1 and 2, with a list of its Fellows.—Tue Socrery.

Memoirs of the Geological Survey of India (Paleontologia Indica),

Vol. III, Part 4—Tae Buneat Government.

Proceedings of the Scientific Society of Ghazeepore, No. 5 of 1864.

——Tue Society.

The Calcutta Review, No. 78.—Tux Eprror.

The Oriental Baptist, Nos. 211 to 214 of Vol. XVIII.—Tne Enrror.

Selections from the Records of the Madras Government, No. 77.—

Tue Mapras Government.

Returns showing the operation of the Income Tax Act in the N. W.

Provinces for 1862-63.—Tue Government N. W. Provinczs.

1864. ] Proceedings of the Asvatic Socrety. 593

t, Calcutta Christian Intelligencer, Vol. XXXIX, Parts 7 to 10.—

Tur Epiror.

: Journal of the Chemical Society of London, Vol. I, for April, May

and June 1864.—Tuz Socrery.

Journal of Sacred Literature and Biblical Record, Vol. V, No. 10.—

THe Eprror.

Annales Musei Botanici Lugduno-Batavi, By F. A. Guil. Miguel,

Tome I, Fasc. IV to VIII.—Tuz Luepuno-Baravian AcapEmy.

Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society of London, Nos. 4

* and 5 of Vol. VILI.—Tuz Soctrery.

The Anthropological Review and Journal, Vol. IL, No. 5—Tue

~ ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETY.

Professional papers on Indian Engineering, Vol. I, No. 4.— Magor

lJ. G. Meptey.

Purana Sangraha, Part 14.— Basu Katt Prosonno Sineu.

en Selections from the Records of the Government of India, Public

“= Works Department, Nos. 42 to 45.—Tur Government or Inpta.

Memoirs of the Geological Survey of India, Vol. III, Part 2 and

i] Vol. IV, Part 2—Tue Benaat Government.

Duacterly Journal of the Geological Society of London, Vol. XX,

oi No. 79.—Tux Soctery.

ih Statistics of the Trade of the port of Calcutta, Parts 3 and 4 with

supplements to Parts 1 and 2, compiled by W. W. J. Wood, Hsq.—

_, Tue Comprurr.

3 Annual Report of the Insane Asylums in Bengal for 1863, by J.

, McClelland, Esq— Tur Beneat GoveRNMENT.

A Geographical, Statistical and General Report on the district of

Hazareebaugh, by Capt. H. Thompson, Revenue Survey, from 1858-59,

to 1862-63.—Tuk Samp.

Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlindischen Gesellschaft, Vol.

XVIII, Part 8—Tue Soctery.

Annual Report with Tabular Statements for the year 1868 on the

_ condition and management of the Jails in the N. W. Provinces, by Dr.

Walker—Tuxr Government N. W. Provincss.

Proceedings of the Royal Trish Academy, Vol. VLG Parts1-46-6.—

Tun AcaDEMyY.

Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, Vol. XXIV, Part I, Anti-

5OA Proceedings of the Asvatic Society. [ No. 5,

quities ; Part 2, Polite Literature ; and Part 3, Sciences—Tux Samm.

Report on the Survey operations of the Lower Provinces for 1862-63

Tue Beneat GOVERNMENT.

General Report on the Revenue Survey operations of the Bengal

Presidency for 1861-62 and 1862-63.—Tue Government or Inpta.

Ditto ditto, another copy — Tur Surveyor Generar or Invi.

Report of the Commissioners appointed to enquire into the Sanitary

state of the Army in India with precis of evidence, for 1863.—Tuz

Benegal GOVERNMENT.

Selections from the Records of the Government N. W. Provinces.

Part XL.—Tue Government N. W. Provinces.

Madras Journal of Literature and Science, Third Series, No. 1.—

Toe Mapras Lirsrary Society.

Memoirs of the Royal Astronomical Society of London, Vol. 31.—

Tue Socrery. :

Geological Magazine, No. 1 of 1864.—Tum Eprror.

Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. VIII, No. L—

Tue Society.

The Agra Law Journal, embracing original dissertations on legal

subjects, with select Civil, Criminal and miscellaneous decisions and

circular orders Vol. I, No. 1—Tux Compitmr.

Report on the Police of the Town of Calcutta and its suburbs for

1863-64.—Tue GovurNMENT or BENGAL.

Nukata Mirza Bedil—Jwata Natu Punprr.

Khumsat al Mujahis—Tue Samu.

Shahnameh in Urdu.—Tue Same.

Seh Nusura Zahuri and Diwan Shahi—Tue Same.

Baharistan of Jami.—Txer Same.

Nufhatool Imun.—Tux Same.

Shir O’Shucker.—Tue Same.

Akhlak i Nasiri.—Tue Same.

Abu’l Fazl, Part 2nd.—Tue Samu.

Abwabool Jinan.—TueE Same.

Siraj ul Loghat.—Tue Samer.

Gulistan, with notes—TueE Same.

Moonsha Talibeen.—THE Same.

Mareaza adwar.—THE SAME.

etn

1864. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety. 59D

Nuzarat ul Sindh.—Tue Same.

Byaz, Nos. 1 to 5—Tue Same.

Arabic and Urdu Grammar.—TueE Same.

Akhlak i Jallali— Tur Same.

Ayjaza Khusrowie—Tux Same.

Timur Nameh.—Tue Same.

Preface to Anwar Suhili with notes; also an abridgement of the

Grammar of the Urdu Language—Tue Samu.

Hakikath i Bekhud.—Tue Same.

Zubboor of David.—Tuer Same.

Furhunga Farsee.—Tux Same.

Cards containing hymns of Gods and Goddesses in Small Deva-

nagri characters embodied in the names of the Gods and Goddesses in

large Devanagri characters —THE Same.

Sketches of the Colony of Sierra Leone and its inhabitants, by R.

Clark —Tur AvtTHoR.

The degree of uncertainty which local attraction, 1f not allowed for,

occasions in the operations of Geodesy, by Archdeacon J. H. Pratt—

Tur AvTHOR.

Lectures on the Science of Language, 2nd Series, by Professor Max

Miuller—Tue AvtHor.

The Sunnyassee, letters and tales, by J. Hutchinson, Hsq.—Tur

AUTHOR.

A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and Sunnuds, relating to India

and the neighbouring countries, Vol. IV; compiled by C. U. Aitchison,

Ksq.— Tue Government or Inpta.

Arringhe officiose dell’avvocato Giambattista Dattino.—Tux

AUTHOR.

Abhandlung iiber die grosse Karthagische und andere neu-entdeckte

Phénikische Inschriften, von H. Ewald —Tue Avrtuor.

The Gospel for the Afghans, by Capt. H. G. Raverty, 2 copies.—

Tue AUTHOR.

Hachanges.

The Atheneum for May, June, July and August, 1864.

The Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science, Vol. XXV II,

Nos. 184, 185; and Vol. XXVIII, Nos. 186 to 188.

SAS Ee ES

396 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, [No. 5,

Purchases.

ee The Annals and Magazine of Natural History, Nos. 78 to 81.

eS Se os é : Comptes Rendus de |’ Academie des Sciences, Nos. 18 to 26 of Vol.

ae LVIII, and Nos. 1 to 7 of Vol. LIX. 4

ee : a The Edinburgh Review, Vol. CXX, No. 245.

See Journal des Savants for May, June, July and August, 1864.

The Quarterly Review, Vol. CX VI, No. 231. :

43 34 ee Revue des Deux Mondes for 15th May, June, July, August, and 1st

== og a September, 1864.

te sia a4 = Revue et Magasin de Zoologie, Vol. XVI, Nos. 4 to 7.

- te The Westminster Review, New Series, Vol. XXVI, No. 51.

The Natural History Review, Vol. ITI, No. 15.

Numismatic Chronicle and Journal of the Numismatic Society,

No. 14.

The Ibis, a magazine of general ornithology, Vol. VI, Nos. 21 and 22.

Journal of Entomology, descriptive and Geographical, Vol. I,

Nos. 1 to 9. ,

Orient und Occident, Vol. [I, Part [V, herausgegeben von Th. Benfey. ;

History of Modern Architecture, by J. Fergusson.

An Hssay on the origin and formation of the Romance Languages,

by Sir G. C. Lewis.

Buddhism in Thibet, with an Atlas of Plates, by E. Schlagintweit.

Dictionnaire Classique, Sanscrit-Francaise, Part 3.

Histoire Naturelle des Insectes. Genera des Coléoptéres, par M.

Th. Lacordaire, Vols. L. to VI. with plates.

Hewitson’s Exotic Butterflies, Part 51.

Indische Spruche, Sanskrit und Deutsch, Vol. II, by Otto Bohtlingk.

Sanskrit Worterbuch, by Otto Bohtlingk and R. Roth, Vol. IV.

Nos. 26 and 27.

Atlas Ichthyologique des Indes Orientales Neerlandaises, by M. P.

Bleeker, 14 Livraison.

= 3 be Le Maha-bharata, pome épique de Krishna-Dwaipayana, par Hip- |

ee polyte Fauche, Vols. I and IT.

Se one Memoires d’Histoire et Geographie Orientales, by M. J. Goeje,

FS See No. 3.

: : = << ae Dictionnaire Turc-Arabe-Persan. Heft VII, by Dr. J. T. Zenker.

Ibn-el-Athiri, edited by C. J. Tornberg, Vol. X.

1864. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety. 597

Portraits of the Game and Wild Animals of Southern Africa, by

Captain W. C. Harris.

Deutsches Wérterbuch, von Jacob Grimm, und Wilhelm Grimm,

Vol. V. Part L.

LateopaL Durr.

2nd November, 1864.

—<2o>—

For Decempur, 1864.

The monthly General Meeting of the Asiatic Sodiety of Bengal

was held on the 7th instant.

Colonel R. Strachey, senior member present, in the chair.

The minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.

Mr. Oldham desired to correct a misapprehension which had taken

place in the report of what he had said at the Meeting in December

last. He said that Dr. Gerard had sent a collection to Mr. Buckland

and the Asiatic Society had sent one also, and that Dr. Gerard’s was

the first;—not that Dr. Gerard’s collection reached home before the

collection sent from Calcutta. Professor Phillips with characteristic

caution had left the matter where he found it.

Mr. Blanford reminded the Meeting that, on the occasion referred

to, he had reduced the argument of the validity of the Oxford fossils

as affording evidence of the authenticity of the disputed specimens in

the Society’s Museum to one crucial question, viz, “Could it be

proved by a comparison of dates, that Dr. Buckland’s fossils reached

England before the Society’s collection reached Calcutta?’ To this

question he, and he believed others at the Meeting, had understood

Mr. Oldham to reply that he had not his notes with him at the time,

but he knew that he had notes of the dates required, and that they

shewed that Dr. Gerard’s fossils could not have been sent from the

Society’s Museum. Mr. Blanford still thought that it would aid the

settlement of this question if Mr. Oldham would place his notes upon

record in the Society’s proceedings.

Mr. Oldham replied that he had some notes, but he declined to

produce them. .

Mr. Blanford remarked that in that case the whole matter remained

598 Proceedings of the Asvatec Socrety. [No. 5,

exactly where it was before Mr. Oldham made his attack upon his

(Mr. Blanford’s) paper on the Spiti Fossils.

Dr. Stoliczka mentioned that Mr. Schlagintweit has described from

Gnari-Khorsum an Ammonite, viz., Ammonites Kobellz, which is very

analogous to A. befrons, so much so, that the one might be taken for

the other; that both the species or varieties, as they may be called,

exist in the Society’s collection; and that it would be desirable to

know whether the same are represented in the Oxford collections.

Mr. Blanford remarked that, though the species might be similar,

the peculiarity of the supposed Gerard Fossils was in the absolute

identity of their mineral character with that of the Whitby fossils;

moreover, the abundance of the same species at Spiti and Whitby,

and the absence at Spiti of other fossils having the same mineral

character, but not specifically identical with Whitby fossils.

Colonel Strachey made some remarks tending to throw doubt on the

authenticity of the disputed Gerard fossils.

The following presentations were announced :—

1. From W. Cornish, Esq. a specimen of the Black-backed Goose

(Sarkidiornis melanonotus. )

2. From Lieutenant R. C. Beavan; two specimens of Dendrocitta

rufa.

3. From Dr, F. Stoliczka; a specimen of Lagomys Curzome.

4, From Baboo Rajendra Mullick; two specimens of Goura

Coronata, or crowned Pigeon; five specimens of Wild Ducks, a

Flamingo, and a black Lemur.

mens of Bats: one Nycticejus canus, and two of a species of Scotophilus,

Calcutta,

6. From Baboo Poorno Chunder Bysack, Assistant Curator ; several

specimens of young Rats. |

7. From Lieutenant R. C. Beavan; three books, viz., “ Hngland’s

Workshops;” “The Utilization of Minute Life,” and another work.

8. From the Government of India, Foreign Department; two

copies of a series of es likenesses of the tribes of Nepal,

taken by Captain Taylor..

The Officiating Curator exhibited the skeletons of a large Crocodile

and a Frog, kana Brahma, prepared for the Museum.

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. D99

A letter from Major A. B. Johnson, intimating his desire to withdraw

from the Society, was recorded.

The Secretary read the following copy of a letter from the Secretary

of State for India, sanctioning the transfer to Government of the

Museum of the Asiatic Society of Bengal; forwarded by the Under-

Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department :—

“Tndia Office, London, 15th October 1864. Public.

No. 79. -

“His Excellency the Right Hon’ble the Governor General of India

in Council.

“Srr,—I have received and considered in Council your letter dated

27th June (No. 85) 1864; and I have in reply to communicate my

sanction to the proposals therein submitted for the transfer to Govern-

ment of the Museum of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and for the

formation of an Imperial Museum at Calcutta.

“9. JT shall take immediate steps in accordance with your request

for the selection of a competent Curator for the Museum, on the terms

proposed by you, together with the allowance of one hundred and filty

pounds (£150) as passage and outfit money.

I have, &.,

(Sd.) C. Woop.”

No. 5870.

“Copy forwarded to the Secretary to the Asiatic Society, Calcutta,

with reference to correspondence ending with his letter No. 177, dated

Sth April 1864.

“By order,

(Sd.) ‘A. Corvin,

“ Officiating Under-Secy. to the Govt. of India.”

The Council reported that, having received a letter from the officiat-

ing Curator requesting that his resignation, as announced to the last

Meeting of the Society, might be withdrawn, they had allowed Mr.

Carlyle to defer his resignation to the end of the current month

(December), about or shortly after which time the Curator appointed

by the Secretary of State may be expected to arrive.

The following gentlemen, duly proposed at the previous Meeting,

were balloted for as Ordinary Members :—

4 2

600 _ Proceedings of the Asiatec Society. [No. 5

W. Anderson, Esq. Whitley Stokes, Esq.

H. Dunlop, Esq. R. J. Richardson, Esq.

J. C. Sarkies, Esq. Ii. 8. Robertson, Esq.

D. R. Onslow, Esq. K. T. Atkinson, Esq.

J. H. A. Branson, Esq.

The following gentlemen were named for ballot as Ordinary Members

at the ensuing Meeting.

Lieutenant J. H. Urquhart, R. E., proposed by Captain Godwin

Austen, seconded by H. F. Blanford, Esq.

Dr. J. Anderson, proposed by Dr. Partridge, seconded by W. L.

Heeley, Esq.

The receipt of the following Communications was announced :—

I. From Baboo Gopee Nauth Sen; an abstract of the Hourly

Meteorological Observations taken at the Surveyor General’s Office in

September last.

2, From Dr. Stoliczka; a note on Lagomys Curzonie Hodgson.

The Secretary read Dr. Stoliczka’s paper, of which the following is

an abstract :—During a late visit to Hastern Ladak, Dr. Stoliczka had

succeeded in procuring several specimens of this animal, one of which

had been prepared for the Society's Museum, and was exhibited on

the table of the meeting room. Although occurring plentifully in

Ladak, this was the first specimen that had reached the Society’s

Museum. After a detailed description of specimens of different age,

é&c., and noting the differences which characterized young and adult

specimens, Dr. Stoliczka gives an account of the habitat of the species.

It does not live usually at a less elevation than 15,500 ft. above the

sea. Round the Chomoriri lake it is associated with Phaiomys lucurus

and Arctomys bobac. The greatest elevation at which Dr. Stoliczka

met with it was 18,672: ft., at the top of the Ladak pass, on the

confines of vegetation. Between 15,500 ft. and at the latter

elevation, it is very abundant throughout Ladak, and it appears to

range far to the Hastward, as Mr. Hodgson obtained specimens from

Chumbi, N. W. of Sikhim. Dr. Stoliczka had not observed it

south of the Bara Lacha range. In Spiti L. Ourzonie is represented

by another species, Z. Roylet, which ranges between 12,500 and

16,000 ft.

1864. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety. 601

On the motion of the Chairman, the thanks of the meeting were

voted to Dr. Stoliczka.

The Secretary read the following report of the Meteorological

Committee of the Society, prefaced by an Introductory Memorandum ;

also a letter from the Government of India, Military Department, and

the resolution of the Council thereupon.

Intropuctory Memoranpum.

The Meteorological Committee of the Society, as it at present exists,

was formed on the proposition of Colonel Strachey in April 1857,

apparently in the expectation that, as a deliberative body, it would

superintend the Collection of Meteorological observations, acting, to

quote the words of the original Memorandum, “as a controlling power

capable of combining the work of all observers.”

There are no records of any work having been done by the Committee

up to February 1861, when the offer of some self-registering instru-

ments to the Society gave rise to a discussion, which resulted in the

resolution, “That it is not desirable for the Society itself to attempt

to make Meteorological observations, but that the Council should be

recommended to address Government generally, on the importance of

establishing a uniform system of Meteorological Observation through-

out India, so managed as to admit of proper comparison; and on the

means which should be adopted to bring about improvements in

existing registers; and generally to further the accurate investigation

of Meteorological phenomena.” At a subsequent meeting of the

Committee in April 1862, Colonel Strachey submitted the draft of

a Report in accordance with the above Resolution, and this with slight

alterations was sent up to the Council, and laid before the Meeting of

the Society in May 1862.

In this report, after pointing out the great importance of a know-

ledge of Meteorological laws, and the direct influence of Meteorolo-

gical Phenomena on life, health, and property, and adducing the

drought and consequent famine of the previous year, as a prominent

instance in support of their view, it was shewn that the present system

of Meteorological Observation and record is totally inadequate to afford

the data requisite for the elucidation of the laws of the climate, or for

enabling us to avail ourselves of them even were they known; that

while many of the records, now kept, are made with no sufficient

Leth ii Sw Ac aA A,

eee Ti nel! ‘

iif sith te ol ak * . :

TR eALE tai ak wiht Pee ‘7

SL ET AR Peale yh

> J: eR Ie ¢ rey Oooo aL

ee, nt ae eo

ha pings ied Oe oot

anh

is. ;

we -

feta 4h

reat ey

Os,

602 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 5,

attention, and are not susceptible of comparison one with the other,

from the very different ways in which they are kept, the value of the

whole is very much diminished if not altogether lost, owing to the

impossibility of distinguishing the good from the bad. It was further

observed that the very essence of the value of such observations is,

that they should be brought in relation one with the other, and that

this must be done in a regular, systematic, and scientific manner. It

was therefore suggested that a Board of the leading scientific men in

India should be appointed by Government to make suggestions on

this and kindred subjects; and it was conceived that the suggestions

of a Board so constituted would be received with thankfulness by

Government and all individual observers, and that such recommend-

ations would practically carry with them sufficient weight, to give

that spirit and unity of method to all meteorological observation which

is so entirely wanting at present, and which is so essential to any real

progress in the science and its practical application. The Council, in

presenting this report, requested the authority of the Society to address

Government in accordance therewith; which authority, after an inter-

esting and animated discussion, was formally accorded.

A letter, dated 20th June 1862, was therefore addressed to Govern-

ment, recommending that a Meteorological Committee should be consti-

tuted by Government, on the plan of the Meteorological Committee

of the Board of Trade in London, for the advancement of Meteorological

Science. In this letter the special importance of Meteorological —

information in this country was strongly insisted on. “ The terrific

hurricanes that from time to time have swept over the Sea of Bengal,

causing the most calamitous destruction of property in shipping, and

carrying death almost to the entire population of whole districts that

have been submerged by the storm-wave,”’ were quoted as well-known

facts; and it was predicted (a prediction the disastrous fulfilment of

which is fresh in the recollection of us all), that such storms would

surely be repeated in the future. The horrors of the famine of the

previous year, and the importance of any knowledge that would enable

us to foresee those terrible calamities, were appealed to as strong

arguments for systematic reform of the existing inefficient machinery,

and as an instance of the interest which the Government has in the

eltects of Meteorological phenomena, Other arrangements of a similar

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 603

character, and tending to the same end, were also adduced; and finally

the Council stated that they would be prepared to submit a definite

plan without loss of time, should the general views they had expressed

be approved by His Excellency the Governor General in Council.

The reply of Government to this letter was received in February

1863. The Government intimated that it fully recognized the value

of Meteorological observations properly conducted and collated by

persons really competent to the task, and that it would afford all

reasonable assistance, if a scheme can be devised likely to effect the

object desired by the Asiatic Society. Further, the Government

would be glad to receive and take into consideration the definite

proposals of the Society, concluding that the nature of the observations,

and the forms of recording them, will be proposed by the Society with

a due regard to the circumstances under which, and the persons by

whom, they may have in many cases to be conducted, and also to the

great importance of ensuring as far as possible that they may be relied

on as accurate.

This letter being referred to the Meteorological Committee, the

preparation of a draft Report was entrusted to Colonel Strachey, on

his intimation that he had a detailed scheme of operations which he

wished to recommend to the Society.

Colonel Strachey’s draft was received in April 1864, but in the

interim, viz., in November 1863, a memo. was received from the

Military Department, intimating that the Government would be glad

to be favoured with an early reply to the previous letter.

On the receipt of Colonel Strachey’s draft it was at once circulated

to the Committee, and a number of alterations were suggested, which,

retaining the fundamental propositions of Colonel Strachey’s draft,

were embodied in a second draft, for circulation to the absent members

of the Committee, and others, not members of the Committee, but

whose suggestions might, it was thought, be useful to the end in

view. It was desired to obtain the fullest expression of opinion on

the part of those, who, from their scientific acquirements or their

special interest in Meteorology, might be in a position to give impor-

tant aid to the Committee; and the Draft, as agreed upon by the

resident members of the Committee, was therefore printed with half

margin, and circulated as already mentioned. To these circulars a

604 Proceedings of the Asiatic Socvety. [No. 5,

number of answers and comments were received, the majority being in

full accordance with the terms of the report. These were circulated to

the resident members of the Committee, and a meeting was then held,

(on the 22nd August,) at which the whole Report was reconsidered, and

some slight alterations agreed upon. The Report thus completed was

sent up to the Council, and recorded at the meeting held on the 2nd

September ; but as it was thought desirable that a subject of so much

importance should receive the leisurely consideration of the Council, it

was ordered to be circulated to the Council, and to be reconsidered at the

following meeting. The chief alteration suggested by the Council was,

that that part of the Draft which provided for a Board of Meteorology

should be struck out, on the ground that the essential requirements of the

system were efficient administration, and that it would be undesirable to

divide the responsibility between an executive Secretary and a delibera-

tive Board. The report was therefore referred back to the Committee,

recirculated and considered at two meetings, and in its final revised form

is now submitted by the Council at this meeting of the Society.

At the time when these lengthened deliberations were approaching

completion, vz., on the 19th October, a letter was received from the

Military Department, informing the Society, that “in consequence of a

further communication from the Right Hon’ble the Secretary of State,

transmitting some suggestions of the War Department, the Governor-

General in Council has decided to entrust the consideration of the ques-

tion to the Sanitary Commission, and does not therefore consider it neces-

sary to trouble the Society any further inthe matter. His Excellency

desired, however, to convey the acknowledgments of Government to

the Asiatic Society for their original offer, and for the trouble they are

believed to have taken preparatory to carrying it out.” On receipt of

this letter, it was decided that the Report be completed as originally

intended, and that its submission to the Society be deferred for a month,

in order that, should any further information be received respecting

this most unexpected communication, it might be submitted to the

meeting, together with the Report and the Government letter.

No further communication has been received, and the Report is

therefore now submitted to the Society, together with all correspondence

relating thereto.

The following letter was then read :—

— a —

uh ew

ih eee

1864. | Proceedings of the Astatec Society. 605

Mitirary DepaRTMENT.

To the Secretary to the Asiatic Socrety.

Sir,—With reference to the office Memo. from this Dept. No. 226,

dated 11th November 1863, requesting an early reply to a previous

communication relative to the offer of the Asiatic Society to submit

a scheme for systematically conducting and recording Meteorological

Observations in India, I am directed to acquaint you that, in consequence

of a further communication from the Right Hon’ble the Seeretary of

State, transmitting some suggestions of the War Department, the

Right Hon’ble the Governor General in Council has decided to entrust

the consideration of the question to the Sanitary Commission, and does

not therefore consider it necessary to trouble the Society any further

in the matter.

His Excellency in Council, however, desires me to convey the

acknowledgments of Government to the Asiatic Society for their

original offer, and for the trouble they are believed to have taken,

preparatory to carrying it out.

Tam, &.,

(Sd.) H. K. Burnz, Captain,

Ofjg. Secy. to the Govt. of India.

Revort or THE Merroronodican CoMMITTEs.

In reporting upon the measures which, in the opinion of the

Meteorological Committee, are essential to a sound and useful system

of Meteorological registration, it must be premised that in Meteoro-

logy, as in all branches of physical science, accuracy of observation,

and a clearly defined and rational aim, are indispensable to utility ;

and that, however desirable it may be that observations should be

numerous, it is far better to limit them to any degree, than, by

attempting to ensure fulness, to risk the accuracy and trust-worthiness

of the record. Labour and money are equally thrown away upon any

scheme which does not fulfil these all-important conditions.

That this proposition is true, when the object is purely to ascertain

abstract laws, needs no argument; that it is equally true when the

observations are made partly or chiefly with an economic or social

object, is no less certain, though it may not at first sight be equally

Are deer ie)

+ --* ry ,* ita

606 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 5

apparent. ‘The value of lunar tables to the seaman, that of a geological

map to the miner, or of a chemical analysis to the manulacturer, |

depends upon their respective trustworthiness. If they cannot be trusted

they are worthless; and the data, which it is the object of Meteoro-

logy to supply, in no way differ in this respect from those furnished by

the Astronomer, the Geologist, or the Chemist. Among the more

important indications of Meteorological data are the amount of rainfall,

and the variation which this undergoes as cultivation increases or as

forests are cleared; the causes of local and epidemic disease, which,

although much wrapped in obscurity, may not improbably be in part

dependent on the dampness of the atmosphere, the absence of ozone,

the prevalence of particular winds, &e.; and the prognostication of

storms, or of seasons of drought or unusual rainfall. Such phenomena

are indeed only in a few cases capable of control, but it is only neces-

sary to point to the results attained by Admiral Fitzroy, to prove

that, when forewarned, we may be able in a great number of cases

either to avoid or diminish their more disastrous effects. But in order

that any of the laws of these phenomena may be determined, so that

they may be acted upon with confidence, it is essential that the

observations from which they are deduced be reliable and accurate,

The observations of many successive years must, in most cases, be

recorded, in order that the laws of recurring atmospheric changes, and

the effects of those changes on agriculture, health, &c,, may be ascer-

tained, and the observations taken at different times and places must

be capable of strict comparison. It is clear that no loose system of

record will admit of this; and indeed the very knowledge that a series

of observations had been made by an incompetent observer, or with

instruments not strictly trustworthy, would at once be sufficient to

warrant their rejection, when, asin Meteorology, the increments of

variation are so small, that the error of observation will in many cases

conceal or neutralize, if it does not absolutely invert, their true law ol

succession. ven if, at one and the same station, the conditions of

error are so constant that a result true in the main is obtained, when

the observation of different periods are compared, this will be the

utmost attainable ; and the observations are neither comparable with

those taken under different conditions elsewhere, nor can they in any

case be accepted with that confidence which alone will give them value,

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1864.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety. 607

when their indications are to be taken as the basis of active measures

involving great interests. In truth, it may be stated as an invariable

axiom, that scientific data which cannot be confidently accepted as

trustworthy, are equally worthless to science and economics.

Strongly holding this view, the Meteorological Committee cannot

recommend the adoption of any scheme which does not provide com-

petent means of observation, and skilled and intelligent, in other

words, special scientific supervision. They consider that in establish-

ing a system of Meteorological registration for India, it may be wise

not to aim at much detail, or at very extensive results at the outset,

but it will be better to devote whatever sums the Government may grant

for Meteorology, to provide a small but efficient staff, which may be

extended in such manner and direction as experience may hereafter

show to be advisable. It should be the duty of this staff, in the first

place, to review the existing machinery of observation; to select and

improve such parts as may be found capable of yielding useful results ;

and the rest should be strictly excluded from the Government official

record as being only calculated to vitiate the general results if mixed

up with more accurate data. When, by selection and careful super-

vision, a reliable system of record shall have been established, a Central

Office will be necessary, at which the general results, furnished by the

Local Officers of the staff, may be worked up into such a form as to

render them available to Government and Foreign Meteorological

bodies; and in the interim the whole system should be under the

control of a skilled and trustworthy officer.

The general scheme which the Committee would therefore recom-

mend, consists of the following parts :—

1st.—A Superintendent.

9nd.—Local Reporters, one to each of the seven Governments of

India.

3rd.—Local observers, to be selected from those now existing, and

others, who should be furnished with compared instruments and in-

structions to ensure uniformity of results.

The appointment, duties, and emoluments of each of these may be

treated somewhat more in detail.

The Superintendent would be the sole responsible officer, to whose

intelligence and scientific knowledge the formation and administration

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608 Proceedings of the Asvatic Society. [No. 5;

of the entire system would be entrusted, and would be the immediate

superior of the local Reporters. His duties would be to issue in-

structions as to the local Officers, to superintend the comparison and

distribution of instruments, and their repair when necessary. He

would carry on all correspondence with the Government and local

Officers, and would receive all local reports, from which he would.

undertake the preparation of maps and such general reductions of the

results of the department as would bring them into a form readily

available to Government and the public, for general application. He

would also place himself in communication with the Meteorological

Departments of England and other countries, with a view to the

exchange of Meteorological data, and in order that European Science

might avail itself of the undoubtedly valuable additions which sys-

tematic observations in an inter-tropical country, possessing features go

marked and varied as those of India, .cannot fail to afford. These

duties would demand much scientific knowledge and administrative

capacity; and indeed the success of the system must, in a great

measure, depend on the efficiency of this Officer. It would probably

not be practicable to obtain a person qualified for the post at any

salary below 1,000 Rupees per mensem, with travelling expenses and

office allowance superadded. The appointment of some such officer is,

it is considered, an essential part of any useful scheme of Meteorolo-

gical registration, and the greatest care should be exercised in the

selection of a person for the post.

The local Reporters, of whom one to each Government would

probably prove sufficient at the outset, need not, it is considered, be

Officers appointed exclusively to Meteorological work, It would be

highly desirable that they should possess something beyond a mere

empirical knowledge of Meteorology, and should be at least well

acquainted with those portions of physics and physical geography

which most closely relate to Meteorological phenomena; and to secure

such qualifications, either a high salary must be offered, or a more

moderate salary as an addition to that drawn for some other appoint-

ment. The latter course would probably be preferred; the more

readily, asa larger field of selection would in this way be secured.

It is considered desirable that persons habitually devoted to the pursuit

of abstract knowledge, such as, for instance, some of the Professors of

the Government or other Colleges, should, as a rule, be preferred for

these appointments.

4) /

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1864.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 609

The local Reporters should be. carefully selected, and such a salary

should be offered as would make it worth their while to devote time

and care to the duties. Ifa very small remuneration be offered, it is

scarcely probable that time and attention of more than equivalent

value will be given; for Meteorological work, involving much tedious

detail, does not present the same attractions to speculative minds, as

are possessed by sciences of more immediate generalization. It 1s

considered that Rs. 400 per mensem for pay and travelling expenses,

and Rs. 100 for office, would be a just and moderate remuneration

for the local Reporters. An annual report on the reduced and gener-

alized results should be a sene qua non.

The local Reporters would, in the first place, be entrusted with the

collection of all observations actually made by different Officers of

Government ; and from the whole would select such as, with improved

appliances and systematisation, may be brought to that standard of

accuracy which has been pointed out as a primary condition of value.

They would then see that the selected observers be furnished with

properly compared instruments, and with instructions to enable them to

conform to the general system adopted; and they would occasionally

visit the observing stations, to ensure that the instructions issued are

strictly observed.

They would also receive the tabulated results, and either reduce

them to the standards of comparison, or, if too numerous to deal with

themselves, forward them to the Central Office for that purpose; in the

former case, they would send to the Central Reporter, copies of the

reduced observations, together with the annual report on the general

results, for the area of observation.

The observations now recorded under orders of Government may

be classed under four heads, vz. :—those made at—

Ist—The Government Observatories at the Presidency stations.

These are generally trustworthy, and made with standard instruments.

It is proposed that the Central Observatories be placed under the

superintendence of the local Reporters, and that special attention be

directed to them in order that the observations there made may be

used as standards of comparison. In certain cases, also, extension

may be advantageously given to the observations, sothat at all central

stations the following classes of phenomena be recorded, by self-

registering instruments wherever possible :—

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610 Proceedings of the Asiatic Socvety. [No. 5

Temperature of air and solar rays.

Atmospheric moisture,

Rain-fall.

Strength and direction of wind.

Clouds.

Atmospheric pressure.

Klectrical condition of lower atmosphere.

Ozone.

Magnetic dip, variation and intensity.

2nd.—The observations made at the Government Hospitals. These

are, it 1s believed, rarely trustworthy, and it would probably be found

desirable to restrict the records to the larger stations; and unless

special observers are appointed, to limit the observations to those at

the known hours of maximum and minimum, restricting the instru-

ments to the thermometer (dry bulb), barometer and rain-gauge. By

thus limiting the number and kinds of observations, it would probably

be found practicable to give them a value, which for the most part

they cannot be considered to have at present.

3rd.—The observations recorded at Civil Stations, Prisons, and

Police Stations. The majority of these are believed to have but little

value, and the observers are rarely of sufficient education or intelligence

to be entrusted with a register, in which accuracy cannot be ensured

without constant intelligent supervision. There may be particular

cases in which an educated Officer might take such interest in the

subject of Meteorology that he would volunteer the superintendence

of the observations. In this case, the offer might be accepted at the

discretion of the local Reporter, and the requisite instruments furnished

by Government. All such observers should be volunteers; it being

unquestionable, that it is impolitic and disadvantageous to impose the

duties of registration on those who take no personal interest in the

work. At the discretion of the local Reporters, and with the approval

of the Superintendent, a certain small allowance for writers should be

made to observers of this class. Hlsewhere, but little would probably

be lost by the abandonment of this class of registers; if retained, they

should be made for local record only, and should not be allowed to

appear side by side with those of more value, upon which, such an

association would only tend to throw discredit,

1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety. 611

4th_—On Government ships. These are fairly trustworthy, and,

with a little care and attention on the part of the Reporter, may proba-

bly be made moreso. The barometrical observations so made are

especially of value, and those on the direction olf the wind; every

encouragement should be given to the multiplication of this class of

observations on the larger merchant ships and private steamers.

A. fifth class of observations may be recorded with advantage when

obtainable, viz., those made by educated Planters, Hngineers, and

others scattered through the country, not in Government service.

Though these may be few in number, in certain cases they will be

of a value fully equal to those made at the Central Observatories.

The Society now receives a series of observations of this character

from a gentleman in Ceylon, which, for accuracy, care and fulness,

are surpassed by none in the country. Should any registers of this

class be obtainable, it would clearly be advisable to afford the observers

furnishing them every aid in the loan or repair of instruments, the

supply of forms of registers, de.

The scheme thus submitted would involve an immediate maximum

annual cost of about Rs. 67,000, including cost of instruments, office,

travelling expenses for the Superintendent, &c., which may be divided

as follows :—

Monthly.

Secretary and Superintendent,............c0ssesssssecseescrnee 1,000

7 Local-Reporters, at Eis. 500, = 2. <:.. scseqess-aevsseeeere 0,000

Central Office, Computers, &c., say .....seeccesveereseeeeee 300

4.800

POP ONNUMcinccseracpencesss 01,000

Instruments, Printing Oc. say 3... si cee 10,000

Total, per annum............ 67,600

The Committee believe that this scheme, without being very costly,

would yield results which would amply compensate the expense,

They would strongly urge as a general principle that any attempt to

obtain Meteorological data on a cheap scale of payments will fail, as

previous attempts have failed, and they believe that any expenditure

612 Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety.

which is so incurred will prove a loss of money, entailing only

disappointment on all who look to the registration of Indian Meteoro-

logy to give information of value in sanitation, agriculture, and the

general administration of the country. “

On the proposition of the Chairman, it was resolved that, seeing

the small number of members present at the meeting, the discussion

of the Meteorological report should be deferred till the next meeting,

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

OOS SOE

SUPPLEMENTARY NUMBER.

Report of the Proceedings of the Archeological Surveyor to the

Government of India for the Season of 1862-63.

NOTE.

[Received 16th April, 1864. |

In A. D. 634, when the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang crossed the

Satlaj from the westward, the first place that he visited was Po-l-ye

to-lo, or Pariyatra, which has been identified by M. St. Martin with

Vairét, to the northward of Jaypur. This place I have not yet

visited, as my explorations during the cold season of 1862-63 were

confined to Delhi, Mathura, aud Khalsi, on the line of the Jumna,

and to the ancient cities lying north of that river in the Gangetic

Doab, Oudh, and Rohilkhand. In these provinces, I have followed

Hwen Thsang’s route from Mathura to Srdvaste; and, with his aid,

I have been successful in discovering the once famous cities of Ahv-

chhatra, Kosémbi, Shdchi, and Sravastz. ‘The sites of other celebrated

places have likewise been determined with almost equal certainty, as

Srughna, Madipur, Govisana, Pilosana, Kusapura, and Dhopdpapura.

IT begin the account of my explorations at Delhi, which is the only

place of note not visited by the Chinese pilgrim, whose route I take

up at Mathura, and follow throughout Rohilkhand, the Doab, and

Oudh. The places visited during this tour are accordingly described

in the following order :—

I. Delhi.

II. Mathura.

IJ. Khalsi, or Srughna.

IV. Madawar, or Mladipur.

‘c.

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V. Kashipur, or Govisana.

VI. Ramnagar, or Ahi-chhatra.

VII. Soron, or Sukrakshetra.

VIII. Atvranjikhera, or Pelosana.

IX. Sankisa, or Sangkasya.

X. Kanoj, or Kanyakubja.

XI. Kakupur, or Aynto.

XII. Daundiakhera, or Zayamukha.

XIII. Allahabad, or Praydga.

XIV. Kosam, or Kosémét.

XV. Sultanpur, or Kusapura.

XVI. Dhopdpapura.

XVII. Ajudhya, or Saéketa.

XVIII. Hatila, or Asokpur.

XIX. Sahet-Mahet, or Srdvaste.

XX. ‘Tanda.

XXII. Nimsar.

XXII. Bari-khar.

XXIIT. Dewal.

XXIV. Parastia Kot.

XXYV. Bilai-khera.

XXVI. Kabar.

J.— DELHI.

1. The remains of Delhi are graphically described by Bishop

Heber* as “a very awful scene of desolation, ruins after ruins, tombs

after tombs, fragments of brick+work, free-stone, granite, and marble,

scattered everywhere over a soil naturally rocky and barren, without

cultivation, except in one or two small spots, and without a single

tree.” This waste of ruins extends from the south end of the present

city of Shahjahanabad to the deserted forts of Rai Pithora and

Tughlakabad, a distance of 10 miles. The breadth at the northern

end, opposite Firuz Shah’s Kotila, is about 3 miles, and at the south-

ern end, from the Kutb Minar to Tughlakabad, it is rather more than

6 miles; the whole area covered with'ruins being not less than Ad

square miles. It is most probable, however, that not more than a

third of this extent was ever occupied at any one period, as the pre-

* Journal, II, 290,

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Report of the Archeological Survey. iil

sent ruins are the remains of seven cities, which were built at different

times by seven of the old Kings of Delhi.

2. A few other forts are recorded to have been built by the Em-

perors Balban, Khizr, and Mubarak ; but there are no remains of them

now existing, and even the sites of them are doubtful. It seems even

probable that there were no remains of these three cities so far back

as A. D. 1611, in the reign of Jahangir, when the English merchant,

William Finch, travelling from Agra to Delhi, entered the Mogul

Capital from the south, for he states that on his left hand he saw the

ruins of old Delhi, called “the 7 Castles and 52 gates,’ a name by

which these ruins are still known in the present day. With regard

to the work of the Emperor Ghids-uwddin-Balban, who reigned from

A. D. 1266 to 1288, I think that too great importance has been

attached to its name of Azla or fort. The Kila Marzghan, which

Syad Ahmed places at Ghidspur, near the tomb of Nizdm-uddin

Auliya, was built as an asylum, (@=,° marjd) or place of refuge for

debtors. Now this asylum for debtors was still existing in A. D.

1335 to 1840, when [bn Batuta was one of the Magistrates of Delhi.

He describes it as the Dér-ul-aman (wYtjle) or “ House of safety,”

and states that he visited the tomb of Balban, which was inside this

house. From this, as well as from its name of Dér-wl-aman, I infer

that the building was a walled enclosure of moderate size, perhaps not

much larger than that which now surrounds the tomb of Tughlak

Shah. This inference is rendered almost certain by Ibn Batuta’s

description of Delhi,* which he says “now consists of jour cities,

which becoming contiguous, have formed one.” Now three of the

four cities here alluded to are certainly those of Rai Pithora, Jahén-

panih, and Seri, (of which the continuous walls can be easily traced

even at the present day,) and the fourth city must have been Tugh-

lakabad. The date of the building of Jahan-panah is not recorded ;

but as Ibn Batuta was employed on the insane expedition against

China in 18387, and as Delhi was very shortly afterwards abandoned

by Muhammad Tughlak for Deogir, it is certain that J ahan-panah,

which was built by this Emperor, must have been one of the four

contiguous cities described by Ibn Batuta. I feel quite satisfied,

therefore, that the Avla-Marzghan, called also Dér-ul-aman, or “ House

of refuge,” was not a fortress, or large fortified city, but only a small

* ‘Travels, p. 111.

A 2

IV Report of the Archeological Survey.

walled enclosure surrounding his own tomb, and forming, at the same

time, a place sufficiently large as an asylum for debtors and criminals.

3. The “seven forts” of old Delhi, of which remains still exist,

are, according to my view, the following :—

1.—Ldlkot, built by Anang Pal about A. D. 1052.

2.—Kila kai Pithora, built by Rai Pithora about A. D. 1180.

3.—NSirt or Kela-Ala, built by Ala-uddin in A. D. 1304.

4.—Tughlakabad, built by Tughlak Shah in A. D. 1821.

5.—Citadel of Tughlakabad, ditto ditto.

6.—Adilabad, built by Muhammad Tughlak about A. D. 1325.

7.—Jahan-panéh, ditto ditto.

In this list there 1s no mention of Indraprastha, because this celebrat-

ed Capital of the Pandus is always described as being situated on the

bank of the Jumna, and because the present fort of Indrpat no doubt

represents some portion of the actual site, as well as the name of the

famous city of Yudhishthira. Jndraprastha and Delhi were therefore

two different cities, situated about 5 miles apart; the former on the

bank of the Jumna above Humayun’s tomb, and the latter on a rocky

‘hill to the south-west, surrounding the well known Iron Pillar. At

the time of the Muhammadan conquest, the Hindu city of Dilli was

confined to the two forts of Lalkot and Rai Pithora; but after Firuz

- Shah had moved the seat of Government to Firuzabad on the very

site of the ancient Jndraprastha, the name of Dilli was sometimes

applied to the whole of the old city, including the Musalman fort of

Sirz and the fortified suburbs of JSahdn-pandh. Sharf-uddin, the his-

torian of Timur, restricts the name of old Delhi to the two Hindu

Jorts, and describes the cities of Sirt and Jahdn-panéh separately.

Ferishta also does the same in his account of the later kings of the

Tughlak dynasty. But after Humayun had rebuilt Indrpat, under

the name of Dinx-pandh, and after Shir Shah had founded his fort of

Kila-Shir-Shah on the site of Firuzabad and Indraprastha, the com-

mon people began to use the names of old Deihi and new Delhi—the

former being confined to the cluster of cities about the Hindu Dilli,

while the latter was applied to those situated on the Jumna, on the

site of the ancient Indraprastha.

4. Indraprastha or Indrpat.—At the time of the Mahibhérata,

or “Great War” between the Pandus and Kurus, this was one of the

Report of the Archeological Survey. Vv

well known five pats or prasthas which were demanded from Dur-

yodhan by Yudhishthira as the price of peace. These five pats, which

still exist, were Panipat, Sonpat, Indrpat, Tilpat, and Baghpat, of

which all but the last were situated on the right or’ western bank of

the Jumna. The term prastha, according to H. H. Wilson, means

anything “spread out or extended,” and is commonly applied to any

level piece of ground, including also table-land on the top of a hill. |

But its more literal and restricted meaning would appear to be that

particular extent of land which would require a prastha of seed, that

is, 48 double hands full, or about 48 imperial pints, or two-thirds of a

bushel. This was, no doubt, its original meaning, but in the lapse

of time it must gradually have acquired the meaning, which it still

has, of any good-sized piece of open plain. Indraprastha would

therefore mean the plain of Indra, which was, I presume, the name of

the person who first settled there. Popular tradition assigns the five

pats to the five Pandu brothers.

5. The date of the occupation of Indraprastha as a Capital by

Yudhishthira, may, as I believe, be attributed, with some confidence,

to the latter half of the 15th century before Christ. The grounds

on which I base this belief are as follows :—1st, that certain positions

of the planets, as recorded in the Mahdbhdrata, are shown by Bentley

to have taken place in 1424-25 B.C., who adds that “there is no

other year, either before that period or since, “in which they were so

situated.” 2nd, in the Vishnu Purana it is stated thet at the birth

of Parikshita, the son of Arjuna Péandavwa, the seven Rishis were in

Maghé, and that when they are in Purva Ashdrha, Nanda will begin

to reign. Now, as the seven Rishis, or stars of the Great Bear, are

supposed to pass from one lunar asterism to another in 100 years, the

interval between Parikshita and Nanda will be 1,000 years. But in

the Bhagavata Purana this interval is said to be 1,015 years, which

added to 100 years, the duration of the reigns of the nine Nandas, will

place the birth of Parikshita 1,115 years before the accession of

Chandra Gupta in $15 B. C., that is, in 1480 B. C. By this account

the birth of Parikshita, the son of Arjuna, took place just six years

before the Great War in B. C. 1424. These dates, which are

derived from two independent sources, mutually support each other,

and therefore seem to me to be more worthy of credit than any other

Hindu dates of so remote a period. |

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vi feeport of the Archeological Survey.

6. Indraprastha, the city of Yudhishthira, was built along the

bank of the river Jumna between the Kotila of Firuz Shah and the

tomb of Humayun. At that time the river flowed upwards of one

mile to the westward of its present course, and the old bed is still

easily traceable from Firuz Shah’s Kotila, past Indrpat and Humayun’s

tomb to Ailu Garhi. 'The last place was on the immediate bank of

the river, so late ag the reign of Kaikobad in A. D. 1290, as his

assassins are reported to have thrown his body out of the palace

window into the Jumna. The name of Indraprastha is still preserved

in that of Indrpat, a small fort, which is also known by the name of

Purdinah Kila or the “old fort.” This place was repaired by the

Emperor Humayun, who changed its name to Din-pdnah ; but none,

save educated Musalmans ever make use of this name, as the common

people invariably call it either Indrpat or Purdnah Kila. Jn its

present form, this place is altogether 1 Muhammadan structure ; and I

do not believe that there now exists even a single carved stone of the

original city of Yudhishthira. The only spot that has any claim to

have belonged to the ancient city is a place of pilgrimage on the

Jumna called Nigambod Ghdt, which is immediately outside the

northern wall of the city of Shahjahdndbad. This Ghat is celebrated

as the place where Yudhishthira, after his performance of the Aswa-

medha, or “ horse-sacrifice,” celebrated the Hom. A fair is held at

Nigambod whenever the new moon falls on a Monday. It is said to

be held in honour of the river Jumina.

7. According to the Bhagavata Purana, Yudhishthira was the first

king of Indraprastha, and the throne was occupied by the descen-

dants of his brother Arjuna for 30 generations down to Kshemaka.

This last prince was deposed, according to all the copies of the

Rajavah, by his minister Visarwa, of whose family 14 persons are

said to have held the throne for 500 years. They were succeeded

by a dynasty of 15 Gautamas, or Gotama-vansas, who were followed

by a family of nine Mayuras. Raja-pdla, the last of the Mayuras, is

stated to have been attacked and killed by the Raja of Kumaon,

named Sakdditya, or “ Lord of the Sakas.” But this was only the

title, and not the name, of the conqueror ; for VikramAditya is said

to have obtained his title of Sakari by defeating him.

8. At this point of the traditional histories, the name of Dilli

makes it first appearance; but nothing is recorded regarding the

—s

Report of the Archeological Survey. Vil

change of name, and we are left to conjecture whether the city of

Dilli* had already been founded, or whether this name has been used.

instead of that of Indraprastha through simple inadvertence. Ac-

cording to one tradition, which is but little known, the city of Dilli

was founded by Raja Dilipa, who was the ancestor in the fifth gene-

ration of the five Pandu brothers. But this story may be dismissed

at once as an ignorant invention, as Dilli is universally acknowledged

to be of much later date than Indraprastha, the city of Yudhishthira

himself.

9. According to a popular and well known tradition, Dilli, or

Dhili, was built by Rajah Dilu, or Diilu, whose date is quite uncer-

tain. This tradition was adopted by Ferishta, who adds that Raja

Dilu, after a reign of either 4 or 40 years, was attacked and killed by

Raja Phur, or Porus, of Kumaon, who was the antagonist of Alexan-

der the Great. If this statement could be depended upon, it might

perhaps be entitled to some consideration, as giving the probable

period of the foundation of Dili. But unfortunately Ferishta’s

ancient chronology is a mere jumble of errors; thus, for instance,

Phur’s nephew, Jwna, who should have been a contemporary of

Seleukos Nikator, is said to be a contemporary of Ardashir Babekan,

the founder of the Sassanian Dynasty in A. D. 226. But Ardashir

himself is afterwards made a contemporary of Vikramaditya of Ujain

in 57 B. C. The most probable explanation of these different dates

would seem to be some confusion regarding the name of Ardashir,

and perhaps the safest plan will be to accept the author’s last state-

ment, that Raja Dilu was a contemporary of Vikramaditya.

10. Now the story of Dzlu, and of his defeat by Phur, Raja of

Kumaon, is exactly the same as that of Rajya Pdl, King of Dilli, and

of his defeat by Sukwanti, (or Sukdat, or Sakdditya,) Raja of

Kumaon, as related in several different copies of the Rajavali. As in

all of these the invader is said to have been defeated and slain by

Vikramaditya Sakéri, the date of this event must be assigned either

to 57 B. C. or to A. D. 79. The latter date is the true one, accord-

ing to Abu Rihan; and as Sakaditya is said to have reigned 14

_ years in Dili, his conquest must have taken place in A. D. 65. I

confess, however, that I have but little faith in the dates of any

Hindu traditionary stories, unless they can be supported by other

* Dili or Dehli,

vill Report of the Archeological Survey.

testimony. That the city of Dili was founded by a Raja of similar

name, is probable enough, for it is the common custom in India, even

at the present day, to name places after their founders. But there is

unfortunately so much uncertainty about the dates in all the stories

eonnected with the foundation of Dilli, that it is difficult to form

any satisfactory conclusion as to the truth.

11. According to Kharg Rai, the Gwalior Bhat, who wrote in the

reion of Shahjahan, the last Pandu Prince, named Nildghpati, was

king of Dilli when 3000 years of the Kaliyuga had expired, that is,

in 101 B. C. In that year he was attacked by a Raghuvansi Raja,

named Sankhdhwaj, with whom he fought 17 battles, but was even-

tually defeated and killed after a reign of 44: years, which brings us to

57 B. C. Sankhdhwa himself is said to have been defeated and

killed by the famous Vikramaditya of Ujain, who thus became king

of Dili, (Dilil-pat-kahayo) ; his descendants are recorded to have

reigned in Ujain for 792 years, during the whole of which time Dill

was deserted (warh rahi). At the end of these 792 years, or in 792

—562—735+ years complete, or A. D. 736, Dilli was re-peopled by

Bilan De Tomar, whose descendants occupied the throne until dis-

placed by the Chohins under Bisal De, who is of course the Visala

Deva of the two inscriptions on Firuz Shah’s Pillar.

12. In this account of Kharg Rai, I recognize another version of

the former story of the Raja of Dilli being overcome by the king of

the Sakas, who was himself afterwards defeated by Vikramaditya.

The name of Sankhdhwaj would appear to be only a misreading

either of Sakwant, or of Sakdat or Sakaditya; but Nilagh pati is quite

unlike Raja Pal, although it might be a mistake for Tilak pati, and

would thus, perhaps, have some connexion with the name of Raja Dilu.

13. I think also that I can recognize another version of the same

legend in the story of Rdsal; king of Hind, and his sons Rawal and

Barkamarys, as preserved in the Mojmal-ut-tawarikh of Rashiduddin.*

In this version king Raésal, whom I identify with Raja Pal of the

Rajavali, is driven from his throne by a rebel, who is afterwards

conquered by Barkamérys, a name in which, though slightly altered,

T still recognize the famous Bikramddit or Vikramaditya.

14. The overthrow of the Sakas is universally attributed to the

Vikraméditya who assumed the title of Sakdri, and established the era

* Reinaud Fragments Arabes, &c., p. 47.

Report of the Archeological Survey. ik

which still bears his name, beginning in 57 B. C. But if the prince

who founded this era was a contemporary of Pravarasena, Raja of

Kashmir, and of the poet Kalidasa, as well as of the Astronomer Varaha

Mihira, as there seems good reason to believe, it is quite certain that

he cannot be dated earlier than the beginning of the sixth century of

the Christian era. This conclusion is supported by the strong testimony

ef Abu Rihén, who states that the great victory over the Sakas was

gained at a place called Koror, between Multan and Loni, by a prince

named Vikramaditya, just 135 years after the prince of the same name

who founded the Vikrama Samvat. As the date of this event corresponds

exactly with the initial point of the Swke-era which was established by

Sdlivdhana, it results that the Vikramaditya of Abu Rihan is. identical

with the Salivahana of the popular Indian traditions. This conclusion

is further strengthened by the fact that in Colonel James Abbott’s

list of the Rajas of Syalkot, a reign of 90 years is assigned to Sahivahana,

which is exactly the same as.is allotted to Vikramaditya, the conqueror.

of the Sakas, in all the seven copies of the Rajavali that I have seen.

On these grounds, I venture, with some confidence, to fix the date of

the defeat of the Saka conqueror of Dilli in A. D. 79, which is the

initial point of the Sake era of Salivahanz.

15. Accepting this date as tolerably well established for an event

in ancient Indian history, the foundation of Dildé must be placed at

some earlier period, and perhaps the date of 57 B. C., or contemporary

with Vikramaditya, as recorded by Ferishta, may not be far from the

truth. Regarding the widely spread tradition that Dili was deserted

for 792 years, from the conquest of Vikramaditya to the time of the

first Tomara Raja Anang Pal, I think that it may be fully explained

by supposing that during that period Dilli was not the residence of

the king. Itis almost certain that it was not the Capital of the

powerful family of the Guptas, who most probably reigned from A. D,

78 to 819; and itis quite certain that it was not the Capital of the

great King Harsha Varddhana and. his: immediate predecessors, whose

metropolis was Kanoj, during the latter half of the sixth, and the first

half of the seventh century. That Dilli was most probably oceupied

during this period, we may infer from the erection of the Iron Pillar

by Raja Dhava, the date of which is assigned to the third or fourth

century by James Prinsep. Mr. Thomas “ considers that Prinsep has

assigned too high an antiquity to the style of writing employed on

;

—

eit

—

i Mia;

ae to ,

sf ea Ete, ol '

x Report of the Archeological Survey.

this monument ;” but on this point I differ from Mr. Thomas, as I

find, after a eareful examination of the inscription, that the whole of

the letters are the same as those of the records of the Gupta dynasty,

whose downfall Mr. Thomas assigns to A. D. 319. I thmk it pro-

bable that Raja Dhava had been one of the princes who assisted in the

overthrow of the once powerful Guptas, and I would therefore fix on

A. D. 319 as an easily remembered and useful approximation to his

true date. :

16. <A still earlier mention of Dilli may possibly be found in Pto-

lemy’s Daidala, which 1s placed close to Indabara (perhaps Indrpat,)

and midway between Modura or Mathura, and Batan Kaisara, or

Sthaneswara. For the last name I propose to read Savavdicapa, as its

position between Mathura and ZvdAwédpivy, or the Jdlandhar Doab

renders it almost certain that it must be Sthaneswara or Thdanesar.

The close proximity of Dardala to JIndabara, jomed to the curious

resemblance of their names to Dilli and Indrpat, seems to me to offer

very fair grounds for assuming their probable identity with these two

famous Indian cities.

17. The ancient city of Dili may, with tolerable certainty, be

considered to have occupied almost the same site as the fort of Rai

Pithora, as it is to be presumed that the Iron Pillar must have been

erected in some conspicuous position, either within the old city, or

close to it. With the solitary exception of the Iron Pillar, I am not

aware that there are any existing remains that can be assigned with

certainty to the old Hindu city of Dili. A single pillar, amongst the

many hundreds that now form the colonnades of the Kutb Minar,

may perhaps belong to the old city, asit bears a figure either of

Buddha the Ascetic seated in contemplation, or of one of the Jain

hierarchs. No doubt some, and perhaps even many, of the pillars of

these colonnades may have belonged to temples of the old Hindu

city ; but after a minute examination on three successive days, of the

sculptures on the pillars, and of all the letters and mason’s marks on

the pillars and walls, [ came to the unwilling conclusion that (with

the two exceptions just noted,} there is nothing now existing that is

older than the tenth or eleventh century.

18. According to the tradition which is universally accepted by all

Hindus, the city of Dilli was re-built by Anang PAl, the first king of |

the Tomar dynasty. ‘The manuscript of Kharg Rai, which I obtained

Report of the Archeological Survey. xi

at Gwalior, names him Bzlan De, and a second manuscript, received

from Bikaner, calls him Bilan Deo, or Anang Pdl; but Abul Fazl,

Colonel Tod, and Syad Ahmad call him simply Anang Pal; and he is

so named in two inscriptions which are found on the Iron Pillar.

The date of Anang Pal, the founder of the Tomar dynasty, is variously

given by the different authorities; but even the most discrepant of

these dates, when carefully examined, will be found to agree within a

few years of the others. The different dates given are as follows :—

19. Ist.—The Gwalior manuscript of Kharg Rai.—This date has al-

ready been referred to. Kharg Rai states that Dilli was deserted for 792

years after Vikramaditya, when it was re-founded by Bilan-De ‘Tomar.

This gives the year A. D. 736 as before noted. Colonel Tod refers to

the same tradition when he states that Delhi lay waste for eight cen-

turies.* But I am satisfied that he had the well known number of

792 recorded in his notes, for, in the very same page in which he makes

the above statement, he gives the date of the re-building of Dill by

Anang Palas Samvat 848, which, by using his erroneous difference

of 56 years, instead of 57, is equivalent to A. D. 792. But in another

part of his work, Colonel Tod states that he possessed the original

Hind manuscript which Abul Fazl had used, and that the date of

the re-building of Dilli by Anang Pal was Samvat 829 instead of S.

429. I strongly suspect that Colonel Tod has made a mistake in this

last statement, for I found, on examining the bard Méh-j7’s manu-

seript, then mm the possession of his sons, that S. 821 is the date

assigned to the overthrow of the Tomaras, and not to their rise. From

these diiferent statements I feel assured that he must have found the

number 792 recorded in his notes without any explanation, and that he

erroneously adopted it as the date of the re-founding of Dilli.

20. 2nd.—In the Ayin Akbari of Abui Fazl, the date of Anang

Pal is placed in Samvat 429, and the end of the Tomar dynasty in

S. 848; thus limiting the rule of the Zomaras to 419 years, while his

detailed account of the lengths of reigns amounts to 437 years. The

former period has been adopted by Syad Ahmad, as I think, judiciously,

because of the increased chances of error in the detail of twenty reigns.

On the fron Pillar this date is given as S. 419, and the fall of the

dynasty 1s assigned to S. 648, which is most probably an error of the

engraver for 8. 846. ‘The difference between these dates is 4.27 years.

_* Rajasthan, I. 87.

B 2

“li Report of the Archeological Survey.

21. 3rd.—In two manuscripts from Kumaon and Garhwal, the

date of the first Tomara Raja is given as 13th Bhadon 8. 846, which

is equivalent to A. D. 789. But as both of these manuscripts omit

the first three names, which are found in all the other manuscripts, I

conclude that the date therein given is that of the fourth prince of the

other lists. Deducting, therefore, from the above date the sum of the

three omitted reigns, which amount to 58 years, we obtain A. D. 731

as another period for the re-building of Dilli by Anang Pal.

22. It will be observed that the three manuscripts from Gwalior,

Kumaon, and Garhwal, place the date of the re-founding of Dilli in

the eighth century A. D., whereas Abul Fazl and the inscription on

the Iron Pillar refer this event to the fourth century A. D.; and so

also does the author of the Araish-2 Mahfil, who gives S. 440. Now,

although Abul Fazl specially notes that his date of 429 is of the era

of Vikramaditya, yet he is most undoubtedly wrong, as I will now

show from other statements of his own. According to his account»

the Tomar dynasty, which lasted 419 years, was succeeded by the

Chohan dynasty, which ruled for 83 years, and was then overcome by

Sultan JZudz-uddin Sane. ‘The period of this event is stated to be

A. H. 588, or A. D. 1192. Now, deducting 419 + 83, or 502 years,

from A. D. 1192, we obtain A. D. 690 as the true date of Anang Pal

according to Abul Fazl’s own figures, instead of 8. 429 — 57, or A. D.

372, as stated in his text. But as therule of the Chohans is limited

to 413 years in my two manuscripts from Kumaon and Garhwél,

and to 40 years in my Gwalior manuscript, I think that the authority

ot these three records may be taken as at least of equal weight with

that of the Ayin Akbari. The true periods of the two dynasties will

therefore be 419 + 41 = 460 years, which deducted from A. D. 1193,

the correct date of Muaz-uddin’s conquest, will give A. D. 783 for

Anang Pal’s re-building of Dilli, which is within three years of ”

traditional date of A. D. 736, already noticed.

23. The only explanation which I can propose of the great discre-

pancy between the true date and that which is stated in the Ayin

Akbari is, that Abul Fazl simply mistook the era in which he found

the date recorded. Now, if we suppose that the era of his dates was

that of Balabhi, which began A. D. 319, we shall have S. 429 + 318

= 747 A. D. as the corrected date for the re-building of Dill by

Anang Pal according to Abul Fazl. But by using the date of 8. 419,

Report of the Archeological Survey. xii

which is recorded on the Iron Pillar, we shall obtain A. D. 737, which

is within one year of the date already fixed by the traditional. story

of Dilli having lain waste for 792 years, and which agrees also with the

date derived from the lengths of reigns by working backwards from

A. D. 1193, the period of Muiz-uddin’s conquest. I therefore look

upon the date of A. D. 786 for the re-building of Dilli under Anang

Pal as being established on grounds that are more than usually firm.

for early Indian history.

94, Accepting this date of A. D. 736, we have to account for the

period of 792 years during which Dilli is said to have lain waste,

when it is almost certain that the city must have been occupied at the

time when Raja Dhava erected the Iron Pillar. Perhaps the simplest

explanation is that which I have already given, viz., that during this

period, Dilli was not the metropolis of the kings of Upper India. ‘The

silence of the Chinese pilgrims Fa Hian and Hwen Thsang regarding

Dilli may perhaps be considered as a strong proof of the smallness of

the city from A. D. 400 to 640. Fa Hian, however, does not mention

any place between Taxila and Mathura, and Hwen Thsang could only

have passed through Dilli once, viz., when he returned from Mathura

to Thanesar. It is even possible that he may have travelled by Murat,

which then possessed one of Asoka’s Pillars, for, if Dili was not a

famous place amongst the Buddhists, as I believe it was not, it is

improbable that he would have visited it.

_ 25. Dilli must, however, have been the Capital of Anang Pal, and

most probably also of several of his successors; but I have a strong

suspicion that the later Rajas of the Tomar dynasty resided at Kanoj.

M. Reinaud remarks that Otbi, the historian of Mahmud, makes no >

mention of the city of Dill, and that only a single allusion to it is

made by Abu Rihan in his Kdnun-al-masudt. It is indeed a fact

worthy of special notice that Dill is not once mentioned in Abu Rihan’s

geographical chapter, which gives the routes between all the principal

places in Northern India. He notices Thanesar, and Mathura, and

Kano}, but Dilli is never mentioned, an omission which could hardly

have happened had Dilli been the Capital of the famous Tomar Rajas

at that time. I conclude, therefore, that Dilli was not their residence in

the beginning of the eleventh century, and I think that I can show with

much probability that Kanoj was the metropolis of the Tomar Rajas

for several generations prior to the invasion of Mahmud of Ghazni.

;

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=r Bd ke ares

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XiV Report of the Archeological Survey.

96. In A. H. 303, or A. D. 915, India was visited by the well

known Geographer Masudi, who records that “the Kine of Kanoj,

who is one of the kings of es-Sind, is Budah; this is a title general

to all kings of el-KKanoj.”* The name which in the above extract

is read as Budah by Sir Henry Elhot, is said by Gildem Meister} to

be written Bovarah, %)99!, in the original, for which he proposes to

read Poravah, %9)92 for the well known Pawrava. From the king of

Oudh’s Dictionary two different spellmgs are quoted, as Pordn, wlyg93

and Fordn, wls% while in Ferishta the name is either Korrah, as

written by Dow, or Kwwar, as written by Briggs. In Abulfeda the

name is Nodah, %ss. Now, as the name, of which so many readings

have just been given, was that of the king’s family or tribe, I believe

that we may almost certainly adopt Zovarah, 3)954, as the true reading

according to one spelling, and Zorah, 8)9°, according to the other, In

the Sanskrit inscriptions of the Gwalior dynasty of this name, the

word is invariably spelt Zomara, atat. Kharg Rai writes Tomdr,

at4x, which is much the same as Colonel Tod’s Tudr, and the Tuvdr;

qaix, of the Kumaon and Garhwal manuscripts. Lastly, in Glad-

win’s Ayin Akbari I find Tenore and Teoncor, for which I presume

that the original has 39495, Tunwar, and ye, Tanwar. From a com-

parison of all these various readings, I conclude that the family name

of the Raja of Kanoj in A. D. 915, when Masudi visited India, and

again in A. D. 1017 and 1021, when Mahmud of Ghazni invaded

India, was in all probability Zovar or Tomar. In favour of this con-

clusion there is the further testimony of Masudi that in A. D. 915

the four great kings of India known to the Musalmans, were, Ist, the

Bathard, who lived in Mankir; 2nd, the king of Kanoj; 8rd, the

king of Kashmir; and 4th, the king of Sind. As no king of Dili

is mentioned, it seems only reasonable to infer that at that time, in

A. D. 915, the powerful Zomars most probably held their Court at

Kano}.

27. If I am correct in the above identification, then the name of

the king at the time of Mahmud’s invasion should correspond with

that of the Tomar Raja, who, according to the genealogical lists, was

reigning at that particular period. According to Obit the name of

* Sir H. M. Hiliot—Historians of India, I, 57.

* Scriptoram Arab. de rebus Indicis, p. 160.

£ Reinaud Fragments Arabes, p. 263.

Report of the Archeological Survey. XV

this Raja of Kanoj was Raj Pdi, Sets or Rdjaipdl, Jas), which if

take to be equivalent to Raja Jaypdl. Now the 14th prince in Abul

Fazl’s list* is Jaypdl, whose death, according to the lengths of reigns

given in the Ayin Akbari, occurred 287 years and 6 months after the

re-building of Dilli by Anang Pal. Adding this number to A. D.

7361, we obtain the year 10232 as that of the death of J aypal. By

comparing the lists of Abul Fazl and Syad Ahmad with those of my

Gwalior, Kumaon, and Garhwal manuscripts, and taking the lengths

of reigns according to the majority of these five authorities, the period

elapsed from the accession of Anang Pal to the death of Jaypal,

amounts to 285 years and 6 months. Adding this number to A. D.

736% we get 10214 as the date of Jaypal’s death, which is, I believe,

within a few months of the true date. According to Ferishta,f

Mahmud first heard of the alliance of the Hindu princes against his

tributary the king of Kanoj, some time in the Hijra year 412, which

began on 17th April, 1021. As several other events are previously

recorded, and as Mahmud is said to have marched to his aid at once,

I conclude that he may have left Ghazni about October, 1021, and as

Kanoj is three months’ march distant from Ghazni,t he must have

reached that city in January, 1022. On his arrival, Mahmud found

that the king of Kanoj had already been attacked and killed. ‘The

death of Jayp4l must, therefore, have occurred about December, 1021,

which agrees almost exactly with the date of his death, which I have

already deduced from the genealogical lists. Precisely the same date

also is obtained by working backwards by lengths of reigns from the

date of Muazuddin’s conquest of Dilli in A. D. 1192.

28, The following lists of the Tomar dynasty of Dill contain all

the information which, up to this time, I have been able to collect.

The list of Abul Fazl is given-in the Ayin Akbari ; and Syad Ahmad’s

list is printed in his Asdr-ws-Sunnddid. ‘The Bikaner manuscript,

which J obtained in 1846, agrees exactly in the order of the names,

and very closely also in the spelling of them, with those of the

printed lists just noticed ; but it unfortunately wants the lengths of

reigns. The Gwalior manuscript, which I procured in 1849, agrees

very closely with the others as to the lengths of reigns, but it differs

* Ayin Akbari, II—94.

7 Briggs, I—68.

{ Briggs’s Ferishta, I—5’7,

5 4

wes

XV1 feport of the Archeological Survey.

slightly in the order of the names. As this list is appended to Khare

Rai’s History of Gwalior, which was composed in the reign of Shah

Jahan, it is valuable as an independent authority. The Kumaon and

Garhwal manuscripts which were obtained in 1859 and 1862 respec-

tively, are imperfect in the same places, which shows that they must

have been derived from a common source. They are valuable, how-

ever, for their agreement in omitting the last king of the other lists,

named Prithvi Lat or Prithivi Pdla, who is beyond all doubt the

same asthe Chohan Prithivi Raja, commonly called Rai Pithora. In

proof of this I may adduce the fact that the promised number of

nineteen Lomara Kajas is complete without this name.

Tat Tomara, or Toar, Dynasty or DI xt.

s| Abul Fazl, Syad Gwalior Kumaon, Reigns. Accession. _

| Ahmed, Bikaner | manuscripts. Garhwal

E manuscripts. manuscripts. Y. M. D.| An. Dom, |

SORES on

J) Ananga Pala,.... | Bilan De,......| (Caret), ......| 18 O 0} 736 3 0

2|Vasu Deva,......|(Caret), ....../ (Caret), ......| 19 118 754 8 O

oiGangya, .......|Ganggeva, ....|(Caret), ......| 21 8 28) 773 4 18

4 Prithivi Malla,*.. | Prathama, ....| Mahi Pala,....| 39 619! 794 8 16

\|Jaya Deva,......| Saha Deva,....|Jada Pala, ....]| 20 7 28! 814 3 5

6) Nira, or Hira P, | Indrajita, ....|Nai Pala, ....{ 14 4 9] 884 11 3

7\Udiraj, or Adereh,| Nara Pala, .... | Jaya Deva Pala,| 26 7 11) 849. 3 12

8/ Vijaya, or Vacha, | Indrajita, ....|Chamra Pala,..| 21 2 13) 875 10 23

9/Biksha, or Anek, | Vacha Raja, ..| Bibasa Pala, ..| 22 8 16) 897 1 6&6

10/Riksha Pala, ....| Vira Pala, ....|Sukla Pala,...| 21 6 5/919 4 22

11|Sukh, or Nek P., | Gopala, ......| Teja Pala, ....| 20 4. 4| 940 10 27

12/Gopala, ........|Tillan De, ....| Mahi Pala,....] 18 3 15] 961 3 2

15/Sallakshana P., ..|Suvari, ......|Sursen, ....,-| 25 1010] 979 6 16

14\Jaya Pala, ......|Osa Pala, ....|Jaik Pala, ....| 16 4 38/1005 4 26

15|Kunwar Pala, ... | Kumara Pala, | (Caret), ......| 29 9 18/1021 8 29

16) Ananea, or Anek, | ANANGA Pata, | Anek Pala,....| 22 6 18/1051 617

17| Vijaya Sah, or Pal,| Teja Pala, ....|Teja Pala, ....| 24 1 6/1081 1 5

18|Mahatsal, Mahi P.,) Mahi Pala, ....| Jatin Pala,....| 25 2 23/1105 2 11

19)Akr Pal Akhsgal,..|Makund Pala,..| Ane Pala, ....| 21 2 15/1130 5 4

—|—————_ -—- pe Capture of 1151 7 19

Dilli.

20|Prithivi Raja,.... | Prithivi Pala, ..| (Caret), .....-

29. In the above list I have adopted as a starting point the exact

amount of 792 years complete from the time of Vikramaditya ; or 792

—06;==735% years complete, or April A. D. 736, But it is obvious

* Or Pala,

”

=. ~~

-_——-)

Report of the Archeological Survey. Xvil

that the period elapsed is more likely to have been 792 years and

some months over, than the exact number of 792 years. For in-

stance, 7924 years would place the death of Jaya Pala in A. D, 1021-

11-29, that is, on the 29th December, A. D. 1021; but as the exact

date of this event is not recorded by the Muhammadan historians, I

have thought it best to adhere to the date obtained from the complete

period of 792 years. 7

30. I will now consider the claim which I have put forward on

the part of the Zomara dynasty as Rajas of Kanoj. We know that

alter the conquest of Kanoj by Mahmud early in A. D. 1022, the

reigning family changed its residence to Bdri, which was three days’

journey distant, on the east side of the Ganges. Mirkhond states that

it was situated at the confluence of three rivers, namely, the Saro, the

Kubin, and the Rahab. According to Rashiduddin, the three rivers

are the Hahet, the Gomati, and the Sarju. The second of these

rivers is undoubtedly the Gwmti, which in Sanskrit is the Gomati.

The first is either the Behta, or else the Rahria, which joins the

Behta, and the third is the Sarain, a good sized stream which passes

by Sitapur. Both the Behta and Sarain join the Gumti near Béri,

which still exists as a good sized village. As Abu Rih4n, who records

this change of capital, was actually resident in India at the time

when it toek place, and as his work was written in A. D. 1031, we

have the most complete authentication of Mirkhond’s date of this

event. J presume that the change was made on account of the

exposed situation of Kanoj, which had so lately been twice captured,

first, in A. D. 1017 by Mahmud, and again in A. D. 1021 by the

Raja of Kalawar and his allies. I conclude, therefore, Kunwar Pil,

or Kuméra Pédl, who was the suecessor of J aypal, reioned at Bari

from A. D. 1021 to 1051.

81. About this very time also, as we learn from several iInserip=.

tions, the kingdom of Kanoj was conquered by Chandra Deva, the

founder of the Rahtor dynasty of Kanoj. We possess no inscriptions

of Chandra Deva himself, but there is one, of his son, Madana Pala,

which is dated in S. 1154 or A. D. 1097; and another, of his grand-

son, Govinda Chandra, which is dated in S. 1177 or A. D. 1120.

We know also from other inscriptions that Govinda’s grandson

ascended the throne between A. D. 1172 and 1177, or say in A. D,

1175. With these dates before us, we may safely fix Govinda’s

XVI Report of the Archeological Survey.

accession in A. D. 1110 or 1115, and that of his grandfather, Chandra i

Deva, the founder of the dynasty, in A. D. 1050. Now this is the ?

very date, as we learn from other sources, at which Anang Pal 2nd, ip

the successor of Kumara Pala, established himself at Dilli, and. built

the Fort of Ldalkot. On the Iron Pillar there is a short inseription |

in three lines, which appears to be a contemporary record of Anang le

Pal himself, as the characters are similar to those of the mason’s

marks on the pillars of the colonnade of the Great Mosque, but are )

quite different from those of the two modern Nagari inscriptions,

which are close beside it. The following are the words of this short s

record :—“ Samvat Dihali 1109 Ang Pal bahi,’ which may be trans- |

lated thus:—‘‘In Samvat 1109 (equal to A. D. 1052) Ang (or

“ Anang) Pél peopled Dill” This statement is borne out by the

testimony of the Kumaon and Garhwal manuscripts, in which, opposite rl:

the name of Anek Pal, I find recorded that in Samvat 1117, or A. D. |

— 1060, on the 10th of Mdrgasiras Sudi “he built the Fort of Dilli

and called it “ Lalkot” (Dili ka kot kardya, Lalkot kahdya). This

name was still in use during the reign of the first Musalman king,

Kutbuddin Aibeg, as I find in the manuscripts of Mék-72, the bard

of the Ahicht Chohans, that Kutbuddin, soon after his accession,

issued seven orders to the Hindu Chiefs, of which the fifth is “ Zélkot

tar nagdro bate a,’ or “kettle-drums are not to be beaten in

Hy? ry S44 47 TO .

Puy pl :

. in, 4

Ne eRe

—_—

tab 1

Lge Rh

pu a or edas

et i

See

;

Lalkot.” This is a rule which is still observed, as none but the royal

drums are beaten where the sovereign is present. Kutbuddin must is

therefore have taken up his residence in Lalkot, or the fortified Be a

of Anang Pal. gy

32. Now this date, recorded on the Iron Pillar, agrees so exactly a

with the period of the Rahtor conquest of Kanoj, that I think we t

may infer, with considerable probability, that the rebuilding of Dilli MN)

Si wee eee wt oe ws o -

_ " ee ean wate ee

iG - wis ; j rs

: pi*y :

f she

by Anang Pal was owing to the loss of the territory of Kanoj along 4

with its new Capital of Bari in Oudh. ‘The accession of Anang Pal Ud

2nd, according to the genealogical lists, took place in A. D. 1081, Gy)

and in 1052 we find a record of him on the Iron Pillar at Dili. If | iy

then, we suppose that he commenced rebuilding at once, there is every

probability in favour of the accuracy of the statement that he finished ty

the Ldlkot, or “ Red Fort,” of Dilliin A. D. 1060. If the site of Yi

‘ie Haste se alt

ys 2 J

ae a

CONC

the Red Fort may be fixed by the position of the Anang Tél, as well “lh

as by that of the Iron Pillar which records the work, then the grand

Report of the Archeological Survey. xix

old fort which now surrounds the Kutb Minar is in all probability the

very Lalkot that was built by Anang Pal. But there are also three

other points in favour of this identification, viz., Ist, that all the 27

temples destroyed by the Musalmans would appear to have stood inside

the walls of Lalkot ; 2nd, that one of these 27 temples was almos”

certainly built in the reign of Anang Pal; and 3rd, that the Fort of

Rai Pithora is only an extension of the older fort, which now surrounds

the Kutb Minar. For these reasons I believe that this massive old

fort which is still in very good order in many places, is the identical

Lalkot of Anang Pal. The circuit of its walls, according to my survey,

is 2+ miles.

33. To this Anang Pal I attribute the construction of a very deep

tank situated one quarter of a mile to the north-west of the Kutb

Minar, and which is still called Anang Tal. This tank is 169 feet long

from north to south, and 152 feet broad from east to west, with a

depth of 40 feet. It is now quite dry, but Syad Ahmad quotes a

statement that, in the time of Sultén Ala-uddin Khilji (A. D. 1296—

1316,) the water used for the mortar of the great unfinished Minar

was brought from this tank. I refer also to this Anang Pal the

founding of a village in the Balamgarh District, which is still called

Anekpur. According to Syad Ahmad, the popular date of this work

is 8. 733, or A. D. 676; and he attributes it to Anang Pal Ist, the

founder of the dynasty. But I think it more probable that the date

refers to the Balabhi era of A. D. 319, which will place the building

of the village in 783 + 3818 = A. D. 1051, in which year Anang Pal

2nd, the true founder of Dilli, succeeded to the throne. Another work

of the same time is the Suraj Kund, a fine deep tank near Anekpur,

the building of which is attributed to Suraj Pal, one of Anane P4l’s

sons, in §. 748, which, referred to the Balabhi era, is equivalent to

A, D. 1061, a date which corresponds most exactly with those which

we have already obtained.

34. To Anang Pal I attribute also the erection of at least one of

the 27 temples which once stood around the Iron Pillar, Many of

the pillars and beams of this temple have been made use of by the

Musalmans in the construction of the south-east corner of the colonnade

of the Great Mosque. Most of them are inscribed with mason’s marks,

as will be noticed at length when I come to speak of the ruins in detail :

and one of them bears the date of 1124, which, referred to the era of

c 2

XX feport of the Archeological Survey.

Vikramaditya, is equivalent to A. D. 1067, in the very middle of the

reign of Anang Pal 2nd.

35. According to the traditions of the people, which I feanasedl to

pick up, the following were some of the numerous sons of Anang

Pal :—

1st.—Tey Pal, or Tejran, who founded Tejéra between Gurgaon

and Alwar. In the Bikaner manuscript this prince is called Vijaya

Sal, or Pal.

2nd.—Jndra faj, who founded Indragarh.

3rd.— ang Ltaj, who founded two places named Térdgarh, of which

one is said to be near Ajmere.

4th.—Achal Lea, founded Acheva, or Achner, between Bharatpur

and Agra.

dth.—Draupada, who is said to have lived at Asi, or Hansi.

6th.— Sisu Pal, who founded Sirsa, and Siswal, said to be same as

Sirsi Patan.

If these traditions are of any value, they will enable us to judge of

the extent of Anang Pal’s dominions by the names of the places which

were founded or held by his sons. According to this test, his

dominions extended from Hansi on the north to Agra on the south;

and on the western side they reached nearly as far as Alwar and Ajmer.

Lo the eastward they were most probably bounded by the Ganges,

beyond which the whole country was then held by the Katehria

Rajputs. I see nothing improbable in these traditions of the Tomar

possessions, and I am therefore willing to accept them as valuable

additions to our present scanty knowledge of Hindu history.

36. There are traditions of a similar kind regarding the sons of

another Tomar Raja, called Karna Pal; but his name is not to be

found in any of the lists. As, however, one of his sons was called

Bach Deo, a name which is given in three of the lists as Vacha Raja, in

a fourth list as Vijaya Raja, and in two others as Bibasa Pdéla, I think

that we have some grounds for identifying Karna Pél with the father

of Vacha Deva of the lists, more especially as the lists differ so much

amongst themselves regarding the name of the father. He is variously

ealled Adereh, Udi-Ray, Indrajit, and Chamra Pal, of which the first

three names are evidently only various readings of one original name.

The sons of Karna Pai, according to the popular tradition, were the

following :—

Report of the Archaeological Survey. XX1

- Ist —Bach Deo, who founded Baghor, near Narnol, and Bachera, or

Baghera, near Thoda Ajmer.

- 2nd.—Nag Deo, who founded Wagor, and Négda near Ajmer.

8nd—Krishn Ray, who founded Kishessgarh, 10 miles to north

north-east of Alwar, and Khds Ganj between Soron and Etah.

Ath.—Nihdl Ray, who founded Ndrdyanpur, 10 miles to west of

Alwar.

5th.—Somast, who founded Ajabgarh, between Alwar and Jaypur.

6th.—Har Pdl, who founded Harsora, 16 miles to north north-west

of Alwar, and Harsoli, 23 miles to north of Alwar.

To this list I may add Bahddurgarh, 7 miles to north-east of Alwar,

which is said to have been founded by Karna Pél himself.

37. The only other work of the Tomaras which has come to my

knowledge is the village of Mahipdipur, situated 2 miles to the east

north-east of the Kutb Minar, with its great embanked lake, three

quarters of a mile long and one quarter broad. Mahi Pal, the grand-

father of Jay Pal is the 12th in the list, and reigned from A, D. 961

to 979. The embankment was the work of Firuz Tughlak. A second

Mahi Pal reigned from A. D. 1105 to 1130.

38. If these traditions are true, the dominion of the Tomaras must

at one time have extended to the westward as far as Sirsa and Nagor.

To the south-west there is the District of Zodrvati, or Lomaravati,

between Alwar and Shekavati; and to the south-east there is the

District of Zodrghdr, or LTomarghér, between Dholpur and Gwalior,

both of which still preserve the name of this once powerful clan. The

Tomara dynasty of Gwalior, which held that strong fort for nearly a

century and a half, traced its descent from Anang Pal of Dill, and the

present Chief of Toarvati, as well as the Tomar Zemindars of Toarghar,

still proudly lay claim to the same origin.

39. Anang Pal 2nd was succeeded by three other Rajas of the

Tomar family, of whom the last was a prince of the same name, Anang

Pal 8rd. During the reign of this last King, Dili was captured by

the Chohans under Visala Deva ; but the date of this event has not

yet been satisfactorily ascertained. According to Abul Fazl it

eccurred in 8. 848, which, referred to the Balabhi era, gives A. D.

1166; but as the date of Vasala’s inscription on Firuz Shah’s Pillar

is 8. 1220 of Vikrama, or A. D. 1168, it is certain that the capture of

Dilli must have preceded the conqueror’s advance to the foot of the

XX feeport of the Archeological Survey.

hills near Khizrabad, where this pillar was then standing. This ,.

position at the foot of the Himalaya Mountains is specially referred to in q)

the record where Visala speaks of having made tributary all the regions 4

between Himavat and Vindhya. Mék-ji, the bard of the Khichi

Chohans, gives the date as S. 821, which, compared with Abul Fazl’s

date, 1s probably too early. The author of the Araish-i-mahfil says

that it was rather more than 1200 Samvat, that is, somewhat later

than A. D. 1143. ‘The Kumaon and Garhwél manuscripts place it in

§. 1191, or A. D. 1134; but as they also place the final conquest of

the Muhammadans in S. 1231, or A. D. 1174, or just 19 years t00

early, it seems probable that the capture of Dili by the Chohans may

also be ante-dated by about the same number of years. Admitting

this view as probably correct, the capture of Dilli by the Chohans will

be referred to A, D. 1153. Lastly, by the list which I have already

given of the Tomar dynasty, the close of Anang PAl’s reign is placed

late in A. D. 1151, or early in 1152, by accepting the longer reign bh

which is found in the Gwalior manuscript. | be

_ 40. By a comparison of all these dates with the period assigned to “

the Chohan dynasty, it seems most probable that the true date of the a

capture of Dillz by the Chohans must have been about A. D. 1152. +e

The period assigned to the Chohans varies from 4.04 years to 413. By ei

deducting the latter number from. A D. 1193, the date of Moazuddin ‘Nu

Sam’s conquest, we obtain A. D. 11524 as the probable period of the diy

capture of Dili by Visala Deva, when, according to the Kumaon and ind

Garhwal manuscripts, Chuwdn takht baitha, Dilli aj kiya, “the iil

Chohan sat on the throne and established his kingdom in Dilli.” But Pe

although Visala thus became the actual lord of Dilli, itis almost certain ¥

that Anang P&l was left in possesssion of his ancient kingdom as a

tributary of the Chohan, while Someswara, who was either the son or

Th:

‘

; .-

Wag:

> 25

—

: S

= Z,

e a

7 e

aa.

* - -~ + - a

a iow =t+- p44 oh pay at

Spree

Aen ra

(eto

/ ’ ’

pALe: ar

grandson of Visala, received Anang Pal’s daughter in marriage. ‘The

issue of this union, the famous Prithvi Rdj, or Rai Pithora, became ‘a

the adopted son of the Tomar King, and was formally acknowledged |

as heir to the throne of Dilli. According to the Prithvi-Rai-

Charitra, this adoption took place in A. D. 1169, at which date

Prithvi Raj must have been about 16 years of age. Now, as the

bard Chand records that the adoption took place during the lifetime

of Anang Pal, this last of the Tomar Kings was still reigning in

A. D. 1069. We may therefore safely fix the close of his reign, at the Me

fi 2? ; |

fee fe ee

Liles Le EM

ee PCIE

y; hae Y y,

yr etre

Re mM Cn MEET hyny

Report of the Archeological Survey. xxii

end of the Tomar dynasty, in the following year 1170. This will

give a reign of upwards of 22 years to Prithvi Raja, which is the

very term assigned to him in all the manuscripts, at the end of the

Tomar dynasty. It will also add about 19 years to the length of

Anang PAl’s reign, during which time I suppose him to have been

tributary to Visala Deva. |

41. The subject of the Chohan dynasty has been so much con-

fused by the conflicting accounts given by Colonel Tod, that I have

found it impossible to make any satisfactory arrangement, either of the

names of the Princes, or of the lengths of their reigns. So far as

our information goes, the only Chohan Princes of Ajmer, who were at

the same time actual kings of Dilh, were Visala Deva and Prithvi

Raja. During the other half of Anang Pal’s reign, I consider him

to have been only the titular king of Dilli, and tributary to the

paramount Sovereign of Ajmer. On Anang Pal’s death im A. D.

1171, the throne of Dilli would of course have fallen to Prithvi Raja

by his adoption as the successor of the Tomar Prince. On Visala’s

death, which would seem to have oecurred somewhat earlier, or about

A, D. 1169, I infer that Someswara succeeded to the throne of Ajmer.

When he was killed in battle seven years afterwards, or in A. D.

1176, the throne of Ajmer would have fallen to Prithvi Raja. But

between Someswara and his son Prithvi Raja we find the names of

Ohéhara Deva and Naga Deva (or saga Deva), and I can only

account for their insertion by supposing that they were the tributary

Rajas of Dilli under Prithvi Raja as lord paramount. This seems

highly probable if we may place any dependence on the latter part

of Colonel Tod’s genealogical list of the Chohans, in which Chahara

Deva is made the younger brother of Prithvi Raja. That Chahara,

or Chahada Deva was a person of some consequence, we know from

his coins, which are less uncommon than those of Prithvi Raja him-

self. Perhaps Vdga Deva may have been another brother or a near

relative. /

ai _ 42. Colonel Tod gives the substance of an inscription discovered

i at Bijoli, which is dated in 8. 1226, or A. D. 1169, during the life-

iy time of Someswara. In this inscription it is stated that Someswara

yas one called Prithvi Raja, but “having obtained the regal

dignity through Someswara, he was thence called Someswar.” Now,

vf if the date of this inscription has been rightly read, it seems most

XXIV Report of the Archeological Survey.

probable that the Hansi inscription, which mentions a Prithvi Raja in

S. 1224, or A. D. 1067, or just two years earlier, must refer to the

father, who afterwards obtained the name of Someswara, and not to the

son, who is popularly known as Hai Pithora. This assignment of the

Hansi inscription to the father is rendered certain by another fact

recorded in it, which has escaped the notice of Colebrooke, Fell, and

Tod, namely, that Atrana, or Kilhana, of the Guhila or Grahilot

race, was the maternal uncle of Prithvi Raja. Now, if there is one

point undisputed in the history of Rai Pithora, it is that his mother

was the daughter of the Tomar Raja Anang Pal. I conclude, there-

fore, that the Prithvi Raja, whose mother was a Grahilot, must have

been Someswara, whose original name, before his accession to the

throne, was also Prithvi Raja.

43. With the above explanations, I now give all the lists of the

Chohan dynasty which I have been able to collect, excepting that of

Mik-j2 the Khichi bard, which agrees closely with Colonel Tod’s, and

is evidently erroneous.

The Cowan dynasty of Drt11.

Gwalior, Ku-

maon, Garh-

Abul Fazl, Syad Inscriptions | Vik

Abmad. net wal Manu- Belen. and Coins. |Samvat. A.D.

scripts.

Y~MeD. Y. M. D.

Bil Deo, ............| 6 1 4 Visala Deva,.| 6 1 4/Vella Deva.

Amara Gangu, ...|5 2 5Gangeva, or

| | Amara Deva, 5 2 3

Kehar Pal, ........ |20 1 5 Pahadi, or 3

: | Pada Deva,! 8 1 5/Visala Deva, 7

or Vigraha,| 1220 |1163

veras, .....| 7 4 2'Someswara,or|

PrithviRaja

Ist. ......---| L224 {1167

Jahir, 929000008 000 be: A, A, 8 Vehan De, or

Bala Deva,.

Nag Deo,.....0...| 8 1 5iJag Deo, or

Jagarmaneur,

Pithora or Prithvi

4 4 l1/Chahada De-

Vae seovesee-| 1226 11169

3 5 I

Raja, ........... 48 5 1|Prithvi Raja,.!6 1 1/Prithvi Raja.

On comparing these lists, I think it very probable that Bil Deo of

Abul Fazl is the Vella Deva of the Inscription on Firuz Shah’s Pillar,

— > -

_™ Ragatetnorsrrs io traesscs em ete ae

Report of the Archeological Survey. XXV

and that Kehar Pdl may be a corruption of the last two syllables of

Vigahar or Vigraha. The other names require no remarks.

44, The reign of Prithvi Raja has been rendered memorable by

three events which form separate parts of the rather voluminous work

of the bard Chand, named Prithvi dj Chohan Rasa. The work is

divided into several Khands, or books, which are generally known by

the names of the subjects of which they treat; thus, the Kanoj

Khand gives the story of the forcible abduction of the not unwilling

daughter of Jaya Chandra, the Rahtor Raja of Kanoj; while the

Mahoba Khand relates the various fortunes of the successful war

with Parmélik, or Paramdrd: Deva, the Chandel Raja of Mahoba,

and the last books are devoted to the great struggle between the

Hindus and Musalmans, which ended in the final overthrow of

Prithvi Raj, and the establishment of Kutb-uddin Aibeg on the

throne of Dilli as a dependant of the paramount Sovereign Muazuddin

Ghort.

45, The date of the abduction of the Kano} Princess may be assigned

with great probability to the year A. D. 1175, as we know from

inscriptions that Vijaya Chandra, the father of Jaya Chandra, was

still hving in 1172, and that Jaya Chandra had succeeded to the throne

before 1177. This event cannot, therefore, be placed earlier than 1175 ;

and as Prince Rains, the issue of this union, was able to bear arms in

the last fatal battle with the Musalmans in 1193, in which he was

killed, it is not possible to place the date of the abduction later than

1175.

46. ‘The date of the great war with the Chandel Prince of Mahoba

_is given in the Mahoba Khand of Chand’s poem as Samvat 1241, or

A. D. 1184. My copy of this portion of the poem was obtained in

Mahoba itself, and I have every reason to believe in the correctness of

the year named, as it is borne out by two existing inscriptions of

Paramirda Deva, the Chandel Raja, which are dated respectively in

Samvat 1224 or A. D. 1167, and S. 1241, or A. D. 1184.

47, The date of the final conquest of Dilli by the Musalméns

is variously given by the different authorities. Thus, Ibn Batuta has

A. H. 584, or A, D. 1188; Abul Faz] has A. H. 588, or A. D. 1192 :

and Ferishta has A. H. 589, while Syad Ahmad has adopted A. H. 587

The last date, however, is undoubtedly erroneous, as it is founded on

a misreading of the written date on the Hastern Gateway of the

XXV1 Report of the Archeological Survey.

Kutb Masjid. Syad Ahmad has read the unit of this date as @iw,

Saba, or 7, whereas it is clearly and unmistakeably @~J, tisa, or 9.

The error has arisen from the omission of the two points of the initial ¢e

letter in Syad Ahmad’s plate of this inscription. My attention was i

particularly drawn to this date by Mr. Thomas’ note on Syad Ahmad’s |

date, which, as he says, “anticipates the epoch ordinarily assigned to _—_ i

the Muhammadan conquest of India, by two years.” I examined

this portion of the inscription minutely with a telescope, and I found

the two dots or points of the inital letter of ew), tisa, which are

omitted in Syad Ahmad’s lithographed copy of the inscription, are

quite distinct, one over the other, between the words Sanh and wa,

and immediately over the unit of the date, which is placed below

those words. The date of the capture of Dilli, as here given by

Kutb-uddin himself, is therefore the year A. H. 589, which began on

7th January, 1193.

48. ‘Lhe only work which is attributed to Prithvi Raja is the

extensive fort to the north and east of Anang Pal’s LAlkot, which is

still called Kilah Rat Pithora or “ Pithora’s Fort.” From the

north-west angle of Lalkot the lines of Rai Pithora’s walls can still

vre ; f a

my Eclat mae

T t

—™

é in

ve.

aa |

afsuidt

+ ’

ue 7) ar |

Peat

dy,

pi ies

be distinctly traced, running towards the north for about half a mile.

From this point they turn to the south of east for one and a half

miles, then to the south for one mile, and lastly, to the west and

north-west for three-quarters of a mile, where they join the south-

west angle of Lalkot, which being situated on higher ground, forms a

lofty citadel that completely commands the Fort of Rai Pithora.

The entire circuit of the walls of the two forts is 4 miles and 3

furlongs, or. rather more than half the size of the modern city of ¢

ShahjahanabAd. = he

49. Up to this point I have endeavoured to trace the outline of ™

SN ee eee er

WO FLOR hata

visit it. ff j }

kag heen lag

: A " re ye,

¥ rf tals Mah rh fi

wie

the history of Hindu Dilli, partly from existing monuments, partly 74)

ZIT CIF

f :

LEO CE SN 2D

€, Aidan aces

from inscriptions, and partly from other records, both printed and 7]

AIRS

manuscript.. The history of Muhammadan Dihti, or Delhi, according Ml

to our corrupt spelling, will be found in ample detail in Ferishta and |

Par

other Moslem authors. I will now therefore confine my remarks to .

a description of the many noble remains of by-gone days, which, either

by their. grand size, their solid strength, or their majestic beauty, still

proudly testify that this vast waste of ruins was once Imperial Delhi, )

the Capital of all India. ay

———— oa ee or

Pe ee a

i i i a

4° tars

+P Fany,

sa eats ye at cena ae ees -

Report of the Archeological Survey. XXV1l

Hinpu REMAINS.

50. The most ancient monuments of Delhi are the two Stone Pillars

i bearing the edicts of Asoka, both of which were brought to the Capital

_ by Firuz Shah Tughlak, about A. H. 757, or A. D. 1356. The ac-

count of the removal of these pillars from their original sites 1s given

in detail by Shams-i-Sirdj, who was most likely an eye-witness of

-s". —

their re-erection in FiruzibAd, as he records that he was 12 years of

age at the time when they were set up.* This circumstantial account

of a contemporary writer at once disposes of Colonel Tod’s storyt

that Firuz Shah’s Pillar was originally standing “at Wigambod,

a place of pilgrimage on the Jumna, a few miles below Delhi, whence

it must have been removed to its present singular position.” Negambod

still exists as a place of pilgrimage, being a giat immediately outside

the northern wall of the city of Shahjahanabad. It is therefore above

the city of Delhi, instead of being a few miles below it, as described

by Colonel Tod.

re D1. Hruz Shah's Pillar, according to Shams-i-Sirij, was brought

from a place which is variously called Toyur, Topera, Toparsuk,

Lohera, Tawera, and Nahera.t The place is described as being “on

the bank of the Jumna, in the district of Salora, not far from

Khizrabad, which is at the foot of the mountains, 90 koss from

Delhi.” The distance from Delhi and the position at the foot of the

mountains point out the present Khizrabad on the Jumna, just below

the spot where the river issues from the lower range of hills, as the

place indicated by Shams-i-Siraj. Salora is perhaps Sidhora, a large

place only a few miles to the wesi of Khizrabad. From the village

where it originally stood, the pillar was conveyed by land on a truck

to Khizrabad, from whence it was floated down the Jumna to Firuza-

bad, or new Delhi. From the above description of the original site

of this pillar, I conclude that the village from whence it was brought

was perhaps the present Paota, on the western bank of the Jumna,

and 12 miles in a direct line to the north-east of Khizrabad. Now,

jn this immediate neighbourhood, on the western bank of the J unina,

and at a distance of 66 miles from Thanesar, Hwen Thsang places the

ancient Capital of Srughna, which was even then (A. D. 630— 640)

* Journal of Archzological Society of Delhi, 1—74.

TY Rajasthan, [I—452,

F % Journal of Archeological Society of Delhi, pp. 29-75,

D 2

rf 7 . y: - J i

ae Lr nj

iS ee ees

; y ia

ne Any

pie Pack

AR ky

dg A abinite,

:~wre ee ie ee ee

inv

Die dy

nD ped fy

- ms vi

ide

rorrw

a ee ee

b abn eaigyvt

F ‘vi et Ga

f ad big * vil

ab yds Hoh

i. 202

—)

\s opr,

¥ ay we ee

”

- =

ag oS

‘ nn

Oe. =.

“g

= es

‘ .

* "

ick

L m

penis

pil dams Seca Latin

ite—2

XXVII feeport of the Archeological Survey.

in ruins, although the foundations were still solid. The Chinese

Pilgrim describes Srughna as possessing a large Vihdr, and a grand

stupa of Asoka’s time containing relics of Buddha, besides many other

stupas of Sdriputra, Maudgalyayana, and other holy Buddhists. From

the very exact agreement in the descriptions of the site of the village

of Laopar with that of the city described by Hwen Thsang, I feel

quite satisfied that the original site of Firuz Shah’s Pillar was some-

where in the unmediate vicinity of the ancient Capital of Srughna,

I think it probable also that in the work Suk, which is appended to

one of the various readings of the name of the village of Zucpar, we

still have a fair approximation to Sughan, the popular form of the

Sanskrit Srughna.

52. When the pillar was removed from its original site, a large

square ssone was found beneath it, which was also transported to

Delhi (a similar large square stone was found along with the Zamaniya

Pillar which now stands in the grounds of the Benares College). This

stone was again placed beneath the pillar in its new situation on the

top of the three-storied building called Firuz Shah’s Kotila, where it

may now be seen, as a gallery has been pierced through the solid

masonry immediately beneath the base of the pillar. According to

Shams-i-Siraj, the whole length of the shaft was 32 gaz, of which 8

gaz were sunk in the building. As the pillar at present stands, I

found the total height to be 42 feet 7 inches, of which the sunken

portion is only 4 feet | inch. But the lower portion of the exposed

shaft to a height of 5 feet is still rough, and I have little doubt,

therefore, that the whole of the rough portion, 9 feet in length, must

have been sunk in the ground on its original site. But according to

Shams-i-Siraj, even more than this, or one-fourth of its whole length,

that is, LO feet 8 inches, was sunk in the masonry of Firuz Shah’s

Kotila. This I believe was actually the case, for on the west side

of the column there still remain 7 sitw the stumps of two short

octagonal granite pillars that would appear to have formed part of a

cloister or open gallery, around a fourth story, which cannot have

been less than 6% or 7 feet in height. I conclude, therefore, that the

statement of Shams-i-Siraj is quite correct.

53. When the pillar was at last fixed, the “top was ornamented

with black and white stone-work surmounted by a gilt pinnacle,

from which no doubt it received its name of Dinar Zarin or ‘Golden

Pe sy oe

+ A atthe enn ie LS i ne as

Report of the Archeological Survey. XXIX

Pillar’ This gilt pinnacle was still in its place in A. D. 1611, when

William Finch entered Delhi, as he describes the Stone Pillar of

Bimsa, which, after passing through three several stories, rises 24

feet above them, all having on the top a@ globe surmounted by @

crescent.” The 24 feet of this account are probably the same as the

24 gaz of the other, the gaz being only a fraction over 16 inches.

54, The great inscription of Asoka, which is engraved on this

pillar, attracted the notice and stimulated the curiosity of Firuz Shah,

who assembled a number of learned Brahmans to decypher it, but

without success. ‘ Some, however, interpreted the writing to signify

that no one would ever succeed in removing the pillar from the spot

on which it originally stood, until a king should be born, by name

Firuz Shah.” This sort of unblushing mendacity is still but too

common in India. Almost everywhere I have found Brahmans ready

to tell me the subject of long inscriptions, of which they could not

possibly read a single letter. Equally untrue, although not so shame-

less, are the accounts of this inscription given by Tom Coryat. Ina

letter to L. Whittaker,* he says “I have been in a city of this

country called Delee, where Alexander the Great jomed battle with

Porus, King of India, and defeated him, and where, in memory of his

victory, he caused to be erected a brazen pillar, which remains there

to this day.” The same story, with additions, was repeated to the

unsuspecting Chaplain Edward Terry,t who says, “I was told by

Tom Coryat (who took special note of this place) that he beg in

the city of Delee, observed a very great pillar of marble, with a

Greek inscription upon it, which time hath almost quite worn out,

erected (as he supposed) there and then by Great Alexander to

preserve the memory of that famous victory.” This erroneous opinion

of Coryat was adopted by most of the early English travellers, as

noticed by Purchas,{ who states that these inscriptions are in Greek

and Hebrew, and that some affirm the pillar was erected by Alexander

the Great. Coryat’s mistake about the Greek most probably arose

from an actual inspection of the inscription, in which he would na.-

turally have recognized the O,4,Gnh A, 1c, € and PD as Greek

letters. ‘The similarity struck James Prinsep also. A notable ex-

* Kerr's Voyages and Travels, [IX—423,

+ Journal, p. 81.

t Kerr, VILI—293, note 6,

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XXX Report of the Archeological Survey.

ception to the other English travellers is William Finch, who simply

states that “it has inscriptions.”

55. The mistakes that have been made about this column are,

however, not confined to its inscriptions, as we have seen above, where

Coryat calls ita “ Brazen Pillar.” Strange to say, a similar mistake

has been made by the generally accurate Bishop Heber, who ealls it

“a high black pillar of cast-metal ;” and again, in describing the Iron

Pillar, he calls it a Metal Pillar like that in Firuz Shah’s Castle*.

Again Colonel Tod has identified this pillar with the Nigambod

column alluded to by the bard Chand “as telling the fame of the

Chohan.” It is quite possible that some other pillar may once have

stood at Nigambod; but as the golden column of Firuz really doeg |

“tell the fame of the Chohan,” and as its inscriptions were recorded

only thirty years prior to Chand’s death, it seems most probable that

his allusion must be to this particular pillar. ‘The name of Nigambod

may perhaps be a corruption of the real name of the place where the

column then stood, or an ignorant interpolation in the text of a date

later than Firuz Shah.

06. The “Golden Pillar” is a single shaft of pale pinkish sand-

stone, 42 feet 7 inches in length, of which the upper portion, 85 feet

in length, has received a very high polish, while the remainder is left

quite rough. Its upper diameter is 25°3 inches, and its lower diameter

38°8 inches, the diminution being ‘389 inch per foot. Its weight is

rather more than 27 tons. In its dimensions it is more like the

Allahabad Pillar than any other, but it tapers much more rapidly

towards the top, and is therefore less graceful in its outline.

57. There are two principal inscriptions on Firuz Shah’s pillar,

besides several minor records of pilgrims and travellers from the first

centuries of the Christian era down to the present time. The oldest

inscriptions for which the pillar was originally erected, comprise the

well known edicts of Asoka, which were promulgated in the middle of

the third century B. C. in the ancient Pali, or spoken language of

the day. The alphabetical characters, which are of the oldest form

that has yet been found in India, are most clearly and beautifully cut,

and there are only a few letters of the whole record lost by the peeling

off of the surface of the stone. The inscription ends with a short

* Journal II., pp. 291—307.

ied ee en ae . ae een

Report of the Archeological Survey. ‘Xxxi

‘ sentence, in which King Asoka directs the setting up these monoliths

’ in different parts of India as follows :—

oy “Tet this religious edict be engraved on stone pillars (sila thambha)

ny and stone tablets (sila phalaka), that it may endure for ever.” In

Ry this amended passage we have a distinct allusion to the rock inscrip-

" tions, as well as to the pillar inscriptions. As this is the longest and

rnost important of all the pillar inscriptions of Asoka I made a careful

impression of the whole, for comparison with James Prinsep’s pub-

lished text. The record consists of four distinct inscriptions on the

four sides of the column facing the cardinal points, and of one lone

inscription immediately below, which goes completely round the pillar.

I may mention that the word Ajakandm, at the end of the 7th line

south face, was not omitted “ accidentally,” as James Prinsep supposed,

by the original engraver, but has been lost by the peeling away of the

stone for about 4 inches. The vowel 2 attached to the final letter is

still quite distinct. ‘The penultimate word on the eastern face is not

agmim, as doubtfully read by Prinsep, but abhywm, and, as he rightly

conjectured, it is the same word that begins the 19th line. The last

word in the llth line, which puzzled Prinsep, is not atikata, but

atikantam, the same as occurs near the beginning of the 15th line.

The few corrections which I have noticed here show the accuracy of

Barmouf’s opinion, that a new collation of the pillar inscriptions would

be of the greatest value. Jam happy to say that I have now made

new copies of the inscriptions on the pillars at Delhi, Arar, and

Navandgarh, for collation by competent scholars.

58. The last 10 lines of the eastern face, as well as the whole of

the continuous inscription round the shaft, are peculiar to the Delhi

pular. ‘There is a marked difference also in the appearance of this

part of this inscription. The characters are all thinner and less boldly

cut ; the vowel marks are generally sloping, instead of being horizontal

or perpendicular, and the letters 7, ¢, s, and h are differently formed

raiepenpsy eee on

"uf the Jumna, which is only a few miles above bee ene : -

Ti » the probable site

dh from whence the Pillar was brought by Firuz Shah,

wut 59. The ose mmschiption is that which records the victories of

ih the Chohan Prince Visala Deva, whose power extended “ fp

C : | om Himéadri

to Vindhya,” This record of the fame of the Chohan consists of two

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CAI ,

LILLIE OTS,

XXXil Report of the Archeological Survey.

separate portions, the shorter one being placed immediately above

Asoka’s edicts, and the longer one immediately below them. But as

both are dated in the same year, viz., S. 1220, or A. D. 1168, and

refer to the same Prince they may be considered as forming only one

inscription. ‘The upper portion, which is placed very high, is engraved

in much larger characters than the lower one. A translation of this

inscription was published by Colebrooke in the Asiatic Researches,

Vol. III. p. 180; and his rendering of the text has been verified by

H. H. Wilson from a copy made by Mr. Thomas.* The reading of

Sri Sallakshana proposed by Mr. Thomas is undoubtedly correct,

instead of Sri Mad Lakshana, as formerly read. I would suggest also

that the rendering of Chdhumina tilaka, as “most eminent of the

tribe which sprang from the arms,” (of Brahma,) seems to me much

less forcible than the simple translation of “ Chief of the Chéhumans”

or Chohan tribe. I believe also that there is an error in referring the

origin of the Chohans to Brahma, as J/ih-j2, the Bard of the Khichi

Chohans, distinctly derives them from the dnal kund, or fount of fire

on Mount Abu, an origin which corresponds with that assigned to them

by Colonel Tod. It is Chaluk Kao, the founder of the Chalukya, or

Soldnkhi tribe, that is fabled to have sprung from Brahma.

60. The minor inscriptions on Firuz Shah's Pillar are of little

interest or importance. ‘They are however of different ages, and the

more ancient records must have been inscribed while the pillar yet

stood on its original site, under the hills to the north of Khizrabad.

One of the oldest is the name of Sri Bhadra Mitra, or Subhadramtra,

in characters of the Gupta era. ‘This is written in very small letters,

as are also two others of the same age. In larger letters of a some-

what later date, there are several short inscripfions, of which the most

legible is Surya Vishnu Subarnakakana. A second begins with ara

Singha Subarnakakana, the remainder being illegible, with exception

of the word Kumdra. <A third reads Charma Subana, the second

letter being somewhat doubtful. This record is extended in another

place to Oharma Subanakshéra. Of a much later date is the name of

the Saiva mendicant Siddh Bhayankarndth Jogi, followed by a trisul.

The name of this wandering mendicant is also recorded in the very

same characters, but simply as “ Bhayankar Nath,” in one of ihe

Bardbar caves in Bihar. On the northern face there are two still

* Thomas’s * Prinsep’s Essays,’ I. 325.

Report of the Archeological Survey. XXXIU

later inseriptions in modern Nagari, both of which bear the same date

Ny of Wednesday, 13th, waning moon of Chaitra in Samvat 1581, or A. D.

1524. The longer inscription contains the name of Suritan Ibarahun,

or Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, who reigned from A. D. 1517 to 1526.

61. The second of Asoka’s Delhi Pillars is now lying in five pieces

near Hindu Rao’s house, on the top of the Hill to the north-west of

Shahjah4ndbad. The whole length of these pieces was 82% feet, bub

the upper end of the middle piece, which was inscribed with Asoka’s

edicts, was sawn off some years ago, and sent to Calcutta, where it

may now be seen in the Asiatic Society’s Museum. ‘The portion of

the shaft that was below the inscription still measures 18 feet, and

that which was above it, 12 feet. As the end of the shaft is still

rough, if seems probable that the polished portion could not have been

more than 82 feet in height, which is somewhat less than that of the

other known pillars of Asoka. Indeed, this pillar is described by

Shams-i-Siraj as being smaller than the other, a description which can

apply only to its height, as its diameter is somewhat greater. From

its broken state it is not easy to obtain correct measurements of its

thickness. At the point where the inscribed piece was sawn off, the

diameter is 33.44 inches; and my measurements make the upper

diameter 293 inches, and the lower diameter of the smoothed portion

85.82 inches. The rough thick end is about 88 inches in diameter.

These measurements make the diminution of the pillar just one-fifth of

an inch per foot.

62. According to Shams-i-Siraj this column was brovght from

Mirat by Firuz Shah, and erected near its present position in the Koshak

Shikar, or “hunting palace.” The position of the palace hag already

been determined by the researches of Messrs. Cope and Lewis ;* but

the following statements of William Finch will place this identification

of site beyond all dispute. In A. D. 1611 he describes the eity (that

is, of Shir Shah,) as being two koss, or 23 miles, in Jeneth from gate

to gate, and about two koss from thence he places “the ruins of a

hunting seat or mole (Mahal) built by Sultan Bemsa, a ereat Indian

Bovcrcien. as SEEM agrees exactly with the position of the

pees pillar, which is about 22 miles to the north-west of the

Lél Darwéza, or north gate of the old city of .Shir Shah, which is

* Journal of Archeological Society of Delhi,

+ Kerr's Voyages and Travels, VIII, 292,

XXX1V Report of the Archeological Survey.

itself about 22 miles distant from the south gate, to the westward of

Dinpanah, or Purana Katah.

63.. According to the popular belief, this pillar was thrown down

by an accidental explosion of a powder magazine in the time of.

Farokhsiar, who reigned from A. D. 1713 to 1719. This tradition ig

rendered almost certain by the statements of Padre Tiefienthaler, who

resided in India between A. D. 1748 and 1786. He saw the pillar

lying just as 1t is now, in five pieces, but he was informed that it was

standing erect not long before, and that it was thrown down by an

explosion of gunpowder.

64, ‘The inscriptions on this pillar are very imperfect, owing to

the mutilated and worn surface of the stone. Such portions as remain

have been carefully examined by James Prinsep, who found them to

be “so precisely the duplicates’ of the other inscription, that he did

not think “ it worth while to make them the subject of a separate

note.’* The remaiming portions, which correspond with parts of the

inscriptions on the north, south, and west faces of the other pillar, have

been lithographed by Prinsep in Plate XLII. Vol. VI. of this Journal.

65.. The tron Pillar of Delhi, which is the next work in point of

antiquity, is one of the most curious monuments in India. Many

large works in metal were no doubt made in ancient times, such, for

instance, as the celebrated Colossus of Rhodes, and the gigantic statues

of the Buddhists, which are described by Hwen Thsang.. But all of

these were of brass or copper, all of them were hollow, and they were

all built up of pieces rivetted togther, whereas the Delhi Pillar is a

solid shaft of mixed metal upwards of 16 inches in diameter, and about

50 feet inlength. It is true that there are flaws in many parts, which

show that the casting is imperfect ; but when we consider the extreme

difficulty of manufacturing a pillar of such vast dimensions, our wonder

will not be diminished by knowing that the casting of the bar 1s.

defective. The total height of the pillar above ground is 22 feet, but.

the smooth shaft is only 15 feet, the capital being 3% feet, and the

rough part of the shaft below also 3} feet.. But its depth under ground

is considerably greater than its height above ground, as a recent

excavation was carried down to 26 feet without reaching the founda-

tion on which the pillar rests. The whole length of the Iron Pillar

is therefore upwards of 48 feet, but how much more, is not known,

* Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, VI, 794.

Report of the Archeological Survey. XEXV

although it must be considerable, as the pillar is said not to have been

loosened by the excavation. I think, therefore, it is highly probable

that the whole length is not less than 60 feet. The lower diameter of

the shaft is 16.4 inches, and the upper diameter is 12.00 inches, the

diminution being .29 of an inch per foot. The pillar contains about 80

cubic feet of metal, and weighs upwards of 17 tons.

66. The Iron Pillar records its own history in a deeply cut Sanskrit

inscription of six lines on its western face. The inscription has been

translated by James Prinsep, who remarks that “the pillar 1s called

the arm of fame” (Kirtti bhuja) “ of Raja Dhava, and the letters cut

upon it are called the typical cuts inflicted on his enemies by his

sword, writing his immortal fame.” It is stated that he subdued a

people on the Sindhu, named Vahlikas, who must be the Bahikas of

the Panjab, and lastly, that he “ cbtained with his own arm an un-

divided sovereignty on the earth for a long period.” The above is

the whole of the meagre information that can be gathered from this

inscription, save the bare fact that the Raja was a worshipper of Vishnu.

The date of the inscription is referred by James Prinsep to the third or

fourth century after Christ; but Mr. Thomas considers that this is

“too high an antiquity for the style of writing employed on the monu-

ment.” J agree, however, with Prinsep, as the characters appear to

me to be exactly the same as those of the Gupta inscriptions. I have

already suggested the year A. D. 319, which is the initial point of the

Balabhi or Gupta era, as an approximate date for Raja Dhava, as I

think it not improbable that he may have assisted in the downfall of

the powerful Gupta dynasty.

67. According to universal tradition, the Iron Pillar was erected

by Bilan Deo, or Anang Pal, the founder of the Tomara dynasty, who

was assured by a learned Brahman that, as the foot of the pillar had

been driven so deep into the ground that it rested on the head of

Vasuki, king of the serpents, who supports the earth, it was now im-

moveable, and that dominion would remain in his family as long as the

pillar stood. But the Raja, doubting the truth of the Brahman’s

statement, ordered the pillar to be dug up, when the foot of it was

found wet with the blood of the serpent king, whose head it had pierced.

Regretting his unbelief, the Iron Pillar was again raised, but owing

to the king’s former incredulity, every plan now failed in fixing it firmly,

and, in spite of all his efforts, it still remained loose (hila) in the

sf 2

: < ty

“¥ W? ,@

; f< J ful

<4 : ia;

‘(ms

nV f

- wey Pome pcan ht Me -

rere M hid diced tae ie a nat a dd ll

XXXV1 Report of the Archeological Survey.

ground, and this is said to have been the origin of the name of the

ancient city of Dhilo.

68. This tradition has been variously reported by different authorities,

but the main points are the same in all. Colonel Tod states that the

Iron Pillar is said to be resting on the head of the Sahes Nag, who is

the same as Vaswki, the serpent king. A lady traveller, who visited

Delhi between 1804 and 1814, heard the tradition in a somewhat

different way. A Brahman told the king that if he could place the

seat of his government on the head of the snake that supports the

world, his kingdom would last forever. The Iron Pillar was accord-

ingly driven into the ground on its present site, under the superinten-

dence of the Brahman, who announced that the lucky spot had been

found, On hearing this, a courtier, jealous of the Brahman’s influence

declared that the pillar was not placed over the serpent’s head, but

that he could point out the true place, which he had seen in a dream.

The pillar was accordingly taken up by the Raja’s order, and, agreeably

to the Brahman’s prediction, the foot of it was found wet with the

blood of the serpent’s head, This tradition is also imperfectly related

in Purchas’s Pilgrims, on the authority of Hnglish travellers who visited

India during the reigns of Jahangir and Shahjahan. Purchas states

that the Rase (Raja) who founded Delhi “ by advice of his magicians,

tried the ground by driving an iron stake, which came up bloody,

having wounded a snake. This the Ponde, (Pande or Pandit,) or

magician, said was a fortunate sign.” Jn all these different versions

of the erection of the Iron Pillar, the main points of the story are the

same, and the popular belief in this tradition is confirmed by the well

known verse :— |

¢ Killt to dhillt bhat,

“Tomar bhaya mat hin.”

“The pillar became loose by the Tomar’s folly.”

69. This tradition is related in a more poetical form by Kharg Rai,

who wrote in the reign of Shahjahan. According to him, the Tomar

Prince was provided by the sage Vyds with a golden nail, or spike, 25

fingers in length, which he was told to drive into the sround, At a

lucky moment, on the 183th day of the waning moon of Vaisdkh, in

the Samvat year 792, or A. D. 736, when the moon was ia the mansion

of Abhijit, the spike was driven into the ground by the Raja, Then

said Vyas to the King—

“ Tum se rij kadi gaega naht.

“ Yih khuntt Vasug ki mathe gadhi hai.”

ie |

*~ by

Report of the Archeological Survey. XXXVI

“ Ne’er will thy kingdom be besped,

“ The spike hath pierced Vasuki’s head.”

Vyas had no sooner departed, than the incredulous Raja boldly

declared his disbelief in the sage’s announcement, when immediately

“ Bilan De khunti ukhérh dekh,

“ Tab lohu se chuchéti mkal.”

‘He saw the spike thrown on the ground,

“ Blood-dropping from the serpent’s wound.”

The sage was recalled by the horrified king, who was directed to drive

the stake into the ground a second time, Again he struck, but the

spike penetrated only nineteen fingers, and remained Joose in the

ground. Once more then the sage addressed the Raja prophetically,

“« Like the spike (Azllc) which you have driven, your dynasty will be

unstable (dill), and after ‘nineteen’ generations it will be supplanted

by the Chohans, and they by the Turkans.” Bilan De then became

King of Dili, and with his descendants held the throne for nineteen

generations, according to the number of finger’s lengths which the ape

had been driven into the ground.

70. What was the origin of this tradition, and at what time it first _

obtained currency may never perhaps be known; but I think we are

justified in hazarding a guess that the long reign of the Tomar dynasty

must first have led to an opinion of its durability, which would then

have been naturally compared with the evident stability with which

the Iron Pillar was fixed in the ground. We have an exactly parallel

cease in the well known saying about Rome and the Coliseum—

“ Quamdiw stabit Colyseus, stabit et Loma; quando cadet Colyseus,

cadet Roma; which the verse of Byron has rendered famous :—

“While stands the Coliseum, Rome shall stand,

When falls the Coliseum, Rome shall fall.”

This indeed is the oldest form of the Indian tradition that I have been

able to trace. When the Muhammadan conqueror first took possession,

of Delhi, he was informed that the inscription on the Iron Pillar

declared that the Hindu rule would last as long as the Pillar remained

standing ; on hearing which, to show his contempt of the prophecy,

the proud victor allowed the pillar to stand. This same story must

have been told to Bishop Heber, but he has jumbled it up with his

account of Wiruz Shah’s Pular.* That the story which he heard must

* Journal II, 291.

Lied

> .

cei

WILE OR

my Aan

XXXVili feeport of the Archeological Survey.

have belonged to the Iron Pillar is rendered certain by his referring

it to the period of “the conquest of the country by the Musalmdns,”

About the same time also a similar story was heard by Major Archer,*

who records that “as long as the pillar stood, so long would

Hindustan flourish.” At a later date, a similar story was repeated to

Mrs. Colin Mackenzie,+ who says that the Iron Pillar bears a Sanskrit

inscription, “the purport of which is, that as long as this pillar

stands, the fid or kingdom has not finally departed from the

Hindus.” Lastly, Syad Ahmad relates that the pillar was driven into

the head of Vaswhki, king of the snakes, to make his empire lasting.

71. IfI am right in ascribing the origin of this tradition to a late

period in the history of the Tomars, when the long duration of their

rule had induced people to compare its stability with that of the Iron

Pillar, I think that the saying may be referred with considerable

probability to the prosperous reign of Anang Pal 2nd, whose name is

inscribed on the shaft with the date of Samvat 1109 or A. D. 1052.

72. The remaining inscriptions on the Iron Pillar are numerous,

but unimportant. There are two records of the Chohan Raja Chatra

Sinha, both dated in 8S. 1888, or A. D. 1826. They state that the

Raja was descended from Prithivi Raja in 29 generations, which is

quite possible, although the period allowed for each generation is under

23 years. The date of Prithivi Raja is given as 8. 1151, or A. D.

1094, which is just 99 years too early, an amount of error which agrees

with the false dates in the Pritht Raj Chohan Rdsa of the Bard

Chand. ‘There is also another modern Nagari inscription of six lines,

dated in 8. 1767, or A. D. 1710, of the Bundela Rajas of Chdndert.

Below this there are two Persian inscriptions, dated in A. H. 1060 and

1061, or A. D. 1651-52, which merely record the names of visitors.

73. The only other remains of Hindu Delhi are the numerous pillars

which form the colonnades of the Court of the Great Masjid close to

the Kutb Minar. The Arabic inscription over the eastern entrance of

this Court-yard, states that the materials were obtained from the

demolition of 27 idolatrous temples, each of which had cost the sum

of 20 lakhs of Dilials. I agree with Mr. Thomast that the Délial

must have corresponded with the original billon currency of Prithivi

Raja. Now the value of the Dilial was as nearly as possible the same

as that of the Jital or Chital of Ala uddin Khilji, 50 of which, as we

* T1220, 7 2nd edition, p. 46. t Prinsep’s Essays, I, 326.

Report of the Archeological Survey. XXXIX

learn from Ferishta,* were equal to one Rupee. The cost of each of

these temples would not therefore have been more than Its. 40,000,

and that of the whole number, only Rs. 10,80,000, or £108,000. ‘The

cost of these temples seems excessive when expressed in such small

money as Dilials ; each coin being worth only a little more than a

half-penny ; but the sum is moderate enough when it is named in

Rupees. .

74, Mr. Fergussont has expressed an opinion that “it is not easy

to determine whether the pillars now stand as originally arranged

by the Hindus, or whether they have been taken down and re-

arranged by the conquerors.” In this instance he thinks it “ most

probable that the former was the case, and that they were open

colonnades surrounding the palace of Prithivi Raja ;” but he presently

adds that “if this is so, it 1s the only instance known of Hindu pillars

being left undisturbed.” When Mr. Fergusson formed this opinion,

he was not aware of the fact recorded over the eastern gateway by

the Musalman conqueror, that the Great Masjid had been built of the

materials of no less than twenty-seven. Hindu temples. He knew only

the common tradition that on this site once stood the palace and

temple attributed to Prithivi Raja. On this account he may have

supposed that most of these pillars must have belonged to those

buildings, and therefore that they might possibly still be in their

original positions. But evidently he had strong doubts on the subject,

for he repeats his opinion that “if the pillars at Kutb are im situ, it

is the only instance known of such being the case.” In February

1853 I examined very minutely the pillared cloisters of the Great

Mosque, and I then came to the conclusion, as recorded in my Note-

book at the time, that “the square about the Iron Pillar is all made

up; the outer walls are not Hindu; the pillars are all made up of

pieces of various kinds; the shaft of one kind being placed above

that of another for the purpose of obtaining height. The general

effect is good; but a closer inspection reveals the incongruities of

pillars, half plain and half decorated, and of others that are thicker

above than below.” Just ten years later in J anuary 18638, with Mr.

Hers ussons book in my hand, I re-examined the whole of these pulars

with exactly the same result. very single pillar is made up of two

separate Hindu shafts, placed one above the other; and as these shafts

* Briges, I, 360. * Hand-book of Architecture, I, 418,

xl Report of the Archeological Survey.

are of many various sizes, the required height is obtained by the

insertion of other pieces between the shorter shafts. In one instance

in the north cloister there is a pillar made up of no less than three |

shafts of exactly the same pattern, piled one over the other. This

may be seen in Beato’s photograph of this cloister (see the 4th pillar

on the left hand). The general effect of these large rows of made- -up

columns is certainly rich and pleasing ; but this effect is due to the

kindly hand of time, which has almost entirely removed the coating

of plaster with which the whole of these beautifully sculptured pillars

were once barbarously covered by the idol-hating Musalmans.

75. Thesame doubling up of the old Hindu pillars has been follow-

ed in the cloister of the large Court of the Kutb Minar, the shaft of

one plain pillar beg placed over another to obtain height. A similar

re-arrangement may be observed in the Court of the Jdmai or Dina

Masjid of Kano} commonly called Stta-ka-fasti, or “ Sita’s kitchen.”

76. ‘The number of decorated pillars now remaining in the Court-

yard of the Great Mosque around the Iron Pillar, is, as nearly as I

could reckon them, 340; but as the cloisters are incomplete, the |

original number must have been much greater. My reckoning makes |

them 450. In the interior of the Great Mosque itself, there are 35

pillars now remaining, of a much larger size and of a somewhat |,

different style of decoration. When the Mosque was complete, there

must have been not less than 76 of these pillars. Of the plain pillars

in the Court-yard of the Kutb Minar, I counted 376, but the total

number required to complete the cloisters would be about 1,200. ay

77. Ihave given these figures i detail, for the purpose of corro- re

borating the statement of the Musalman conqueror, with regard to

the number of temples that were standing in Dilli, at the close of the Mi

Hindu power. The usual number of columns in a Hindu templeis

from 20 to 80, although a few of the larger temples may have from 50 to A

60. But these are exceptional cases, and they are more than balanced Ale

by the greater number of smaller temples, which have not more than tie

12 or 16 pillars. The great temple of Vushnupad at Gaya has 50 a

pillars, and Mr. Fergusson mentions that a temple of 56 pillars was yi

the most extended arrangement that he had met with under a single

dome.* The magnificent temple at Chandrdévati, near Jhdlra Patan, Mi

and the pillared temple of Ganthai, at Kajraha, have only 28 columns ,

* Jllustrations of Indian Architecture, Introd. p. 18.

Pe aL EF NEES!

yy = mary :

y TOPE a CALA A WR RE ea bas

— aera uae Ab 4 TAR TOP MEAN ¥

P Fay me RS SSSR — a : = Sie ae a

Report of the Archeological Survey. xii

each. The Baroli temple has 24 columns; the great temple at

Bindraban has only 16; and the Chaora in the Mokandra Pass has

not more than 12. But there are many temples that have even fewer

pillars than these, as, for instance, that of Mdta Devi, in Gwalior,

which has only 6 pillars, and that of Chatur Bhuja, also in Gwalior,

which has nol more than 4 pillars. Taking these temples as fair

specimens of many various styles and ages, the average number of

pillars in a Hindu fane is between 94 and 25; or, if the extremes be

omitted, the average number is 21. Accepting these numbers as a

fair guide, we may set down the 76 pillars of the Great Masjid as the

spoils of at least 2, but more probably of 3 temples, each equal in

size to the magnificent fane at Chandravati. Similarly the 450 pillars

of the Court of the Masjid will represent the spoils of not less than

from 18 to 22 temples, of 20 and 25 columns each, ‘These numbers

added together give a total of from 20 to 25 temples, which agrees

so nearly with the number recorded in the Muhammadan inscription,

as to leave no doubt whatever of the truth of the conqueror’s boast,

that the Masjid was built of the spoils of 27 temples.

73 A curious confirmation of the average size of these temples

has been afforded by a discovery which I first made in 1853, and

which I completed during the present year. In the south-east corner

of the cloisters of the Great Mosque, the pillars, with bases and

capitals complete, are nearly all of one style and size, and quite

different from the other columns. Now, the bases, shafts, and capitals

of these pillars are numbered, the Inghest number discovered being

19. I found 15 numbered shafts, of which No. 18 is in the north

cloister, far away from its fellows. I found also 18 numbered bases,

and 7 numbered capitals; but only m one instance, that of No. 10,

do the numbers of base, shaft, and capital, as they now stand, rae

Here, then, we have a direct and convincing proof that these particular

pillars have all been re-arranged. The total number of shafts dis-

covered was only 15, but they were all numbered. Of the bases,

I discovered 19, of which 4 were square, and 15 had the angles

recessed, like all the shafts. Of the capitals, all of one uniform

pattern, I found 20, of which one was inscribed with the number 19,

From a these facts I conclude, with a probability amounting almost

to pen that the temple from which these pillars were obtained

consisted of 20 columns only. On No. 12 shaft there is the word

xin Report of the Archeological Survey.

Kachal in Nagari letters on one face, with the date of 1124 on another

face, which, referred to the Vikramaditya Samvat, is equivalent to

A. D. 1067, at which time Anang Pal 2nd, the founder of Lalkot, was

reigning in Dill.

79. But the mason’s marks on the stones of this temple were not

confined to the pillars, as I discovered them on no less than 18 dif-

ferent portions of its entablature. These marks are more than usually

detailed, but unfortunately, in spite of their length and apparent

clearness, I am still unable to make them out completely. They will

be found in plate 3, along with a drawing of the pillar itself. The

marks are the following :— 7

A.—Chapa Vida 3 .......... seeoevee Upper Vida (?) No. 38.

B.— Chapa Vida 4 oo... ccc cec eevee Ditto (€) No. 4.

C.—Pitchukt | ....scecesecees. Rear (?) No. 4.

D.—Pichakt 5 pachhim..... Rear (?) No. 5 west.

Ei. —Vt Chath... 2c. cccearcereernens Viet () fourth.

F'.—Vi panchama ......... secseeeee Vid (?) fifth,

G.—Prathama Dishen .......... .. First Arehitrave.

H.—Pachchhim Raki Dashen ... West side Architrave.

K.—Purab Prathama ............ Hast first.

TP Ute 8 esi cicsviberescsssasses east No. 3.

M.—Péichchhim Ra 3 A-(ge?) ... West side No. 3., front?

N.—Pachchhim Raki pachchhe ... West side back.

O.—Pachchhim haki 6 pachehhe West side No. 6, back.

80. There is a peculiarity about the numbers of the pillars which

is worthy of note. Hach cypher is preceded by the initial letter of

the word for that number. Thus, 3 is preceded by é& tor tin, 10 by

da for das, and 16 by so for solah. The same style of marking would

appear to have been used for a second temple, as I found a pillar of

another pattern with the number dw 2, and a pilaster of the same kind

with w 19. It is possible, however, that these two shafts may have

belonged to the set of pillars just described, as they are algo of sand-

stone. Their height is exactly the same, and the numbers are two of

the five that are missing. In this case the temple would have had 4

pillars (probably an outer row) of one pattern, and 16 of another

kind, but all of the same height.

—

ats “s _— a ba 1 <=. ae om ye?

apt me mae Sa tae tn PR 0 ne 0 a

Report of the Archeological Survey. xi

81. The dimensions of these inscribed pillars are as follows :—

Ft. In. Ft. In.

a Upper member, with brackets, QO 10

Lape ee GibbOy— sss ee ees 0

1 4

SHOPl; = Bae neeeert Serpico ts oes eee 4 lls

3 ( Upper portion, ornamented,... 1 2%

Base 7 ; .

( Lower ditto, plain, ............ 0 9

ee IRS:

Total height, 8 3

82. The only other Hindu remains are the two Forts of Ldlkot

and Kat Pithora, which together formed the old Dilli of the Musal-

mans, after the building of the new Fort of Svri by Ala-uddin Khilji.

Of these two, the older Fort of Ldlkot has hitherto remained unknown,

being always described by the Musalmans as a part of the Fort of Rai

Pithora. Itis called Szvz by Lieutenant Burgess, who made a survey

of the ruins of Dilli in 1849-50, and the same name is given to it by

Messrs. Cope and Lewis in their interesting account of Firuzabad,

published in the Journal of the Archeological Society of Delhi for

1850. The reasons which induce me to identify this Fort with the

Ldlkot of Anang Pal have already been given when speaking of the

refounding of Dali, and the reasons which compel me to reject its

identification with Sirz will be detailed when I come to speak of that

place.

83. The Fort of Ldlkot, which was built by Anang Palin A. D.

1060, is of an irregular rounded oblong form, 2+ miles in circumference,

Its walls are as lofty and as massive as those of Tughlakabad, although

the blocks of stone are not so colossal. By different measurements

1 found the ramparts to be from 28 to 80 feet in thickness, of which

the parapet is just one-half. ‘The same thickness of parapet is algo

derived from the measurement given by Ibn Batuta in A. D. 1340,

who says that the walls were eleven cubits thick. Accepting this

measure as the same that was in use in Firuz Shah’s time, namely, of

16 inches, as derived from the length of Firuz Shah’s pillar, the thick-

ness of the walls of old Dill was 142 feet. These massive ramparts

have a general height of 60 feet above the bottom of the ditch, which

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_xliv Report of the Archeological Survey.

still exists in very fair order all round the Fort, except on the south

side, where there is a deep and extensive hollow that was most pro-

bably once filled with water. About one-half of the main walls are

still standing as firm and as solid as when they were first built. At

all the salient points there are large bastions from 60 to 100 feet in

diameter. ‘T'wo of the largest of these, which are on the north side,

are called the Mateh Burj and the Sohan Burj. The long lines of

wall between these bastions are broken by numbers of smaller towers

well splayed out at the base, and 45 feet in diameter at top, with

curtains of 80 feet between them. Along the base of these towers,

which are still 30 feet in height, there is an outer line of wall forming

a raont or faussebraie, which is also 80 feet in height. The parapet

of this wall has entirely disappeared, and the wall itself is so much

broken, as to afford an easy descent into the ditch in many places.

The upper portion of the counterscarp walls has nearly all fallen down,

excepting on the north-west side, where there is a double line of works

strengthened by detached bastions.

84. ‘The positions of three of the gateways in the west half of

the Fort are easily recognized; but the walls of the eastern half are

so much broken, that it is now only possible to guess at the probable

position of one other gate. The north gate is judiciously placed in

the re-entering angle close to the Sohan Burj, where it still forms

a deep gap in the lofty mass of rampart, by which the cowherds enter

with their cattle. The west gate is the only one of which any portion

of the walls now remains. It is said to have been called the Ranjit

gate. This gateway was 17 feet wide, and there is still standing on

the left-hand side a large upright stone, with a groove for guiding the

ascent and the descent of a portcullis. This stone is 7 feet in height

above the rubbish, but it is probably not less than 12 or 15 feet. If

is 2 feet 1 inch broad and 1 foot 3 inches thick. The approach to

this gate is guarded by no less than three small out-works, The

south gate is in the southmost angle near Adan Khan’s tomb. I¢ is

now a mere gap in the mass of rampart. On the south-east side,

there must, I think, have been a gate near Sir Thomas Metcalfe’s

house, leading towards Tughlakabad and Mathura.

85. Syad Ahmad states, on the authority of Zia Barni, that the

west gate of Rai Pithora’s Fort was called the Ghazni gate after the

Musalman conquest, because the Ghazni troops had gained the fortress

ae a so hig eS WI SI eA Sn

Report of the Archeological Survey. , = haky

by that entrance. I feel satishied that this must be the Lanjit gate

of Lalkot for the following reasons :—

Ist.—The Musalmans never make any mention of Lalkot, but

always include it as a part of Rat Pithora’s Fort.

Ond.—The possession of the larger and weaker fortress of Rai Pithora

could not be ealled the conquest of Delhi, while the stronger citadel

of Lalkot still held out.

9yd.—The evident care with which the approach to the Aanjit gate

has been strengthened by a double line of works, and by three separate

out-works immediately in front of the gateway itself, shows that this

must have been considered as the weakest point of the fortress, and

therefore that it was the most likely to have been attacked. For this

reason I conclude that the Ranjit gate was the one by which the

MusaimAns entered Lalkot, the citadel of Dilli, and that, having proved

its weakness by their own success, they at once proceeded to strengthen

the works at this point for their own security. A case exactly similar

occurred less than forty years afterwards, when the Emperor Altamish,

having gained an entrance into the fortress of Gwalior by the deep

ravine on the west side called Urwdhi, immediately closed it by a

massive wall, to prevent his enemies from taking advantage of the

same weak point. I believe that the western gate was called the

Ghazni gate for the simple reason only that Ghazni les to the west

of Delhi.

86. The Fort of Rai Pithora, which surrounds the citadel of Lalkot

on three sides, would appear to have been built to protect the Hindu

city of Dilli from the attacks of the Musalmans. As early as A. D.

1100, the descendants of Mahmud, retiring from Ghazni before the

rising power of the Saljukis, had fixed their new capital at Lahore,

although Ghazni still belonged to their kingdom, and was occasionally

the seat of Government. But a new and more formidable enemy soon

appeared, when the celebrated Muaz-uddin Sam, commonly called

Muhammad Ghori, after capturing the cities of Multan and Pesh4-

war, appeared before Lahore in A. D. 1180, and put an end to the

Ghaznavide dynasty by the capture of their capital in A. D. 1186.

The danger was Or ee, and only 5 years later, in A. D. 1191,

we find the Ghori King in full march on Ajmere. But the Raja of

Dilli was well prepared for this invasion, and, with the aid of his allies

he defeated the Musalmans, with great slaughter, at Tilaor :

2, midway

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xlvi feeport of the Archeological Survey.

between Karnal and Thanesar. As the first appearance of the formid-

able Ghoris before Lahore corresponds so nearly with the accession of

Prithivi Raja, I think it very probable that the fortification of the

eiby of Dili was forced upon the Raja by a well-grounded apprehen-

sion that Dilh itself might soon ke attacked; and so it happened, for

within two years after the battle of Zilaori, the Raja was a prisoner,

and Dill was in the possession of the MusalmAns.

87. The circuit of Rai Pithora’s Fort is 4 miles and 8 furlongs, or

just three times as much as that of Zdlkot. But the defences of the

city are in every way inferior to those of the citadel. The walls are

one half the height, and the towers are placed at much longer intervals.

The wall of the city is carried from the north bastion of Lalkot, called

Hateh Burj, to the north-east for three quarters of a mile, where it

turns to the south-east for 13 miles to the Damdama Burj. From

this bastion the direction of the wall for about 1 mile is south-west,

and then north-west for a short distance to the south end of the hill

on which Azim Khan’s tomb is situated. Beyond this point the wall

can be traced for some distance to the south along the ridge which was

most probably connected with the south-east corner of Lalkot., some-

where in the neighbourhood of Sir 'T. Metcalfe’s house.

88. The Fort of Rai Pithora is said to have had 9 gates besides the

Ghazni gate. Four of these gates can still be traced; the Ist is on

the west side, and is covered by an out-work ; the 2nd is on the north

side, towards Indrpat ; the 3rd is on the east side, towards Tughlakabad ;

and the 4th is on the south-east side. But besides these there must

have been other gates somewhere on the south side, one of which could

not have been far from Sir T. Metealfe’s house. Such was the Hindu

eity of Dilli when it was captured by the Musalmans in January 1199.

The circuit of its walls was nearly 43 miles, and it covered a space of

ground equal to one-half of the modern Shahjahénabad, the Capital of

the Mogul Sovereigns of India. It possessed 27 Hindu temples, of

which several hundreds of richly carved pillars remain to attest both

the taste and the wealth of the last Hindu Rulers of Dilli.

MUHAMMADAN REMAINS.

89. The first Musalman Sovereigns of Delhi are said to have

remained content with the fortress of Rai Pithora, although it seems

highly probable that they must have added to the defences of the west

satel ei Rig oT i a na ES

1 FT phen hm G4 dnc Wr we PUP a

Report of the Archeological Survey. xlvii

gate, by which they had entered Lalkot, the citadal of the Hindu Kings.

But though the first Musalman Kings did not build huge forts or

extensive cities to perpetuate their names, yet in the Great Mosque

and magnificent column of Kutb-uddin Aibeg, as well as in the richly

carved tomb of Altamish, they have left behind them a few wonderful

works, which are in every way more worthy of our admiration.

90. The Great Mosque of Kutb-uddin was called the Jdma

Masjid, according to the inscription over the inner archway of the east

entrance. But it is now more commonly known as the Masjid-i-Kutb-

ul Islam, or the “ Mosque of the Pole Star of Islamism,” a name which

appears to preserve that of its founder. It seems probable, however,

that the Kutb Mosque, as well as the Jéinar, may have been named

after the contemporary Saint Kutb-uddin Ushi, whose tomb is close by ;

Syad Ahmad adds that the Mosque was also called the Adina Masjid.

This Great Mosque, which even in ruin is one of the most magnificent

works in the world, was seen by Ibn Batuta* about 150 years after its

erection, when he describes it as having no equal, either for beauty or

extent. In the time of Timur, the people of old Delhi prepared to

defend the Great Mosque, but they were all, according to the Muham-

madan Historian Sharif-uddin, despatched by the sword “ to the deepest

hell.” The Mosque is not mentioned by Baber, although he notices

the Minar and the tomb of Khwaja Kutb-uddin, which he perambu-

lated.+ It is not mentioned either by Abul Fazl; but no inference can

be drawn from his silence, as he does not even allude to the Kutb Minar.

The Minar itself was repaired during the reign of Sikandar Lodi: but

we hear nothing of the Great Mosque, from which, perhaps, it may be

inferred either that it was still in good order, or that it was too much

ruined to be easily repaired. I conclude that the latter was the case

as it seems probable that the permanent removal of the Court ce

Delhi to Firuzabad must have led to the gradual abandonment of the

old city. We have a paralled case in the removal of the Hindu Court

| aS to Bari in the time of Mahmud of Ghazni. This removal

00 ace in A. D. ; ithi

Abu Bihan Le a a ae be

) having been deserted by its ruler, “ fell

to ruin.”

ies oe ee = pees was pen immediately after

. 1. 989, or A. D. 1193, as recorded by the

* Travels, p. 111, * Memoirs, p. 308.

—

lis

}

5.’

‘ we

ees eg eee

~ Tie 2. Le ’

re:

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xlviii feeport of the Archeological Survey.

King himself, in the long inscription over the inner archway of the

east entrance. The date is given by Syad Ahmad as 587, but this

difference in the unit has been caused by his own omission of the two

points of the initial letter of the word isa, e~3, or nine, instead of

Saba, ei», or “seven,” as he has got it. In this inscription, as well

as in the shorter one over the outer archway of the same gate, Kutb-

uddin refrains from calling himself by the title of Sultan, which he

bestows on his Suzerain Muaz-uddin in the inscription over the north

gateway. ‘This last inscription is dated in A. H. 592. And here

again I have to notice the omission of two points in the Syad’s copy

of the second number of the date. In my copy, which was taken in

1859, I find the word (A, tisain, or “ninety,” quite complete. In

this inscription it is recorded that the foundation of the Masjid was

laid in the reign of the Sultan Mudiz-uddin Muhammad, bin Sdm (in

the time of the Khalif) Waser, Chief of the Faithful. The date of

A. H. 592, or A. D. 1196, must therefore I think, be referred to the

completion of the building. It is true that three years may seem but

a short time for the completion of this large Mosque, yet, when we

remember that the whole of the stones were obtained ready squared

from the Hindu temples on the spot, our wonder will cease, and any

doubts that might have arisen in our minds will be dissipated at once.

92. ‘The /déma Masjid is not so large aS many buildings of the

same kind that have been raised in later years, such as the great

Mosques of Jonpur and others; but it is still unrivalled for its grand

line of gigantic arches, and for the graceful beauty of the flowered

tracery which covers its walls. The front of the Masjid is a wall

8 feet thick, pierced by a line of seven noble arches. ‘The centre arch

is 22 feet wide and nearly 53 feet in height, and the side arches are

10 feet wide and 24 feet high. Through these gigantic arches the

first Musalmans of Delhi entered a magnificent room 185 feet long

and 31 feet broad, the roof of which was supported on five rows of

the tallest and finest of the Hindu pillars. The Mosque is approached

through a cloistered court, 145 feet in length from east to west, and

96 feet in width. In the midst of the west half of this court, stands

the celebrated Iron Pillar, surrounded by cloisters formed of several

rows of Hindu columns of infinite variety of design, and of most

delicate execution. There are three entrances to the court of the

Masjid, each 10 feet in width, of which the eastern entrance was the

J Ne eget oe eS ep ED Te rete WS ATE RR Se PET 10 0k enema es ae Se

Report of the Archeological Survey. xlix

principal one. The southern entrance has disappeared long ago, but

the other two are still in good order, with their interesting inscrip-

tions in large Arabic letters.

93. I have already noticed that the whole of the beautiful Hindu

pillars in these cloisters were originally covered with plaster by the

idol-hating Musalmans as the readiest way of removing the infidel

images from the view of true believers. A further proof of this may

be seen on two stones in the north side of the court, one fixed in the

inner wall in the north-east angle just above the pillars, and the other

in the outer wall between the north gate and the north-east corner.

The inner sculpture represents several well known Hindu gods,—Ist,

Vishnu lying on a couch with a lotus rising from his navel, and covered

by a canopy, with two attendants, one standing at his head and one

sitting at his feet; 2nd, a seated figure not recognized ; 3rd, Indra

on his elephant ; 4th, Brahma with three heads seated on his goose ;

Sth, Siva, with his trident seated on his bull nandi ; 6th, a figure with

lotus seated on some animal not recognized. The outer sculpture

is of a different description. The scene shows two rooms with

a half-opened door between them. In each room there is a female

lying on a couch with a child by her side, a canopy over her

head, and an attendant at her feet. In the left-hand room two females

are seen carrying children towards the door, and in the right-hand

room, two others are doing the same. The whole four of these

females appear to be hastening towards the principal figure in the

right-hand room. I am unable to offer any explanation of this very

curious scene. But as itis quite certain that these figures could not

have been exposed to the sight of the early Musalmdns, I conclude

that these stones must also have been carefully plastered over.

94. During the reign of Altamish, the son-in-law of Kutb-uddin,

the Great Mosque was much enlarged by the addition of two wings

to the north and south, and by the erection of a new cloistered court

six times as large as the first court. The fronts of the two wing

buildings are pierced by five arches each, the middle arches being 24

feet span, the next arches 18 feet, and the outer arches only 84 feet.

The walls are of the same thickness, and their ornamental scrolls are

of the same delicate and elaborate tracery as those of the original

Mosque. But though the same character ig thus preserved in these

new buildings, it would seem that they were not intended simply as

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additions to the Jama Masjid, but as new and separate Mosques. J

infer this from the existence of a large niche in the middle of the rear

wall of the north wing, which, as far as my observation goes, is the

usual mode of construction for the middle of the back wall of every

large Mosque. The whole front of the Jama Masjid, with its new

additions, is 384 feet in length, which is also the length of its cloistered

court. ‘The wall on the south side of the court, as well as the south

end of the east wall, are fortunately in good preservation, and, as

about three-fourths of the columns are still standing, we are able to

measure the size of the enclosure with precision, and to reckon the

number of columns with tolerable certainty. The number of columns

must have been as nearly as possible 600, and as each of them consists

of two Hindu shafts, the whole number of Hindu pillars thus brought

‘inte use could not have been less than 1,200. By my measurements

the court is a square of 862 feet inside the walls, of which the west

wall, which isthe front of the Masjid, is only 8 feet thick, the other

walls being 11 feet thick. The whole area covered by the Masjid and

its court is therefore 420 feet by 384 feet; and exactly in the middle

of the south side of this great quadrangle stands the majestic column

called Autb Minar, within 11 feet of the line of cloister pillars.

95. During the present century, much speculation has been wasted

as to the origin of the Kutb Minar, whether it is a purely Muham-

madan building, or a Hindu building altered and completed by the

conquerors. ‘The latter 1s undoubtedly the common belief of the

people, who say that the pillar was built by Rai Pithora for the pur-

pose of giving his daughter a view of the River Jumna. Some people

even say that the intention was to obtain a view of the Ganges, and

that, the Kutb Minar having failed to secure this, a second pillar of

double the size was commenced, but the work was interrupted by the

conquest of the Musalmans. The first part of this tradition was warmly

adopted by Sir T. Metcalfe, and it has since found a strong advocate

in Syad Ahmad, whose remarks are quoted with approval by Mr.

Cooper in his recent hand-book for Delhi. Syad Ahmad, however,

refers only the basement story to Rai Pithora; but this admission

involves the whole design of the column, which preserves the same

marked character throughout all the different stories. The Hindu

theory has found a stout opponent in Colonel Sleeman, who argues

that the _ slope of the building “is the peculiar characteristic of

7 4, ‘ = re ae , . a : .

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aches re TS hice Hig nanan neon aaa Se Fer RR Saat eg pei

Report of the Archeological Survey. li

all architecture of the Pathans,” and that the arches of the Great

Mosque close by it “ all correspond in design, proportion, and execution

to the tower.” 7

96. Mr. Cooper* recapitulates Syad Ahmad’s arguments, and

finally states as his opinion that it “ remains an open question whether

this magnificent pillar was commenced by the Hindus or Muham-

madans.” I must confess, however, that I am myself quite satisfied

that the building is entirely a Muhammadan one, both as to origin

and to design; although, no doubt, many, perhaps all, of the beauti-

ful details of the richly decorated balconies may be Hindu. To me

these decorations seem to be purely Hindu, and just such as may be

seen in the honeycomb enrichments of the domes of most of the old

Hindu temples. The arguments brought forward in support of the

Hindu origin of the column are the following :-—

97. Ist.—‘ That there is only ene Minar, which is contrary to

the practice of the Muhammadans, who always give two Minars to

their Masjids.” I allow that this has been the practice of the Muham-

madans for the last three hundred years at least, and I will even

admit that the little corner turrets or pinnacles of the Kala, or Kalan,

Masjid of Firuz Shah, may be looked upon as Minars. This would

extend the period of the use of two Minars to the middle of the 14th

century ; hut it must be remembered that these little turrets of

Firuz Shah’s Masjid are not what the Musalmans called Mazinahs,

or lofty towers, from the top of which the Muazzin ealls the faithful

to prayer. But the Kutb Minar is a MMazinah ; and that it was the

practice of the early Muhammadans to build a single tower, we have

the most distinct and satisfactory proofs in the two Minars of Ghazni,

which could not have belonged to one Masjid, as they are half a mile

apart, and of different sizes. These Minars were built by Mahmud

in the early part of the 11th century, or about 180 years prior to the

erection of the Kutb Minar. Another’ equally decisive proof of this

practice is the solitary Minar at Koel, which was built in A. H. 652,

or A. D. 1254, by Kutlugh Khan during the reign of Nasiruddin

Mahmud, the youngest son of Altamish, in whose time the Kutb

Minar itself was completed. These still existing Minars of Ghazni

and Koel show that it was the practice of the early Muhammadans to

* Hand-book for Delhi, p, 73.

a 2

hi deeport of the Archeological Survey.

have only one Minar even down to so late a date as the middle of the

13th century.

98. 2nd.—lIt is objected that the slope of the Kutb Minar is much

greater than that of any other known Minars. This objection has

already been satisfactorily answered by Colonel Sleeman, who says

truly that “the slope is the peculiar characteristic of the architecture

of the Pathans.”

99. 38rd.—Syad Ahmad agrees that, if the Minar had been intended

as a Mazinah to the Great Mosque, it would have been erected at one

end of it, instead of being at some distance from it. In reply to this

objection I can point again to the Koel Minar, which occupies exactly

the same detached position with regard to the Jama Masjid of Koel

as the Kuth Minar does with respect to the Great Mosque of Delhi.

Both of them are placed outside the south-east corner of their respec-

tive Masjids. This coincidence of position seems to me sufficient to

settle the questicn in favour of the Kutb Minar having been intended

as a Mazinah of the Great Mosque.

100. 4th.—Syad Ahmad further argues “that the entrance door

faces the north, as the Hindus always have it,” whereas the Muham-

madans invariably place it to the eastward, as may be seen in the

unfinished “ Minar of Ala-uddin to the north of the Kutb Minar.”

Once more I appeal to the Koel Minar, which, be it remembered, was

erected by the son of the Emperor who completed the building of the

Kutb Minar, and which may therefore be looked upon as an almost

contemporary work. In the Koel Minar the entrance door is to the

north, exactly asin the Kutb Minar. In both instances, I believe

that it was so placed chiefly for the convenience of the Muazzin when

going to call the faithful to prayer. I think, also, that Syad

Ahmad has overlooked the fact that the Minars of modern days are

“engaged” towers, that is, they form the ends of the front wall of the

Mosque, and, as the back wall of every Mosque is to the westward,

the entrances to the “engaged” Minars must necessarily be to the

eastward. But the case is entirely different with a solitary disengaged

Minar of which the entrance would naturally be on the side nearest

to its Masjid. But waiving this part of the discussion, I return to

the fact that the entrance of the Koel Minar is to the northward

exactly the same as in the Kutb Minar, and that the entrances to the

two great tombs of Bahdwal Hak and Rukn-uddin in Multan are not

+ FF igen ans 54 ei aI OP REE Fae REE

Report of the Archeological Survey. hit

to the eastward but to the southward, as are also those of the Taj Mahal,

and of most other modern tombs. The only exception that I know is the

tomb of Altamish, of which theentrance is to theeastward. Theargument

of Syad Ahmad includes also the position of the entrance doors of Hindu

buildings, which, as he says, are always placed to the northward.

But this is an undoubted mistake, as a very greab majority of Hindu

temples have their entrances to the eastward. On referring to my

note-books, I find that, out of 50 temples, of which I have a record,

no less than 38 have their entrances to the east, 10 to the west, and

only 2 to the north, both of which last are in the Fort of Gwalior.

101. 4th.—Syad Ahmad further objects that “it is customary for

the Hindus to commence such buildings without any platform (or

plinth), whereas the Muhammadans always erect their buildings upon

a raised terrace or platform, as may be seen in the unfinished Minar

of Ala-uddin Khilji.” In this statement about the Hindu buildings,

Syad Ahmad is again mistaken, as it is most undoubtedly the usual

custom of the Hindus to raise their temples on plinths. I can point

to the gigantic Buddhist temple at Buddha Gaya as springing from a

plinth nearly 20 feet in height. The two largest temples in the Fort

of Gwalior, one Brahmanical and the other Jain, are both raised on

plinths, so also are the elaborately sculptured temples of Kajraha,

and so are most of the temples in Kashmir. Lastly, the Great Pillar

at Chitor has a plinth not less than 8 or 10 feet in height, as may be

seen in Fergusson’s and Tod’s Drawings, and which Tod* describes

as “an ample terrace 42 feet square.” ‘The smaller pillar at Chitor

must also have a good plinth, as. Fergusson describes the entrance as

at some height above the base. That the Muhammadans in India

also erect their buildings on plinths or raised terraces, I readily

admit ; for, on the same principle that a cuckoo may be said to build

a nest, the Musalmans usually placed their buildings on the sites of

Hindu temples which they had previously destroyed. The Mosques

at Mathura, Kanoj, and Jonpur, are signal examples of this practice.

The raised terrace is therefore only an accidental adjunct of the

Muhammadan building, whereas it is a fundamental part of the Hindu

structure. But the early Musalmans did no¢ place their buildings on

raised terraces or platforms, as may be seen by a reference to the

drawings of Mosques in Syria and Persia, which are given in Fer-

gusson’s Hand-book.t The Ghaznivides also, who were the more

* Rajasthan, II. 761. t Vol. L, p. 415.

eS ee RS

liv Leeport of the Archeological Survey,

immediate predecessors of the Indian Musalmans, built their Minars

at Ghazni without plinths. The contemporary tomb of Altamish ig iF

likewise without a plinth. From all these facts I infer that the early

Musalman structures in India were usually built without plinths, and

therefore that the Kutb Minar is undoubtedly a Muhammadan ie

building. ie

102. 5th.—The last argument brought forward by Syad Ahmad ip

is, that bells, which are used in Hindu worship, are found sculptured .

on the lower part of the basement story of the Kutb Minar. It is fl

true that bells are used in the daily worship of the Hindus, and also at

that they are a common ornament of Hindu columns, as may be “fi

seen on most of the pillars in the cloisters of the Great Mosque. But io

bells are no more idolatreus than flowers, which are used in such

profusion in the daily service of the Hindu temples. The fact is,

that, where Muhammadan Mosques have been built of the materials

stolen from Hindu Temples, such portions of architectural ornament ,

as were free from figures either of men or of animals, were invariably =.

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made use of by the conquerors. For this reason most of the orna-

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circle, which is completely covered with Arabic inscriptions. One of

the Hindu circles is made up solely of the Swastzka or mystic cross of -k

the early Indians. This symbol is essentially an idolatrous one,

although it is most probable that the Musalmans were not aware of r

its significance. But if the ornamental bells of the Kutb Minar are Oh

to be taken as a proof of its Hindu origin, even so must the orna-

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t of Hindu materials, but these have been skilfully re-arranged by the "Whe

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design of the building is strictly Muhammadan, while its ornament- ‘ty

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Report of the Archeological Survey. lv

103. The strong evidence which I have brought forward in reply

to the arguments of Syad Ahmad and others, appears to me to be

quite conclusive as to the origin of the Kuth Minar, which is essenti-

ally a Muhammadan building. But the strongest evidence in favour

of this conclusion is the fact that the Musalmans, of Ghazni had

already built two separate Minars of similar design, whereas the only

Hindu pillar of an early date, namely, the smaller column at

Chitor, is altogether dissimilar, both in plan and in detail. The

entrance to this Hindu tower is at some height above the ground,

while that of the Kutb Minar is absolutely on the ground level. The

summit of the Hindu tower is crowned by an open pillared temple of

almost the same width as the base of the building, whereas the cupola

of the Kutb Minar is little more than one-sixth of the diameter of its

base. But this small cupola of less than 9 feet in diameter was pecu-

harly adapted for one special purpose connected with the performance

of the Muhammadan religion. From this narrow point the Muazzin

could summon the faithful to prayer from all sides by simply turning

round and repeating the Jzan, and on all sides he would be visible to

the people. The small size of the cupola which crowns the Kutb

Minar, is a characteristic peculiar to Muhammadan towers for the

special reason which I have just mentioned. On this account, there-

fore, 1 conclude that the Kutb Minar isa Mazinah or Muazzin’s

tower.

104. That the Kutb Minar was actually used as a Mazinah, we

may infer from the records of Shamsi Siraj, who, about A. D. 1880,

records that the magnificent Minar in the Jama Masjid of old Delhi

was built by Sultan Shams-uddin Altamish. But the fact is placed

beyond all doubt by Abulfeda, who wrote about A. D. 1800. He

describes the AMJazinah of the Jama Masjid at Delhi as made of red

stone and very lofty, with many sides and 360 steps.

Now this description can be applied only to the Kutb Minar, which,

as 16 at present stands, has actually 379 steps; but we know that the

Minar was struck by lightning in the reign of Firuz Shah, by whose

orders it was repaired in A. D. 1868. There is therefore nothing

improbable in the account of Abulfeda that the Minar in his time had

only 860 steps. On the contrary, I accept the statement as a valuable

hint towards ascertaining the height of the original Minar as com-

pleted by the Emperor Altamish. }

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105. The object of building this lofty column seems to me to be

clear enough. ‘The first Musalman conquerors were an energetic race,

whose conceptions were as bold and daring as their actions. When

the zealous Muhammadan looked on the great city of Delhi, the

metropolis of the princely Tomars and the haughty Chohans, his first

wish would have been to humble the pride of the infidel ; his second, to

exalt the religion of his prophet Muhammad. ‘To attain both of these

objects, he built a lofty column, from whose summit the Dfwazzin’s call

to morning and evening prayer could be heard on all sides by Hindus

as well as by Musalmans. The conqueror’s pride was soothed by the

daily insult and indignity thus offered to the infidel, while his religious

feelings were gratified by the erection of a noble monument which

towered majestically over the loftiest houses in the city.

106. ‘The Kutb Minar as it stands now is 288 feet and 1 inch in

height, with a base diameter of 47 feet 3 inches, and an upper diameter

of nearly 9 feet. The base or plinth of the pillar is 2 feet in height, —

the shait is 234 feet and 1 inch, and the base or stump of the old cupola

is 2 feet more; thus making the whole height 238 feet 1 inch. The

shaft is divided into five stories, of which the lower story is 94 feet 1]

inches in height, and the upper story is 22 feet 4 inches, the two

measurements together being just equal to one-half of the height of the

column. The height of the second story is 50 feet 83 inches, that of

the third story is 40 feet 93 inches, and that of the fourth story 1s 25 feet

4: inches, or just one-half of the height of the second story. There are

two other proportions which may be noticed, as they most probably

entered into the original design of the building. The column, as it

stands now, omitting only the stump of the old cupola, is just five

diameters in height ; thus, 47 feet 3 inches, multiplied by 5, gives 236

feet 3 inches as the height of the column, which is only 2 inches in

excess of the mean measurement. Again, the lower story is just two

diameters in height. Both of these proportions were, I presume,

intentional. But there is another coincidence of measurements, which

is, I think, too curious to have been intentional, namely, that the

circumference of the base is equal to the sum of the diameters of the

six stories of the building, the old cupola being considered as a sixth

story.

107. As some of the dimensions here given differ from those recorded

by Ensign Blunt in the Asiatic Researches, it is necessary that I

, oe ‘ cere meetin in is NS SS ED RON OED

FET Di cet ct ne Se WORRIES ZS art Hn CA eH ERG HST ig SO SSN = : ess = : = =

Report of the Archeological Survey. Ivil

should state that they are the mean results of two sets of measurements,

the first taken by myself in 1839, and the other by Sir Frederick

Abbott im 1846. I now give these measurements in detail for

comparison :—

A. D. 1839. A. D. 1846. Mean. Blunt.

Ht. In, Ht. In, Ht. dn, Ft. In.

Upper story 21 10 22 10 22 A

4th story wo. 20 4 25 4 25 4 23 0

ord, 40-9 40 10 40 93 40 0

Pad 5, ... 00 10 50 7 50 8% 50 O

Basement stery .. 95 38 94 7 94 11 90 0

234 0 284 2 234 1

Plinth so oe 2 0 2 0

236 OQ 236 2 2386 1

Stump ofold cupola... 2 O 2 0 2 0

Total present height... 288 0 288 2 288 1 242 6

The only way in which I can account for the great difference of 5 feet in

the height of the lower story between Blunt’s measurements taken in

1794 and the actual height as it now stands, is by supposing that there

must have been an accumulation of rubbish at the foot of the tower

which would have diminished the actual height of the basement story.

His heights of the second and third stories agree very closely with my

measurements, but that of the fourth story is mere than 2 feet short

of the true height. The height of the fifth story is not given.

108. In recording Blunt’s measurements Mr. Fergusson has, I

think, made a mistake in excluding the eupola from the ascertained

height of 242 feet 6 inches. Blunt distinctly states that the height

of the third story was 180 feet, which, deducted from 2421 will give

no less than 625 feet for the height of the two upper stories. But

this height, as we know from present measurements, is only 25 feet 4

inches, plus 22 feet 4 inches, or altogether 47 feet 8 inches, which

deducted from 623 feet leaves 14 feet 10 inches unaccounted for. I[

conclude, therefore, that this must have been the height of the cupola

as it stood in A. D. 1794. Accepting this view as correct, the true

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height of the Kutb Minar in 1794 must have been 236 feet 1 inch, |

plus 14 feet 10 inches, or 250 feet 11 inches.

109. The base or plinth of the Kutb Minar is a polygon of 24

sides, each side measuring 6 feet 14 inches, or altogether 147 feet,

The basement story has the same number of faces formed into convex

flutes, which are alternately angular and semi-circular. This last fact

alone is sufficient to show the inaccuracy of Blunt’s description of the

plan as a polygon of 27 sides,* as any uneven number of faces would

have brought two flutes of the same kind together. In the second

story the flutes are all semi- circular, and in the third story they are

all angular. The fourth story is circular and plain, and the fifth

story is partially fluted with convex semi-circular flutes. Round the

top of each story runs a bold projecting balcony, which is richly and

elaborately decorated. The three lower stories are also ornamented

with belts of Arabic writing, bordered with richly decorated bands.

These three stories are built entirely of red sandstone, but there is a

difference in the colours of the stone, that of the second story being

generally a pale pinkish buff, while that of the third story is a dark

red. ‘The whole of the upper part of the fourth story is built of

white marble, and there are also two ornamental bands of white

marble in the fifth story. According to Ibn Batuta,} the pillar was

said to have been built “of stones from seven different quarries; but

I could not trace more than three different kinds of stone, viz., the

grey quartzose rock of Delhi, the white marble of Jaipur, and the

red sandstone of the hills to the south of Delhi. If, however, the

different colours of the sand-stone be taken into account, there are

certainly three distinct colours, or buff, pink, and red, which may be

considered as forming three distinct varieties of sand-stone. The

grey quartzose stone is used only in the interior of the building, and

the white marble is confined to the two upper stories. Inside the

pillar there is a spiral stair-case of 376 steps from the ground level

to the balcony of the fifth story. Above this, there are three steps

more to the present top of the stone-work, which once formed the

floor of the paltry pavilion which Major Robert Smith was allowed to

stick on the top of this noble column.

110. In 1794, when Ensign Blunt sketched the Kutb Minar, the

* Asiatic Researches of Bengal, TV., 324.

+ Travels—p. 111.

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Report of the Archeological Survey. lix

old cupola of Firuz Shah was still standing, although much ruined.

Blunt’s rude Sketch, as given in the Asiatic Researches, conveys no

intelligible idea of the old cupola, and is sarcastically compared by

Robert Smith to “a large stone harp.” A better idea of the old

eupola will be formed from an aquatint view of the pillar given in

Blagdon’s “ Brief History of India,” which was published about 18—.

By comparing this view with the statement of the Natives that the

eld cupola was a “plain square top on four stone pillars,”* I think

that it would be quite possible to restore the upper part of the pillar

in a style that would harmonize with the rest of the building. It is

difficult, indeed, to conceive anything more incongruous than the

flimsy Mogul pavilion, which Robert Smith fixed on the “top of this

grand and massive specimen of Pathan architecture.” In my Note-

book of 1839, I find a remark that “the balustrades of the balconies

and the plain shght building on the top of the pillar do not harmo-

nize with the massive and richly ornamented Pathan architecture.”

Major Smith’s pavilion was taken down in 1847 or 1848 by order of Lord

Hardinge. I presume that this was done at the suggestion of his

eldest son, the present Lord Hardinge, whose known artistic taste and:

skill would at once have detected the architectural unfitness of such

a flimsy pavilion for the summit of this noble column.

111. On the Ist August 1808, the old cupola of the Kutb Minar

was thrown down, and the whole pillar seriously injured by an earth-

quake. A drawing of the pillar while it was in this state was made

by Captain Elliot upwards of two years after the earthquake, but the

engraving of this drawing is too small to show the nature of the

balustrades of the balconies. About this time the dangerous state of

the pillar was brought to the notice of the Governor-General, who

authorized the necessary repairs to be begun at once. This difficult

work was entrusted to Major Robert Smith, of the Engineers, and

was completed by the beginning of the year 1828, at a cost of Rs.

17,000, with a further charge of more than Rs. 5,000 for clearing the

ruins around the pillar. The intricate nature of some of these yepairs

can be best seen and understood by an examination of Mallitte’s large

photograph of the lower baleony. All the forms of the mouldings

have been carefully preserved, but the rich ornamentation has been

* Robert Smith’s Report in Journal, Archeological Society of Delhi,

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omitted as too costly, and the new stone-work is therefore quite plain

throughout. ‘This part of the work appears to have been done with

much patience and skill, and Major Smith deserves credit for the

conscientious care whieh he bestowed upon it. But this commenda-

tion must be confined to the repairs, for the restorations of the

entrance door-way, of the balustrades, and of the cupola, are altogether

out of keeping with the rest of the pillar.

112. It appears from Major Smith’s Report that the old entrance

doorway was still in existence at that time, although mueh broken. This

being the case, he should have adhered strictly to the original design,

instead of which, to use his own words, “the former rude and frac-

tured entrance door of the base of the column (was) repaired, and

anproved with new mouldings, frieze, and repair of the inscription

tablet.” From this statement I infer that the whole of the entrance

doorway is Smith’s own design, a conclusion whieh has already been

drawn by Mr. Fergusson, who denounces this work as being “in the

true style of Strawberry Hill Gothic.” Perhaps it may not now be

possible to recover the original design, but its main features may be

ascertained from the other three existing doorways. All of these are

plain, and 16 is evident from Major Smith’s account that the lower

doorway was also plain, or, as he calls it, “rude,” and without frieze

or mouldings, which were added by himself. I confess, therefore, that

I should like to see Smith’s doorway altogether removed, and the old

entrance restored in the simple but massive style of the other doorways.

The entrance of the Koél Minar, which is still in existence, is also

plain, and might be studied with advantage.

113, ‘Phe fimsy balustrades are even a greater eye-sore than the

modern entrance, as they form a prominent part in every view of the

building. But although not ornamental, they are useful, and might

on that account alone be tolerated. 1 would not, however, be either

difficult, or expensive to remove them, and to furnish new balustrades

more in harmony with the rich style of the balconies. Ensign Blunt

describes the old balustrades as “small battlements;” and such, I

believe, must have been the nature of the original balustrades, at once

rich and massive, like the battlements of the older tombs. The

present balustrades might be sold with advantage in Delhi, as they

belong to the flimsy style of garden-house architecture of the present&

day.

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Report of the Archeological Survey. 1xi

_ 114. The history of the Kutb Minar is written in tts inscriptions.

ih, In the basement story there are six bands or belts of inscriptions

encircling the tower. The uppermost band contains only some verses

* from the Koran, and the next below it gives the well known ninety-

* nine Arabic names of the Almighty. The third belt contains the

' name and praises of Mauz-uddin, Abul Muzafar, Muhammad Bin

Sdm. The fourth belt contains only a verse from the Koran, and the

q fifth belt repeats the name and praises of the Sultan Muhammad Bin

4 Sam. The lowermost belt has been too much injured, both by time

7 and by ignorant restorations, to admit of being read, but Syad Ahmad

i has traced the words “ Amir-ul-Umra,” or Chief of the ‘ Nobles.”

om The inscription over the entrance doorway records that “this Minar

hl of Sultan Shams-uddin Altamish having been injured, was repaired

she during the reign of Sikander Shah, son of Bahlol, by Fatah Khan,

ans the son of Khawas Khan, in A. H. 909,” or A. D. 1508.

aw 115. In the second story the inscription over the doorway records

that the Emperor Altamish ordered the completion of the Minar,

The lowermost belt contains the verses of the Koran respecting the

| summons to prayers on Friday, and the upper line contains the

praises of the Emperor Altamish. Over the door of the third story

the praises of Altamish are repeated, and again in the belt of inscrip-

tion round the column. In the fourth story the door inscription

records that the Minar was ordered to be erected during the reign of

Altamish. Theinscription over the door of the fifth story states that

| the Minar having been injured by lightning, was repaired by the

, Emperor Firuz Shah in A. H. 770 or A. D. 1868.

) 116. But besides these long inscriptions, which form part of the

architectural ornament of the pillar, there are a few other short

records which are worth preserving. On the basement story is re-

corded the name of Fazzil, son of Abul Muah, the Mutawali or high

priest; and on one side of the third story is found the name of

Muhammad Amircho, Architect. On the same story, also, there is a

| short Nagari inscription in one line with the name of Muhammad

ry Sultan and the date of Samvat 1382, or A. D. 13825, which was the

ip first year of Muhammad Tughlak’s reign. On the wall of the fourth

| story there is another Nagari inscription, in two lines, which is dated

} in the Samvet year 1425, or A. D. 1368, in the reign of Piroj Sdh, or

Firuz Shah 'Tughlak, A third Nagari inscription is found on the

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south jamb of the doorway of the fourth story, cut partly on the

white marble and partly on the red sand-stone. ‘This also gives the

name of Firuz Shah, but the date is one year later than the last, or

Samvat 1426. This is the longest and most important of the Nagari

mscriptions, but unfortunately it is not in such a state of preservation,

—more especially the upper portion on the white marble,—as to be

easily legible. I can make out the words Sr Viswakarma prasdde

rachita, and towards the end I find the title of Stlpi, or “ Architect,”

applied to the son of Chdhada Deva Pdla, named Nana Salha, who

repaired the Minar, But in the middle of the inscription I find no

Jess than five numbers given in figures, all of which are preceded by

the word gaj, as gaj 22, gaj 3, gaj 26, gaj 181, and gaj 134. TI infer

from these measurements that the inscription may probably be of

some importance in determining the nature and extent of the repairs

that were executed by Firuz Shah. As I read one passage of this

inseription, the Architect was obliged to a down (nipatit) a con-

siderable portion of the pillar.

117. It now only remains to ascertain who was the actual builder

of the Kutb Minar. The learned Syad Ahmad assigns the original

building of the basement story to Rai Pithora, and its adaptation by

the Musalmans to Kutb-uddin Aibeg. The name and titles of this

King were, he thinks, engraved in the lowermost band of inscriptions,

as the leoible words of this band correspond with portion of Aibeg’s

inscription over the inner arch of the eastern gateway of the Great

Mosque. ‘The completion of the Minar he assigns to Altamish. The

claim of the Hindus has already been fully discussed and disposed of as

altogether baseless. That of Kutb-uddin Aibeg is founded chiefly on

the fact that the pillar is called by his name, and partly on the fact that

the name of Muhammad Bin Sim is twice recorded on the lower

story of the column. ‘The occurrence of this name makes it highly

probable that the name of Kuthb-uddin Aibeg was also engraved on

this story, as argued by Syad Ahmad. With these two names en-

graved on the basement story it seems only natural to conclude that

the building of the pillar was begun by Aibeg during the life-time of

his Suzerain, Muhammad Bin SAm, and in full accordance with this

conclusion is the statement recorded over the doorway of the second

story, that the completion of the pillar was ordered by Altamish.

Under this view, the building of the Minar may have been begun by

sate ecg OT A pet A SE OT ORG ORG OA PI EET TS pte —

ARPA re F

Report of the Archeological Survey. Ix

Aibeg in about A. D. 1200, and completed by Altamish in about

1220.

118. The other view which attributes the foundation of the pillar

to Altamish is based chiefly, I believe, on the statements of Abulfeda

and Shams-i-Sirdj, which are supported by the inscription of Sikan-

dar Lodi over the entrance door of the pillar. Syad Ahmad refers to

the inscription over the doorway of the second story, which records

that Altamish ordered the completion of the Minar, as a proof that

he did not commence it. But another inscription over the doorway

of the fourth story seems to be equally explicit in assigning the

beginning of the Minar to Altamish. Both Syad Ahmad and Nawéb

Zia-uddin give the same translation of this inscription, namely, that

“the erection of this building was ordered during the reign of Shams-

uddin Altamish.” It is possible, however, that the order recorded in

this inscription may refer to the fourth story only, and as this limited

view of its meaning will bring the two otherwise conflicting inscrip~

tions into strict accord with each other, I think that it may be accept-

ed as the most probable intention of the inscriber. The statements

of Abulfeda, Shams-i-Siraj, and Sikandar Lodi, all of which agree in

calling this pillar the Minar of Altamish, may, perhaps, be explained

as conveying only the popular opinion, and are certainly not entitled

to the same weight as the two inscriptions on the basement story

which record the name and titles of Muhammad Bin Sam, the

Suzerain of Kutb-uddin Aibeg, whose name is now attached to the

pillar. The absence of Altamish’s name in the inscription of the

lower story is, I think, a conclusive proof that he himself did not

claim it as his own work.

119. According to Syad Ahmad, the Emperor Altamish erected

five stories in addition to the basement story, and another story was

atterwards added by Firuz Shah; thus making, altogether, seven

stories, of which he says that “ two have fallen down and five remain

to this day.” But both of these statements I believe to be erroneous,

for the mention of 360 steps by Abulfeda in about A. D. 1300, makes

it certain that the Minar, as completed by Altamish, could not have

been higher than the present one, which has 379 steps. The five

stories of Altamish must therefore have included the basemen¢ story,

which, although begun by Aibeg, was most probably completed by

himself, In this state the Minar must have remained uni] the reign

Ixiv Report of the Archeological Survey.

of Firuz Tughlak, when, having been struck by lightning, it was

repaired by that Emperor in A. H. 770, or A. D. 1868. The nature j

and extent of his repairs may, I think, be gathered from the inscrip-

tions; thus, the inscription of the fifth story is placed over the door-

way, and there is no record of any other Emperor on this story. I

conclude, therefore, that the whole of the fifth story was rebuilt by

Firuz Shah. But as there are two inscriptions of his reign recorded

on the fourth story, I infer that he must have made some repairs to

it also, although these repairs could not have been extensive, as the

inscription over the doorway of this story belongs to the reign of !

Altamish. Under this view, the Kutb Minar has always consisted of

five stories, from the time of 1ts completion by Altamish in about a

A. D. 1220, down to the present day. mf

120. Of the same age as the Kutb Minar is the tomb of the ‘ain

Emperor Altamish, who died in A. H. 633, or A. D. 1285. It is am

situated just outside the north-west corner of the Great Mosque, as wy

enlarged by Altamish himself. ‘Theinterior is asquare of 29% feet, Wee

with walls 7+ feet thick, making the exterior a square of 44 feet. |

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found in a small Mosque. ‘The interior walls are decorated through-- —_»

out with elaborate and highly finished ornament of great beauty. lee

But there is no dome to the building, and as there are no ruins lying "

about, it seems probable that the tomb was never finished, and that

we see it now just in the same state as 16 was left about the time of

the King’s death.

121. The only other buildings connected with the Great Mosque

of Delhi are the beautiful south gateway of the quadrangle, and the ”

gigantic unfinished Minar, both of which were the work of Ala-uddin

Khilji, who reigned from A. D. 1296 to 1316. The south gateway

is called by Syad Ahmad the Ala: Darwdza or “Gate of Ala-uddin ;” on

but this appellation is not known to the people. The age of the i"

building is, however, quite certain, as the name of Ala-uddin is severay

times repeated in the Arabic inscriptions over three of the entrances, 1

with the addition of his well known title of Sikandar Sdni, and the

date of A. H. 710, or A. D. 1310. This date had already been ™

anticipated, from the style of the building, by Mr. Fergusson, who

considered the gateway as at least a century more modern than the

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Report of the Archeological Survey. Ixv

tomb of Altamish. The building is a square of 345 feet inside, and

564 feet outside, the walls being 11 feet thick. On each side there is

a lofty doorway, with a pointed horse-shoe arch; the outer edge of

the arch being fretted, and the underside panelled. The corners of

the square are cut off by bold niches, the head of each niche being

formed by a series of five pointed horse-shoe arches, lessening in size

as they retire towards the angle. The effect of this arrangement 1s

massive and beautiful, and justly merits the praise which Mr. Fer-

gusson* has bestowed upon it, as “more simply elegant than any

other Indian example with which he was acquainted.” ‘The interior

walls are decorated with a chequered pattern of singular beauty. In

each corner there are two windows, of the same shape and style as

the doorways, but only one-third of their size. These are closed by

massive screens of marble lattice-work. ‘The exterior walls are panel-

led and inlaid with broad bands of white marble, the effect of which

is certainly pleasing. The walls are crowned by a battlemented

parapet and surmounted by a hemispherical dome. For the exterior

view of the building this dome is, perhaps, too low, but the interior

view is perfect, and, taken altogether, I consider that the gateway of

Ala-uddin is the most beautzful specimen of Pathan architecture that

I have seen. .

122. The unfinished Minar of Ala-uddin stands due north from

the Kutb Minar at a distance of 425 feet. ‘This massive pillar is

built wholly of the rough shapeless grey stone of the country, and

the surface is so uneven, that there can be no doubt it was the Archi-

tect’s intention either to have faced it with red stone, or to have

covered it with plaster. ‘The Minar stands upon a plinth 44 feet in

width, and the same in height, which is raised upon a terrace 21 feet

in breadth and 73 in height. The rough mass of the superstructure

is 257 feet in circumference, and 82 feet in diameter; but with a fac.

ing of red stone, this diameter would have been increased to at least

85 feet, or nearly double that of the Kutb Minar, as is usually stated

by the people. The entrance is on the east side, and on the north, at

same height, there is a window intended to light the spiral stair-case.

But the steps were never commenced, and there is only a circular

passage 9 feet 9 inches wide around the central pillar, which is 26 feet

“in diameter. ‘The thickness of the outer wall is 18 feet 3 inches, the

* Handbook of Architecture, I, 433

Ixvi Report of the Archeological Survey.

whole pillar being 82 feet in diameter, as noted above. The total

height of the column, as it new stands, is about 75 feet above the

plinth, or 87 feet above the ground level. ‘The outer face of the wall

is divided into $2 sides of 8 feet and 3 inch each. The form of each

face or flute is difficult to describe, but it may be likened to the shape

of a crown work in fortification, or to that of an old Roman M, with

shallow body and long widely-splayed limbs. J think it probable that

the central angle of each face, as it now exists in the rough stone,

would have been modified in the red stone facing into a shallow curved

flute. The flutes would have been 4: feet wide and 4 feet apart, with

a deep angle between them. The plinth is also divided into 82 straight

faces, or projections, which are separated by the same number of

depressions of equal breadth, the whole being exactly like a gigantic

eogwheel. Syad Ahmad states that the building of this Minar was

eommenced in A. H. 711, or A. D. 1811; but as Ala-uddin did not

die until A. D. 1316, the work was probably stopped some time before

the end of his reign. I suspect, indeed, that the work was actually

stopped in the following year, as I find from Ferishta that in A. D.

1312 the King became so extremely ill, that his wife and son entirely

neglected him, while his Minister exercised all the powers of the State,

and even aspired to the throne. As the King never rallied, 1t seems

not improbable that all the expensive works of Ala-uddin then in

progress may have been stopped by the Minister, who wished to secure

the money for himself.

Siri, on Kinan AAI.

123. The Fort of Siri, with Ala-uddin’s celebrated Palace of “ The

thousand pillars,” has been identified by Messrs. Cope and Lewis, and

also by Lieutenant Burgess, the Surveyor of the ruins of Delhi, with

the citadel of Rai Pithora’s fort, in the midst of which stands the

Kutb Minar. But in describing this fort, I have already brought

forward strong reasons to show that it was the ancient Ldlkot ot

Anang Pal, and I now propose to follow up the same argument by

proving that the true site of Siri was the old ruined fort to the north-

east of Rai Pithora’s fort, which is at present called Shahpur. A

glance at the Sketch Map of the ruins of Delhi, which accompanies

this account, is all that is necessary to make the following argument

quite clear.

Report of the Archeological Survey. herd

124. Sharif-uddin, the historian of Timur, describes Delhi as

consisting of three cities, and as quite distinct from Firuzabad, near

which the conqueror’s camp was: pitched. These three cities were

Siri, Jahén-pandh, and old Delhi. To: the north-east was Sird, the:

walls of which formed a circle, and to the south-west was old Delha

similar in form, but larger than Siri, and the space between the two

forts, which was much larger than old Delhi, was Jahdn-pandh. The

relative sizes and positions of the three cities are here so accurately

described, that it is quite impossible to mistake them. Szrz answers

exactly to Shdhpur, not only in size and position, but also in shape;

for, though not circular, it is certainly oval. To the south-west of

Shahpur lies the fort of Rai Pithora, which therefore corresponds ex-

actly with the old Delhi of Sharif-uddin, both in. its size and in its

position, and somewhat also-in its form, which may be described as an

oblong square with the corners cut off. The name of eld Delhi was

appropriately applied to the fort of Rai Pithora as by far the most

ancient of the three cities. Between Siri and old Delhi was Jahdén-

panéh, a name which is still applied to the old walled city between

Shahpur and Rai Pithora’s fort; and as the size of this city is more

than double that of Rai Pithora’s fort, there can be no doubt what-

ever of its identity with the Jahan-panah of former days.

125. I now turn to Ferishta’s account of Turghai Khan’s invasion

of India during the reign of Ala-uddin, the founder of Siri, In

A. H. 708, or A. D. 1308, the Mogul Chief reached Delhi with

120,000. horse, and eneamped on the bank of the Jumna, most

probably about the spot where Humayun’s tomb now stands, as that

is the nearest point of the river towards old Delhi. “The King,’ as

Ferishta relates, “was in no condition to face the enemy on equal

terms, and therefore contented himself with entrenching his Infantry

on the plain beyond the suburbs till he could collect the Forces of the

distant districts.” But after the lapse of two months, the Mogul

Troops were seized with a panic, and retreated precipitately to. their

own country. The historian then relates that ‘* Ala-uddin, relieved

from the perils of this. invasion, caused a Palace to be built on the

spot where he had entrenched himself, and directed the citadel of old

Delhi to be pulled down and built anew.” Now the spot where the

King entrenched himself may be fixed with some precision, partly

from Ferishta’s description that ib was outside the suburbs, and

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partly from the strategical consideration that it must have beén ‘on

the north-east side facing towards the enemy, and covering the city,

On this side the suburbs of old Delhi extended for a considerable

distance. We know, also, that they were without walls, because the

Moguls plundered them during their stay, and because they were

afterwards enclosed by Muhammad Tughlak, when they received the

separate name of Jahan-panah. Immediately in front of these suburbs,

and facing towards the enemy, is the old ruined fort of Shahpur, and

inside the western half of this fort there still exist the remains of a

very extensive Palace. This Palace I believe to be the celebrated Kasr-

Hazir-Situn, or “ Palace of the thousand pillars,’ which Ala-uddin

built on the spot where he had entrenched himself. This Palace

was also called Hazar Minar, or “the thousand minarets.” |

126. ‘There is yet one more evidence which I can bring forward in

favour of the identification of Siri with Shahpur. In the Ayin

Akbari 1b is related that Shir Shah destroyed the city built by

Ala-uddin, which was called Siz, and founded another. Again»

in the Araish-i-Mahfil it is recorded that Shir Shah pulled down the

Koshak Subz, or the “Green Palace,” and built a new city. Syad

Ahmad repeats the same story, adding that the materials of the old

fort and Palace of S272 were used in the construction of the new fort

of Shir-Shah-Kot. From these aceounts it is quite certain that Siri

eannot be identified with the citadel that surrounds the Kutb Minar,

for the walls of Sve were pulled down, and the materials removed by

Shir Shah, while the walls of the Kutb Minar Citadel are stil]

standing. And further it seems almost certain that Shahpur must

be Sw, because of its vicinity to the new site of Shir Shah’s fort, for

it is hardly possible to believe that the King would have brought his

building stones from the Kutb Minar, a distance of 7 miles, when he

could have obtained them from Shahpur, which is only half the dis-

tance. ‘That he did obtain his materials from the latter place, and

not irom the former, may be regarded as almost certain, for the very

sufficient reason that the walls of Shahpur have actually been removed,

while those of the Kutb Citadel are still standing. |

127. ‘The only evidence in favour of the identification of Sirt with

the Kutb Citadel is the fact which Ferishta records, that the citadel

of old Delhi was re-built by Ala-uddin, and the existence near the

Kutb Minar of the remains of an old Palace, which still bears this

Report of the Archeological Survey. Ixix

King’s name. As the historian does not mention the new city of

Siri, it would seem to have been inferred that the re-bwilding of the

citadel of old Delhi was only a perverted account of the founding of

the new city of Sir. Isee no reason, however, why Ferishta’s state-

ment should not be accepted exactly as it stands, for, on summing up

the works of Ala-uddin, he records* that, during his reign, “Palaces,

Mosques, Universities, Baths, Mausolea, /orts, and all kinds of public

and private buildings, seemed to rise as if by magic.” As from this

account it would appear that Ala-uddin built more than one fort, and

founded more than one Palace, I see no difficulty in assigning to him

the building of the Palace near the Kutb Minar, and the re-building

of the citadel of old Delhi, as well as the founding of the new city of

Siri and its celebrated Palace of Kasr-Hazdr-Situn, or “the thousand

pulars.” Much stress has been laid upon another statement made by

Ferishta regarding the meeting of Nusrat Shah and Mallu Khan in the

Palace of Siri at the tomb of Khwaja Kutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki. But

this statement, and others connected with the confused history of this

period, only shows that Ferishta was not well acquainted with the

topography of ancient Delhi. Thus he records that Mahmud Shah

occupied old Delhi, and Nusrat Shah held Miruzabad, while Siri was

in the possession of Mallu Khan and other Nobles who professed

neutrality. He then relates that Mallu made overtures to N asrat,

who came to Siri, when a mutual compact was sworn at the tomb of

Khwaja Kutbuddin in Sti. But as this tomb is close to the Kutb

Minar, and within the walls of the citadel of old Delhi, which was

held by Mahmud, it would have been impossible for Nusrat and Mallu

to have met there. I would suggest that the place of meeting may

have been the shrine of the famous Saint called Chirdgh Delhi, or the

“Lamp of Delhi,” which is just outside the south-east corner of

Shahpur or Siri.

128. The next monuments in point of time are the grand old fort

of Tughlakabad, with the tomb of its founder Lughlak Shah, and the

castle of his son Muhammad, called Adilabad, and the city named

Jahan-panah.

129. The fort of Tughlakabad may be described, with tolerable

accuracy, as a half hexagon in shape, with three faces of rather more

than three quarters of a mile in length each, and a base of one mile

* Briges,—I. 855.

Ixx Report of the Archeological Survey.

and a half, the whole circuit being only 1 furlong less than 4 miles,

The fort stands on a rocky height, and is built of massive blocks of

stone, so large and heavy, that they must have been quarried on the

spot. The largest stone which I observed measured 14 feet in length

by 2 feet 2 inches and 1 foot 10 inches in breadth and thickness, and

must have weighed rather more than 6 tons. The short faces to the

west, north, and east, are protected by a deep ditch, and the long fave

to the south by a large sheet of water, which is held up by an embank-

ment at the south-east corner. On this side the rock is scarped, and

above it the main walls rise to a mean height of 40 feet, with a

parapet of 7 feet, behind which rises another wall of 15 feet, the whole

height above the low ground being upwards of 90 feet. In the south-

west angle is the citadel, which occupies about one-sixth of the area

of the fort, and contains the ruins of an extensive Palace. The

ramparts are raised, as usual, on a line of domed rooms, which rarely

communicate with each other, and which, no doubt, formed the quar-

ters of the Troops that garrisoned the fort. The walls slope rapidly

inwards, even as much as those of Hgyptian buildings. The rampart

walls are pierced with loop-holes, which serve also to give light and

air to the soldiers’ quarters. The parapets are pierced with low slop-

ing loop-holes, which command the foot of the wall, and are crowned

with a line of rude battlements of solid stone, which are also provided

with loop-holes. The walls are built of large plainly dressed stones,

and there is no ornament of any kind. But the vast size, the great

strength, and the visible solidity of the whole give to ‘Tughlakabad an

air of stern and massive grandeur that is both striking and impressive.

180. The fort of Tughlakabad has 18 gates, and there are three

inner gates to the citadel. It contains 7 tanks of water, besides the

ruins of several large buildings, as the Jama Masjid and the Biry

Mandir. The upper part of the fort is full of rumed houses, but the

lower part appears as if it had never been fully inhabited. Syad

Ahmad states that the fort was commenced in A. D. 1821 and finish-

ed in 1328, or in the short period of two years. It is admitted by all

that the work was completed by Tughlak himself; and as his reign

lasted for only four years, from 1321 to 1825, the building of the fort

must have been pushed forward with great vigour.

131. The fine tomb of Tughlak Shah was built by his soa

Muhammad, who is not without suspicion of having caused his father’s

yh baie

Report of the Archeological Survey. Ixxi

death. In A. D. 1304, during the reign of Ala-uddin, a second army of

4,000 Mogul horse burst into the Punjab and plundered the country

as far as Amroha, in Rohilkhand, but they were defeated with great

slaughter by Tughlak Khan, who, as a reward for his services, was

appointed Governor of the Punjab. In the following year a third.

Mogul Army of 57,000 horse invaded India and ravaged Multan ; but

this army was also defeated by Tughlak with such tremendous slaugh-

ter, that it is said only 8,000 prisoners survived the defeat. Towards

the end of the same year, a fourth invasion of Moguls was driven back

by the same able commander, whose very name at last inspired such

terror amongst the Moguls, that the women made use of it to quiet

their children, and whenever a man showed any alarm, his companions

would ask, “ Why do you start? Have you seen Tughlak ?’? From

A. D. 1305 to 1821, Ghazi Beg Tughlak was Governor of the Punjab,

residing sometimes at Lahore, and sometimes at Depalpur and Multan.

In the fort of Multan he built a magnificent tomb for himself, which

exists to this day under the title of Rokn-i-alam, a name derived from

Rukn-uddin, avery holy Saint of those days, the son ef Baha-uddin

Zakaria, more commonly called Bahawal Hak. The people of Multan

say that Muhammad presented the tomb to Rukn-uddin to secure his

silence in the matter of his father’s death; but agreeably to another

version, Tughlak himself had incurred the displeasure of Rukn-uddin

by an attempt to carry off one of his women. ‘The angry Saint

prophesied that he would never reach Delhi, and accordingly he was

killed near Tilpat just as he was about to enter Delhi. There may,

perhaps, be some truth in this tradition, as we learn from Ibn Batuta*

that Rukn-uddin was the most noted Saint in India, and that his fame

had extended even to Alexandria. Under any circumstances, it was

politic to conciliate the good-will of this influential personage, and the

worthy Saint himself was no doubt highly gratified with the magni-

ficence of the gift. A similar story is current at Delhi, but the Saint

of this tradition is the celebrated Nizam-uddin Auliya. The holy man

had given some offence to Tughlak, who threatened to punish him

when he returned to Delhi. “He will never return to Delhi,” ‘said

the prophetic Saint when the threat was repeated to him. Nizam-

uddin died a few years afterwards, and his tomb was erected at the

* Travels, pp. 7—10l1.

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[xxii Report of the Archeological Survey.

expense of Muhammad, out of gratitude, as the people say, for his

assistance in placing him on the throne.

132. I have referred to this earlier tomb of Tughlak, which still

exists in the fort of Multan, as it is the oldest building that I have

seep with the rapidly sloping walls, which form the most prominent fea-

ture of the Delhitomb. The Rokn-i-dlam, however, is octagonal, with

small towers at the angles, and is, besides, a much larger building, the

inside diameter being 56 feet, and the outer diameter 76 feet. But

the Multan tomb is built entirely of brick, while the Delhi tomb is

built throughout of stone, and is ornamented with white marble.

133. The tomb of Tughlak Shah is situated outside the southern

wall of Tughlakabad, in the midst of the artificial lake already de-

scribed, and is surrounded by a pentagonal outwork, which is connected

with the fortress by a causeway 600 feet in length, supported on 27

arches. The stern beauty and massive strength of this tomb have

justly elicited the following warm praises of Mr. Fergusson:* “'The

sloping walls and almost Egyptian solidity of this Mausoleum, com-

bined with the bold and massive towers of the fortification that sur-

round it, form a picture of a warrior’s tomb unrivalled anywhere.” In

this praise I heartily concur, with only one reservation in favour of

the situation of the Multan tomb, which, besides being both larger

and loftier, is placed on the very top of the fort close to the northern

wall.

134. In plan the Delhi tomb is a square of 88% feet interior ad

615 feet exterior dimensions. The outer walls are 383 feet in height

to the top of the battlement, with a slope of 2°383 inches per foot.

At this rate the whole slope is 73 feet in 884 feet. The walls at base

are 115 feet thick, and at top only 4& feet, but the projecting mould-

ings of the interior increase the thickness of wall at the springing

of the dome to about 6 or 7 feet, or perhaps more, for I had no means

of making measurements so high up. ‘The diameter of the dome is

about 34 feet inside and about 44 feet outside, with a height of 20

feet. ‘The whole height of the tomb to the top of the dome is 70 feet,

and to the top of the pinnacle about 80 feet.

135. Each of the four sides has a lofty doorway in the middle,

24: feet in height, with a pointed horse-shoe arch fretted on the outer

edge. ‘here isa smaller doorway, only 5 feet 10 inches in width,

* Hand-book of Architecture, I—434.

Report of the Archeological Survey. Ixxi

but of the same form, in the middle of each of the great entrances, the

archway being filled with a white marble lattice sereen of bold pattern.

The decoration of the exterior depends chiefly on difference of colour,

which is effected by the free use of bands and borders of white marble,

with afew panels of black marble, on the large sloping surfaces of

red-stone. The horse-shoe arches are of white marble, and a broad

band of the same goes completely round the building at the springing

of the arches. Another broad band of white marble in upright slabs,

4 feet in height, goes all round the dome just above its springing.

Lhe present effect of this mixture of colours is certainly pleasing, but

I believe that much of its beauty is due to the mellowing hand

of time, which has softened the crude redness of the sand-stone, as

well as the dazzling whiteness of the marble. The building itself is in

very good order, but the whole interior of the little fort in which it

stands is filled with filthy hovels and dirty people, and the place reeks

with ordure of every description. I would strongly recommend that

the whole of these hovels should be removed, and the interior of the

fort cleaned. The people might be located in Tughlakabad, only

200 yards to the north, where there are hundreds of domed rooms

under the ramparts, all in good repair and quite unoccupied.

135 a. Inside the Mausoleum there are three tombs, which are

said to be those of Tughlak Shah and his queen, and their son Juna-

Khan, who took the name of Muhammad when he ascended the throne.

This prince was the most accomplished of all the Pathan Sovereigns

of India; but he was also the most inhumanly cruel and most madly

tyrannical of them all. His cruelties were witnessed by his cousin

and successor Firuz Tughlak, who adopted one of the most curious

expedients which the mind of man has ever conceived for obtaining

the pardon of his tyrannical predecessor. I quote the words of Firuz

himself, as given by Ferishta,* from the inscriptions on the Great

Mosque of Firuzabad. “I have also taken pains to discover the

surviving relations of all persons who suffered from the wrath of my

late Lord and Master Muhammad Tughlak, and having pensioned and

provided for them, have caused them to grant their full pardon and

forgiveness to that prince in the presence of the holy and learned men

of this age, whose signatures and seals, as witnesses, are affixed to the

documents, the whole of which, as far as lay in my power, have been

* Brigos, I—464,

Ixxiv Report of the Archeological Survey.

procured and put into a box, and deposited in the vault in which

Muhammad Tughlak is entombed.” This strange device of placing

he vouchers in the tomb ready for the dead man’s hand to pick up

at the last day, is as bold as it 1s original. It would be interesting to

read some of these documents, which are, in all probability, still quite

safe, as all the tombs appear to be in the most perfect order. 4

135 6. Another work attributed to Muhammad Tughlak is the |

small detached fort of Adilabad, or Muhammadabad, near the south-

east corner of Tughlakabad, with which it was once connected by a

double wall along the causeway which crosses the intervening low

eround. ‘This fort is built in the same style as Tughlakabad, but it

is a very small place, as the exterior line of works is not more than

half a mile in circuit.

136. The greatest work of Muhammad Tughlak was the fortifica-

tion of the extensive suburbs of Delhi, lying between the Hindu 4

fort of far Pithora and the Musalman Citadel of Sivz. These suburbs —_ il

had been plundered by the Moguls in the early part of the reign of a(

Ala-uddin, and their unprotected state fully justified the vast outlay “thi

which the King must have incurred upon their defences. The north- oun

west wall is 1? mile in length, the east wall is 14 mile, and the south inet

wall is 2 miles; the whole length of the walls being just 5 miles, or Ah a

somewhat more than the circuit of the fort of Rai Pithora. A consider: lh

able portion of the south wall still exists; but the east and north- ‘tlly

west walls have been pulled down, and are now only traceable by their ni,

ruins. Sharif-uddin states that Jahdn-panéh had 13 gates, 6 being to 4

the north-west and 7 to the south-west. . is

137. Having now described the seven forts of old Delhi, I will 1,

complete the account with a detail of the number of gates in each of | in

the forts, which together make up the total of “52 gates,” as recorded a

by the old English traveller William Finch, and as preserved by the . |

people down to the present day in their pithy description of Sat-hila

Biwan-Darwiza or “ seven forts and 52 gates.” Moe

Gates. ty

Lélkot of Anang Pal ........... poe 4 sey

Fort. of Bai Pithora .eccccccesesscccesccese. 10 ‘wy

— “ag

Total of Hindu Ditmar .......,......, 14 gates.

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Report of the Archeolcgical Survey. Ixxv

Su7e-ot Aland qin See sce se stones 7

Jahan-panah of Muhammad ........... ateese

Total of Musalman Delhi ............ 20 gates.

‘Lotalsof old aD clits seaccs nanan ase 34 gates.

Pughlakabad:. — = Seve dcrsden stots acl

Citadel of Cttt0s= wan vos cessor

PRCA SUL =clyactershes eae eee

Total of Tughlakabad ...........0s0000 18 gates.

otal naniber 35,06 ssn0-e easate ces 52 gates.

—_

138, The next remains in point of antiquity are the buildings of

Firuz Tughlak, who devoted the greater part of a long reign of nearly

40 years (A. D. 1851 to 1388) to the construction of numerous works,

of which all but 20 palaces, 10 monumental pillars, and 5 tombs, may

be called works of real public utility. Perhaps the most useful of

these works was the canal which he drew from the west bank of the

Jumna to supply his new Capital of Firuzabad with water. This

canal having become choked from neglect, was cleared out by Ali

Mardan Khan in the reign of Shahjahan, to furnish the Mogul’s new

Capital with water. Having again become choked, it was once more

cleared out and improved by the British Government, and it is still

flowing through modern Delhi under the name of the Western

Jumna Canal.

139. But the most extensive work of Firuz was the building of

the new city of Firuzabad, with its two palaces of Kushak Firuzabad

and Kushak Shikar. Major Lewis has published much interesting

information regarding this new city from the Persian of Shams-i-Sirdy

Afif, who was contemporary with the latter end of this Emperor’s

reign. ‘The new city was begun in the year A. H. 755, or A. D.

1354. It extended from the fort of Indrpat to the Kushak Shikdp

or hunting palace, a length of five koss. Now the distance from old

Delhi is said to be also five koss, which fixes the position of the

Kushak Shikar approximately on the low range of hills to the north.

west of the modern Shahjahénibad. But the exact position is ab.

I 3

IXXVi Report of the Archeological Survey.

solutely determined by the mention that the second stone pillar from

Mirat was erected within the precincts of the palace, as the stone

pillar is now lying in five pieces on the top of the hill close to Hindu

Rao’s house. Shams-i-Sird adds that the whole distance from Indrpat

to the Kushak Shikar was occupied by stone-houses, mosques, and

bazars, but as the limits noted above include the whole of the modern

Shahjahanabad, it is very improbable that the entire space was actu-

ally occupied. It is certain, however, that some considerable portion

of the site of Shahjahanabad was well populated, as the “ala Masjid,

which was built in Firuz’s reign, is situated at some distance within

the Turkoman Gate of the present city. But even if thinly inhabited,

the population of Firuzabad could not have been less than that of

Shahjahanabad, as it was more than double its size. The number of

inhabitants would therefore have been about 150,000; and if we add

100,000 more for the population of old Delhi, the total number of

inhabitants in the Indian Metropolis during the reign of Firuz Shah

must have amounted to one quarter of a million.

140. The palace of Firuzabad, which formed also the citadel of the

new city, was strongly fortified with massive stone walls and towers

of more than Egyptian slope. One of the gateways, which still exists,

between the well known Ldl Darwdza and Firuz Shah’s pillar, is a

fine specimen of this bold, but rude, architecture. I believe, however

that we now see these old buildings under very favourable cireum-

stances, as time has most effectually stripped off all the flaring and

gaudily coloured plaster which the taste of those days so much delight-

edin. I found it impossible to trace the exact size or shape of Firuz

Shah’s Citadel, as many of the parts in the best preservation appear

to me to be of decidedly later date. Thus the Kabuli Gate or Ldl

Durwéza, as it is now called from its red colour, is of quite a different

style of architecture, and belongs, as I believe, to the time of Shir

Shah, of whose city it formed the northern or Kabul Gate. From

what I was able to trace, my opinion is, that Firuz Shah’s palace was

much smaller than the palace of Shahjahan in the modern city.

141. A characteristic and favourable specimen of the architecture

of this age is the Kdla Masjid, or “ Black Mosque,” which is situated

inside the present city, at a short distance from the Turkoman Gate.

A detailed account of this building has been published by Messrs.

Lewis and Cope in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal for 1847,

Report of the Archeological Survey. | Ixxvii

p. 577. According to these authors, the original name was most probab-

ly the Kaldén Masjid, or “ Great Mosque.” This is no doubt correct,

as, when I first visited this Mosque in February 1888, the people in

charge called it by that name. The common name, however, is the

Kéla Masjid. But I am quite satisfied that this could not have been

the original name, as the taste of those days would most assuredly

have covered the whole building with a coating of coloured plaster.

The present name of Adla Musjid could not therefore have been given

to it until most of the plaster had faller off, and the bare walls of dark

grey quartzose sand-stone had become visible.

142. The Kala Masjid is a single room 71 feet in length by 41

feet m breadth, with two rows of four pillars each down the centre,

and one row of coupled pillars along the front. These columns divide

the whole area into 15 squares, each of which is covered by a small

dome, the central dome being somewhat higher than the others.

The walls are six feet thick, with three openings at each end, closed

by massive red stone lattice-work. In front of the building there is

a small open quadrangle, of the same dimensions as the interior

of the Mosque, and on three sides of the quadrangle there are cloisters

which are continued round the Mosque itself. The whole is enclosed

- by an outer wall 5 feet thick, which forms an oblong block of building

140 feet in length by 120 feet in breadth. On the outside the build.

ing consists of two stories, the middle of the lower story being a solid

mass, which forms the floor of the Masjid. The four faces of the lower

story have two rows of small rooms, which are now rented to petty

shop-keepers. ‘This is the invariable practice at present, and was, no

doubt, the same in the time of Firuz, as the money thus obtained

always formed the principal revenue, and eventually became the only

income of the attendants of a Mosque. The lower story 1s 28 feet in

height, and the upper story to the top of the battlements is 38 feet

making a total height of 66 feet. The four angles are supported by

small round towers with sloping walls as plain and bare as the rest of

the building. The entrance to the upper story is reached by a steep flight

of steps, at the head of which, but outside the general mass of building

as a —_ ante-room of small dimensions. The walls of the upper story

are pierced with a row of arched openings which correspond in number

and size with the doorways of the lower story. ‘These were once filled

with bold strong lattice-work, but many of them have been built up

Ixxvill _Leport of the Archeological Survey.

The plain but massive appearance of the walls is highly suggestive of Ke

strength and solidity, which is fully borne out by the excellent state ia

of preservation of this old building after a lapse of nearly five centuries. “ah

142 a. The small fort of Indrpat, or Purdéna Kila, was repaired “4h

by the Emperor Humayun in A. H. 940, or A. D. 15388, and re-named oft

by him Din-pandh; but the new name is never used, except by ‘ai

pedantic or bigoted Muhammadans. Within a few years, or about f E

A. D. 1540, the works were much strengthened by Shir Shah, who p .

made Indrpat the Citadel of his new city under the name of Shir- ie

garh, by which it is now very generally known, although Purdna a

Ala, or “the old Fort,” is perhaps the most common appellation. Lae

The lofty massive towers and solid walls of this old fort were strene- if

thened by a ditch which once communicated with the Jumna. Sfir- rig

garh is, however, but a small place when compared with the mighty al .

fortresses of Rat Pithora, Siri, and Tughlakabad, the whole circuit pa

of its walls being only one mile and one furlong. In shape it is ifed

almost rectangular, being 3 furlongs in length by 14 furlong in ‘meu

breadth. The fort had four gates, one in the middle of each face, of tale th

which the south-west gate alone is now open. The interior is almost Ivana

filled with native huts; but towering above these hovels are two fine inah

remains of former days, a handsome massive Mosque, and a lofty 1 Gab

octagonal building, which is still called Shir Mandir, or “ Shir’s

Palace.” The front of the Mosque has five horse-shoe arches, and is

decorated with blue tiles and marble. The roof is formed of low

flattened domes. It was built by Shir Shah in A. H. 948, or A. D.

1541, and is a favourable specimen of the architecture of the Afghan

period.

143. The new city of Shir Shah called Delhi Shirshah extended

from the neighbourhood of Humayun’s tomb on the south to Firuz

Shah’s Kotila on the north, near which there still exists a fine massive

gateway, which was the Kdbuli Darwaza of the new city. It is now,

however, always called the Ldl Darwdza or “red gate.” Willam a

Finch, who entered Delhi from the Agra side on 16th J anuary, 1611, ‘Ul

describes the city as being two koss in length from gate to gate, hy

“surrounded by a wall which has been strong, but is now ruinous.”

The value of Finch’s koss is determined at rather more than 12 mile, ‘iy

by his mention that the hunting seat or Mole (thatis, mahal of Firuz Nee

Shah) was two koss from the city. From the Lal Darwdza to the

Report of the Archeological Survey. [xxix

ruins of the Kushak Shikar the distance is 82 miles, and from the

same point to Humayun’s tomb the distance is exactly 3 miles. But

as Purchas, on the authority of other English travellers, states that

Humayun’s tomb was in the city of Shir Shah Salim, the south gate

of the city must have been somewhere beyond the tomb. The distance,

however, could not have been great, as Finch mentions that “ a short

way from Delhi is a stone bridge of 11 arches,” which is clearly the

long massive bridge of 11 arches, that is now called Bara Pul or

the “ Great Bridge.”* The south gate of Shir Shah’s city must

therefore have been somewhere between the Bara Pul and Humayun’s

tomb. The east wall of the city is determined by the line of the high

bank of the Jumna, which formerly ran due south from Firuz Shah’s

Kotila towards Humayun’s tomb. On the west the boundary line of

the city can be traced along the bank of a torrent bed, which runs

southward from the Ajmer Gate of Shahjahanabad, and parallel to the

old course of the Jumna, at a distance of rather more than 1 mile.

The whole circuit of the city walls was therefore close upon 9 miles,

or nearly double that of the modern Shahjahanabad.

144. The small fort of Salimgarh was built by Salim Shah, the

son of Shir Shah in A. H. 958, or A. D. 1546. It is situated at the

north end of Shahjahan’s Palace, after the building of which it was

used only as a state prison. It 1s not quite one quarter of a mile in

Jength, and the whole circuit of its walls is only of three quarters of a

mile. It stands on an island close to the west bank of the river, and with

its lofty towers and massive walls, forms a most picturesque object from

the opposite side of the Jumna. A bridge of five arches was built in front

of the South Gate by Jahangir, after whom the name of the place was

changed to Nurgarh according to Syad Ahmad. But the old name of

Salimgarh has prevailed, and is the only one that I have ever heard

used by the people, either educated or uneducated. '

145. The tomb of Humayun is too well known to need any detailed

description, unless illustrated by pictorial representations, which will

more appropriately accompany my proposed account of Muhammadan

* Syad Ahmad writes the name Béirah Palah, or the “ 12 arches,’ and states

that the bridge was built in A. H 1021, which began on 28rd February

1612. But there is probably a mistake of one year in this date, witehe

I think, should be A. H. 1020, or A. D. 1611. This would agree with

Finch’s date of 16th January, 1611, or properly 1612, according to our

present reckoning. =

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ince Report of the Archeological Survey.

architecture. It was built after the Emperor’s death in A. H. 962,

or A. D. 1554, by his widow Adjz Begam. Jt is therefore the

earliest specimen of the architecture of the Mogul dynasty. The

exterior form of the main body of the tomb is a square with the corners

cut off, or an octagon with four long and four short faces, and each of

the short faces forms one side of the four octagonal corner towers.

The dome is built entirely of white marble, the rest of the building

being of red sand-stone, with inlaid ornaments of white marble. In

this tomb we first see towers attached to the four angles of the main

building. It is true that these towers are very stout and massive, but

they form an important innovation in the Muhammadan architecture

of North India, which was gradually improved and developed, until it

culminated in the graceful Minars of the Taj Mahal. The intervening

links are, lst, the one-storied towers of Itimad-udaolah’s tomb at

Agra; 2nd, the two-storied Minars of the gateway of Akbar’s tomb at

Sikandra; and 8rd, the three-storied octagonal Minars of Jahangir’s

tomb at’ Lahore. In all these specimens the Muinars are attached to

the main building, as in the original example of Humayun’s tomb.

But in the Taj Mahal the Minars are placed at the four angles of the

square terrace or plinth, on which the tomb is raised, an arrangement

which was probably copied from the position of the four corner towers

_ of the platform of Shir Shah’s tomb at Sassaram. Another innovation

observable in this tomb is the narrow-necked dome, which was alfter-

wards adopted in all the Mogul buildings.

146. The citadel or palace of Shajahanabad was begun by the

Emperor Shahjahan in the year A. H. 1048, or A. D. 1688, but the

new city was not commenced until 10 years later. ‘The circuit of the

walls of the citadel is 14 mile, or just the same as that of the old

citadel of Tughlakabad ; but the new city is considerably larger than

either Tughlakabad or Rat Pithora’s Fort, the circuit of its walls be-

ing 54 miles. The citadel has two gates, named the Lahore and Delha

Gates. The city has 10 gates, which are named as follows, beginning

from the north-east gate near Salimgarh, which is now called the

Calcutta Gate, because it leads to the bridge-of-boats over the Jumna

on the line of the high road to Calcutta :—

1. Calcutta Gate to north-east.

2. Kashmir Gate to north,

3. Mori Gate to north.

Report of the Archeological Survey. Ixxx1

4. Ka&bul Gate to west. |

5. Lahor Gate to west.

Farash Khana to south-west.

Ajmere Gate to south-west.

Turkoman Gate to south.

Delhi Gate to south.

10. Rajghat to east on river face.

147. The original round towers of the city defences were much

enlarged and altered into angular bastions by the British Government

early in the present century, and at the same time a regular glacis

was formed all round the land faces of the fortress. These new works

added considerably to the streneth of the fortifications, as we found,

to our cost, in the mutiny of 1857. The two principal streets, form-

ing nearly a right angle, ran from the Lahor and Delhi Gates of the

Citadel to the Lahor and Delhi Gates of the city. The two principal

buildings in the city are the Jéma Masjid and the Zinat Masjid.

‘The former was built by Shahjahan in A. D. 1648, and is one of the

largest and finest Mosques in India. The latter was built by Zinat-

un-nissa, the daughter of Aurangzib, in A. D. 1710, and is a favour-

able specimen of the later style of Mogul architecture. Both of these

buildings will be described more fully hereafter in my proposed

historical account of the Muhammadan architecture of Northern

India.

148. The Citadel of Shahjahanabad, which contained the Emperor’s

palace, and the two celebrated open halls or courts called the Dewdn-

d-dm and the Dewdn-i-khds, is too well known to require any deserip-

tion in this place; bnt it will be duly considered hereafter in my

account of the architecture of Shahjahin’s reion. I will therefore

confine my remarks at present to the short account of the two life-size

statues of elephants and their riders that have lately been discovered ;

and which, as we learn from Thevenot and Bernier, once stood outside

the Delhi Gate of the Citadel.

149. The earliest notice is that by Bernier in his description of

Delhi, written on 1st July, 1668 :—* TI find nothing remarkable at the

entry, (of the palace,) but two great elephants of stone, which are

on the two sides of one of the gates. Upon one of them is the

statue of Jamel, the famous Raja of Chitor, and upon the other that of

Patta, his brother, These are those two gallant men that, together

Ixxxu fieport of the Archeological Survey.

with their mother, who was yet braver than they, cut out so much

work for Hckbar, and who in the sieges of towns, which they main-

tained against him, gave such extraordinary proofs of their generosity

that at length they would rather be killed in the out-falls with their

mother than submit: and for this gallantry it is that even their

enemies thought them worthy to have these statues erected for them.

These two great elephants, together with the two resolute men sitting

on them, do, at the first entry into this fortress, make an impression of I

know not what greatness and awful terror.” Thevenot, who was at

Delhi in 1667, corroborates Bernier’s account of these statues; but

as he knew that Bernier intended to publish a description of Delhi, he

merely notices the principal objects, of which the first are, “ the two

elephants at the entry which carry two warriors.”

150. ‘The next reference that I have been able to find is by

Tieutenant Franklin, who visited Delhi in 1793. Stimulated by

Bernier’s account, he made enquiries after the statues, and was informed

that “they were removed by order of Aurangzib, as savoring too much

of idolatry, and he enclosed the place where they stood with a screen

of red stone, which has disfigured the entrance of the palace.”’*

151. ‘The romantic account of Bernier did not escape the notice of

the enthusiastic historian of the Rajputs, who, after quoting the pas-

sage given above, adds,} that “ the conqueror of Chitor evinced an

exalted sense, not only of the value of his conquest, but of the

merits of his foes, in erecting statues to the names of Jaymal and

Patta at the most conspicuous entrance of his palace at Delhi.” From

Colonel Tod also we learn that Jaymal was a Mertiya Rdathor of Bednor,

and that Patta was the Chief of the Jagdwat Sisodiyas of Salimbra, both

being feudatories of Udaypur. Their names, he says, “are as house-

hold words inseparable in Mewar, and will be honoured while the

Rajput retains a shred of his inheritance, or a spark of his ancient re-

collections.” On Akbar’s adyance to Chitor, the spiritless Rana Uday

Sing retired to the western jungles, and the defence of the capital of

the Sisodiyas was left to the Rathor Governor Jaymal. But the war-

like spirit of the Sisodiyas was roused by the mother of the young

Chief of Salimbra, who “commanded him to put on the saffron robe

and to die for Chitor.” Patta was then only sixteen years old, and

had lately married; but to check any compunctious reluctance which

* Asiatic Researches, IV—-446, t Rajasthan, I—328,

sy _ = — : nee nay RG Sa

Fe gt see One E OO e ind OE ORD BIC ER ct cae arya SE To

Report of the Archeological Survey. ]xxxuil

he might feel in leaving his bride, the heroic mother armed the young

wife as well as herself, and “with her descended the rock, and the

defenders of Chitor saw her fall, fighting by the side of her ama-

zonian mother.” The siege still continued, but without making any

progress, when, through some unfortunate delay in the springing of one

of their mines, the assailants suffered a severe loss, and fled in disorder.

to their camp. The operations of the siege had now to be re-com-

menced, when a lucky shot deprived the Rajputs of their leaders.

“Other mines,” says Ferishta,* “were directed to be constructed, and

as the works were in progress, the King, while in the batteries,

observed Jaymal, the Governor of the place, superintending the re-

pairs of the breaches, and giving his orders by torch-light. Akbar,

seizing a matchlock from one of his attendants, fired at him, and was

so fortunate as to lodge the bail in Jaymal’s forehead. The spirit of

the besieged fell with their Governor, and, in their despair, they per-

formed the ceremony of the Johar, and putting their wives and children

to death, burned them with the corpse of their Chief on a funeral

pile.” Akbar then entered the fort, and after a slight opposition, the

capital of the Sisodiyas, for the third time, was in the hands of the

Musalmans. |

152. It remains now only to consider the value of the evidence

recorded in the above statements. In the first place, then, with re-

spect to the statues, I feel quite satisfied with the testimony of Bernier.

As the physician and companion of Dénishmand Khan, a highly res-

pectable Nobleman of Aurangzib’s Court, he was in the most favour-

able position for obtaining accurate information regarding the history

of Akbar and his successors. I accept, therefore, without any hesita-

tion, the account of Bernier that the statues were those of Jaymal

and Patta, the two Rajput heroes who defended Chitor against Akbar.

Both statues, as I have already pointed out, are those of Hindus, as

their dresses open over the right breast. Admitting this much I am

likewise prepared to allow that the two statues must have been erected

by Akbar, as is also stated by Bernier. But, as the building of

Shahjahanaébad was not begun until seventy years after the siege of

Chitor, it is absolutely certain that Akbar could not have erected the

statues in front of the gate of the Delhi Palace, where they were seen

* Briggs, 1231

Ixxxiv Report of the Archeological Survey.

by Bernier and Thevenot. What, then, was their original site? This

I believe to have been the fort of Agra in front of the river gate.

153. In his account of the city of Agra, Abul Fazl,* the Minister

of Akbar, states that “His Majesty has erected a fort of red stone,

the like of which no traveller has ever beheld.” “ At the eastern

gate are carved in stone two elephants with their riders, of exquisite

workmanship.” ‘The eastern gate of the fort of Agra is the river gate,

in front of which the two statues most probably remained undisturbed

until the reign of Shahjahan, who, as I presume, must have removed

them to Delhi to adorn his new capital of Shahjahanabad. It is

scarcely possible that Jahangir could have removed them to Delhi;

but, if he did so, they would have been placed in front of the gate of

Salimgarh, to which he added a bridge, at the same time changing the

name of the place to Vurgarh, after his own title of Nur-uddin.

154. Ihave been disappointed in not finding any mention of these

elephant statues in the accounts of our early English travellers. Cap-

tain Hawkins and William Finch both visited Agra in the beginning

of Jahangir’s reign. The former attended the Royal Durbar in the

Agra Fort regularly for two years, and describes minutely the King’s

qaily occupations, which, according to William Finch, included the

witnessing of animal fights on every day except Sunday, and of

executions on every Tuesday. Both the fights and the executions took

place in a courtyard, or out-work, in front of the river gate. This

gate is described by Finch as follows:—“The fourth gate is to the

river called the Dursane (Darsan Darwdza, or “Gate of Sights’)

leading to a fair court, extending along the river, where the King

jooks out every morning at sun-rising. * * Right under this place is a

kind of scaffold, on which the Nobles stand. * * Here, likewise, the

King comes every day at noon to see the Tuwmdsha (shows) or fighting

with elephants, lions, and buffaloes, and killing of deer by leopards.

* * Tuesdays are peculiarly the days of blood, both for fighting

beasts and killing men, as on that day the King sits in judgment,

and sees it put in execution.” I ean only account for the silence of

Finch and Hawkins by supposing that they had never seen these two

remarkable elephants with their warrior riders. This, indeed, is likely

enough, for the principal cate near the city, by which they would have

entered the fort, is on the western side; and unless they had passed

* Ayin Akbari, II—36.

Te Tee

ith hie»

ht {ils (i

ihanbes

te |

IS it)

Mi iN bo

‘wad Ab

: '

Ml Weg

“wre

Si TO he ecm el ee i aE aE TTS

Report of the Archeological Survey. Ixxxv

right through the fort, they could not possibly have seen the statues.

There is no road along the bank of the river, and no one would think

of passing in that direction without some special reason. No doubt

the statues might have been seen from the opposite bank of the river,

but as our travellers bad no call to go there, they probably never went.

Both of them came to Agra from Surat, and approached the fort on

the south side; and Finch left Agra by the Delhi Road vid Mathura

without crossing the river, while Hawkins returned to Surat. Had Finch

seen the statues, I feel satisfied that he would have mentioned them,

as he takes notice of the elephant statue in front of the Hdthi Paur,

or “ Elephant Gate,” of the Gwalior fort.

155. With regard to Akbar’s object in setting up these statues, I

differ altogether from Bernier and Tod. Speaking of the heroes Jaymal

and Patta, the former says that “even their enemies thought them

worthy to have these statues erected to them.” This is somewhat

amplified by Tod, who says that Akbar “ evinced an exalted sense, not

only of the value of his conquest, but of the merits of his foes, erect-

ing statues to the names of Jaymal and Patta.” Here we see that

both Bernier and Tod were of opinion that these statues were erected

by Akbar in honour of his enemies, the two Rajput heroes of Chitor.

But when we remember that Akbar prided himself on having killed

Jaymal with his own hand; that he gave the name of Durust Andaz,

or “ true-shooter,” to his match-lock, and that both his Minister Abul

Fazl and his son Jahangir make much boasting of the HEmperor’s

lucky shot, the more natural conclusion is that the statues were erect-

ed in honour of Akbar himself. Had they been set up in honour of

his gallant foes, the fact would most assuredly have been comme-

morated in their loudest voice by the Rajput bards; but so far was

this from being the case, that Colonel Tod wag entirely indebted to

Bernier for this knowledge of their existence.

156. Again, when I remember that the same Akbar assumed the

title of Ghdee (or warrior for the faith) after putting to death with

his own hand in cold blood his able, gallant, and wounded antagonist

imu, I cannot believe that he would afterwards erect statues in

honour of any infidel Hindus, however noble in blood, or gallant in.

the tield. When I recollect, also, the position thatthe statues occu-

pied, one on each side of the Hastern Gateway of the Agra Fort, I can-

not help feeling that they stood, like the two horsemen at the gate of

Ixxxvi Leport of-the Archeological Survey.

the Horse Guards in London, as sentinels at the gate of their imperial -

foe, to do honour to their conqueror. Admitting this view to be correct,

I can understand why Shahjahan removed them to Delhi to occupy

the same position at the gate of his new citadel. Under the same

view I can also understand why they were spared for a time by the

bigotted Aurangzib. On the other hand, if we suppose with Bernier

and Tod that the statues were set up in honour of the two Rajput

warriors, their re-erection by Shahjahan is to me quite incomprehen-

sible. | |

157. But the question of Akbar’s intention, whether it was to do

honour to his foes or to himself, is one of comparatively little moment.

To us the statues are simply valuable as works of art, as they are,

perhaps, the only portrait statues that have been executed in India for

many centuries. ‘They are made of red sand-stone, and are of life-size,

while the huge elephants on which they sit are of black marble, and

the housings are decorated with white and yellow marbles. On these

grounds, I conclude that the dresses and turbans of the Rajput Chiefs

were coloured, while the faces and hands were most probably left of

the natural reddish brown colour of the sand-stone. When set up

again in the Delhi garden, I have no doubt that they will command

as much attention and admiration from our own countrymen as they

did two hundred years ago from the enthusiastic Frenchman Bernier.

158. There are many other remains at Delhi that are both beauti-

ful and interesting, but as their age and origin are well known, they

will naturally form a part of my proposed account of the Muhammadan

architecture of Northern India. Such are the Zinat Masjid, more

commonly called the Kwdri Masjid, or ‘ Maiden’s Mosque,” because

built by Zinat-un-nissa, the virgin daughter of Aurangzib; the

Kashmiri Masjid, and the Begam Masjid in the city, and the tombs

ot Jahdndré Begam and Zib-un-nissa, the sister and daughter of Au-

ranegzib, outside the city. I will only notice here a grave mistake made

by Mrs. Colin Mackenzie in her account of the epitaph on Jahdndra’s

tomb. ‘The marginal inscription records the name of “the perishable

Fakir, Jahdnéra Begam, the daughter of Shahjahan, and the disciple

of the Saints of Chist:, A. H.1094 (or A. D. 1682).” The holy

men here mentioned are the Muhammadan Saints of the well known

family of Ohisti, of whom famous shrines exist at Ajmere, Fatehpur

Sikri, Thanesur, and Kasiir. - This notorious Muhammadan name is

or ale

Panchen SAT FE em WO RRR ERIE ree ca erat tn at eA YY FoR eS pS Cha tre ee Ieee pe Al BR es oor SRS

Report of the Archeological Survey. Ixxxvil

changed by Mrs. Mackenzie as follows, “the humble, the transitory

Jahanara was a disciple of the holy men of Christ, supposed to be

Roman Priests.” Jahanara was the builder of the Jima Masjid at

Agra, and has always been considered a most devout follower of

Muhammad. Her name is still held in much veneration in Delhi for

her numerous charities. i

A. CUNNINGHAM, Major General,

Archeological Surveyor to the Govt. of India.

- eiec es - hg Set SEE LEDL EELIDOLEIEOEA

Te . a ceaalp GRR TR cg pan th ER RE ET OS eS =

2 he ging eT EES ET Ee Saeres S125 =

APPENDIX

TO THE

JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Classified List of Naturalists and others engaged 7 the Collection

of Objects of Interest.

[.—NaturaL History GENERALLY.

Name. Address. 7 Particulars.

Rdgar L. Layard, Curator of Museum!Would be elad to assist the

Hisq. | at Cape Town. Asiatic Society generally.

Gerard Krefft, Hsq.|Curator of Museum Would exchange all sorts, espe-

| at Sydney. cially Reptilia. 7

C. Horne, Esq. |Benares. Studies Natural History gene-

rally, and would like a list

of works attainable-at any,

or a moderate cost.

TL.—MAMMALIA.

Gerard Krefft, Esq.|Curator of Museum Can supply skeletons and skins

at Sydney. of Australian Mammalia for

Indian specimens.

Lieut. R. C.Beavan.|Purulia,Manbhoom.|Collects specimens whenever

practicable.

Capt. T. Hutton. . Mussoorie. Is writing a popular account

of the Mammalia of the

Himalaya.

W. Theobald, Esq.,, Rangoon. Micro-Mammalia.

Junior,

il Classified Inst of Naturalists.

Name. Address. 7 Particulars.

IiI.—Birrps.

Lieut. R. C. Beavan.|Purulia, Manbhoom./Collects specimens wherever

practicable. :

Capt. T. Hutton. |Mussoorie. | poet

Capt. J. Mitchell. |Supt., Madras Mu-|Particularly wants good speci-

| seum. mens of Birds from all coun- jab

tries from Calcutta to (and

including) the Himalayas.

In exchange offers Birds

of Madras Presidency, parti-

cularly the neighbourhood

of Madras.

Ornithology and Oology espe- |

cially with reference to Bri-

tish Birds in India. Has

several duplicate eggs, too

numerous to give the whole

in this notice. Requires

duplicate eggs of Aquila lth

nevia, Turdus Whitei, Re-

gulus modestus, Anthus Ri-

cardi, Acanthylis caudacuta,

Otis Macqueeni, Anser rufi-

collis, Sturna stolida, Sturna

anglica, Sturna fuliginosa,

Procellaria hesitata, Alauda

W. E. Brooks, Esq.,!Tonse Bridge, Alla-

C. H. |

habad.

hi,

= | brachydactyla, &e. —

W. Theobald, Esq.,|Rangoon. Oology. i.

Junior. | bs

[V.—Reprites. |

Capt. R. H. Bed-|Conservator of For-|Collects all Indian reptiles;

dome, | ests, Ootacamund.| has a large collection of

| | snakes from all parts of '

= Madras Presidency particu- | “[ij

larly from the dense forests r

and mountains of the western ‘ihe

side. Has discovered some

12 or 15 new species partly

named by Dr. Gunther and

Tie" . = = 2 Te TSE RAL SAE EO ES By Ea HE ea tS Sips

ats I capt ae Steg SD ee aE RS POA SS

Classified List of Naturalists. ae

Name. Address. Particulars.

partly by himself; has nu-

merous duplicates, &c. He

will be glad to exchange for

snakes fromthe Khasya Hills

or Assam.

Capt. J. Mitchell. |Supt., Madras Mu-,;Wantsreptilesin spirit(Indian.)

seum. |

Gerard Krefft, Esq.|Curator of Museum,|Has a fine series of duplicate

Sydney. reptiles which he is wishing

to exchange.

V.—F isu.

Capt. J. Mitchell, |Supt., Madras Mu-| Wants fresh-water fish of North

seum. India either stuffed or in

alcohol, can furnish marine

fish of Madras stuffed or in

spirit and some fresh water

species.

Gerard Krefft, Esq./Sydney, N.S. W. |Can exchange Australian fishes

for others.

VI.—Mo.tuvsca

GENERAL.

Sir W. Denison, K.|Madras. Willing to purchase or ex-

C. B. change.

MajorG.C. Evezard.|\Cantonment Magis-|\Conchology, would exchange

trate, Poona. land shells of Western India

for Burmah, Java, and Ben-

galland and fresh water shells.

Has Cyclophorus altivagus,

Indicus, &c. of Poona and its

neighbourhood.

Capt. Julian Hob-|Revenue Survey,|Ditto.

son. Sattara.

Capt. J. Mitchell. |Supt., Madras Mu-|Wants Indian land and fresh

seum., water shells from any part

of the coast, can furnish

Madras sea and backwater

shells,

yes

LPL rye tee

k ul

}

iv Classified Inst of Naturalisis.

Name. Address. — | Particulars,

SS SSS | eS SSS 6G SSSR See

George French An-51, Portland Villas,|The Mollusca generally. Hag

gus, Lisq. | Portland MRoad,) formed a very large collec-

| NottingHill,Lon-| tion in various parts of the

don, W. world, many of which were

new to science and have been

described since his return to

England, by Messrs. Adams,

Crosse, Pfeiffer, himself, &e,

Can offer for exchange du-

plicates of Australian shells,

from time to time, properly

named from the types. His

desiderata would be chiefly

the shells of the Japanese

and Chinese seas, Kamschat-

ka, Behring’s straits, &e—

also a series of East Indian

pulmonijera generally. All

species from theCape of Good

Hope would also be accepta-

| ble, both land and marine.

Capt. G. H. Fryer. ‘BurmahPolice. San-|Collects all, but chiefly fresh-

doway, Aracan. water and Land Mollusks.

J.H.Cox, Hsq.M.D./147 Phillipant St.,\Conchology.

Sydney.

Hon'ble W. Cooper. Judge | Hoboken, Conchology in all its branches.

New Jersey, U.S.

VIl—Lanp anp

FRESH WATER

SHELLS.

Sir W. Denison, K./Madras. Would be glad to purchase or

C. B. exchange specimens, wants

particularly those of South

America.

W. King, Esq. Care of Messrs. Ar-|Collects and has sundry dupli-

buthnot & Co.,| cates; for instance,

Madras. Hi. Basileus, H. ungulata, H.

Malabarica :

the Ist and 8rd of which may

be interesting additions to

some collections,

(ban

= uv ad ee Pre manila me ne : CRORES a eae hesenee een

Classified List of Naturalists. Vv

Name. Address. Particulars.

Capt. G. Ei. Fryer. Burmah Police. Collects all, but chiefly fresh-

| water and land mollusca.

Honololu, . Sand-\Is engaged cataloguing the

wich Islands. shells of the group, and

wishes shells from the east

Coast of India, also shells of

Murotomide, mitrade and

fine examples ol

Cyprea onyx

C. Hrasta

C. pantherina

C. Pulchra

C. lentigera

also Ricinula lotata, a Var.

of R. digitata found in the

Seychelles. He offers in ex-

change, any shells from the

W. H. Pease, Hisq.

| ame

| Pacific.

Capt.R.H.Beddome.|Ootacamund. Land shells.

C. Horne, Esq. Benares. Would like to know something

of the land shells of these

parts.

Hon'ble W. Cooper.|Hoboken N. Jersey./Has a fine series of American

land and fresh-water shells

which he is willing to ex-

| change for Indian species.

Bengal Club, Cal- Fresh-water shells of S. K. Asia,

cutta. the Eastern Archipelago,

Australia, and Oceania, espe-

cially Melania, Paludomus,

and Unio with a view to

determine variation and dis-

tribution of the species, also

any land, fresh water or

marine shells from India or

neighbouring countries and

seas. Can exchange Ceylon

Paludomi and Melanie and

some other fresh water and

land shells.

H. F. Blanford, Hsq.

W. Theobald, Esq., Geological Survey,

Junior, | Rangoon.

<4)

Classified List of Naturalists.

Name. | Address. Particulars.

Vili. —Inszcrts

GENERAL,

Lieut. R.C. Beavan. Camp Purulia, Man-Collects specimens of Entomo-

bhoom. logy, chiefly Lepidoptera

: | and Coleoptera.

Sir W. Denison, K.|Madras. Willing to purchase or ex-

C. B. | change specimens of Lepi-

| doptera.

Capt. A. M. Lang,'Simla. Collects all orders.

R. E.

Capt. T. Hutton. (Mussoorie. Entomology.

Capt, J. Mitchell. |Supt., Madras Mu-|Would be glad to receive In-

seum. sects in exchange for speci-

mens in other branches of

| the animal kingdom.

Capt. T. M. Alex-|Sagur. Wants names of Books giving

ander. descriptions of species.

(. Horne, Esq. Benares. Collects all orders, more to

assist others and to note

facts regarding insects than

for accumulation, will be

happy to give any local in-

sect he may possess to others

needing it, does not need

others in exchange; but from

want of local knowledge, de.

is not at present able to

furnish lists.

J.C.Cox, Esq.,M.D./Sydney, N. 8. W. |Entomology.

W. Theobald, Esq.,|Rangoon, — Insects and crustacea.

Junior. |

TX .—CoLkorrTEera.

Lieut. R.C. Beavan.|Camp Purulia, Man-|Collects specimens of Entomo-

bhoom. logy, Coleoptera.

A. EH. Russell, Esq./At present, care of|Collects specimens of Coleop-

2 CU. 8. Messrs. Coutts &| tera.

Co., pun, Lon-

don,

ta)

Ge,

EER AIO

Capt. T. M. Alex-/Sagur.

= SSS eee Ae gE ETS OSES ae EES

Teg ign r pies ath ee aE SE ee =i 2 s

ie alin tee EES UT heh er a a : pics: ead

Olassified List of Naturalists. vil

Name. Address. Particulars.

Capt. T. M. Alex-|Sagur. Collects specimens of Coleop-

ander, 8, Madras tera.

Cavalry.

W. Macleay, Esq. (Sydney, N.S. W. [Has a large number of dupli-

cates which he wishes to

exchange for Indian species.

Capt. Julian Hob-Sattara. Coleoptera.

son.

X.—HEMIPTERA.

Ditto. Sattara.

X1.—HymMeEnopr-

TERA.

Collects specimens of Hymen-

ander. | optera.

J. G. Peels. Pharmacéen Place|Collects all Hymenoptera and

delaCalandre,III.| Diptera and is ready to

Gand, Belgium. | exchange with any Indian

Entomologist but only the

| abovenamed orders.

W. Theobald, Esq.,!Rangoon.

Junior.

XIL.—Dirrera.

J. G. Peels. See under Hymenoptera,

XII1.—Lzpipor-

TERA.

Lieut. R.C. Beavan.|Camp Perulia, Man-|Collects specimens of Lepidop-

bhoom. tera.

Sir W. Denison, K.|Madras. ‘Willing to purchase or ex-

C. B. | change specimens.

Capt. A. M. Lang,|Simla. Has a large collection of Lepi-

R. E. doptera from N. W. Hima-

laya and Punjab, would be

glad to obtain in exchange,

Lepidoptera of H. Himalayan

India. Describes and figures

transformations of Indian

Lepid.,

—

2 a:

*yaett<

# ot § ++

’

aha x

™ (ee

ote ee | ee

rtd GE

« et hee A oe re

is ae Be) NS a

rae memos OB te stim haart He tame ee

mt in (ah

ALAS

Re ARS

7¥

7 Vp

fe TITY,

pate

“ 7 Pers . yii oy

sd staat did dans

+ P

Vili Classified List of Naturalists.

Nome Address. : Particulars.

Se SE GS SEE

S CATS VaR

A. E, Russell, Hsq.|Care of Messrs.|Collects and observes the trans-

| Coutts and Co.,; formations. Collectionshave

Strand, London. | been shipped for England

| where he will be glad to

exchange Indian for other

| exotic Lepidoptera.

|Has on hand a monograph of

silk producing species of

| Indian Bombycide and Sa-

| turiniade.

Capt. J. Roberts. (Late Darjeeling. Lepidoptera.

W.S. Atkinson, Hsq.|Director of Public|Collects Lepidoptera, will be

Instruction, Cal.| glad to exchange Silhet and

Darjeeling species for those

| of other parts of India, especi-

ally the Punjab, Central and

Southern India; wishes also

an accurate local list of Lepi-

| doptera from all parts of

India with the view of de-

termining the geographical

: range of species and varieties.

Capt. T. M. Alex-jSagur. Collects specimens.

ander. !

W. Macleay, Esq. |Sydney, N.S. W. (Collects and has a large num-

ber of duplicates which he

wishes to exchange for Ii-

dian species.

Capt. T. Hutton. (Mussoorie.

}

Capt. Julian Hob-|Sattara.

son.

XAXLV.—Dtoromaca

MicrRoscopr.

Capt. J. Mitchell. |Supt., Madras Mu-Interested in the microscope,

seum. wishes to work out the Dio-

tomace of the neighbour-

hood and considers it desir-

able that the Museum should

have a complete collection.

Capt. Julian Hob-Sattara. |Desmideze and Diatomace. :

son,

—*

aut, Es

i h

| An “A

| Ah

1 agains PELLICLE FD he es a a heal ae ES

Classified List of Naturalists. 1X

Name. Address. : Particulars,

XV.—Borany.

G. CG. M. Birdwood,|/Victoria Garden, Economic Botany of India,

Kisq., M. D. Bombay. wants specimens of products

and seeds of plants yielding

them wants also seed vessels

of all kinds for a carpologi-

cal collection; willing to

make exchanges, or to pur-~

2 chase.

H. Cleghorn, Esq.,/Simla. Economic Botany; Foresting.

M. D. Has a large Herbarium of

S. Indian plants and a small

collection of Punjab plants.

J. L. Stewart, Hsq.,{Lahore. General Economic Botany of

M. D. | India.

J. KH. T. Aitchison,|Simla. Botany.

Hsq., M. D.

Capt. R. H. Bed-|Conservator of For-|Ditto.

dome. ests. Madras.

XVI—Ferrns.

Capt. R. H. Bed-Conservator of For-/Collects Ferns and is publish-

dome. ests. Madras. ing a work on the Ferns of

| India. Has duplicates of

all Madras Ferns and would

be glad to exchange for speci-

mens from Khasia, Assam,

&e.

XVIT.—Guonoey.

F. Drew, Esq. ‘Srinagger, Kashmir.|Physical Geology.

Capt. T. Hutton. ‘Mussoorie. Geology.

R. Bruce Foote, sq. Geological Survey,

: Madras.

W. King, Esq. Care of Messrs. Ar-|Collects specimens illustrative

buthnot & Co.) of Geology and its allied

Madras, branches of Natural History,

LER en,

i, oat |

« ee

fafa

SENT

- @¢ Are

x Classified List of Naturalists.

Name. Address. Particulars.

Capt. H. Godwin/Engineer engaged,|Takes an interest in Geology,

Austen. Bhotan expedi-| and hasmade a small collec-

tion, tion of fossils carboniferous

limestone of the Kashmir

valley at Zanskar, We. also a

few from the Oolitic and other

formations of that part of the

Himalaya; some fossils have

been sent home and have

been examined by Professor

Woodward; theremainder he

proposes (when leisure can be

obtained) to figure. Sections

have been made by him of

many portions of the Western

Himalaya, and a Geological

map of those portions that he

hassurveyed. To more detail-

ed sections and an exploration

of the beds abovementioned,

he imtends to devote a sum-

mer leave when obtainable ;

he has also some drawings of

Buddhist remains found in

the Kashmir valley.

A.M. Verchere, Hsq.| Assistant Surveyor,|Has a large collection of fossils

~Bunnoo, Punjab.| and rocks from Salt Range,

Kashmir, &e., 1s anxious to

enter into correspondence

with any person who knows

of beds of Carboniferous

limestone in India (not in the

Punjab or western Himalaya)

especially in the THastern

Himalaya.

XVIIL.—Erano-

LOGY.

W. King, Esq. Geological Survey,Is interested in evidences of

care of Messrs.| the prehistoric origin of man

Arbuthnot & Co.,| and has in conjunction with

Madras. Mr. Foote of the Geological

oe mee

We Re gina aces wets eae ETE ae OS

Classified List of Naturalists. Xi

Name. Address. Particulars.

EEE SCS ESS | ES

Capt. C. L. BR. Glas- Deputy

furd. sioner,

Ditto. ‘Ditto.

Rev. M. A. Sher-|Benares.

ring.

Col. J. Abbott. 'Umballa.

XLX.—ARCHAO-

LOGY.

Survey, discovered a great

number of chipped stone

weapons or implements, scat-

tered about and buried in

the alluvial deposits in the

neighbourhood of Madras ;

may probably have duplicates

during the year and will be

glad to exchange for speci-

mens from the parts of India

especially the smooth or

polished variety of these

“ Celts.”

Commis-|Indo-Scythian remains and affi-

Sironcha,| nities between the wild tribes

GentralProvinces,, in the vicinity of the Goda-

very and the Todas, Kotturs,

&e, of the Neilgherries.

Would be glad to meet with

a correspondent who could

give him informationregard-

ing the customs religion and

traditions of the Sonthals,

and of the wild tribes in

Assam, and on the N. K,

frontier, or of Seythian re-

mains in these parts.

Especially interested in the

Archeology of Benares and

its neighbourhood.

Antiquities of all kinds, Geo-

graphical, Architectural, Kith-

nological including sculpture,

numismatics, engraving tra-

ditions, d&e., especially such

as relate to the SUCCESSOT'S

of Alexander in the Hast,

Xil Classified List of Naturalists.

Name. Address. Particulars.

C. Horne, Esq. Benares. Archeology, especially Bud-

dhist remains, and collects

coins for others.

Capt. H. H. Godwin Dehra Dhoon. Has some drawings of Bud-

Austen. dhist remains found in the

Kashmir valley,

Baboo Rajendralala|\Manicktollah, Cal-/Has a collection of Sanscrit

Mitra. cutta. MSS. of which he would

eladly have copies made for

those requiring them. Has

the Taittiriya A’ranyaka in

the press and wants a copy

of Sdyana’s commentary on

the same for collation.

XX.—Corns,

Lieut. Ayrton Pul-/Topographical Asst.;/Will be happy to make ex-

Jan. of G. T. Survey,| changes of silver or copper

of India, Dehra; Bactrian or Hindoo coins.

Dboon or Mus-

SOOr1e.

Major George G.Care of Messrs. Ar-|Collects Bactrian coins, gems,

Pearse, R. A. buthnot & Co. and ancient Indian coins;

Madras. requires coins of Archibeus,

Amyntas, Pantaleon, Diony-

sius, Artemon, Artemidorus,

Epander, Zoilus, Teleppus

and Pakores and any good

copper coins of Hucratides

andAgathon. Requires gems.

Has large number of Maha-

medan coins of all ages, Cash-

mere coins and modern coins

for disposal, also coins ol

Alexander the Great.

‘Commanding 5th)Has at present no wish to ex-

| Horse Brigade) change duplicate coins.

| Royal Artillery,

| Unmballa.

Col, J. Abbott.

HP et |

wee

VET At

NM Of

|S oe oe

ul lhstratig

lethany

it if AW

ala

- Fc cpea nc teee hg ow nea Oe SRNR HORAN 2A Cea yao RA TA EG eS Seeman eas

~ | Classified List of Natwralists. xiii

ee ee

Name. Address. Particulars.

a Co ES EEE Eee | ae? GES GSES SSS RS SS OY SLES

O.W. Wilmott, Esq.|Assistant Commis-|Has formed a small collection

sioner, Deoghur. | of foreign and other coins.

Baboo Rajendralala|Manicktollah, Cal-|Has a few coins; wishes to ex-

Mitra. cutta. change duplicates.

NOTES AND QUERIES,

ZooLoGgy.

1. “TI seein Blyth’s Catalogue that he makes Inuus Assamensis

of McClelland and Inuus pelops of Hodgson to be one and the same.

They are totally distinct species the former inhabiting—* Subhima-

layan region, As4m”—and the other being strictly confined to the

Northern forests bordering on the snows in Nipal, Kumaon, Mussooree

and Simla. Mr. Blyth never saw a specimen of Pithex (Inuus)

pelops of Hodgson. I think Dr. Jerdon is convinced of the distinctness

of our species as I showed him a living individual.” Carr. T, Hurzon,

Mussoorve.

2. What books are attainable respecting the wasps and ants of

India at a moderate cost ? In what Journals and of what date may

papers be found on these subjects? Is there any work with coloured

or plain illustrations of the Dragon Flies of India? C. Hornz, Benares,

NuMISMATICS.

8. Since dies of the ancient coins have been engraved at Rawul

Pindee it is hard to pronounce on the genuineness of coins purchased.

Most of the forgeries are smeared with lamp-black mixed either with

water or withoil. Boiling water or the action of oil of turpentine

will remove this; whereas the oxide on an old coin can be removed

only by mechanical action on the edge of a sharp tool. Cou. J.

Aszort, Umballa.

( {tp BERG LIPLELPIPLIISLIIGE SSL ILLGS I SGARALS I ELIIOALIPIEIL SL,

— >

— ~ = ~ be

——4 es — — >

Me , — = * - Se = > =

= = : > a * = <> > =z =

So — ~~ =— => = =. —a oo —s ee oS =~ <A Ss at i SS iS iss SS : — a a —— as -

= —=—= == = —< = ws eas — — Sc cS => = —— — <S SS SS Se SS — a — —= == = = ~ 7 == = <a SS s

——— —= —— —— ; = 2 : = =. -— _— = — = =4 —<— —= —=e = —=) = = — 2 — i - = > ar aae

=~ —— = st ee — —=- = = = = — = = == > = a =

IEEE EE CLD SOLIS 5 RETESET _ = =e 7 <

Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

im the month of January, 1864.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East,

Feet.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon,

o © re

Bos Range of the Barometer = o Range of the Tempera.

“an 5 3 during the day. PQ S ture during the day.

2 5 ae

Dia & ana =

° eo 28 ro ©

a :

a | =

Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. Oo ) 0) 0)

1 | 29.969 | 30.051 | 29.908 | 0148 65.8 76.2 | 57.0 | 19.2

2 965 .030 .912 118 67.2 76.4 09.8 | 16.6

3 | Sunday.

4, | 30.033 130 .969 161 65.1 74.4) 56.4 | 18.0

5 001 .066 .948 118 65,5 75.8 57.2 | 18.6

6 O21 .093 967 126 65.8 75.0 58.4 | 16.6

7 -068 154 | 30.018 136 64.2 73.6 56.4 | 17.2

8 .076 157 .020 137 63.2 73.0 55.0 | 18.0

9 .089 177 027 150 64.3 75.0 09.6 | 19,4

10 | Sunday.

11 033 L111 | 29.965 146 65.6 17.4 57.4 | 20.0

12 038 123 991 132 66.9 77.0 58.6 | 18.4

13 044 129 992 137 65.5 76.4: 56.0 | 20.4

14 | 29.995 .090 .923 167 64.8 74.8 56.0 | 18.8

15 94: 042 .876 .166 65.7 76.7 56.0 | 20.7

16 884 | 29.933 836 097 65.3 71.9 08.0 | 13.9

17 | Sunday.

18 943 | 30.025 883 142 64.5 73.2 56.4 | 16.8

19 951 040 894: 146 65 1 74,7 06.6 | 18.1

20 O74 .051 922 129 64,8 75.9 55.0 | 20.9

21 | 30.002 087 945 142 64.3 74.8 59.4 | 19,4)

22 | 29.969 059 912 147 65.8 17.3 04.8 | 22.5

23 898 | 29.980 028 152 69.7 82.2 09.6 | 22.6

24 | Sunday.

25 979 | 30.051 .930 121 62.4 73.1 52.8 | 20.3.

26 999 070 935 135 62.8 74,0 62.8 | 21.2

27 967 .039 924 115 64.0 76.2 54.0 | 23.2

28 .960 023 917 106 | 64,5 75.8 06.0 | 19.8

29 | 380.000 .080 959 121 64.7 76.2 59.4 | 20.8

30 -000 086 933 153 63.3 14.7 o4.2 | 20.5

dl | Sunday.

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb

Faeeueret Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during

the day.

ii Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations J

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, if! !

in the month of January, 1864. i"

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—(Continued).

a ce te » 0 “ ¢ Hi lath 7

F 5 x Sic 8 | 2s

i : 2 Q . oo ee tee = 8

S G E é S Boe ees ia

= S : = Sis ete | ee ~

Z : E = 2 2e (52s) 6s if

2 a ‘a BQ es |e she

o - = ae Se | Os aoe oo: Be

te 2 2 2 Ss a El s oO a ca e o 4 S i

i) ee = aa = ) O;,o|/ C28 ran

¢ so ca a. = a 5 s* [220] = 2 x ly

= 5 b> 5 aan Se | OS (Saal $9.8 ri

=) Zi a 'S) an) = A <A Ss

) 0 O O Inches. | T. gr.| T. or, |

1 60.0 5.8 55.4 10.4 | 0.449 | 4.98 | 2.06 | 0.71 | J

2 61.7 5.5 57.3 9.9 478 | 5.28] 07 | .72

3 | Sunday we ol

4 58.1 7.0 52.5 12.6 407 | 4,52 37 66 "

5 59.0 6.5 53.8 11.7 4.25 fos 27 68 q

6 58.4 7A 52.5 1303 407 52] 52 64 fi

7 57.5 6.7 51.5 127 393 37 32 65 Mi

8 56.4 6.8 50.3 12.9 377 21 28 65 Q

) 57.1 72 50.6 1237 381 24) (48 63 r

10 | Sunday. ut

11 | 59.2 64 | Set 151) 429 | 76-24 | 68 ‘

12 59.8 Hall 54.1 12.8 429 75-|\ 58 1.65 \

13 59.0 6.5 53.8 LT 425 71] 27 | .68 7

14 58.8 6.0 54.0 10.8 428 5 08 70 ue

15 59.7 6.0 54:9 10.8 441 89 13 70

16 60.5 4.8 56.7 8.6 | 469 9.19 | 1.74 19

17 =| Sunday. i

18 58.7 5.8 54.1 | - 10.4 429 | 4.78} .98 | .71 a

19 08.2 6.9 52.7 12.4 409 6 | 2.33 66 a)

: 20 57.6 ZZ 51.8 13.0 397 1 42 65 My

e 21 57.1 72 50.6 13.7 381 24 48 63 9)

ee 22 58.6 72 52.8 13.0 411 56 48 65 |

a 23 62.6 Hak 56.9 12.8 475 618 75 | .68 i

| ats 24 | Sunday. a

x ee 25 53.7 8.7 4.5.9 16.5 324. 3,62 71 57 Mi

= 26 54.1 8.7 46 3 16.5 329 67 | .74 | .57 ly

ae 27 55.7 8.3 48.2 15.8 351 91 74 59 Ny

3g 28 56.8 7 50.6 13.9 B81] 4.24 52 63 |

3 29 55.4, 9.3 48.0 16.7 349 | 3.87 938 57

| 30 55.3 8.0 48.1 15.2 .350 90 | .61 60 |

“¥ 31 | Sunday. tp

All the Hygrvometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants. on

Meteorological Observations. 1H

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

vn taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of January, 1864.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon,

Range of the Tempera-

z= @ Ranve of the Barometer for =

wo O43 Pm) ture for each hour

. -a9.s each hour during the oe ch

209 8 antl: _ : during the

\ Hour. es 2, A A month.

i‘ so °O ‘ ss . |

qo 8 Max Min Diff. se Max. | Min. | Diff

— = =

Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. ) O 0) Oo

Mid- a |

night. 30.003 | 30,096 | 29.933 0.163 60.5 63.4: 57.0 6.4:

1 | 29.989 090 895 195 59.9 62.8 56,2 6.6

2 981 .090 O74: 216 59.3 62.6 90.2 7A

3 972 O81 .869 212 08.6 62.4 b4.8 7.6

4 | 8.1

5 982 080 2809 221 57.0 61.0 03.4 7.6

6 992 .090 877 218 56.9 60.2 53.2 7.0

7 |80.013 114 .900 214 06.2 59.8 02.8 7.0

8 041 160 908 202 60.2 64.0 56.8 7.2

9 063 L77 .909 .268 63.2 65.6 60.0 5.6

10 071 174: 933 241 66.6 70.8 64.0 6.8

11 053 153 912 241 69.5 74.9 66.0 8.9

967 073 962 241 57.9 62.3 HAL?

Noon, 022 117 901 216

1 | 29.989 070 .869 201 73.9 80.2 71.4 8.8

| 2 963 046 846 .200 75.1 82.2 71.0 | 11.2

; 3 944. .038 836 202 Toes 82.1 71.6 | 10.5

} 4, 937 027 828 0199 73.9 80.0 70.8 9.2

5 941 082 836 196 71.8 77.6 | 67.2 | 10.4

6 949 .038 837 201 68.9 73.6 | 65.6 | 8.0

7 .968 .068 848 220 66.5 70.4 62.8 76

i 8 .985 .095 865 .280 64.9 68.2 | 61.6] 6.6

9 (| 30.001 110 921 189 63.5 66.6 60.0 6.6

10 .000 118 875 243 62.7 67.6 | 58.81 88

11 | 29.995 .084) 871 218 61.7 67.2 | 57.0 | 10.2

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb

Thermometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours

during the month,

; 5 =

iv Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

im the month of January, 1864.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—( Continued).

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

o fas rb} Ge oO) a > wn SS

= e E Z 2 352 |o8

os 2 & a ae | Ow |S Sg 2/8 e

ee : ee a

= 9 a Da pas mag peo 2 Soe Ss es

See 5 g Pol 2s | fae Sp 28s s se

= a Oo 2 = = < =

Oo O 0 ) Inches. [Troy grs./Troy grs.

Mid- 3 :

ao 56.3 4.2 52.5 8.0 | 0.407 4,57 1.40 0.77

1 56,1 3.8 52.7 7.2 409 .60 25 AQ

2 50.6 3.0 52.3 7.0 404: 55 elo 9

3 50.2 34 | 52.1 6.5 401 2 10 80

4 54.7 3.2 | 51.8 6.1 307 48 OL 82

5 54.0 3.0 51.3 5.7 390 Al 0.93 83

6 53.9 3.0 51.2 5.7 389 40 92 83

a 03.2 3.0 90.2 6.0 316 26 95 82

8 55.2 5.0 50.7 9.5 382 .29 1.62 3

) 56.7 6.5 50.8 | 12.4 383 28 2.21 .66

10 58.2 | 8.4 61.5 | 15.1 393 .36 85 61

11 59.4 | 10.1 51.3 18.2 890 80 3.08 50

Noon.| 60.4 | 11.8 51.0 | 21.2 .386 23 4,32 50

L 60.9 13.0 ol.8 22.1 397 od 68 43

2 61.6 | 18.5 52.1 | 23.0 01 37 97 47

3 61.6 13.7 a2 O 23.3 .400 35 5.05 4,6

A 61.0 | 12.9 52.0 | 21.9 400 36 4.65 48

5 61.3 | 10.5 52.9 | 18.9 412 52 3.93 54,

6 61.3 le 00.2 13.7 445 91 2.83 63

7 60.5 6.0 55.7 10.8 453 2.02 17 70

8 09.6 D9 55.4) 9.5 449 4.98 1.87 73

9 58 6 4.9 54.2 9.3 431 80 75 13

10 58.1 4.6 54.0 8.7 4.28 Wd 62 75

11 57.0 4:2 53.7 8.0 423 v4 4S 77

19} yt

Meteorological

Observations. ¥

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of January, 1864.

radiation.

5 feetabove

| Rain Gauge

Ground.

Max. Solar

oot

1) 132.4

9] 129.7| -..

146.8| ...

137.41...

136.0

131.8

9} 133.2

6} 127.5

JMG od G31 Oy eos

12) 183.8! ...

ES SlS6,0:= =,

14) 128.0] ...

15) 181.2

16) 124:.0

18| 131.2

19] 182.0

20) 187.5]...

21) 184.6) ,,,

22| 136.0

3| 142.8

25| 1386.0

26} 132.0

27) 136.0

28) 133.0

29) 137.0

30} 131.0

)

Solar Radiation,

of the Wind. Pa

tbs

N. 4

N.& N. W 4

Sunday. “

N. & N. W. 4

N.& N. W. z

N. W. &N. a

N. &N. W. 4

N. W. &N. 2

N. 2

Sunday 4

N. S

N. ot

N. 4

N. £

S.H. &N i

N.&S. -

Sunday. 4

N. & W. 1i

N. W. & W. 1

W.&N. W. 4

N. W. & W. +

N.W.&8.&8. W.| 3

Sunday. eS

W. &N. f

W.&N.W.&N =

N.&S. i

N.& W.&S. 13

W.&N. e

N. & W a

Sunday 1

Weather, &c.

General Aspect of the Sky.

SESE) eames

Cloudless; also slightly foggy from

2 to 5 A. M.

4| Scatd. clouds till 1 Pp. ™m.; cloudless

afterwards.

Cloudless.

Cloudless till 5 a. m.; Scatd. “i till

Noon; cloudless afterwards.

Cloudless.

Cloudless. [P. M.

Cloudless; also foggy between 8 & 11

Cloudless.

Cloudless till 1 p. m.; Scatd. clouds till

8 Pp. M.; cloudless afterwards also

slightly fogey at 11 p. M,

Cloudless.

Cloudless till 1 P. m.; Scatd. clouds

till 5 Pp. M.; cloudless afterwards.

Cloudless till 1 Pp. m.; Scatd. 71 & “i

till 6 Pp. m.; cloudless afterwards,

also slightly fogey from 9 to 11 P. mu.

Cloudless.

Cloudless ; also foggy from 8 to 11 Pp. m.

,| Cloudless; also slightly foeey from 8

to 11 P. uM.

Cloudless.

Cloudless ; also slightly foggy between

3&7 A. M.

-| Cloudless ; also fogey at 8 Pp. M.

-| Cloudless.

Cloudless.

Cloudless, also foggy at 5 a. M. and

between 9 & 11 P. uM,

Cloudless.

Wi Cirro cumuli.

vi Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations ee

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of January, 1864.

MontHLY RESULTS.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, oe °° 29.992 co

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 9 a. M. on the 9th, as 30.177 a

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 4 P. M. on the 23rd, we 29.828 ul

Huatreme range of the Barometer during the month, oe oe 0.349 :

Mean of the daily Max. Pressures, ae = 23002

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, Sc ve “s 29.936

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ae 0.136

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, aa oe 65.0

Max. Temperature occurred at 2 P. M. on the 28rd, ee 82.2

Min. Temperature occurred at 7 a. M. on the 25th & 26th, 5 92.8

Mxtreme range of the Temperature during themonth, .. ee 29.4

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, zs = os 75.5

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, = = S 56.2 sh

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, =. 19.3 i

_0 a

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, Se oe 08.0 !

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer,.. 7.0 |

Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, we oe O24 | :

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, .. 12.6 Wy

Inches | |

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month,.. oe ee 0.405

Troy grains a

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, es ee =. 4.50 ,

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, ee 2.37 | :

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.66 | )

Inches | ll

Rained no days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, ... = Nil. fl

Total amount of rain during the month, .. <— ee Nil. | ;

Prevailing direction of the Wind, = St N. & N. W. & W. "I

Meteorological Observations. vil

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor Generals Office, Catcutta,

in the month of January, 1864.

Monrary RESULTS.

- Table showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

4) , i y

Hour f ; | a.

ols 5 | aa id

ia) Ss =| H =F 1 oR

opt i ? z

Wie| 8 SE y =F 1.

IZ 0 = | bo |cc| W. lek

co} | ” p YY > (00 § tea

No. of days.

RUHL

S&S

Midnight.

NNWwWNwWONEDNN Db ww

Jeol

Jot jad

HOOnNOAOMA WN E

bo 0 CO eS

EH be ow bho DD

mdb Wool OTW BA ool

WDWNEPEPHNP OBA wD

Noon.

bo bO bO

Aniiagahagae! Soha eh tall ca haan

fed fed ee ed fd dt feet

qo Gb 0 0 OO DO ee

TLOLOLOLOUR OU BB OB OO

SAI OD S&S Oo

+ = ——_ ——_

= —~> —= _, a ——- -

== 4 . ed

——_ — _—— — — \ - ae > —s

— = = = - — r- ee ee => — —— J

ae = a — = ma Se te =< * . => ~—~ Ge Ss =—_ —s —— <> —F fo see * » "- : c —. —* 4 ; =” <= = => Ss Ss Ss sas a=

ace =— = Senet n ee an ewes SS — ee S25 55 => = : f— £2 ss Ss = Ss SS = [SS oS = =

= = = Sates ral pemy # eee a — => = —S 3 lc CUS a ay > — == > = = = > = = = ——

2 S = = —— a es aS oe = =e = = ss = 3 = — ee 2 =F =

mS —— — — £: apes ae — Me = , ~ — a

= = — — - = . = n> a = == — —- = = =

a inode aiapinlahaeondatlanen

. : :

‘Viens &.v..

3 Fhe mein rh ek a URE EL Sa IG SREY SSIS SS =

Meteorological Observations. 1x

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observatiosn

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of February, 1864.

Latitude 22° 331” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” Kast.

Feet.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

Cet hy 2 uw

4 = 3 Range of the Barometer e Ss |Range of the Tempera-

“én 5 3 during the day. = : ture during the day.

cB) = ~ 5

Date. = ze sy = s

5 Ss Max. Min. Diff. a Ey Max. | Min. | Diff.

a | a

Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. te) ry) 0 0

1 30.074 | 30.155 | 30.015 0.140 68.0 78.4 58.8 | 19.6

2 -L11 183 .060 123 69.8 78.4) 63.6 | 14.8

3 120 193 .055 138 71.8 80.8 64.8 ' 16.0

4 132 218 072 141 71.8 81.2 65.2 | 16.0

5 136 234, 057 177 68.3 79.2 58.8 | 20.4

6 108 190 027 163 68,2 80.4: 07.8 | 22.6

7 | Sunday. |

8 034: 121 | 29,967 154 Th. 82.5 64.0 | 18.5

9 .029 119 969 150 73.5 83.4 66.0 | 17.4

10 O14: .085 944 141 74.0 84.2 67.6 | 16.6

11 29.996 .062 ‘931 74.6 85.6 66.3 | 19.3

74.7 ~| 85.1 67.4 | 17.7

ero

12 | 30.015 082 966 116

13 | 29.958 048 881 167 | 75.6 87.8 | 68.4 | 19.4

14 | Sunday.

15 822 | 29.899 768 131 | 76.0 85.2 | 68.6 | 16.6

16 775 852 696} .156| 75.7 83.2 | 69.6 | 13.6

17 734 798 622 | 176 76.0 82.4 69.6 | 12.8

18 847 927 792 | 135 | 65.5 72.9 | 61.2 | 11.0

19 839 898 | 779 119 | 67.2 “79 | 57.6 | 19.6

20 867 940 611 | 429: 709 80.6 | 62.6 | 18.0

21 | Sunday. | 3

22 .965 | 30.037 903 AS42 = 71-3 80.6 | 62.2 | 18.4

23 868 | 29.953 798 155 | 743 82.2 | 68.6 | 13.6

24, 799 879 713 166 | 76.0 84.2 | 69.5 | 14.7

25 791 884 734| 1501 741 81.8 | 67.6 | 14.2

26 824 911 770 141 | 74.5 83.8 | 65.6 | 18.2

27 806 893 745 148 | 75.5 84.2 | 69.2 | 15.0

28 | Sunday.

29 821 .900 752 148 | 78.4 87.2 | 70.6 | 16.6

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther -

mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

xX Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

im the month of HKebruary, 1864.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.— (Continued).

zt E = ee a

° ) ~ = bt

= iS 5 = So Be ee

so) Ra a Ace = et = Sa

es : 6 2 | os 8s

Dae, 2 A a os a S| 2 Ge

2 8 2 + = Se ps | Se | Wess

=o = = a As bs O Sr ee

46 pa 5, ae ae e |255) bs

° s = Bae 2 1a 8

= Q O Q = = S =

oO O O O Inches. (2) are 2 eer:

1 63.6 4,4) 60.1 7.9 0.525 5.80 1.73 0.77

2 65.8 4.0 62 7.2 510 6.28 .67 19

3 66.9 A.9 63.0 8.8 518 OO 2.12 15

4, 64.8 7.0 p92 { 12.6 009 5.58 87 .66

5 60.0 8.3 53.4 | 14.9 A19 4.63 7 OL

6 59.9 8.9 93.30 | 14.9 A418 62 .96 OL

7 | Sunday :

8 65.2 6.5 60.0 | 11.7 028 |= oe 10 68

9 67.1 6.4: 62.6 | 10.9 10 | 6,23 67 70

10 | 68.1 5.9 64.0 | 10.0 597 52 o2 72

M1 68.0 G.6 63.4 | 11.2 086 oo Rous 70

12 67.6 ta. 62.6 | 12.1 570 | 22 3.0L 67

13 69.2 6.4: 64.7 | 10.9 O11 | 65 2.893 70

14 | Sunday. |

15 69.3 6.7 64.6 | 11.4 609 | 63 97 69

16 70.3 5,4 66.5 9.2 .648 | 7.06 45 TA:

17 70.0 - 5.5 66.6 9.4) 601 | 08 2 7A

18 57.3 8.2 50,7 | 14.8 oon | 4.205 73 61

19 59.8 74 5jo.0 13.0 426 2 63 64:

20 63.1 7.8 56.9 | 14.0 A472 | 517 3.06 63

21 Sunday. |

ie 22 64.2 TA 58.5 | 12.8 A498 4.5 2.88 65

18 23 68.9 5.4: 65.1 9.2 619 6.77 0 TA:

e 24, 69.9 6.1 | 65.6 | 10.4 .630 86 TA 72

= 25 69.4: 8.7 59.8 | 14.8 | .b11 5.57 3.00 OL

26 63.8 10.7 56.3 | 18,2 A62 04: A. 14: OD

1a 27 65.1 10.41 57.8 | 17.7 486 | .28 is | .56

E a 28 | Sunday. |

a4 29 712 72 | 66.2 | 12.2 642 | 6.95 | 3.36 67

3 = All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Se Pe a

Meteorological Observations. x1

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of Hebruary, 1864.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon,

age for each hour during PQs for each hour during

Hour = 2 oa the month. aa the month.

“| ma & AE

do soe

<2 |Max. | Min. | Diff.| $& | Max. | Min. Diff,

= =

Inches. | Inches.| Inches.| Inches. O O 0 0

Mid- 9 =

night. 9.941 ‘30.147 |29.760 | 0 387 68.9 76.0 61.8 14.2

1 937 138 TAT 891 | 68.2 TOE 60.8 14.9

2 935 182 | .747 885 | 67.6 | 75.0 60.0 15.0

3 925 127 728 899 67.2 74.6 59.5 15.1

4, 896 L102 718 384 67.3 74.0 59.0 15.0

5 .920 mi HY 729 098 66.1 73.4) 58.5 14.9

6 944, 148 Tor 91 65.7 73.6 57.6 16.0

7 .962 a BEE 769 412 65.5 73.6 57.6 16.0

i 8 991 .209 £185 A424, 67.4: 74:6 61.2 13.4

t 9 | 30.008 2228 798 430 70.4: 76.5 62.0 14.5

| 10 .018 234 198 436 72.9 78.9 63.2 15.7

: 11 .0038 212 178 ABA 75.6 80.6 65.0 15.6

Noon. | 29.974 184 | .742 442 | 78.4 | 83.2 | 69.0 14.2

1 941 138 716 422 80.3 85.9 Ti2 14.7

2 O11 104: .676 428 81.4) 87.0 71.2 15.8

3 889 082 631 ABL 81.8 87,8 71.4 16.4

| 4, O82 072 622 450 81.2 86.8 12.2 14.6

| 5 882 .078 639 A443 79.4 86,4 70.0 16.4

) 6 888 .083 645 A38 76.8 83.6 67.6 16.0

i 7 907 L104 691 413 74.6 81.0 66.0 ° 15.0

i 8 .926 «135 746 389 72.9 79.6 64,4: 15,2

i 9 943 144, .760 084 71.5 78.0 63.0 15.0

10 950 .L53 SVEFER .880 70.7 17.4 62.6 14.8

11 949 .Ld59 166 00 69.9 Tice, 62.2 15.0

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours

during the month.

x Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of Hebruary, 1864.

Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon,—( Continued.)

2 as 43 E S ee) esels5

Ss ~ ont Q oO Sy 42 om fo =

po - Z = Shes SS | 4

o Flt rp) =) Ons oo x Oo Osm

~h2 ® > = = ae 2 ‘oO S oo s

Hour es = 5 = a os = =o) ee

° -) a} Co hes “a ee oO o om

| a @ ay 5 Fee ae 2 Be a5 0

£9 5 = Sea) Hot ee | e282 | 2s

o & FQ Du Fs ss see i eS eee

= o a Ps aly oF o Ot = So = = sS

=| he ° S BO | TE OS ‘3 3

0 ) O 0 Inches. |Troy grs./Troy gers.

night. :

1 64.3 3.9 61.2 7.0 044 OL D7 79

2 64.1 3.5 61.3 6.3 046 05 209 ol

3 64:0 3.2 61.4: 5.8 048 07 28 83

4, 64.3 3.0 61.9 5 A od 17 20 84

5 63.2 2.9 60.9 5,2 a9 5.98 12 04

6 62.9 2.8 | 60.7 5.0 .036 94 .08 80

yi 62.6 2.9 60.3 D2 028 87 Ll 84

8 63.3 4.1 60.0 7A: 023 19 .60 18

9 64.6 5.8 60.0 10.4) 523 75 2.35 AL

10 65.4: 7.9 59.4: 13.5 513 .60 3.13 64

11 ; 0259 0 18 .60

Noon. 67.5 10.9 59.9 18.5 O21 .63 4.68

7.6 | 0.546 6.02 1.72 0.78

a 1 68.0 | 12.38 | 59.4 | 20.9 518 52 5.39

ie 2 68.3 | 18.1 | 59.1 | 22.3 508 46 81 AS

ee 3 68.5. | 13.3) 59.2 | 22.6 509 AT .93 48

ie A 68.2 | 13.0 59.1 291 508 .46 75 49

3 5 68.2 | 11.2 | 604 | 19.0 530 72 4.90 5A

2 6 68.2 8.6 | 62.2 | 14.6 563 6.10 Bee: 62

is 7 67.5 A625. 12) .568 .20 .00 .67

eo 8 667-4 6:2 1-617 | 112-1 554 05 2.68 69

13 9 66.2 5.8 =b2.0 9.5 559 13 25 73

fe. 10 65.8 4.9 | 61.9 8.8 ae 12 .06 75

4 11 65.5 4.4 | 62.0 7.9 559 15 1.83 wus

oP)

io)

oP)

3 =

—_ if

sit

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Ne Troy Sees TRE IN FETATACN AN OSS PE

eh Airs Gaurd a eae Wa iy

ATE ca Ma Catt RRNA are Soke oR oi tne pee tte a

Aon Les

A re ey

He eee

4°te-

"0 aioe

Meteorological Observations.

ice ee i he AS AO A a RT GE ee Sadoaiass

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of February, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.

# ¢ |S —

Bao eo aS

.| 2.8 |O & §| Prevailing direction | 2 iF General Aspect of the Sky.

2) #4 oS 1939 ofthe Wind. (Ac,

AS eo Zhe

o |Inches Tbs

1| 127.3 W.&S5, 1 | Cloudless till 5 a. mu. Scatd. clouds

till 5 p. mu. cloudless afterwards

also foggy from 5 to 10 A. M.

2) 133.0 S. W. & W + | Cloudless till 7 a. m. cloudy till 11

A. M., cloudless afterwards also

slichtly foggy at 10 & 11 a. M.

3| 133.6 S.&8. W. & W 1 | Clondless till 3 a. m. Scatd. clouds

till 7 Pp. m., cloudless afterwards

also slightly drizzling at 7 P. M.

4) 1384.0] .. N.&N. W. Scatd. clouds till 8 a. m., cloudless

| afterwards.

Bi -185:64 —& N. & S. W. + | Cloudless.

6; 138.0; . N.&S. & W x | Cloudless.

Tiare Sunday. z

ro aed OS lesa pl aie S. W.&5. + | Cloudlegs till 4 a. u., cloudy & foggy

till 7 a. mM. cloudless afterwards.

9) 138.8 . | s & W. Cloudless; also foggy from 3 to 7 A.M.

10; 139.8; ... |S. & W. ... | Cloudless; also foggy from 5 to 7 A.M.

11) 144.0 . |S. W.&8 + | Cloudless; also foggy from 1 to 7 A.M.

12) 141.2 S. 4 | Cloudless till 2 a. mu. cloudy & foggy

till 8 A. m., cloudless afterwards.

13; 140.38} ... |S. &8. W. 1 | Cloudless; also slightly foggy be-

tween 2 & 4 A. M,

14)... Sunday. 1

15| 185.8 Ss. + | Cloudless.

Por 133.04 S. 42 | Scatd. i till 4.4. m., cloudless till 4

Pp. M. Scatd. clouds afterwards.

17| 124.0) 0.88 | S.& N. 132 | Scatd. clouds till 4 P. m., cloudy

afterwards; also raining at 3 A. M.

& at 8 P. M.

18 = N.G&N. W. 2 | Scatd. i& “itill5 a. m., cloudy

till 6 Pp. u., cloudless afterwards.

19} 183.0 . |N H&S x | Cloudless till 1 Pp. Mm. Scatd. “i

afterwards.

20} 134.0 H.& NE. &S. EH. z | Scatd, \oi till 6 a. mM. Seatd. “i

afterwards.

21)... vee =| Sunday. 1?

22| 1384.0; ... | [email protected]&N.W.| & | Scatd. i till 1 p. ., cloudy after-

wards; also slightly drizzling at

10 P. M.

23| 1381.01 ... Variable. a | Cloudy till 11 a. m.; Scatd. i till 5

Pp. M. cloudless afterwards; also

slightly drizzling at 1 a. M,

‘i Cui, \-i Cirro strati, \i Cumuli, “i Cumulo strati, \-i Nimbi, —i Strati

\ i Cirro cumuli,

X1V

Meteorological Observations.

Abstract. of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of Hebruary, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

= ee 2

edi | Ps. 5 rj

Poe |r no

=| We eo 2 of the Wind. Ayr

A) Ae jawed ae

o |inches. Tbs

24; 140.0, 0.09 | W. & 8. 134 | Cloudy till 7 a. m., cloudless till 1

p. M., cloudy afterwards, also fogey

from 5 to 8a. M, and raining and

lightning at 8 P. M,

25| 182.0| ... |S. & W. 1 | Cloudy till 2 a. m.; cloudless after-

wards.

ZCI 2138: 94- =... N. W.&S. & W. 14 | Cloudless.

27| 139.0} ... | N. & 8S. & W. + | Cloudy till 7 a. mM.; cloudless after-

wards.

282. = Sunday. 2 +

29, 141.8) .... |S i | Cloudless till 4 a, m. Scatd, clouds

till 2 p.m.; Scatd. 71 till 7 P.M.

cloudless afterwards,

— J

0 ate air Sa ENS EO OER CR Te OS RSENS TTS Sn

at SST c = 2 + 2 aos

M eteorological Observations. XV

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of Hebruary, 1864.

Montupiy ReEsvunts.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for themonth, .. <s = 29,989

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 a. um. on the 5th, ee 980.234)

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 4: P. M. on the 17th, .. 29.622

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, ae e-- 0.612

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures, . oe -e -- 930.018

Ditto ditto Min; = ditto. -<. = eS a OTe

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ~» 0.145

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ae ee 72.7

Max. Temperature occurred at 3 Pp. M. on the 13th, = = 87.8

Min. ‘Temperature occurred at 6 & 7 A.M. on the 19th, .. os 57.6

Hatreme range of the Temperature during the month, <a se 30.2

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, = oo 82.1

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. & 5 aS 65.2

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. ee 16.9

Inches

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, . 3 : <0 65.8

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Wheenonieten. ws 6.9

Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. 2 we 60.3

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, ee 12.4,

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. es ee 0.528

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, se as sf 5.79

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, ae 2.89

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.67

Inches

Rained 5 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, = ee 0.38

Total amount of rain during the month, os = es 0.47

Total amount of rain indicated by the gauge attached to the Anemo-

meter during the month, A a a < 0.35

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. r= ee S. & W.

XV1 Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

an the month of Kebruary, 1864.

Monruzty ReEsvtts.

Table showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.

Rain on

Missed.

Midnight.

COaTq os WNre

Mobb HHH

WNWWNNNwWwWHh WH

me wwnwmnnwowo

Oo il alll mel 2)

MINOOEEP HBR WWWH

HKwnmwb word bow w

2 je

oe aS)

mph bee

IY)

he OD

OTH TCO WM WO

Noon.

ONNWWAD

bet

aay

ee)

tet ped

e e

LGR NST NE ST A I TSP TSP SS FE IE BE TEP EG Te ROPE ETRE ETS POISED EE IES SSSA aE ESE 2 Bs RR I EES ia er ae

SE STP TTT TS SS TE EES CTE STEEL OT ee ee aan, Senta anes sr ee ATeCN Cie ae ene ’ ns ne oe . PSS : SN STE

e 6

x ¢

SaaS eel ne Oe ee SS eS SSL ee eee Es ee Ee r - SA Se ere a no rar ey

a SESE « : r PE BTC sain = TE IT ES TES ea AEE ES ade RES a ET ET OBE ONT Oe DE PE

is e °

= aSEE - Sarasa sore aya ren SS == a SET ERTS ES Sy Sa he Py NY dM Nao eA y tne uy va ay ae Sadeninaee SEY ecard sa haar Sack RL es a Te ca ee ee ee ee

- e

kt DO GW Go NO OO

HOODNTANAWNE

NNONNNHENAAN EA

feet fod

WDNR AMTH Awe

NNNNNKEODOCOFHD

ee ees

BWarormmecre

——

alt.

ax. 32

<_ =. ==

thc

ae -

pale

——

—J

QS S—

——

Sine,

<— —_

SS —

“> «co

Andoy

hil

Mi)

| a

Uday,

Y ies ee see ee cn WRI OTT a ba yp ce RG OT ere tn Re bee STE SE EIT AS EA SERA TSS RE NE IE IE

Meteorological Observations. XV

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

ey } taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

| in the month of March, 1864.

Latitude 22° 33’1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” Hast.

Feet.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

= 5 as |

~ 2 ou Range of the Barometer | Pc 3 |Range of the Tempera-

“of 5 3 during the day. > # ture during the day.

| =~

| Date. = e a 5 :

| Sia Max Min Diff. & a Max. Min, | Diff.

i Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. Oo Oo O = 0

i) 1 29.905 | 29.975 |} 29.833 0.142 77.2 85.3 69.6 | 15.7

af; 2 948 | 30.042 897 145 73.5 83.6 63.4 | 20.2

ei 3 919 | 29.980 852 128 74.5 83.7 | 64.6 ' 19.1

| 4 963 | 30.042 895 147 76.4 85.6 68.8 | 16.8

vail 5 30.036 124 987 137 73.6 | 85,1 61.2 | 23.9

i 6 | Sunday. | | |

| q 29,947 031 873 158 | 76.2 86.6 67.9 | 18.7

iH 8 896 | 29.968 827 | 141 717.2 89.5 67.4 | 22.1

Mi 9 918 .980 S61 119 79.2 88.9 72.4 | 16.5

ii 10 970 | 30.052 914 138 171A 84.4 71.6 | 12.8

| 11 935 .040 B44 | 196 11.9 88.1 70.0 | 18.1

i 12 921 | 29.992 864 | 128 78.3 ; 87.8 69.8 | 18.0

Mat 13 | Sunday.

14, 0827 910 743 | 167 79.0 87.6 73.0 | 14.6

15 613 O74 763 LIL 80.8 90.5 74.7 | 15.8

16 .870 .956 : 811 145 82.7 92.8 74.4 | 18.4

17 828 911 753 158 82.6 91.7 75.8 | 15.9

18 811 902 752 150 80.7 89.0 74.2 | 14.8

; 19 870 955 809 146 17.9 88.0 70.0 | 18.0

| 20 | Sunday.

21 865 .945 784 161 80.3 91.6 | 71.6 | 20.0

22 846 £927 766 161 | 81.5 91.8 | 74.0 | 17.8

23 .816 .897 3k 166 $2.2 91.8 76.3 | 15.5

24 790 .866 712 154 81.3 91.5 72.8 | 18.7

a ae 882 793 129 82.9 92.3 76.2 | 16.1

2 876| .946| .885|} 111} 82.9 | 89.0

27 | Sunday. Coe ae

28 822/ 914| .764| 150 | 79.1 | 884 | 14

29 826 | .896 768 128} 78.9 | 882 | 698 a

30 888 | OOF 774 | —_18 = 805 Oko. m1 ee

31 841 929 157 172 82.3 91.8 75.6 | 16.2

: | , z 2 = Se ee

i / The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther.

mometer Means are deriyed from the hourly Observations made during the day

ey i>) 4 q @

XVIii Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor Generals Office, Calcutta, ’

in the month of March, 1864.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.— (Continued).

aoa E ‘5 Bee edges

@ = ° oO fax} a

: 2 | 2 a ge | Be |S | Bs +

2 Se ie ee ee i

Date. | =. z= a D 5 =o (oe 2 fe it?

ae S He) Eee a0 9 E oS Ss hee

Sr Q So —! mit Oo 5 =o & O'S af

| eo = 2 ae Be ie CO fe eo os it,

aS Fa a. 5 =! «a8 |S38/ J ma (8

3 S) eet Oo =o) & aes o .

® s = Pe o> 5 |3ac8| Soa é

= Q 5) A = Sp = co

| | bh

| Oo O o 0 Inches.| T. gr.

1 66.5 10.7 | 59.0| 182 | 0.506 | 5.49 0.55

2 61.4. 12.1) 529 | 20.6 412 | 4.50 51 KI

3 67.4 71{ 624 | 121 567 | 6.18 67 r

4, 65.8 10.6 | 58.41 18.0 496 | 5.38 55 ‘y

8B 62.2 114 | 542) 194 | .481 | 4,70 58 rf

6 | Sunday. i

7 | 66.6 96] 59.9) 163 | .521| 3.66 59 es

8 68.5 8.7 | 624] 148 | .567| 6.14 62 Np

9 73.5 5.7 | 69.51 9.7 | 715 | 7.72 73 =

10 70.5 6.9 | 65.7 | 11.7 632 | 6.85 68 a

tl 69.4 ; 81] 63.7] 138 591 Al 64: aw

22 2693 : 9.01 63.0 | 15.3 578 .26 61 a

13 | Sunday. a

14. 738 | 5821 yo2| ss | .732| 7,91 75

15 741 6.7) 69.4} 11.4 713 69 70

16 73.2 |. 95 | 66.5 | 16.2 648 | 6.96 59 uy

17 74.7 7.9 | 69.2| 13.4 .708 | 7.61 65 §

18 68.5 12.2 | 60.0 | 20.7 523 | 5.62 51 &

19 65.1 | 12.8] 56.1 | 21.8 459 | 4.97 AQ i

20 | Sunday. : rT

Wi)

oi | 692 4 1112/6141 189 | 548 | 5.91 BA r

22 | 73.8 7.7 + 68.4} 13.1 690 | 7.42 .66 rr

23 | 76.4 5.8 | 72.38) 9.9 783 | 8,41 YO r

PA {= 159 5.4) 72.1 9,2 1718 38 10 r

ee ered 68] 713) 16 | .758 13 69 ;

: 26, “768 5.1 73.2 | 8.7 .806 66 | 76 i

a 27 | Sunday. | \

e: gs 7h3 78 | 65.8 | 13.3 634 | 6.86 65

& 29 | 1.8 71} 66.8) 12.3 655 | 7.09 68

= 30 = 78.0 75 | 67.7 | 12.8 674, 27 66 ly.

= 31 | 75.9 : 6.4, | 714} 109 | %61)| 8.17 vee ke

i i dy

A\l the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

it etl a a ie - hh S. dj

‘ ~~ rye

So as ere ROR

ie Mitt eee, AN is CaN Ai

Taha gach BNR RS ENR S anes aM Lr

npiliny near ea eae

“i

Meteorological Observations.” Kix

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of March, 1864.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

‘oS s a | Range of the Barometer = o Range of the Temperature

a g a for each hour during pas for each hour during

Hour = x Fy the month. ae the month.

° | Mae mi A ai

do ‘ : = 3 : sng

sau | Max. Min. Diff. se, | Max. Min. Diff,

= is

Inches. | Inches.| Inches.| Inches. Oo Oo | fy) 1)

Mid-

night 29.877 ‘30.040 -|29.793 | 0.247 75.0 80.5 68.4: 12.1

1 .868 013 716 237 74,2 80.0 66.9 13.1

2 .048 |29.966 756 210 74.0 19.4 66.4 13.0

3 846 {30.008 (52 .256 73.3 79.0 64.6 14.4:

4, 846 016 165 251 92.7 78.0 63.2 14.8

5 863 .029 781 248 72.2 771A: 62.0 15.4

6 8s8l 043 792 201 71.7 76.8 61.2 15.6

7 904 074 B24 250 72.1 17.8 62.2 15.6

8 931 .099 .850 249 75.4 79.8 68.4: 11.4

9 .950 118 .866 i202 78.5 83.4: 73.2 10.2

10 953 124 861 .263 81.2 85.5 715A 10.1

11 943 L102 843 209 83.6 87.9 | 77.6 | 10.3

| |

Noon. | .917 | .082 | 814 | 268) 85.7] 902] 80.4 | 9.8

1 .886 049 | 1774 275 | 87.8 | 91.7, “812 | 10.5

2 .856 0138 745 .268 88.1 91.8 81.9 9.9

3 833 |29.988 £725 263 88.9 92.8 83.6 2

4, 822 995 719 276 88.0 92.4: 82.4 10.0

5 822 (30.012 718 | 294: 86.1 90.8 82.0 8.8

6 828 {29.987 ‘712 | .275 82.6 86.8 72.8 14.0

7 845 994: 157 237 80.1 85.4 TA.2 11.2

8 866 (80.011 782 | 229 78.6 83.0 | 73.0 10.0

9 .885 017 198 | 219 77,0 81.7 71.2 10.5

10 897 .049 803 -; .246 | 76.2 | 81.0 70.0 11.0

11 898 | 052 PFO 5S. te SD i, 1 ek | 79.8 : 68.4: 11.4

pees ae

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours

during the month.

| | |

! } i

| | |

| | 4

Lh Se eee Are —

CAEN ERNE

Seiler eRe Sea en Fes

ee Le 2B oR Et TER a ar

very

Aelita Se 6

pages err ten ta hucestl

TELE TES P IR REN IE

LG Rak aN Mee) Pere re heuh: pace ee

Ue Sh ee

Cm ds tubes eae

4 ‘

sar 4 rr ‘ae myn

Pe SPSS

- ee

’

We ELS

BES

Hevea Siete es,

re el ghee

DM LAD

TRE!

phat ps

CN eR

Cc) Gs ween le #

XX Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, |

in the month of March, 1864.

Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements Hee

dependent thereon.—( Continued.) be

Se ee ee ' ,

= . 2 E r 3 (654 |s8 a

Ss if) 8 |A |e (|£= |e See

ge, fle | 8 | 8h | 855\ 32s a

ee Ss 2 3 ee | 225 oS Hi

Hou.| ES | 2 a “s BS. |e [ESS | See i

rS oS fe o & Ess. oO oO sq

a = 2 =s| ge a (eee co 8 |

® & aa 5. AQ -s os & eee SS ee i

as | & PB [em | & | 634 | Bes | Sse

2 ee ee es a a ee = i,

0 0 oO o Inches. |Troy grs.|Troy grs. Alb

| tN.

Mid- 3 | 0.67 7 ie

siglit 70.7 4.3 67.7 7.3 | 0.674 7.36 1.95 0.79

“4 | 702 | 40 | 674 | 68 | .668 29 80 80 i

2 M08 | 3.7 67 6.3 674, 37 67 82

3 | 696 | 37 | 666 | 67 | .651 11 73 80 |

A 69.2 3.0 66.4 6.3 .646 .08 .60 82 :

5 68.7 | 3.5 | 65.9 6.3 | .636 | 6.98 57 82 i

6 68.1 3.6 65.2 6.5 621 ol 62 BL bi le

ole Oe is 7g | 79

8 69.4: 6.0 65.2 10.2 621 T4 2.66 179, \

9 70.7 | 7.8 65.2 13.3 621 73 2 62 65 “es

10 | 711 | 101 | 640 [17.2 | .597 42 | 4.79 57 hh

11 714 | 12.2 ; 629 20.7 576 16 5.87 51

Noon.| 71.9 | 13.8 | 62.2 | 23.5 | .6868 | 5.99 6.81 AT |

1 72.0 15.3 62.8 24.5 OTA 6.10 7.31 46 H

ye 72.5 | 15.6 63.1 25,0 080 15 VE AD i

3 72,3 | 16.2 | 62.6 | 259 | .570 05 83 AA

4 72,4 | 15.6 | 63.0 | 25.0 | 978 13 55 45 My

5 72.5 | 13.6 63.0 23,1 578 15 6.80 48 |

6 72.1 | 10.5 64.7 17.9 611 06 5.12 56 i)

7 71.7 | 84 | 658 (14,8 | .634 84 4,00 63

S715 | 71 | 665 | 12t + 648 | 702 | 3.86 68 i"

9 71.1 | 59 | 67.0 | 10.0 659 15 2.74, 72 |

10 10.9 a3 67.2 9.0 064 22 AA) 75 |

il 70.6 4.5 67.4: Ved 668 27 07 8 i

SE LS Beas Wy

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Meteorological Observations.

XX]

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of March, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.

Max. Solar

radiation,

| Date.

cio Tod Sra ct ee

WW 4

o> I

i co

€© (oo =P) OU

11) 135.0

12) 139,0

13)...

14; 135.0

15] 139.0

16| 138.5

17) 187.4

18} 137.0

19; 133.0

20)...

21) 144.3

22 133.8

a 130.0

So E

ao ae

S32| ofthe Wind. [Am

a 4

fae bes) o = :

Inches. ibs

N.& N. W. a

N,&N. W. a

W.&N. W. vee

0.37 |N. GN. W. 2

we «| N. & WW.

Sunday ves

W. | 22

Seles a

ee | 4a

0.09 | 8. W. & W. 3

a | Week, 4

0.09 | Sunday. 1

|S. & 8S. W. 3a

8. & 8._W. Z

S. & W. z

.. |S. W.& W. la

ee6 N. W. & 8. 13

a NG Wee ae 24

Sunday.

soe W. & S. W

: S.W.GW.&S8. |

HS ES Crear 2

ee EEE EEEEEEEESiEEEEEEEE

General Aspect of the Sky.

Cloudless.

Cloudless till 9 a.M., cloudy till 7

Pp. M., cloudless afterwards.

Cloudy till 7 a. m.; cloudless after-

wards; also raining at 1& 2 a, M.

& foggy at 10 & ll P.M. |

Cloudless; also foggy at Midnight

and 1 A. M.

Cloudless.

Cloudless; also slightly foggy at 5

& 6 A. M.

Cloudy till 9 4. m.; Scatd. “i till 7

P. M.; cloudless afterwards.

Cloudless till 5 a, m. cloudy after-

wards.

Cloudy till 9 a. u., Scatd. i till 7

Pp. M.; cloudless afterwards also

raining at 2 A. M,

Cloudless,

Cloudless till 5 4, m. Scatd. clouds

afterwards, also lightning at mid-

night & 8 P. M.

Cloudless till 3 a. M., cloudy till 9

A.M. ; Cloudlegs till 2 P. uw. Scatd. \i

till 7 Pp. m. cloudless afterwards.

Cloudless till 10 a. m.; Scatd. \i&

\-i till 7 Pp. m. cloudless afterwards.

Cloudless till 5 a. m. Seatd. clouds

till 7 ep. u. cloudless afterwards,

Cloudless till5 4,mM, Secatd. i till

11 a. m., cloudless afterwards.

Cloudless till ll a.m. Scatd. \i &

\—itill 38 Pp. mM.; cloudless after-

wards.

Cloudless; also slightly foggy at 6

& 7 A. M.

Cloudless.

Scatd. clouds; also thundering at 5

P, M. & lightning at 7 P, M.

XX. Meteorological Observations.

, | af!

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations Y in

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,

in the month of March, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

g d |25 a sae

| 22 |O & € | Prevailing direction | ° General Aspect of the Sky. iio

$| 45 1438] — of the Wind. Kg i

ei © s jaw yl

a = mM |Ag 10 O yt

O Inches. | ily Duy

94) 132.0| 1.22 |8. &S. H. | Cloudless till 5 a. M.; Scatd. 91 & i"

| | i till 4 Pp. mw. cloudy afterwards ; jm

also thundering, lightning, raining gy rage

with a heavy fall of hail-stones %

| at 5 & 6 P. M.

25| 185.0; .. |S. GN. | Scatd. clouds till 9 a. M.; cloudless

, till 3 Pp. u., cloudy afterwards. us

2612 — ae S. | Cloudless till 5 a. m. Scatd. clouds Droid 4

afterwards. * lata

2h 0.07 | Sunday. = | be.

28] 126.0] ... S.& 8. W. Cloudy till 5 a. M.; Scatd. “i till nena

6 p. M. cloudy with thunder, and venue of

lightning afterwards; also slightly bi

| drizzling at 8 & 9 P. M. :

29} 128.0; ... |S. W.&S. | Scatd. clouds till 5 a, m.; cloudless + dit

| till 11 a.m. Scatd. -—i & 11 till

7 P, M. overcast afterwards. wl

30) 186.01. 2 | 8. | Seatd. clouds till 3 a. M.; cloudless

| afterwards.

gle 13104 2 8. | Cloudless till 6 a. m.; Secatd, 1i& |

| \—i afterwards; also slightly driz- Mibu

zlinge between 9 & 10 P. M. ‘ihr

‘Hilfag |

"NY

Meh

bees,

12s

Pear

Lis,

metas

eis

ser ae

Bes)

nee

st Oe aera Ee eee

Meteorological Observations.

XxXUi

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Oaleutta,

an the month of March, 1864.

Montruny RzEsvutts.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. ae se. 20,878

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 A. M. on the 5th, oe 380,124

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 6 P. M. on the 24th, se 20502

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, a eo 0.412

Mean of the Daily Max, Pressures, .. “= Sr ss > 29907

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. ae oy re eed es

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ee 0.145

7 )

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ee oe 79.1

Max, Temperature occurred at 3 P. M. on the 16th, = ee 92.8

Min. Temperature occurred at 6 4. M. on the Oth, ee ee 61.2

Kutreme range of the Temperature during the month, - ee d1.6

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, A “s ee 88.7

Ditto ditto Min. Gitto,- <a 5c aie 71.3

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. ee 17.4

Inches

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. a =A 70.8

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 8.3

Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. ee we 65.0

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, os 14.1

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. oe oo =: 0.617

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, ne - aD 6.68

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete satur sins oe 3.85

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.63

Inches

Rained 8 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, 5 oe 1.22

Total amount of rain during the month, ae = a 1.84

Total amount of rain indicated by the gauge attached to the Anemo-

meter during the month, ee oe e« . 1,55

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. x =A S.&S. W.

XX1V Meteorological Observations.

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of March, 1864.

Monrurty REsvunts.

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.

_" L—w ee © 1

‘ >

Rain on.

ee he

ahh

Midnight.

ht DD el

oOnpwnwwwrye wep bs

MOOnYIAMAWNHe

Bm WO ac GH Ousl GO NIG O1

COLNNH Ww

fuel

Noon.

I A

f= OO

CR BA ost oo bo Ww ATT

CHW OO OM RWATA

me BB OL Otol Ot Oud OLE DO

eS OO ONT OL

fod fel

www PRNNHye

2 LON MORES

Ty a ME BEY

Va Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

Table showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

eb me oe

=< <—_>Ff

=e <a

—_>

dl i

lid

Uday.

‘

\. Meteorological Observations. XX¥

“i |

" Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

wn the month of April, 1864.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” Bast.

Feet.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

Se 2s

7 2 O = Range of the Barometer a 3 |Range of the Temperas

aes =

| es == |

| Date. | ™ 2 ee = es

% fo} - : Ss

i SO 3 Max. Min. Diff, S fy Max, | Min. | Diff.

: 1 SR | A LT | ee rescemmmesen | neers a [ment et

, | Inches, ! Inches. | Inches. | Inches. 0 ) Oo 0

| \ 29.829 | 29.896 | 29.764) 0.1382} 81.7 | 922 | 74.6 | 17.6

873 939 O19 120 84.5 94.0 | 78.0 | 16.0

Sunday.

& 822 894 751 143 86.0 97.8 77.4 | 20.4

5) 801 .866 124 142 86.2 97 A 76.5 | 20.9

6 751 032 667 165 86.4: 97.6 78.6 | 19.0

@ “702 167 624 143 77.2 | 21.6

8 117 822 6623 199 83.7 92.2 74.2 | 18.0

| ‘739! .800| .680| .120| 814 | 93.2 | 728 | 904

i 10 | Sunday. :

food

en)

\ 11 £780 845 721 124 85.7 96.4: 77.5 | 18.9

\ 12 £758 845 .678 167 87.1 99.8 78.0 | 21.8

i 13 692 .780 .610 .L70 88.5 101.2 78.6 | 22.6

682 735 .606 129 84.8 96.8 77.6 | 19.2

748 890 648 242 80.1 88.4. | 75.6 | 12.8

774: 6855 713 142 82.4 92.8 73.8 | 19.0

— ae 2

fad pt fed

Doe

17 | Sunday.

7 18 749 821 671 | .150| 868 | 97.8 | 79.4 | 18.4

. | 19 704 782 635 | .147/ 866 | 965 | 78.0 | 185

. 20 708 .805 638 | .167| 85.0 | 93.6 | 77.9 | 15.7

| 21 731 814} 1659 | 1551 843° | 93.8 178.0 | 15.3

it 22 769 £830 716} 114] 85.1 | 948 | 80.0 | 148

; | 23 804 | .867 748 | 119] 85.2 | 947 | 7941 153

| 24 | Sunday.

ay), 25 685 764 601 163; 87.7 | 98.6 |.80.2 | 18.4

; 26 637 731 578 153 | 90.5 | 103.6 | 80.2 | 93.4

247 633 708 B55 153 | 89.3 | 101.6 | 81.0 | 206

ays) 28 674 739 605 134| 87.6 | 98.0 | 80.0 | 18.0

Ho. «(29 739 813 650 163 | 86.5 | 948 | 78.2 | 16.6

- - 80 783 844) 711 133 | 83.9 | 94.8 | 74.2 | 20.6

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther.

mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

= .< ea —

anae

q iS

hess

| Ore

> hase

\ Pee

aye!

Die

ie.

IPs:

BES

has

iS:

i253

; Te.

‘ ‘e077, 20?

é “

aes

ajlas

ilies ™ 7 . . ve ~~

LOAN te RENT NOTE URNE ATENe AD

chai sa eaisis Rnanas aah dear Semnnmeap tls peck

=> bie,

Paw '

be os

iieet

wn >). ars are = Rye ~ 4 he

ne : rare: eae a . eit WHEE

SPN Cee ee ee

gt E(t faa ties Isiah cee esa ce pee tie

SEDANS OM ATL ae se

a, pre 3 ST RAM LTS eS Ane

RKVI

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations i

Meteorological Observations.

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Caicutta,

in the month of April, 1864.

- Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—(Continued).

ies

Date. Bes

C0)

1 75.4

2 78.1

3 | Sunday.

4 76.2

5 76.0

6 77.0

7 74.8

8 TIA

9 73.5

10 | Sunday.

11 78.0

12 77.0

13 16.2

14: 72.8

15 71.8

16 73.9

17 | Sunday.

18 78.0

19 76.6

20 73.8

21 76.9

22 ~ 78.0

23 78.5

24 | Sunday.

25 80.2

26 | 74.4

27 79.1

28 TOF

29 18.0

30 16.3

Dry Bulb above Wet.

Computed Dew Point.

Dry Bulb above Dew

Point.

Oo fe)

71.0 | 10.7

73.6 | 10.9

69.3 | 16.7

68.9 | 17.3

70.4 | 16.0

67.4 | 19.7

62.8 | 20.9

68.0 | 13.4

72.6 | 13.1

70.9 | 16.2

68.8 | 19.7

64.4 | 20.4

66.0 | 14.1

67.9 | 14.5

72.7 | 14.1

70.6 | 16.0

66.0 | 190

71.7 | 12.6

73.0 | 12.1

73.8 | 11.4

75.7 | 12.0

64.7 | 25.8

73.0 | 16.3

75.0 | 12.6

74,0 | 12.5

71.0 | 12.9

Mean Elastic force of

Vapour.

| Inches.

817

AOL

136

.668

O74:

O81

790

148

699

.605

.638

679

192

6638

168

SOL

822

873

611

854

827

Mean Weight of Vapour

in a Cubic foot of air.

wt jAdditional Weight of Va-

pour required for com-

plete saturation.

dity, complete satura-

Mean degree of Humi-

tion being unity.

SOU OUD Ot OL at Ay

Ce GO mo bt ed

All the Hyerometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Nie es OX alate <

tlaes Sen =k. one

. =<» aba ft

| hy

——- —=

—

FE Se ath ee tt NS ND EOI St A RELY PEAT PR CAPE LALO P LEENA AA LAI LL

Meteorologicat Observations. XXVi

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

ibe in the month of April, 1864.

Hourly Means, &c: of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

The Mean Height of the Bar a as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours

during the month,

poe. Range of the Barometer ze o Range of the Temperature

Oo ao)

Jaga for each hour during FQ a for each hour during

H | ee 2 the month, DS the month.

ote | i es 8 AF

| Boyclree sy 5 ate ; :

} |} sae | Max Min. Diff. se | Max. Min. Diff.

; = =

Inches. | Inches.| Inches.| Inches. ) O Oo Oo

me g0.3 | 83.8| 74

night, 29.749 ‘29.863 {29.605 | 0.258 : : 0 98

1 (a2 2855 97 .258 80.0 83.2 73.7 95

2 722 | 98491 588 | .261| 79.6] 836] 73.5 10.1

3 | wi4 | .945 | 589 | .256| 79.0 | 83.0] 73.2 98

A, 714 .850 | .605 245 | 788 | 82.8 72.8 10.0

5 723 | 86F | .622 | .289| 785) 82.0) — 782 88

6 | .749 | 872} .643 | .229| 783) 816) 73,8 78

7 773 898 | .668 | .230| 79.38) 82.6] 74.8 78

8 795 904 701 .208 82.7 | 87.0 76.4 10.6

9 S11 925 707 218 85.9 90.0 77.2 12.8

10 O14: 939 £708 231 88.5 95.4 78.0 17.4

11 004, Jol 689 242 91.0 99.6 76.4 23.2

Noon, | .781 | .912| .663 | .249| 93.2 | 102.0] 78.0 | 24.0

de |= = 2754: 885 632 253 94.8 | 102.6 83.8 18.8

ps 728 861 .6038 .208 95.59 | 103.2 84.6 18.6

eal eeO0) 830 Sl 249 95.5 | 103.6 83.5 20.1

4 | .679 821 | .556 265 | 946 , 102.9 87.3 | 15.6

5 .678 819 dd 204 91.9 | 101.6 $2.0 - 19.6

6 685 829 068 261 88.7 96.2 79.2 17.0

vi 703 840 78 262 86.2 92.6 79.0 136

8 726 873 620 62538 83.8 88.0 742 13.8

9 744 892 635 257 82.9 86.4: 75.6 10.8

10 755 900 | .649 | .251| 81.8 | 858 | 74.7 1

11 752 g93 | 640 | .253 | 810 | 848] 74.8 10.0

| |

See ak

X¥XV11 Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of April, 1864,

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—(Continued.)

oy ° » emt . 4 Gas, =

e 8

= a 2 s ° 3 O S6og{s34

3 i = an oO > Oo etoe IS) see

= ee Ay = eg See ee

Oh a or]

eee ~) E io) 3) | os 5 ee

cS) 2 2D rQ2 ae =O Ss os 2 ace

: ° SS 2) ne — S et 05 o 8 =

4y =| oa @ eS Sar oe: Sue | co 8'5O

= 5 3 = oS i) “= ,° one s a

4 = o Pa = DAL, cee oS ro 8 ei 7 .S

=: = = = = CS a8 i oS Aun

=. a co Oo fo =. = < qs

Leas

Inches. Troy ers.|Troy gers.

iB ete febey

a ee 75.5 | 48 | 721 ! 82 | 0778 | 839 | 959 | 077

We 1 752 4.8 | 71.8 8 2 771 31 50 afer

te 2 74.9 4.7 71.6 8.0 .766 27 42 ld

z 3 74.7 oe vee 7.3 .768 31 19 | .79

1 Ay ide AA 418 7.5 758 20 24 79

uy 5 74.2 4.8 | 712 7.3 .756 18 17 79

as G 74.1 AD 7A2 71 756 18 10 .80

3 : "7 74.8 4.5 | 71.6 reve .766 27 32 78

ay 8 76.0 6.7 | 71.3 [11.4 | .758 15 3.57 70

48 9 76.7 88 | 70.5 | 15.0 | .739 | 7.89 4.83 62

4a 10 Vik AAS | 70.8 = 182 734 79 6.09 56

ae 11 17.4 | 1386 | 69.2 | 21.8 108 AW 7.46 .50

15 Woon.| 77.6 | 156 | 68.2 | 25.0 | .686 21 8.69 | 45

a8 1 77.7 | 17.1 | 67.4 | 27.4 | .668 .00 9,65 42

Bee 2 | 77.9 | 17.6 | 673 | 282 | 666 | 696 | 1093 | 41

ic 3 776 |17.9 | 66.9 | 28.6 657 .87 12 40

a 4, 77.8 | 168 | 67.7 | 26.9 | .674 | 7.06 9,49 43

14 5 77.38 | 14.6 | 685 | 23.4 692 30 8.02 48

ia. 6 77.5 |112 | 708 | 17.9 746 90 6.06 57

8 7 76.6 96 | 69.9 | 16.3 725 72 5.27 59

ae 8 Ws (1-75 |—70 2-12 8 751 8.04. 4.06 66

vig 9 76.3 6.6 | 71.7 | 11.2 768 24 3.55 70

Shr: 20 76.1 Bp 2A 9.7 778 .36 04 73

a: 11 75.7 Da 72.0 9.0 776 135 2.79 75

Be:

Jeli

Bie t

. aa

thre!

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Ws see

eal later tie hd

f Rha Hal RE

pens %

ar aes

ow lee

ee ser HME

9 Ee iat ncaa eta ee HORTONS ett not Sn NRG EE

Meteorological Observations. RXIX

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor Generals Office, Caleutia,

un the month of April, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &e.

. {oo

elStes OO &

ma O SO.

O°e-r Pot

ns jb sq

mele 6B Pe

»| 4S |.8.0 2

S) 85 Sion

Als es

0 |Inches.

1} 129.0; 0.13

Or He 9 ho

COs

6| 137.0! ,

7) 145.0

8| ... | 0.20

9) 130.5

10 a70 eee

TEE 18445

12) 140.0

13/ 142.0] -,..

14) 131.4)...

15 gee @ee

16] 132.4 ;

ORR

Prevailing direction

of the Wind.

Sunday.

H. & 8.

S.&GN.W.&N.

W.&S8. &S. W.

S.GN.,

Sunday.

S. & W.

W.&5S. W.&S,

M. Pressure

of Wind

Ale Ale

Blo © Ble

foal

es CO BIH

General Aspect of the Sky.

Cloudless till 6 a. um. Scatd, i till 4

Pp. M. cloudy with thundering and

raining at 5 Pp. mM. cloudless after-

wards.

Cloudless till 2 4. Mm. Scatd. “i & 91

till 4: p. m. cloudless afterwards.

Cloudless till 2 Pp. m. Scatd. \i till 6

Pp. M. cloudless afterwards.

Cloudless till 10 4. mw. Scatd. i & i

till 6 Pp. mM. cloudless afterwards

also fogey at 6 & 7 A. M.

Cloudless till 5 a. Mm. Scatd. -i & 91

till 4 ep. uw. cloudless afterwards.

Cloudless till 1 Pp. m. cloudy after-

wards, also thundering & lightning

at 8 p. M. & drizzling at 10 P. M.

Cloudy ; also thundering, lightning

& raining at 8 & 9 P. M.

Clondy till noon ; cloudless till 4 P. Mm.

Scatd. -i till 8 Pp. mM, cloudless

afterwards,

Cloudless.

Cloudless till 4. a, um. Scatd. -i & Mi

afterwards.

Cloudless.

Cloudless till 4 a. m. Scatd. clouds

afterwards; also thundering and

drizzling at 5 P. M.

Cloudless till 6 a. mM. cloudy till 3

Pp, M. Scatd. -i after wards also

slightly drizzling at 9 & 11 a. M.

Cloudy till 7 a. mM. Seatd. —i & oi

till 7 p. mu. cloudless afterwards

also slightly drizzling at 6 P. M.

Cloudless till 3 a, m. Seatd. clouds

till 9 a. mw. cloudless afterwards.

Cloudless till 5 a. mw. Scatd. —i& “i

tillil a. Mm. cloudy till 6 P.M. Scatd,

i afterwards.

Ni Cirri, i Cirro strati, 01 Cumull, i Cumulo strati, -i Nimbi, —i Strati,

W i Cirro cumuli,

XXX Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations le

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,

in the month of April, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

2 50 S S if Ith

Reco, BS rd ate

oe ne e7° . 5 De : svat tli

: = a= Prevailing direction | 2 = General Aspect of the Sky. ao

S| ose | aH ; ly

foo = ES a o = = : a4 f

— ———_—_—. | ——— oa ——— yee

o _|inches. Ths | ip Dail

BO = .. |S. &S. W. 4 | Cloudy till 4 p.m, Scatd, \—i after- tah

wards. a

21| 199.7; .. |8.&58, W. 5 | Scatd, -i till 6 vp. mw. cloudless after- _j if?

wards.

221 130.0} .. | 8.&S8. W. 1 | Cloudless till 5 a. m. Scatd. —-i & 91

| ! till 8 ep. mM. cloudless afterwards ;

i | | also thundering at 4: P. M. ahh T

4 p.M Scatd.\-itill 7p. u.cloudless,

-. afterwards. ip

| = OA ... | Sunday. | 2 Wr

1 25-197.0 1 (| 8 | 1$ | Cloudless. lite

| 26) 136.8 [ . 1S. & N. W. & S. EH, | 22 | Scatd. -itill 3 a.m. ; cloudless after- ~tpdaly

a | wards. by

| . 2187.0 a0 [Be 8 |) Cloudless till 3 a. mM. cloudy till 8 a. a

te mw. cloudless afterwards; also hazy _/ii

Ei | from 9 A, M. to 1 P. M.

We 28) 183.0} s+ S. 12 | Cloudless.

te 291 131.0] ... |S. | 52 | Cloudy till 3 a. m. cloudless till 7 a.

8 | m. Scatd, i till 11 a.m. cloudless Ant

oe afterwards; also very slightly _.

— | drizzling between 7 & 8 P. M. mbub!

= 301 126.0! 0.78 | 8. &8. H. 1122 | Scatd. clouds till 9 a. mM. Scatd. — iil

| Litill 3 rm. cloudy afterwards

tg | also thundering, lightning and a

a: raining from 6 to 9 P. M.

ee ‘leo

cane Se

——

hati

TWh

aud]

BNE

havea

e aa

———

anche

wreas ° =o

LSHPARE READIN Sere, NUE AS Oe rege

SL ay iL pieS antes Sed AD a

ine, 6 a

De ear RA a

i Lei ivan

we De

FE a paar Sm WL PETTERS a ce RR eS SLES ,

Meteorological Observations.

XXKi

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,

in the month of April, 1864.

Montuty REsvunts.

- Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. ee ee

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 A. M. on the 2nd, oe

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 5 P. M. on the 27th, ee

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, a if

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. ee ee at

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. aA ee os

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. oe

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ee or

Max. Temperature occurred at 3 P. M. on the 26th, es aa

Min. Temperature occurred at 4 a. M. on the 9th, ee as

Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, Ze ot

Mean of the daily Max. ’emperature, ie es =

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. ot os —

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. oe

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. : we

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb iPhenmcimeter ee

Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. ee ee

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, ee

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. oe ee

Inches

29.741.

29.939

29.555

0.384

29.819

29.669

0.150

85.6

103.6

72.8

30.8

96.2

77.6

18.6

Inches

76.2

9.4:

69.6

16.0

Inches

0.717

T'roy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, ee oe ee

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, es

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity,

Rained 8 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, ee ee

Total amount of rain during the month, = = ee

Total amount of rain indicated by the gauge attached to the Anemo-

meter during the month, os as ee ne

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. ee oe

7.09

5.11

0.60

Inches

0.78

Lil

0.93

;

‘

Sites

Seb:

Ae |

* e 4

AL + i

;

wOns,

gical Observat

Meteorolo

CR RAIL

“=e ao =

joa)

Ben hee

an ys

S08

2 & =

S&e

bas Se)

ei Naa

Pea

SS 5

5 on

Ss 8

he ee Ss

ay) SS

> 3

Raa ASD]

by)

oS ea

“

sh}

Abstract of the Results of t

A) oes A

eT ee es

Montruny Resvuts.

*DOSSTTT | el ret wom ri

| SCN Ge Gol eun nay el ease Re Le GO be 20 Of maANN

a SVs

— SAN we Ss see ee eam

wind was blowing, it rained.

: | ee a NC CCR OL Sas oe

Pe RR RE CARIES ei arr err ee

with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular

Pega TONDO

blew, together

Hour.

Midnight.

att

are Ar aS AS Roweih tah oc dat ome NRT ns Svat gly at

pitti ae oe aes are eo behwcas ee er sia

pa Cor re : : > ain a — ae a A Sella - ~ 2, ey agg wie I wrorhy: ear e aa

etic By 5 Aan ap My te Bie TH ny 4 otesy “re ——— —

— Tan — — Lcpsmaitin’ seth Spear ES IER ES SETS EME aes sige eee asa

1 RE eA OS eae i IS RTI See ee reel rn eee RT ES Eee Sa ae Sat Naa aS a2

| Meteorological Observations. Be. ahbh

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

im the month of May, 1864.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” Rast.

Feet.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

roms Sou

oo Range of the Barometer a 2 Range of the Tempera-

c 5 s during the day. 32 : ture during the day.

3 \ g

Date. " S o S =

Ss =

SS 4 Max Min Diff S Ss Max Min. | Diff.

Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. Oo 0) 0) ny)

1 | Sunday.

2 29.691 | 29.790 | 29.593 0.197 84.2 95.0 |! 74.6 | 20.4

3 705 162 635 127 86.1 94,4 80.6 | 13.8

T] 4, (ARS) 188 697 131 86 6 95.3 80.6 | 14.7

5 697 162 624 138 86.9 97.0 504 | 16.6

6 .669 719 580 139 86.8 98.0 77.6 | 20.4

7 677 134 .619 115 87.0 98.8 77.8 | 21.0

8 | Sunday.

9 776 852 709 143 88.1 99.8 | 79.2 | 20.6

10 812 887 767 120 83.3 94.6 79.0 | 15.6

11 838 902 756 146 82.1 91.7 75.2 | 16.5

12 846 923 771 152 83.7 93.0 75.0 | 18.0

18 827 892 165 127 | 86.7 98.4 79.2 | 19.2

14. 798 876 — J 04) 72 87.1 99.6 78.4 | 21.2

15 | Sunday.

16 787 |. .881 .706 175 82.9 94.0 73.8 | 20.2

17 805 883 712 L71 82.8 93.6 73.0 | 20.6

I8 871 947 807 140 (eee 92.0 74.0 | 18.0

19 818 892 “146 146 81.6 93,6 74.2 | 19.4:

20 “769 851 .658 193 83.8 94,0 -| 74.7 | 19.3

21 “106 163 616 | Lad 87.0 98.2 79.0 | 19.2

22 | Sunday. : |

23 663 139 .080 159 89.2 101.6 81.2 | 20.4

24, 082 | 645 500 145 90.6 104.2 | 81.4 | 22.8

25 083 649 5893 112 87.3 96.6 83.0 | 13.6

i 26 647 708 602 101 82,2 95.6 76.6 | 19.0

| 27 686 749 614 135 3.8 | 928 | 76.0 | 168 ,

i 28 .686 748 096 152 81.9 93.0 73.2 | 19,8

yah 29 | Sunday.

30 668 | .720| 614| .106| 772 | 830 | 746) 8.4

) 3] .628 .695 565 .130 79.9 86.4: 75.0 | 11.4

y The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther.

mometer Means are derived, from the hourly Observations made during the day.

XXXIV Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations i

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of May, 1864.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements 4

dependent thereon.— (Continued). f

ss E ‘S 5. | ag “A gs

o ° : ss 3 ta

= 8 Eee 2 a. |£8 | 2 f

= ° a wy SO oS a ti

2 & = P = ee (ae ele oe 4

3 > cs 2 o6 mss), Sos ft

Date.| 3 A ‘B me (255) See :

Ges a = 2 Be) 38 |e oe a5 ‘

a 2 B | 28 | 82 i426 (¢2"\e22

ae pA = fe a oe ee .

3 8 b 8 pe | oF | of 2a) eos d

= =) Oo Q ai = = = |

luh

0 ) i) fy) Inches.| T. gr. | T. gr.

1 Sunday .

2 78.1 6.1} 73.81 10.4 { 0.822] &80 | 3.44 | 072

3 79.8 6.3 | 754} 10.7 865 | 9.22 73 VA.

4, 80.5 6.1/ 768} 9.8 905 .63 51 73 i

5 80.0 6.9 | 59] 11.0 879 .36 .89 71 ‘

6 79.2 76 | 74.6} 12.2 843 | 8.98 | 4.23 | .68

7 76.5 10.5 | 70.2} 16.8 732 | 7.78 | 6.51 59

8 Sunday

9 16.7 114] 699] 18.2 725 69 | 6.08 56

10 76.0 7.3 | 70.9 | 12.4 ‘748 | 8.03 | 8.90 67 -

11 73.1 9.0 66.8 | 15.3 655 7.04 447 61 ;

12 74.9 8.8 | 68.7 | 15.0 697 AG 61 62 ;

13 77.3 9.4 | 71.7} 15.0 .768 | 8.18 | 5.00 62

14, 77.5 9.6 | 71.7 | 15.4 .768 18 15 61

15 Sunday.

Lill

16 75.4 7.5 | 70.1-| 12.8 729 | 782 | 3.97 66

te 17 76.3 Bias Sea 768 | 8.24. 51 70.

FI 18 75.1 AB 1-717 | 82 768 30 | 2.48 AE

ae: 19 76.0 5.6 | 721} 9.5 778 .36 .98 74 i

te 20 769 6.91 72.1 17 | 178 83 | 3.77 .69

ig 21 78.9 8.1| 74.0 | 13.0 827 80 | 4,49 .66

un 22 | Sunday.

is 23 81.1 8.1| 762 | 13.0 {| .887 | 9.41 75 67

a: 24 80.6 10.0| 746] 16.0 | .843| 891 | 5.85 | .60 1

“i 25 81.3 6.5 | 77.4 | 10.4 922 | 9.81 | 8.79 72

ae ‘ 26 774 | 481 74.01 8.2 827 | 8.90 | 264 | .77 |

ie 27 77.1 6.7 | 72.4 | 11.4 785 Al | 8.69 70 |

ee: 28 772 4.7 | 73.9 | 8.0 824 Bi 2257 78

| ee 29 | Sunday. \

ee 30 74.8 248 Tod 4 .803 72 | 1.28 .88 ‘l

= 31 76.8 Si 946 | 538 843 | 9.11 67 .85 ih

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

eT +E he geet on ante ee na WO ne ATER aces Sas eee ereieg eee

Meteorological Observations. XXXV

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of May, 1864.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

So S wz | Range of the Barometer = ® Range of the Temperature

age for each hour during pos for each hour during

Hour = c Fo the month. ae) the month,

| mo Qk

a 0% : a

x32 | Max Min Diff seo | Max. Min. Diff.

= =

Inches. | Inches.| Inches.| Inches. ) 0 Oo 0

Mid- |!

night. 29.733 (29.862 | 29.572 | 0 290 80.0 85.2 73.8 11.4

1 719 828 | .553 275 79.9 84.6 74.0 10.6:

2 715 841 AL -300 79.5 84.4 74.6 9.8.

3 708 -853 546 07 79.4 84.0 75.0 9.9

4, .699 857 049 .308 79.5 83.8 74.0 9.8

5 £728 872 .550 022 78.9 83.6 74.0 9.6

6 744 893 O79 14 79.2 84.0 74,0 10.0

7 762 915 593 022 80.4: 85.2 (52 10.0

8 71718 .930 604 2326 83.3 86.8 77.8 9.0

9 198 937 .636 3801 85.7 89.4) 79.3 10.1

10 £795 947 645 .302 88.4 93.2 79.8 13.4

il 782 9389 629 2310 90.5 97.4 77.6 19.8

Noon.| .765 | .917/ .611 | .306| 92.3 | 99.4. | 76.4 | 23.0

1 TAL 877 086 291 92.8 | 101.9 76.0 25.9

2 LL 8o7 562 279 92.8 | 102.9 | 75.6 27.3

3 682 .809 53L 248 92.6 | 104.0 5.2 28.8

A, 665 832 506 .026 91.1 , 104.2 74.8 29.4:

5 664 848 500 048 88.2 | 101.6 74.6 27.0

6 675 842 5OL 841 85.7 95,4 74.6 20.8

7 694, 852 524: 328 83.7 91.2 74.6 16.6

8 714 869 545 324: 82.0 88.4 73.0 15.4

9 730 883 555 328 81.3 87.2 73.2 14.0

10 746 892 571 321 80.7 86.4, 713.8 12.6

11 738 887 582 305 80.0 86.0 73.6 12.4

ee ee ee

The Mean Heicht of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb There

mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours

during the month,

XXXVI Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, |

inthe month of May, 1864. 3

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—( Continued. )

= 2 s E S 2S (65a | 45 ‘:

B P| 6s (a 1 8 {2 4252 oe

Sao E e = 2 S52] 034 i

@ + ac ® 3 2 a6 tos | a> |

“. Hour. = s os Fa s es “an? ee Sh eet

: 2 2 Sel =e | 2s @,2)/ 33%

3 Eo s 5 $2) Ae |F2:) 822) 234

he ® 8 ea a, PQ += a cee eee eee

a = 3 a & A o> S Oa Se a So =

ce a > 18 = Bo |e | ee

48 SS a

4 B 0 oO Oo Inches. |Troy grs.|Troy grs.

as : mn

af i. | 768 | 87 | 737 | 68 | 0819 | 885 | 196 | oz

—_— 1 76.5 84 | 741 58 830 96 82 83

Ve | 762 1 381-7890 | 66 | 824 - 90 46 | Bh

Ae 3 76.2 | 8.2 | 74.0 5.4 827 95 67 84

. A 76.3 82 741 5.4 | .830 .98 68 84.

1s 5 45.8 | 3.1 |~ 73.6 5.8 817 84 63 84

as 6 We Bl |780 5.3 | 824 92 64 85 _

zt "7 76.8 8.6 | 74.3 6.1 .835 9.01 93 82

baa 8 78.0 | 53 | 74.3 9.0 | .885 | 8.96 .| 2.97 15

as 9 78.9 | 68 | 74.1 | 11.6 | .830 185 3.95 69

| ta 10 79.4 9.0 74.0 14. 4) 827 |= .79 5.05 64) |

ata 11 80.0 | 105 | 73.7 {16.8 | .819 .66 6.06 59 |

8 Noon. 80.6 11.7 73.6 18.7 817 09 91 5

+6 1 79.9 {129 | 72.2 | 206 | .781 19 7.53 52 !

1 2 79.4 | 18.4 | 714 | 214 761 .00 72 51 ie

4 3 79.2 |184 | 71.2 | 214 756 | 7,95 68 51

4 4 786 1125 | 711 | 20.0-| .753 95 02 53

: 5 Tio AE 706 3-16 741 .86 5.90 57

4 6 76.9 8.8 70.7 15.0 744 93 4.87 |. .62

= 7 76.5 Ha yal ae 763 | 818 3.89 68

; ieee 8 75.9 | 6.1 | 71.6 | 104 | .766 28-1 24 72:

d 9 76.1 5.2 | 72.5 8.8 7871 = AT 217 15 \

4 10 76.1 | 4.6 | 72.9 TS 797 59 45 78 M

a at 762°) 48) 732 7.3 .806 .70 .28 79 |

4 ‘

a )

4 All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants. a

u ‘h

c — sae Se (cata pho eenigenN SET AM seasbiesPaeioin a Saar

0 Se ean SPRINGER oan Sern Stang Se re

Meteorological Observations. XXXVl

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

is, taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

‘> an the month of May, 1864.

| Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.

x 2 | Soe :

48 |83< ae

2| ¥ rs age of the Wind. aoe

= tos) Ss a chy = fo)

mh Ale me at

o (Inches. ibs

BEES ... | Sunday. 3 ;

2) 128.4! 0.37 |S. 17; | Cloudless till 8 a. m. cloudy till 9

A, M. Scatd. i till 4 Pp. wm. cloudy

afterwards; also raining between

o& 6 P.M,

3 140.0; ... |S.&S8. EH. 2z | Cloudless till 3 a, m. Scatd. clouds

: till noon, cloudless afterwards,

=< A) 132.2| ,.. |S. 2z | Cloudless till 11 a. m. Scatd. “i till

7. M. cloudless afterwards.

Bl 1354.1... Ss. 85 | Cloudless till 4 a. m. Scatd. clouds

till 9 4. m cloudless afterwards.

6| 136.4! 0.09 | S. 4 | Cloudless till 6 a. m. Seatd. -i till 4

Pp. M. cloudy afterwards, also thun-

dering and lightning from 9 to 11

P. M. & drizzling between 6 & 7

Pp, M. and at 10 & 11 P. mu.

7| 136.0) ... |S.&S8. W. 2 | Cloudy till1l a. wm. Scatd. “i till

| 7 ve. M. cloudy afterwards; also

drizzling from 9 to 11 Pp. mM.

Sie .. | Sunday. 3

9 139.9| ... |8.&S8. W. 1; | Cloudless till 2 Pp, m., cloudy after-

wards.

5 |Scatd. “i; also drizzling & thun-

dering at 3 P. M,

11} 128.4) ,., |N.H.& H.& 8S. HE, | 2 | Overcast till 3 a.m. Seatd, Hi & oi

| till 3 P. M. cloudy afterwards,

also thundering & lightning from

7tollp. u. & drizzling at 7 P. M.

12| 127.0! ... |W.&S8. 4 | Cloudless till 7 a. Mm. Scatd. -i & 71

till 5 Pp. M. cloudless afterwards, ec lcee

also lightning and drizzling at es

midnight. ,

13/ 140.0| ... |S.&S8S. W. 43 | Cloudless till 3 a. um. Seatd, \i till 11

| A. M. Seatd. “i till 3 p.m. cloudy

till 8 Pp. mu. cloudless afterwards =

also drizzling & thundering at6 p.m,

10 125.0; 0.18 |S. & N. HE, & .

14; 1382.0! ,.. S. x | Cloudless till 2 a.m. Scatd, —i till 9

A. M. cloudless till 1 p.m, Scatd.

clouds afterwards.

15 0.86 | Sunday. 21%

16| 130.0 . |S. H&S. W.& 8. | 0 | Scatd. clouds; also thundering and

lightning at 8 & 9 P. M.

“i Cirri, i Cirro strati, [i Cumub, ~i Cumulo strati, \-i Nimbi, —i Strati,

ft W i Cirro cumuli,

od 2~

i Saree AeSie)

LE TLS OAS EE ee ea : ; ; Malco tn ion Ne nicer a eyes cea ans

bial nia da dmesteeen AD Fit Sede a Me Rerearr s WEXGENE fred Vit Une tl apse Sas Wis Sal ao aco ci Tyme T wi e

< gt

peop cate &

soe

reac

“3

aah yoy

as NT

Renee

XKXVH1

Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

im the month of May, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

o oO ©

eg | Ss. i

0.9 |B Oo nm

.| 2 |O & €| Prevailing direction | 9 = General Aspect of the Sky.

S| xo Lea of the Wind. Py

Ale A ipo a

o |Inches. tbs

17} 124.0} 2.60 |S. 15 | Cloudless till 5 a. mu. Scatd. cloudg

till 1 P. m. cloudy afterwards;

also thundering and lightning

from 5 toll P. M. and raining at

3 P, M. and from 7 to 11 Pp. m,

18: 120.0| 0.72 |8. HE. & N. HE. 4 | Cloudy till 3 a. m. Scatd, “i till

noon, Cloudy afterwards also rain-

ing at midnight and 1 a. M. & at

35 “4 and 11 P. uM.

19] 119.4) 048 /S.E.&8.&9.W. 19 | Scatd. Vig 73 till 3 yp, Mu. cloudy af-

| terwards, also raining at midnight

andat 5 & 6 Pp. mM.

90| 119.0! ... S.&S.W. 54 | Cloudless till noon, Scatd. -iand i

till 6 Pp. M. cloudy afterwards, also

thundering & lightning at 7 P.M.

21; 1386.0; ... |S. &S8, W. 2 | Cloudless till 5 A, M. Scatd. “i till

10 A. mM. cloudless till 2 Pp, um, Scatd,

| clouds afterwards.

7s ee 0.28 | Sunday. i)

23 144,0:\-- 2-18, 0 | Cloudless,

24' 144.4) ... |S. &S8. W. 1 | Cloudless.

O51 89- Os =s|-G. 53 | Cloudless till 3 a. mw. Scatd. clouds

till 3 Pp. mM. cloudy afterwards also

slightly drizzling at 5 p. .

26 0.18 |S. HE. & 8. & H. 25 | Cloudy; also drizzling occasionally

from 1 to 9 Pp. M, & lightning from

| 7 to9 P, M.

27 80-8 |= os 0 | Scatd, \-i till3 a. mu. cloudy till noon

Scatd, i afterwards,

28; 118.0} 1.86 |18S.&8. E 4% | Cloudy; also raining constantly, from

Jl a.m. toll p.m, & thundering

& lightning from 6 to 9 P. M.

29 0.14 | Sunday. ls

30]... 3.10 | 8. & H, 3 Cloudy ; also raining and ee

from 9 A. M. to 2 P. M,

Olly. S.E&S 4 | Cloudy; also drizzling at 10 a, M.

&atd5&6Pp. uM,

saad 9 Ocalan eins ges wn a ng RS TERS acre nee Serene

wi scams ee oe nN ee a ea

Meteorological Observations. XXX1x

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of May, 1864.

Monruty Reasvurts.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. ee ve, 295729

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 a.m. on the 18th, ee 29,94'7

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 5 Pp. M. on the 24th, eo 29.500

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, we os = 0.447

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. * ee ee 29,798

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. as ge s« —29:650

te)

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ve ee 84.6

Max. Temperature occurred at 4 p. mM. on the 24th, ee ee 104.2

Min. Temperature occurred at 8 p. mM. on the 17th, ee o« 73.0

Hatreme range of the Temperature during the month, 0° as 31.2

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, ee ee oo 95.2

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. a ae a 77.2

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. oe 18.0

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ss ae 17.5

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 7.1

Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. ee ee 72.5

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, a 12.1

Inches

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, - << 0-487

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, ee a at 8.42

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, = 3.97

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.68

Inches

Rained 18 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, AS = 3.10

Total amount of rain during the month, = a <= =10.36

Prevailing direction of the Wind, ., as ms S.&S. H,

"1 ie BU este nibesaet = = e

a eacent

Ls sad dha

—

cree

5 athe lee eelire ltr ake ees EES - a

be at's ‘ i 0 AE TIES 0 Lape Fang 7 cs * Fey Ne, tee eee,

Sty. oe a yeem ee dee ¥ monet so eae By ea SP Ae oe Me aaa Sel A tee t

Ee AT HE PM AA ae pe Uys We TPO ieee Pee a OR TU D oKkeelact ae 9 ares iy ey eg LMT vege 5 Bea yy Ten aston a met Sete FAL on es Me ete 2

ne AA Toure: PM ey Ney db oe gee Shale prs is arr a MIRA) 8 i a Sr Ut NC Me} ee eAT ira len Ue Cine Abe) asain Ua UM Mee Ae ealre See HER thei rE

isc AanelUe Vipehe ee aS AN Wot eaBi ot Lacey Caer pcre be Pao es Wa ane A MILA ROR GOR epee A PN IN Tp eae cI RE RAT Coen irae ear Re ;

“Ce taal) 4 7

cro r eld,

; Py

rae eet

e ds

fee

x] : Meteoro logical Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of May, 1864.

Monruty RESULTS.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.

Rain on.

Missed.

Midnight.

eS ho

he DD SS ee

te |

mM WBRDD WOO

moO Ono OUb

AM OwWe bd bd

eon

fot food

bed

Wr bh Ww OUB O10 O Od bo

mI bo

Noon.

aes

ou)

bb fe

He ie EO

NrFNNMN eK

Doe ee

BPOUOUONQO OS WHE

Pepwpe re pnb

NAA Q co1ow w

oy)

fod

pod

fl fal

TS)

WNMWOBR|® OLoUs &

Ft fel el

On the 26th May, the wind which had been blowing steadily from S., and

by HE. suddenly veered round at 12h. 30m. to N. W. blowing very strongly, and

in heavy gusts varying in pressure from 8 to 25lbs per square foot till 2h. lom. P. M.

when it became calm, having veered during the interval by W. to 8. W. About

8h. 30m. the wind again changed suddenly from 8. W. to N. and by E. and

subsequently to E. and by N. The gale was accompanied by a good deal of

thunder and lightning and a little rain, The ten minutes observations taken

during the gale show that at Noon the Barometer stood at 29.79 Inches at

12h. 30m., the moment of the first sudden change of wind, and commencement

of gale, it rose to 29.83 Inches and then fell gradually and continuously to

29,738 Inches at 5 p.m, At 8 P. M, it again rose to 29.882 Inches,

: me wees mension Ula RR I es SN URS NO SE RPREEO

TT Pee a ap wer SRS ar tapes eG OR : 5

iS 2 pn Ew. = SS ee ae = = =

ah Meteorological Observations. xl

wh,

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

‘ taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

wn the month of June, 1864.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.

Feet.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

a ee Se er ee oes ere ee

o 5 au

“Ep : = during the day. = E ture during the day.

is nS ~

Date,.| = Aes z ; |

S24 | Max. | Min. | Dif. #& | Max. | Min, | Dif,

uM = =

Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. ) ) Oo Oo

1 | 29.574 ) 29.633 | 29.493 0.140 85.2 91.9 79.4 | 12.5

2 507 563 44:7 116 85.9 93.0 78.4 | 14.6

3 511 09 455 100 86.7 95.0 79.2 | 15.8

4 009 601 465 136 88.4 97.4: 80.6 | 16.8

| 5 | Sunday.

6 584 641 A938 148 | 88.8 94.6 | 82.8 | 11.8

t 7 588 .650 025 125 85.8 94,4: 82.8 | 11.6

i 8 078 .628 512 .L16 87.8 94.6 81.8 | 12.8

| 9 559 614 480 134 87.9 96.6 76.6 | 20.0

| 10 558 .628 ATL L157 85.8 93.6 78.0 | 15.6

i) 11 AT 603 488 oL15 80.5 86.2 77.6 | 8.6

\\ 12 | Sunday.

it 13 531 | 605 448 | .157 | 87.0 | 96,4 | 82.0 | 144

| 14 587 .630 540 090 84.5 90.2 80.8 | 9.4

15 .580 627 538 089 83.0 88.8 80.0 | 8.8

16 41 596 488 »L08 84.1 90.6 78.0 | 12.6

17 487 o2 429 123 86.1 94.2 79.8 | 14.4

18 539 093 482 111 85.8 89.0 | 81.4 | 7.6

19 | Sunday.

mi 0 617 | .672| .517| .155| 849 | 922 | 46.0 / 169

21 580 .630 523 107 95.9 92.8 78.0 | 14.8

| 22 546 992 A73 119 88.6 95.8 83.8 | 12.0

23 524 504 468 086 89.5 96.2 84.2 | 12.0

24) 048 577 506 071 85.5 93.4 80.8 | 12.6

AN 25 535 O12 A84 088 86.7 94:,4: 79.6 | 14.8

Ai 26 | Sunday.

Ve 27 565 |} 611 | .512| 099) 868 | 926 | 836) 90

“i 28 523 569 470 .099 81.4 83.6 80.0 | 3.6

yi 29 514 576 A738 L038 79.3 82.8 76.8 | 6.0

Zi 30 495 036 AAT 089 81.1 85.8 75.0 | 10.8

vf See ee ee

fy The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb There

f mometer Means are derived, from the ho urly Observations made during the day.

eat}

“3 & f=

ant

aes

aed,

ict

mind

seats

Sie

eee Se Bd

ae a

ee ©

one

re 4, 5)

ro a |

peer |

a=5)

xi Meteorological Observations.

= i

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations y

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, ;

in the month of June, 1864.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements yi

dependent thereon.— (Continued).

- : E ‘Oo 5.4 a ‘— s pe

a 8 2S 3 Pee ee f

2 é Ps 5 <3 ee ny

3 > Ss 2 o 6 mes), Cos Ht

ae Date. aoe oa f= a) anes = See ee 0 a

Re oo 2 So = <a ‘oS |= pe | Bore 4

Wa a § os a Bae ea | See ee :

Ve S 3 P s pe | S> | 8a [ean] 853 be

i see n

ff |

BY ) Oo Oo | fy) Inches.| T. gr. | T. gr

if 1 79.9 5.3 | 762) 9.0 | 0.887 | 9.49 | 3.12 | 0.75 m

4 2 80.2 Bia, 762 9.7 .887 AT 4.0 74 f

2 3 81.3 5.4] 78.11 86 943 | 10.04 14. .76 a

Le 4 83.2 5.2 | 80.1; 8.3 | 1.005 67 17 77 m

12 5 | Sunday. in

ce 6 81.9 6.4] 781] 10.2 | 0,948 02 78 73 i

Le 7 80.4: 5.4) 766 | 9.2 899 | 9.59 24, 75 ii

ia 8 81.9 59 78.4. 94 .952 | 10.12 48 74 it

44 9 81.6 63 | 77.8} 10.1 934 | 9.98 71 73 is

} 43 10 80.4 5A 76.6 9,2 .899 59 24 75 il

48 il 76.4 AA l= 73.5 \— 7.0 814 | 8.78 | 2.20 80 4

ne 12 Sunday. 1%

4 13 81.5 5.5 | 78.2) 88 | 946] 10.07 | 3.22 76

— 14, 80.2 43) 77.2 | 73 916 | 9.81 | 2.54 79

fe: 15 79.2 AS 276012 7-3 .887 52 48 79 -

a 16 79.6 4.5 | 76.4 | 7.7 .893 56 65 78 We

a 17 81.2 49| 778! 88 934: 97 98 ae: Me

c 18 81.5 43 | 78.5 | 7.3 955 | 10.21 62 80 =

o 19 | Sunday. | s

ES 20 80.8 AN 779 | -70- | 937 | 02 AT 80 the

: 21 81.9 4.0} 791} 68 973 38 | .49 81 |

2 22 83.8 4.8 | 80.91 7.7 | 1.030 92 | 3.00 78 al

a 23 84.4 5.1 | 813) 82 043 | 11.06 23 7. a

a 24, 81.1 4.4) 78.0) 75 | 0.940 | 10.03 | 2.69 79 ia

ey 25 81.0 5.7) 77.6] 91 928 | 9.89 | 3.29 75 | al

i 26 | Sunday. \4

a 27 82.2 46} 79.41 74 983 | 10.47 | 2.74 79

a 28 78.8 26 | 77.0 | 4,4 910 | 9.81 1.46 87 be

ee 29 76.8 2.5| 75.0 | 43 854. 24 BD .87 |

i 30 78.6 25) 76.8 | 43 .905 75 AQ .87 ‘ly

os ‘tlh

‘a : : ‘ly

Koes

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

pei L Ata gt N Jeno

aE Ay

eateometces

= ah heey ae

(ep pe

Meteorological Observations. xh

Abstract of the Results of the Flourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’ s Office, Caleutta,

om the month of June, 1864.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

a =; | Range of the Barometer = o Range of the Temperature

ag = for each hour during jaa = for each hour during

H ~ = the month, Po the month.

our, a Ba a O S

ao : ; =i = : P

3 aA Max. Min, Diff, ee Max. Min. Diff.

= =

Inches. | Inches.!| Inches.) Inches. ty) O 0 o-

ee 26 | 860] 7

night. 29.561 | 29.641 | 29.498 | 0.143 82. : 0 9.0

«- J 502 .628 A476 152 82.2 85.4 77.0 8.4:

2 4A 623 A464 159 82.0 85.0 75.0 10.0

3 5386 614 469 145 $1.5 84.6 76.0 | 8.6

4, 539 601 455 146 81.5 85.0 76.0 9.0

i 5 544i 600 | .478 ‘| 122 | 81.4 |} 84.6 76.4 8.2

i 6 .560 637 A498 139 81.7 84.8 77.0 7.3

7 12 657 OLS 142 82.5 86.6 17.8 8.8

8 585 672 .530 142 84:4 88.5 78.2 10.3

9 OL 671 25 146 86.6 90,8 SG} 13.6

10 .590 .668 19 149 88.0 92.8 17.8 15.0

11 Sl 644: 516 128 89.2 94.6 78.0 16.6

Noon. | .564 626 | 502 124 | 90.2 | 95.8 | 79.6 16.2

4 .b46 .606 A738 133 90.7 96.6 79.2 17.4:

! a 028 o19 AGA 115 91.0 97.4, 78.6 18.8

3 510 569 | .434 135 | 90.4 | 96.2 80.0 16.2

H 4, 495 552 | .429 123 | 89.7) 95.2 81.0 14.2

5 493 072 A45 127 88.8 94.0 81.4 12.6

6 OL .639 447 192 87.4 92.3 81.4 10.9

| 7 518 612 AAS 167 85.5 89.7 76.0 13.7

i 8 54d .618 A465 153 84.5 88.4: 76.8 11.6

} 9 559 6384 , .486 148 | 83.6 | 87.5 78.0 9.5

10 7A .628 11 117 82.8 86.8 77.0 9.8

11 468 614: O10 | 104: 82.1 86.0 76.6 9 4.

The i re ee Height of the Barometer, as likewise e Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the “Obscr vations made at the several hours

during’ the month.

“, ~

x s

— en

xliv Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of June, 1864. 4

Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements Me

= dependent thereon,—( Continued.) i

=| te = E a) eo e558

Se fe | 8 ee (FS ' soe ee. ee

43s > Ee > Spe io} ‘Sea 2

O te 2 ) 2 ° +S —— oa -

Hour. | 2% 3 = s = “en? e om | & = 20 19

q if) ss a . Sh ‘> 8 =a 2 oS | Yor

— Se rm 45 Ss Su ae) oO

a9 = = Soa Filo eA. SBS s a2

o & pO Es Pas =e > eos oe ee See

= A O a = Soar gs |

Oo Oo Oo Oo Inches. |'Troy grs.!Troy grs.

okt 796 | 30 | 775 | 51 | 0.923 | -994 | 1.74 | 0.85

1 79.1 3.1 76.9 5.3 .908 16 18 85

2 78.9 3.1 76.7 5.3 902 70 V7 .8D a

3 78.6 2.9 76.6 A.9 .899 645 64 86

Aj 78.8 2.7 76.9 A.6 908 76 R315) oO — a

5 718.7 2.7 76.8 4.6 905 73 4 .86

6 78.9 2.8 76.9 4.8 .908 (6 61 86 am

"7 79.5 | 3.0 | 774 Bl ft .922 91 7B .85

8 80.5 3.9 17.8 6.6 934 99 2.32 Rous une

9 81.6 9.0 78.6 8.0 958 10.21 £93 48

10 82.5 5.5 | 79.2 8.8 .976 B37 3.31 76

11 82.3 6.0 79.6 9.6 989 A8 208 tA in|

| Ul

Noon. | 93.3 6.9 | 79.2 | 11.0 | .976 33 4.26 71 |

1 83.2 7.5 78.7 12.0 961 16 04 69

2, 83.0 8.0 78.2 12.8 946 9.98 95 67

3 82.7 7.7 78.1 123 943 97 70 68 —

4, 82.5 7.2 78.2 LES 946 10.00 SOL 10

Be} 82-1 6.7 | 78.1 | 10.7 948 .00 00 71

6G | Sie 5.7 78.3 9.1 949 09 3.36 <i0

7 | 80.7 | 48 | 77.3 Bo. 2010e | 0.82 2.90 7 |

8 | 80.3 4.2, T7A 71 922 27 48 Role) |

9 | 79.7 | 3.9 | 77.0 6.6 910 75 .28 81 1

10 | 779A | 8:4 77.0 5.8 910 ti 1.98 83 \

IL | C789 | 8.2 76.7 5A: 902 10 Ol Rel! |

Se |

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

ime, = To = eee sncebaesi ont joc 5 PES

A RS aS a I NS TIRES OS SN ee amt ESS

Meteorological Observations. xlv

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

an the month of June, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.

«1 3 [ae x

S S eS 5 Bro

O38 |S Od ee eure

_| 22s |O S 2|Prevailing direction | 2 E General Aspect of the Sky.

So .8 2 2 of the Wind. ae

als” |aee i

o {Inches Ibs

1; 130.0! ... | S.& Calm. 0 | Scatd. clouds.

2| 144.0! 0.20 | S. 0 | Cloudless till 7 a. m.; Scatd. clouds

till 8 p.m. cloudy and lightning

afterwards also raining at 11 P.M.

Cloudy till 10 a.m. Scatd. “i till

3 P. M. cloudy afterwards; also

lightning at 8 P.M. and raining

between 6 & 7 A, M.

4| 133.0! ,.. |S. 4 | Scatd. \i and i till 4 P. um, cloudy

afterwards also lightning at 8 & 9

Pp. M,. and drizzling at 11 P. M.

3} 186.0} 0.11 | 8. &8. W.

Dae oo» | Sunday. 1

6135.0... |S: 1 | Scatd. \i & i till 7 p. mu. clouldless

afterwards.

7 121.0! ,., |S.&S8. B. 1 | Cloudless till 6 4. u, Scatd. -iand 71

afterwards.

8 127.2)... S.& 8. W. 31 Cloudless till 5 a. Mm. Seatd. clouds

till 7 Pp. mu. cloudless afterwards.

9) 134.0] 0.62 | S. 7 | Cloudless till 2 a. m. Scatd, “i till

7 P.M. overcast afterwards; also

raining from 9 to 11 P. M.

10) 127.4 2.16 |S. 6 | Scatd. clouds till 5 a. w. Scatd, “i

till 7 p.m. cloudy afterwards ; also

raining at 10 & 11 P. M.

Bh 1.10 | S. 15 | Cloudy; also raining from midnight

to 2 A. M, and from noon to 2 P.M.

2... | C4. =| Sunday. a

13} 188.0| ... |S. &S8. E. 12 | Scatd. clouds till 6 a. mM. Scatd. i

afterwards.

4a = eS. he S, 4 | Scatd.-i & “i till 8 a.m. cloudy

afterwards,

Iba. | A & Sh. O | Cloudy till 6 P.M. Scatd. i & i

afterwards also drizzling at 114, u.

Apia pase z% | Cloudy ; also slightly drizzling at

5 A.M. & 9 P.M,

17| 180.4) ... |S. & W. $ | Cloudy till 8 a. mM. Scatd. 11 & “i

till 2 P.M. cloudy afterwards ; also

drizzling at midnight and 1 a. wu,

iio eae me Lew Ee 1 | Cloudy.

ass ren 1.53 | Sunday. 133

\ i Cirro cumuli,

tia = . uw. 7

i -F s e sé ee Tere 7

" wi eet eve Oo eee 7,

7 -

Ls aed

SPLOT

A ioe

die

vw? A

hy t wre r?

rf é

“y

—

Fad Ld

ie oh.

RAM De ee de OM BaP ped a

a rill ily Nae aie MTA eae

Se tt Ae 7 8

set ick cg Oa ae

4 AE deere MEST

ie geet on eee

xlvi Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

an the month of June, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

H . [a> a

Se eo = eo

Oo |5 2 oa

“7| Kee 18 oe of the Wind. {Ac

Al SA ipod ao

o |Inches. Tbs

20) 126.7) 1.56 |S. 8 | Cloudy till 9 a. m. Scatd. 1i till

4. Pp. M. cloudy afterwards; also

raining from 7 to 11 p.m. and

thundering and lightning at 7&

SP. M.

41; 118.0) ... {S8. 14 | Cloudy also thundering and light-

ning at 1O & 11 a. M.

22) 184.9]... S. & 8. H. 1 Cloudy till 9 a.m. Scatd. clouds

afterwards.

23; 127.0| ... |S. &S8. EH. 24 |Scatd, i till 11 a.m. Scatd. 7

afterwards.

Aa 2s, S.& 8. EH. lz | Cloudy till 7 Pp. uw. cloudless after-

wards.

45/ 132.0( ,,, |S. &8. E, 1 | Scatd. -i & i till 7 p. m. cloudless

afterwards also drizzling at 7 P. M.

20 = Sunday. =

47| 118.5| ... |S. &8. EH, & calm. 1 | Cloudy. nearly the whole day; also

drizzling at 4 & 5 P. M.

2s), 2.47 |W. &S.W.&8.H.| 4 | Cloudy; also incessantly raining from

8 A. M. to 1l P. mM. and thundering

at 2 P, M.

20). 1.92 |S. W. & W. dz | Cloudy; also raining nearly the

whole day.

oul, 7.06 |S. &S8. H. 8 | Cloudy; also raining nearly the

whole day and thundering and

lightning from 1 to 4 A, M.

i be

& > - : 2 25 —_ oe eee specie ma lags Hae as Ps STS nna precast ante

—— ™ = = ee Kote = rn ey a Se ARSE ee Sane ae PSS eae eter SSR oe OTe

1 peti caine te geo eine ied RE ORS SSNS eat eat Oe theses : = :

M eteorological Observations. xlvil

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

an the month of June, 1864.

Monruty Reusvnts.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. ee ee 29.548

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 8 A. uw. on the 20th, es 29.672

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 4 P. M. on the 17th, ee 29.429

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, oe oe § =: «243

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. ee ee ee 209.600

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. ee ee 29.486

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. we ee 85.5

Max. Temperature occurred at 2 P. m. on the 4th, ee oe 97.4

Min. Temperature occurred at 2 a. M. on the 30th, oe ee 75.0

Hatreme range of the Temperature during the month, .. oe 22.4

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, oe ee oe 92.2

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. A ae aa 79.9

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. ee 12.3

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. 5 ae 80.8

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb ieherpoeee aS 4.7

Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. ae oe 717.5

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, aE 8.0

Inches

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. ee ee §=—.: 0.92

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, = oe ee 9.88

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, a 2.84)

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.78

Inches

Rained 16 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, oe ee 7.06

Total amount of rain during the month, = oe ve —- 18578

Total amount of rain indicated by the gauge attached to the Anemo-.

meter during the month, “e os x ~= 17,93

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. ee oe S. &S. HE.

“a

male

Risa

cet

ered

ass

Sead

— #-0e

ou -~

Fon © eon re

= eh e,!

xlvii Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of June, 1864.

Monrunty RESULTS.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.

Rain on.

Midnight. : 1] 1] 4

ke bo

eBOwWhrwN We

fal pat ,

MBoOooOomonnambaobe

Dib O1D O1W CO WE DD bo

ee ee cell ened soll aml S2)

WS OD RE Re ES

Noon.

ms Co DO

NRE WNE @®OO OH

NRE ONE oS

m OO OATS Or

foam

feed fed

fel fe

COSTA GW NW WH OLOTM

- =s iii asin S ES LGA OTS

haere : : - - si eRe et PRE TROT. EIS AIO EA ODA a Sea eS mis eee a ees

ie aap ins a ce aaa gp ek om ES EE RY OE PALIN OH ER REE Sao:

SR aac ea ee eS EE eee ame 3

Meteorological Observations. = xlix

. Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

* taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

em the month of July, 1864.

Latitude 22° 3371” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.

Feet.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.

Daily Means, &c, of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

eee 24

ole Range of the Barometer 3 & {Range of the Tempera-

Sp 3 during the day. - ture during the day.

oe bs

Date. | ™ x a = 3 |

s+ | Max. | Min. | Diff, Ey Max. | Min. | Dif. |

Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. i) Oo Oo oO S|

+ 1 | 29.491 | 29.529 | 29.449 0.080 81.7 86.7 78.6 | 8.1 =

i! 2 499 dol 455 096 82.5 86.8 770} 98 oe

f 3 | Sunday. at

| 4) 550, .605| .497/ .108| 824 | g52 | s10|] a2

alk 5 O10 566 A538 113 80.0 83.0 76.8 | 6.2

| 6 505 aA A58 086 | 81.6 86.0 | 77.8 | 82

| 4 570 .629 037 092 82.5 85.8 79.2) 6.6

| 8 088 £633 03d 100 84.1 89.4 80.0 9.4

‘| | 9 079 638 515 123 84.2 89.8 | 79.4 | 10.4

i 10 | Sunday.

‘iit 11 596 661 523 138 | 82.9 87.8 | 80.6 | 72

12 018 O10 436 139 85.0 89.6 81.2 | 8.4

13 470 O16 406 110 83.6 90.2 77.2 | 18.0

14 433 7A, 377 097 84.2 89.2 82.3 | 6.9

15 423 485 002 133 84.3 88.8 81.6 7.2

Oy 16 413 463 396 127 84.2 89.4 81.6 | 7.8

| 17 | Sunday.

iy |

i 18 397 AAI 346 | 095) 834 | 874 | 808] 6.6

| 19 439 025 397 128 84.7 91.2 80.6 | 10.6

20 412 476 328 148 82.8 86.0 81.0 | 5.0

ee 2 362 21 213 .L08 82.0 85.4 80.0 | 5.4

sh 22 480 043 94 149 80.9 83.7 79.4 | 4.3

} 23 522 568 68 100 | 84.6 88.8 | 80.6] 8.2

it 24 | Sunday.

ih 25 519| .564| .467/ .097| 862 | 896 | s26| 70

i 26 .520 963 ATS .088 85.4: 90.4: 81.0 | 9.4

27 31 582 A89 .093 82.9 86.4 80.4 | 6.0

AY 28 O13 .625 521 LO4: 83.7 86.4 S12) 52

pe 29 610 .669 059 110 84.8 89.4 82.6 | 6.8

Ay 30 615 659 563 .096 83.3 85.2 79.2 | 60

- | 31 | Sunday.

} : |

iy . The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther.

y, § ;

mometer Means are derived, from the hourly Observations made, during the day.

| —_——

] | Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations it

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of July, 1864.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements «i

dependent thereon.— (Continued).

in E cS =a 6 ¢ = 3

® @ os :

= = i > = S25 os ee "

3 > E = C6 eS | SOF

Date.| | ze A - 2° |ess/ 2 S's

Be es | ee eee 4

Boe ee ES ee :

do Py an aa a 3 = 20 | 255 v

® A Pe 5 ade Bice 28 |saea] Ses

2 Se | ee ‘.

Oo ) ry) Oo Inches.| T. gr. | T. gr.

1 78.7 3 76.6 5.1 0,899 9.67 1.70 0.85

2 79.8 2.1 17.9 4.6 .937 | 10.06 58 86 "

3 | Sunday. if

4, 79.1 8.3 | 76.8) 5.6 905 | 9.71 .90 84

5 774 961 75.6] 4.4 871 AO Al 87 {

6 77.8 3.8 75.1 6.5 857 21 2.13 SL 7

7 78.9 3.6 76.4 6.1 893 .60 04, 83 le

8 79,4 4.7 76.1 8.0 885 48 ES 78 af

9 79.6 A..6 76.4 1.8 893 56 .68 18 ‘ibe

10 | Sunday. es

11 80.0 2.9 78.0 4.9 940 | 10.09 1.70 86 :

12 81.1 3.9 78.4 6.6 952 L7 2.36 SL .

13 80.4 3.2 78.2 5.4 946 15 1.88 84 |

14 81.3 2.9 79.3 Ao aS, A8 16 86 |

15 80.8 3.0 78.3 60 949 16 2.12 83

16 80.4 3.9 V7.7 6.5 931 9.96 28 Sl j

17 =| Sunday. j

18 80.7 2.7 78.8 4.6 964 | 10.34 1.62 87 4

19 81.4 3.9 79.1 5.6 978 40 2.02 84 li

20 80.3 2.9 78.5 4.3 955 27 1.48 87 iv

21 78.8 3.2 76.6 5.4 899 9.67 80 84: {

22 78.8 2.1 717.3 3.6 19 .90 20 .89 {

23 80.7 3.9 78.0 6.6 940 | 10.05 2.34 OL iv

24 Sunday. Ns

25 80.6 56| 767] 95 | .902| 9.60 | 3.39 | .74

26 80.3 51 767-1 82 .902 62 .06 76

27 79.7 3.2 77.9 5.4 925 4 1.85 84

28 80.8 2.9 78.8 4.9 964 | 10.34 od .86

29 81.0 3.9 18.3 6.5 949 14 2.32 ol SN

30 80.4 2.9 78.4 4.9 952 21 1.72 36 ‘ll

31 Sunday: ‘ey

stir

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

* ay Tia equ atone een ws nc eS RNA OOS ATR apt CH NEO TES peter er =

Meteorological Observations. li

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

i in the month of July, 1864.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

sg for each hour during moe for each hour during

our, a & o. a A

ose: ; <3

3-42 | Max. Min. Diff, so) | Max. Min. Diff.

S =

Inches. | Inches.| Inches.| Inches. oO ) oO 0)

Mid- |, 9 br

He 29.521 | 29.636 | 29.412 | 0.224 82.1 86.4: 18.8 7.6

1 £505 .610 403 207 | 81.9 85.6 78.6 7.0

2 499 596 18 218 81.4: 85.2 V7 A 7.8

3 A588 094 .300 209 81.2 84.9 77.0 7.9

4, A482 .602 344 258 | 80.7 84.2 TTA 6.8

i 5 AQ4: 605 203 252 + 807 | 83.2 76.8 6.4:

i 6 510 635 38D 250 | 80.6 | 82.6 77.0 5.6

i 7 020 644 .389 209 81.2 83.4 77.6 5.8

8 532 647 281 266 | 82.5 84.8 77.6 7.2

9 541 661 2713 .288 | 83.8 | 86.6 79.0 7.6

10 548 .660 .360 200 | 84.7 | 88.1 80.2 7.9

il 039 652 41 211 | 85.4 | 88.6 80.0 8.6

Noon.| .527 | .641| .888 | .303| 86.3 | 90.2] 80.2 | 10.0

1 510 625 334 291 86.5 | 90.4; 79.8 10.6

2 489 604 13 291 86.1 91.2 80.0 11.2

3 A471 | 681 ES: 268 | 85.8 89.8 80.2 9.6

A | 459 | 876|.814— | .262-|- 85:84 896, 60.0 9.6

f 5 458 582 819 268 84.9 88.4 80.4 8.0

f 6 461 582 | .832 250 | 84.4 | 87.3 80.0 7.3

A 7 | 480 | .601| .355 | .246| 83.5 | 86.6] 80.0 6.6

8 499 627 | B81 246 | 82.9 | 86.0 80.1 5.9

4 9 OLE 655 389 266 | 82.7 85.4: 80.0 5.4

é 10 082 .669 399 270 | 82.6 | 85.4 80.2 5.2

11 39 661 AZ] 240 | 82.3 | 86.2 19.2 7.0

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours

during the month.

Lag a ene Gree

li | Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

inthe month of July, 1864. 3 ”

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements ! i

dependent thereon.—( Continued.) | i;

SS Oa ae es = Ce 2 43 Sey ee aa | a

r— 5) = 5 iS) SO =) Re) S Ss 5 la

9 S iS a S ie = = | so 5s |Hs » te

o PY @ S) O-s Pn |S oe mi

2 4s 5 E 5 ee 2 | Oe 2 a oo i

See os 2 So les | 22.,- an

Hour.| 2 s A s ees Ses | oO | bg Ak

| = 2 3 Se) 8 4 e 8 es eee Wy

0 = = ae Boe 65.) S35 | 22s |

gq oe or FAs = cin Say oe ea |

So by S Day SS a2 ee {= 3 ah

= A S) A = eee a as |

ees G 0 O Inches. |Troy grs./Troy grs. "tg

ak 793 | 28 | 773 | 48 | 0919 | 988 | 163 | 086 .

1 W020 29 78 4.6 | .919 88 56 86 q

2 78.8 2.6 | 77.0 4.4 .910 81 AG 87 |

3 78.6 | 2.6 | 76.8 4.4. | 905 75 AG 87 ,

4 7.1 | 2.6 | 763 4.4. | 890 61 43 .87 :

5 78.4: 2,3 76.8 3.9 905 nas) 29 38

6 | 784 | 22 | 769 | 37 | .908 78 23 89 |

"i 78.9 2.9 V7.3 BY) 19 .90 ol Role.

8 79.5 3.0 TTA: 5.1 922 sol 13 .o0

9 80.0 Bite. 71.3 6.5 919 04: 2,26 OL |

10 80.3 4A: 77.2 7.5 916 19 .63 9 ul

11 80.8 | 46 | 77.6 7.8 | .928 91 Te 78

Noon. 81.3 5.0 717.8 8.5 934, .95 3.07 “76 |

Ee 06 S49") 7s (78 | 06 | 1024- > 2.86 78 i”

2 81.4) 4.7 V3.1 8.0 943 .O6 .O9 18

8 3 B18 | 4.55 |= 781 “7 | 948 .06 ad 78 i

eg 4 81.1 4.7 | 77.8 8.0 | .9384 | 9.97 .86 78

ie 5 80.8 | 41 | 77.9 VO 0371002 | 47 80

= 7 80.3 B20 781 5.4 | .943 12 1.88 84

mate 8 79.9 | 3.0 | 77.8 5.1 | .984 08 76 185 rf

1g 9 WOT | 820-1 776 5.1 | .928 | 9.97 75 85 hi

iS 10 79.8: | 28 | 778 4.8 | .934 | 10.03 65 .86 |

ae MW (90 | 92,8 =—|— 72.5 4.8 | .925 | 9.94 64 .86 Wi

14 i

iS 5?

“ha All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants. |

| t = P |

# “n

Bh dy |

a . - ji = (eg RAE REPT SE : RECS eee Fig

ej 4 . copes ret dep cee ten SE eNO ERE RE ET EE 5 = 3

TR Sieg eta rcs eS ies ee Oe ioc eciohe heriael ncas sg ag a a anne c

Meteorological Observations. lint

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

an the month of July, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.

st | foe

&§ |e 9

O-d SOS ee = c

_| @ a |O & 4) Prevailing direction

2) 4c |8 89 of the Wind.

e| SS fawn 2

ies ae

o |Inches

1 . | 3.138 |8.&8. W.

2) w. | 064 |S. &8. W

Bie es Sunday.

oe 1 O48 |S.

Geo. | 0.15 (-Seu-S. 4H,

Aas (|) 0.194) S.& Sk,

8| 1238.4) ,... |S.H&S,

9) 128.0 S. &S. H.

10 Sunday.

1 bor S.& 8. BE.

12) 116.7 )

I3| 115.4| 0.84 | 8

14, 115.0; 0.10 | 8. &S8. E.

15 0.10 'H.&8.

16) 122.0] 0.22 | B.

17)... =| 0.43 | Sunday.

its | gereaee 1.72 | 58. H. & N, E.

19; 125.0| ,, S.H. &S. & H

M. Pressure

of Wind

bo kr! & O&O

AIH Bes loo B29

General Aspect of the Sky.

Cloudy : also drizzling from midnight

to5 A.M. & raining between 8 &

9 A. M. & from 5 to 9 P. M.

Cloudy: also raining from 2 to 6

A.M. & at 9 A. M.

Cloudy : also drizzling at 2-3 & 5 p.M.

Cloudy: also thundering and light-

ning at 4 & 5 a.m. & raining from

4.4. M. to 2 P. M.

Cloudless till 7 a. mM. cloudy after-

wards ; also raining between 1 &

2p.M. & at 6 P. M.

Cloudy till 7 p. m. cloudless after-

wards; also drizzling at 4 & 6

A. M. & at 2 P.M,

Cloudless till6 a. mM. Scatd. “i & i

afterwards, also slightly drizzling

between 10 & 11 a. M.

Scatd. clouds: also very slightly

drizzled at 2 A. M.

Scatd. “i till6 a.m. cloudy till 8 P. m.

cloudless afterwards; also rain-

ing at 9&104a.u.& at2 & 6P. M.

Cloudless till 5 a. m. Scatd. clouds

afterwards.

Cloudless till 8 a. m. cloudy after-

wards; also raining at 5A. mM. &

between 1 & 2 P. M.

Cloudy ; also slightly raining at 1

P. M.

Seatd. clouds till 11 a. wm. cloudy

afterwards ; also drizzling atl &

2P.M. & between 6 & 7 P. uM,

Cloudy ; also raining at 1 P. mu.

Cloudy ; also raining after intervals.

Cloudy; also drizzling at 3 & 11

A.M, & at 3 Pp. M. & thundering and

hghtning at 10 & 11 P. Mm.

——— eg

W/W i Cirro cumuli,

liv

Meteorological Observutions.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

an the month of Suly, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

oO ®O oO

@ gi [Pe : ro

Og eee Es : ; n a

.| 22 JOS &| Prevailing direction | 2 2 General Aspect of the Sky.

| xo 1.85 9 of the Wind. 2a

a} Se iat =o

ee ee =

o {Inches Tbs

20; .,, | 0.60 | H. & variable. 34 | Cloudy; also drizzling from 9 A. m.

to 3 Pp. M. & thundering at 2 Pp, m.

We See 0.14 | EH. (high.) 83 | Cloudy ; also raining at 2 & 10 a. .

& at 7,9 &10P. M.

eee, 0.61 |S. & EH. 383 | Cloudy; also raining at 9 & ll a mM.

& from 2 to4 pM. & at 7& 8

Pp. M. & thundering at 3 P. M.

23; 117.0| 0.16 |S. &@8. EH. 2% | Scatd. clouds; also raining at 2 P. M.

JA Sunday. 34

25 a= WV. & 8 BW. 3 | Cloudy; also slightly drizzling at

Midnight.

26| 120.0} 0.98 | W. &S. 8: | Cloudy; also raining between 2 & 8

A.M. & at 7 & 11 P. mu. & thunder-

ing at 7 P. M.

Boe, 0.58 | W.&S. W. 24 | Cloudy; also raining from 6 to 8

A.M. & atll a.m. & from 6 to 9 p.m.

28 ae ew W, a8. W. 1% | Cloudy; also drizzling at 1 &1la.m.

OOs195 Ol = | Sie WW 2% | Cloudy; also drizzling at 24. mM. &

| at 5, 6,10 & 11 p.m. & thundering

at 2 A. M.

BOs. 0.22 |S. &S8. W. 3 | Cloudy ; also drizzling after intervals.

ol], 1.06 | Sunday As

we N= =e Sis = = - = == 5 eps PSNR ALATEST O Sees sepia re Pees

ar Ti ig cing ne A AO ORO AE ANS Seer ae ee

Meteorological Observations. lv

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of July, 1864.

Montraty Resvunts.

| Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. as ee 29.505

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 p. Mm. on the 29th, ee 29.669

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 2&3 P.mM.onthe 21st, .. 29.318

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, Ar 2» 0.356

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. a oe oe 29,558

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, as es es 29.4438

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ee 9.110

)

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ee oe 83.4

Max. Temperature occurred at 2 P. M. on the 19th, ee oe 91.2

Min. Temperature occurred at 5 a. M. on the oth, es oe 16.8

Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, oe oe 14.4

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, oe es oe 87.6

Ditto ditto Min. GUithO. we = Ae Re 80.1

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. oe 7.0

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. oF 36 79.9

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 3.0

Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. Ag ee 17.4:

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, ss 6.0

Inches

Mean Hlastic force of Vapour for the month, .. 2° ee «=: 0.92

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, =< ae a 9.89

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, eas 2.07

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.83

Inches

Rained 27 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, ee oe 3.13

Total amount of rain during the month, oe oe -. 13.09

Total amount of rain indicated by the gauge attached to the Aneono-

meter during the month, we os ee -» «=: 13.42

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. ee eo 8.

i ue? ue aes eee >

Se \GS SNS Wl. | Sa SSS SS t Mebeineledodal anti se

= ~ = = ~= ina rate

rim oy

BA 3 poss, | a

8 = ‘uo urey—s

= i ev

= Ss a rm r= ra ore

S aie *u0 0 uTeAT ae

Set talk ee ‘MN RITE,

eS e oe [SEE AES ee “Cl | feed peng pay perry pom ea re ral <=H

Ss es ae “U0 Ulery [ ao UR A

ms RS ar teil i wot er et ee

Sics sa 3 OE A UE a

ye) 54 s = co ON mach)

= BH NSP oS yo

S Seri te les eg eel ai ee of

S ae S CO a Ea ees a alla

3 o CO -& Pai Reo 2 a pL oa

. Ne = = eases “uo Ue ey | a

S ; wm tH ° ‘ S

rs See Bee Sa ee te

en SS ang eh Sy ol | Mole Gul tte

= Ry r jo] oO E eal Zz

: oe ee ee

= Se Se eae Cr ey ee se ne ‘mo TLE S|)

SS Pas erase os SS :

S Aires S a a 2 8 i

< = ° es |

S s = FR oa s e |

S MS ~~ 24

~ —S lea es

5 S28 B25

es ea |

RS Bite = o ev

S oo is

ne = vo “!

aS cee SAN OH OnDROS HAO FOONOROM

Whe) ea ap oO 24 50 rer =

as a é i :

SS te = re Ai

“ S 2 5

SS ee

S$ | :

3 z

bi XN ei

BN) uit we Ya eA

Sees ween BE? sees Be ;

+ wimg te eee sem de peels

Meteorological Observations. vii

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,

in the month of August, 1864.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.

Feet.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

wm hy QQ .°

= S a Range of the Barometer e 2 |Range of the Tempera-

: e E 2 during the day. = : ture during the day.

iss)

Date. | = 2 es , 2 ;

| z as Max. Min. Diff, S Max Min. | Diff.

| Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. O O 0 o

1 il 29.555 | 29.603 | 29.479 0.124 82.9 89.2 78.4 |. 10.8

{ 3 537 587 480 107 | 83.6 88.0 | 80.0] 8.0

zh 3 038 082 462 120 82.0 87.1 78.4 | 8,7

a 4, 564 607 O24 083 82.0 85.8 COL 6.1

| 5 545 OSL .500 O81 81.8 85.6 80.0 5.6

dl 6 A91 049 A22 127 | 82.8 86.6 | 804 | 6,2

| 7 | Sunday. :

f 8 435 D0 O17 178 80.6 84.4 79.0 | 5.4

| 9 575 621 O31 .090 80.6 82.0 78.0 40

yt 10 580 616 O41 075 81.7 83.9 80.0 3.9

|| i1 551 G14 481 133 84.8 90.0 80.2 | 9,8

Ny 12 466 2030 373 162 83.6 86.2 81.2 5.0.

i} 13 371 446 .269 sw uerE 81.8 85.8 79.0 6.8

hi) 14 | Sunday.

15 688 748 .640 108 82.7 87.6 718.6 9.0

16 .669 129 099 130 84.5 89.6 81.0 8.6

17 .656 108 LL 094 85.9 90.2 82.0 8.2

18 671 719 617 102 85.6 88.6 83.7 4.9

19 674) 725 617 108 85.1 88.4 | 81.8 | 6.6

ait » ==20 709 “dd 637 134 82.8 86.2 79.6 6.6

| 21 | Sunday.

22 748 798 673 125 81.7 87.3 77.0 | 10.3

Nh 23 .718 791 645 146 | 82.5 87.0 | 78.2] 88

Wi 24, 712 764 651 113 | 83.4 87.6 | 7921 84

a 25 143 798 .689 .L09 83.4 89.4) 79.4 | 10.0

PL] 26 748 .806 .683 123 84.1 89.6 80.2 9.4:

27 721 178 648 130 85,1 91.0 81.2 9.8

28 | Sunday.

“aul 29 742 810 .667 143 85.7 90.4, 81.8 8.6

au 30 702 767 612 155 86.9 92.2 31.8 | 10.4,

‘Sai 31 694 120 617 108 81.9 86.6 719.2 | 7.4,

p4 \

i | The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther.

/ mometer Means are derived, from the hourly Observations made during the day.

dvi Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations wt

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of August, 1864.

bo 93

“ a

ps SF

| Sez

ay fe

8 A

a tha

i is rie 5

its

la Per

De -

Bt Be

| ie

; Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements al

ae dependent thereon.— (Continued).

5: ‘ E S Pe [ag |e |

a ° @ an =

E i 2 7 r - ® oan es g 8 ai

‘ > a | 2 B | 2 |284|\ has

= : 6 = el gee | Ses

Date. a = a S So e's HE | @ Ean in

3 42 ba 2 3 ais m~ oe | = & -

e2 2 Ss = Se 8s ee se oe

= oO = = = 43 aos = oO Bee = qo eee: 4

: aa - a= a e558 mal i

ao =n o as aS So 8} Feo 2

zg $5 E E Pe | SF | $8 |ean| S35 -

qe = a O A = = = a j

ie | li

4 ) Oo Oo O-_-inches, he. | Ei er, | |

He 1 78.9 4.0| 761] 68 | 0.885 | 9.50 | 2.29 | 081 ‘y

ae 9 80,2 841 778) 5.8 984 | 10.01 02 83 i"

fe 3 79.3 27 | 74) 46 922 | 9.91 | 1.56 86 ie

B 4, 79.0 3.0 76.9 5.1 908 76 tk 385 \\

ia 5 79,1 27 | ° 77.2) 46 916 85 55 86 ie

eC 6 79.6 324A | 5A 922 Od. 84 84 le

¥ 7 | Sunday | i

a Gg = 781 25 | 76.31 43 890 61 40 87 i

if 9 78.7 19 | 774) 3.2 | 922 95 06 | .90 in

ie 10 79.6 2.1) 78.1) 3.6 943 | 10.14 23 89 i)

Se 11 81,1 3.7 |. 78.5 \— 63 .955 28 12.28 82 i

“48 12 81.0 2.6 | 79.2 | 4,4 976 | 48 | 1.55 87 in

z i 13 78.8 3.0 76,7 5.1 902 9,70 70 85 li

ty | 14 | Sunday | |

= |

abe 15 79.6 a 7A) 58 .922 91 81 85

as 16 80.4 AL = 473 \ 7.0 925 90 | 2,45 .80 We

ie 17, | 813 4.2 | 78.4| 71 | 952 | 1017 | (55 | 80 i)

ee 18 81.2 4.4| 78.1) 7,5 943 | — .06 .70 79 A.

: 19 81.2 50 785) 66 | 655 1 21 [==.86 1-91 i

. 20 79.3 35 | 768) 60 | .905| 9.71 | 104 | 83 th

: 21 | Sunday | |

‘f 22 78,2 35 | 75.7 | 60 | 873| 40 | 197 | .83 ;

¥ 23 79.0 35 | 765| 6.0 | .896| ..63 | 2.01 | .83 |

= 24 79.6 8.8 | 76.91 6.5 .908 72 24 81 |

25 79.6 38 | 769 65 | 908 | = 72 | 24 1-81

26 79.8 4.3 | 76.8) 7.3 O05 = = -.69 52> | 79 |

27 80.4 4.7 | 771) 8,0 913 76 81 78

28 | Sunday. |

29 81.0 40 (oe | 80 | 3931 | 04 486° | =2.78 a

30 81.8 5.1 | 78.7) 82 961 | 10.24 | 3.01 77 my

31 78.4 3.5 | 75.9 | 6,0 879 | 946 | 1.98 83 i

‘hy

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

—

rstiay, oo susp iy AS PORTERS a ae SRE NT OG ETS OTE

a z : sir eon sa Na

Meteorological Observations. lix

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

im the month of August, 1864.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygromettical elements

Hour.

Mid-

Sel

eo bo mE

S fat ss

gS HM OOOTA CE

hm OO CO TS Ot O bo

fat fod

The Mean Height of the Barometer,

Mean Height of

the Barometer

at 32° Faht.

| Inches.

29.636

630

621

609

603

611

629

643

6517

665

666

659

644

625

.603

580

068

564

O17

588

.608

628

639

640

dependent thereon.

Range of the Barometer ms 3s Range of the Temperature

for each hour during As for each hour during

the month. a) the month.

Max. | Min. | Dif. | &2€ | Max. | Min. | Dis,

29.773 |29.442 | 0.8381 | 81.7 | 844] 77.0 74

“754: 24) 330 | 81.5 84.4: 174 7:0

752 405 047 | Sil 84.0 CTA 6.6

743 2380 260 | 80.8 83.0 779 5.5

737 377 3860 | 80.6 84.0 77.6 6.4:

749 281 368 | 80.5 | 83.9 77.8 6.1

769 | .897 372 | 80.5 | 83.7 7735 6.2

184 | 404 280 | 81.1 84:2 78.4 5.8

800 | .403 3897 | 82.4 85.4 79.4: 6:0

810 370 440 | 83.7 87.2 79.2 8:0

803 .o99 408 | 84:8 | 87.9 78.0 9.9

195 385 410 | 85.6 | 89.4 18.4 11.0

779 2372 407 | 86.0 | 89.6 80.0 9.6

.760 858 402 | 86.6 | 91.6 81.0 10.6

133 04 299 | 86.6 92.2 81.5 10.7

103 809 394 | 86.7 92.2 81.2 11.0

691 018 2873 | 86.1 |° 92.2 81.4 10.8

.708 .330 273 | 849 91.4) 81.2 10.2

103 303 400 | 83.8 89.4 80.6 8.8

21 297 424 | 83.3 |. 88.6 80.4: 8.2

759; .269 A486 | 82.9 | 87.5 79.8 FATE

167 349 418 | 82.6 | 86.8 78.4 8.4:

wie 317 394 | 82.3 | 89.8 79.0 6.8

471 2389 386 82.1 | 85.4 79.0 6.4

as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours

during the month.

Lo Lag ee ean Geese re

ie Meteorological Observations.

Abstr act of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

inthe month of August, 1864. >

7 a

Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements f

dependent thereon.—( Continued.) it

| var

Bulb

Hour.

Mean Wet

Thermometer.

Vapour.

Dry Bulb above Wet.

Computed Dew Point.

Dry Bulb above Dew

Mean Hlastic force o

Mean Weight of Va-

pour in a Cubic foot

Additional Weight of

Vapour required for

complete saturation.

Mean degree of Hu-

midity, complete satu-

ration being unity.

jon)

WwW

ep)

Ail. 0.928 9.92 1.38 —

39 928 hy OL

3.7 2a =| == 08 24

3.7 913 84 «23

3.7 908 18 2d

; 908 18 «20

899 .69 29

910 ol .30

915 82 19

916 Ol 2.26

910 aS: 13

13 14 3.02

Ge me

hae

HOOOTAMNARWNY EH

SS)

oe)

MoOMNwWween

CONT OT YR G9 00

is . _—— ba o = Fre mem ‘ :

al botuthtay adh nateceeed —— aan - ” ‘, " retire ~~“

‘ _ en = E iy Ae Sea ae = we Us eS | re aie | Te ee sa8 LTE RP TL te A es. 2 c¢ fe) Stn af, - erie a hg 2

2am A ENE Pte a ee ca i > [Stee SS SaaS me ay BEI” fon al are as Sa, EO ag ads aac tirseleo’) Soa sey {nT = " 2 iss = ans Se

Re dire ee ce eee Bd ny Meee Bene mal We gee te Pe ee: i ie ats Cres hes > tips a) a. erin BARN, NE ant SRS fo y alm ihe Shae) ge Gsths Ol mS ew, Sivan AAD mage cae a

SN 5 Pare pk ete Dag oe NTR RS Le De ee a ye hus By Rie Bp NT He aeeng oe act ESET a oT UT Paul ae a ih OTe OSA SPR aes a eae ply NP AS SAE Ret hs ay SEC ele RN eR NS Dy ae Me AGP RED SS eee EET

As on J

rt) 2 ) oy) Inches. |Troy grs.|Troy |

Noon. | 80.8 5.2 8.8 10 fe! 14 16

f | 810=| 56 90 | 928 89 25 75

es 2 81.1 0.9 17.8 8.8. | 934 Go 19 16 i

Le 3 Sil | 5.6-— 77,7 ji0-| 2931 92 26 75 se

a A, 81.0 5.1 77 A: 8.7 922 83 12 76 mM

4 po 805 | 44) 77:4 | 75 | .922 85 | 2.64 49 °

af 6G | 801 | 37 —775—| 63 | 925 92 18 82

ac 1 801 (| 32 — 79 -| 54> 037-1 1006 — | 187 84 i

4 S$ Jos si 776 | 3a 928 =| 9:07 82 85 ‘

og 9 79.7 7 17.7 49 Jol 10.00 68 86

oe 10-| 796). 2.7 | 777 | 4.6=| —.981 00 58 36

ig dl 79.5 2.6 T17 4;,4: 931 O2 AD 87 |

oe iy

ste a

=e All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

ALES SLEEPS

cr aa pepanaat

To ae

Pe Te ACHR LEA A

ea aan wef

F == oe sani ea EPO eR

oe a ayia eae a eis aes (EY EY RSS Rte Sta 3 A

5 a ag icant $a See Ta ne A SOOT LS TS

Meteorological Observations. : Ixi

Abstvact of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

on the month of August, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.

¢ | Sob £

#| #% |2.3 2 ofthe Wind. (Ay,

als” lad ae

o |Inches tbs

1; 130.0) ... |S. &8, W. 4, | Cloudy till 9 a.m. Seatd. clouds

afterwards ; also drizzling at mid-

night & 1 a. M.; & between 3 &

4 P, M.

Zee 0:51 |S. Wedd. 2% | Scatd. clouds till 3 Pp. m. cloudy after-

wards; also drizzling at 3 a. M. &

from 6 to 10 Pp. M.; & thundering

at 5 & 6 P. M.

3] vee 2 W.&S8. W. 4% | Cloudy : also drizzling at 6 a. mM. 2 &

3.60 3 P.M. & raining from 5 toll P. M.

Alaa, 5) S.W.& W. &S. 4, Cloudy: also raining from midnight

to6 A.M. & at 2 P. M. |

a. we | S. We GS. 3 | Cloudless till 5 a. mu. cloudy after-

wards ; also drizzling at 1 &8 Pp. M.

6)... | 0.16 | W.&8. 2% | Cloudy; also drizzling at 1,5 4&6 P.M.

7 a. =| 0.20 | Sunday. dz

Cie | OO |e Sak. 145 | Cloudy ; also constantly raining.

3} .. | 2.26 | 8. & H. 3 | Cloudy; also raining at 4, 5,8 & 10

A. M. & between 9 & 10 P. M.

10)... | 022 |S.HE&S8S, W. ®& | Cloudy; also raining at 9a. M. and

from noon to 2 P. M. & at 6 P. M.

11) 182.4) 0.18 | W. & N. W. 2% | Cloudy till5 a.m. Scatd. i till 8 p.m.

38 &4A. M.& at 10 P. M,.

12 0.88 | N. & W. 9 Cloudy ; also drizzling from 4 a. M.

2 to 6p. mM. & thundering at 4 P, mu,

13l_... | 0.18 | HE. & N. EH. & 8. E. | 8% | Cloudy ; also drizzling after intervals,

14)... | 2.62 | Sunday. 7

15) 1150.| 0.10 | 8. & EB. 4% | Cloudy till 5 a. u.; Scatd. “i & i

afterwards ; also raining at 4 A. M.

and at 2 P. M.

Scatd. -i& i till 4 a. w.; Scatd. \i

& \-i till 1 p.m.; cloudy after.

wards also thundering at 11 Pp, m.

Scatd. clouds till 5 p. M.: Scatd, i

afterwards.

Scatd. clouds.

Scatd. \-itill 3 a. mu. cloudy after.

wards; also raining at 5 a. M.

Clondy; also drizzling from 8 to 8

Pp. M.; and thundering at 4 P. m.

T!|)

[0s s)

S.& 58. W.

. |S. W. G&S. & W.

0.28 |S. &8. W.

Bid ©

ix fon Or WW

oe)

B+

cloudy afterwards ; also raining at

i Cirri,—i Strati, 1i Cumuli, -i Cirro strati, ~i Cumulo strati, \-i Nimbi,

\ i Cirro cumuli,

I ERT hs er ee

bil Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations a

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of August, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c, ~

& | ap : = : rc i

Qa | = 8 | Prevailing direction | o @ General As od

a & | Prevailing direction | # — eneral Aspect of the Sky. |

Al a [aed a i

o |Inches tbs A

21; .., | 2.78 | Sunday. 5 ii

22 123.0| ... |S. W.&S.E.&S8. | 3 | Cloudy till 9 a. m. Scatd. clouds till |

as 7 p.M.; cloudless afterwards; also A

Bie slightly drizzled at 1 a. M. |

i; 23 es | & & variable. 3 |Scatd. “i till 8 a. M.: Scatd. clouds

in afterwards.

ie 24, 129.4, ... |S. &W.& E. 31 | Clondless till 6 a. mM.; Scatd “i till Jy

te 7 p.M.; cloudless afterwards also {

ie drizzling between 11 & noon. {aye

i 25| 126.0| 0.15 |S. & 8. E. 31 | Scatd. clouds till 7 P. M.; cloudless foyer

B afterwards ; also drizzling at 3 & |

1; 4A. M "

ee 20 180.2 °— a — (es 31 | Scatd. i & i till 10 a. M.; Scatd. mn

Ee ni till 7 Pp. m.; cloudless after- i

ies | wards. i

ee 27) 499.00... = 8. bs 3 | Cloudless till 8 4. M.; Scatd. clouds ii

ues till 8 p. u.; cloudless afterwards ;

A also drizzling at 4 & 6 P. M.

ie OS as .. | Sunday. 34 |

29] 133.0] 0.18 | S. HE. & S. 2: | Scatd, “i & oitill7 Pp. .; cloud: jij

ie less afterwards; also raining at 6 iin?

ee P, M. nd

4, 30/ 180.5| ... | H.& 8. &N. 3 | Cloudless till 34.m.; Scatd.-i& will

2 oi afterwards, lng

ie 31... | 0.24 | E.&8. E. 5 |Scatd. clouds till 11 a. u.; cloudy

=F afterwards; also raining at noon

“te & 1A. M. tla

4 7

ae ij

it "i

He ‘ul

‘uy

¢ . on ee, AE OL SEAN AE AEE POLS I SASS RES SE

8 Ee catatonia Aae S I TOR e aT OH EE Peaerees ee Sere :

Meteorological Observations. Ixiil

“= Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

ay taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

wm the month of August, 1864.

= Montaty Rusvuts.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. se os 29.621

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 9 A. M. on the 29th, ee 29.810

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 8 P. mM. on the 13th, ee 29.269

—— Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, ae ee 0.541

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. oe ee ee 29.679

Ditto ditto Main, = =ditto- 4. = re es 29.557

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ee. 0122

)

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ee ae 83.3

ee Max, Temperature occurred at 2,3 & 4 P. M. on the 30th,.. ms 92.2

tl Min. Temperature occurred at Midnight on the 22nd, aa ee 17.0

Hutreme range of the Temperature during the month, ae bi 15.2

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, os e° .s 87.6

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. ar me ye 80.0

on Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. oe 7.6

7 Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. es ae 79.8

ann" Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 3.9

. Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. ee ee (7.3

(i Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, F 6.0

| Inches

“i Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. ee ee 0,919

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, ee ee oe 9.86

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, - 2.07

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.83

Inches

Rained 24 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, es - 3.60

Lotal amount of rain during the month, Sc a eo 16.64

Total amount of rain indicated by the gauge attached to the Aneomo-

meter during the month, es a = ee 17.85

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. ee ee S.& 8. W.

Lag a er , : nal a

Meteorological Observations.

—

enor es

— Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

itch ake

oot (phar ee Ee cert

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of August, 1864.

Monruty RESsvULtTsS.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

te - _—_ == — — = 4 >> aa oF —

_ => - = a —— or —— fate Fe fear ae SS. Se” —— ov ao £— Ce ——) a J

ISAS = — = — — « «~ oo — — ss — — = ——a = = — =} >

a aOawey Oy = = SS SS SS SS 8S SS SE S Ss SoS eS SS Ee = S$ SS D5 28 BF SS S Ss SS SS SBS S&S =

3< = Soa t[rf — <_< —_ = Ss = = = = = — = = =

= 7 u = “ z — — -—s Ss =

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

np |

: See eS eae SRR ODOAOANNSS |

oN ma LOGSDON Gan) A a Lao

LUN i oS hive yi hs Past aowANe aes

3 ™m

oy 09 69 HE OD 09 FH OID GI 9919 DANAMaMWOMmWooOWS |

"SC ASTIN =) - = Tk “SSS Pit x LFS DS | OPI I LAE END POT

woury | % ep DT CT | ee gn ic

p Gch co cD Hes ca I I GD co OD NAOH nDnMana

a | 2

OOO ORG ERE AGUA NISC

uo uley | =

Pelle tog FINAN TRAN ine)

‘uo uley | vena i

MEE Ee ee eae ee ee cena ra eee ec es ac RCRaT META VTE TRU NCEE ASA

mm aONN NNN AR ANANNAN Te

| ZN

. AANA Or ODO SAO HID OM DAS

4 50 ae =

= or Oo

an) iS a)

aa | iS Zi

weusnuenba easiest Tees eRe args ae ema ch re ae os Ht Ee Seas since Sgt ENGST eave i = ie at Sata 2 Ey Sad aie ieee —_

a, F ¥ : “Se rt gee sie , .

. : ee eS — snesaeuee ce ess SHS SSeTS

ps es ap We ae ec aR A REE AOR OC ORE OF Se SESE LY EDSON 2

4 ae ain Ne RO RE ee mart

Meteorological Observations. Ixv

) Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of September, 1864.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.

Feet.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

be pices a

wo OL ge of the barometer A 3 range Of the Lempera- au

a & "S during the day. ea ture during the day. :

“Oo a [ony Se g

oe A:

Date Z S aa ~ 5

So Max Min Diff. SF Max, | Min. | Diff.

a a

Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. 0 0) oO Oo

29.678 \ 29.731 | 29.626 0.105 82.8 88.4 79.8 | 8.6

675 129 .614 115 83.2 87.4 79.8 7.6

.663 15 6608 107 84.1 89.2 80.8 | 8.4

Sunday.

) .655 fee 553 174 85.9 91.8 81.6 | 10.2

6 290 .640 O11 129 85.7 92.2 81.8 | 10.4

a O12 6655 000 155 86.3 g19 82.1 9.3

8 O71 641 007 134 85.6 93.0 82.6 | 10.4

9 504) 578 A420 158 82.7 84,4) 80.8 3.6

1 441 DD 841 214 82.0 85.2 79.2 | 6.0

1 Sunday.

12 630 681 588 .093 83.9 87,3 81.2 | 61

138 678 731 .628 108 85.0 91.2 80.8 | 10.4

14, 729 801 .663 138 84.6 90,8 81.0 | 9.8

15 755 821 643 178 85.4 90.6 81.8 | 88

16 710 717A .626 148 83.6 88.0 81.0 "0

17 .710 783 649 134 81.9 87.0 78.8 | 82

18 | Sunday.

19 .665 749 576 173 82.1 88.2 78.4: 9.8

20 .605 663 527 136 82.6 85.9 80.0 | 59

21 614 .663 576 087 81.1 85.2 179 \ 73

22 634: 683 588 .095 80.3 82.3 78.2 | 4.1

23 677 729 610 119 82.2 87.4 78.4 1 9.0

24, .746 808 694: 114 82.8 86.8 19,4 | 7.4

25 | Sunday.

26 917 983 860 123 83.3 89.3 79.6 | 9.7

27 882 .956 805 151 84.4 89.8 | 80.01 98

28 828 £899 TAA 155 85.8 90.8 81.4 | 9.4

29 817 871 754 AL7 84.8 91.8 81.8 | 10.0

30 833 898 767 131 85.8 90.8 81.2 | 9.6

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb There

mometer Means are derived, from the hourly Observations made during the day.

bi mG ze PRX: = ————

BT a al =

ixvi Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations yj

3 taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

an the month of September, 1864.

ie —l

as Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

1 dependent thereon.— (Continued). i

Me 5 cS BH jeg |e

re 2 aE re = Os 6 She

_ = E eee P | fs |S2.| ne.

e 2 . S rm = ae | 5.02 ae

Le : 5 = : = |e2e| 22

EB Dae 2 a S ao |Ss5| 9 oan oe

Be Tes ES S 2 S)-5 PSe| eae [0

ie Se 2 = m= ah O's =o 8 OR "yf

ie = ae = es a. Ona bs al Fe

.. 02 ao =e S) Gs —— S62) ee as

b o A > a an o> of (| ~ae| SoS ae

Be a A O A = a Ss a +

‘ i |

Le 0 @) Oo oO Inches.| T. gr. | T. or a

er 1 79.2 3.6) 76.7 | 61 | 0.902 | 968 | 2.07 | 0.82 |

a 2 79.6 3.6 171 6.1 913 .80 09 82 “6g

ie 3 80.4: 3.7 | T78\ 68 934 | 10.01 20 82 i

tp 4 | Sunday. | :

Z 1| QL

5 81.3 46 | 781) 7.8 943 06 81 78 1

oe 6 81.4 AS) (8401-73 952 17 .63 80 i

oe 7 81.4 49} 78.0) 83 .94.0 08 .99 77 in

5 8 81.4 427 785 GA 955 21 5D 80 in

g 9 80.4 23 | 78.8) 8.9 964, 36. | 136 88 fi

=e 10 79.1 29 771 49 913 | 9.82 65 386. =a

es 11 | Sunday. My

- vl

iE 12 80.2 B.0 | 776 | 6.8 .928 .95 | 2.18 82 a

as 13 80.9 4.1 | 78.0) 7.0 940 | 10.05 48 80.

: 14 80,1 4.5 | 6.9} 7.7 908 | 9.70 69 78 |

Ve 15 8.6 4.8 | 77.2) 8.2 916 79 .89 77 |

= 16 80.3 3.3 | 78.0 | 5.6 940 | 10.07 | 1.96 84 Alp

a au) 79.2 27 | 77.3) 4.6,{ .919 | 9,88 56 86 |

“ts 18 Sunday. | i

| Bie 9 994 | 27) 775 | 46 F292 4 | 57 | 86 ae

is 20 729 2.7 | 78.0 | 46 946 | 10.09 59 | .86 ae

sie 21 78.9 22 | G7.4| 3.7 | 922 | 9.93 24 | 89 ae

= 22 78.2 BL 767 | 86: |= 902 | 72 19 | 69 ae

bee 23 78.7 8.5 | 76.2}; 60 | .887 54 | 2.00 834m

aie 24, 79.2 861 967 | -61 902 68 07 | 82 am

-— 2D Sunday. | | Mt

8 | in

mf 26 79.4 3.9 | 76.7 | 6.6 902 | _.66 27 8. Ml

=, 27 80.3 AL | A) 70 922 87 AA 80

28 81.2 4.6} 78.0 | 78 940 | 16.03 | 2.80 78

29 80.7 4.1 | 77.8 | 17.0 934 | 9.99 AT 80

80 80.1 b7 - 761 07 885 44 | 3.89 74 ian

— Sth) r

tha

se Vey a

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

< Se has ee s -cieemeaeny ee emadr See a re ee ee E SSeS SY RATA as Soe a i

a ea I OR ae TS ed = ive

Meteorological Observations. Ixvil

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of September, 1864.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

°° =; | Range of the Barometer = 9 Range of the Temperature a

age for each hour during AQ s for each hour during 4

Hour ~ = ry the month. Po e the month. s

"| Daa a ee pre eeer E

gp 6 =e a

sas | Max. Min. Diff, sey | Max. Min. Diff, a

s 2 |

Inches. | Inches.| Inches.| Inches.| 0 0 o oO a

peo a 2 2 Yi K =

night. 29.692 | 29.916 | 29.446 | 0.4'70 81.8 84.4 18.7 5.7 Z

1 | 684 | .905 | .402 | .503 | 81.6 | 84.2 | 784 5.8 :

2 674 891 | .388 503 | 81.4 83.8 78.6 5.2 5

3 .696 886 068 518 | 81.8 83.( 78.9 5.1 +

4 .666 892 41 dL | $1.2 83.1 78.6 4.5 ;

5 678 908 | .340 5638 | 80.8 | 83.: 17.9 5.3 :

6 .688 930 | .368 562 | 80.7 | 82.6 78.4: 4.2

7 .708 945 381 064 | 81.6 83.8 79.2 4.6

8 126 D4 | 422 552 | 83, 6.2 79.3 6.9

9 137 982 4:42 040 | 84.3 87.2 80.8 6.4

10 740 983 459 524 | 85.6 | 88.8 80.5 3

11 127 967 473 494 | 86.0 89.8 81.8 8.0

Noon. | .707 | .952| .461 | .491| 87.1 | 91.4] 80.6 | 10.8

1 681 918 445 473 | 87.6 | 93.0 82.0 11.0

va 604 883 433 450 | 87.4 | 92.2 79.0 13.2

3 634 866 A27 439 | 86.8 | 91.9 78.8 13.1

4 62 860 | .420 440 | 86.4 |; 91.6 79.0 12.6

5 .629 866 A34 A432} 85.4 | 89.5 80.2 9.3

6 64.2 878 A427 451 | 84.4 | 88.0 80.2 7.8

7 698 893 449 AMA | 83.7 87.2 79.8 74:

8 .682 911 | 462 449 | 83.2 | 86.2 79.6 6.6

g 702 925 480 44:5 82.8 | 85.3 79.8 2.0

10 712 933 | 482 A51-| 82.6 | 84.8 79.6 5.2

11 107 945 465 478 82.2 | 84.4 79.6 4.8

r - . a if; 1 ; :

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours

during the month.

b 5 ar - 3 —— -

Bis ed he al

Ixvini Meteorological Observations.

a ee Ry nr ea ae

- “9 Toe Gd et gat ee t cw. cate aty tte

SSopdieue Selec err Welle Crt ieee tae eee ale ea try

ahs

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of September, 1864.

nays 7 mI

e Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements if

5 ee 05 |

i dependent thereon.—( Continued.) Ng

a i |

; ee i

[ a 7e | 2 \f |= (23 (2S8/g2. 2

on 5 E 3 = 2 | Os 2 | os | |

2 ® 2 S 2 = So |e es | fe : |

Hour. Bs s A s m . BO | oe ns |

= 2 = os =e oe =| 3 ee !

i = — =| =a oD ae) > 2 |

eq = S eee Re |FE:. | $23) ¢52 ie

Ss 3 bs S =v BS ai* | sa 3.8 |

ae fy Oo = (a) =) = See a in

i Oo Oo Oo i) Inches. |Troy grs.|Troy grs. i=

| i)

4 a 796 | 22 | 781 | 37 | 0.948 11014 | 126 | 0.89

| 1 | 794 | 22 | 779 | 37 | 937 | .08 26 | .89 :

E P7908 | 2d. | 778 | 861 934 «05 22 | .89 iy

e 4. 794 | 1.9 | 78.1 | 3.2 — 948 16 08 90 i”

4 4, 793 | 1.9 | 78.0 3.2 | .940 13 08 90 "

" Be 760-1 18 776 | 82-1 828) 01 06 | .90 ic

¢ 6 78.8 L9 77.9 3.2 920 9.98 06 90

2 7 79.2 2.8 776 | 3.9 923 oo By) 88

| 8 79.8 3.3 | 77.5 5.6 925 92 94 84,

WY 9 80.2 41 | 77.3 7.0 .919 84 2.44 80

tek 10 80.5 5.1 76.9 8.7 908 .68 3.08 76

; 0 | G6 | 7 90 | 25 | BG 24 75

a Koen. | S11 | 60. 773 9.6 | .925 84 AQ TA

Se 1 81.1 65 | 772 | 10.4 | .916 75 77 72 |

43 2 81.0 6.4: 77.2 10.2 916 10 £0 13 LN

- S607 7 61 | 710 98 | 810 | 69 Bl 78

st 4 | 806 | 58 | 765 | 99 | 896 | 66 50 | .73

* 5 80.5 49 | 77.1 8.3 918 76 | 2,92 er Wp

: 6 | 804 | 40] 77.6 | 68 | .928 93 38 81 |

Be 7 80.3 3.4 77.9 9.8 937 10.04 03 od |

: 8 80.1 3.1 4 77.9 5.3 937 .06 1.83 .85 Ng

li 9 799 | 2.9 | 77.9 4.9 | .937 16 69 86 |

zi | 10 799 | 2:7 | 98.0 4,6 | .940 09 ) 86 i"

11 79.8 | 2.4 | 78.1 4.1 | .948 14 40 88 |

ts : \

.S i

= All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants. iy

' a a

: a ‘en

3 iy

re a

Meteorological Observations. Ixix

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

an the month of September, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.

y OLe ©

ag |Ps Ds

‘Oo: |S oc Roe eae hoes

.| @ se |O § §| Prevailing direction | 2 = General Aspect of the Sky.

2| 43 185° ofthe Wind. jc,

Se oS a .

Als jae? =P

o |Inches, ibs

1) 114.0; 0.12 | HE. &S. EB. &S. oz | Scatd. clouds; also drizzling between

10 & 11 A.M.; at 1 and between

3&4 P.M

2 ee [O12 PP SeH. 53 | Scatd. clouds till 7 p. m. cloudless

afterwards; also slightly raining

at ll a. mM, & between 3 & 4 P. M.

3) 126.0 S. EH. & 8, 4, | Scatd. clouds till 8 p. w.: cloudless

afterwards ; also very slightly

drizzled at 8 A. M.

oh aes Sunday. 23.

5) 135.0 8. @S8. EH. 34 | Cloudless till 5 a. m.; Scatd. “i &

| “ji afterwards,

6| 138.0} ... | S.&S8S. EH. 23 | Scatd, “1 & i till 7 Pp. m.; cloud.

less afterwards.

7\ 139.0 S. & 8. H. 834+ | Scatd. clouds till 7 a. m.; Scatd. i

& %i till 8 p.m. cloudless afterwards.

8} 182.8) 0.18 |S. a@N. W.& N.H.| 4 Cloudless till 5 a. M.; Scatd “i till 8

A. M.; Scatd. 71 till 1 p. m. cloudy

afterwards; also thundering and

drizzling at 3 P. M.

1.79 |[email protected].&N.E.! 8 Cloudless till 5 a. m. cloudy after-

wards; also raining occasionally

aiter 9 A. M,

0.91 |S. GN. 64 | Cloudy till noon Scatd. clouds till 6

P.M.; Scatd, -i afterwards; also

raining from midnight to 10 a. M.;

and drizzling at 3 P. M.

12 120 0

; 2

. W. & Calm. | 24 | Scatd. clouds till 7 a. m.; cloudy till

3 P.M. Scatd. \i & i afterwards.

13! 137.0

14) 144.0

. HH. 3 Scatd. -—i & 1,

H&S, 4% | Scatd. \i & i till 10 a. m ; Scatd,

-i1& 1 till 6 Pp. M.; Scatd. i &

\—i afterwards.

S.H. &S. 22 | Scatd. i till 8 a. M.; Seatd. clouds

afterwards.

0.10 | 8. 3 | Scatd. \-1& 71 till8 a. m.; cloudy

afterwards ; also raining between

11 & noon & thundering at 1 p. m.

0.3838 |S.&N.H. G&S. H. | 22 | Cloudy; also raining from 2 to 5 p.m,

and at 10 & ll p.m, & thundering

at 7 A.MW&2P. M,

15) 139.0

0.82 | Sunday. A,

i ee, <=

= A Strati, 91 Cumuli, i Cirro strati, ~i Cumulo strati, 4-i Nimbi,

\ i Cirro cumuli,

aN EP eae | il

Aah hae taal sett # ae ee

ae Me Rec ui As ee an See

: ee Meteorological Observations.

|= ?

_ : : : y(t?

g Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations it :

4 taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, |

Hu in the month of September, 1864.

a Solar Radiation, Weather, &c, ;

= as 5 ‘it

ee iS S| = 5 ° : ro bes

a Oe | Sree De : : DA ugh

a = ee Oe = | Prevailing direction | 9 > General Aspect of the Sky. |

4 $| 45 |232| oftheWind AC yet

i OQ! Ss lewd Ee antl

a o_ |Inches, Ibs ; le

6 19)... | 0.37 | 8..H. 2 | Cloudy: also raining from 5 to 94. m. jy i

ba and between 2 & 3 P. M. sil

ie 20): 4 . |S. & H, ae Cloudy; also drizzling at 5 & 6 a. M,

7 21; ,.. | 2.84 |N. GN. W. 34 | Cloudy ; also raining from 4.to6 A. M, |

|g & drizzling incessantly from noon to

= 1] P.M

at 22; .., |*4.97 |S.W.&N. 2¢ | Cloudy; also raining nearly the aly b

2 7 whole day. fae

‘a 23) 183.0| 0.20 | 8S. W. & W. 3 | Cloudy till 10 a.m. Scatd. Vi & i fe

AE afterwards ; also raining at 4 a. M. jee

and at 10 & 11 P. M. ‘at

a 24| 125.4} ... | W. 3 | Cloudy till 8 a.m. Scatd. clouds duc

1 till 7 Pp. M,; cloudless afterwards. al

e 25). .. =| Sunday. Og a

a 26| 140.8; ,. {S.E.&S8. 34 | Cloudless till 4 a. u.; Scatd. clouds ab

q afterwards ; also slightly drizzled seit

e at4d P.M.

Fe 27; 188.0]... S. & W. & { Cloudless till 7 a. mu.; Scatd. i till

ie 4p. M.; cloudless afterwards.

ae 25} 144.0; ... |W. & S. W. 3 | Cloudless till 7 a. m.; Scatd. 13 till alt

4: 6 Pp. M.; cloudless afterwards. aby}

“4 29} 140.0} 0.14 | W.&S8. &S. EH. o4 | Cloudless till 7 a. M.; Scatd. clouds a

+ till 7 pe. M.; cloudless afterwards, “el

| also raining at noon & 8 P. M. aby}

. 30; 139.8; ... | N. W.& EH. 23 \Scatd. clouds till 8 a. mM.; Scatd. -i .

if & %i till 7 Pp. u.: cloudless after-

BL wards, Uh

ee * From noon of the 21st to 9 p, mu. of the 22nd.

at] | 4 Wey

= ny

iE Aly

“ta

| ‘i

s ily Mm

: Ney

Sed

‘ily

: , c E sce i jeans 6a a Ie BELLE ED REG ALE LAE ELE A DLA ELBE LOREAL CRO ?

hg eg AR IS CORR AE Ce eg Ee AE EEE RANE OG PUES NEI Oe NE Ne ee < = ee eae =F

Meteorological Observations. Ixxi =

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations a

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, 2

on the month of September, 1864, .

Mowrniy Rusvrts. bs

Inches £

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. is es 29.684 y

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 a. M. on the 26th, fe 2080 a

| Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 4 a. Mm. on the 10th, ee §=29.341 a

> -Betreme range of the Barometer during the month, ee ee =: 0.641 a

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. es aa ee 29,749 ap

Ditto ditto Min, ditto, .. = 3 .. 29.615 Hl

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ee «0.134 :

- 4

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. = ee 83.8 : :

Max. Temperature occurred at 1 P. mu. on the 8th, ea ae 93.0 eo

Min. Temperature occurred at 5 a. m. on the 21st, os oe 179

Hautreme range of the Temperature during the month, ae ee 15.1

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, aa oo oe 88.7

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. o =e as 80.4:

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. ee 8.3

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ae ms 80.1

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 3.7

Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. a = 17.5

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, e 6.3

Inches

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. ee ee 0,925

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, = = 9,92

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, =A 2.18

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.82

Inches

Rained 17 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, ee eo 2.34

Total amount of rain during the month, oe ss ee 12.59

Total amount of rain indicated by the gauge attached to the Anemo-

meter during the month, ee ee oe oo §6=«.:1:11.5 4

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. ee ee 8. & 8. EH,

Li tag DNAS ee ances ples den itr eR Pee Creer eee .

a hs — Se (GS SNS St a ee re ee TS ge eS ee eee ee eS ie er re ee Pe ee ed ea a, a

e... = E = = 3 ae we Se We a = = ——— = = 2 = eed be = f 2B

2 zo! "POSSI | ma mA NO i

8 a 0) TEESE No hl

OS pa

= an

Ss Ss

+S annW|

~~ S Pr S| la

Ss as co

Shae SS heal ai ao

ce & $4 @ jm eens SEES

Sey.) lee pee iia 4 eae a

— <H COA nally sSNA STR HVS

os S Se a2 4. Soa AAO AAS WLID RR MDMAMMANNNA

S S = pod o as 0 So rm al |

aS ~ uf sed eed Wate a ae TE DEST SESS SHOALS TTT ——

i SG we SC oe DODDrRKRADKAKrS licen eohonke ola tan ikan ian ytas | han |

Ms Ss es cy EN alied AEN UM SO SNe RE NEO EN CO GNA Rta rd a ame cx a

= % 3 OE ees : 4 rm N ee .

bs = S ike S z Bias s rr Bb 1010210 Wisse BO COnRWNOAOIDOOK

9 Ps = > ac i Ss ie it SsAnde aaa Ade

~ OD Bey ONE AW a

= SS 5 by fe Oo of GC NNMHMMMMH ANN FN MOF ANA ee

SS se fan es 4

S ee cea en

Ss eS w4 4 3

a SPS ie = 2 |

= > = Ss — a oO &

$5 ei, DOW NI NTNU Se OY eNO Pt Os) Ue eR AIBN EL Pea AN ile

= i: har ie sy NANNANANNAN SS A NAMA ANANAAS |

ed om

ss 8 cs

pou =

RS Ss patie b ah te

ots

Ss fae ier

aS Sb 2

as cshisin ~ op arc =

bo Oo Vv ‘am S Zi

@ oye

& mo =

SS R

a bo Bie

ra mS ae

4 =

SSSR Rey een’ “on se eseiSe ey ewe ee AA Sit ig teach crete sy arma ata es apainciasnartean cunt ital gein ct Y ia

ears mi ELSES ena tema APR sacs ee ete one cere eee Sais Sea eee ens Seas SERRE Sr anne eee esa Wrst ge pt aE ae 24 ore ha ah srr oresera ihr pana

- —+ * a - «- * n> ie i's - ¥ a

ss - + ? or rr aT rT el _

- re

heal . —_— 4 - = = = - .

Meteorological Observations. Txxi

4 Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

“Ty taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of October, 1864.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34’”” Rast.

Feet.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

Oo @ os

» ow Range of the Barometer = 5 |Range of the Tempera-

“Ep A = during the day. i 3 ture during the aye

os =

Date. a 2 ex eS =

sae | Max. | Min. | Diff. ao Max, | Min. | Diff.

a ai

Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. ra) O o oO

1 29.836 | 29.901 | 29.776 0.125 84,9 89.8 82.2 7.6

2 | Sunday.

3 .809 .866 “745 121 84.4) 90.8 78.2 |.12.6

4 797 2866 134 132 79.5 83.0 |. 77.0 6.0

5 A450 “719 | 28.681 1.038 76.3 78 2 TAA 3.8

6 803 871 | 29.712 0.159 80.0 85.2 75.8 9.4

7 2809 Ol 7h 120 81.7 87.8 T7A | 10.4

8 2849 .J06 191 115 82.4: 89.4 77.4 | 12.0

9 | Sunday. :

10 859 .906 2807 099 78.5 81.3 T7.A 3.9

I] O74 939 813 126 80.8 86.6 77.0 9.6

12 062 915 194: 121 81.6 86.0 T7.4 8.6

13 863 919 S11 108 80.9 85.8 77.0 8.8

14 912 966 Bol 115 81.0 86.8 76.4 | 10.4

15 931 991 2004 107 81.1 86.6 76.0 | 10.6

16 | Sunday.

17 934 | 30.000 890 110 82.1 87.0 78.0 9.0

18 946 007 .893 114 | 82.0 87.5 | 76.0 | 11.5

19 923 | 29.994 854 140; 82.5 88.3 | 76.8 | 11.5

20) 877 906 822 084: 80.3 85.2 74.1 | LIL

21 869 928 820 108 71.9 75.2 | 69.1 | 6.1

22 779 832 728 104 | 74,1 75.8 | 72.2 | 3.6

23 | Sunday.

24, 810 20712 168 104 81.1 88.0 75.0 | 18.0

25 859 926 £799 127 81.9 90.4 | 75.0 | 15.4

26 936 | 30.019 872 147 81.2 89 8 74.8 | 15.0

27 949 .007 901 106 80.4: 88.2 712.8 | 45.4

28 .956 0382 902 130 79.1 86.5 72.5 | 14.0

29 978 062 932 130 78.0 85.0 70.6 | 14.4

80 | Sunday.

ol 983 057 930 122 80.1 86.8 74.2 | 12.6

/ The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means, are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

2) Lah! Ne a heeetine GiihusGot Sa

n == Eayekueiianiiy ¥,

mse & & =

Se a ee aye ap.iTs ORG REAM R TA a J aa ae

gS ote a Ne ea aaa ioe | oa oe Sie ae a a een ee

4 aie eee ET a= aan :

a ts STE SY BSS SRD NTR RS NE SO ENA TEATS

Sige ya mae ena Laat AML lin Fre So ey ech Sea ate Pees LN Tie me eet eat ec ds ore poeta

LS re ae ee ene ee . s

i \ i i

teh

i aoe -utr

Se Sean) SE flip Sty eal :

ed Cera ees ss TIM! 1

ea Lop ipeey eee F

Na igeccsc Nan Wel act

a yo * ’ nk anh - - T : ‘ -

wg a i a maa ose EE ET

re - -

ae ele , me ee Lima. ey BT TY

Ft fam Ma a Pine eee Yay gcc Tce ae AT

I he

Pea raver,

Ixxiv Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations ul i

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, !

an the month of October, 1864.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.— (Continued). iu !

nb) = ° Q i ey ov

2 Pe 8 Ss | Be |262\ 78 ae

= Dy Ss Se wo a O | & OR yo

z 6 SR : cS | RE] Cas 2

Date. = 2 a = sn =e eo eS Ee ae

ES | = 5 [me | se | bo |" cos

==) RQ Sy = Sse a 3 ee eles oS rc

oF s See | be | ga (fee) see

0 ) oO Oo Inches.| J. gr. | T. gr. Ls

1 80.3 4.6; 77.1) 78 | 0.913 | 9.76 | 2.73 | 0.478 |

2 Sunday. ‘ae

Vl gg

8 78.5 | 5.9| 744/100 | .838| 897 | 334 | .73 ie

A 76.1 3.41 93.7 | 95.8 819 85 | 181 | 83 b

5 74.3 2.0! 72.91 3.4 797 68 01 90 }) a

6 75.8 42) 729), FA 797 61 | 2.20 80 ,

7 774 4.3 | 74.4 | 7.8 838 | 9.02 35 79 &

8 17.7 4.7 | 744} 8.0 2838 .00 61 78 I bi

9 Sunday. || §

10 76.3 D2 | 748 | 37 849} 19 | 1.16 89 ig

11 76.9 3.9 1- 74,2 | 6.6 832 | 8.96 | 2.11 81 ig

12 77.0 46 | 738) 47.8 822 84 50 78 '

13 76.2 4.7 | 72.9} 80 797 59 51 ere

14 75.8 p22 -722.| 88 (el 40) 74 75 |

15 75.8 b8 | 7152 | 9,9 756 13 | 3,04 ja |

16 | Sunday. = nl

: ly

17 75.7 6.4 | 712] 10.9 756 12 39 71 1

18 15 A 6.6 | 70.8 | 11.2 746 02 45 70 ne

19 76.2 6.31 71.8 | 107 A £26 38 ih Wc

20 74 | 49; 72.01 83 1716 36 | 2.55 17 Fe

21 |: 69.0 29| 66.7 | 5.2 658 | 716 |. 1,82 84 1

22 72.0 21) 705} 386 | .739| 806 | 01 | 29 “se

23 | Sunday. NE

{

A 8 4-87 1 761 is | 280 | 473 rf

25 74.1 7.8 ( 68.6] 13.3 695 | 7.47 | 8.97 65 ai

26 724 8.8 | 66.2 | 15.0 642 | 691 | 4.30 62 :

27 = 728 8.1} 66.6] 13.8 651 | 7.01 | 3.93 64

28 70.6 8.5 | 64.6 | 14.5 609 | 6.58 95 63

29 70.6 7.4 | 65.4] 12.6 626 oil 42 66 ne

30 | Sunday. \

31 73.6 6.5 | 69.0] 111 704 | 7.59 25 .70 “

it)

ee ei

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

: s

'q :

: - ° e

‘hh Meteorological Observations. Ixxv

> }|

ey.)

My Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations 4

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, a

in the month of October, 1864.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

“O s : Range of the Barometer = ® Range of the Temperature |

aa for each hour during Ae for each hour during a

‘our a £ fsxy the month. aa the month. ae

Se| ay as | Oe a

Seansace spo a

s+ | Max. Min, Diff, se | Max. Min. Diff. 2

= = oe

— - — 2

Inches. | Inches.} Inches.| Inches.| 0 0 o 0 of

Mid- |, | a

night. 29.874 | 29.993 | 29.712 | 0.281 78.0 | 83.8 72.2 11.6 ap

1 | 865 | .981| 694 | 287] 77.6] 838] 724 11.4 a

2 803 O71 .656 Peo et 174A 83.4 72.6 10.8

3 848 O71 | G41 830 | 76.7 | 83.4 72.2 11.2 oe

4 846 972 | .616 856 | 76.6 | 83.0 71.6 11.4 ES

5 | .857 | .987| .605 | .382| 76.7) 826! 70.6 12.0 at

6 874 |30.008 601 407 76.2 82.4 69.1 13 3 Bet

y | 893 .025 588 A387 iit 83.8 70.2 13.6

8 925 052 763 289 79.5 85.7 70.4: 15.3

9 924 062 od 008 81.2 87 4: 69.8 17.6

10 920 O45 AT5 570 82.6 87.4: 70.3 17.1

Li 896 027 .900 694 83.8 89.0 71.8 17.2

Noon. | .865 |29.999| .113 | .886| 843 | 889 | 72.5 | 16.4

1 32 . .972 |28.850 1.122 84.7 90.0 72.4 17.6

2 Ol 993 681 272 84.8 90.8 72.4: 18.4

3 199 937 930 .007 85.0 | 90.4: 72.4 18,0

A, Ol 935 |29.014 0.921 84.5 90.6 41.6 19.0

5 842 241 1538 188 85. 88.6 V1.4: 17.2

6 840 954, East) A1L5 81.3 86.8 71.4: 15.4

7 olen 262 DAA, A18 80.2 84.5 W1.4 13.1

8 882 977 | 622 Rs 13}5) 79.3 82.6 71.4 11.2 : ae

9 894 993 686 307 79.0 82.6 72.0 10.6 —

10 897 989 116 240 78.5 82,2 72.2 10.0

11 090 979 19 .260 78.1 82.2 72.2 10.0

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours se

during the month. ae

2 Lag ae ta eee ies Rl tr Se SSS

24)

Ixxv1 Meteorological Observations.

Cee eUeiLer i

, - : “ t . =

EEE An CN ey aR Sonne el

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

an the month of October, 1864.

Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.— (Continued. )

aye . on es es

| Geen i eenentes eae Far a eet ot or

Biss salt roa—e tiny aio sh na eta Sieh a ac

2 3 3 E 5 Le Soba] ss

5 = S245 S |F = | eos | oss

oe. > E E = = O32 | oo 8

oO o aa) oO Be = SSE: = os = Say

4a Hour. = “ ES F oS mo ep° a soa

4 4 2 S fais | 2 ee

| oo | 8 3 Be Se ee eee ee

ae o§ pa 2 FAs ee | ee | SSS] ekg

= = oO b = | By x Soe oe =o

4 A ® P = Py py oe Oo Om = >) = Ss

= ey aa Ss A = = =o | 22 gs

ae ee oe ee ee ———

= O o Oo Oo Inches. |Troy grs. Troy grs

y oe WAT 33 724 | 66 | 0785 | eho 69 | 998

4 1 740 | 2.9 | 72.7 4.9 | .792 59 48 85

1 2, 74.5 2.9 72.5 4,9 87 DA AT 85

: 4 3 WA.0\> 27) 73.4. 4.6 | .778 44 .36 86

A 4 74.0 | 2.6 | 72.9 4.4 | 781 48 29 87

A 5 74.2 | 25 | 79.4, 4.3 | .785 53 27 87

4 = 73.7 | 2.5 | 71.9 A | 773 AL .25 87

SS, 74.3 | 28 | 423 48 789 49 43 86

ee 8 WA Os AiG 707 7.8 | .768 30 2.36 78

4 9 | 752 | 60 | 71.0 | 102] 751 09 | 3,12 72

a 10 (O85) Pio) 705-121. | 739° | 98 75 68

j 11 75.8 8.0 | 70.2 | 13.6 732 82 4.28 65

= Woon VISE 8.6 69.7 14.6 720 69 09 63

am 1 755 = 99 601-1 415.6 706 53 89 61

2 fo 6 1-02. |-69 251 15-6 708 56 .90 61

4 3 V5.6 = 94a 69:0— | 16.0 704 51 5.02 60

a 4 Vode 1 01 | 69.0 | 155 704 51 4,84) 61

3 5 755 1) 79 | 70.0: --- 13 4, 727 79 17 65

va 6 75.5 | 58 | 714 9,9 761 | 818 3.06 73

3 7 75.4 |-48 | 72.0 8.2 776 36 2.52 77

= 8 We2 | Al 2-703 7.0 783 46 13 8C

4 9 Yo2 | 38 -| 725 6.5 787 51 1.99 81

a 10 75.1 | 3.4 | 72.7 5.8 792 58 77 83

4] 11 74.8 | 3.3 | 72.5 5.6 787 53 69 3 f

. H

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants,

——-

= 2 =

isc

= Sey Moaam Gar

SF a es SES A het NS RR ISS SOROS 202 0 eae tp SEER NO ET OS SEIS (OFT SEIT SS =

Meteorological Observations. Ixxvul :

ih S . :

Yi Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

' taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

on the month of October, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.

2 2 | Soe = |

eae a Sire a

Ala” jase Zu :

0 |Inches, Ibs

1) 134.0} 0.12 |8.&S. H. 4 | Cloudless till 5 a.m. Scatd. clouds c

till 6 Pp. mM, cloudless afterwards, ab

also raining between 1 & 2 P. M. af

Clk ae .. | Sunday. 3 E

3} 144.0) 1.57 |N.&N.W.& &E. 63 | Cloudless till 10 a.m. 1 till 5 Pp. Mm, oe

cloudy afterwards; also thunder- ue

ing and raining at 7 & 8 p. M. ai

- Ale =, 0.20 | HE. & 8S. «» | Cloudy; also drizzling at noon & 1 a

Pp. M. & from 5 to 11 P. uM. E |

9) .. |*1,55 | H. (vanes broken.) |... | Heavy scud also heavy driving =)

rain. From midnight to 6 Pp. M. a vee

Cyclone passed over Calcutta. ay

6} 140.0 = ,. | Cloudy till 6 a. wm. Ui& i till Be. 2

M. cloudless afterwards.

7| 142.8) .., a ... | Cloudless till 4 a.m. “i & 7i after-

wards,

8} 1382.5] 1.59 SF .. | Scatd. clouds till.4 Pp. mu. cloudy after-

wards; also raining between 5 &

OP. M.

Dh ses .. | Sunday.

K. ... | Cloudy ; also raining after intervals.

» |S &S.H.&N. EL |... | “i till 38 4. um. Scatd. clouds till 4 p.

M. %1 till 6 Pp. um. cloudless after-

wards,

12) 143.0! ,.. S. & N. H. .. | Cloudless till 7 a. uw. “i & i after-

wards.

13) 125.0) ,., Variable. .. | Cloudless till 4 a. uw. 91 afterwards.

14) 126.0| ,., S.H, & N. .. | U& “1 till 9 a. uM, 91 afterwards.

15} 135.0) ... | N. .. | itil 10 a.m. -i1& itil 6 Pp. mu,

cloudless afterwards also slightly

fogey from 9 to 11 P. mu.

L(Clleemyes .. | Sunday.

17| 186.4; ,.. |N. Cloudless till 10 a. uw. i till 4 Pp. mu.

cloudless afterwards.

18) 146.2' |. N. & S. EH. .. | -itill 7 a.m. i till4 Pp. m. cloud- me

less afterwards, <3

19, 145.4) 1. |IN.&S.E.&N.W.| ... | Mtill5a. mw. “i tilllOa. uM. 73 till 5 2

P.M. i & “i afterwards.

20 =, 0.16 |N.W.& H.& 8. H.] ... | Cloudy; also-drizzling from 1 to 11

P. M.

» | 0.16 |N. H. & H. ». | Cloudy; also drizzling nearly the

whole day. :

* By gauge attached to the Anemometer,

Ni Cirri,—i Strati, oi Cumuli, “i Cirro strati, ~i Cumulo strati, \-i Nimbi

1 Cirro cumuli,

Ll yg LEAS ie etttnns BSG SEE Bate ee ere

a ie

Rte

—y

i a .

SOT ote Pre uat a e

fits

wer 7, i i. be Frye Orie

ied oe & . Fl I , ‘ .

sf. / bt, 4 4 = shige + tet boo

a8 Et sod Ae a ee oe — eect any Lee Y CATT ES TNS FLY de pee

red oat Beh ey octet ob erate Sirah Palmares cere eh ral [eee Sees ER eta

es | feet a}

- > ms J

ay! shtick oct A eto :

SS ee eal Reh (EST Srey ee

Say eT TR Wamp Se em ae a a eee aero we ea

% -

ee eee

oe ~~ Bes &

ss A eet

Ixxvill Meteorological Observations.

Mac of the fesults of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of October, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &e,

=. (ae :

essa aoe , Pro |

OS js 2a : nm a

| 2S |S & &| Prevailing direction | 2 S General Aspect of the Sky.

AS a lewd a°

| o {Inches Tbs

22). 0.28 | N. GN. W. ... | Cloudy till 8 p. m. cloudless after-

wards also drizzling after intervals

till 4 P. M. :

23 Sunday. vas

24; 142.5 &S.&W.G&N.| ... | Cloudless,

ao! 148.2

... | Cloudless,

N. ... | Cloudless.

Cloudless.

= VV ... | Cloudless.

145.0) ..,

142.3] os0

are en

Et &

147.0! ... ww. | Cloudless till 4 a. x, cloudy till 10

26| 148.0

27) 144.2

A. M, “1 afterwards.

=a SS =

vey 0

i ihe

hy d

Meteorological Observations. Ixxix

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of October, 1864:

Montuty Resvunrts.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. ae e. 29.866

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 9 a. M. on the 29th, ee 90.062

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 2 Pp. M. on the dth, e- 28.681

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, ae os 1.381

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. 7 ms ee oe 29,9389

Ditto ditto Min, ditto, .. i es es 20.1 ou)

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. sa 0 Leo

)

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. = ee 80.3

Max. Temperature occurred at 2 Pp. M. on the 8rd, aH es 90.8

Min. Temperature occurred at 6 A. M. on the 21st, ae Es 69.1

Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, .. <a 2167

| Megan of the daily Max. Temperature, aie ve os 85.8

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. a +s ze 75.6

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. = 10.2

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. : wf 75.0

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb auc ue <i 5.3

Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. ee = 71.3

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, SF 9.0

Inches

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. oe ee =—-0.758

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, oe ee =e 8.18

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, ea 2.73

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.75

Inches

Rained 9 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, =F = 1.59

Total amount of rain during the month, ae ae -= 6.50

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. ee ee N. & H.

= = — —— mn —— | - —_— —— 7 a Fy a a = Ss SS

——— i avd —— i — - — Je, — ——_) es, — | Je Sa es Se = Tiel — i a a = = —

=> 5 —— SS APAVPUAIOAWE,_ O49 SS = =. —= = = — = SS = = — =

— = 2 x S SS SS = = =< — 3 = — ~~ - = =

= = re 32 SUS F PsA VSS YT ——. s bP dec: ae wei. FS — A pe ee en ee, ee Se eae Lk —— -

=> —S=— —= Sa = oa =a eee Xv ne ee ee eS ala ee ee Ss ce SS ——— ce — = . ; y

=o == = == : i

ST it BAW ms os SM eS om a a Rien SET aS PIE EE PRT rer wPeeierent " SRS Se gray an pe pn : mon ze ay For oF.

] AA HHAHNNMOANHMAN St Qe

7m Su

wo area |

| MMOH ONNH Wood WANDAMNMMAAA

—-e_-_—_—

eS sary ete SET SE Gis Nae oe Nees See SP ony BR SI Sas

Marie ae

“10 wey

ein

“ANNARASHHMAANAN Soe ae Seen

eC HN eae ISS = tO Ol Sorin is me a "A eae yaa ean A quay pany a guinarny TIT

TOM OPATN RMN SHO C9 219 CO SH 20 OD OO SR SH OOD SH

No. of days. |

"U0 UleY etter ited vorie WR ergt RP open Ln ee pe Oe ee Oe |

ANA SS NATO OM Treaty te eet ret rts OG GN GND GN GYD) GNI

CUE EE ea POS ~ Kd Uwe) SpE PN Pra ST = 7 Sars rise oo SL ie Sar Pr ES ae Te Qa eS,

Te ENG

Monruny Resvuuts.

| es Stat

| DOCON ORONO + IDOR INH ID DHOOnE

a the month of October, 1864.

together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

SHANWMNOoORDOOn HOH OND On

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

Hour.

Noon.

ord

il - sai ee ee ne rie wibby Ethene ah Ma teal att hag ig aa ahs SF =e be ire wae

+f es = SSF Nl al pt ga Ale aL ieee epee see ean =DS Se arith al Cos Nite eee RN ny sc aeealaneet sigs lee ‘one ae’ — ind

- . - a nm ° a ~ om

i. - _ , i

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

blew,

Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Resulis of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

Ixxx

a ——- 02 Pb

ysis actin et sano ii neha ps re ror ev “rt rine Teer =F rar

Pr : i a a ll he - 4 agh ae.

L,I

paige Try shee? aiey daly

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

ieee AE ie i

Meteorological Observations.

Ixxxi

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

an the month of November, 1864.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North.

Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.

Feet.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11,

Daily Means, &¢. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

Date.

the Barometer

abo2° Fahte

Mean Height of

Inches.

29.998

30,009

041

044,

04.4,

Sunday.

29.975

978

80.055

.L08

120

O71

Sunday.

034

29.996

dU.001

O22

029

Sunday.

022

030

.036

O15

008

018

Sunday.

087

070

039

dependent thereon.

Range of the Barometer

during the day.

Max.

Inches.

30.063

.076

LOT

102

119

,050

049

132

178

205

145

Min.

Inches.

29.939

956

.980

984:

989

O86

927

30.006

.067

057

004,

29.968

.950

99d

978

961

976

959

984

980

Jo9

£955

978

30.035

004.

29.981

2S SS

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

Diff,

Inches.

0.124

120

127

118

134

164,

122

126

111

148

141

146

138

119

110

Mean Dry Bulb

Thermometer. :

Range of the Tempera-

ture during the day.

Set eee, eee roe

mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

LS Lag! LA ae eer aaa e eel ag wae: Ceara —

Se A SRS SL TT

Wark pina sea ee,

See trea att anaerall

Rueda Lepob edits

‘ jnve Wee y 5 ; y t rah

paved PRUE eth Phar seh Ga err ame

Si SE eS SSRN pei ohie Bees [elena eying ae

Ixxxil

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations wld

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

Meteorological Observations.

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of November, 1864.

dependent thereon.— (Continued).

‘© |

Es t= 3 =

2 oI >

= o iS

3 Pee

Dae 2 ral e

of a se 1s

= 0 s =) B45

q aa e Rs

a0 a, =

® a Si 5 aae™

= A Oo Q

O O oO oO

1 76.8 5.6 72.9 9.5

2 76.9 6.2 72.6 | 10.5

3 75.4 5.7 71.4 9.7

A, 75.2 4.8 71.8 8.2

5 73.9 3.0 71.4 6.0

6 | Sunday.

7 74.2, 5.6 70.3 9.5

8 72.5 4.3 69.5 7.3

9 72.9 4,2 69.6 7.1

10 71.9 3.4 69.5 5.8

11 FEF 4.3 68.7 7.3

12 69.8 6,3 65.4 | 10.7

13 | Sunday.

14, 68.1 6.9 63.3 | 11.7

15 68.4 6.5 63.8 | 11.1

16 67.2 hee 62.2 | 12.2

17 67.0 7.1 62.0 | 12.1

18 67.0 7.2 62.0 | 122

19 66.8 8.2 61.1 | 13.9

20 | Sunday.

21 65.4: 7.6 59.8 | 18.7

22 62.9 8.7 DOO elo-7

23 61.2 9.2 53.8 | 16.6

24, 62.9 8.0 56.5 | 14.4

25 65.4: 6.5 60.2 | 11.7

26 65.5 — 6.2 60.5 | 11.2

27 Sunday.

28 68.8 6.7 64.1 | 11.4

29 68.1 6.7 63.4 | 114

16) 67.8 6.1 63.5 | 10.4

Mean Elastic force of

Vapour.

Inches.

se ° e ©

STI NI

“IM O60

HHO

Mean Weight of Vapour

in a Cubic foot of air.

pour required for com-

Additional Weight of Va-

plete saturation.

dity, complete satura-

Mean degree of Humi-

tion being unity.

1 4

13 i!

° 1) Ol

82 | OO

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Meteorological Observations. Ixxxul

2) ,

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, :

in the month of November, 1864. e

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements :

dependent thereon. a

‘Oo e re Range of the Barometer = 5 Range of the Temperature

aga for each hour during PQ 2 for each hour during a

H — = the month. Po the month. r

sd 0% 5 : as 5 $4

e-a< | Max. Min. Diff. Se, | Max. Min. Diff. :

Mid- 3 est

night 30.032 | 30.119 {29.956 | 0.163 | 73.0 | 80.4] 66.6 13.8 oF

te | 024 | 118) 3932" | 161 22:40 soi0. | 65.8 14.2 4

2 016. .L06 932 EFAS JP PLO 79 A 65.3 14.1 :

3 .009 082 933 149 71.1 79.0 64.8 14.2 ag

4, 007 098 927 171 70.9 78.8 64.2 14.6 <

| 5 .025 122 937 185 70.3 78.2 63.0 15.2 sy

y 6 041 L149 956 193 | 70.1 78.6 62.6 16.0

} 7 064 156 | .977 179 | 70.4 | 79.0 62.7 16.3

8 .087 .170 |30.003 167 | 73.6 | 82.6 66.6 16.0

0 104, L196 OAL 155 76,4 85.4 69.8 15.6

10 L038 205 044) 161 78,6 87.0 72.6 14.4

11 O81 179 O15 LO4 80.3 88.1 75.6 12.5

Noon. | .051 155 (29.984 | .171| 81.0 | 89.0 | 77.2 11.8

1 O17 121 944, BET: 81.5 89.2 76.7 12.5

2 | 29,993 O81 919 162 81.8 88.4 78.6 9.8

3 980 067 899 168 81.4 87.5 73.6 13.9

4, 978 C68 886 182 80.2 87.4: 75.6 11.8

5 988 076 899 177 78.6 85.8 73.8 12.0

6 | 30.000 079 909 170 771 84.4 73.4 11.0

7 019 099 937 162 79.9 83.4: 71.8 11.6

8 037 121 960 161 75.0 83.0 70.2 12.8

9 04.6 129 981 148 74,3 81.6 69.4: 12.2

10 049 134 964 170 73.6 81.1 68.4, 12.7

11 044, 131 964 167 73.1 80.9 68.0 12.9

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther.

mometer Means ‘are derived from the Observations made at the several hours

during the month.

2 aE rt ee ee

]¥xxX1V Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Lrésults of the Hourly Meteoroloyicail Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

athe month of November, 1864.

Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dépendent thereon.—( Continued. )

ee = = 5 oS So os54

fa Ee is = 3 eS 255

® Pa @ S o-< Shee

2: 5 B 6 5 as OSE

Hour. S s 3 (=) “s ae “sp = S a

s | 8 Go 22) 22 e* 7 = 2

aslo) 3 3 So Foo = ee So 3

5 A 5 ae AQ-s s eee + Oe

es ee

= A 5 A = So ae

O Oo 0 0 Inches. Troy gyrs. Troy grs.

ie ose | Al | se | 74 0630 | e909 166

1 68 9 3.9 65.6 6.8 630 90 £70

2 68.3 3.6 65.4 6.5 626 Od 63

8 67.4: a.f 64:.4; 6.7 60d .65 .63

A, 67.3 3.6 64,4 6.5 605 65 D8

5 67.0 3.3 | 644 5.9 .605 .66 42

G 66.7 3A: 64:0 6.1 097 bY 46

vi 67.0 3.4) 64.3 6.1 608 64: 46

8 68.5 Oo.) | 64.9 8.7 615 73 2.20

9 69.5 | 69 |-647 / 11.7 | 611 64 3 08

10 (Odea “8.2 0 66407 = 1894) 611 61 ‘Be

11 70.9 94 | 643 16.0 603 50 4A

Noon. | 70.9 | 10.1 | 638 | 17.2 593 39 5

1 70.9 | 106 | 63.5 1/180 | .588 31 5.00

2 | 709 | 109 | 63.3 | 18.5 584 26 14,

8 10.7 107 632-7189 | bsp 26 01

4 70.3 9.9 63.4 16,8 5686 ool 4.57

5 HO.2— | 8.45 | 64:82 | 14.3 | 603 58 3.85

6 70.6 6.5 66.0 11.1 6388 i92 00

Po 10.8 56 664-96 | 6461-7 0a oo 54

8 69.9 5.1 66.3 8.7 64,4) 02 29

9 69.6 4.7 66.3 8,0 644 104: 08

10 693 | 43 | 66.3 7.3 1 6474. 05 1.88

dl 68.9 4.2 69.0 7.6 628 6.87 92

Mean degree of Hu-

midity, complete satu-

ration being unity...

All the Hygroietrical elements ate coinputed by the Greenwich Constants.

wee CAA AO

——

—

Aix

—

aim Gawu

me:

Meteorological Observations. Ixxxv

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

. : taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

on the month of November, 1864.

" Solar Radiation, Weather, &c. -

Hf | 80 -

a fe) SS io) a. eS

pay §Rias ase ie : f =

S car (as) pe

eee. eo 1

0 |Inches., eer |

1) 147.0) ... |S H&E. GS. S¢catd. clouds till 2 p. m. cloudy till 7 Pp. M. Ae

cloudless afterwards ; also drizzling be- a

; tween 5 & 6 P. M. a:

2,151.0)... |N.E&N.&S.E. | i & Vitill 11 4, m. Scatd. clouds afters be

| Ree wards. =.

3) 140.0)... ON. de i till 5 a. mw. Scatd. clouds afterwards. oe

4) 142.0| 0.16 | N. H. & 8. E. & N. | Cloudy till 8 a. um. Scatd. clouds after- a

~~ wards; also drizzling at6& 7 a.m. & 2

at 1 P.M, oy

5 8. Cloudy : also drizzling at 4.4. mM. & 5 P.M, |

Ble 2. .. | Sunday. ee

7145.0) 1. |S.W.&S. Cloudless till 6 a, mM. i till 8 P.M. Gi a

afterwards. zh

8} 141.4) 0.17 |S. E.&S8. Scatd. clouds till8 a, m. 9i & i after- oa

~ wards : also raining at 8 a.m. & between zt

noon & 1 Pp, M. .

9} 130.0; 0.48 |S. EB. & 8S. Cloudless till 8 a. mM. “i till 7 Pp. m. cloud-

less afterwards, also raining at 11 a, M.

7 | & between 5 & 6 P, M,

10; 138.0) 2.18 | E.& 8. EL & 8. Cloudless till 4 a, m. “itill 10 a, m,

, cloudy till 5 ep. M. cloudless afterwards

also raining at noon & between 2 & 8

) | p. M. & slightly fogey at 7 P. M.

11} 184.5; |, | NL EL. &N, Cloudless till 7 a. Mm. 91 til 5P, Mm, Mi

Si afterwards : also fogey at 6 & 7 a. M.

12) 141.8} |... (N.&N,W. i till 10 a, mM. “i till 4 Pp. m, cloudless

afterwards, also slightly foggy at 10 &

11 P. M.

US ee AE Sunday.

I4 188.4) .. | N.&N. W, itil 8 a. w. i till 4 p, m. cloudless

afterwards.

Jo 139.0]... | N.W.& N. \-i till 10 a.m. i till 5 p. m. cloudless

afterwards : also foggy from 9 toll P.M.

16 144.4; |, | HL & 8. EB. & N. W.| Cloudless.

17, 145.0) .. 'N.&RE, Ni & “i till noon: Scatd. clouds after-

wards, a

18 -141,0) ., |, Cloudless til4 a.m. “-i& “till 5e. m, 4

cloudless till 9 Pp. mw, “i afterwards, i

19, 139.0; ... | N, i till noon, cloudless afterwards. a

20 = Hin Sunday. E

21) 139.4) |, | N.&N. W. Cloudless. =

22; 4141.5) .. | N, Cloudless. 2

=| 135.4) N. Cloudless. a

x Cirri,—i Strati, 01 Cumuli, i Cirro strati, ~i Cumulo strati, \-i Nimbi

1 Cirro cumuli,

at GU ec

4yeary:

SEIS SIESTA PTO LIN NY SH EO AR

‘ o aa * Fi d

: A & , : an ate a eee i ae ee

a5 J e ie ki soos en ast Hehe : Latins wor Loi at aid Coy nie

a : od SG IEP RE RPT TS Fm SETS ane Oe ty cd ea ad es Ht ae

Pe Sd AN yee ALIAS Manos SIO Ia a lg gc om IE - INR Lr ht é zh ja Seg SS Se ta) : :

Sot

ore"

eek P ey. }

‘ =

Bs tote 4.

ae ee eeEaAR

Tp eter Lin eee

My oglt P98

‘f

hee

PTA lao

- +, F

Py aoe,

- : ae Sree at a ad

+ = fe :

Pe ae, eee

Ixxxvi Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the L&esulis of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

am the month of November, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

54 ee

O29 |aond er

.| @& |O & &| Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.

GS] CS [ae

Ala = |gwe

o |Inches

24, 139.2) ... | N.&N, W. Cloudless.

20| 1388.0; ... | N. W. & N, BH. & N.| Cloudless.

26} 1389.0; ... | N.&N. 4, Cloudless till noon: i till 5 p. um. cloud-

less afterwards, also slightly fogey at 6

A. M. & from 8 to 11 P, M.

Da ee x Sunday.

28| 145.0) ,., N.H. &N., Scatd. clouds till 5 p. mu. cloudless after.

wards,

20) 189-81. ONS Wa ae NE. Cloudless till 9 a. uw. -i & 1 till6 Pp. x.

cloudless afterwards,

30} 142.0 N. W. &S,. W. Cloudless till 1 Pp. m.: -i & i till 6 p, M,

cloudless afterwards.

iy a

i feupe

ape

iene 100

bnot the

hin

Lada

lo Vet

hy Dn

Atel

ly Dn |

4 Dust

‘tinal

r * - j Rea : : wh : = : - : ie ee =

eet ea ls Wm aR IS SOTERA ey St 0 A TS Ra a a SR SSI NS nS SI ah ETA

Meteorological Observations. Ixxxvil

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

an the month of November, 1864.

Montuty REsvutts.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. a e. 30.038

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 a. M. on the 11th, ee 280.205

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 4 P. M. on the 7th, e. 29,886

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, see ee 0,819

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. eo ee ss. 30.106

Ditto ditto Min, ditto, ... os ee » 29.976

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. e- 0.130

)

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. oa ry 75.6

Max. Temperature occurred at 1 P. M. on the 2nd, ts = 89.2

Min. Temperature occurred at 6 a.m. on the 23rd, B ae 62.6

Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, .. we 26.6

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, ee ve oe 82.4:

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. = oe Ra 69.8

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. es 12.6

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, . : oi Py 693

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 6.3

Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. ee Sas 64.9

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, < 10.7

Inches

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. oe oe 0.615

Troy grains.

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, ee os = 6.70

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, = 2.78

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.71

7 : Inches

Rained 6 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, aA ae DAs

Total amount of rain during the month, oe oe if 2.89

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. ee ae N. & N. W.

24 Lag! (ERS eens he a ete

Tomtadh cori

RO iar ahi Ue a

ph etaritse RSE

2 ve oath aves ea aerate

ESR Rd Sty ee ara br Pe Rede hs 4 aes = rer rg! fies ne ane La pe ae en ba eS alae nee wrken ead Sess te

Sy . _ 5

a asia al Naas EN

‘3

;

a :

FURS ates We Remuera arian eri ACh AAEM 4 awed

A OAs

ae 0 de by mae male hope

o ++ nt an Py

LLL ST LIT NT ROY OSL eS WE

Ixxxviii Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of November, 1864.

Monruny Resvuts.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

ee ee

Hour,

Missed.

Rain on.

S.E

Rain on.

Rar on.

Rain on.

—_— fo rr, fe |

Midnight. 7

bo Ft dS

fon

Le)

bet feed

Hoo en ub WW &

—

CO dO OLOLOLOU® Bo w 69

ONE NARA Boon

bor ou ow bo

NwWNWwWERH HE ww Oo db

DO ee eR CO) NOOO RO Conus aes

EH ee be

Noon. 11

eI Co

Ot OVC OU OU OU OLS LB iB GO LB bo

WWwnNnwnwkwwrwr

WNNONNNNHE HEE eH

RFOUOOND Ob WD

OLOUE Ovorvdeius ew on ho GO

NNMNWNWMNWAND HK

fod pa

WNWNNHeE DH Hb DO

ee ee ee ee

Ee = DO ee S&S

A Sy

}

Meteorological Observations. Ixxxix :

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations :

, at taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, :

im the month of December, 1864. i

Latitude 22° 33’1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” Rast. a

Feet.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements i

dependent thereon. fh

wou Range of the Barometer . a 3 Range of the Tempera- a

“ao & iS during the day. aie ture during the day. @)

‘> eRe! Lae

iss] =

Date. os s 3 a E .

ss | Max. | Min. | Dif. | &2 | Max. | Min. | Diff S

Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. 0) ) fy) Oo e

1 30.008 } 30.071 | 29.948 0,123 73.7 80.4: 67.4 | 18.0 a

} 2 002 .080 941 139 72.7 79.8 67.4 | 12.4 &

tf 3 053 127 | 30.007 120 70.6 78.6 63.8 | 14.8 a

4 4 | Sunday. 2

| 5 061 184 | 29.984 150 | . 70.7 79.8 3.6 | 16.2 :

6 061 1389 | 30.015 124, 70.3 80.8 61.6 | 19.2 i

@ 074: 148 O17 131 71.0 79.6 64.4 | 15.2 ae

8 080 102 | 29.979 123 70.6 79.6 3.6 | 16.0

9 025 .083 967 116 69.7 79.6 61.4 | 18.2

10 000 082 .930 152 714 81.2 62.0 | 19.2,

Il | Sunday.

12 29.991 .069 932 137 71.5 79.2 65.0 | 14.2

13 s959 084 926 158 71.8 79.9 64.6 | 15.8

, 14 -983 071 .928 143: | —7h7 79.8 | 65.0 | 14.8

15 £953 .033 898 135 71.5 19.9 64.2 | 15.7

16 996 068 938 .130 72.9 82.2 64.4 | 17.8

17 988 063 £928 185 73.1 82.6 66.4 | 16.2

18 | Sunday.

19 965} .027| .920| .107, 73.0 | 88.0 | 648 | 18.2

20 30.001 .O76 921 155 13.3 82.3 67.2 | 15.1

21 022 115 964 151 71.0 79.0 66.2 | 12.8

: 22 .025 111 976 135 | 69.7 78.4 | 62.6 | 15.8

23 .058 125 | 30.008 LY. 68.2 18,2 59.8 | 18.4

24, 125 e191 .066 125 70.1 80.2 61.6 | 18.6

2) | Sunday.

26 110 191 060 131 69.2 79.0 60.2 | 18.8

27 .090 173 | .031 142 | 69.1 78.4 | 61.2 | 17.2

28 095 .169 052 AL? 65.8 TAA 58.2 | 16.2

29 LOL 167 064 103 64.6 74.9 56.2 | 18.7

30 098 Sey .050 127 65.2 75.4 o7.2 | 18.2

31 O81 155 -O51 104

66.2 | 758 | 57.4 | 18.4

Che Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther.

mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

2) ing Gas eens tibet wi) no

KC | Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations yt

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, re

im the month of December, 1864.

vi ;

ere ae ibiaitbsaithiaiialsibiai eee eee or OE LON

— |

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements |

dependent thereon.— (Continued). “ja

S E = a2 is a3

cD) = ° oO ms b he

eB E = a . Se SS re

| 2 fs E zs “5 2&2 | Ses): - es %

Os | 2 1-8 S | ee ee) foe ie

3 5 = a 2 a | #6 |P oe| Bes a

= oO = oe Ss Re be oF Sum) Sos re

S 69 = Fas S| S52 ea 43

a6 a. 5 as ee |5362| &€S 6 r

@ A S 5 bo Sp aa see] ss 5

| “Due

O re) o o | Inches.| T. er. | T. er. |

1 67.1 6.6 | 62.5 | 11.2 | 0.568| 621 | 2.75 | 0.69 |

2 66.5 6.2) 61.5 | 11.2 550 02 .66 69 , mee

3 62.6 8.0 | 56.2) 14.4 AG1 | 5.06 | 3.09 .62 er

4 | Sunday. | | 1 ih

5B | 63.7 7.0| 581/126 | .491/ 39 | 2.79 | .66 Hf

6 63.7 66| 584/119 | 496| 45 | 63 | .68 Hem

Yi 64.5 6.5 | 59.3 | 11.7 | .511| .60 | .65 68 i

8 63.4 421 57.61 13.0 | .488 30 85 65 (i

9 62.8 6.9 | - 573 | 12.4 |. A78 | 26 67 | .66 Ib

10 63.8 731 58.0 | 13.1 .489 37 91 65 Of

dl Sunday. | | :

| | l) 0

12 65.1 6.4 | 60.0) 11.5 523 273 65 68 1)

13 65.5 6.3 | 60.5 | 11.3 532 84 61 .69

14, 65.9 5.8 | 61.3 | 10.4 546 | 6.00 | .43 7A

15 65.0 6.5 | 59.8 | 11.7 520 | 5.69 | .69 .68 |

16 66.6 6.3 | 616 | 113 552 | 6.03 70 .69 ‘tt 9g

17 66.4 6.7 | 61.0 | 121 41 | 5.91 88 67 lig

18 Sunday. ll a

tig

19 66.4 66) 61.1! 11.9 543 .93 83 | .68 {| :

20 65.8 | 7.5 | 59.8 | 18.5 520 67 3.17 64, in

21 63.6 791 57.3 | 142 A78 24 14 63 bay

22 62.3 "4 | 56.41 13.3 | .464 10 | 2.83 64 Nin

23 60.9 73 65.1 | 13.1 444 | 4.91 67 65 \

24 62.5 7.6 | 56.4 | 13.7 AG4 | 5.09 94 .63 Hs

25 | Sunday. | | Wy

26 62.2 7.0 | 56.6 | 12.6 AGT 14 G7 * 66 |

27 61.7 74 | 55.82. 13.8 A55 02 76 65

28 57.9 79 | 51.6 | 142 894 | 4.37 67 62

29 56.9 "7 | 60.7 | 13.9 | .382 26 52 .63 ae

30 58.7 6.5 | 53.5 | 11.7 4211 68 28 .68 Ny

81 | 59.8 6.4 | 64.7 | 11.5 438 | .85 27 68 ae

Nae

Se at

All the Saree rometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Ee it ns SNAG AOE Ea mat enix eae sg eR in Se WNT

"rR Meteorological Observations.

“Sy,

’

ast tS eae sig cali sic were yee peairiy

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

elt pce |

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of December, 1864. y

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements A

dependent thereon. i

S re a | Range of the Barometer = ® Range of the Temperature .

a8 for each hour during ro for each hour during u

is cs, o Fiera Po the month. e

"| mA } AE 52 Ee

a Se See Fe

62+ | Max. Min, Diff, Se, | Max. Min. Diff, a

Inches. | Inches.| Inches.| Inches.| 0 oO 0 o Ep

Mid- {30.026 | 30.112 | 29.95 66.5 | :

night. 02 : 29.953 | 0.159 . 70.4 60.0 10.4 a

1 024 103 943 160 65.8 69.9 59.4 10.5 ae

2 .016 103 | .938 165 | 65.3 | 69.8 58.6 11.2 a

3 .004 .086 | .940 146 | 648 | 69.6 57.9 11.7 cu

4 009 098 | .934 164 | 64.0 68.8 57 As 11.4 ae

5 023° 105 940 168 63.7 68.4: 56.6 11.8 -

6 039 122 949 178 63.0 68.0 06.2 11.8 =

7 062 146| 974 | .172| 63.0 | 67.8 56.4 11.4 p

8 .088 171 [30.002 169 | 66.3 | 70.4 59.4 11.0 >

S) Lil AOL 027 164 | 70,0 74.1 64.8 9.3 i

10 108 .186 027 159 73.2 76.4 68.0 8.4

Ll 088 176 .005 L71 75.0 78.0 10.8 G2

Noon 057 145 |29.969 176 77.3 80.8 72.8 —~8.0

024 115 .930 185 78.4 81.8 74.0 7.8

2 001 LOL 904 197 19.3 82.8 74.4) 8.4

3 | 29,989 .096 898 198 79.0 83.0 744 8.6

4 985 094 901 193 172 81.0 72.2 8.8

5 993 .095 906 189 75.4: 79.2 70.4, 8.8

6 |30.008 119 916 203 73.2 77.0 68.0 9.0

7 024, sL41 | .933 208-725 75.1 65.4 |° 9.7

8 038 | 153; .949 | 204] 69.7 | 732! 63.29 9.3

9 047 .160 967 193 | 68.7 | 72.4 63.0 9,4

10 049 146 967 179 67.8 71.6 62.4 9.2

Il 040 140 960 180 66.9 41,2 60.2 11.0

eis

a ee ee

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several houss

during the month.

Sy Fae = FS 2 = _ ~ 5 -. : —e SS A ae ee

2g Le ee ares SEE AO TS et PR SEE oo : E : — 7 . . = Z

ie eee - ‘ a 2

: 4)

SET oc a

its tiie Semen TRIS

XCM Meteorological Observations.

en es LIEE A wh hls Ans

PATUATAD YY ae

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

ct es a ang OL ade cae eee an Le ae

taken at the Surveyor Generals Office, Calcutia,

inthe month of December, 1864.

: A

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

{ dependent thereon,—( Continued.)

2 3 3 E ‘So “ao oa8g|a8

— cep) fe cD) ren = +3

fo E eo 6 8 re eos | Hes

2 ee 2 oS | BEE | Ses

Hour. iS S 7 a "3 = mo e a a = q a

2 fs foe ele @.28 1388'S

2 3 3 5 Flo SS. ea 2 Ses)

® # = = FAS Se |e&f2 (beg | $e

a ® a E Bech 82 fee ees ieee

= a Ss) A c= Been an oe as

re) o 0 0. Inches. |Troy grs.|Troy grs.

| 626 | 38 508 7 70) 06s 570 (149 | 09

night. :

a 62.0 | 3.8 | 59.0 6.8 | .506 61 48) 80

2 61.7 3.6 58.8 6.5 503 7 316) .80

3 613° | 3.5 1 58.5 6.3 498 53 30 81

A G0s= Shc 578 6.7 | .478 31 34 80

5 603 | 3.4 | 57.2 6.5 | .476 29 30 80

6 59.7 3,0 56.7 6.3 4169 23 22 Sl

7 59.7 3.3 56.7 6.3 A469 20 22, 81

8 61.4 | 4.9 | 57.5 8.8 | 48h 38 82 75

9 63.0 | 7.0 | 57.4 |12.6 | .480 27 2.73 | 66

Wi 1-64.55 87.) S752 | 157 481 26 | 3.56 60

11 65.2 10.3 58.0 17.5 489 ol 415 5G

Noon. 65.5 11.8 57.2 20.1 A76 16 82 5g

1 66.0 12.4 Sy aes Zed 478 16 5.15 .00

2 G62) 181 257.0. 5-258 | 472 Al 48 ‘AS

3 65.7 13.3 060.4: 22.6 A604 00 DO A8

4 65.0 12.2 56.9 20.7 465 04 491 ol

5 65.4 10.0 08.4: 17.0 496 39 O04: OT

6 69.6 7.6 59.5 13.7 1S 62 3.20 64

7 | 65.2 | 60 | 604 |108 | .530 82 | 2.48 70

8 64.4: 5.2 60.2 95 O27 19 14 1d

oe | 08.6 -) Bad | 505. 02 515 68 01 74

10 63.1 + 47 1 50:8 Ba. Sli 64 1.84 75

di 62.7 A,2 O9.0 7.6 oll .69 63 18

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants,

— -

JIA

Seer ae load

{

== = OS OSA

: Se

_——

\ =

are tbioim

—r

tipi attain besa lnk ain

Meteorological Observations. XClil

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

an the month of December, 1864.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &e. E

SE a, i

sea aa a

So |e2c :

.| 2.6 |S & S| Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky. ig

2/43 18.232! of the Wind. LE

fas] rar ras) =f #35

, ale jae FE

o |Inches, a

~ |) 1387.4) ... |N. WGN. E. Cloudless till 5 a. Mm. “i till 7 p. mw. cloud- Hl

less afterwards also slightly foggy at i

midnight. a

2} 137.0). ... | N. W. Cloudless till 5 a. m. Seatd: clouds till 6 =

Pp, M. cloudless afterwards also slightly a

fogey at 8 A. M, bh

3| 140.5) ... |N.W.&N, Cloudless : also slightly fogey at 6 a. M. fe

. 4 ae ww. =| Sunday ak

aL Or cs — 1 IN. | Cloudless, ae

ee 39.0) | N, Cloudless. ef

7; 189.0)... N, Cloudless till 5 a.m. i till ll a.m, “i =

till 6 P, Mm. cloudless afterwards, a

8 140.2) ... |N.&N.W.&W. | Cloudless, :

9, 185.9! ,.. W.&S8

-& N. Cloudless : also slightly foggy at 1 A. M,.

| & from 9 to 11 P. m.

10) 138.0) ... IN. W.& Cloudless also slightly foggy from mid-

' night to3 A.M. & at 8 & 9 p, Mu.

if ae ws | Sunday

f2) 129.4)... | N. W. i till 6 a. Mm. \i till noon i & “i till 6

, P, M. cloudless afterwards.

4 187.0} ... | N.W.&N. Cloudless: also slightly foggy at 10 & 11

P.M,

14 184.8; ... | N.&S. W. Cloudless, also slightly foggy at midnight

& 1 a. M,

15) 142.0) ... |W. &S.&8.W. | Cloudless: also slightly fogey at8 & OP. M.

16) 144.5; ... |S. &8. W. Cloudless.

17) 144.0! ,,, Wee Cloudless.

18 te Sunday.

20) 141.5} ... | W.GN. WGN,

21) 138.4

Cloudless: also slightly fogey at 6 A. M.

Cloudless till 2 a. mM. 1 till 9 «a. m. cloud-

less afterwards,

-itill2p, m. cloudless afterwards also

slightly foeey from midnight to 2 a. Mm,

22} 139.0) ... |N &N.W. Chie =

23) 139.5 aie N. & H. Cloudless.

24) 141.4) |. N.&N. H. & EB. | Cloudless.

Qh mth no eT

we | N. WW. GN,

Zo]... . | Sunday.

26, 138.2) ... | W.&N. Cloudless : also slightly fogey at 6 & 7 a. wu.

27|.146.0| ... N.&N. W. Cloudless,

28) 185.0, ... | N. W. Cloudless till 10 a, m. “i till 7 Pp, m. cloud-

| less afterwards,

29) 181.8) ... | N. W. GN. Cloudless : also slightly foggy at 6 a. Mm,

30) 132.0; ... | N.& N. W. Cloudless.

) sl} 129.6| ,.. N. WW. & N. Cloudless.

Ni Cirri,—i Strati, “i Cumuli, i Cirro strati, ~i Cumulo strati, \-i Nimbi

1 Cirro cumuli,

LE aE we re Ee

eRe Ac Tye,

—

Et itin ty HEE

=F Bin sed aos ERT Pr

deri e te si foe hoon thi IN ito

AS 6 CLEh ty

Pie Ee ei eos aces mat oot ons Uh as en

eae Vabhace Wellies a an a

-—"

PITT LIL il gece rl bee eee eee

: » - . re iver

ta Ct PAS SO DY dhs be |

oar a Pee Oy ee

KC1V Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of December, 1864.

Montuny Rusvuurs.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. = es 00.036

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 9 a. M. on the 24th aud 26th, 30.191

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 3 Pp. M. on the 15th, os 29,898

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, oe eo «=. 0.298

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. es <e oe 00.102

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. = ae << doe

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ~«_0.180

)

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. i. ee 70.3

Max. Temperature occurred at 3 Pp. Mm. on the 19th, ee oe 83.0

Min. Temperature occurred at 6 a. M. on the 29th, we os 56.2

Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, .. ee 26.8

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, = ee oe 79.3

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. = ee os 62.9

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. oe 16.4

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ac se 63 4

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 6.9

Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. 6s < 57.9

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, << 12.4

Inches

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. ee ee 0.488

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, os ee ee 5.36

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, = 2.72

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.66

Inches

Rained No days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, os ee Nil.

Total amount of rain during the month, a = — Nil.

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. ee oe N. &N. W.

cert

Zon

—

Midn

" 1) 2p) RR eens eases

Se ;

Meteorological Observations. xCV

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

b taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of December, 1864.

Montruriy Rersvuts.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour. | |

| |S} Jie S| .)5) |e] -lé] | Sh- 3

| jell elale] (eiElel | Sle. 2

IN.| 8 |Z [ce | E. |2 [oa [ra fS-\a oo fos [EN be E

| No. of days.

Midnight. | 9 , Ai 1 8 3; | 6 2

1 iS ed Sak 4, 3} | 4) §€ 6

2 pO iaattok is} | 3} | 4) F6 EB

3 | 6} Fd 2) [4 75) 76 3

4 egies 1 f2) Jl | 6) 47 LL

5 | 8 | 1 P2) | 2) [4 75 5

6 110} | 1 fa} | 3| tal 17 2

” ly) J VT =|) 4) 4-2) tf 4G

8 1] 2 1} | } 1 4) | 2 6

9 12-1 3} |1l di 3} | 2 d

10 13} 1 5 1} } 1) Pll y4 T4l f

11 13; | 5 | fi; p47 | 4) | 2

Noon. 10) | 2 f2| 74) 7 9

1 10, | Vy yt fat qto

2 9} | ae pa) jie

4 igs Pi 3 2 |

5 "| Lo 12) fl; 73) fil 1

6 Ue tk 1 i4) fi) | 4) [9

7 Vee ea 1 p 4) gd) ga) G9

8 8) | 1 P4 7a) P 4) 79

9 8 1 13) 12) | 4) [9 :

10 8 1 13; | 2) | 4) 79 |

11 7 1 3 2) 74) | 9 1

| (to

i (ju 28

| ja

| ——

| a

a ana

4 (lant

+ eat

2 ie Ra

: laid,

a ——

;

~ a

-” : So

o 3

- i

a ———

mat ’

[ —

7. S

W i

4 nore |

; lay {A

* 3 '

to,

s, ima F

a lta (1

| ‘Toten

ie : ‘ituerge

: Ne

' lone

Wey ‘

ere 7 ay?" ’

as yk ol Od ove Sy eee ehh lt etn

—-

—l =

— |

- i ae al —

- 7a SS

wan a Ae ig Sat

—-

——>

—=d

==>

===

—Jz

—

INDEX 1].

NATURAL SCIENCH.

Page

Aitchison, J. K. T., on the Vegetation of the Jhelum district,... 290

Alum manufacture in Rajpootana, ae male 2 O25

_ Andaman Islanders, intercourse with, ie pee

————— Introduced at Society’s meeting, See

Islands, Latitude and Longitude of, ... | Wa UO

Andamanese, memorandum on three, Ge Preseed | 6)?

Andamanese Pulmonifera, new species described, fe ay

Andamanese Vocabulary, Ta Ae soa EO

Authenticity of Liassic Ammonites from Spiti, ... 239, 5716

Belote Range, geology of, oes we .. 380

Blanford, H. F., on a fossil amphibian from Central India,336, ... 444

, Note on a Hail-storm, oe --. 900 i

—--___— Tank Section at Sealdah, ... -«. “154 i

——— Remarks on species, ie .. 040

Spiti Fossils, ... mas 576, 597

Bombay (South), Meridional Series, G. T.8., ... ox POO

Brooke, Col. J. C. on the mines of Khetree, ... sss O19

Bukrala Hill range vegetation, ... ae --» O09

Bunnoo, Geology of, ... =e oe sos O18

Burmese Pulmonifera, new species described, ... aes AS

Calcutta (Hast), Longitudinal Series, G. T. S., ... -. 388

Carboniferous fossils from Belote range, = ... 380

Commerce of Burmah with Western China, ... me Be

Copper mines of Khetree, bs ee ... 920

Ditto Smelting at ditto, sis oa 2 O22

Correspondence on Meteorology, ... se ... 605

Costello, Dr.C. P., on the Geology of Bunnoo and Shaikh Boodeen, 378

Delta, Gangetic, depression of, see 158

Didunculus Strigirostris, note on, ae 0 OS

Hast Calcutta Longitudinal Series, G. T. 8., a BOS

Fisheries of Pegu, ae Gar 39, 195

Fossil amphibian from Central India, ... 216, 3386, 442, 461

Fossils of Bunnoo and Shaikh Boodeen, Te -.. 319

——— Sealdah, 155; Khulna, 158 ; Spiti, ... 67, 232, 576, 597

Gangetic delta, depression of, os so = 18

Geckos, notes on Burmese and Andaman species of, ans = O90

Gibbon of Tenasserim, et es ies LUO

Great Trigonometrical Survey, ... as sa Od

Gurhagurh Meridional Series, G. T. S., 3 Se |

Hailstorm of 24th March, ai = 1 930

1) Lah ates RR ee

+ us

HLL NYE

lee Wate a

finftows yh =

PEE AS Eb on i, rier ee Ae CR A NET Hy

—— + ale To

=e 9

See er ee aioe eee TD

Pa ater

= -

nA ae pay Dey ORE OP Ye PE

Te Ry Rea

OV RP Tee

eae SI A cr tnt

OT MEN DES aS OE LET PCE LIME fap ST CTTY,

pene

il | : Index.

i Page

Fail Stones, structure of, me a .. ool

flehicade, Variation of, i. 238

Hislop, S. on fossil Amphibian from Central India, .. 448

Hot Springs of India and a Asia, ee a

Human skull, Semi-fossil, aa. i OED

Hylobates hoolock, . 3 = a 197-105

Hylobates lar, ae =r fa wae 00

Indian and Burmese Helicide, _... “e aXe

India and High Asia; Hot Springs of, ae eS

Trawaddy below Bamo described, | os .. 416

Jaquemont’s collection of Spiti fossils, ae, 2 204

Jelallpore Tract, vegetation of, ... Si wo. 800

Jhelum district, vegetation of, ... ac eo

tract, geology of, vai = a ee

— vegetation ‘of, ae ae is

Kashmir G. T. Survey, . i fe ie

Kedgeree, mean sea level of, — ae 394, 395

Kharian hill range, vegetation of, = ... 005

Khetree, copper and alum mines of, A ae

Khulna Peat bed and buried trees, ss = ioe

Lagomys Curzonie, Hodgson, ... = ... 600

Lake of clear water, ae ine 39 seq.

Levelling operations, G.T.S., ... oe oon

A aece uainonites ont Spiti, a Se 235, 5716

Low hill ranges of Jhelum district, vegetation of, ... 305

Madras, stone implements from, ... ac OF

Medlicott, H. B., on the geology 0 of the Sub- Himélaya, . 489

Mines of Khetree, = oly

Minerals of Burmah, ... 423

Meteorological Committee ; Memorandum on Proceedings of the, 601

Fo . Report, Se ... 605

/ Meteorological Observations at Calcutta, ss we 1 SEQ,

- Gangaroowa, Kandy, ... — ... 1 Bed.

Meteorology, correspondence on, ... ee o - OUD

Meteorites, Society’s Collections Ol ae le

en, Council's Report on the, (e'

— Correspondence on the transfer to Government, 76, 462, poe

Naturalists ; report on proposed list of, S 00

Naturalists, ‘List of, 1; See Appendix,

Oldham, is >on a fossil amphibian from Central India, ... 443

on Spiti fossils, = = G7, 2382, 597

———_———-—; on Stone implements fein Madras... = OF

Q’ Riley, E., on the Lake of clear water, aS 39 seq.

Paradoxurus, new species, ae = ~~ 188

Peat bed beneath Calcutta, — see ... 15d

Pegu Fisheries, a 20, 196

cae ae Pioteccr J., on Spiti fossils, ae ac OLE

==)

—

=—[——

“aS -——! — =

ed ———

=——

——

—

eS ar]

= : = iad =

——

—.

—

——

———

—s

pes

— = =>

aS SOS SH ee

=__

—>

——

—

——

—

A =

ine —— 1

—]

eS —. 5

= ——s

—o

]

ff [ | #2>

SS >

: =

A tea

——

—

——

f=)

—

a i mS See es

: : eae Se a ee esse cnaemnaits Seep ee Oe sae

Bin er ee eee Sasa pene A

Index. qi

Page

Physical Geography of Burmah, Shan Mountains and Yunan, ... 414

Political condition of Kahkyen hills, Western. China, -» 407

Produce of Western China, . =e ae

Rangoon Meridional Series G. T. 8. es Se O00

Ratian hill range ; vegetation, fee 32 OUD

Ravines of J helum district, vegetation of, a ... 9308

Report of Meteorological Committee, a .. 600

Salt Plains, vegetation of, ; Es foc Sak

Salt Range of Punjab, vegetation of, 25 ... old

Salt water aquaria, hee.

Schlagintweit R. de, on the hot springs of India and High Asia, 49

Sealdah, Calcutta ; tank section, ... = ... 1d4

Sea- level, mean, ce .. og

Sim, Lieut. €. A. on a fossil, amphibian from Central India, ... 461

Shaikh Boodeen : . Geology of, se .. 818

Spiti fossils, note and remarks by T. Oldham; Esq. 5 67, 232, DOT

—_—_——.,, by Professor John Phillips, zs: ey!

South Bombay Meridional Series, G. T.S., ... a TOOL

Stoliczka, Dr. F’., note on Lagomys Curzonie, Hodgson, 600

Stone implements from St. Acheul, exhibited at Socy.’s Meeting, 574

— from Madras ; exhibited at Society’s Meeting, 67

Sub-Himalayan geology, a pee 485

Sundree trees buried in situ, Bis fore 155, 157

Surafar Hill Range, vegetation of, = ... 9300

Sutlej] Series, G. T. &., = a ... 9390

Tank Section at Sealdah, ig ee ... Lot

Tertiary rocks of Batannee hills,.. 319

Theobald, W., Junior, on the variation of new species of Helicide, 238

Tickell, Col, 8. R., on Hh ylobates lar, = ... 196

= —— - Memo. on three Andamanese, ... 162

Tides, mean level at Kydd’s ee Calcutta... .. 9393

Tilla Mount, vegetation ol, ae a oe

Tipperah ; G. 1. Survey, Se .-. 386

Trade route to Western China via 4 Burmah, .. AOT

Tytler, Col. R. C., on intercourse with Re daanan Islanders, See

—, ona new species of Paradoxurus, ... ... 188

—, on salt water aquaria, | a w. O04

—, on a few species of Geckos, ssa ws O00

Variability of iron compensation bars, re Sass Oe

Variation of Indian and Burmese Hel CU; 4 ., 2098

Vegetation of Jhelum district, ... a eon

Vizagapatam G. T. 8S. base line, os ia OO

Vocabulary, Andamanese,

Walker, Lieut. -Col., J. T, on tie operations of the G. T. Survey, 381

Williams, Dr. Go: on rae route to Western China, via

Bumah, Ses Sas A407, 486

LSB RI RRS RS eee

J Bue a 7

I a ORLA HET CS

rere’ axeeereed

ne ya er ntl TK DS RE RAE EON Re tee ae al

fom >t

SST RE Tas Oe per yi ter one, —_ = |

SUNOS IR Ws ANCIAL Naa eA ee SR ESR ST oe aI eee

EN A Ee oan Lia ello BR BN

iv index.

INDEX II.

NEW GENERA AND SPECIES DESCRIBED IN THE ZOOLO-

GICAL MEMOIRS.

Page

J. Mamata, |

Paradoxurus Tytlerii, Tytler, ... ae sai 188

II. Avezs.

Didunculus Strigirostris, = oe ne ote

ITT. Reprruia.

Gecko caracal, Tytler, as ae a a

,, chameleon, Tytler, sa, Se w. 048

,, chaus, Tytler, as = sa. DAT

,, Harriette, Tytler, oe ae .. 048

» pardus, Tytler, 2 5 .. OAT

, tigris, Tytler, 5 a .. 046

5 Lytleri, Tytler, i. ee .. O4T

», Werreauxi, Tytler, Se a ». O46

TV. Motxusca.

Clausilia Masoni, Theobald, < ae a 240

Cyclophorus artheiticus, Theobald, . 246

Helix exul, Theobald, =e es we. 245

Hoplites gen, Theobald, = neA 2. 244

Laimax viridis, Theobald, ee ae .. 244

Pomatias Peguense, Theobald, ... sa = 248

Pupina Blanfordi, Theobald, = = . 247

Streptaxis Birmanica, W. T. Blanford, = ww. 245

Streptaxis Blanfordi, Theobald, ... = .. 245

Vaginulus Birmanicus, Theobald, es w. 243

Vitrina Christiane, Theobald, ... Sass w- 240

Ditto Peguensis, Theobald, ss et w 244

INDEX ITT.

HISTORY, LITERATURE, PHILOLOGY, ARCH HOLOGY.

Lhe Koman figures refer to the paging of the Supplement.

Abbott, Col. James, Memo. on the pee Statues in the Delhi

palace, oss. ID

Abul Fazl, = i a XH

Adilabad, Fort of, Sas See iv, xxiv

Ajunta Cave Temples, a> a: .. 216

Akhinds of Panjkorah, eas Ses : ... 145

Ala-uddin Gateway, lav

] <T 1 _ oi

——2

a SS

=. ee = Sa

a :

= &

—, oh =

= SS

—

—"

— +

Ss a ——

S&S i=;

wo cz ~

Ss sS

= <a —_———

—=—

——

oO =

———

ia = as - —s ecenabeuny mor SNE eT EA ee Bees Pee ae a a ee eS IR een RE poor

GREED I na ea Z

Index. Vv

| Page

___ Ala-uddin Minar, aoe PE ee ke

iM} Alphabet, value of, ... te aes 510 seq.

_ Altamish, tomb of, ok — eke

Alumgeer serai, account of, re ae .. 406

Anang Pal, date of, “se ae s+ XI Seq.

——-—-— the second, sons of, ... = a XX

——-—— the works of, ae Sah ee RI

Andamanese Vocabulary, mi = eT)

Antiquities of Guzerat, on, a 402 seq.

Archeological Survey Report for 1862- 68, ne ae H

Archeologists, Numismatists, List of, see ‘Appendix, See

Arch, knowledge of the Hindus of the construction of the, ... 176

Arian Alphabet, ee i 2 200

Asoka’s Hdicts, ... ae ie = XX, OI ed

yo pillars, aah XX1X, XXXII

Austen, Captain H. H. Godwin, ‘Abstract of his. paper on the

mystery plays in the Monasteries of Ladak, ... 584

——— — On the system employed in Outlining the

Figures of deities, &c. in Ladak, Zaskar, &., we bol

Barsoor Ruins and Antiquities, ae .. 44

Bibliotheca Indica, Publication of the Muhammadan Historians

in, : 464 seq.

Bowring, L. B., Letter on Inscriptions in Mysore, 208

— — On an ee at Taikal, seve OTS

Buddha Gaya, on the Ruins of, . oo aa te

Buddha Gayd temple, age of, ... aa as- 100

Buddhapad at Buddha Gaya, a ae ee

Buddhist Missionaries in Ireland, 50D

Buddhist Missionaries to Burmah and the Talaing country, i 26

Buhler, Dr. E., On Cakatéyana’s Sanskrit Grammar 202,

Burmah race, history of thes —— wae 1

Burmese nation, their origin and original country, wa oe

Burmese, origin of religion and letters of, Fe pe)

Bustar, Report on, eas ae .. 44

Cakatéyana’ S Grammar, 202

Campbell, C., Memorandum on the OES Statues of Delhi, 159

Chaityas in Buddhist Monasteries, 310

Chand’s work, .., =. a pues KV

, Chitore, conquest of, =e Se -- LXXXi

Y Chohan conquest of Delhi, ao ae eee Nl.

) ——— dynasty, . = = XXill, XXiv

Churtuns in Ladak, Zaskar, a . --. 15d

Coins current in the Guzerat districts, table of, 4 foe

from Assam, te ee OSL

Coins from Cooch Behar, note on, < 250

Coins (undescribed) from the Cooch Behar trove, “Remarks on, 579

Coins (Zodiacal) of J ehangir, note cy Fe .. 488

Cooch Behar trove of coins, on, .. =F .. 480

a Cee te ees — -

ely ad arene nee new ME

Temp

‘_- a 7

= — Serene si =, — oot —— a om + 45 }

Pe Maiias Shai rons bircatht my stres pe nna en eCica nate oa nerd anicich cs ane shnaenom edhe rany caeciciee eerie a . )

SN a er a hs pen Se | = ae Nt st tay eS ES ae tee cer eee <r *

Mein ip hal ems ah pet oo, ce ec rn he earth ere

val Index.

Cunningham, Major-General A., Archeological Survey Report

for 1862-68,

“Golden Pillar” of Delhi,

Grammatical forms of the Hindvi, on the,

Great Masjid of Delhi,

Page

Note on the Bactro-Pali Inser Sion from Taxila, of)

—_____—_—— (Qn the races oi the Panjab, .

Remarks on the date oi the Pehewa Inseription

of Raja Bhoja, ee

— Results of a tour thro’ the Panjab, ... 832

Daidala of Ptolemy, its probable ee with Delhi, = x

Delhi, date of foundation, es

—_——_——. refounding, ons ae -».X Seq.

——— huins of, : i

——-— Shirshah, = Ixxvili

— Traditional history, ves so ow

Din-panah, ee Ixxvill

Hlephant Statues in the Delhi Palace, = dee, 1005 Slo

Killora cave temples, e sve a 0

Eran Inscription, ... ale

Fakirs or Razeyats of Afchanistan, ... 148

Figures of Deities, on the delineation ol, OL

Firuzabad, city of, ire ae LOY

Firuz Shah’s pillar, aa XXVl, KXX

Firuz Tughlak, works of, cee se », IRXV

Forts (Seven) of Delhi, ies iv

Fyzabad district, ancient localities, Sl

Gates of Delhi, ... Ixxiv

Gates of the city of Shajahandbad, Ixxx seq.

Glasfurd, Captain C., Report on Bustar, .. 44

XKX

494 seq.

XXXvill. seq., Ixvil

_________’ mason’s marks on pillars of, soe Slit

Guzerat Antiquities, as 402 seq.

—, Coins current in, .. 4384

Hailan Inscription, 549 seq.

Hailan, ruins at, = = 402

Hindu remains of Delhi, SF XXVIII, oe

Hindustani Language, Remarks on,

Hindvi PaneUece, on the Origin of and its relation to the

Urdu,

469, 489 et seq.

Holmboe, Prof., on aS ancient rola onG of Asia and Scandinavia, joe

Scandinavia,

Humayun’s tomb,

Ighari or the Turki soe

Indrapr ostlia, = =.

Indrpat, Fort of, =

Inseription at Bustar, sas

On the origin of the system of weights in Ancient

199

: Se

284

a 1V

Ixxvill

es eee

en — ar ae 9

SS Se SSS?

— = =

——

—— =

—

-——) =z

ca)

a ee

—-

——

= SSS SS

—

Se ee

\V\ =

—

_—b—

——

—

—,

—a

P——)

Sa ~~)

—s*

——

[ [ez

Se ee

as =f =

ie a et

=. = EE Pe a ee a

oS Be

ero motes ESS RES UA OOO cee

Index. | Vii

; Page

. Inscription at Cuttack, OE ae: = te BD

* at Taikal, re = ... OT4

=. — {om Pehewa, Ve ei aa BD

= _._—_—. from Jaxila, note on an, Ree)

——_—_——— oh a copper- -plate from Dichwa i in Coa 327, seq.

ore

= — on anerene Tiles from Pugan, Sea yee

—~——___—— on the Muqbura at Hailan, ey 549 seq.

Inscriptions from Mysore, ate soe ... 208

= — on Kutb Minar, ses sa So

~— (Persian) in Srinagar, Ke 278, 280

— on iron pillar at Delhi, cs XXXV, XXXVill

Tron pillar of Delhi, 2 = REY

— Inscriptions o: on, te XXXV, XXXvill

Islamghur, notice of, fe: .-- 405

J shénara, ‘epitaph on the tomb of, ae Ixxxvi

Jahan- -panah, City and Fort of, . . ie oe ELT

Jains in Mysore, traces of, oe So --. 209

Jama Masjid, ... set ve. ¥XXVI1, xlu, xlvii

Kala Masjid, sia ts Fae DEV

Kanau] ines, ae as w. O24

History of the Cee of, ie ao 2p

Rajahs, eae 7 XIV, XXXVI

a Grens. tradition of, ae ae ee eee

Karna Pél, sons of, tsa Se

Kaéshkar, Upper and Lower, account of, i 125

Kashkari vocabulary, a ede

Kau-le-yé Princes of Burmah, origin of, sis Sr D

Kharg Rai, ie its ane vill, Xi

eh baolee, aA ote ee. w. 40D

Khawaspore serai, ee ae = AND

Kilah Alai, Fort of, aie en iv, lxvi

Kutab Minar, pe ‘ 3 <>. 1 Seq,

- Kutila character, on the use of, ce

Ladak and Zaskar , system Se in. outlining figs, of Deitiesin, 151

Lalkot, fort OLS Sans a 15 Su, xiii, lxvi

Land grant of Mahendrapéla Deva, oe Oa

Lees, Captain W. N., On the Application of the Roman alpha-

bet to Oriental Languages, i 349

i On the Htymology of the word Serafin, 584 seq.

J = On the publication of the Muhammadan Historians, 464 seq.

y _ List of Kafir, Kohistani and other words, a 272 seq.

List of Kanouj Kings, ... 9324

Literary Intelligence, Correspondence, &C., _ 59, 199, 832, 441

Loewenthal, Rev. I., On Persian laa == Ee

Logan, J. R., on the settlement of the Mon-Anam nations, ... 24

Mackenzie, Captain B H., On the Antiquities oi Guzerat, 402 seq.

eI Re eee Tt a aneeeeain

pile

RD Dc CTEN Coy ale }

Ry ae te AH Me Pale b Namal et nua oo

EES ER TEN AI 2 WN ON re

iS) of aanvbrw wets. -

a oe

So wens

IRS LUO ES y+

SR Ae a peel ps

_— —_

— =

Bei Peers nik ben

oD SE ry wipe GET AT

V1 Index.

Page

Maha Radza Weng or the Chronicles of the eae of Burmah, 4

Mahendrapéla Deva of Kanauj, ... 321 Seq.

Malnad Inscriptions, ... 208

- Melville, Captain A. B., On Mystery plays primed in Ladak, 478

Metric Systems, List of Ancient,.. 262 note

- Moong, Coins found in, Pa oe ... 405

Mosque of Shahi Hamadén, ae a 278 seq.

Mran-ma or Myan-mé, on the etymology of, we os

Muhammadan Historians, Publication of, ae 464 seq.

Muhammadan remains of Delhi, ... a ee:

Muhammad Tughlak’s fortifications of Delhi, ... . XXIV

Mulheran, J., Letter on Caves of ue and Kllora, =. 216

Musalmin conquest of Delhi, ... tas ne ERY

Mystery plays in Ladak, ses 478, 9584

Numismatists, Archeologists, List of, see Appendix, =

Ohind Inscription, 37

Ouseley, Ralph, Capt., letter on some ancient ‘localities in. the

Fyzabad District, ae ae : SI

Panjab races, = ea Fe .. 4Al

Panj-Korah, account of, ee =. sas 2 OO

Panj-Korah, villages, clans, &c.,. a ... 140

Pathan kings of Bengal and Delhi, hist-ol —... .. 482

Patu Kothee, ruins of, ro wo. 404

Pehewa inscription, date of, ae ge = 28

SE anEEEEIEREEEEREEEEEERRtoNE On the Reading of, 300)

Phayre, Lieut.-Col. A. P., Memorandum upon some Ancient

Tiles from Pugan, ev

———— onthe history of the pom race, 1

Philological Committee’s Report, = Ges.

Pillar Towers of the British Islands, Se Do2 seq.

Prithvi Raja, work attributed to, ae a+. XXXVI

Produce of Panj-korah, ‘ so 108

Pugan, note on some ancient Tiles obtained at, . oe OL

Purana Kila, = ae as Ixxvill

Rahtor Kings of Kanouj, a a a

Rai Pithora “Fort, < ae ee = dV

Rajendralala Mitra, note on the Cooch Behar trove of ee

Pathan coins,

N Rd two Assam lake eOMs, =7.. Job

— On a land-grant oi | Mahendrapéla

Deva of Kanauj, 321 seq.

Se ee the Buddhist remains of Sultan-

: 236

On the origin of the Hindvi and its

Relation to the Urdu Dialect, 469, 489

— On the Ruins of Buddha Gaya,

Remarks on some undescribed coms

fom the Cooch Behar trove, = = 019

a, reese

Rone

foam

Jass0

Ima

bul

Nine |

hing

)

Nu \

Tata

lh lomas

is Hn

lua

ce a

Tekh

“Tele

Tite

Tish D

| Tate

Neher

. Mech

3 seat

| ly

| ht ir

‘as

hint

Index. 1x

Page

in Raverty, Capt. H. G., An aecount of Upper Kashkar, &e., ... 125

; —————_ On the language of the “‘S(-4h- -posh

Kafirs, = - 201

aly Report of the Proceedings of the Archeological Surveyor to the

Government of India lee the season of 1869- 638, ae i

: Roman Alphabet applied to Oriental Languages, ... 93450

' Romanizing of Hindi, on the question of, = ee (005

Romanizing of Oriental Alphabets, discussion on the question of, 446

ound Towers in Asia, Kgypt, &e., 569 seq.

Rungalala Banerjee, letter on an Inscription fon Cuttack, ... 82,

Ruscool: antiquities of, sie =e ... 405

a Salimgarh, Fort of, ; <<) ERX

- Scandinavian weights, on the origin of the system of, Ze 0

; Seraffin, on the etymology Oles ts a 584 seq.

| Shéhi Hamadan, ... si .-» 280

Shahpur, Shae nee eee SKA

Shajahinabad citadel and CIty tes “he bigs 2 he.ox

Shir Mandir, une ade . AX XVHL

Si-ah-posh Kafirs, Language of, vee oe LOL

Siri, Fort of, or Kilah ‘Alai, oe = iv, lxvi

Srinagar Inscriptions, a Sate 218, 280

Srughna, site of, sale 2, _.. XXVill

Stone implements from Madras, ... os: ee OE

Sultanganj, on the Buddhist remains of, at ... 360

Syud Ahmad, on ues Kutab Minar, nee li, bxu, bei

Talash, district of, 2s te ... 100

Taxila inscription, Ss a.

Thomas, H., On Ancient Indian Weights, ae ... Jol

isi Tiles from Pugan, = ae 57, 312

Tomar dynasty of Delhi, ee ‘ies eae VL

——— Kings, possessions of, ... bay XX, XX1

Tughlakabad, Fort of, bis ine iv, Ixix seq.

Tushlak Shah’ S Ty at Delhis—.. SF Ixxil seq.

Vikramaditya, date of, a Sat Vill seq.

Visdla Deva’s Inscription, ; KXX1 seq.

Wardak Inscription, remarks on the reading of the, vei

| Weber, Dr. A., letter to Mr. Cowell, . = re oS!

s | Weights, ancient Scandinavian, ... =. 199, 333

or , on Ancient Indian, ... ae 251, 264

a Wise, De T. A., on the Pillar Towers of the British Is-

si lands, see eee 552 seq.

y Yusuizis the country OL thie, 3. Be » 135

Zain ul’ Abidin, Tomb of, Ss owe nel

FOETIS Ae PR LES RRS RTI LS ME REAL EP EP PEERS

aN Yn. WOES

i ae haa al ae oe a

Sea

me fi

(=)

bak ae ak

ee Biatoy f

1 i ee a : yi ,

> ee Index.

INDEX IV,

GHNERAL.

Address presented by the Society to His Excellency the Right

Hon’ble Sir John Lawrence, Ee

Asiatic Society of Bengal, Annual Report of, for 1868,

Se Proceedings of, 61, 69, 68, 114, 210,

335, 442, 459, 477, 578, ai

Blyth, E., Recognition of his services by the Society,

Library of the Asmtic Society, Report of accessions to, 117, ABI,

Members of the Asiatic Society, List of, =

Reply of Sir John Lawrence, to the President and Members of

the Asiatic Society, =

Report, annual, of the Asiatic Society for 1863... Se

Statement of Receipts and Disbursements for 1863, SD seq.

I NN nn ae

Pag

211

oo7

O82

O89

101

212