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JOURNAL /'

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

♦

VOL. XLI.

PART I. (History, Literature, &c. )

(Nos. I to IV. — 1872 ; with sixteen plates.)

EDITED BY

J HE jiONORARY ^SECRETARIES.

CALCUTTA :

f^INTED BY p. p. pEWTS, pAFTIST _/VIlSSION ^RESS.

1872.

T

I\ % V 4 I

4

>

CONTENTS

V

OF THE

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, FOR 1872.

Part I.

No. I.

Page

List of Words of the Nicobar Language as spoken at Camorta, Nan-

cowry, Trinkutt, and Katschal. — By E. H. Man, Assistant

Superintendent in charge op the Nicobaes. — Communicated

bt the Government op India,

More Buddhist Remains in Orisa.- — By J. Beames, C. S., M. R.

A. S., &c., Balasoro,

Notes on a Visit to the Tribes inhabiting the Hills south of Sibsagar,

A'sam (with five plates). — By S. E. Peal, Sibsagar,

Note on Ghargaon, As&m (with one plate). — By J. M. Foster,

F. R. G. S., Ndzirah, Asam,

Translations of seleoted portions of Boole I. of Chand Bardai’s Epic. —

By John Beames, B. C. S., M. R. A. S., &e.,

Koch Bihar, Koch Hdjo, and A'sam, in the lGth and 17th centuries,

according to the Akbarnamah, the Padishahnamah, and the

Fathiyah i ’Ibriyah. — By H. Bdochmann, M. A., Calcutta

Madrasah,

Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions, No. II. (with one plate). —

By H. Bdochmann, M. A., Calcutta Madrasah,

1

7

9

32

42

49

102

No. II.

The Legend of Baghesar, a deified spirit held in great reverence by

the Kusru, Sun, Markam, Netia, and Sarsun clans of the Gond

Tribe. — By Capt. W. L. Samuells, Assistant Commissioner,

Manbhdm

Essays in aid of a Comparative Grammar of the Gaurian Languages.

— By Rev. A. F. Rudoip Hoeende, D. Ph., Professor of Sanskrit,

Jay Narayan’s College, Benares,

iv

Contents.

Pane

174

Beef in Ancient India. — By Babii Ra'jendeaxaTa Mitba,

The Conquest of South India in the Twelfth century by Parakrama

Bahu, the groat King of Ceylon. — By T. W. Rhys Dayids, Esq.,

District Judge, Anuradhapura, Ceylon, 197

Note on an Arakanese Coin.— By Captain G. E. Fryer, Officiating

Deputy Commissioner of Sandoway, (with three wood-cuts) 201

List of the Books contained in Chand’s poem, the Prithiraja Raso. —

By John Beames, Esq., B. C. S., M. R. A. S., Balasore, 204

No. III.

The Buddhistic Remains of Bihar. — By A. M. Beoadley, Esq., C. S.,

(with nine plates), 209

I. Bilidr in Patna, 209

II. Anoionfc Magadha, 211

III. Buddhist Remains, 221

IV. Kusagarapura and Rtijagriha, 230

V. Prom Tiladaka (Tilldfali) Monastery to Kalyanpur, ... 250

VI. The Indra Saila Peak, 261

VII. The Monasteries of Ghosrawan and Titrawan, 266

VIII. Pawapuri and Bihar [The Isolated Rook], 283

IX. Rajagriha in the Mahawanso, 298

X. Nalanda [Bargaon] 299

XI. Conclusion, 306

No. IY.

The Tirthas of Vrinda-vana and Gokula. — By F. S. Growse, Esq.,

M. A. Oxon., B. C. S., 313

On a now King of Bengal, and notes on the Husaini Dynasty and

their conquest of Chatgaon (Chittagong.) — By H. Beochmann,

Esq., M. A., Calcutta Madrasah, 331

A Picnic in Ancient India. — By Babu Ra'jendeala'ia Mitea, 340

Index,.. 355

LIST OF PLATES

nr

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, 1872.

Paet I.

PL I (p. 110). Inscription on the tomb of ’Alauddin Shah at Badaon.

PL II (pp. 17, 24). Naga Houses and Jobolca Mount.

PL III (p. 20). ’Ak,’ or tattoo, of the Banparas. — Joboka Chang.

Pl. IV (p. 19). A Naga Skull house, and NagS Utensils.

Pl. V. A Naga with his dliao climbing a tree.

Pl. VI (p. 19). Naga woman with the dliao.

PL VII (p. 40). The Rajah’s Palace at GhargSon (As 5m).

Pl. VIII. Map of Bihar, shelving the routes of Fah-Hiyan and Hwen

Thsang, and the principal sites of Buddhistic Ruins.

Pl. IX (p. 222). Restored elevation of the great Nalanda Temple.

Pl. X. Pillar and Capital from the Vestibule of the Nalanda Temple

(p. 223), and sketch of a Stupa found at Titrawan (p. 282).

Pl. XI. Ground plan of the Buddhist Temple on Mount Baibhar (p. 241).

Pl. XII. Plan of the Tillafah ruins (p. 250).

Pl. XIII. Pillars from the Sangin Masjid at Tillarah.

Pl. XIV. The Ghosrawan Inscription (p. 208).

Pl. XIV. Sketch plan of Ghosrawan (p. 266).

Pl. XVI. Sketch plan of Titrawan (p. 266).

Two Woodcuts of Arakanese Coins (p. 201).

One Woodcut of the legends on do. (p. 202).

ERRATA

m

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY, BENGAL, FOR 1872.

Pabt I.

Page 55, 1. 19 .for QariLqylp&g (?) tribe read Qaraqalpik tribe, and add as a

foot note — “The Qaraqalpalts swore allegiance to Russia in 1732.”

Perofski’s Narrative of the Khiva Expedition in 1839.

73, 1. 9 .forjfdjM rea d

,1. 14/or read tji y>-.

79, foot note, /or Dalai (Jalal ?) read Dalai (Dinyal).

106, 1. 7 for oL>f /Aj read

1. 14 for Zafarabad read Muzaffarabad.

107, 1. 4, for read

j 1. 7, for Mu’Sn read Na9r.

175, line 23, for it is read is it.

178, „ 42, for read

179, „ 14, for were read was.

180, „ 16, for Rudra read of Rudra.

182, „ 7, for If read It.

187, „ 28, for vertebra read vertebrae.

193, „ 25, for As'valayanas read Asvalayana’s.

216, „ 15, for Kalandavanonvana read Kalandavanouvana.

220, „ 13, from below, for cette ville read cette ville aux Bralimanes.

252, „ 15, et passim, for Sangi read Sangin.

263, „ 9, for Giriyak read Giryak.

JOURNAL

OF TIIE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

— * —

Part I. -HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. I.— 1872.

List of Words of the JVicobar Language as spoken at Camorta, Nancowry,

Trinhutt, and Eatschal.—By E. H. Max, Assistant Superintendent

Of CHARGE OP THE NlCOBARS. — COMMUNICATED BY THE GOVERNMENT

op India.

A.

Absent (nothing), Hadart.

Ache, Tehiali.

After, Latdolc.

Air, Ilainh.

Alive, Ye-enn.

All, Aumtome.

Always, Dul.

Ambergris, Kampe.

Angry, Mubungcore.

Another, Deeoh.

Answer, Oopschap.

Arm, Chee-koal.

Ask (to), Atot.

Axe, Enloin.

B.

Baby, Kunyoon.

Back, Oke.

Bad, Had-lapoa, or Menkain-yoslieh.

1

Bamboo, Hadwah.

Basket, Hintai.

Bathe (to), Lawn.

Beat (to punish), Oodee.

Beard, Enhoing.

Before, Hadek.

Begin (to), Hoolatai.

Belly, Weeung.

Below, Deg.

Betel-nut, Heeya.

Betel-leaf, Dai Heeya.

Betel- tree, Telieea Heeya.

Big, Kadoo.

Bird, Sheetchua.

Bird’s nest (edible), Heekai.

Birds (ordinary), Hong-Kang.

Biscuit, or bread, Puang.

Bite (to), Opkah.

Black, Ool.

2

[No. 1,

List of Words of the Nicobar Language.

Blind, Pukeean.

Blood, Wah.

Blue, Tchoongoa.

Boat (Euporean), Haifoor.

Body, Oke Enha.

Bone, Ong-aing.

Boot, Denapla or Shapata.

Bow and Arrow, Shenna-Foing.

Boy (male child), Lit.

Bracelet, Hutlaw.

Brass, Kalahee.

Brave, Yock-ehaka.

Breast, To-akh.

Breeches, Kunha.

Broken, Dakgna.

Brother, Tchao.

Brother (half), Tama Oosheh.

Brother (own), Tchao Enlooya.

Bullet, Plooroo.

Buy (to),Hullao.

C.

Calf (of leg), Kunmoana.

Calm (no wind), Nyam.

Cane, Nat.

Cannon, Hen-wow.

Canoe, Dooey.

Can (to be able), Doh.

Cat, Cochin.

Chair, Iiutteardeh.

Cheat (to), Hai yoo nang.

Cheek, Tapooah.

Chest, Undaiyah.

Chief, Oomai-muttai.

Child, Kenh-yoon.

Child (own), Koo-un.

Chin, Shummah.

Clean, Koten.

Cloth, Loih.

Cloth (strip of), Lanoa.

Cloud, Kullahaya.

Coat, Kunlioin.

Cocoanut, green, Gnee naw.

Cocoanut, ripe, Gnoat.

Cocoanut tree, Wee-ow.

Cock (fowl), Kamoy-koin.

Cold, Ivaay.

Come (to), Kaiteri.

Copy (to), Hoomyee.

Coral, Shai-yonn.

Comer, Ongkaiung.

Cover, Oke.

Count (Imperative) Haro.

Crying, Tcheem.

Coward, Pumma-hoin.

Custom, Tatoicha.

Cyclone, Hoorasheh,

D.

Dance (to), Katoaka.

Danger (fear), Poohah.

Darkness, Toey-chool,

Daughter, Kooun Engkana,

Day, Haing.

Dead, Kapa.

Deep, Ool.

Devil, Eewee.

Dhoty, Loili Sharong.

Difficult, Gnia-nayun.

Dirt, Yuch.

Dirty, Oomeh.

Dishonest (untrustworthy) , Chit-

tong-natau.

Distant, Hoee.

Divide (to) , Hundowa.

Doctor, Munloenna,

Dog, Am.

Dollar, Para.

Drink (to), Top.

E,

Ear, Nang.

Earring, Eetchai.

Earth, Doo.

East, Fool.

East wind, Hainh-fool.

Easy, Too-yayun.

1872.]

3

List of Words of the Nicohar Language.

Eat (to), Okenok.

Ebb Tide, Tchoh.

Edible Bird’s nest, Heekai.

Egg, Hooya.

Elbow, Deg-ong Kaiung.

Enough, Layah.

European (man), Bajo taten hamatt.

Eye, Owl-mat.

Eyebrow, Oke-mat.

Eyelash, Kut-fight.

P.

Pace, Gnoitchaka.

Farewell, Yu-tchuh.

Father, Tchia Engkoin.

Far, Hoee.

Fear, Poohah.

Feast, Yukura.

Feather, Pooyawl.

Fight, Pamon.

Finger, Kaneetai.

Finish (to), Laird.

Fire, Heoch.

Fish, Ka.

Flesh, Enh-ha.

Fly, Yooch.

Flute, Hunhell.

Forehead, Lai.

Forget (to), Painatau.

Fowl, Kamoy.

Foot, (upper part), Okelah.

Foot sole, Awl-lah.

Friend, or, my friend, Kaiyol.

Flood Tide, Hayow.

G.

Give, Hanh huttar, or, Horn koo am.

Girl, Hooleeyen.

Go (to), Tchuh.

Gold, Emloum.

Good, Lapoa.

Grandfather, Tcho-um.

Grass (jungle), Opyooap.

Grass Lalang, Shenfo.

Grass, ordinary, Shen.

Great, Kadoo.

Green, Tchoongoa.

Guano, Aingala-ah.

Gun, Hunndell.

Gunpowder, Taroo.

H.

Hair (short), Yoo-ock.

Hair (long), Hunkoiya.

Hand, Koal.

Handkerchief, Langsheh.

Handsome, Yahnaisnchka.

Happy, Yah-natau.

Hat, Sliapeo.

Hate (to), Ha-natau.

Hatchet, Enloin.

Have (to), Ought.

Head, Koee.

Headache, Tchiak-koee.

Hear, Yang or Katool.

Heart, Enka-hato.

Heaven (sky), Kullaliaya.

Heavy, Langung.

Hen, Kainoy Engkana.

Here, Eeta.

Hill, Kohinjuan.

Hog, Nod.

Hot, Ke-owyun.

House, Gnee.

Hungry, Oingna.

Husband, Koin.

Hut, Kunsherpa.

I.

Imitate (to copy), Hoomyee.

Impossible, Oolahad Sheh.

Inside, Awl.

Invitation, Kala-kala younde.

Iron, Karao.

Island, Poolgna.

J.

Jar, ICoodun.

Jungle, Oltchua.

4

List of Words of the Nicobar Language.

[No. 1,

Jacket, Kunhoin.

K.

Key, Tunwahn.

Kill (to), Thaw Kooee.

Knee, Kokanoang.

Knife, Innoyet.

Knife, (Toddy), Innoyet Tua.

L.

Lad, Huh.

Land, Oal Mattai.

Large, Kadoo.

Laugh, ItA

Lead, Tchoomper.

Leaf, Dai.

Leg, Lah.

Lemon, Carroy.

Lie (to lie down), Laan.

Lie (to tell lies), Mattai.

Life, Aim.

Light (to light the fire), Haiyooing.

Light (not heavy), Had lang ung.

Lightning, Maig.

Like (similar to), Hangnesheh.

Lime, Shooka.

Lips, Manoing.

Little, Ompetmsheh.

Long, Kialeg.

Love, Shaiyong-yuntaw.

Listen (Imp.) Katool.

M.

Man, Paiyooh.

Man (old), Pomoy-sheh.

Man (young), Maiyerkh, or, Ilub.

Measure, Tah.

Medicine, Danoon.

Moon, Kahair.

Monkey, Dooen.

More, Paitery.

Morning, Ha kee.

Mother, Tchia Engkana.

Mosquito, Menh hoya.

Mouth, Awl_fuang.

Much, Odo liutchee.

Musket, Hundell.

Murder, Fliaw-kooee.

Muscle, E-hay.

N.

Nail (finger), Kaischua.

Nail (iron), Hun em.

Name, Layung.

Navel, Fori.

Near (not far) Me-enh-houh.

Neck, Onglongna.

Needle, Tcha room.

Never, Kit ma.

Nest, Hongkang.

No, Wat or watchion.

North, Kappa.

Nose, Moanh.

Nothing, Hadart.

O.

Oar, Kan noot.

Obey (to), Yu yung.

Often, Dul.

Oil, Gfnai.

Old (animate) ,Boomooashee Oomioha.

Old (inanimate), Lat shee.

Open, Foigna.

P.

Paddle, Pow-wha.

Pan (cooking), Chattee.

Pandanus, (tree), Larohm.

Paper, Lehpery.

Parrot, Kattoch.

Perhaps, Yonghuddeh.

Pig, Nod.

Pigeon, Moongmoo.

Pineapple, Shoodoo.

Pipe, Tanop.

Plant (to), Opeep.

Plantain, Hehpoo.

Plenty, Yolor Ooroohud sheh.

Poor, Pooap.

Present, Tunnier sheh.

List of Words of the Nicobar Language.

1872.]

Pretty, Yahnai shehka.

Q.

Question, Humma.

Quill-pen, Anet-lay-bery.

E.

Eain, Ahmee.

Eat, Koomate.

Eattan, Pantang.

Eow, Hooyow.

Eed, Ak.

Eice, Arosh.

Eich, Chumwoahun.

Eipe, Eeshiun.

Eing (finger), Kunlongtai.

Eiver (stream), Whaieda.

Eoad, Kaiee.

Eope, Naat.

Eoof, Oke.

Eow, Kan not.

Eudder, Hunlaidedla.

Eun, Deeunna Hundial.

S.

Sand, Pee-yet.

Sea, Komaleh.

See (to), Hadduk.

Ship, Tjiong.

Shirt, Kunhoin.

Short, Mitatu, or, Meh-enh-Shehkoee.

Shot, Kutchung-kutchung.

Shoot, Hadeel.

Shoes, Shapata.

Shoulder, Koee-oonga.

Show (Imp.) Hychung.

Shut, Kurrup.

Sick, Tchiak.

Sing, Eekaisher.

Sit, Eepoohenhde.

Sister, Tchao.

Sister, (half), Tama-oo-sheh.

Sister (own), Tchao Enlooya.

Skin, Oke.

Sky, Kulahaya.

Slander (to), Kaiyawnasheepaiyoo.

Sleep, Eeteoah.

Small, Ompaislieh.

Smell, Eckait.

Smoke, Fosh.

Snake (Boa), Toolan.

Snake (ordinary), Paik.

Sometimes, Kaiyai or Hang-hang.

Son, Koo nr Engltoin.

Speak, Olyola.

Spear, Sha nenh.

Steamer, Tjiong-heoeh.

South, Lakhna.

Star, Shok maleicha.

Strong, Koang or Mong egg.

Stone, Mungeh.

Stockings, Hunho-ulla.

Stand, Omshierma.

Stomach-ache, Tchaik Weeung.

Stupid (not clever), Hadokai.

Sugar, Shoonk.

Sugarcane, Mao.

Summer (N. E. Monsoon), Koeekapa.

Sun, Haing.

T.

Table, Menh sheh.

Tool, Deg.

Take, Okair.

Tell, Tchong Koee.

Teeth, Kanap.

There, Matareo.

Thief, Kaloh or Kahalacher.

Thigh, Poolaw.

Throat, Kolulla.

Thunder, Koodei (or Koomtoogna).

Tipsy, Hoo-yoy.

Tobacco, Oomhoi.

To-day, Len-heng.

Toe, Kanechlah.

To-morrow, Haing Hakee.

Tongue, Kalleetah.

Torch, Pal.

[No. 1

List of Words of the Nicobar Language.

6

Tortoise-shell, Kap.

Turtle, Kap oltchua.

Tree, Tcheea.

Turban, Langsheh.

U.

Ugly, Oomeh had sheka.

Uncle, Hoey tchia.

Unhappy, Kit yah natau.

V.

Valley, Awl-hok.

Village, Awl-mattai.

Voyage, (long), Yohatayha.

Voyage, (short), Yock dooan.

W.

Walk, Ongshongha.

Want, Yok.

Warm, Kee-ow-yan.

Warrior, Hoo-Ekka.

Wash (to make clean), Atchek.

Water (fresh), Dak.

Water, Ivomaleh.

Weak, Had-ko-ang.

Weapon (Europe), Hundell.

Weapon (Nicobar), Paiyooha.

Weep, Tcheem.

Weigh (to), Kunlah.

West, Shoo-hong.

White, Tenhya.

When, Kalie.

Wife, Kan.

Wind, Hainh.

Wing, Danoyen.

Winter (S. W. Monsoon), Lakhna-

shoohong.

Woman, Englcdna.

Wood, Ooneeha.

Work, Winnair shi sheh.

White, At-ait.

Y.

Yam, Kopaeh.

Yawn, Hing-ap.

Yellow, Laaom.

Yes, Aonka.

Yesterday, Mundee.

Young, Iluh.

Numeeals.

1, Hayang.

2, Anh.

3, Loeh.

4, Eooan.

5, Tanai.

6, Tafooel.

7, Eeshat.

8, Enfuan.

9, Hayang hutta.

10, Shorn.

11, Shorn hayang.

12, Shorn anh.

20, Hayang momtchierma.

30, Hayang momtchierma doktai.

40, Anh momtchierma.

50, Anh momtchierma doktai.

100, Tanai momtchierma.

Time.

6 a. m. (sunrise), Hakee.

9 a. m., Alhakee.

Forenoon, Kokin dowha.

Noon, Kumheng.

lp.m., Tchin foitua.

3 p. m., Tchin foitua, ainhsheh.

5 p. m., Ladeya.

Sunset, Pooyoieh.

Dusk, Hammok gnok.

Midnight, Yuang hatam.

1 a. m., Hanh-hooaka.

3 a. m., Pooyeh.

5 a. m., Tehungneeall.

Day, Haing.

Night, Hatam.

To-day, Len heng.

To-morrow, Haing-hakee.

Peesohal Peonouns.

I or we, Chier.

You, Menh.

1872.]

He, she, it, An, or, Poonan.

They, Oomtohm.

Who, Ychee.

Possessive Pkonoiihs.

This, Xeena.

That, Anaay.

Your, Tehiang menh.

Yours, Efoe or Efoye hayoo.

My, Tehiang ehier.

Sentences.

Come here, Kaiteri.

I will come, Yudook poonchier.

He will come, Yudook poonan.

Why are you afraid ? Choounpahar

menh?

Where is your village ? Choon mattai

menh ?

Go there, Yu chu, or, ehu.

Bring me some fish, Okai kah paite-

sheh.

Light a fire, Haiyoon heoeh.

I don’t know, Kit-akah.

I know, Akah.

Take away, Kai tery.

Who is he ? Tehee ka an ?

7

Get up, Koongha.

He lives at — , Kutool poonan na.

Be quick, La La.

Give me back (return), Yu Ooshoor

hutta.

Don’t come, Wat if edook.

Call that man, Eeorta paiyooh.

I am glad, Yonutto kaun chier.

I am sorry, Gniat nato kaun chier.

If it rains, I will not come, Yon

ahmee kit to.

Have you ever been to — ? Makun

menh ?

I have never been to — , Chier Kitma.

Where are you going to ? Yu chun

menh ?

I am going on board the ship, Yu to-

altjiong chier.

I want to go, Kai-yeng.

I will remain here, Yu katog kyaeeta.

Have you any shells ? Tchian kun

menhta pooker ?

How much do you want ? Kah

indokna sheh yok menh ?

This is too much, Ooroohad shehka.

Sit down, Eepoonhenhde.

More Buddhist ’Remains in Orissa.

More Buddhist Remains in Orissa. — By J. Beames, C. S., Balasore.

In continuation of the note on the Buddhist remains at Kopari recently

contributed by me, I wish to record the existence of some more structures

m other parts of Orissa, whose exact similarity to those at Kopari affords

a confirmation of the theories suggested by that place.

On my way back from Katak, where I had been to attend the Durbar,

which was not held owing to the melancholy incident which has spread such

a gloom over all India, I pitched my tents at the village of Chhatia

sixteen miles north of the town of Katak. In the evening as I was taking

a stroll along a village road, west of the encampment, I came to a flat surface

of laterite closely resembling that at Kopari. At the foot of a small hill

8

More Buddhist Remains in Orissa.

[No. 1,

was a square platform, about 40 feet square, of hewn laterite stones, from

which rose twelve pillars, octagonal and with rounded capitals, but much

worn by the action of the elements, and covered with grey lichen. To the

west of this was a rude square building composed of the same stones,

roughly put together without mortar. This had evidently been constructed

from the stones of the older structure, as there were pieces of mouldings,

capitals of pillars and sculptured stones, some upside down, and all evidently

out of place. Inside, smeared with Vermillion and turmeric, were numerous

portions of statues, heads, arms, a mutilated trunk or two, few of which

bore any resemblance to the traditional figures of Hindu mythology.

The images unfortunately are so smeared with Vermillion and oil, that it

is difficult to make out all the details. There seems to be a serpent’s hood

over the head of one, but it is too much worn to admit of any certainty.

The next day the camp was at Dhartnsala on the Brahmani river,

31 miles north of Katak. One mile to the west of the road, at the foot

of a little hill, on a small promontory jutting out into the river, stands a

temple of Siva, under the name of Golcarnes 'wara Mahadeva, or as the

peasants call it, Gok’ns’r Maliadeb. This is one of the usual Siva temples of

the melon or ninepin shape, so common in Orissa. It faces the east, and in

front of it is a square platform of laterite stones, surrounded by pillars exactly

similar in design to the Kopari ones ; they are twelve in number, three at

each comer of the platform thus : —

The Mahadeb temple has been built of stones taken from some pari of

this ancient structure, though the fact is concealed by its being entirely

covered with a smooth coating of plaster. The Hindu statues of late date

surrounding this temple are of remarkable beauty and fineness. The principal

figure is called by the people Saraswati, and represents a smiling woman with

four arms holding a conch and lotus, with many female attendants with

laughing faces grouped round the principal which is not in relief, but has

the stone cut away at the back of the figure.

This image was found in the river some years ago, and the others were

found in the jungle close by, or as the attendant Brahman states, suddenly

appeared out of the rock, and ordered themselves to be worshipped !

1872.]

9

Notes on a Visit to the Tribes inhabiting the Sills south of Sibsdgar,

Asam. — By S. E. Peal, Esq.

The various Hill tribes bordering on the valley of Asam, both on the

north-east and south, present so many points of interest and seem to be so

little known, that I take the opportunity of putting these few notes together

of a short trip into the hills to the south of Sfbsagar district, Mauza’ Oboe-

pur, hoping they may be of some use or interest.

Our ignorance of these various tribes, their many languages, customs, and

internal arrangements, seems to be only equalled by their complete ignorance

of us, our power and resources. The principle of clanship is here 'carried to

the extreme ; not only are there numerous well marked tribes inhabiting con-

siderable tracts, as the Butias, the Abors, Singphus, Nagas, but these

again are cut up into small, and usually isolated, communities, who, among

the Nagas at least, are constantly at war with each other. Their isolation is

often so complete, that their resources lie wholly within their limited area.

There seems good reason to suppose that the present state of things has

existed for a considerable period. Not only are the languages spoken by

contiguous tribes often mutually unintelligible, but the still better evidence

of strongly marked physical variation holds good. And to these inferences

of a long period must be added the tangible fact, that at their villages, or

‘ changs’, and not elsewhere in the hills, there are numerous Jack trees,

many of them very large, and not less than 400 years old, I should say,

as the Jack is a slow growing wood.

I had often wished to visit some of these ‘ changs’, but had not the

opportunity till this occasion ; and though the season was rather advanced,

I determined to go, as the Rajah of the Banparas had invited me for

the third or fourth time. My nearest neighbour consented to accompany

me, and arrangements were made to start on the 30th May, at day-break.

Before daylight our people were astir, caught the elephants, and tied our

baggage. At 6 A. M., we started. Our party consisted of two native

muharrirs, a barqandaz, and six Leklas, an interpreter, or Sokeal, joining

us afterwards.

It was a beautiful morning, a fresh breeze blowing across Bhagmorial

Potar as we passed through it, though we lost it on entering the jungle

at foot of the hills beyond. The path, so-called, we found clearer than

was to be expected ; fallen trees and such like obstructions were singularly

few. Game was looked for in vain, although it was evidently a good

shooting ground ; and tracks of buffaloe, pig, and deer, were plentiful. This

luck indeed pursued us the whole way, though it must have been exceptional.

We soon reached the Ladia Ghur, an old road, leading from Kukila Mukh

2 b

10

[No. 1,

S. E. Peal — Visit to the JYaffd Hilts.

via Nazira to Jaipur, and here so covered by jungle and bamboo as to be

wholly impassable. It is usually considered the boundary line between us

and the so-called Naga territory.

The land then descends a few feet, and the river Tiolc was seen

ahead at a very picturesque little bend, making a capital foreground, as it

splashed over the boulders and ran among the snags, the hills behind rising

clear and blue. The swash of the water was quite a pleasant sound to us,

so long accustomed to these muddy streams. After crossing it, the road

lay through a fine piece of high land, and soon after entered and went along

the bed of a small stream. We here dismounted ; for the bed of the stream

afforded a good path, as there was but little water, and consisted of sand

and pebbles. Blocks of petrified wood lay about in profusion, and so

good that the first piece I took up, I had mistaken for real wood.

Quartz pebbles were plentiful, but the rock on all sides was sandstone.

In some places the traffic had worn down the rock into a narrow passage,

where only one at a time could pass, and also into holes and steps, very

well for Nagas to grip with their bare feet, but slippery and unaccommodating

to thick-soled boots. To this narrow gorge succeeded an open tract close to

the foot of the first hill, part of which had been cultivated by Nagas a few years

ago, and had now relapsed into rank grass, as U'lu, Borata and Hamoru, with

a few trees here and there, and would in another few years be forest again. We

halted here to let the elephants come up : the path in several places, having

been obstructed by bamboo, had to be cleared a little for them. After

another steep ascent, we reached the head of the pass, or lowest point in this

first range, which here runs parallel with the valley.

The range of view extended from Jaipur in the east round by the hills

on the ‘ North bank,’ (or continuation of the Himalayas) which were

beautifully distinct, and then as far west as Cherydo and Nazira. Both

the hills we were on, and those bounding the north, presented a strong

contrast to the plain we had just left. The latter seemed as flat as it

was possible to be, literally a sea of jungle forest, an enormous dead level.

The smallness of the area under cultivation surprised us more than

any thing : it did not look one per cent. The Potars I could easily recognize,

Burasiilf, Nagahat, Bhagmorial, Borhoh, Tyrai, Tinikuria, Rohona Potar,

none were missed ; yet they were but little green streaks, hardly noticed in

the general view. With binoculars I could make them all out, even my

bungalow houses. The amount of waste land is enormous. The Brahma-

putra was not visible, though to be seen at times they say ; we searched also

in vain for Sibsagar ; the distance perhaps was too great, though it must have

been within our horizon line.

While we were enjoying the prospect, the chief brother of the Rajah

made his appearance with some of his people, and seemed quite delighted,

11

1872.] S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nagd Hills.

talking away as if we understood every word of his Naga, and rattling his

heads and bits of metal as he walked about. We soon afterwards

proceeded over some undulating ground, and then took to the bed of another

stream, also rocky, narrow, dark, and slippery ; the rocks still being sand-

stone, with a dip to the south of 70 0 to 80°, in fact almost vertical, the

strike running nearly east and west like the range itself. At a more open

part of the road, we came to a large pit, about 12' X 8' X 12' deep, right

in the path, and made to catch wild elephants. The bottom literally

bristled with large bamboo spears, 5 or 6 feet long, firmly fixed in the

earth, and carefully sharpened — certain death to any elephant falling in.

The pit was nearly hidden by overhanging grass and creepers and

was dug at a spot where the path on either side was difficult, and the

edges were undermined. After seeing our elephants pass this safely, we

went on the road now descending, and still over rock, usually very slippery,

and winding about abruptly, when after a second steep descent, we heard the

rush of water below and caught glimpses of the hills beyond. The stream was

soon reached. It is a tributary of the Tiok, called the Sissa, running here

to the east. It was now a small stream, but the rounded boulders on the

flanks bore witness to its being at times a formidable obstacle. Having

our doubts about the elephants being able to reach this point, we sat down

at a little ‘ Dhubi’, or water hole, under the shade of a Bor tree. The pool

turned out to be full of fish, so plentiful in fact that on throwing in a

small bit of gravel the whole bottom seemed to rise from all sides. Most

of them were small ; there were however a few large ones near the bottom.

The only way the Nagds take them is by hand or poison ; but we saw

a lot of Naganis carefully turning the stones over, and occasionally catching

a little one.

A Sowdong and a Ilundekai both of whom I knew well, were here waiting

for our arrival. A 1 Sowdong’ is a sort of travelling deputy to the Rajah ; and

a ‘ Hundekai’ is a resident deputy, and is of a higher grade. The highest next

to the Rajah and his family is a ‘ Khunsai,’ and there is one to each village.

We consulted them as to the best route, and they at first advised us to go along

the bed of the stream ; but as it was so full of huge rocks and holes, that ne

elephant could pass, we had to decide on the ordinary mountain path via

Longhong, the shortest way, but by far the steepest. The elephants at

last made their appearance ; how they managed to get down places, where

we had to scramble on all fours was a mystery to us — at times they seemed

immediately over us.

We crossed some deep clefts over which there were rude bridges. The

steepness of the ascent, especially under the hot sun, soon began to tell on us,

and the elephants seemed so distressed, though we were not half way up, that

we called a halt, and held a council, the first result being to unload the ele-

12

[No. 1,

S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nagd Hills.

plants and send them back to the Sissa, as we saw that we could not rely on

Naga estimates of distance or difficulty.

The Rfijah’s brother and the Hundokai of Longliong now had a long

and noisy palaver, as to who should, would, or could, furnish the men to

carry the few things left by the elephants. Their real power over internal

affairs seems small : the men of Longliong treated the Royal brother as

little better than their equal, and almost came to a row. Row enough there

always is when they argue any matter however small ; it seems their custom

to speak loud and look excited over nothing. The Longliong Hundekai

at last agreed to get the three or four men required, as his ‘ chang’ was near,

and we hastened their discussion by saying that if men did not soon come,

we should follow our elephants.

The Rajah’s brother now started off for Banpara to report that we

would not reach it that night, and get some huts built half way between

Longhong and Banpara where we could sleep.

This second hill is also of sandstone, running into a finer kind, and then

into a laminated clay, with a dip to the south of about 70° or 80°, and often

vertical and several times inverted. At the surface it seemed to form a rich

loam, and almost the whole hill was under rice, though seemingly a bad crop.

The road still followed the crest of the ridge, as is usual, and we soon

came to the region of bamboo, which is found close to the changs ; and where

it branched off’ leading to Banpara, we found the Longhong KMnsai seated

in state on some leaves, his spear stuck in the ground beside him. At some

20 feet on each side were other officials, also in state on loaves and with their

spears. The Khunsai I knew well, and had a talk with him. I found, he had

a bad foot, tied up in very dirty linen, and told him to wash both and keep a

water-poultice on. The only extra-decoration they indulged in was a topi

with a long feather in the crown. We wore passing on to see Longhong,

when the old fellow hailed us, and gave us his formal permission to

proceed. This we had omitted to wait for, but it seems to be considered by

them necessary.

A Longhong went with us, while the rest awaited our return to this

point. We now saw for the first time how they weed the ‘ dlian,’ commencing at

the bottom of the slopes and working upwards, in parties of ten to twenty.

The dlian stalks seem far apart, and they use a bamboo loop to scrape up the

earth, removing the weeds with the left hand and throwing them in little heaps.

Each house or family seems to have its dlian marked out by sticks, stones,

or weed heaps, and neighbours combine to work in batches. The rate

at which they get over the ground was astonishing, the work being well done.

The dlian was not in ear, and this was their second weeding. I was told, it

was enough for this year.

The land had last year, I believe, been redeemed from young forest and

S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nagd Hills.

13

1872.]

was almost destitute of trees and stumps. The labour they are put to

for a scanty crop is almost incredible. They seldom cultivate the same piece

of land for more than two years in succession, as grass comes up rapidly the

second year, and they have no way of eradicating it, the only implement

used in cultivation being the dhdo. After the second year, they let the land

go into jungle and make fresh clearances for their dlian. The hills are thus

in all stages of jungle and forest, now all grass, as Borata, Ulu, and Ilamoru ;

or ground deserted for three years, all in small tree jungle (for the trees kill the

grass in that time) ; on other patches again larger trees may be seen, five and

six years old, or eight and ten, and no grass at all. In about ten years all the

available rice-growing land has had a turn, and they can clear the young forest

again. They thus require far more land than the ryots in the plains, especially

if the smallness of the crop yielded is taken into account.

We soon reached Longhong passing through fine groves of Lottu and

Wattu bamboo, and came upon the fortifications of which I had heard so

often. The first attempt almost made us laugh. There were a few sticks

of ekra and bamboo stuck in like a common fence, on the off-side of a

ditch about 0 feet wide by 6 feet deep, over which there was a small bridge.

A little further on we passed some small raised ehangs, on which we saw

bodies tied up in Tocoopalm leaves, and roofed in. We heard it was the way

in which they disposed of their dead. All customs relating to this subject

are worth noting, so we examined them with some interest.

We next came to a kind of palisade, with a long narrow passage

between bamboo walls, three feet apart, not very strong, but enough to check

a rush. It was the most formidable point of defence, as it was commanded

by a large rock in front, on which a house had been built to give extra cover,

and had a precipice on the left, the right also being steep. There

seemed to be no one on duty, which was contrary to what I had heard

and expected. On entering the chang, we could see very few houses at a time,

the ground being very uneven, and the paths steep and tortuous, eminently

calculated for defence, and such as give the spear its fullest advantage,

when opposed to firearms.

The houses were all thatched with Tocoopalm leaves and not grass,

as in the plains, the centre posts also all projected through the roof line for

some 5 or 6 feet, and were bound with leaves, presenting a very singular

appearance. They were built without any arrangement, no doubt many times

over on the same sites, the level being eked out by a platform raised on posts,

which people use to sit on, or dance, or hold open ah- meetings.

But by far the most striking feature was the number and size of the

Jack trees, many of them evidently very old. We were told that the fruit,

of which there seemed a large crop, was religiously respected. Each house

.has certain trees. The timber used in building was also usually Jack, and as

14

S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nag A Hills. [No. 1,

it is one of the most durable timbers, the Jack trees serve two purposes. The

hill summits around are destitute of them, unless whore there is a village.

There seem in fact no villages without Jacks and no Jacks without a village.

We have therefore here a valuable means of reviewing their past history to

some extent, as Jack, Artocarpus integrifolius, is a slow-growing wood,

closely allied to the Sam, Cliama, or Artocarpus chaplasha Roxb., so celebrated

for building and other purposes, and which I suspect is the ‘ Satin-wood’ of

our English timber-dealers.

Water supply seemed a great difficulty. We often saw little troughs

placed to catch drippings from the rock, but containing little else than

mud. There are no tanks, I hear, and as most of the ‘ changs’ are built

on the hill tops, where springs are not likely to be numerous, it seems a

serious difficulty, enhanced too by the strata being all on-edge and sand-

stone. At this village, the water is obtained in a deep cleft facing the north

and some 300 yards down ; but even this occasionally fails.

We were taken to the highest point in the village from whence we had a

fine view of the surrounding changs. To the east, nearest to Longhong and the

plains, lay the Huru Mutons’ chang on its peak, which is wooded to the top.

With the binoculars the houses could be clearly seen in detail, they seemed

the same as in Longhong. The Huru Mutons are the deadly enemies of the

Banpara tribe, though so close. Next to the south lie the Kiilun Mutons, also

on a hill, and next to them again the Bor Mutons, on a conical hill with the

village on the apex. More to the south and in the extreme distance was the

chang of the Neyowlung Nagas, or, as they are called, Abors ; and due south

was U'nugaou, one of the four Banpara villages. Several small ranges ran

behind these, all inhabited by Abors, up to tho foot of the Deoparbat due east.

This mountain is uninhabited, and called ‘ Deoparbat’ from an idea that it

is haunted by a Deo, or devil. Hollow noises are said to be heard on

the summit, where a lake is believed to exist. It is wooded to the

top, and the western face is rather precipitous ; hero and there large

masses of rock stand out clear of the forest and so light as to look like

quartz. From behind Urntgiion a large hill rises, shutting in the view ;

on it are the so-called Abors, who can never get into the plains, though

in sight, as the border tribes would “ cut” them, as it is called. In the fore-

ground of this hill lay a series of small hills, all Banpara territory, and on one

of them we were shewn the village of that name where the Rajah resides.

Nearly due south-west, Joboka rises, and is as conspicuous here as from the

plains, having a gradual slope on its southern face, and a very steep one to the

north. It is the hill of the Joboka tribe, with whom the Banparas are con-

stantly at war, with varying success. As wo were viewing the changs around, a

good many women, boys, and girls came to stare at us, a compliment we

often involuntarily returned.

S. E. Peal — Visit to- tTie Niiga Hills.

15

1872.]

The sun was now getting low, and we returned to the place where we had

left the Khiinsai seated in state. He called several of the groups of weeders

up to see us. They at first seemed afraid to come, most of them being women

and girls, a few stunted and old, and some strapping wenches, who could do

more climbing in a day than I in a week. We then took the path down

the hill and among the dhan, that led to Banpara, many weeding parties on

the road stopping to stare and jabber at us. They certainly seemed to work

hard, though it was nearly dark, and long past the time to leave off work in

the plains.

We now reached the point where the huts had been built on the Sissa

River, and just as it got dark, our men with the loads came in at the same

time.

The temporary huts were rude in the extreme, consisting only of a few

sticks stuck in the ground and others laid across. Some wild plantain leaves

formed our so-called roof. The stream rushing among the stones gave us a

pleasant reminiscence of home, and soon sent us to sleep.

About an horn* after, we were all roused up by a loud thunder-clap,

and found by the incessant lightning that a storm was coming up. We there-

fore hastily rigged walls to the chang we slept on, a waterproof sheet making

a good roof ; our guns were stowed under our heads and our sundries under

the chang. The rain came down in torrents, but we were so tired that we

fell asleep, and did not find till morning that we had been saturated. Some

Nagas came diming the storm down from Banpara, hound for Longhong ; how

they managed to find their way in the dark puzzled us. We also heard bears

not far off.

On the 31st we were up early, and had our breakfast. The royal

brother now made his appearance, several Khunsais and Hundekais

came too, to escort us, and all who could muster up the remains of

a coat, wore the same in our honour. On starting, we adopted the Naga

custom of using a staff, as they do their ‘ jatties’, or spears, to assist

us in getting over the rough ground, and found we got on far easier by

its help.

The path, at first very steep and up a ferny cleft, soon became more

level, and passed round the shoulders and along the ridges of a series of small

hills, tolerably level in the main, and at a sufficient height to give us a good

view of our surroundings. A part ot the road had just been cleared for us,

or the jungle and grass had been thrown aside, for which we were much

obliged to them as the grass was literally dripping with dew. As in Asffin,

the morning dew here is like a shower, and on pausing for a moment, it

sounded quite loud falling from the trees and jungle.

At about half way to Banpara, we came to a kind of abbatis, at a point

that could he easily defended, i. e., a narrow ridge with a precipice on each

1G

[No. 1,

S. E. Peal — Visit to the Naga Hills.

side, and not more than four or five yards across. The obstruction was com-

manded by a rise in the ground beyond, on which there was good cover, while

there was none on the near side. The fortification could not be seen, even from

a distance, and was no doubt the best point of defence on the route. There

was, however, another point further on where the road for a short distance

was cut on the face of a precipice, and only a few inches wide. Here a

few determined men could hold any number in check for some time, the preci-

pice being so steep, that I plucked a leaf off a tree top that was fully eighty

feet high. We soon after came to the region of Dollu and Wattu bamboos, of

which there were immense numbers, and here saw cattle tracks, both cows and

buffaloes, and were told they came by the same route as we did, which wo

could hardly credit.

They here asked our permission to fire a salute, no doubt to warn the

Rajah’s people of our proximity. We soon after reached the first point in the

village finding it a counterpart of Longhong, extremely irregular and broken

up, the houses all thatched with Tocoo leaves, and the centre posts project-

ing. The Jack trees were both large and numerous ; we also saw a Naga

‘ bik’, or poison, tree, the leaves of which are used to intoxicate fish, an

endogen and not unlike an aloe on a long stem. They at once conducted

us to the Rajah’s house, the largest by far in the ohang, and also the highest.

It was a repetition of all the other houses. We had to climb up a notched tree

stem to reach tho bamboo chang floor, and found ourselves at once in the

Royal presence.

The Rajah seemed a shrewd man, about 40 to 45 years old, tall and of

course tattooed. He was seated on a sort of huge stool about 8 feet by 4

or 5, over which there was a coloured rug of either Indian or English

manufacture, certainly not Naga. We were pointed out to a similar sort

of bench opposite, at about 8 or 10 feet distance, where wo sat down,

glad to get a rest after our toil, and to look around us a little.

The heir-apparent sat on a smaller throne, to the Rajah’s right and at

some 15 or 20 feet, a strapping fine young fellow. He had an heir-

apparent-manner about him which was to some extent very telling, and was de-

corated a la Naga ; for with exception of a black cloth flung round him while

he sat, he had but a bead and cowrie costume, and was tattooed also of

course. The Royal brothers of the Rfijah were all en suite, and sat about Roy-

alty on little three-legged stools, tho whole of them with faces of such

intense gravity shaded off' by a futile attempt at indifference, that they

looked supremely ludicrous. Of the brothers we fo und there were six ;

we had only heard of two. On the outskirts of this upper ten, sat

and stood the sons and nephews, &c., some of them very smart young fellows,

and decorated in the most fantastic style, and very few tattooed. In the

distance sat the outsiders, and not a few. Most of the Khunsais,

Hundekais, and Sowdongs, who could do so, camo to see us.

17

1872.] S. E. Peal — Visit to the Naga Hills.

We were now treated to unlimited discourse, several speaking at once,

sometimes in Asamese which we could understand, and often in Naga which

we could not — chiefly as to how the Rajah had heard of us, and wished to

look on us as “ brothers”, that I had been some three or four years so near and

had never visited him before. The Raj ah spoke of the difficulty which his people

often had in getting grain, and that they then relied to a great extent on

several villages in the plains. We in fact heard that in the Rajah s house

alone was there any considerable quantity of grain from last year s crop.

Some little stress was laid on our passing “ their Duars,” and we could plainly

see that they had but vague ideas regarding their position. We were in-

vited to behold the power and grandeur of the Rajah of Banpara, whose

sway extended over several mountains and four villages, i. e., Banpara,

Longhong, Und, and Nokrong, while neighbouring Royalty often was con-

fined to one, and whose warriors were literally countless, at least by Naga

numerals.

We were then asked to perform a few miracles, in a general way, with

which we immediately complied, firing our revolvers into a large tree stem

close by. My friend led ofl' steadily, and when I began he reloaded

and kept it up and put five more from my revolving carbine. This was a good

beginning, and there was a great deal of wind expended over it in ‘ wah-

wahing it was considered awful. He then drew fire from heaven, or rather the

sun, through a lens of the binoculars. And no amount of persuasion would

induce a Naga to hold his hand under the focus. Matches were enquired

after, and seemed to yield endless jabbering, when struck. I happened to

strike one on my waistbelt having nothing hard enough near, and I after-

wards heard that they thought I lit it by simply touching my skin, and that

my deota must be a “ knowing devil.” A magnet attracting or repelling a

needle, even from underneath the paper it lay on, was ‘ dawai,’ medicine,

and seemed to astonish less than I had expected.

_ An inspection of the house was then suggested, and it seems the correct

thing to sit in audience for a time at one end and then walk through to the

other, letting off a few polite ejaculations en route.

The house must have been 200 feet by 50 at least, though perhaps in

the centre not over 30 feet high, from the floor. Like most of them, it was

built two-tliirds on the rock, and one-third continued out level by a chang,

where the ground fell considerably, and supported on posts. This last is

the audience end, and had in this case no gable wall, the roofing being semi-

circular, so as to keep out wet. For the first 50 or 60 feet where the floor rested

on posts, it was like a huge barn inside, and had no partitions, the large Jack

posts shewing well in three rows, one down the centre, and one each side at

about 15 feet. Some of the Marolis, or horizontal beams, (wall plates of the

builder) were enormous, fully a foot or a foot and a half thick at the but end,

3

c

[No. 1,

18 S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nagd Hills.

and some 50 to 60 feet long. How they were ever raised to their places, let

alone up such a hill, was a mystery to us, though we were told that men lifted

them on their shoulders. On the right hand wall were hung hones and

skulls of pig, deer, mitton, buffalo, &c. About 50 or 60 lower jaws of the

boar, made a fine display, all hung in a row, some huge tusks among them —

evidently all hung as trophies of “ feasting.”

The central portion of the house through which we next passed, appeared

to have a series of cattle pens on each side of a central passage, the floor

being rock, it was dark as pitch, and by no means fresh. From the

tittering and whispering we heard as we passed or stumbled through, we

concluded it was the realms of bliss, and after a hundred feet of it, we

came out into another large room or hall, dedicated to dhan husking and

pounding, the huge ural, cut out of a solid tree, being placed lengthwise and

having places for about forty people to pound at once ; the floor was also

covered with husks. Here also we saw a small bamboo quad, for refractory

youths.

On returning to the audience end, we were told that the Rajah was

ready to receive his presents, “ as most of the Khunsais and Hundekais had

gone.” So we made our men produce what we had brought, having been

previously told by our own people, that we must expect them to be dissatisfied,

but not to mind it. We had a large purple cloth with broad silver lace

for the Rajah, a scarlet shirt, clasp knives, a red blanket, and Rs. 20 in cash.

The others came in for similar things of less value, but which were reduced

by their being six brothers instead of two as we had expected.

No end of palaver followed, and as we had been warned, they wanted

more. The Rajah, it seems, had set his heart on a gun. This we assured him

was very strictly prohibited, and that we of course dare not give one, and

this I had often told them, but no attention was paid to our remark, the way

they urged it shewed how little they understand us. One of the oldest

Sowdongs who has seen three Rajahs, a man I knew well and who understands

mo better than most Nagas do, got up and made a long speech in Asamese,

reiterating all the arguments, and eventually proposing seriously, that I

should write direct to the * Maharaiu’, and explain clearly, that it was for the

Rajah of Banpara, and she would at once acceed to the proposition. This

was hailed by all as a coup de grace for us, and the general buzz as he sat

down clearly proved he had brought down the House. To this we had to

answer, that if guns were granted to one Rajah, all would claim them, and some

were, as he knew, very insignificant, so that we knew no exception would be

allowed. A revolver was next tried for, but we said that they were very

complicated, often going off when least expected, and killing those dearest,

as well as nearest. I was then offered a slave, if I would yield the gun

question, and 1 understood, a slave for life ; but this we had to shake our

heads over, and look serious.

1872.]

19

S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nag a Hills.

The palaver continuing we retired to where a part of the hall had been

partitioned off for us by mat walls, under cover of a remark we heard that

if there was much talk, a Sahib’s head ached. We now enjoyed a little peace,

a biscuit, and a cigar, in more privacy. A deputation soon after came in to

urge the gun case, but we ordered them out, in a mixed dialect, saying that

Sahibs were not in the habit of paying taxes this way, and if they only want-

ed our presents, we should return at once. This had the desired effect. A

procession now came up the house, headed by a Khunsai and the Rajah’s

brother, the former beating a little gong, which was laid before us as the

present from his Royal Highness, together with a couple of young goats ; but

we had been so worried, that we told our people privately, if possible, to

forget them when coming away.

A visit to the houses of the chief brothers was next suggested, and we

started off on a tour. They were all much alike, though smaller than the first :

an audience end, open and with trophies of the chase and poison, then a

series of the cattle pens as before mentioned, on each side of a dark passage,

and a room at the other end for dhan-husking with its ural. The floor

in all rose as we went on, the first portion being a cliang raised on

posts, and matted. We saw here some Abor women or girls, wives of the

owners, one of whom, we were told, had cost five buffaloes, and was the daughter

of an Abor Rajah. They seemed far more sprightly and intelligent and

good looking than Naganls, and could, we thought, understand us far

better too ; whether they were exceptional cases, I cannot say. They wore

the hair in a long queue, tied up with beads and wire, and in many

cases it was long, not cropped at all, as is common among RTfigSnis.

Costume as usual was at a discount, and as is often said “ a pocket handkerchief

would make four suits yet with all this, I doubt if we could beat

them in either real modesty or morals, and this applies to Naganls

too.

The Morrang (dead house) , or place where the skulls taken in their wars

are put, was next visited. It also contained the great drum cut out of a tree

stem and hollowed like a boat. I had reason to think that they might have

scruples to take us in, and as I had often tried to get a skull, I did not shew

my interest in it outwardly. Roughly estimated, there were about 350 skulls.

About half of them hung up by a string through a hole in the crown and in

the open gable end, the other half lying hi a heap on the ground. No lower

jaws to be seen, nor hands and feet, as I had expected. The latter are always

cut off with the head when a man is killed, and confer another kind of ‘ ak’

or decoration. None seemed fractured by a dh&o, and a large number were

of young people, or children, being small and smooth.

We were conscious of being face to face with the great cause of this

tribal isolation, constant warfare, evidently a custom of great antiquity.

20

[No. 1,

S. E. Peal — Visit to the Ndgd Hills.

As long as social position depends on tattooing as here, and can only he got

by bringing hi the head of an enemy, so long shall we have these wars

and consequent isolation of clans. The man who brings in a head is no

longer called a boy or woman, and can assist in councils of state, so call-

ed. And he seldom goes out on a raid again, I hear. The head he brings,

is handed to the Rajah, who confers the ‘ ak,’ or right of decoration by

tattoo, at which there is great feasting, and pigs, cows, or even buffaloes are

killed, and no end of ‘ moad,’ or fermented rice water, is drunk. Those who

are not tattooed, when old enough, make a party and lie in wait for stragglers*

men, women, or children, anybody in fact with a head on him ; and as cover is

plentiful, they can get on the enemy’s land and lie in ambush along side his

paths ; never breaking cover unless certain of success and getting clear off

All those who get heads, get the ak on the face ; those who get hands and

feet, get marks accordingly ; for the former on the arms, for the latter on the

legs. No two tribes, however, have the marks alike, and some even do not

tattoo the face.

The worst of this kind of warfare is that women and children are as

often killed as men, and without any compunction. I had a smart little fellow

here at work for a long time, named 1 Allee,’ (four) and once asked him how

he got his ak. He said he went out and lay in wait a long tune near a

spring, and at last a woman came for water, and he crept up behind her, and

chopped her on the head, and then cut it off, and got off himself as quickly

and quietly as he could. It was utterly incomprehensible to him how such

a thing could be unmanly, I found it waste of time and breath trying to

convince him.

Besides the skulls, the Morrang also contains the big drum which is

nothing more than a “ dug-out.” It is beaten by short heavy sticks, and can

be heard a groat distance. The drum from the Muton Chang can be heard

here, at least six or seven miles in a direct line. Some are made of a hollow

tree with the inside gradually burned out , and open at the ends, some 20 feet

long by 3 to 4 in diameter.

From here we went back to the Rajah’s house, and heard an alarm of

fire, which, from the general excitement, seems to be rather dreaded. On the

chang we had a good wash, water being poured out of bamboos. It is here

also rather scarce, and I dare say they considered it woeful waste to use it

for such a purpose.

Our dinner was now ready, and as it was getting dusk, we went into our

apartment, not, however to dine in private, as we had hoped. Our mat wall

contained too many loopholes, to be resisted by feminine curiosity, and an

audience of thirty or forty had to be submitted to, whose exclamations at every

new phase in our proceedings-gave us proof of our being among many people

who had never before seen a white face. I have no doubt that the modus

1872.]

21

S. E. Peal — Visit to the Naga Hills.

operancli was to them mysterious in the extreme ; our candles, tumblers,

knives, forks, and spoons, were as good as news in a foreign tongue.

It being now dark, we made preparations to let off a couple of rockets,

which I had brought, as a final exhibition. A good site was selected where

they could fly over an uninhabited, precipice, and yet he seen by the whole

village. A bamboo tube guide was soon placed and the fuse lit, after placing

the Elijah’s party where it could be well seen. The fuse, however, went out and

had to be re-lit, when the rocket flew off beautifully, just in the direction I had

wished. A gun had been fired to warn the pykes to be on the look out, and

we heard a hum of exclamations at once. After about five minutes, I fired the

other and it flew, if anything, higher than the first, and burst well, the stars

coming out well too, a piece of the case kept burning just long enough to let

them see their value. It was evident, they were in mortal dread, as they

told us that they were all very sleepy. I afterwards heard that the rockets

were looked on as two devils, which I do not wonder at. As a “ peace-

offering” they were very valuable, I have no doubt. Our audience had to be

turned away at last, as they shewed signs of staying by us all night, and we

went to sleep. We were disturbed about two or three hours after, by a torch

being thrust in, and found we were being ‘ interviewed’ by some fresh arrivals

from another chang. To this we responded in Anglo-Saxon and Asamese

adjectives, and had them bundled out, and got peace at last.

On the 1st June, we were awoke by the old Sowdong calling out to us that

if we slept after the sun was up, we should be ill, which must bo a Naga

proverb. The view to the east, as the sun rose behind Deoparbat, was magni-

ficent. Tbo bottom of the valleys filled with white mist, the mountain

shadows crossing in great blue bars, an isolated peak rising here and there clear

like an island wooded to the top. We were ready to start, and were advised

to start soon, as the sun would be hot. We bade adieu to the Eajah in

pantomime fashion, to which he responded, and then went away, each provided

with a staff that saved us many a slip.

The walk did us good, and we got to the Sissa at 8 o’clock, a distance

of about five or six miles, and sat down for a short time, to see if our men

would come up. I went a little way up stream to a picturesque bend where

the water rushed on each side over large boulders in the bed, making a great

noise. The cliff on the other side was a sheer precipice of sandstone strongly

laminated, dip to south 85° to 90°. Here we watched some girls gathering

stones about the size of oranges used in preparing rice.

Finding our men did not soon come up, we started on through the Erra

back towards the Longhong path, the sun being fearfully hot, and several

times we had to rest, there being no shelter. On gaining the Longhong road,

we sat down and found the Naganis close at our heels though carrying heavy

loads. We here remarked for the first time the peculiar noise like a whistle or

22

[No. 1,

S. E. Peal — Visit to the JSfar/d Hills.

note on a flute, clear and plain and seeming to come from the chest, made

by Naganls when carrying loads and distressed. The men told us that they

always did so, when fatigued and out of breath. Subsequently we heard the

same noise or note, and found it was made by an old Naganl, who carried a

maund of rice and seemed half dead, though a muscular old lady.

Wo now selected a hut among the dhan in which to rest and enjoy the

view till our men came up. It certainly was a magnificent view, and I could

see a white speck on the horizon towards Sibsagar that may have been

the Rongghar or Ghargaon.

We were highly amused at the Huluks, or long-armed apes. They

hallooed, the chorus being led off by one giving two distinct whistles ; he

then stopped and the chorus rose to a climax and fell off again ; after a pause

the two distinct whistles were repeated, and the chorus at once broke out

again. In no instance did they ever begin without the “ que.” Subse-

quently I found that I could start them by using a railway whistle, which

I use to attract deer on moonlight nights. I do not know, by the way, if

the fact is known, that on hearing loud whistling (during October and

November, at least) deer will charge. I once shot a large Samhre doe, as

large as a pony, skin 9 feet from the nose to tip of tail ; on my whist-

ling loud, it charged out of the jungle into the open and, on repeating the

whistle, charged straight at us, when I knocked it over at twenty yards. Eight

men could hardly carry it in. The fact is well known here, but I do not

know if naturalists are aware of it.

While resting in the hut and admiring the view, some NagSs and

Naganfs came up en route to see the elephants. We therefore accompanied

them and soon got to the Sissa where the elephants were located and found

all ready to start. Many people had come to stare at the tame elephants, and to

fish. We were admiring the surroundings, and watched the women catching

fish by hand, when a man came to say that our muharrir had had some difficulty

in getting our loads carried down, and that after starting one man had

run away, though close to the chang, and he had to return and get another.

Our loads were thus so delayed, that we determined to push on home, where

we arrived about 5 P. M., earlier than wc had expected, as the distance must

be 20 to 21 miles ; but we wore not so fatigued after all.

The muharrir came in after dark, very much disgusted at the trick

they had served him. The influence of the Rajah seems less than might he

expected and the liberty of the subject at its maximum.

We could not help speculating, during our trip, on the effect of

introducing some good seeds, as the potatoe, which would no doubt grow here

luxuriantly. From internal evidence, the population seems to have been

stationary for a long period, perhaps centuries. The checks are all positive,

too, such as constant warfare and the want of food, inducing disease,

1872.]

23

S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nag a Hills.

&c.# The trouble, time, and labour expended in raising their crop of hill rice,

or their Koni dhanf, if sunk in potatoes or wheat, would yield them four or

six fold, and enough to supply the plains with the former, as in the Kliassia

Hills. Whether it is politic to render them wholly independent while they

have such vague ideas regarding their relationship to us, I cannot say. A

peace policy till we get a railway, would seem the best for us planters>

unless extraordinary vigour was shewn. A glance at the map, and a knowledge

of what they have done, would show at once that they could nearly annihilate

tea south of the Brahmaputra, by a system of night raids, for which they

are famous. The present almost deserted state of this portion of the Sib-

sagar district, between the Dik’ho and Diling and south of the Dhodur All,

is a standing proof of what they did forty years ago, “ committing such

devastation,” according to Robinson, “ as to force the ryots to remove from

the neighbourhood, and stop all communication by the roads.” And there

are men living who remember this tract as a vast village, or a series of villages.

The destruction was done by Nagas, Burmese, and Singphus.

Not only during our trip, but both before and after, the question of

our present mutual relationship pressed on our notice. It is not a bad habit,

especially in a country like this, which we have recently invaded, to get the

“ oldest inhabitant” in any locality, and enquire. Thus we here heard

among others, that there never was, in the old days, a fixed boundary

to the province here, and not only did the Nagas give regular tribute in

kind to the Asamese Rajalis, but the so-called Abors as well. There were

both Naga and Abor ‘ Sokeals,’ or Official Interpreters, and the Abor

tribes had access to the plains through certain routes, now closed to them.

I see also, by referring to Robinson’s Asam, p. 384, that the Nagas about

here are reported to have paid allegiance to the Rajahs of Asam, and

again so at bottom of p. 386. As far as I can see, the tribes about here

now forget this, and consider themselves de facto free, and any attempt

on our part to remind them of their former allegiance by active measures,

such as taxation or surveys, would lead to serious complications and to a

* Wo did not see the places where they cultivate their kachchus, and garden

produce, called “ Erra j” hut I have since scon some clearances of this kind, at the

Naga village near Borhat on the Desang and Dhodar All. The land was carefully

enclosed by a fence made of the boughs of the trees felled inside the clearance, not

piled carelessly, but built up so as to be wholly impassable and impervious to pigs.

Inside, I found kachchus, chillies, yams, and also mint, cotton, and plants which

I did not know. The ground was carefully weeded, and paths led though it, and

small « tongis,’ or huts on posts, were erected here and there to servo for watching

at night.

I found many opium-eaters at this village, even among the lads. They are

Mohongias.

t Koni, dhan, and sowl.

24

[No. 1,

S. E. Peal — Visit to the Naga Hills.

combined action on their part. What we have most to fear is their incredible

ignorance : hemmed in and stationary themselves, they cannot comprehend

our having other troops than what they see at Dibrogarh, and laugh to scorn

any idea of our being able to cope with them. Like an enraged child with

a knife, they may inflict some severe cuts before the knife is taken from

them.

The question of population of course occupied our attention, and is one

difficult of solution. This tribe consists of four villages, and the mean of

several Asamese and Naga estimates of the number of houses was as

follows :

Banpara, .

Longhong,

Uhii,

Nokrong, .

300 houses.

200

350

50

Or a total for the tribe of 900 houses.

I am inclined, however, to think it far above the truth, and that 600

houses is nearer the mark, and that the able-bodied men are about 1,000 to

1,200, or two to a house.

The Joboka Niigas have five villages, i. e. Joboka, Kamlung, Bor U'tii,

Ham U'td, and Longting, and an Asamese estimate gives the following

numbers : —

Joboka, 500

Kamlung, 400

Bor. U’td, 400

Hdru ITtd, 300

Longting, 200

Total 1800 houses.

This also, I think, is over-estimated, and 1000 to 1,200 will be nearer

the truth. This would give, say 2,000 able-bodied men.

The Miltons have four villages, i. e., Bor Muton, Huru Mutons, Kulun

Mutons, and Naugaon, (I may add that it was called ‘new village’ at least

sixty years ago). Whether these are really separate tribes or simply different

villages of one, I cannot say. A Rajah is at each, but they never go to war

with one another, but fight on the contrary together, I believe, against any

enemy. Their ak also is the same.

Of the Bor Duarias, Pan! Duarias, and Namsangias, I cannot give

an estimate, but 1 think that they have not less than 1000 to 2000 houses,

each tribe.

23

1872.] S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nag a Hills.

Some of the Abor tribes again are very small and consist of but one

village, and that a small one ; as the village and tribe of Banhsang (Bamboo-

chang). AVitb a powerful telescope, which I had for a short time here, I could

make out changs on many peaks, far in the distance to the south, of

whom neither the Asamese nor the Nagas had any knowledge whatever, and no

name hut Abor, and I regretted not having a good telescope with me when

on my trip, as we could have seen changs away in several directions, not to be

seen from the plains.

Between the Pesang on the east and the Dik’ho, there are as many as 8

or 10 tribes having a frontage to AsSm. From Desang to Lufl'ry alone, only

35 miles, there are six tribes, i. e., Bor Dudrias, Miltons, Banparas, Jobokas,

Sanglors, and Lakmas, and this gives but six miles average frontage. They

do not extend far into the hills, so that each may safely be said to occupy

about 40 or 50 square miles. In some cases a tribe is more extensively

placed ; but again in others, as Sinyong, the entire tribe consists of but one

village. I know of no cases where one tribe has conquered, and become

possessed of the lands of another ; hence the status quo seems of long continu-

ance. The oldest ‘ Nog, ions,’ or new villages, are not less seemingly than

40 or 50 years.

As a consequence of the above noted custom of head-cutting, and its

isolating influence, few Ndgas reach the plains, but those living on the

border. We thus see a community of some hundreds perched on a hill, and

depending almost exclusively on their own resources, constantly fighting

others similarly isolated, on all sides, yet thoroughly able to maintain them-

selves. Perhaps in no other part of the world can so complete a tribal

isolation be seen, and subdivision carried to such an extreme. The available

land, too, seems all taken up. To every 40 or 50 square miles there are

about four villages, of perhaps one hundred families each ; yet from the

nature of the case, as before stated, not more than an eighth or tenth of the

land available can be cultivated at one time, and the population would seem

to have reached its maximum.

I am aware that in some places there are hills and ranges said to he

uninhabited, but I know of no such places here, except the peaks and ridges

of the highest hills, 5,000 feet high, or more. All the other hills, as far as

the telescope can penetrate, shew signs of recent or previous cultivation.

But not even the names of the tribes are known, let alone the villages. In-

deed, I have lately detected large villages where all Nagas insisted that there

were none.

The raids and isolated murders for which this large tract of country

is so celebrated, have one feature in common, viz., surprise. Cover is

so universal, and favourable to the attack, that advantage is invariably taken

of it until the last moment. As a rule, when a whole tribe is at war, the

4 n

20

[No. 1,

S. E. Peal — Visit to the Ndga Hills.

cause is a general one. One Rajah or tribe has been grossly insulted by

another. In such cases a chang may be surprised and burnt by a com-

bination of several villages. In other cases a single village of one tribe

is at war with another village of a different tribe, without involving the

other villages in hostilities. Bor Muton may be at war with Unu, and not

involve Kiiluns or Longhong. Or again what is a common form, the young

and untattooed men of three or four villages of say two distinct tribes may

combine and, headed by a few older men, quietly traverse the jungles to a

more distant tribe and village and, suddenly attack the people in their

cultivation, the object being simply heads.

Returning to the Banparas, I may say that with regal’d to weapons,

they use, like most Nagas, the ‘ jattie,’ or spear, and the ‘ dhao.’ They also

use the cross-bow.# I see that Robinson lays great stress on their not

having hows and arrows ; he considers its total disuse a very singular

circumstance, and draws rather weighty conclusions from it. It is not,

I hear, of recent date. In the use of the jattee they seem clumsy and

bad shots ; I have tried batches of several tribes at a mark for prizes,

but found them unable to reach 80 yards. Nor could they touch a sack of

straw for half an hour at 60 yards (whore I volunteered to go and be shot at),

but at 40 yards one did succeed.

Captain Norton says in his book on * Projectiles,’ that he could once

throw a spear 170 yards, and saw the wife of an Australian chief throw one

120 yards ; hence the Nagas do not seem very formidable on this score. They

use their jatties for close work, usually from ambush, and never attack in

the open.

The dh&o is used as a hatchet or mace, and held by both hands. One

blow is usually enough, if fairly given in a fight, as they can cut with tre-

mendous force. The jungle is so thick and common, that their warfare is

wholly by ambush and surprise, and this gives the dhao great advantages.

The bow is chiefly used for game and pigs.

They have a shield, or ‘ plior,’ made of buffalo or boar skin, and often

ornamented by goat’s hair dyed scarlet, or by cowries. It figures in their war

dances, but I suspect is not much used elsewhere, unless in a premeditated

onslaught.

Like most savages, the Naga seems to aim at making himself look as

hideous as possible, and their decorations at times of festivity have solely

that object. Their head gear seems generally to have some bunches of hair

fastened to long light stems so as to jerk about while moving. It is the hair

of the man or woman who has been killed, and in all cases, I think, is human

hair, if not of an enemy. But there seems no one particular head gear which

* ‘ Hap’ in Naga.

1872.] S. E. Peal — Visit to the Ndga Hills. 27

all adopt ; on the contrary, there is infinite variety ; any one who can dress or

look more hideous than his neighbour, is at perfect liberty to do so.

The chiefs often wear a long dark blue coat like a dressing-gown not tied,

that contrasts strongly with their usually nude condition. Asamese cloths

are also bought, and worn by the Nagas who can afford the luxury,

during the cold season, but those who cannot, wear the little scrap

commonly seen at all times and about the size of foolscap. Women

wear an equally scanty morsel, which in some tribes, I hear, is even dis-

pensed with. Pewter, or red cane, bracelets or armlets are considered

of far greater value and moment. As far as we could see, the women wear no

head gear at all, and about hall' have the hair cropped short.

The bunches of hair and feathers on the topis are all usually mounted on

thin slips of buffalo horn, exactly like whale hones.

Of trade there is little or none. With the exception of the salt mines

or springs eastward, and some pan and kachchus brought in exchange for

rice, there is no such thing as trade. The tribes are too poor to be able

to trade, and the constant state of warfare renders commerce impossible. On

concluding a peace, some dhaos and Abor cloths change hands, or a mitton ;

but as a rule the border tribes act as a most effectual barrier to all attempts

at commercial transactions with those beyond.

It may he worth noting that the border tribes have now lost the art

of weaving or very nearly so, as the little scraps of cloth they require, are pro-

cured in Asam ; while the Abors are able to weave very pretty, though coarse,

pieces of party coloured cloth, as they cannot trade with Asam.

If it were possible to open broad, neutral avenues among these hills, to

allow the remoter hill tribes a chance of getting into the plains, it would

benefit all parties and injure none, and the Abors* would thus be our native

allies. I may here mention that, even in the rains, five hours’ dry weather after

a week’s rain leaves communications as they were before the rain. The water

runs off as it falls, while in Asam we should have a month’s ‘ boka,’ or mud.

Both physically and linguistically, there is a good deal of difference in

the tribes bordering each other. The Naga vocabulary compiled by Mr.

Bronson at Jaipur in 1840, is of no use here, but sixteen miles west, though

some words are known ; but the numerals are different, and they here only

count to ten.

* I have carefully enquired both among Asamese and Nagas regarding tho

Abors, whether they have a wish to visit the plains, and all without exception say,

they are extremely anxious to do so. This of course is to be expected, as some of

their most valuable articles, as iron, comes from Asam, though in small quantities and

in shape of dhaos. Asam to them is like a goal, always is sight, but never to be

reached. They live in sight of the plains, at not more than a day’s journey.

They are born, live, and die, longing to cross a narrow strip of land, but cannot.

28

[No. 1,

S. E. Peal — Visit to the Naga Ilills.

When once with a number of Banparas on the road, a large party of

Nagas passed, and as neither party spoke, I asked who they were. I was

pointed out their hill, and on asking why they did not speak, they said they

would not understand one another. This I thought a good opportunity

to try them, and told them to call them'in Naga and ask who they were. On

being called to, they all turned round, and stopped, but said nothing ; I

then made them call again; but to no purpose, the other party simply jabbered

together in twos and threes, and on calling them a third time as to where they

were going, they shouted out a lot of Naga which my fellows could not make

out. Both parties passed on, unable to exchange a word, though living

within a few miles of each other. A few words did pass, but they were As-

amese. I asked how they knew the men, and they said “by their ak,” or

tattoo marks. There is more lingual variation among the remote tribes, I

believe, than those bordering As&m, as the latter frequently meet in the plains

on a peaceful footing, while the Abors are shut out from all intercourse.

The physique also varies with the tribe. I can as a rule tell a Joboka

man from a Banpara, and those from a Muton, or Namsangia, and Asamese.

Those who are familiar with the tribes can easily do so, without seeing the ak to

guide them, simply judging by their general physique and colour. Of course

there are exceptional cases, such as small stunted men, or others unusually tall

or well made.

Practically, the extraordinary confusion of tongues opposes a serious

obstacle to the explorer, and the sooner we set to work to reduce the confusion

by inducing opposite causes, the better for us and our successors, and for them

and their successors. Tattooing as a decoration, or prize for committing

murder, is at the bottom of it all, I fancy, and is so deeply rooted, that it

may take a long time to eradicate by peaceful means.

Their religion seems confined to the fear of a legion of deotas or devils,

and has no system, and their devils are of course on a par with their limited

ideas. Whatever they do not understand, is the work of a ‘ deota.’*

Every tree, rock, or path, has its ‘ deo,’ especially lor trees, and water-

falls. If a man is mad, a deo possesses him, who is propitiated by offerings

of dhan, spirits, or other eatables. Deos in fact are omnipresent, and are

supposed to do little else than distress human beings. The only remedy

is presents and counter witchcraft. They seem to have no idea of a Supreme

Being, the idea is certainly not ‘ innate’ here. There are no regular priests,

though they have ‘ deorfs,’ men whose office it is to bury or attend to the

dead. Two or more such men are in each village. They tie up the corpse

* I was once asked by a Naga to point out which of two men had robbed him of

three Rupees, and to use, for the purpose, a small horse-shoe magnet I had. Ho was

under the impression that it was capable of pointing out moral delinquencies.

29

1872.] S. E. Peal — Visit to the Naga Hills.

in tocoo leaves, and put it on the ‘ riik tuas,’ where it is left till sufficiently

decayed when the skull is put in the Morrang.

Appendix I.

Numerals used by the lianparas and neighbouring tribes.

It is worth noting that the Banpara numerals all begin with a, except

the first.

Specimen op a Naga Vocabulary.

* The Mohongias, or Bor and Pam Duarias, 8 miles east,

t The Narnsangias are at Jaipur, 16 miles east.

[No. L

30 S. E. Peal — Visit to the Nag a Mills.

1872.]

S. E. Peal — Visit to the Mgd Kills.

31

Appendix II.

The Asamese Koni Pih, or Poison Perry.

The seeds of this shrub or tree are used by the Asamese to kill and

intoxicate fish in the rivers. They usually select the deep pools, after

the floods have subsided, and stake both the outlet and inlet, so as to prevent

the fish from escaping.

It seems that both the leaf and the bark are capable of poisoning, if used

in any quantity ; but they are not used, because the seed (husk and all) is far

more active. Some say the husks alone are to be used.

Fresh seeds are not selected, but rather old and half rotten ones, and I

hear that if they have lain on the ground, they are still better. The custom is

to collect them some days before the poison is required, and steep them m water-

When soft they are pounded up, seed, husk and all, with some water, care being

taken to protect the face and especially the eyes. When thoroughly reduced

to a pulp, the mass is allowed to stand a day or two, and is then ready to be

thrown into the stream a little above the place selected to catch the fish.

About 5fts. of seed will poison a large ‘ dhubi,’ and of course affect the

stream a long way down. I hear that it is injurious to human beings, and

stories were told me of people killed by it, but I doubt the fact. It seems

universally agreed that if the seeds are kept for a long time in a pot, moistened

and allowed to rot ('? ferment), the poison is far more active, than if only

kept a few days.

‘ Nagd Pih,' another poison used to intoxicate and MU fish.

The tree known by this name grows to a large size, often 2, 3 and 4 feet

in girth, and 50 to 80 feet high. Unlike the Koni Bill, the seeds must be

used when rather unripe, or at least not old ; but all parts of the tree seem

to yield the active principle, though the seeds contain most for a given

weight. The poison is also most virulent if used immediately ; and for

this reason, I suppose, it is the juice itself that is poisonous, and not any

product of fermentation, as seems the case in the first poison. A larger

quantity is also required to produce the same result. It is prepared much

the same way as Koni Bih, that is, pounded up with water and macerated.

The outside of the husk is covered with fine hair or down. The seed

case when cut through, rapidly clanges from a light yellowish white to

a dark greenish black in about a minute or less.

There are also other kinds of poison called ‘ Lota Bih’ and ‘ Deo Bih,’

the latter not known to the Asamese, I believe, and ‘ Bor Bih,’ which is

brought down by the Misfimis,

32

J. M. Foster — Note on Gharg'ion, Asam.

[No. 1,

Note on Ghargaon , Asam. — By J. M. Foster, F. R. G. S., Nazeerah,

Assam.

Ghargaon, for many years the capital of the Ahom kings of Asam,

is so little known, or cared for even by those acquainted with its existence,

that it has been thought worth while to place a record of its appearance at

the present date in the hands of those likely to appreciate such, as in all

probability a few years more will see the place a heap of undistinguishable

ruins, or worse still, converted into materials for building purposes, dime,

neglect, the heavy rains of the country, and frequent earthquakes, have

much injured this once noble pile of masonry ; but strange to say, the hand

of man has done hut little damage so far, a few attempts to find hidden

treasure by digging being the only mischief visible : the scarcity of inhabi-

tants, the respect and awe with which it is regarded, may have served to

protect it so far ; hut it is much to be regretted that so interesting a speci-

men of architecture should have been allowed to fall into such a state, that

the abovementioned causes, and that curse of ancient Indian masonry, the

Pipal tree, must inevitably complete its utter ruin before many years pass

over.

The following extracts from “ A Descriptive Account of Asam, by

William Robinson, 1841” give a slight sketch of the founder and the his-

tory of the place.

P. 318. “ Of the state of the district antecedent to the conquest of the

Ahoms we know nothing. It was in all probability filled by an abundant

Hindu population, from whom the bulk of the present inhabitants have de-

scended. The Ahoms were for many generations confined to the tract east

of the Dehing. As their power increased, their conquests extended beyond that

river, on the left bank of which thoy founded their first capital Huluguri-

nugur. About half-way between Jaipur and Dehing Mukh, extensive re-

mains of the fortifications of the Nugur are still to be seen.’

“ On the further advance of their arms, the Ahoms removed the seat of

government to Ghergaon on the banks of the Dikko, which continued to be

the principal residence of the princes till the prosperity of the Ahom dynasty

began to fade. The royal palace at Ghergaon was surrounded by a brick

wall about two miles in circumference, but the whole town and its suburbs

appear to have extended over many square miles of country. The ruins of

gateways built chiefly of masonry are still to be seen within the fortified

circumvallations which surround the town. It may be observed that one of

the gateways is composed of stone, the blocks bearing marks of iron clamp-

ings, which evidently shows that they once belonged to far more ancient

33

1872.] J. M. Foster — Note on Qliargaon , Asam'.

edifices. From this evidence alone, were there no other, it might safely be

presumed that, long antecedent to the conquests of the Alioms, the countiy

had boon possessed by a race of inhabitants far advanced in some of the arts

civilized life.”

Ghargaon was for certain reasons subsequently abandoned, and Rang-

piir, situated lower down the river and on its left bank, was fixed upon as

the capital. In the troubled reign of Gorinat’h (1780 to 95), llangpur was

abandoned for Jorhat, but even here, the Rajah was not safe, and he fled

for refuge to Gauluitl. On Gorinat’h’s restoration, Jorhat again became

the seat of government, and continued so until the conquest of the country

hy the British troops (1826).

P. 163. “ On the death of Sarga Naraiyan, A. D. 1539, Chucltenmung

succeeded to the throne, (he is said to have instigated the assassination of the

preceding Raja Chuhummung or Dihinaja Raja, or Sarga Naraiyan). He

is said to have built the town and fort of Gargaun, or Ghergong. He reigned

thirteen years and was succeeded hy his son Chuckampha. Aothing le-

markable is recorded of him except that he enjoyed the throne for lift} -nine

years in comparative peace and comfort.”

P. 165. “ In 1654, Chutumla succeeded his father Churumpha who

was deposed and put in prison for imbecility. Soon after his accession, he

adopted the Hindu faith and assmned the name Jaiyadhajia Singh. At the

latter end of his reign, in 1601, the valley was invaded by Mir Jumla, the

Subadar of Bengal, who sent up his stores and provisions in boats, but

crossing the Bhramaputra at Rangamati, marched his army by land. The

march "was tedious and on its progress the army was greatly annoyed by

the Assamese. This added to the fatigue of dragging the boats, greatly

affected the troops. The Subadar at length reached the capital Ghergaon,

which, after a severe conflict, he succeeded in taking, and the Raja was obliged

to tako refuge in the mountains. The rains of 1662 set in with great vio-

lence, and the Raja issued from his place of concealment in the mountains

and cut off the provisions of the Moguls. A pestilence also broke out in

the camp which carried off many, whether they returned or remained they

were equally exposed to death : in this miserable state they passed the rains,

but no sooner was the country dry, than, according to the Musalman his-

torians, they took courage and bravely repelled the enemy. The Raja is

said to have solicited peace, which Mir Jumla was happy to grant, for he

was himself attacked hy disease and his troops were mutinous. The same

accounts state that the Assamese were obliged to give 20,000 tolahs of gold,

100,000 of silver, and 40 elephants ; and the Raja gave up his daughter to be

married to one of the Muhammadan princes, and agreed to pay an annual

tribute. The native annals on the contrary inform us that Mir Jumla’s

army was entirely defeated, and he was obliged to give up the whole of the

34

[No. 1,

J. M. Foster — Note on Ghargaon, Asam.

zillah Kamrup to the Assamese, which was from that time placed under

the management of a great Assamese officer, the Barphukan, and formed a

government equal to about a third of the whole kingdom. Jaiyadhajia

Singh died in 1GG3.

“ He was succeeded by Chupungmung who was assassinated in 1672. The

latter was succeeded by his younger brother Sucklumpha who was secretly

poisoned two years after at the instigation of the Bar Baruwa, who assumed a

great degree of authority, although he had installed Sulung, the young prince of

Samaguriya. The Queen objecting to the Bar Baruwa’s usurpation, laid a

plot for destroying him which he discovered, and despatched the king with

his own hands, whilst his myrmidons assassinated the Queen and members of

the Council. The young king reigned but one month and fifteen days.

The Bar Baruwa next raised Teenkungiya to the throne ; but the officers of

Gowhatty with a body of troops proceeded to the metropolis, secured the

Bar Baruwa, beheaded him and strangled the new Baja after a reign of

twenty days. Chujinpha was then placed on the throne, who committed

suicide in 1677. In 1G99, Chuclcungpha founded the city and fort of Bung-

pur (Sibsagor), and caused the extensive tank to be made which still

bears his name. In 1770, the Moamariahs captured Ghergaon, but it was

recaptured five months later by the adherents of Luckmi Singh, who died in

1780. The Moamariahs, in 1784, after some tremendous battles again cap-

tured the place, and the king, Chuhitpungpha escaped to Gowhatti : after

many changes of various kinds, the British Government sent a detachment

to aid them in 1792, under Captain Welsh, who successfully put down the

Moamariah insurrection.” The Burmese invasion, a matter of modern his-

tory, was finally suppressed by the British troops at Bungpur in 1825 ;

since that date, the authority of the Assam Bajas has been at an end.”

Another version, by a contemporary, of the invasion of Assam is to be

found in an old work entitled, ‘ Particular Events, or the most Consider-

able Passages after the War of Five Years or thereabout, in the Empire of the

Great Mogul,’ Tom. II. By Mons. F. Bernier, London, 1G71.’

P. 110. “ Aurengzebe too well knowing that a great Captain cannot

be long at rest, and that, if he be not employed in a Forreign War, he will at

length raise a Domestick one ; proposed to him to make War upon that rich

and potent Baja of Aeliatn, whose Territories are on the North of Dake,

upon the Gulf of Bengala. The Emir, who in all appearance had already

designed the same thing of himself, and who believed, that the Conquest of

this Country would make way for his Immortal Honour, and he an occasion

oi carrying his Arms as far as China, declared himself ready for this Enter-

prize. He embarked at Dake with a puissant Army, upon a Biver which

comes from those parts ; upon which having gone about a hundred leagues

North Eastward, he arrived at a Castle called Azo [Hajo], which the Bajah of

35

1872.] J. M. Foster — Note on Qhargnon, Asam.

Acham had usurped from the Kingdom of Bengala, and possessed for many

years. He attacked this place, and took it by force in less than fifteen

daies ; thence marching overland towards Chamdara, which is the Inlet into

the Country of that Raja, he entered into it after 26 daies’ journey, still

Northward : There a Battel was fought, in which the Raja of Acham was

worsted, and obliged to retreat to Guerguon, the Metropolis of his King-

dom, four miles distant from Chamdara. The Emir pursued him so close,

that he gave him no time to fortifie himself in Guerguon ; For he arrived

in sight of that Town in five daies, which constrained the Raja, seeing the

Emir’s Army, to fly towards the Mountains of the Kingdom of Lassa, and

to abandon Guerguon, which was pillaged as had been Chamdara. They

found there vast riches, it being a great, very fair and Merchant-like Town,

and where the women are extraordinarily beautiful. Meantime, the season

of the Rains came in sooner than usually : and they being excessive in those

parts, and overflowing all the Country, except such Villages as stand on

raised ground, the Emir was much embarrassed. For the Raja made his

people of the Mountains come down from all parts thereabout, and to carry

away all the provisions of the Field, whereby the Emir’s Army (as rich as

t’was) before the end of the rains, fell into great streights, without being

able to go forward or backward. It could not advance by reason of the

Mountains very difficult to pass, aud continually pester’d with great Rains :

nor retreat, because of the late Rains and deep ways ; the Raja having also

caused the way to be digged up as far as Chamdara : So that the Emir was

forced to remain in that wretched condition during the whole time of the

Rain ; after which when he found his Army distasted, tired out, and half

starved, he was necessitated to give over the design he had of advancing, and

to return the same way he was come. But this retreat was made with so

much pains, and so great inconveniences, by reason of the dirt, the want of

victuals, and the pursuit of the Raja falling on the Rear, that every body

(but he) that had not known how to remedy the disorder of such a March,

nor had the patience to be sometimes five or six hours at one passage to

make the Souldicry get over it without confusion, would have utterly

perished, himself, army, and all ; yet he notwithstanding all these difficulties,

made a shift to come back with great honour and vast riches. He designed

to return thither again the next year, and to pursue his undertaking, sup-

posing that Azo which he# had fortified, and wdiere he left a strong garrison,

would be able to hold out the rest of the year against the Raja. But he no

sooner arrived there, but dysentery began to rage in his army. Neither had

he himself a body of steel more than the rest ; he fell sick and died, whereby

fortune ended the just apprehensions of Aurengzebe. I say the just appre-

hensions, for there was none of those that knew this great man, and the

state of affairs of Industan, who did not say : “ ’Tis this day that Aureng-

zebe is king of Bengala.”

36

[No. 1,

J. M. Poster — Note on Ghargaon, Asam.

In a work styled ‘ Tales of Shipwrecks and Adventures at Sea., London,

2nd Edit., 1852,’ at page 705, under the heading, “ Loss of the ‘ Ter Schelling,’

including the various calamities of the crew, during an unfortunate voyage

to Bengal in 1661,” we find the following record of the progress of the

Emir’s army in Assam as related by some Dutch sailors who went to

Ghargaon. The ‘ Ter Schelling’ left Batavia for Bengal on the 3rd Septem-

ber, 1661, in company with two other vessels. On the 18th October,

they sighted the coast of Bengal, parted company, got caught in a heavy

storm, and struck several times on the sandbanks in the Sunderban£ They

were' finally wrecked, and the crew suffered great privations on the desert

islands. Ultimately, eight of the crew (Charles Dohbcl and seven others) left

the islands in a boat, and travelled for many days, until picked .up by some of

the natives who took them to a village after plundering them of all money, &c.

The ‘ Governor’ treated them kindly and forwarded them to Bolwa [Bhaluah].

The narrative will be best continued in the original text. ‘ The night follow-

ing they arrived at Assam [?], a poor despicable place that afforded nothing.

Here they sent hack the three barques and hired another as far as Bolwa.

At two leagues’ distance from this village, their guides set them on shore,

and made them walk the rest of the way. Whilst these guides went to the

governor to give notice of their arrival, our adventurers bought milk and rice,

which they dressed in a pot that was sent them by Moors, that spoke the

Portuguese language. It was nearly ready when their guides returned, and

told them they must come immediately to the prince, who sent for them.

This news displeased them, for their appetites were very keen ; however they

took the pot, and carried it by turns to the prince’s palace gate ; where they

eat what was in it before they entered. They were at length brought to

their lodging, and, by the prince’s order, served with an exoellent kind of

meat called brensie [harisah, ?], which is only seen here at great men’s tables.

This was such a nourishing food, that in three or four days they recovered

their full strength. In a day or two after, the prince sent them word that

they might go where they pleased, the barques being ready. This being

then’ desire they parted an horn* after, and happily arrived at Decka. The

factory received them very kindly, to whom our adventurers imparted their

whole story.

“ The governor now caused a barque to be ready to transport them to

Ongueli [Hugli], where the Dutch have also a considerable factory. But an

hour before the appointed time of their departure, the governorreceived a letter

from the Great Mogul’s general, in which he enjoined him to send them to

him. This order they were obliged to obey, though contrary to their in-

clinations ; for this general threatened, in case of refusal, to seize upon all the

Dutch in his master’s kingdom, and make them slaves. They travelled thirty

days together, sometimes by land, and sometimes by sea, passing by se-

1871.]

37

J. M. Foster — Note on Gfiargaon, Asdm.

veral cities made desolate ; the inhabitants of the country being wont, in

time of war, to leave their houses, in order to follow the army wherever it

marched.

“ On the thirty- fifth day they went on hoard one of the vessels belong-

ing to’Xiibah [the Nawab], where they found four Englishmen, some few Por-

tuguese, and two of their own party. From thence they went and cast anchor

near the city of Renguemati. In a short time they landed and were entertain-

ed in the army of the Great Mogul. The general, whom they saluted in his tent,

seemed glad to see them, and immediately ordered a large cup of arrack,

that they might drink his health. The cup was so closed that it was a dif-

ficult matter for them to open it ; and therefore the general ordered it on

purpose, to divert himself with their embarrassments. Every one endeavoured

to open it, but to no purpose ; at last one of the party finding it was made

of wood, made a hole in it with the point of his knife, and being brim-full

the arrack sprung out abundantly. By this means they all drank of it ; and

it being a very strong liquor, they were soon intoxicated.

“ The next morning tho General sent them three hundred rupees, and

assigned them certain vessels called gom’opcs[vLr« gTiraV], one of which carried

fourteen guns, and about fifty or sixty men. Each gourope was attended with

four kosses JcosaK], which are boats with cars, to row great vessels. There

were also several great flat-bottomed boats which carried no masts, but were

well furnished with guns. The greatest part of the officers were Portuguese.

There were several other vessels laden only with provisions and ammuni-

tion. As soon as they wore ordered to march, cur adventurers sought the

vessel which was assigned to them ; but, in the great multitude of people,

two of them unfortunately went astray, and were eight days without

knowing where to betake themselves. After a long march, these two

wanderers entered Kosbia [Koch Bihar], a country lying between Bengal

and Azo [Hajo],

“ The Great Mogul’s general was at war with the king of Azo, and at

this time subdued him. Our two adventurers expected a share of the plunder,

but were disappointed. This was exceedingly mortifying to them ; their

wages, which were no more than ten crowns a month, being insufficient to

maintain them, on account of the then dearness of provisions. The reason

that they had no more was, because they served in the army by constraint,

whereas those who served voluntarily had twenty-five crowns each per

month.

“ Immediately after the overthrow of the king of Azo, the general has-

tened to attack the countries belonging to the king of Assam ; and lest the

floods, which every six months overflowed the greatest part of the kingdom,

should frustrate his designs, he advanced with great expedition, and arrived

before that time at the place he intended.

38

J. M. Foster — Note on Ghargion, Asam.

[No. 1,

“ In the mean time our two adventurers, and the English who belonged

to the army, having observed all the signs of an approaching tempest, care-

fully repaired their vessels. These precautions, however, were unavailing ; the

vessel in which were our two adventurers, not having been properly ballasted,

was overturned by the currents, and four Dutchmen and twenty-four Moors

perished. Both our heroes, after swimming sevei'al hours towards land, had

the good fortune to be assisted by an English vessel, which took them on board.

The next morning they thanked their benefactors and went to the army,

where they sought an occasion of admittance to the general. As soon as he

heard of the loss of the vessel, he fell into a violent passion, and commanded

them to withdraw and choose what other vessel they had a mind to.

“ In two days after, their admiral sot sail in search of the enemy, atten-

ded by the whole fleet. Although the wind was little favourable to them,

the vessel which our adventurers entered, followed on the course, and three

or four hours afterwards dashed against a rock, wlvich struck off their helm.

Not long after, they discovered the enemy’s fleet, consisting of six hundred

sail. As soon as the enemy perceived them, they advanced, and a smart en-

counter ensued. They took three hundred of the enemy’s vessels, the least

of which carried seventy men ; and of this whole number there did not escape

above fifty. The three hundred vessels that escaped, unhappily east anchor

at about a quarter of a league’s distance from the general, who advanced up

the country with all possible expedition. Having brought near three hund-

red pieces of cannon, he planted them against them, and sunk the greatest

part of them ; the rest passed over to the other side of the river, and were

pursued by the general’s vessels with success.

“ After this pursuit, their admiral cast anchor before the city of Lokwa,

situated about six leagues from Gueragon. They were obliged to stay here

about three months in consequence of the flood : as soon as the waters were

sufficiently fallen, they quitted their post. Having been fifteen months in

the Great Mogul’s army, by the mediation of their consul, our adventurers

at length obtained their discharge, and prepared for their departure. In

fifteen days they came to Decka, and thence took shipping for Ongueli.

Having sailed about one hundred and twenty leagues along the river, they

made some stay at Cazimabahar [Qazimbazar, near Murshidabad], a place

famous for silks. From thence they returned to Ongueli, where each betook

himself to different employs, and it was not till 1673, that the last of our

adventurers was enabled to return to his native country.”

The palace of the Rajahs in Ghargaon is situated nearly in the centre of

a large enclosed space about a mile from the Dik’ho river, and nine miles

east of Sibsagar (Bangpur). The surrounding ‘bund’ is -some fifteen feet

broad on the top, and about eight feet high, but considerably more on the

outer face where an enormous ditch exists all around, some forty feet wide and

1872.]

J. M. Foster — Note on Ghargaon, Asam.

89

of various depths, made probably to provide materials for the wall as well

as assist in the defence of the place. The core of the bund is said to be brick,

and is covered with earth, now overgrown with forest trees. Here is also

another bund, (query, an outer line of defence) some four or five miles outside

Ghargaon proper. There are numerous traditions respecting the enclosed land ;

one that none but the better families were allowed to reside within it ; another

story tells us that the bund was planted with dense hedges of bamboos (hence

its name Bansgayh), and this enormous tract of country was used as a preserve

for wild elephants ; another that it was the private property of the Rajah,

and that no one could exercise judicial powers within it but the Rajah him-

self ; whilst some think, it is merely a coincidence, and this bund was simply a

road (as it is in many parts at the present date) that may have been construct-

ed before or about the time Ghargaon was adopted the capital. The Romans

have • the reputation of being the masters in the art of road-making, but their

efforts seem small when compared with the network of enormous bunds inter-

secting this country in all directions, and made absolutely from mud alone, no

other materials being procurable. The same neglect which has allowed the

historic monuments of this country to fall into ruins, is very perceptible to

any one who has the misfortune of being obliged to travel over these once

magnificent roads during the wet season.

Reference is made to Chamdara in the account of Mir JumlalTs advance,

by Mons. F. Bernier : this place will be seen marked about five miles from

Ghargaon on the road to Sibsagar, where the road cuts through the

Bansgarh, and is still known by its ancient name. The gateway there,

with an innnensc amount of fine carved stonework, has been utilized for build-

ing purposes by the Public Works Department. The road from Ghargaon to

this spot is very different to the ‘ Rajah’ roads, and seems never to have been

properly repaired since dug up to annoy the enemy’s troops in 1G62. The city

of Lokwa (Lukwah) mentioned in the sailor’s narrative, is some sixteen

miles from Ghargaon, on the Rajgarh : not a brick is to be seen there now,

the place is at present a tea garden ; a portion of Mir Jumlah’s fleet must

have gone up the Desang upon which Lukwah is situated, and probably a

portion of the forces marched down the Rajgarh to invest Ghargaon on the

east, whilst another portion of the fleet and army went of the Dik’ho, land-

ing about where Rangpur (Sibsagar) now stands, to attack on the west ;

for it seems highly improbable that the whole of the forces could have gone

up the Desang to attack Lukwah, when the Dik’ho route to Ghargaon was

nearer, more practicable for both fleet and army, and had water communica-

tion to within gunshot of Ghargaon itself, whilst Lukwah was at least sixteen

miles distant.

The stone gateway mentioned by Robinson, the guard houses, and other

brick buildings in the enclosed space at Ghargaon have all disappeared since

40

J. M. Foster — Note on Ghmydon, Asdm.

[No. 1,

1866 ; the bund is overgrown with forest ; the ditch in many places filled

with rank vegetation, and the enclosure itself a mass of dense jungle. The

palace, as before mentioned, is rapidly crumbling away ; in 1869, the north-

west front consisting of two verandahs fell in, the balustrades in many places

are gone, huge cracks gape in every direction, the rain finds its way from top

to bottom of the building, and although the plans shew that it is of the most

massive construction, it is hardly safe for a visitor to mount to the summit.

Some twenty years since, it was temporarily occupied by some tea planters

who are said to have made slight repairs ; they are also credited with having

found a sword having a silver hilt, and an ivory and gold sheath, besides

other valuables.

The so-called palace itself may be described as a quadrangular pile of

brickwork consisting of three stories above ground, and two subterranean

ones. The surface of the soil being very soft and liable to inundations 'from

the Dik’ho, an immense mass of boulders was placed there, upon which the

palace was erected, some ten feet above the level of the surrounding country.

These boulders were probably procured from Santok Mukli, about twelve

miles from Ghargaon, up the river Dik’ho, that being the nearest place where

they can be found. The subterranean chambers have been visited of late

years, but presented nothing of interest, and at the present date are hardly

accessible from fallen brickwork, &c. The building has cupolas at the angles

and a terminal one at the summit in the centre ; the openings on to the

verandahs are generally arched, frequently cusped : all the decorations are

in stucco, and although cut or carved bricks have been found in the imme-

diate vicinity, not one is visible in 'or on the palace itself. This is singular,

as cut bricks seem to constitute the chief ornaments of the old Asamese

buildings in this district. The walls and piers are very massive, and the

openings generally small. The general design seems more ornate than useful,

and it is apparently as much a temple as a dwelling or palace. The bricks,

or rather tiles, of which it is entirely composed (not a particle of wood or

stone being perceptible) are extremely hard and frequently hear a polish, and

are seldom of the same thickness and superficial measure, a fair specimen

8" x 10" x If". In one verandah the ornamented stucco has fallen off in

places disclosing an under layer of the same material having the same

pattern but on a slightly smaller scale. The plans and photographs will

give a far more correct idea of the peculiarities of the building than any

written description can supply. The buildings near the palace were stand-

ing some three years since, and consisted of a large square room, said to have

been a room for holding nautclies in, and a long arched passage-like building

of which it is impossible to conjecture the use. Remains of brickwork some

three hundred yards from the palace lead to the conclusion that there might

have been a brick wall surrounding it at that distance, but the dense jungle

1872.] J. M. Foster — Notes on Ghargaon, Asain. 41

renders it impossible to follow it up. There were several largo tanks also

within the enclosure, of which but one remains in good order. The remains

of a bund surrounding what might have been a fruit garden has also been

noticed.

A very curious tradition respecting the builder of the palace is current

amongst the natives. A Bangalf architect named Q-onsam was invited

by the Rajah Chuckcnmung to construct this palace. Wishing to obtain

for his Rajah in Bengal all particulars as to the strength and population of

the country, he suggested that in making the bricks they should bo mixed with

the white of eggs to render them harder. On Chuckcnmung enquiring where

such a vast number of eggs could be obtained, he intimated that if every one

in Asam gave two eggs each, he would probably have sufficient for his pur-

pose. The order was accordingly given, the eggs provided, and secretly coun-

ted by the builder. Unfortunately for him, the Rajah was quite alive to the

stratagem, and when the building was completed, dismissed bim and his

assistants with great praise and riches. They were escorted across the river

to be conveyed to Dik'ho Mukb by road (the Bor Alii) ; but immediately

they got as far as Nazi rah, they were attacked, made prisoners and beheaded

on the spot, and the treasure returned to the Rajah.

The importance of this place during the seventeenth and eighteenth

centuries can bo judged from the immense number of ruined temples, vast

tanks, enormous maidans, and the once magnificent roads and river bunds ;

it is now but sparsely populated, and the greater part of the country is one

enormous jungle. The district is well worthy of a visit by some competent

antiquarian, to rescue from oblivion archaeological treasures that are now

rapidly perishing from neglect and wilful destruction, and would amply

repay the tune and labour spent upon a thorough investigation of its many

art treasures and historical monuments.

G

42

J. Beames — Translations from Ghand Bardai's Epic. [No. 1,

Translations of selected portions of Boole I. of Ghand Bardai's Epic. — By

John Beames, B. C. S., M. E. A. S., etc.

After the severe strictures passed on my translation of the 19th hook by

Mr. Growse, (which, however, ho subsequently retracted) I think it necessary

again to point out that in a poem constructed like this, absolute accuracy of

translation is impossible. The lines generally consist of a string of crude

forms of nouns without any inflectional terminations, or signs of case. In

languages destitute of such grammatical formations, the order of words in a

sentence often supplies the requisite clue to the meaning. This is not the

case with Ghand. His words, if taken in the order in which they stand,

often yield no meaning at all. In some cases turn the words as we may, it

is not easy to make out any clear sense. The verbs when they occur do

certainly exhibit some signs of tense ; thus we have the singular masculine of

the preterite in -yaw, the feminine in - i , the plural masculine in -e, the plural

feminine in -in ; but more frequently all tenses and persons are rudely ex-

pressed by the indefinite participle in -i, as Icari, delclii, which serves alike for

past, present, and future time.

There are two other difficulties. Archaic words which neither occur in

the modem languages, nor can be traced to any known Sanskrit root ; and

the insertion of arbitrary letters to eke out the rhythm, such as la, su, ha,

which have no meaning whatever.

When to all this is added the extreme difficulty of dividing the words,

I think I am not asking too much from critics, if I request that they will

confine themselves to politely stating that they think I am mistaken ; in-

stead of at once taxing me with ignorance of a language which I have studied

for fourteen years, and whose difficulty I appreciate as much as any one can.

I have recently leamt from a missionary at Ajmir that even the pro-

fessional hards of that place admit their inability to understand more than

the general drift of Chand’s poems.

The secret of this loose careless archaic patois will only be discovered,

when our researches into the vast and ancient language of which it repre •

sents one phase have been established on a firm footing. To that end some

few of us are devoting our spare time. The following efforts at a render-

ing are perhaps premature, but even so they may yield some fruit of assist-

ance to the greater task, and may even prove in some sort a guide to those

who in time to come may approach the subject with a better apparatus

criticus than we possess at present. The Latin and Greek scholars of the

fifteenth century knew very little compared with those of the present day ;

yet the world is not without some debt to Erasmus and Eeuchlin, or even to

43

1872.] J. Beames — Translations from Chand Bardai's Epic.

their learned predecessors. Put me and my contemporaries as low as you

will in the scale of scholarship, yet it must be admitted that we are making

a beginning, upon which the better furnished scholars of the future will

perhaps be not ashamed to build.

1st Selection. — The OPENnra of the poem. Stanzas 1 — 13.

First, Satak metre. Om ! —

1. First reverently bowing, bowing, the poet adores the feet of the

Gurus.

(Taking) refuge at the feet of the highest, the afforder of support,1 the

husband of the opulent Lachhi ;

(Who) stands the lord of vice and of virtue, consuming the wicked, the

lord of heaven, blessing with success ;

(Who is as) sandalwood to the life of living beings moving on the earth,

lord of all, bestower of blessings.

2. Vathua metre.

First the very auspicious root is to be celebrated.2

Irrigated with the water of the truth of tradition,

Religion, (like) a fair tree with one trunk sprung up

With thrice six branches rejoicing the three worlds,

„ Leaves (of various) colours, leaves (like) mouths, there were*

Colour of flowers, and weight of fruit (it had)

Speech unfailing, princely,

Rejoicing with fragrance the sight and touch

A’san tree of hope to the parrot (-like) poet.

3. Kavit.

First having indeed proclaimed a blessing

Having honored4 the sacred writings, (whose) beginning (is) the Veda,

(Whose) three-fold branches, in (all) four directions

(Are) possessed of colour, and leaves (like) letters

Religion having sprouted (out through) the bark

Flowered fair in (all) four directions

Its fruit, (virtuous) deeds,8 springing out

Immortal, dwelling amidst mortals

(Firm as) counsel of kings, (or as) the earth, the wind shakes it not

Giving to life the flavour of nectar,

The Kali (yuga) affixes no stain to it

Containing truth, wisdom, and (perpetual) freshness.

4. Kavit.

Taking possession of the earth (like) a garden plot

Irrigating it with the fullness of the Yeda, as with water

Placing in it good seed6

Upsprung the shoot of knowledge

44 J. Beames— Translations from CTiand Bardai's Epic. [No. 1,

Combining branches of three qualities

With leaves of many names, red as earth

It flowered with good deeds, and good thoughts

Complete deliverance, union of substances

The twice-bom of pure mind have experienced the flavour of perfect

wisdom

A banian tree of delight, spreading abroad virtues,

The branches of (this) excellent tree in the three worlds

Unconquered, victorious, diffusing virtues.

5. Bhujanga prayata metre.

First be the well adorned Bhujangi7 taken

Whose name this one, is spoken in many ways

Second, betaken the god, the lord of life

Who placed the universe by powerful spells on Seshnag.

In the four Vedas by the Brahmans the glory of Hari is spoken,

Of whose virtue, this unvirtuous world is witness.

Third, the Bharati Vyasa spake the Bharath,

Who boro witness to the more than human charioteer.3

Fourth Suka deva at the feet of Parikliit

Who extolled all the kings of the race of Kura

Fifth * * 8

Who placed a six-fold necklace on the neck of King Nala.

Sixth Kalidasa, fair of speech, fair of wit

Whose speech is that of a poet, a master-poet fair-speaking,

Who made the pure fragrance of the mouth of Kali,

Who firmly bound the dyke of three-fold enjoyment.

Seventh, Banda mali’s charming poem

The wave of whose wit is as the stream of Ganga.

Jayadcva eighth, poet, king of poets

Who only made the song of Govinda ;

Take all these poets as thy spiritual guide, Poet Chand,

Whose body is as a sacrifice inspired by Devi.

The poets who have uttered praises and excellent speech,

Of them Poet Chand has spoken highly.

G. Duha.

The speech in verse of Chand, excellent.

Hearing him utter, his wife (says)

Purifier of the body, O poet,

Uttering excellent speech.

7. Kavit.

Saith the wife to her husband.

Purifier of offspring, great poet,

45

1872.] l J. Beames — Translations from CUiand Ilardai's 'Epic.

Uttering spells and charms,

Like an oblation offered to Devi,

Hero of spells, very terrible,

Giving pleasure to kings by thy poetry ;

The childish sports, one by one,

Of the gods having extolled in thy poems,

Having uttered unchecked speech,

From which to me (comes) wisdom,

That word which is the visible form of Brahrn,

Why should not the best of poets speak it P

8. Kavit, Chand’s speech.

To his wife (saith) the bal’d

Chand, muttering soft and low,

That true word of Brahrn,

Purifier of (all) others itself pure,

That word which has no form,

Stroke, letter, or colour,

Unshaken, unfathomable, boundless,

Purifier of all things in the three worlds,

That word of Brahma, let me expound

The glory of the Gurus, pleasing to Saraswati,

If in the arrangement of my phrases I should succeed,

It will be pleasing to thee, O lotus-faced one !

9. Kavit, Chand’s wife’s speech.

Thou art the poet, the excellent bard,

Gazing on the heavens with unclouded intellect,10

Skilful in the arrangement of metres

Having made the song of the Peacock-youth

The wave of thy wit is like Ganga,

Uttering speech immortal, soft

Good men hearing it are rejoiced,

(It) subdues like a spell of might.

The incarnation King Prithiraj the lord,

Who maintained the happiness of his kingdom,

Hero, chief of heroes, and all his paladins,

Of them speak a good word.13

10. Kavit, Chand’s speech.

To her of the elephant-gait, Chand

Singing a pleasant rhyme (said),

Ravisher of the soul, tendril of enjoyment,

Possessing the fragrance of the ocean of the gods,

(Thou) of the glancing eye, in the flower of thy youth,

J. Beames — Translations from Chand Tardai s Epic.

[No. 1,

46

Beloved of my soul, giver of bliss,

Wife, free from all evil qualities,13

(Thou) who hast obtained the fruit of the worship of Gauri.

As many poems as there have been from first to last

Consider how endless a string (there is) of them,

The description of this matter (is in) many books,

Thus having taken in the best counsel.14

11. Paddhari metre.

First reverencing my first of gods

Who uttered the imperishable word Om !

Who made the Formed out of the Formless,

The will of his mind blossomed and bore fruit,

The sheen of the three qualities, inhabiting the three worlds,

Shining on gods in heaven, men on earth, serpents (in hell).

Then in the form of Brahma leaving the Brahma-egg,15

The lord, the essence of truth said the four Yedas,

The creator uttered them, unwritten,

Without qualities, having neither form nor line,

He who made the heaven, earth, and hell,

Yama, Brahma, Indra, the Rishis, and guardians of the worlds,

Winds, fire, clouds, ether,

Rivers, ocean, earth, mountains, and their inhabitants,

He created eighty-four lakhs of living beings

I cannot come to an end of the description of them.

He made a tendril of eighteen colours,

Of various kinds, subject to all qualities,

No one can resist his commands,

Placing the order on his head (one) bears grief in the body.

Day by day the sun-god when night turns to dawn16

Rises ; this comes to pass by force of the lord’s command.

The moon every night obedient to order

Rises in the sky, being without division,

The guardians of the regions remain patiently pressed down by the

earth,

Their joints do not ache though they remain firmly pressed.

He appoints to the wind its measure and the place of its going,

It neither exceeds nor falls short, makes joy to the body.

Indra’s heaven, clouds, and sky (obey his) order,

He makes the rain to rain joyfully.

Firm and immoveable remains the earth (like) the glory of the lord,

It cannot shake or move for an instant in distress.

The wave rising touches the sky,

47

1872.] J. Beames — Translations from Cliand Bardai's Epic.

On the brink of the ocean there remains no trace of it ;

Having obtained its limit, not one (wave) passes it,

It advances only so far as the lord’s command (allows).

His order no one can refute,

Neither in the past, nor in the future, nor in the present.

The Yeda describes Brahma as illimitable,

Filling the water and land he remains in every material object.

Then spake Vyasa eighteen Puranas.

Arranging the incarnations in various order

He describes with clear intellect every god,

He searched out all of them, he did not confound their character.

Then Valmiki, the incarnation of Ram,

Related in a book of a hundred krores (of lines) essence of truth.

# # # #18

The mighty bear, the story of the friendly monkey

Again five poems live poets made,

Placed a light in the breasts of ignorant men,

In a few words wisdom is shown,

I might make a boast, then you would laugh.

12. Dulm. Hearing the poem of Poet Chand,

Delighted in her mind, his wife (says),

Thou art the poet, the charming poet,

Laughing being prevented.

13. Kavit. Quoth the intelligent wife.

Thou who hast spells on thy tongue — ocean of spells

Excelling in the description of witness

Like the shining moon

Thou bestower of heavenly blessings,

Grant a gift to me, 0 poet !

The eighteen Puranas

Their names and quantity all ;

Thou telling the tale joy (will be) to me,

Past and future existences will be purified,

The darkness of ignorance is destroyed by hearing this,

The filth of (spiritual) blindness is removed from the heart.

Whereupon Chand in a long Kavit recites the names of the Puranas

and number of lines contained in each.

It is not worth translating.

48 J. Beames — Translations from Cliand Bardai's Epic. [No. 1.

Notes to l.s/ Selection.

1. Or “ supporting the earth,” if trrC'rf be meant for VOift, which is

quite possible.

2. This line is extra-metral, and is probably meant as a note.

3. A conjectural rendering, which does not satisfy me. I can propose

no better.

4. I read Another reading is ijqapsj, which seems to have arisen

from an omission of the vowel by the copyist.

5.

6. This strange line I read as if for =l’t5T QW 'jTWI

7. I do not know what the allusion is here.

8. These words are probably a corruption, 'acRTT*! ^nT«J being for

more than earthly, from 'g'cr, over, and Tjfkpft, earth, and

charioteer. It is an allusion to Krishna’s acting as charioteer to Arjuna in

the great war.

9. I cannot understand this line.

10. Of the many senses of *n«(r, the one here given is the only one that

will yield any meaning.

11. This seems to be an allusion to the Sanskrit poem called Kumara

Sambhava, or the “Birth of the Wargod” Kartikeya, whose emblem is the

peacock. Chand may have written a paraphrase of that work, as he seems

to have been well acquainted with Sanskrit literature.

12. is still the common Panjibi for “ a word.” Many of these

Panjabi words occur in Chand, which is natural, as he was a native of Labor.

13. Literally, wife without the quality i. e., unqualified by) — of

heavy, bad qualities.

14. I do not pretend to understand what the poet means by these

four lines, which I have translated as literally as I could.

15. I read SHOT'S ^TtT (for but there is another reading

^3qifV, which is not intelligible. ^3 and vT are often written for one another in

the MSS.

16. rsifsr WTT, literally 1 dawn of night,’ which would convey a dif-

ferent meaning to our minds.

17. having no Kalas, or the 16 digits into which the moon is

divided.

18. This line is not intelligible, it contains some allusion to Sita’s

rape, but the meaning is not clear.

(To be continued .)

1872.]

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and Asam.

49

Koch Bihar, Koch Hdjo, and Asam, in the 16 th and Vltli centuries, ac-

cording to the Akbarn&mah, the Pddishdhnamah, and the Kathiyah i

’ lbriyah . — By H. Blochmamt, M. A., Calcutta Madrasah.

The beginning of Anrangzih’s reign is marked by two expeditions which

led to a temporary occupation of territories beyond the frontiers of

Eastern Bengal. Not only had the gradual retreat of Prince Shuja’ from

Akbamagar (Rdjmahall) to Dhaka and Chatganw (Chittagong) given rise to

the maintenance of a large army, consisting chiefly of troops recruited by the

officers themselves, which might conveniently be employed to settle several

frontier disputes of long standing, to in vade Rukhang (Aracan) and recoverthe

children of the lost prince, but Aurangzib found it also absolutely necessary

to give employment to generals on whose military experience, the result of

the wars of succession, he looked with unconcealed distrust. Dadd Khan’s

expedition to Palamau, of which the particulars were given in last year’s

Journal, occupied the Bihar corps; and Mir Jumkh Mu’azzam Khan, the

‘ Tar i wafadar,' or faithful friend of the throne, received orders to use

his army and extend the imperial dominions in the north along the Brahma-

putra, and in the south along the eastern shores of the Bay of Bengal. In

the expedition to A'sam, which is related below, the furthest point to which

the Mughuls advanced, is marked by the intersection of 95° Long., and 27°

Lat., i. e., the district north of Sibsagar and Nazir ah (the old Ghargaon) in

Upper Asam ; and in the expedition to Aracan, which was undertaken after

Mir Jumlah’s death, the most southern point is Raimi, or Rambu, between

21° and 22° Lat., half way between Chatganw and Akyab. Beyond these

two points the Muhammadans did not advance. We have no particulars

of any expedition led by the old kings of Bengal against Aracan ; A'sam

was invaded about 1500 by Husain Shdh of Bengal, the scanty narrative of

the expedition forming an interesting page in the description given by the

Persian historian of Mir Jumlah’s invasion.

The south-eastern frontier of Bengal up to the time of Aurangzib was

the Phani (Fenny) River, Bhaluah and Nawak’hali being the most easterly

‘ th&nabs’ of Sirkar Sunnargaon. The A'in i Akbari, indeed, includes

Sirkar Chdtgfinw in Bengal ; but there is no evidence that the Mughuls ever

obtained a footing east of the Phani River before tbe annexation of Chatganw

under Aurangzib. The frontier then passed along the western portions of

Tiparah as far as Silhat and Liitu, went then westwards along the southern

skirts of the Khasiah, Garo, and the Karibari Hills, Hatsilah* on the left

* Kennel spells the name Hautchella, and places it opposite to Chilmari on the

right bank of the river. I cannot find the name on modern maps. Latu is spelt

Ladu in the Am.

50 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and Asam. [No. 1,

bank of the Brahmaputra being looked upon as a frontier town, and then

along the Brahmaputra as far as the Parganah Bhetarhand, at the

confluence of the Sankos and the Brahmaputra rivers. From Bhetarhand

the frontier passed westward to PStg&nw and the northern portions of Sirkar

Purniah. The Morang, Koch Bihar, and the districts at the angle of the

Brahmaputra lay beyond the empire.

The countries bordering on the Mughul empire in the N. E. of Bengal

were Koch Bihar and Koch Hajo. The latter is called by old English

travellers ‘ the kingdom of Azo.’ The position of Koch Bihar is sufficiently

known; even in the reign of Jahangir it did not extend eastward as far as

the Brahmaputra. Koch Hajo almost coincides with the modern district of

Gwalpfira, Lower Asam, extending from above Hatsilah in the Karibari

Hills and Parganah, on the left side of the Brahmaputra, along the bend of

the river to Gwalpdra. On the right side, it commenced north of the Par-

ganah of Bhetarhand and contained the districts along the angle of the river

as far as Parganah K’liontliag'hat inclusively, with the towns of Dhobrf and

Rangamiti. On the east Koch Hajo bordered on Kamrup, or that part of

Asam which lies between Gwalpara, and Gauhatti to both sides of the

Brahmaputra.

The comparatively recent time of the advance of the Muhammadans in

these districts explains the paucity of Muhammadan names of towns in Koch

Hajo. The maps give a Parganah ‘ Mukrumpore,’ bordering on Bhetar-

band, which, no doubt, is a corruption of Mukarrampur, so called after Mu-

karram Khun, the conqueror of Hajo in the reign of Jahangir. The par-

ganah Golah ’Alamganj with Rangimiti as chief town, where the Imperial

Faujdar had his head quarters, reminds us of ’Alamgir ; and on the left side

of the Brahmaputra, north of Karibari, lies the Parganah Aurangabad, which

also reminds us of Aurangzib. But these few Muhammadan names refer all

to localities in the immediate vicinity of the old frontier of Bengal. From

the absence of Muhammadan names we may conclude that the invasions of

Koch Bihir and Asam by several Bengal kings as Husain Shah and Su-

laiman i Kararani, in the beginning and the middle of the 16th century,

led to no permanent results.

Kamrup also, for a short time under Shahjahan, was included in the

Dihli empire, and had imperial Faujdlirs whose head quarters were Gauhatti.

As in other parts of Bengal, the Muhammadans established settlements of

Paiks, who are defined as a sort of militia, armed with spears and shields.

But the Governors of Bengal soon found that they could not trust them

as a border defence ; for in the Hajo and Asamesc wars they generally took

the side of the Asam Rajahs.

I now proceed to collect the notes given in the works of Muhammadan

Historians on Koch Bihdr, Koch Hdjo, and Asam. The notes are chiefly

taken from the Akbarndmuh, the Tuzu/c i Jah&ngiri , the Bd dish a It n dm ah ,

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm.

51

1872.]

the ’ Alamgirnamali, and the Fathiyah i ’ Ibriyah . The first four works are

sufficiently known ; but the last mentioned work requires a few introductory

remarks.

The Fathiyah i ’Ibriyah is also called Tarikh Fath i A sham, or

History of the Conquest of A'sam. It was written by Ibn Muhammad Wali, or

Shihabuddin Talish, between the 4th Muharram and the 20th Shawwal, 1073,

A. H., or between the 9th August, 1062, and 13th May, 1063, A. D.

We know very little about the author. He was in the service of Mir Muham-

mad Sa’id of Ardistan, better known to European historians under the name

of Mir Jumlah, lvlnin Khanan and Governor of Bengal in the beginning of

Aurangzib’s reign, and accompanied the general, apparently in the position

of a clerk, on his expedition to A'sam in 1662, and returned with him to

Bengal. His brother Muhammad Sa’id, too, held an inferior office during the

expedition. In the preface the author states that the reports which the

imperial Wdqi’ahnawises used to send to Court, were often in the opinion of

Mir Jumlah defective and incorrect ; hence the object of the author is to

give a detailed and faithful account of the whole expedition to As&m up to

the death of Mir Jumlah, with which the book closes. The office of Waqi’ah-

nawis, or writer of events, had been introduced by Akbar :* his duty was

to report to Court whatever happened in the district to which he was ap-

pointed. Before the time of the Mughuls also the office existed, though

reports were not so systematically forwarded, as from the time of Akbar. In

the TdriJch i Firuzshahi, for instance, we find the word bar id, an Arabic

corruption of the Latin veredus, used instead of ‘ Waqi’ahnawis.’ Dr.

Fryer, who was in India from 1672 to 1681, in his most interesting ‘ New

Account of East India and Persia’ (London, 1698), calls these officers

‘ Public Notaries,’ or ‘ Public Intelligencers,’ and has the following remark

{loc. cit., p. 140). — “This cheat [he means the practice of false musters]

is practised all over the Realm, notwithstanding here are Puhlick Notaries

placed immediately by the Mogul, to give Notice of all Transactions ; which

they are sure to represent in favour of the Governors where they reside, being

Fee’d by them, as well as paid by the Emperor ; so that if a Defeat happen,

it is extenuated ; if a Victory, it is magnified to the height : Those in this

Office are called Focanoveces.”

On comparing the account of Shihabuddin with the shorter account

of Mir Jumlali’s expedition in the ’ A! lamgirnd rnah, which contains a his-

tory of the first ten years of Aurangzib’s reign and was issued with the

Emperor’s permission, we find a remarkable coincidence in language and

phraseology. Whole sentences, in fact occur word for word in both books ;

and we are led to conclude that the author of the ’Alamgirnamali either

used Shihabuddin’s account, or both had access to the official reports which

were sent to the Emperor. I shall notice this circumstance below.

* Vide A'm translation, p. 258.

52

H. Bloclimann — Koch, Bihdr and Asam.

[No. 1,

In point of style, ShiMbuddin’s work is elegant and simple. The Per-

sian is flowing and pure, and the total absence of Indian isti'mdl, or Indo-

Persian constructions, shews that the author was a native of Persia.

The book* consists of a short preface, an introduction (mugaddimah)

and two parts (maqdlah). The introduction treats of the causes which led

to the invasion of Koch Bihar and Asam. The first part relates the con-

quest of Koch Bihar and the general condition of the country. The second

part narrates the invasion of Asam by Mir Jumlah ; the occupation of the

country, which lasted for fourteen months, from the 23rd Jumada I, 1072 to

the 26th Bajab, 1073 ; the peace which was concluded ; and the return of

the general to Khizrpur near Dhaka, where he died shortly after, on the 2nd

Ramazan, 1073. The second part is divided into 17 chapters, of which the

sixth is particularly interesting as containing a description of Asam and the

Asamese in 1662 and occasional notices of the Aboriginal tribes in Eastern

and Southern Asam.

Koch Biha'r and Koch Ha'jo (Lower A'sa'm).

The following extracts are taken from the Alcbarn&mah (Lucknow

Edition, III, p. 207). “ To the events of this time [beginning of the 23rd

years, of Akbar’s reign, A. H. 986, or A. D., 1578] belongs the arrival of the

pesh/cash from Bengal and Koch Bihar. Rajah Balgosain, who is the

Zamhidar of Koch, submitted again, and sent valuable presents from Bengal

with fifty-four elephants.”

This was after the total defeat of Daiid, king of Bengal, by Khan

Jahdn. Ain translation, p. 330.

The following passage from the same work (III, 762) refers to the end

of the 41st year of Akbar’s reign, or the middle of 1005 A. H. [A. D.

1596, end],

“ About tins time Lachmi Narain submitted. He is the ruler of Koch,

and has 4000 horse, and 200,000 foot, 700 elephants, and 1000 ships. His

country is 200 Jeon long, and from 100 to 40 /cos broad, extending in the

east to the Brahmaputra, in the north to Tibbat, in the south to G’hora-

g’hat, and in the west to Tirhut.

“ About five hundredf years ago, a woman prayed in a Mahadeo temple

for a son. Her prayer was granted, and she called the son Bisa. He be-

came the ruler of Koch Bihar. One of his descendants, or grandsons

* The Asiatic Society of Bengal has a MS. of the work. No. 425 of the Persian

Catalogue. It was also printed at Calcutta, in the old Madrasah, Baithak-khanah,

1st Bajab, 1265, by Masihuddin Khan, a Munshf of the Foreign Department. The

book is out of print.

+ The Lucknow Edition has fifteen. Although I quote the Lucknow Edition of the

Akbarnainah, I translate from MSS., for the text of the Lucknow Edition is worse

than the worst possible MS. For Bisd the MSS. have B{bd, Biyd, or Bisbd.

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and Asam.

53

1872.]

(nabirali) , was Bal Gosain, a wise ruler. He wrote a letter in praise of tlie

Emperor and sent it with presents to Court. As he lived the life of an

ascetic, he did not marry, and when he was fifty years old, he appointed

Pat Kunwar, his brother’s son, successor. But the Rajah’s eldest brother,

Sliukl Gosain desired a marriage, and in order not to offend him, Bal Gosain

assented, and had a son Lachmi Narain. When he died and Laclimi Nani in

became Rajah, Pat Ivunwar rebelled. Being hard pressed by the opponent,

Each mi made his submission to the Emperor, and requested Man Singh, tho

Governor of Bengal, to introduce him at Court. A meeting was arranged ;

Man Singh set out from Salhnnagar* and the Rajah travelled forty Jcos

to meet him at Anandapur. The meeting took place on 13th Dai. After

many festivities, the Rajah wished to take Man Singh to his capital ; but

Man Singh was for some reason unwilling and politely took leave of the

Rajah. The latter soon after gave him his daughter in marriage.

“ As the Koch Bihar Rajahs had not personally paid their respects at the

Court of the kings of Bengal, Sulaiman i Kararani had invaded Koch Bihar,

hut without result.”

From the Tuzwk i Jahdngiri (p. 147) we see that, in. the end of 1024,

ninety elephants were paraded before Jahangir, which Qasim Khan, the

Governor of Bengal, had taken from Orisa, the Mugs, and Koch Bihar.

“ In the beginning of 1027, or A. D. 1618, Lachmi Narain paid his re-

spects personally at Court in Gujrat, and presented a nazar of 500 muliurs”

(Joe. cit., p. 220).

The following more detailed account is taken from the Bddishahndmah

(II, pp. 64 ff).

Bengal in the north is hounded by two kingdoms, one of which is called

Koch Hajo and the other Koch Bihar. Koch Bihar lies far away from the

Brahmaputra ; Koch Hajo lies on the banks of that river.

In the beginning of Jahangir’s reign, Koch Hajo was ruled over by

Parichliat, and Koch Bihar by Lachmi Narain, who was the brother of

Parichhat’s grandfather. Now in the 8th year of the reign of that Em-

peror, when Shaikh ’Alauddin Fathpf.ri Islam Khan had been made gover-

nor of Bengal, Parichliat was complained against by hag hunat h, zamindar

of the Parganah Sosang.t whose family Parichliat had imprisoned. Rag'll li-

nat h’s complaints were found to he correct ; and as I arichhat had not

behaved so submissively as Lachmi Narain of Koch Bihar, Shaikh ’Alauddin

determined to annex Koch Hajo, and ordered Mukarram Khanf quickly to

invade Hajo with 6000 horse, 10,000 to 12,000 foot, and 500 ships§. The

* Salima agar is the name of the fort of Sherpur Murchah (Mymensingh).

f Sosang lies east of the Brahmaputra, between the Kanban and the Garo Hills.

J Ain translation, p. 493.

54

H. Bloclimann — Koch Bihar and Asdm.

[No. 1,

vanguard was commanded by Kamal Khan who quickly yet cautiously

marched to Hatsilah, which belongs to the Parganah Karibari and is the

beginning of Koch Hajo, fortifying at every stage his encampment with

bamboo palisades according to the system of warfare followed in these parts

of the country. He then advanced on Port Dhobri, which lies on the [right]

bank of the Brahmaputra and was garrisoned with 500 horse and 10000

foot of Pariohhat’s troops, and besieged it. After a bombardment of one

month, he took the fort, killing a large number of the enemies. Parichhat

now sent a vakil from Khelah, where his residence was, to the commander,

sued for peace, and offered 100 elephants, 100 Tangbans (ponies), and 20

mans of lignum aloes. He also promised to release Itag’hunat’h’s family.

Mukarram Khan and Kamal informed the Governor of Bengal of the pro-

posals, and before the answer came back, Parichhat had carried out the terms

and sent the animals, &c. But the governor demanded the surrender both

of the country and of Pariclihat’s person. Hostilities were therefore re-

sumed ; but the army stayed in Port Dhobri till the end of the rains. A

sudden attack which Parichhat made on Dhobri with 20 elephants, 400

horse, and 10000 foot, was with some difficulty repulsed, and the enemy with-

drew in disorder towards Khelah. The imperialists now left Dhobri and

encountered Parichhat’s fleet in the Gujadhar river. In the engagement

which ensued, the hostile ships were driven back, and Parichhat was forced

to retreat to Khelah. But even there he did not stay long, as ho had heard

that Lachmi Narain had joined the imperialists and was about to attack

him from the flank. He therefore left for Budhnagar, which lies on the

Banas river,* followed by the imperialists who had passed over Khelah arid

reached the Banas. Unable to hold himself any longer, he now surrendered

himself to the mercy of the Mughuls, and was taken, together with his ele-

phants and riches, to Mukarram Khan. Baldeo, however, Parichhat’s

brother, fled to the Sargdeo of Asam, whoso friend he was.

In this way Koch Ha jo was annexed to the empire. Mukarram Khan,

with the sanction of ’Alauddin Islam Khan, appointed his brother ’Abdus-

salsim Patlipiiri to command the garrison which was to be left at Khelah,

and returned with Parichhat as prisoner towards Dhaka. Immediately

before his arrival, ’Alauddin had died, and as no successor had yet been ap-

pointed, Hosliang, ’Alauddin’s son, and Mukarram sent a report to court.

Jahangir ordered Parichhat to be sent to him. Soon after, Shaikh Qasim,

’Alauddin’s brother, who had been in charge of district Munger, was ap-

pointed governor of Bengal with the title of Muhtashim Khan. Upon

entering on his office, he appointed Mukarram Khan governor of Hajo.

Mukarram obeyed and remained in Hajo for a year, when, vexed at the

* The Banas flows into the Brahmaputra, right bank, opposite to Gwalpara.

The Padishahnamah spells wrongly and

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm.

1872.]

annoyances lie had to suffer at the hands of Qasim, who certainly possessed

little tact, if any, he left his post and proceeded over G’horag’hat to Court.

Qasim therefore sent Sayyid Hakim, an imperial officer, and Sayyid Aba

Baler with 10 to 12000 horse and foot and 400 large ships to Hajo, and

ordered them to invade Asam. They waited in Hajo for the end of the

rains, marched three or four stages into Asam, when they were totally de-

stroyed by tire Asame.se in a night attack. As this disaster was caused by

the shortsightedness of Qasim Khan, he was deposed from his office as

governor of Bengal.

( Page 68.) Asam borders on Hajo. As the Asamese exclude foreigners,

the only information regarding the country that we possess, is derived from

prisoners or some of those doggish Asamese who come, to Hajo as traders. It

is a large country, producing elephants and lignum aloes, which is called agar

in Hindiistan, and also gold of inferior purity, which sells at half price. It

borders on Khata (Chinese Tartary). The present king [A. H. 1047, or 1637,

A. D.] is called Sarg Deo, and is an infidel who keeps one thousand elephants

and one hundred thousand foot. The inhabitants shave the head, and clip

off heard and whiskers. They eat every land and water animal. In looks

they resemble the Qaraqylp&q (?) tribe. They are very black and loath-

some to far and near. The chiefs travel on elephants or country ponies ; hut

the army consists only of foot soldiers. The fleet is large and well fitted

out. The soldiers use bows and arrows and matchlocks, but do not come up

m courage to our soldiers, though they are very brave in naval engagements.

On the march they quickly and dexterously fortify their encampments

with mud walls and bamboo palisades, and surround the whole with a ditch.

It was mentioned above that Baldeo had fled to the king of Asam,

whom he now persuaded to invade Hajo, offering his assistance under the

condition that he was to be appointed governor of the province. The Asam

Rajah agreed and sent Baldeo with an army towards Hajo. Profiting by

the unsettledness arising from the removal of one governor and the arrival of

another, Baldeo took Durang, which was owned by several zamindars of

that district and lies about 10 kos from Hajo, on the south of the Brahma-

putra, and continued his aggressions by force and persuasion, so that he soon

saw himself at the head of 10 to 12000 men, both Asamese and Bangalis.

The frontier t’hanah of the Asamese, therefore, which under the rale of

Parichhat had been far off, was now much pushed forward.

At the time of Khan Zaman, who acted as Governor of Bengal for his

father Mahabat Khan, Baldeo continued his raids unopposed, and took away

Parganahs Lulu* and Bhaomanti, causing not only much distress in

those districts themselves, but inflicting also severe losses on the empire,

* Duar Luki is separated from Gwalpara byParganah Habrag’hat, and lies E. E.S.

°f Gwalpara.

56

H. Bloehmann — Koch Bihar and A’sdm.

[No. 1

because he afforded protection to the people when the tax-gatherers came

amongst them, and indirectly influenced the zamiudars of other imperial

districts to delay the customary payments.

During the governorship of Qasim Khan several chiefs had been sent

to these districts with 10 to 12000 soldiers armed with shields and swords.

Such soldiers are called pdiks, and had before been in Hajo, and lived on the

lands which the Bengal governors had given them as jagirs, being engaged

either in cultivation or keeping up Ic'hedahs (enclosures for catching wild

elephants). But as these men had been remiss in forwarding elephants,

Qasim Khan called the chiefs to Dhaka and imprisoned them for some time,

after which he let them off on payment of a fine of 30,000 Rupees. The

result was that Santosh Lashkar and Jairam Lashkar, who were the chiefs

of the Paiks, fled to the Sargdeo Rajah of Asam, who provided for them,

and thus attached them to his party. Again, when Islam Khan was ap-

pointed to Bengal, Satrjit, the wicked Thanahdar of Pandu, made common

cause with Baldeo, and instigated him to profit by the change of gover-

nors and push forward. Baldeo thereupon collected an army of Asamese

and Kochis, left Durang, and attacked ’Abdussalam, who was in charge of

Koch Hajo and had been ordered to look after the k’hedahs. ’Abdussalam

reported matters to Islam Khan and asked for reinforcements.

Islam Khan, therefore, in the 9th year of Shahjahan’s reign (1st Jumada

II., 1045 to 1st Jumada II., 1016, or A. D. 1636), sent ’Abdussalam’s bro-

ther, Shaikh Muhiuddin, together with Muhammad £alih Kamlni, Mirza Mu-

hammad Bukhari and other imperial Mumyibdirs, as also Sayyid Zainul’abi-

din, one of his own soldiers of merit, with 1000 horse, 1000 matchlockmen, part-

ly imperial and partly belonging to his own contingent, and 10 ghrahs and

nearly 200 kosahs and jalbahs* all well provided and fitted out, to ’Abdus-

salam’s assistance. An officer was at the same time ordered to hasten to G’ho-

rag’hat.and there collect boats, to convey the army and the baggage. The rainy

season delayed matters, and when the forces reached G’horag’hat, the horses

and the heavy baggage were left behind till the end of the rains, whilst the

men proceeded in small boats upwards. Muhammad f alih, whose kosahs

were swift going, had a start of two days and arrived first in Hajo. At this

time Satrjit, the traitor, sent a message to ’Abdussalam, stating that he had

heard from spies that the Asamese intended to make a night attack on his

thanah. ’Abdussalam, therefore, ordered Muhammad palih to accompany

Satrjit and protect his thanah. After a short march, night overtook them,

and Satrjit asked Muhammad f'alih to remain where they were, whilst he

would go and get information about the thanah. But as next morning

Satrjit had not returned, Qalih broke up, and met Satrjit half-way with

his ships, who gave out that the Asamese had attacked and taken his

thanah with superior forces, and he had fled to save at least the ships.

* Kinds of ships ; vide below.

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A’sam.

57

1872.]

They remained for one day and one night at the place of meeting, and hear-

ing of Zainid'abidin’s arrival, returned to Hajo. It was now resolved that

’Abdussalam should not leave Hajo ; his brother Muluuddm and Fazil Beg,

an officer of Islam Khan, who commanded 300 horse and the same number

of matchlockmen of the Khan’s contingent, were to garrison the thanahs in

the neighbourhood of Hajo, whilst Zain ul’abidin should push the ships as far

as Srig’hat, where Asam begins, and try to keep the enemy at bay. Zain ul-

abidin, therefore, and Muhammad palili, with imperial troops and soldiers

belonging to Islam Khan’s contingent, and manyZamindars and ships, marched

forward, and met the enemy, who had advanced two kos beyond Panda.

The Asamese at once left the two fortified camps which they had erected, and

attacked the Imperialists. After a severe fight, they were dislodged and lost

five guns. Zain ul’abidin destroyed their camps, and then marched quickly on

to Srig’hat, where the Asamese had assembled in force. Fighting was at once

renewed, and in one of the engagements a Phulcan, i. e., an Asamese chief

and commander of ten or twelve thousand men, was killed. Five large

ships, which they call bachhdru, and several kosahs, i. e., ships that have

one mast,* were taken. On the following day also, the Asamese lost in an

engagement 300 men, 12 bachhdns, and 40 kosahs.

Islam Khan had in the meantime collected further reinforcements, and

intended to take personally the command of the expedition. But on account

of the great distance of Hajo from Jaliangimagar, where his presence was re-

quired, he had to give up his plan, and therefore sent his own brother Mir Zain

nddin, Allah Yar Khan, Muhammad Beg Abakash, ’Abdul Wahhab, Mir

Qasim Samnani, Amirah Sasan, Sayyid Muhammad Bukhari and others, with

1500 horse, 4000 matchlockmen and bowmen of his own contingent to

Hajo. Muhammad Zaman of Tahran, who was Faujdar and Tuyuldar of

Si I hat, was also ordered to join the detachment. As the Paiks had, in the

meantime, joined the Asamese, which deprived the Hajo and Srig’hat corps

of regular supplies, Islam Khan shipped large stores of grain and had them

conveyed by twenty-five war-kosahs belonging to Ma’fum Zamindar,f who

also took with him ammunition, weapons, and money. Khwajah Sher,

Faujdar of G’horag’hat and lately appointed to the Faujdari of Khelah, was

ordered to join with his detachment Mir Husaini, a servant of the governor,

who with 200 horse and 300 foot had gone to Koch Bihar to collect the

peslikash, and then to move to Dhobri. There they were to be joined by

* Yakchobah, pr. having one pole or beam, one-masted (?). On page 37, the

term kosah was applied to snch ships as are used to row war-ships.

The term ghrdb is looked upon by the author of the Padishahnamah

(Ij p. 431) as a Bengali term.

t Ma’<jum Zarmndar had also served in command of ships at the conquest of

Hugh, in the beginning of 1042, A. H.

58

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar aud Asam.

[No. 1,

Basbati zamindar of Patka and other districts (a relation of

Parichhat, "who exerted himself in behalf of the Imperialists) .after which they

should operate together with the Hajo army.

Before the provisions came up, ’Abdussalam had hastened to Srig’hat,

in order to induce Sayyid Zain ul’abidin who was stationed there, to come

with him to Hajo ; for the river had receded for two or three kos from Fort

Hajo, and mutual succour was rendered impossible. The Sayyid at first

refused to come ; but at the urgent request of ’Abdussalam he at last agreed,

put the ships in charge of Muhammad falili Kambu, Satrjit, and Majlis

Bayazfd, ruler of Sirkar Fathabad near Dhaka, and left several behind. No

sooner had he left than the enemy with nearly 500 ships attacked at night

the imperial fleet. The scoundrel Satrjit, who had been the cause of the

attack, took the first opportunity to retire with his ships, and several others

followed him from fear ; nor would he return, when palih sent his sons

to him to induce him to do his duty. The imperialists were defeated : palih

was killed, Bayazid was made prisoner, and the fleet fell into the hands of

the enemies. Satrjit, moreover, on his flight, fell in with a number of ships

which brought provisions to the army, and persuaded them to return.

Baldeo, thereupon, with his Asamese and Kochi troops, left Srig’hat

and Piindu, and marched towards Hajo, which he besieged, successfully

cutting off all supplies. ’Abdussalam, Shaikh Muhiuddin, and Sayyid Zain

td’abidin were thus forced to have recourse to sallies, during which they

destroyed some of his stockades. From want of provisions, the delay of

reinforcements, and the superior number of the enemies, ’Abdussalam accepted

an offer of peace, and went with his brother to the hostile camp. He was,

however, immediately imprisoned and sent to Asam. Sayyid Zain ul’abidin

with the rest of the men tried bravely to force his way through the enemies ;

but they were all cut up.

The corps commanded by Mir Zain uddin ’Ali, Allah Yar, and Muham-

mad Zaman Tahranl had, in the mean time, left the banks of the

Brahm4putra, and attacked Chandr Narain, son of Parichhat. Chandr

Narain had at first lived in Parganah Solmari, which belongs to the

Dak’hinkol, the district south of the Brahmaputra, on the right* banks

of the river. But as most parts of the Dak’hinkol had been given

to Satrjit as tuyul, the latter had sent Gopinat’h, his brother’s son,

as thanahdar and collector to Parganah Karibari. The inhabitants

of the Parganah, in consequence of Gopinfith’s oppressions, had called

Chandr Narain ; and Gopinat’h, unable to resist him, had withdrawn.

Chandr Narain had in a short time collected an army of 6 or 7000 Asamese

* Wo would say tie left bank. The Persians do not look as we do to the mouth

of a river in speaking of the right and left banks, but they look to the source, or

l&ldr&yah (AJjyiltj), ». e., against the current.

H. Bloehmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm.

59

1872.]

and Kocliis, and established himself at Mauza’ Matlali,# which belongs to

Karibari, where he erected a fortified camp near the Brahmaputra, at a place

full of jungle. The imperialists, on the 10th Sha’ban of the 10th year [1046,

A. H.], came from the Uttarkol, the left [right] bank of the Brahmaputra,

and arrived in rapid marches opposite to Karibari. They crossed the river, and

resolved next day to attack Chandr Narain. But the latter used the respite

thus afforded him, fled from Karibari, and retreated to Parganah Solmari,

where he had stayed before. The imperialists, next day, received the sub-

mission of the chiefs of Karibari, both of paiks and ryots, levelled the forti-

fications erected by Chandr Narain, and cut down the jungle round about the

stockades. Jaliil, a relation of the zamindar Ma’<;um, was left here with 400

matchlockmen and paiks as garrison.

The imperialists now returned across the Brahmaputra, and entered

Parganah Mardangi, which belongs to the Dak’hinkol. The chief of the

district had also the name of Pariehhat, and was father-in-law to Chandr

Narain. By promises and threats they succeeded in getting him to come to

the camp. About the same time the zamindar of Solmari also, who from

fear of Chandr Narain had fled to K'hoiff'hag'hat, joined the imperialists.

They then marched to Dhobri, where they.fell in with the traitor Satrjit and

the convoy ships which he had managed to detain. As they had heard ol

Satrjit’s treachery, and orders had in the meantime arrived from Islam Khan

to seize him, they secured him and sent him on the Dhaka.

This Satrjit was the son of Mukindra, zamindar of Bosnah, which lies

three stages from Dhaka ‘ on this side.’ Shaikh ’Alauddin, when Governor

[under Jahangir] of Bengal, had sent him along with the army which then

invaded Hajo ; and as he distinguished himself in the war, he had, after the

conquest of the country and the return of the army, been appointed Thanah-

dar of Pandu and Gauhatti, where, chiefly through his numerous dependants,

he had obtained the friendship of the Asamese, and had also, by his influence

as zamindar of Bosnah, become quite intimate with the chiefs of Koch. The

governors of Bengal who succeeded Shaikh ’Alauddin, had often called him ;

but he made for ever excuses and neither paid his respects, nor did he send

the customary peslilcash. When, however, Islam Klran was made governor,

he found that subterfuges availed nothing, and calling his son, who was in

Jahanglrnagar, to take his place, he paid his respects to the governor, and

was ordered to join the corps under Shaikh Muhiuddin. But he was a

traitor, and kept on friendly terms with the A'sam Elijah and Baldeo, Pari-

chhat’s brother, and not only furnished them with information, but induced

many zamindars to rebel. He now met with his deserts, and was imprisoned

m Jahanglrnagar and executed.

* if this be no mistake for ufc, Hatsilah. The initial htS in MSS. si

Written like a and the sin is a mere horizontal stroke.

CO H. Bloch mann — Koch Bihar and A’sdm. [No. 1,

The unhappy fate of ’Abdussalam emboldened the Asamese and Kochis

to advance with 12000 foot, 50 war-sloops, and many kosahs to Jogig’hopah,

which is a long hill situated opposite to the confluence of the Banas and

Brahmaputra [near Gwalpara], where, protected by dense jungle, they hoped

to check the imperialists. They had erected a strong fort, and had made

another opposite to it at a place called Hirahpiir, on the other side of the

Brahmaputra. Jogig’hopah was garrisoned with 3000 foot ; the other por-

tion of the army was located at Hirahpiir, whilst the fleet anchored between

the two forts. The imperialists now left Dhobri, and came to the Khanpiir

River, which flows from K’hont’hag’hat into the Brahmaputra, and crossedit.

Basbati, who with the zamindars and the footmen was employed to cut down

the jungle and prepare a road for the army, here reported that the enemies were

in sight, and Zain uddin ’Ali and Allah Yar gave him 3000 matchlockmen,

and told him to drive away the enemy. At the first attack, the Asamese

ran away and were pursued for six Icon. Next day, the imperialists came to

Jogig’hopah. After several fights, the enemies again withdrew, and the im-

perialists crossed the Banas. It was at this time that Chandr Narain perish-

ed, and received the reward for his disloyalty. As he had been the cause of

the defection of the Dak’hinkol, Muhammad Zaman was immediately sent

there with 1000 horse and 4000 foot, to clear the country : if the zamindars

submitted, they were to be sent to the army to serve ; if not, they were to

be killed. This Muhammad Zanrin did in a short time, and the Dak’hinkol

being clear of the enemy, he returned with his corps to head quarters. The

whole army then marched to ChandankoU On thoir way, they received a

letter from U'tam Narain, son of Sardabar, zamindar of Budhnagar, in

which it was said that Baldeo had arrived with 3000 Kochis and Asamese in

Budhnagar, and that the zamindar, unable to oppose him, had crossed the

Banas and gone to K’hont’hag’hat, from where he wished to join the im-

perial camp. Muhammad Zaman with a strong detachment was ordered to

march against Baldeo, accompanied by U'tam Narain, who had just come

and was thoroughly acquainted with the country. The principal part of the

army remained at Chandankot. Muhammad Zaman now crossed the Pomari

River, took a stockade which the enemy bad erected on its banks, and march-

ed upon Budhnagar. Baldeo, in the meantime, had deserted the strong

encampment he had thrown up at Budhnagar, and had withdrawn to Choth-

ri, a zamindari which also belongs to Sardabar, where he erected several

forts in the jungle at the foot of the hills. The imperialists, therefore, turned

towards the jungles, and halted at Bishnpur, an elevated spot near to Baldeo’s

encampment, in order to wait for the end of the rains and to get their war-

material into order. Baldeo boldly advanced from Chot’hri, having received

from Srig’hat and Panda reinforcements which increased his army to 40,000

men, and threw up fortifications at the Kalapani River, which is l.j kos dis-

1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'silm. 61

tant from Bishnpur, whilst he himself with the greater part of his army

remained encamped at the distance of about a hos, protected By rising ground,

a river difficult to cross, and dense jungle. He made several night attacks,

and by throwing up palisades in front of the imperialists succeeded in

reducing them to great straits. After some time, the Sarg Deo, who was

at Pandu, in consequence of a letter received from Baldeo, sent his son-in-law

to him with nearly 20,000 Asamese, who were ordered to march on Chan-

dankot.

As the rains had in the meantime decreased, the army of Islam left its

encampment at Chandankot, and marched on to Bishnpur. Baldeo determined

to do something before both hostile corps should effect a junction ; and on

the night between Friday and Saturday, 20th Jumada II., of the 11th year

of the present reign [». e. 20th Jumada II., 1W7, or 31st October, 1637], he

ordered some of his men on this side of the Kalfpani to attack the imperialists

at night. The result was that they carried two stockades which had not

been quite finished. Next morning, Muhammad Zaman took at once the

offensive, and leaving a party behind to protect his stoekadefe, he attacked

the works of the enemies. The first were immediately taken by storm, and

the imperialists in pursuing the Asamese entered with them into the second

line of their defences, and killed a good number. Even here the enemies

gave way, and the victors had arrived at their third line of fortifications.

Before noon, 15 stockades were taken, and more than 4000 Asamese killed.

Several chiefs also, who held commands of about 5 to 6000 were killed, and

three of them were brought in prisoners. Many guns, matchlocks, and other

weapons fell into the hands of the victors. All stockades on this side of the

river were burnt down. The defeated enemies fell back on Baldeo, and the

imperialists thought it best to march as soon. as possible on Bishnpur.

On the 12th Rajah [21st November, 1637], the whole army was divided

into three corps, and marched against Baldeo, whose position they attacked

from three points. The enemies soon fled on all sides. A very large num-

ber was killed. The son-in-law of the Asam Rajah was taken captive, and

was afterwards, together*' with all other captives, executed. Up to the end

of the day, every Asamese found in the jungles was killed. The shattered

remnants of the enemies withdrew to 8 rig hat and Pandu, where the Eajah

was with the heavy baggage and the fleet. Baldeo escaped to Durang.

After this victory, the imperial forces marched against Pandu and

Srig’hat, and arrived on the 24th Rajab [3rd December, 1637] near Akyali

Pahari juii, ?), The commander next morning sent three detachments

up the hill to take the outworks ( sarkob ) ; Muhammad Beg Abakash, Mir

Muhammad Qasim Samnani, Sayyid Muhammad Bukhari, and other impe-

rial commanders, attacked the works at the foot of the hill, whilst the com-

mander himself with Allah Yar and Muhammad Zaman followed in the rear.

62 H. Bloclnnann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm. [No. 1,

The enemies commenced immediately a cannonade, which did, however, no

damage whatever. The outworks on the top of the hill were taken. The

imperial fleet at the same time engaged the hostile ships, and scattered them.

Many Asamese were killed. Srig’hat was now attacked. Allah Yar and

Muhammad Zaman came up, surrounded the forts, and drove away the

enemies. The sailors, in the meantime, directed all glirdhs and kosahs to-

wards Pandu, and engaged the enemies who guarded Pandu on the other

side of the river. Here also the flight soon became general, and Ma’9um

zamindar did much damage with his ships among the enemies, many of whom

threw themselves from their ships and met with their death in the waves.

Nearly 500 war-sloops and 300 guns fell into the hands of the victors, and

in a short time no enemy was to be seen.

The whole of Koch Hajo was thus cleared of the Asamese, and was

again, as before, annexed to the empire.

The conquest was completed by the taking of Fort Kajli, which lies on

the Brahmaputra. Tho fort is surrounded on three sides by hills, through

which a large river [the Iiulang liiver] breaks that flows into the Brahmapu-

tra. As it is the place where Asam proper commences, it was held by

several Asamese chiefs. A detachment was sent to Durang to hunt down

Baldeo, and the fleet was ordered to sail to Kajli. The hostile garrison fled

also here ; the imperialists crossed the river, and took possession of the fort.

A garrison of 1000 horse, 3000 matchlockmen, 2000 paiks, and several

zamindars, were ordered to guard the place.

Baldeo, in course of time, was reduced to great straits. He fled to

Singri, an Asamese town between the hills and the Brahmaputra, and soon

after perished miserably with his two sons.

During the next three months the whole district was pacified ; the

zamindars made their submission, and the country received a financial

settlement. Gawahatti, which had formerly been an important town, became

head quarters, and the commanders remained here during the rainy season.

His Majesty [Shahjahan], in recognition of the services of the army

promoted Islam Khan, who had been a commander of 5000, 5000 horse,

3000 duaspah silmspah troopers, to a command of 5000, 5000 horse, 4000

duaspah sihaspahs ; Allah Yar Khan received an increase of 500, 200 horse,

and was now a commander of 3000, 2000 horse ; Muhammad Zaman was

made a commander of 2000, 1800 horse ; and Mir Zainuddin ’All, a com-

mander of 1000, 200 horse, with the title of Sayddat Klidn. Itahman Yar

and ’Abdul Wahhab also were promoted.

Mir Nurullah of Harat was appointed Thanahdar of Koch Hajo, with a

command of 3000, 2500 horse. ( Bddishahndmah , II., 94).

1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm. 63

Having completed the extracts from the Bddhhdlmdma.li, I now pro-

ceed to the Fathiyah i 'lbriyah. I do not intend to give a translation of

the whole hook, hut shall in general content myself with a detailed analysis,

and a comparison with the ' Alamgvrndmah. Of the more interesting chapters

and passages, however, the analysis will ho found to approach a translation.

The subjugation of Koch Hajo and Kamrup by the imperialists in 1637

appears to have been thorough. At least we have no information of new

troubles having broken out till A. H. 1068, or A. D. 1658, when Shahjahan

fell sick, and the wars of succession followed. In that year, the Faujdar of

Kamrup and Hajo was MirLutfullah of Shiraz. The government of Bengal

had for several years been in the hands of Prince Shuja’, who had now col-

lected the whole Bengal corps to oppose his brothers. From the frontier-

districts, especially, the imperial detachments appear to have been entirely

withdrawn ; for no sooner had the emperor’s sickness become known than

Bliim Narain, Rajah of Koch Bihar, made raids into Gr’horag’hat, carry-

ing off a great numher of imperial subjects, men and women. He also sent

his vazir Bhawanat’h* with an army into Kamrup. Jaidhaj Singh also,

Rajah of Asam, thought circumstances favorable, and unwilling to allow

the Kochis to recover territories which they formerly had held, he marched

with a large army, accompanied by a numerous fleet, into Kamrup. Mir Lutf-

ullah, seeing himself thus attacked from two sides, and having no troops to

check the invaders, took his ships, and withdrew to Dhaka. The Kochis

again, unable to oppose the Asatnese, retreated, and the whole province was

at the mercy of the Asam Rajah, who even annexed part of the Parganah

Karibari, Hatsilah being as formerly their most advanced thSnah.

For three years nearly did the Asamese remain in undisturbed possession

of the newly annexed territory, when after the flight of Prince Shuja’ to

Arakan, in Ramazan of Aurangzib’s third year, [*’. e. Ramazan, 1070, or

June, 1659], KhanKhanan Mir Jumlah, governor of Bengal, occupied

Jaliangirnagar. It was immediately after this event, says the author of the

' Alamgirndmah, (p. 680) that Jaidhaj Singh sent a vakil to Mir Jumlah,

stating that he had taken possession of the imperial lands for no other reasons

but to keep out the Kochis ; he was now prepared to hand them again over

to any officer whom the governor might send to him. The statement found

favor ; Mir Jumlah rewarded the vakil with a lchal at, and Rashid Khan,

Sayyid Xaciruddin Khan, Sayyid Salar Khan, A'ghar Khan, and others, were

ordered to receive back the imperial lands. Bhim Narain also sent at this

time a vakil, in order to ask the governor’s pardon for his want of loyalty

and open rebellion ; but Mir Jumlah would listen to no excuse, imprisoned

* So the Fathiyah i ’lbriyah. The ’Alamgimamah has, perhaps correctly, Blio-

lanat’h. For Bhim Narain, MSS. have also Pem Narain.

61

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm.

[No. 1,

the vakil, and ordered Rajah Suhhan Singh Bundelah* with an imperial

corps and Mirza Beg, one of his own officers, with 1000 horse, to occupy

Koch Bihar.

As soon as the Asamese heard of the approach of Rashid Khan, they

withdrew from Karihari and the neighbouring places, and returned at last

beyond the Bands river [opposite Gwalp&ra], Rashid Khan thought their

sudden retreat to be a snare, and refused to advance beyond four stages from

Jahangirnagar ; but on receiving further supplies under Sayyid Yusuf, who

during Shuja’s government had been Faujdar of Karihari, he occupied that

Parganab, and soon after took possession of Rangamati. Here he remained,

and reported to the governor that the Asamese were making extensive

preparations to recover the lost territory.

Suhhan Singh in the meantime advanced to Yak Duar ; but seeing

that Rashid Khan did not press forward, he, too, remained where he was,

especially as the rains had set in, and sent discouraging reports to the go-

vernor. By ‘ Du;ir’ a fortified gateway is meant, built of mortar and bricks,

which stands upon a broad dl, or raised road,f mostly overgrown with trees,

and surrounded by deep and broad ditches and jungle, where the treacherous

inhabitants of these districts use to hide.

The governor saw that matters could no longer be left in the hands of

his officers, and on obtaining the necessary orders from court, he prepared

himself to invade Koch Bihar and A'sam.

The Conquest of Koch Bihar in 1661.

On the 18th Rabi’ I., 1072 [1st November, 1661, A. D.], the fourth year

of Aurangzib’s reign, the Nawab [Mir Jumlah] started from Jahangirnagar,

leaving Ihtisham Khan in Khizrpiir to protect the capital. MukhliQ Khan

garrisoned Akbarnagar (Rajmahall), and all financial matters were left to Bha-

* The Bibl. Indioa Edition of the ’Alamgirn&mah must he used with care, as the

proper nanios are mostly all wrong. Thus on p. 679, should be p,

680, JLr5" should be ; p. 681 and in the whole narrative, ,_£wI;e** should be

Aghar Khan is also doubtful, the correct spoiling being perhaps

Ighyr Khan. On p. 690, for and read the same forms

with b ; p. 692, read for • p. 693, — >7 for ; P- 694 o

for ; p. 696 yi\ G for^i • Do., for ; p. 700, jodb for

* <xili j p. 703, for j Do., for^A,X*3. ’ p. 713jlii &.x„, for

jliLi for pp. 720, 721, for • p. 722, aljj for

j p. 727, lilf for ^ Ills’, These are only mistakes in proper nouns,

f Abulfazl thinks that the raised roads, or dls, in Bengal, have given rise to the

name of the country, Bmga-al,

H. Blochmann — Koch Biliar and Asa.ni.

65

1872.]

goti Das, the Diwan, and to Khwajah Bhagwant Das ; Mir Ghazi was ap-

pointed Bakhshi and Waqi’ahnawis, and Muhammad Muqim commanded

the fleet. The Nawab first marched to Baritalah the harem and

the heavy baggage having been sent via G’horag’hat. Now three roads lead

to Koch Bihar, two from his Majesty’s empire, and a third vid Morang

('-&)>■*). Of the former two, the first is known as the Yak Duar ; and if the

Duar be forced, there would be no further obstacles, and the army might

proceed to the town of Koch Bihar. The second is known as the K’hont’ha-

g’ha( roadf. It passes near Rangamati, and is a narrow road intersected

by many nalahs. To both sides of the dl, or embankment, there is dense

jungle up to the town of Koch Bihar. But there was still another road,

along an dl much lower than the others, and surrounded by dense bamboo

shrubs ; and as the Rajah thought the road impracticable for an army, he

had not guarded it. For this reason the Nawab determined to go by this

road, and ordered the fleet to anchor in the nalah which flows from Sirkar

G’horag’hat into the Brahmaputra.

On the last day of Rabi’ II. [12th December, 1661], Rajah Sublian

Singh joined the Nawab.

On the 1st Jumada I. [13th December, 1661], the Nawab arrived at

the foot of the dl. A few enemies were there, but they dispersed on his

approach. On the next day, the army went along the dl, the Nawab himself

being continually on horseback. The march was difficult, and the elephants

and the footmen had continually to cut a road through the jungle. At a

place three stages from Koch Bihar it was reported that the Rajah had fled

to Bhutant (Bhootan). The army also crossed here a river, which was said

to be bottomless.

On the 6th Jumada I., the army stood before Koch Bihar, and on the

next day [19th December, 1661], the Nawab entered the town. The azdn,

or call to prayer, was chanted by fadr Mir Muhammad p.tlih in the

Rajah’s palace.

The kingdom of Koch Bihar extends from Parganah Bhetarband,

“ which belongB to his Majesty's empire,” to PatganwJ near the frontier of

* “ The frontier of the empire.” ’Alamglmdmah. Baritalah lies near Chilmari,

near the right bank of the Brahmaputra, opposite to Hatsilah in Parganah Karibnri.

t The Bibl. Indica Edition of the ’ Ahmgtmdmah has O’hordg'hat, but gives the

correct reading in a footnote.

t The printed edition has Pdpgdon, the MS. Pdtgdon. Patgaon in the north of the

Rangpur District appears to be meant.

The ’ Alwingimamah ( p. 691) has the following—

“ The length of Koob Bihar is 65 statute (jartb{) kos, and the breadth 50. # * *

Whatever of the country lies within the band, is called ‘ Bhetarband.’ One large and

two small rivers enter the ‘ band;’ and these, together with such rivers as come from

9 i

66 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A’sdm. [No. 1,

the kingdom of Morang. It is 52 statute kos long. The breadth from the

Parganah of Tsijhat, which belongs to the empire, to Pusakarpur

near K’hont’hag’hat, is 50 kos. The mountains of Bhutant, which are

inhabited by the Bhutiahs, produce T&ngan horses, Bhiitiah cloth, Pari,* and

musk. Koch Bihar is well-known for its excellent water, mildness of the

climate, its fresh vegetation and flowers. Oranges are plentiful, as also other

fruits and vegetables. If properly administrated, the country might yield a

revenue of 8 lacs of rupees. The inhabitants, since ancient times, are the

Meeh and Koch tribes. The Eajah belongs to the Mech. He coins gold

muhurs and Naruin rupees. The zamxndars of India esteem the Koch Bih.ir

Bajahs, and believe that they trace their descent from Bajahs who reigned

there before the arrival of the Muhammadans in India.

Bhim Nar. in was a noble, mighty king, powerful, and fond of company.

He never took his lip from the edge of the bowl, nor his hand from the

flagon ; he was continually surrounded by singing women, and was so addicted

to the pleasures of the harem, that he did not look after his kingdom. His

palace is regal, has a ghusulkhdnah,\ a darshan, private rooms, aecommoda-

other sides, flow into the Sankos. Outside the ' band’ are 5 chaklahs, containing 75

parganahs ; and within the ‘ band’ there are 12 parganahs. The revenue of the

kingdom is nearly 10 laos of Rupees.

* The printed edition has pari, the MS. sari. The ’ A'lamgtmdmah

says (p. 690) that ‘ pari’ is a kind of thick cloth with long threads ( purzddr , like coarse

plush), woven on strings, and is used for carpets. “Another woollen stuff is called

phut.” The last is very likely a mistake for the bhiitiah cloth mentioned in the

text.

f The word ghusuVthanah, as is well known, means now-a-day a bath-room, or a

closet, or both. At the Dihli court it had a particular meaning, as will be seen from

the following extracts. The Balmr i ’Ajarn says — “ It is said that Sher Shah, when

emperor of Dihli, appointed a room in the Palace where he nsed to sit after his bath,

in order to have his carls dried. (This, by the way, is the only historical statement

which ascribes curls [gesudn] to Sher Shah.) When Akbar came to the throne, he

called that room Diwdn i lchdg. Khan Arzu says that he had heard that the grandees

in old times used to sit on coming to pay their respects ; but when Akbar came to the

throne, he disapproved of it. He could not, however, do away with the oustom, and built

a house where he took his bath, but put on that account no carpets on the ground, so

that when the Amirs came in, they had to stand. And from his time, the grandees

in presenting reports, &e., have been accustomed to stand. Now the room was called

ghusvMlianah, and though the bath was in course of time abolished, the name

remained."

From the Pddishdhndmah (II, p 220) we see that Shahjahira wished to change

the name from ghusulkhanah to daulatlchdnah i khdg; but the old name remained.

Bernier (Calcutta edition I, p 300) calls the ‘ gosel-kanay’ an evening reception room.

Dwrshan, as the name implies, is the place where the king shews himself to tho

people, a general audience hall.

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and Asdm.

67

1872.]

tions for the harem, for servants, baths and fountains, and a garden. In the

town there are flowerbeds in the streets, and trees to both sides of them.

The people use the sword, firelock, and arrows, as weapons. The arrows

are generally poisoned ; thoir mere touch is fatal. Some of the inhabitants

are enchanters ; they read formulas upon water, and give it the wounded to

drink, who then recover. The men and the women are rarely good looking.

As the people, a day before the army arrived, had fled, the Nawab

strictly forbade plundering ; and a few soldiers, having gone marauding and

brought home a cow, or a goat, or a few plantains, were marched through the

camp and the town with an arrow stuck through then- noses, and the stolen

things suspended from their necks. This encouraged the inhabitants, and

they returned to their homes.

The son of the Rajah* about this time fled from his father, and waited

on the Nawab, and became a Muhammadan.

Isfandiar Beg, son of the late Ilah Yar Khan, was ordered to Morang to

capture Bhawanfit’h, the Rajah’s vazir. Farhad Khan also was sent there

hy another route. Riza Quli Beg Abalcash, a companion of Isfandiar,

captured the vazir and brought him in fettered, as also his wife and child.

According to orders, the Yak Duar was levelled with the ground, and by

cutting down the trees for about a hundred yards, an open space was made.

106 guns, 145 zamburaks, 11 ramcbangis, 123 matchlocks, and much material

and baggage, were seized. The artillery stores were forwarded to Jahangir-

nagar. Of the other things Muhammad ’Abid, the Barrack Master, took

charge. A party was then sent to Kanthalbari at the foot of the Bhutant

Hills, where the Rajah concealed himself ; but the Rajah withdrew to the

summit of the mountains. Only an elephant, several horses, and cow car-

nages, and a Bhutiah, were brought back. The Bhutiah begged hard for his

life, and promised to take a letter to the Rajah of Bhiitant, whose name is

Dharm rajah, and who is over one hundred and twenty years old. He is an

ascetic, eats only plantains, drinks only milk, and indulges in no pleasures what-

ever. He is famous for his justice, and rales over a large people. The prisoner

also told us that a river runs through his kingdom, not very broad, but very

* The ’ Alamgirndmah calls him Bishn Naniin, and says that Bhim Narain from

distrust had always kept him under surveillance (p. G88).

Tor MccTi , the Bibl. Indica edition of that work has Mash e< The inhabi-

tants of Koch Bihar belong to two tribes, the Mech and the Bihar tribes. The former

live within the ‘ band,’ the Bihiirs without it. In fact the name Kooh Bihdr has a

reference to this tribo ; even A'sam is sometimes called ‘ Koch A’sam.’ The people

are very ngly, both men and women ; they look like Qalmaqs, and have a steel blue

complexion. Some are fair. Among the Meches white people are found. This tribe

furnishes agriculturists and soldiers” (pp. 692, 693).

The king in the ’ Alamgirnamah also is described as an effeminate voluptuary,

who left every- thing in the hands of his vazir ‘ Bholnnath.’

G8

H Blochmann — Koch Bihar ancl A’sam.

[No. 1.

rapid and deep ; and a chain passes over the water, the ends of which are

fastened to opposite rocks. Above this chain there is another, the distance

between the two being the height of a man. People cross the river by walk-

ing along the lower chain and supporting themselves by seizing the upper

one ; even horses and burdens are made to cross the river on the chain. I can-

not vouch for the truth of the Bhiitiah’s story. The man looked very

fair, was strongly built, and had long, light brownish hair, hanging over the

shoulders. His only dress was a white cloth which covered his private

parts. Their language is related to that of the Kochis. The Nawab now

sent the man with a letter to the Dharmrajah, asking him to seize and send

Bhim Narain to him, or at least drive him from his hills. The man brought

at last an answer, in which the Dharmrajah excused himself by saying that

he had not called Bhim Narain ; but as he had come unasked, he could not

well drive away a guest.

The Nawab had no time to lose, overlooked the impertinence, and

prepared himself to invade Asam.

Koch Kiliar was thus annexed. The name of the town was changed

to ’ Almngirnagar. Isfantliar Beg received from his Majesty the title of

Khan, and was to officiate as Faujdar of the country till the arrival of ’Askar

Khan, who had been appointed to that office. Isfandiar remained in Koch

Bihar with 400 horse of his own contingent, and 1000 Imperial matchlock-

men ; Qazi Samiii Shuja’i* was madeDiwan ; Mir ’Abdurrazzaq and Khwajah

Kishwar I)tis Man9abdar were made Amins.

The Nawab after a stay of sixteen days started for As&m.

The Conquest of A'sa'm.

The Nawab left Koch Bihar on the 23d Jumada I., [4th January, 16G2],f

and marched over K’hont’haghat into A'sam. Everywhere there were dense

jungles. When he arrived at Kangamati, Rashid Khan joined him. The

zamindars of the district, who believed the conquest impossible, could not be

trusted, and the Nawab had for carriage and guides solely to depend on his

own exertions. Dilir Khan was appointed harawal (vanguard) ; and he and

Mir Murtaz.i, the Daroghah of the Artillery park, had to look after the

roads. In consequence of the jungles and the numerous nalahs, which

* I. e. Qazi Samu, who had been in the service of Prince Shuja’. The Bibl. Indica

Edition of KhafC Khan calls him Qazi Timur, evidently on the authority of bad MSS.

Besides, Khafi Khan is an untrustworthy historian.

The “rebellious” princes of the Dihli house recoivo nick names at the hands of

the historians. Dara Shikoh, i. e. ‘ one who has the dignity of Darius,’ is called

Dara he Shikoh, the undignified Dara ; Prince Shuja’, i. e., ‘ the brave,’ is always called

‘ Nashuja’, * the recreant.’ Shahryar, Jahangir’s son, who proclaimed himself at

IAhor, was nicknamed ‘ Nashudani, or ‘ good-for-nothing.’

f The ’ Alamgtmdmah (p. C94) says that the reached the Brahmaputra on the 28th.

1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm. GO

however were mostly shallow, the daily progress was not more than 2

or 2J kos. The fatigues which the men had to undergo defy all descrip-

tion. The grass and the reeds especially were annoying to men and animals-

At last, on the 9th Junnida II., [20tli January, 1662], they reached and

took possession of Fort Jogig’hopah* [opposite Gwalpara], which belongs

to Kanmlp. Tho enemies had fled without striking a blow. ’Ataullah, a

servant of the Nawab, was left here as Thanahdar. It is a high and large

fort on the Brahmaputra. Near it the enemies had for a short distance

dug many holes in the ground for the horses to fall into, and pointed pieces

of bamboo (called in their language phdnjis) had been stuck in the

holes. Behind the holes, for about half a shot’s distance, on even ground,

they had made a ditch, and behind this ditch another one three yards

deep near the fort. The latter ditch was also full of pointed bamboos.

This is the way how the Asamese fortify all their positions. They make

their forts, like the Indian peasants, of mud. The Brahmaputra is south

of the fort ; and on the east a large river, called the Banas, flows past the

mountain and joins the Brahmaputra. To the north, the fort is guarded

hy a ditch, several mountains, and dense jungle. The writer nearly lost

one his horses that had put its foot into one of the holes.

A bridge of boats was made over the Banas. At the time of crossing,

the guns of a boat fell into the river ; so also a gun belonging to the

Naw&b, which shot ser balls The latter was after several

days’ labour recovered.

Na$iruddin Khan, Yadgar Khan, and other Amirs crossed the Bralmri-

putra, and marched along the other bank opposite to the army, whilst

’Ataullah, one of the Nawab’s men, was left behind as commander of

Jogig’hopah.

On the 24th Jumada II. [4th February, 1662], the neighbourhood of

Gawaliatti was reached. Rashid Khan was sent off, to prevent the enemies

from escaping to the north. But before he could reach, they had fled, and

left the fort empty.

On the 25th Jumada II., the army reached Fort Srig’hat. The exits

and entrances had all been closed with large logs of wood driven into the

ground. Some the elephants pulled out, some Haji Muhammad Baqir of Isfa-

han, a servant of the Nawab, renowned for his strength. The Nawab entered

and inspected the place, and then moved to Gawahatti, which lies a kos further

°n. Fort Pandu also, which lies on the other side of the river opposite to

Srig’hat, was taken without fight. Yadgar Khan Uzbak killed, however, a

* The 'Ala mil (mama h (p. 696) says that Jogig’hopah means ‘ Hermit’s Cave,’ and

was so called from a Hindu Ascetic who had lived there. On the other side

of the river was a mountain called Panch llat an, also fortified. An island on the river

had also been fortifiod with palisades.

70

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A’sdm.

[No. 1,

large number of tlie retreating enemies. The garrison also of Fort Kajli,

which lies 7 kos farther from Fort Pandu, had deserted the stronghold.

Some zamburaks, matchlocks, and a quantity of gimpowder, were captured.

Fort Srig’hat is bigger and higher than Fort Jogig’hopah. Fort Pandu

is about equal to Fort Srig’hat ; Fort Kajli is not less important. Idol-

temples devoted to Gaumuk’hiadebi and Lunachamari and Isma’il Jogi,

are upon the mountain near Fort Pandu. From the foot of the mountain

to the top there is a stone staircase of more than 950 and less than 1000

steps. Fort Kajli lies near the very same ‘ Kajliban,’ which is mentioned

in Hindu books. It is a place full of elephants.

At this time Makardhaj,* Rajah of Durang, who is subject to the Rajah

of A'sara, came and paid his respects to the Nawab, presented an elephant,

received a khal'at, was promised protection, and was ordered to travel

with the army.

Muhammad Bog, a dependent of the Nawab, was made Faujdar of

Gawahatti, and Hasan Beg Zanganah, also a servant of the Nawab, was made

Thanahdar of Kajli.

II.

After Rashid Khan had occupied Rangamati, before the Nawab had

left Khizrpur, the zamindars of A'sam had sent an ambassador to Rashid

Khan with insolent letters. Rashid sent the man to the Nawab, who

told him in plain terms that if the Rajah of A'sam would restore those

lands which he had occupied and would send his daughter with a decent

peshkash and also the guns and other things which he had earned off

from Kamrup, and make a treaty and give his oath that he would in

future desist from annoying the imperialists, the Nawab would give up the

expedition. Indeed the Nawab would have liked such an arrangement, and

would have contented himself with the cession of Kamrup and a mode-

rate peskash, as he wished, after the rains were over, to invade Arakan ;

for his . Majesty had ordered him to send the children and the wives of

Prince Shuja’ to court. But the Nawab resolved to spttle in this year the

affairs of Koch Bihar and A'sam, and to go next year to Arakan. The

ambassador to whom he had given the aboVe answer, did not return ; and

after having waited some time at Gawahatti, on the 27th Jumada II., the

Nawab set out, and entered A'sam Proper. Asamese warfare depends upon

tricks and night attacks ; hence all guards were ordered to do chauki armed

and with their horses saddled.

The march was directed to Ghargaon, the capital of the Rajah, which lies

on the other side of the Brahmaputra. First it was necessary to take Fort

* The Bibl. Indica Edition of the ’ A'lamgirndmah (p. 703) lias Malirox>anj.

1872.]

H. Bio ohm arm — Koch Bihar and Asdin.

71

Chamdhurah. At the place Bartinah* which lies halfway between

Gawahatti and Chamdhurah, the whole army crossed in two days the Brahma-

putra on boats, on the 6th Rajah [15th February, 1662]. A messenger, who

had accompanied the former Asamese ambassador, came here into camp with

an evasive answer. The Rajah of Ddmuriah one of the subjects of

the Rajah of A'sarn, sent his brother’s son with an elephant to attend on the

Rajah, begging the Nawab to excuse his absence as he was sick. His rela-

tion went with the camp.

At this time Mirza Beg, the Bakhshl of the Nawab, was killed. He

was stabbed by one of his soldiers ; but though mortally wounded, he

inflicted two sword-cuts on the man. Mirza Beg died during the night,

and the murderer was killed by Mirza Beg’s relations.

At one of the stages, a tremendous storm took place, during which many

ships were upset ; large pieces of hail also fell, and many horses threw

themselves into the river. The Asamese, thinkhig that Fort Chamdhurah

would be, as it had been in former expeditions, the farthest point of the advance

of the imperialists, had strengthened the fortifications of Simlahgar, which

lies on the other side of the river, opposite to Chamdhurah. On the 11th

Rajab [20th February, 1662], the army encamped at the foot of Simlahgar,

so near the fort that a zambiirak ball from the fort passed over the Nawab’s

tent. Some of the Nawab’s men wished to take the fort by climbing up ;

hut as this would have cost much human life, they were ordered not to do

so, and a siege was commenced.

Simlahgar is very strong and high. The inhabitants are as numerous

as ants and locusts. Two sides of the fort have walls with battlements, and

guns are placed without break upon them. The guns are all manned. At

the foot of the walls are a ditch and the customary holes with the phdnjis.

On the south side, the fort ends in a hill extending for four kos. The

* AaaRj. MS. . The ’Alamgirnamali does not give the name.

The name ‘ Bartinah’ is doubtful, and our modern maps do not help us to identify

the place where Mir Jumlah crossed for the left bank of the Brahmaputra. Chamdhu-

rah lies opposite to Tezpur, the maps giving a Mahail Cliamdhoree and a place of the

same name. A Chamdhoreegaon I find marked on an island of the Brahmaputra, east

of Tezpur, half way between Tezpur and the Kamaldiya Temple.

Simlahgar (for which the Bibl.'Indica Edition of Khafi Khan gives BMmgar) is

not on our maps ; but it cannot lie far from Tezpur, as it is said to lie opposite to

Chamdhurah. After the conquest of Simlahgar, the Nawab inspects the fort, and

encamps on the same day at Kulyabar, which lies on the loft hank of the Bx-ahmaputra,

S. E. of Tezpur.

The identification of these names is a difficult matter, as it would appear that

the numerous branches of the Brahmaputra are often shifting, Mr. Foster (vide pp.

35’ 3y) identifies Bernier’s Cbamdara with a place of the same name five miles from

Ghargaon. This may be correct ; bnt if so, it is another Cbamdara, because the

Chamdurah opposite to Simlahgar lies, as will he seen below, seven days’ marches

west of Lak’hugar, the western point of Majnli Island.

72 H. Bloehmann — Koch Bihar and Asdm. [No. 1,

northern wall is near the Brahmaputra, about 3 Jcos distant from it. A

nalah extends from the south of the fort, touching the southern bastion and

from there flows westward. The army encamped on the banks of this nalah.

Mahmud Beg distinguished himself by his alertness. Dilir Khan and

Mir Murtaza were in advance, and threw up trenches within gun-shot

distance from the fort. The big guns were sent to them ; but as the walls

of the fort were too wide, the guns made little impression on them. The

commanders, however, carried their covered ways ( sibah ) close up to the wall,

continually exposed to the fire of the enemies. In one night, a sally on

the covered trenches was with difficulty repulsed.

III.

The Conquest of Simlahgar.

The attacking column moved forward in the night of the 15th Bajab,

commanded by Dilir Khan. Adam Khan tells the author that Dilir’s elephant

received twenty-five wounds. Farhad Khan and Aghar Khan were wounded.

Dilir enters the fort, and Mir Murtaza opens the gate. The enemies fly.

Mahmud Beg pursues them. A good number of Musalman men and women

were found, whom the enemies had forced to remain with them.

The fall of Simlahgar broke the spirit of the hostile garrison of

Chamdhurah. They fled.

The Nawab entered Simlahgar on the 16th Bajab [26th February,

1662], and was astonished to see the strength of the fortifications. He

then encamped at Kulvabar Much war material was taken. No

marauding whatever was allowed ; in fact during the whole expedition, which

lasted one year, the punishments inflicted on marauders were most severe.

Sayyid Nayiruddin Khan was made Faujdar of Kulyabar ; and Sayyid

Mirza, Sayyid Nisar,* and Bdjah Kislin Singh garrisoned Chamdhurah.

IV.

Victorious progress of the fleet. Arrival at Lalc'hugar.

The Nawab left Kulyabar on the 20th Bajab [2nd March, 1662]. On

account of the hills along the banks of the Brahmaputra, the army had to

march at some distance from the river, and was thus separated from the

ships. It happened that Ibn Husain for some important reason was away

from the fleet with the army, when suddenly, after evening prayer, on the

21st Bajab, 7 or 800 hostile ships attacked the fleet, which had just anchored.

Munawwar Khan Zamindar and ’Ali Beg did their best till more ships came

up. The cannonade lasted the whole night, and was heard by the army.

The Nawab sent Muhammad Mumin Beg (a servant of Yakalitaz Khan)

* The Bibl. Indica Edition of the ’A'laingtrndrnah (p. 713) has ‘ Sayyid Tatar.’

1872.]

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A’sdm.

73

to assist the fleet. He arrived at the first watch of the morning at a nalah

near the river and the fleet, and told his trumpeters to blow. This decided

the fate of the engagement. 300 or 400 ships, with a gun on each, were

seized. The author was with the fleet.

The next day the army again approached the river.

The conquest of Simlahgar and the defeat of their fleet disheartened the

Asamese. They withdrew to the hills, and trusted to surprises and night-

attacks.

The Nawsib then reached Solahgar where several Amirs

came with letters from the Rajah — Amirs are called in Asamese Phuhans

( ) — , and asked for peace. But it soon became evident that their

object was to cause delay or a decrease in vigilance, in which hope they

were disappointed.

On the 27th Rajah [9th March, 1662], the Nawab reached Lak’hugar.

Here eleven elephants of the Rajah were seized. A Brahman, an inhabitant

of Dewalgaon and spiritual guide of the Rajah, came to the camp ; so

did Yalnoli Phukan, who brought a pdnddn, a gold vessel, and two silver

jars, 100 gold muhurs, and a submissive letter from the Rajah. But the

letter was not deemed sincere, and a reply was sent that the Nawab would

soon he in Ghargaon, where alone he would treat with the Rajah.

Lak’hugar* lies at the confluence of the Hihing River with the Brahma-

putra. The Dihing comes from the mountains north of Ghargaon, and he

who goes to Ghargaon travels along the southern hanks of the Dihing.

Between the Dihing and the Brahmaputra is a tract which stretches

to the mountains of Namrup, and is well cultivated.

Ghargaon itself lies on the Dik’ho Nalali, which 8 Jcos from the town

joins the Dihing. It is very shallow, and the fleet was ordered to

remain stationed at Lak’hugar, in charge of Ibn Husain Darogah, Jamal

Khan, ’All Beg, Munawwar Khan, &c. The fleet consisted of 323 ships, viz.,

Carried forward 280

159 kosahs palils (cL^Kj ) 1

48 jalbahs (Axl^.) bhars (g4l) I

10 ghrabs (vt/*) balams ( 2

7 parindahs («^J) khatgiris 10

4 bajrahs (XysJ) mahallgiris ... 5

50 patilahs (aLJL>) palwarahs and

2 salbs (wJU) other small ships 24

280 Total 323

On the 28th of this month, the sun entered Aries.

* Lak'hugar lies on the confluence of the Dihing and the Brahmaputra. The

Dihing River, on Lieut. Wilcox’s Survey map, published in Vol. XVI of the Asiatic

10

K

71

H. Blochmann - Zuif/f BiMr and A’sam.

[No. 1,

V.

The Conquest of Ghargaon.

On the 1st Sha’bin, 1072 [12th March, 1602], the Nawab left Lak'hu-

gar, crossed the nalali, and encamped at the Naosal, or arsenal, of the

Rajah. Next day, they came to Dewalgaon, where the spiritual guide of

the Rajah lives, crossed a nalah, the water of which reached up to the saddles

of the horses, and encamped on the banks. An idol temple and a line garden,

near the Billing River, are the sights of Dewalgaon. There were plenty of

orange trees, full of very large and unusually juicy oranges. They were sold

in the camp at ten for a pice. ’All Elza Beg was made Thanahdar of

Dewalgaon.

Several Muhammadans of the place informed the Nawab that the Rajah

kept a large number of Musalmans imprisoned, and had fled with his

valuables to Namrup.

On the 4th Sha’ban [15th March], the Nawab set out, and encamped at

the village of Gajpur. Farhad Khan and Mir Sayyid Muhammad Diwan

i tan, and other Amirs, were ordered to march quickly to Ghargaon, and seize

upon the elephants and other property, which the Nawab had heard were

still there. Anwar Beg, a servant of the Nawab, was made Thanahdar of

Gajpur. Four elephants were here also seized.

On the 5th Sha’ban, [16th March] the Nawab encamped at Taramhani

which is the name of the confluence of the Dik’ho and the Billing,

and made Nurullah, one of his servants, Thanahdar of Taramhani. He col-

lected here much cattle. Muhammad Muqim was ordered to seize on Nam-

dlng,# a place between Taramhani and Ghargaon and a nalah, which comes

from the hill and passes it.

Researches, forms with the Bnri or Lohit Branch the Majoli Island. Mr. Peat informs

me that the Lohit is the old bed of tho Brahmaputra ; the Dik’ho and the Disang fell

into the Dihing, and the Majoli Island was joined to Muttok by an isthmus. On

modern maps the name of Dihing is not used ; the Lohit is looked upon as a branch,

and the former Dihing branch is now called Brahmaputra. On no map have I found

Lak’hugar, which circumstance may be due to tho shifting of the stream. But if it lay at

the confluence of the modern Lohit and Brahmaputra, it can scarcely be identical with

the Lockwa mentioned on p. 38 j for the distance of tho point of confluence from

Ghargaon is more than a geographical degree. Nor can I find the place Solahgar,

‘ which lies between Kulyabar and Lak’hugar.’

* Dewalgaon lies two miles N. E of the point where tho Ladkiitgaj-h crosses the

Sioni A1 (or Alii, which seems to be the word now-a-days used in A'sam). Gajpur lies

two miles from Jorhat,. At Gajpur the Nawab was on the Sioni A1 ; ho then turned off

to the Bor Al, on which Taramhani must have been. Mr. Foster suggests to alter the

Taramhani of the MSS. to Ta/rah-hdnt which means ‘a feeding-ground.’ The

letters he and mtm are constantly confused in MSS., and Mr. B’oster’s conjecture does

the reading of the MSS. no violence. It is also significant that at Tarahani the Nawab

1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A's'.m. 75

At every station the road was intersected by nalahs ; in fact they are so

numerous, that I cannot mention each singly.

On the l(5th Sha’ban, [17th March, 1662] the Nawab entered Ghargaon.

He crossed the Dik’ho, and went eastward, and occupied the Kajah’s

palace.

The next day many guns were recovered from the tanks into which the

Rajah had thrown them before his flight ; 82 elephants, and nearly three

lacs of rupees in gold and silver, were also found. The number of guns which

were captured, from the starting of the expedition till the return, was 675,

among them a large iron gun ) the halls of which weighed

3 mans; 1343 zamburaks ; 1200 ramehangis ; and 6570 matchlocks; 340

mans of powder ; 1960 boxes with powder, in each box about 2 or 2 1 mans of

powder ; 7828 shields ; a large quantity of saltpetre, iron, sulphur, and lead ;

1000 and odd ships, many of which accommodated 80, 70, and 60 sailors.

Unfortunately 123 bachhari ships, like which no other existed in the dock-

yards at Ghargaon, were burned, some Asamese having set fire to

the chhappars under which they were kept. About 173 store houses for

rice were discovered, over which matchlockmen were placed as guards, each

of the houses containing from ten to one thousand mans of rice. These stores

proved very useful.

VI.

On A'sam and its Inhabitants.*

A'sam is a wild and inaccessible country, cultivated only along the

Brahmaputra, which flows through it from east to west. From Gawahatti

to Sadiah (<*j the distance is about 200 kos. The breadth from the hills,

inhabited by the Miris, Michmis [Mishmis], Duflahs, and Landahs,t up to the

“ collects cattle,” and Mr. Foster tells me that according to the legends the Bor

M was expressly constructed to bring the Rajah’s milk from the feeding grounds to

Ghargaon.

The Nawfib then marches along the Bor Al, a magnificent road, to Mmdilng,

for which the ‘A'lamijtmdmah (p 719) has ‘ Lamdang, and the Fathiyah, ‘Ramdiing.

The Kamdang Rivor flows into the Dik’ho, N. N. W. of Ghargaon. lho distance of

Namdang from the Bansgark of Ghargaon is about ten miles. At the place where

the Bor Al entors the Bansgarh, there is still a ruined fortified gateway, called the

Singh Duar,’ from which the Dik’ho is about four miles distant.

* The greater part of this chapter is given in the ’Alamgirnamah, from which it

was translated into English by Mr. H. Yansittart in the Asiatic Researches, Yol. II,

P. 171. But as his proper names are mostly wrong, I give here a full translation of

the chapter as given in the more complete Fathiyah i ’ Ibriyah .

t All MSS. havo clearly landali. If the word is correct, it would refor to a tribe

Of Aborigines not mentioned in our Ethnological works. Col. Dalton, to whom I

76

H. Blochmann — Koch TZih&r and Asam.

[No. 1,

district of the N%a tribes, is about a journey of seven or eight days. Its south-

ern mountains reach the Kb asiali (Aj-aA), Kachhar, and the Gonaser Hills*

lengthways, and in the breadth, the Naga Hills. Its northern mountains

reach the high ridges of Kamrup lengthways, and in the breadth the hills

occupied by the Duflahs and the Landalis.

The northern banks of the Brahmaputra form the Uttarkol ; the

southern, the Dak’hinkol. The Uttarkol extends from Gawahatti to the

country of the Mills and Michinls ; and the Dak hinkol from the kingdom

of Nakirani to Sadiah. The hill tribes pay no tribute to the

Rajah of Asam, but regard him with awe, and submit to some of his

orders. But the Duflahs do not obey him, and often make raids into the

Rajah’s territory.

The distance between Kulyabar aad Ghargaon is well cultivated ; every-

where are houses, gardens, and orchards. Along the sides of the road there

submitted this passago, says in a letter — “ I cannot mate out the word ‘ Lnndah

but from the relative position of the word with the names ol the other tribes of the

North bank, I think, the author must mean the A'kas or Ankas ; and if yon read the

passage thus “ The breadth of Asam from the hills inhabited by the (1) Mishmis, (2)

Mins, (3) Duflahs, (4) Ankas, to the Naga Hills, &c.," yon have the tribes in their proper

geographical order. Tom- author includes only Upper and Central Asam in his de-

scription of what he calls Asam, excluding Kamrup. This explains what might other-

wise appear obscure when he says (in the following sentence) — “The northern

mountains (i e. those in which the Mishmis, Miris, &o., dwell) extend to the high

ridges of Kamrup.”

Regarding the Miris, Mishmis, and Duflahs (Dophlas) the reader will find the

fullest information in Col. Dalton’s “ Ethnology of Bengal.”

* The text has Kashmir ; the MS. of the Asiatic Society has^xiS" Kasidr,

mjdSAS Kmashir. The ’A'lamjrrndmah boldy substitutes Srinagar (i. e., Kashmir),

which Vansittart also gives. But this is absurd. I havo conjecturally translated

Oonaser Hills, i. e. Qunasher, following the MS. of the Asiatic Society. A part

of what we now call the Garo Hills is evidently meant ; and I find that Rennell, — but

no modern map — calls the southern portion of the Garo Hills Oonaser (Map ix, of the

Bengal Atlas). The order of his hills from the east is Kachhar Hills, Jaintiah Hills,

Gonaser Hills, Karim Hills, Kuribari Hills. His Giro Hills are north of the Gonaser Hills.

The word Naga is spelt with a nasal n, ‘ Nanga hence ATansittart s Nanac. For his

Zemlah, lUh we havo to read Daflahs — a shifting of the dot.

f Col. Dalton says : — “ The author again excludes Kamrup from A'sam, and com-

mences the Uttarkol from Gawahatti. The modern Gawahatti is on tho south bank;

but the ancient city, called Pragjoitishpur, oocupied a vast area on both banks.

Nakirani I cannot make out ; it may, however, refer to Deshrani, a large parganah

of Kamrup, close to the modern Gawahatti.”

Col. Dalton’s identification is confirmed by the author’s wish to exclude Kamrup

from Asam; hence the Dak’hinkol must commence with the Deshrani parganah. The

name again occurs below in the articles of peace (p. ‘J J) .

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm.

1872.]

are high bamboo-shrubs. There are many wild and cultivated flowers, and

behind the bamboos, as far as the hills, there are fields and gardens. So it

is also along the road from Lak’hugar to Gliargaon. There is a high and

wide dl, or raised road, up to Ghargaon.

The fields and the gardens are made so oven in this country, that the

eye up to the far horizon rejoices to see neither depression nor elevation. On

the whole, the Uttarkol is better cultivated ; hut as the Dak’hinkol is better

fortified by nature and less easy to cross, the Rajahs of Asam have

generally lived in this part. The climate of all parts near the Brahma-

putra is healthy for natives and strangers ; but the districts remote from

the river are deadly to strangers, though they may be healthy enough for the

natives of the place. The rains often last for eight months ; even the cold

season is not tree from rain.

In the cold season, fluxes and fevers attack the natives and spare

strangers ; in the hot season, strangers suffer more than natives, especially from

bilious complaints. But the natives of A'sarn are free from several disgusting

diseases, as leprosy, white leprosy, elephantiasis, abscesses, swellings of the neck

and the testicles, which last complaint is so common in Bengal, and from

other diseases. The air and the water in the hills are fatal to natives and

strangers. The fruits and flowers of Bengal are found in A'sam ; but there

are many that are neither to be had in Bengal, nor in other parts of India.

Cocoanut and Nun are rare; but filfil (pepper) , sadaj (spikenard),*

and different kinds of lemons are common. The mangoes are plentiful, but

full of worms ; sweet ones without strings are rare. The pine apples are

large and taste well ; the black, red, and white sugarcane is sweet, but so

hard as to break one’s teeth ; ginger is large and delicate, and not stringy

either, Paniulahs, a kind of amlah, are very fine, and many prefer them to

plums.

The staple food of the country is rice ; but the superior kinds are rare.

Wheat, barley, vetches, are not sown, though the ground is suitable for their

cultivation. In fact, everything grows well. Salt is very dear. At the foot

of the hills, salt is, indeed, found, but it has a bitter, biting taste. Some of the

natives dry the kelah plant in the sun, bum it, and collect the ashes in a

white sheet, which they fix on four poles. They then pour gradually water

on the ashes, and catch whatever percolates in a vessel below the sheet.

Ihe liquid is saltpetre-like and very bitter ; but they use it as salt. Ducks

and fowls are very large. Then- fighting cocks are very plucky, and rarely

run away. If a weak cock fight with a strong one and get its head broken

and its brain scattered about, or be dying, it will never take its eyes from

* Vansittart says that sadaj is the same as tezpat, Lauras cassia, laurel leaf. Sir

W Jones has an article on the Asamese spikenard in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. II,

405.

78

H. Blochmann — Koch Biluir and Asam.

[No. 1

the opponent or show its back. Elephants are large and numerous in a

wild state in the hills. Gazelles, stags, nilgaos, and wild goats, are rare.

In Ghargaon there were several cage-like enclosures, secured with strong

and high poles. It is said that some elephant drivers of the Rajah rub a

certain kind of grass over the body of a female elephant, and let her go

among wild elephants when they rut. As soon as they smell the scent

of the grass, they will run after her, and will even follow her to the

enclosure to which the driver leads her, when they are caught. The Nawab

tried in vain to get hold of one of the drivers.

Gold is found in the Brahmaputra ; about ten thousand people are

employed in the washings. Each man makes in the average a tolali of gold

per annum, and hands it to the Rajah. But the gold is not fine, and sells

for 9 or 8 rupees per tolali.

Cowries are in use ; and rupees and muhurs, coined by the Rajah, are

current. Copper is not current. In the hills of the Miris and Michmis

who live in Eastern Asam, in Uttarkol, about eleven days’ journey from Ghar-

gaon, musk deer and wild elephants are found. Silver, copper, and tin

also are obtained in their hills. The way these people live, resembles the way

of the Asamese. Their women are generally better looking than the women

in Asam. They dread matchlocks, and say, “ A matchlock is a thing that

makes a great noise, and does not stir from its place, whilst a child issues

from its womb that kills a man.” The musk deer is also found in the

mountains of Asam. The musk bags are larger than large [gram] grains,

and have a fine colour and perfume. Lignum aloes, which is chiefly found

in the mountains of Namrup, Sadiah, and Lak’hugar, is heavy, coloured, and

has a strong scent.

If Asam were administrated like other parts of the empire, it is quite

possible that the land-tax and the revenue from wild elephants and other

imposts might amoimt to 45 lacs of Rupees.* It is not customary to levy

taxes from tho inhabitants ; but of every three people in each house one is

taken for the service of the Rajah. If a man is lazy in what he is told to

do, capital punishment is immediately inflicted ; hence the absolute sway

of the Rajah,

No Indian king in former times ever conquered Asam. Even tho

intercourse of foreigners and the Asamese was very limited. They allow no

stranger to enter their territories, and prevent their own people from leaving

the country. Once a year, at the order of the Rajah, a party of Asameso

used to visit the neighbourhood of Gawahatti and the boundary of the

* Last year’s revenue of tho whole Asam Division, which contains tho districts of

Durang, Kamrup, Lak’himpur, Naugaon, and Sibsagar, in addition to the Naga,

Khasiab, and Jaintiah Hills, amounted to nearly 21 lacs (Rs. 20,93,374).

1872.]

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihxr ancl Asam.

79

country, bringing gold, musk, lignum aloes, filfil, sadaj, and silk. These

articles they gave in exchange for salt, saltpetre, sulphur, and other tilings,

which the people of Gnwahattl used to furnish. But all armies that

entered Asam perished, and no caravan ever got safe out of it. If an

army invaded the country, it was exposed to continual night attacks ; or

the people withdrew to the hills, and waited for the beginning of the rains,

when the soldiers were sure to die or could easily be cut off.

Thus Husain Shah, one of the kings of Bengal, invaded Asam with

24000 foot and horse and numerous ships. The Rajah withdrew to the

hills. Husain Shah, therefore, took possession of the country, left his son

there with a strong detachment, and returned to Bengal. As soon as the

rains set in, the Rajah came down from the hills and, assisted by his own

people, who had of course submitted to Husain’s son, killed the prince,

starved the army, and managed to capture or kill the whole of them. It is

said that the people who are now called Moslems in Asam, are the descendants

of the captives of Husain’s army.*

It is from the misfortunes which have invariably befallen those who

entered Asam, that the people of India have come to look upon the Asamese

as sorcerers, and use the word 1 Asam’ in such formulas as dispel witchcraft.

The Asam Rajahs have always been insolent and proud of their power

and the number of their men.

The present Rajah, Jaidliaj Singh, is called Sargi Rajah, because sarg in

Hindi means ‘ heaven.’ The fellow believes that one of his ancestors

commanded the heavenly host, and descended from heaven on a golden ladder ;

and as he found the country beautiful, he remained there instead of returning

to heaven. The present Rajah is much prouder than his ancestors : for a

slight fault he will destroy a whole family, or on suspicion throw people into

fetters. His wife only gives birth to daughters, and has no son ; hence the

* Vide Prinsep’s list of tho Asam Rajahs, p. 273, of Thomas’s Edition of Prinsep’s

Useful Tables. His list is based upon the Asam Buranji, or Asam Chronicle, by Huliram

Dhaikiyal Phukan, of Gawahatti. Another Asam Buranji, or history of the kings of

Asam, was compiled by Sri Radhanath Bar Bamwa and Knsinath Tumuli Phukan,

(printed by tho American Baptist Mission Press, Sibsngar, Asam 1844, 8vo , 102 pp.).

Husain's invasion is generally referred to A. X). 1408, and his son s name is said

to have been Dalai (Jalal, ?) Gliazi.

Tho ’ Alamgtmdmah and the Asam Histories speak of an invasion of Asam by

Muhammad Shah (A. D., 1337). The former work says (p. 731)—“ Muhammad Shah,

son of Tughluq Shah, sent 100,000 horse well equipped to Asam ; but the whole army

perished in that land of witchcraft, and not a trace was left of the army. He sent a

second army to avenge the former disaster ; but when they came to Bengal, they

would not go farther, and the plan had to be given up.”

Tims it would seem that Muhammad Tughluq intended to invade China via

Asam. Vide Dowson, Elliot’s History, Vol. Ill, pp. 241, 242.

so

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'tam.

[No. 1,

word ‘ succession’ has a had name in Asam, especially as there is no male

relation in the whole family. He professes to be a Hindu ; but as he

believes himself to be one of the great emanations of the deity, he worships

no idols. The inhabitants profess no religion whatever. They eat whatever

they get, and from whomsoever it be, following the bent of their uncivilized

minds. They will accept food from Muhammadans and other people ; they

will eat every kind of flesh except human, whether of dead or killed animals.

They taboo butter, so much so that they refuse food, if it only smells of

butter.

The language of the Asamese differs entirely from the dialects spoken

in Eastern Bengal.

The males are strongly built. They are quarrelsome, fond of shedding

blood, fearless in affrays, merciless, mean, and treacherous ; in lies and

deceit they stand unrivalled beneath the sun. Their women have mild

features, but are very black ; their hair is long, and their skin soft and

smooth ; their hands and feet are delicate. From a distance the people

look well ; but they are ill-favoured as far as proportion of limbs is

concerned. Hence if you look at them near, you will call them rather ugly.

Neither the women of the Rajah, nor those of common people, veil themselves ;

they go about in the bazars without head-coverings. Few men have less

than two wives ; most have four or five. The several wives of a man will

carry on sales and barter among each other.

In paying respect, the Asamese bend the knees ; and when the subjects

go to the king or the phukans, they bend their knees, sit dozdnu, and fix

their eyes on the ground. They shave the head and beard and whiskers ;

and if a man only departs a little from this custom, they call him Bengalized

and kill him.

Asses, camels, horses, are as rare in Asam as pheenixes ; but like asses

they will admire a donkey and pay a high price for it. If they see a camel,

they get quite excited in their admiration. They are afraid of horses. If

they catch one, they cut through the sinews of the feet ; and if a horseman

attack a hundred armed Asamese, they will throw down their arms, and

run away ; but if one of them should meet ten Muhammadans on foot, he

will fearlessly attack them and even be victorious.

To sell an elephant is looked upon as a heinous crime. The Rajah and

the Phiikans travel in xinghetsans, and chiefs and rich people in dulls, made in a

most ridiculous way. They use a kind of chair instead of howdahs. Turbans,

long coats, trowsers, shoes, and sleeping on chdrpdis, are quite unusual. They

use a coarse cloth for the head, one for the waist, and a sheet for the

the shoulders. Some of the richer people wear a kind of half coat, which

resembles our Yt^qubkhani jacket. Those who can afford it, sleep on a

wooden dais.

1872.] H. Bloehmarm — Koch Bihdr and Asam. 81

They eat pan in large quantities with unripe supdri, unshelled. They

weave excellent flowered silk, velvet, tatbands, and other silks. Boxes, trays,

stools, chairs, are cleverly and neatly made of one piece of wood. I saw

several stools belonging to the Rajah, two cubits broad ; even the feet were

cut out of the same piece, and not merely joined to it.

Their war-sloops resemble the Bengali kosahs. They call them

bacharis. The difference is only this that at the poop and the stern,

the kosah has two planks (£U, pr. branches) ; but the poop (sar) and

the keel (uj) of the bacharis are made of one flattened plank. They

are slower than kosahs. The shipping traffic may be estimated from

remarks taken from the reports of the Waqi'ahnawis of Gawahatti lor Rama-

zan last. He says that, up to the present time, no less than 32,000 boats,

bacharis and kosahs, have arrived here. The number of ships engaged for the

army, and those belonging to the Asamese which accompanied the army on

its return, must certainly have been larger ; and it is probable that more than

one half belonged to Asamese. The ships are built of chambal wood (

MS. J-Aa.) ; and a ship built of such wood, no matter how full it is, will

never, on sinking, remain at the bottom of the water. This fact was examined

by many, and by me, too. Their matchlocks and bavhaluldr guns are well

oast, and the people show much expertness in the manufacture. Them powder

is of several kinds ; for the best kind they import the components from his

Majesty’s country.

With the exception of the gates of Ghargaon and some idol temples,

houses in Asam are not built of bricks or stones and mortar. Rich and poor

build then' houses of wood or bamboo or grass.

The ancient inhabitants of this country belong to two nations, the

Asamese and the Kulita (UH).* The latter, in all things, are superior to

the former, except where fatigues are to be undergone, and in warlike expedi-

* “ The Kolitas are the only pure descendants of the Aryans who first colonized

Asam. They were dominant there for many centuries, and had evidently arrived

at a high state of civilization when the inroads of the Mongolians commenced. There

was a Hindu Pal dynasty in the upper portion of the valley with their head quarters

at Sadiah, who succumbed to a Chutia or Kachari invasion, probably about the same

time that the Kamrap Hindu dynasty was subverted by the Koch. Afterwards the

Shans conquered the valley from Sadiah to Kiimrup, and on the retreat of the Muham-

madans invaded and took possession of Kiimrup. These Shans after their first

successes called themselves the ‘ Ahom,’ or ‘ the non-equalled people,’ and henco

the name of Asam.” Vide Col. Dalton’s Ethnology of Bengal, Group II, Sect. I.

The interchange of s and h is very common in Asamese ; several other examples

will be found below. It is curious that the same interchange of h and s should be

found in Asam, the farthest east, and in Sindh, the farthest west ; for it is Sindh, country

and river, which, in its pronunciation hind, induced the Greeks to call the whole country

India.

L

11

82

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm.

[No. 1

tions, in which the former are better. Six or'seven thousand Asamese guard

the environs of the palace and the harem of the Rajah. The guards are called

jauddngs ( ),* * * § and are the trusted and devoted servants and

executioners of the Rajali. The arms used by the people are matchlocks,

ramehangis, guns, arrows with ironpoints and without them, half swords,

long lances, bamboo bows, and TaJchsh arrows. At the time of war, all

trades people and well-to-do peasants, and farmers, with or without armour,

have to serve, whether they will or not.f Like jackals, they will commence

a tremendous howl, and will like foxes think that the noise frightens the

lions of the bush. A small number of their fighting men may indeed

checkmate thousands ; they are the agal Asamese ; but their number does not

exceed 20,000. J They are given to night attacks, for which they especially

believe the night of Tuesday to be auspicious. But the common people will

run away, with or without fighting, and only think of throwing away their

armours.

They bury their dead with the head towards the East and the feet

towards the West. The chiefs erect funeral vaults (<x*Ao) for their dead, kill

the women and servants of the deceased, and put necessaries, <ftc., for several

years, viz. elephants, gold and silver vessels, carpets, clothes, and food, into

the vaults. They fix the head of the corpse rigidly with poles, and put a lamp

with plenty of oil and a mash’alcM [torchbearer] alive into the vault, to look

after the lamp. Ten such vaults were opened by order of the Nawab, and

property worth about 90,000 Rupees was recovered. § In one vault in which

the wife of a Rajah about 80 years ago had been buried, a golden pdnddn

was found, and the pan in it was still fresh. This fact was related by

Payandah Bog, Assistant Waqi’ahnawis, and by Shah Beg, at an evening

* Tulgo Sowdangs.

t Vide Robinson’s Descriptive Account of Asam, p. 200. Robinson’s work is a very

valuable book. The author died in Asam of fever, and lies buried in Mr. Foster’s

compound in Nazirah, Upper Asam.

I “ What the Persian Historian says of the physical superiority of the Asamese

over the Kolitds was, no doubt, quite true at the time; for the Asamese were then a

hardy, meat-eating, beer-drinking, fighting race, and the Kolitas were offeminate

subjected Hindus.” From a letter by Col. Dalton. Regarding the Kolitas, vide Col.

Dalton’s Ethnology of Bengal, last group.

§ “ The account of the burial of Ahom magnates is confirmed by more recent

disclosures of desecrated graves. About twenty years ago, several mounds, known to

be the graves of Ahom kings, were opened and were found to contain not only tho

remains of the kings, but of slaves, male and female, and of animals that had been

immolated to serve their masters in Hades ; also gold and silver vessels, food, rai-

ment, arms, &c., were not wanting.” From a letter by Col. Dalton.

An account of the opening of some of these tombs will be found in the Journal of

this Society, Vol. xvii, Pt. I., p. 473,

83

1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch TSihar and A'sam.

party given by the Nawab ; and Basrni Beg, who received the pand.in, told

me the same.

The Muslims whom we met in A'sam, ar.e Asamese in their habits, and

Muhammadans but in name. In fact they liked the Asamese better than

us. A few Musalman strangers that had settled there, kept up prayers and

fasts ; but they were forbidden to chant the azan and read the word of God

in public.

The town of Ghargaon has four gates built of stone and mortar, the

distance of each of which from the palace of the Rajah is three /cos. A

high and wide al, veiy sti'ong, has been made for the traffic >

and round about the town, instead of fortifications, there are circular bushes

of bamboos, about two /cos in diameter. But the town is not like other towns,

the huts of the inhabitants being within the bamboo bushes near the A’l.

Each man has his garden or field before his house, so that one side of the

field touches the Al, and the other the house. Near the Rajah’s palace, to

both sides of the Dik’lio River, are large houses. The bazar road is narrow,

and is only occupied by ym«-sellers. Eatables are not sold as in our markets ;

but each man keeps in his house stores for a year, and no one either sells or

buys. The town looks large, being a cluster of several villages. Round

about the palace, an Al has been thrown up, the top of which is fortified by a

bamboo palisade instead of by walls, and along the sides of it a ditch runs, the

depth of which exceeds a man’s height. It is always full of water. The

circumference is 1 /cos, 14 j arils. Inside are high and spacious chhappars.

The Diwankhanah of the Rajah, which is called so/ang, is one hundred

and twenty cubits in length and thirty wide inside. It has sixty-six

pillars, each about four cubits in circumference. The pillars, though so

large, are quite smooth, so that at the first glance you take them to be

planed Now though the Asamese understand planing, yet you

cannot believe that they did smoothen the pillars in this way. The orna-

ments and curiosities with which the whole woodwork of the house is filled,

defies all description: nowhere in the whole inhabited world, will you

find a house equal to it in strength, ornamentation, and pictures. The

sides of this palace are embellished by extraordinary wooden trellice work.

Inside there are large brass mirrors highly polished, and if the sun shines

°n one of them, the eyes of the by-standers arc perfectly dazzled. Twelve

thousand workmen arc said to have erected the building in the course of

one year. At one end of the hall, rings are fastened on four pillars op-

posite to each other, each pillar having nine rings. When the Rajah takes

his seat in the hall, they put a dais in the middle of these four pillars, and

nine canopies of various stuffs are fastened above it to the rings. The Rajah

then sits on the dais below the canopies. The naqqurac/ns (drummers)

strike the drum and the eland. The latter instrument is round and

84 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihdr and A'sdm. [No. 1,

flat, and made of ruin metal, and is struck like a gong. The instrument

is used when the audience commences, or when the Rajah issues forth, or

the Phukans ride out, or leave for an appointment. Mulla Darwish i

Harawi [a poet who accompanied the expedition] says that these ddnds

must be the very identical metal plates* that are mentioned in the

Shahnamah ; but God knows best. There are other houses in Ghargaon,

beautifully adorned, strong, very long and spacious, full of fine mats, which

really must be seen. But alas, unless this kingdom be annexed to his

Majesty’s dominions, not even an infidel could see all these fine things

without falling into the misfortunes into which we fell. Beyond the en-

closure of this hall there is another house, the dwelling-house of the Rajah.

It is a fine and beautiful house. The Phukans have erected dwellings in its

neighbourhood. Each Phukan is a son-in-law of the Rajah, and has a

beautiful garden and a tank. Indeed, it is a pleasant place. As the soil of

the country is very damp, the people do not live on the ground floor, but

on the maehdn, which is the name for a raised floor.

VII.

Advance of the army to Mat'hurapur. Krcction of Thandhs.

The Rajah had first intended to fly to the Naga Hills, but from fear of

our army, the Nagas would not afford him an asylum.

The Nagas live in the southern mountains of A'sam, have a light brown

complexion, are well built, but treacherous. In number they equal the

helpers of Yagog and Magog, and resemble in hardiness and physical

strength the ’Adis [an ancient Arabian tribe]. They go about naked like

beasts, and do not mind to copulate with them women in the streets and

the bazars, before the people and the chiefs. The women only . cover their

breasts, f as they say that it would be absurd to cover those limbs which

every one might have seen from their birth ; but this was not the case with

the breasts, which since then had formed and should, therefore, be covered.

Some of their chiefs came to see the Nawab. They wore dark hip-clothes

0-£d) , ornamented with cowries, and round about their heads they wore a belt

of boar’s tusks, allowing their black hair to hang down over the neck. The

chief weapon of these people is the short mace

* Vide Ain translation, p. 562, note 1.

t “ I have seen Nagas to the south of Sibsagar who answer to the description

of that people by the Persian historian. Both sexes go quite naked. The women I

did not see ; but I recollect having heard that when seen by strangers, they folded their

arms across their breasts, and wore regardless of what else was exposed.” From a

letter by Col. Dalton.

The illustrations to Col. Dalton’s ‘ Ethnology of Bengal’ and the specimens of

.Naga dress in our museum, show that the boar’s tusks mentioned below are a very

common ornament for caps. They also protect the head.

1872.]

H. Bloclimann — Koch Bihdr and A’sdm.

85

The Rajah had, therefore, fled with the Phiikans to NSmriip.* * * § This

Narnrup may he called a part of hell. It lies in the hollow of three high

ridges, and its climate is worse than that of the well of Babel. The Asamese

say, “ if a bird Hies over it, bats will yield their lives, and if steel enters the

ground, it turns to wax.” The Rajahs used to banish to Namriip those whom

their sword had spared.

There is only one road in the countryt along which a horse can pass,

and this road lends to Batam north of Ghargaon. The beginning

of this road leads for half a /cos through a jungle so dense that you can

scarcely ‘ think’ yourself through it. Afterwards comes a pass extending

for five or six /cos full of stones and mud, two high mountains being on

either side. There some of the rebellious people of the southern mountains

under the Bargosain [principal noble] had established themselves, whilst

the Phiikans with a great number of men had encamped on an ‘ island’ be-

tween the Brahmaputra and the Billing River.

About this time it rained for three days and nights, and living in tents

was impossible. The intention of the Nawab was to spend the rainy season

m Lak hugar ; hut the Muta9addis reported that there would he no time to

transport the conquered material, and secondly, tho wild elephants could not

well he brought to move properly. In any case, it was clear that it would

he impossible to reach Lak’iigar before the commencement of the rains.

It was, therefore, resolved to move to Mat’hurapur, which lies 8.1 /cos

beyond Ghargaon at the foot of a mountain, towards the south-east.

A party was left behind in Ghargaon. The author also stayed behind for

reasons which are not explained. A great number of guns were sent on to

Jahangimagar. The Nawab had also rupees and pice struck with the

name of his Majesty on them. Mir M urta/.a in Ghargaon was to take charge

of all such stores as were to he kept and sent on to Jahangimagar ; Miyanah

Khan was sent to Mauza’ Salhati,§ which lies at the foot of the hills, south

of Ghargaon, and was held by the Bargosain and other accursed people ;

Ghazf Khan was sent as thanahdar to Mauza’ T)eopani,|| between Ghargaon

and Salhati ; and Jalal Khan of Baryabad was to guard the Billing River.

* Namriip is the most eastern part of Airim and scarcely known. Vansittart in

his translation confounds it with Kamrup (Western A'sam), which he substitutes for

it. His Dhonec is the * Dihing.’ His Nanec are the Nagas.

t This seems to refer to the Ladhisigarh road, which now forms the boundary

between the British and Independent Territories.

t The name is doubtful. The MSS. have every possible diacritical mark for the

word, Niyam, Nipiim, Batam, Banam, Biyam, Panam, Patam, &c.

§ Bor Salhati the ’Alamgirnamah has, perhaps correctly, Saipan/.

II So tho ’Alamgirnamah (p. 735). The Fathiyah i ’Ibriyah has Veotani. But

Deopani is evidently the oorrcct name. It still exists, and lies due south of Sibsagar,

at the foot of the hills, and S. S. W. of Ghargaon. It is now a tea garden in possession

86 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A’sam. [No. 1,-

On the 20th Sha’ban, the Nawab moved to Mat’hurapur, and A'dam Khan

marched eight kos farther towards Parganah Abhipfir.* He had repeatedly

to fight with the Asamese. The enemies also made night-attacks on Jalal

Khan from the other side of the Hilling. But they were every time repelled,

and Jalal Khan and his Baryabadi men became objects of terror for the

Asamese. Miyanah Khan’s position at Salliati protected the inhabitants of

that district. On the whole, the Dak’hinkol was in the hands of the Imperial-

ists, and the inhabitants were satisfied with their condition. The people of

Uttarkol also thought of submitting, but fate decreed otherwise.

VIII.

The rains set in.

At the beginning of the rains, the Asamese made a night attack upon

’All Rizii, the Thanahdar at Bewalgaon, who was enforced by a detachment,

which the Nawab sent him under Yadgar Khan Uzbak.

A flotilla with provisions sent by Ibn i Husain under the command of

Muhammad Murad from Lak’hugar, arrived safely at Ghargaon [up the

Dik’ho].

On the 1st Shawwal, an attack was made upon Anwar Beg, Thanahdar

of Gajpur. He and his men were killed. Gajpur thus fell into the hands of

the Asamese, who now made trenches on the other side of the Hilling as far

as Lak’hugar, in order to cut off the supplies of the army. Sarand&z Khan

Uzbak was at once sent off by the Nawab to recover Gajpur. Ho reached

Mauza’ Tik,+ beyond which he could not pass without ships on account of

the mud in the nalahs. The Nawab ordered Muhammad Murad to go with

several ships to his assistance. But the two commanders could not agree,

and on the 14th Shawwal, Sarandaz Khan went back to Tik, and Muhammad

Murad pushed forward. He was suddenly attacked at night by the Asamese ;

his men were in the greatest confusion, and his whole fleet was captured and

the sailors were killed. Only a few Afghans escaped to bring the tale of the

disaster to Bewalgaon. The Hilling River in the meantime rose, and the

Asamese attacked the Baryabadis at Salliati, whilst the water that rushed

of tlie * Assam Company.’ TVTr. Foster tells me tliat according to a native tradition, five

Asamese once went up to the hills to make a puja and curse a deity, when a little

stream suddenly rose and engulfed them. The littlo stream was called Deopani.

* On the maps Obeypore, S. E. of Ghargaon. The name is very frequent in the

whole district south of Sibsagar.

When Aurangzib received the Nawab’ s official reports, he made him a commander

of 7000, 7000 horse, 5000 dimspah sihaspah troopers, and added to his jagir certain

mahalls the revenue of which was 1 kror dams, or 2$ lacs rupees. ’ A'lwmgtrndmah,

p. 741.

f Evidently the Tiok River, 3 miles above Gajpur. The ’ A'lamgfmdmah (Bibl.

Indica Edition, p. 779) has for

1872.] H. Blochmann — Koch Bihdr and Asam. 87

down the mountain caused the men great inconvenience. Nay, the enemies

were even hold enough to shew themselves near Ghargaon, and it required

every care on the part of Mir Murtaza to prevent mischief.

Gh&zi Khan, the TMnahdar of Deopani, who had 20 horse and 50 foot,

was attacked by 10 or 12,000 Asamese, under the son of the Bargosain’s bro-

ther. Their leader was at the time of the attack far in advance of his men,

and encountered Ibrahim Khan, one of Ghazi Khan’s men, gave his horse a

swordcut over the head, and brought Ibrahim down. But jumping up quick-

ly, Ibrahim ran against the leader, threw him on the ground, and finished him

with his dagger. The Asamese saw their leader fall, and without coming to

his assistance, retreated and watched for a better opportunity.

At this time, the population of Ghargdon, Mat’hurapur, and Adam

Khan’s thanahs commenced to leave their houses at night.

A rumour was also current that Bhim Narain of Koch Bihar had returned

and driven away the Imperialists. The rumour proved in the end to be true.

The officer in charge of Koch Bihar, after the Nawdb had left, commenced the

jam' hand), (financial settlement) of the country ; but the people did not under-

stand the now way of assessing them, and dispersed in rebellion ; and when the

Rajah returned to the foot of the hills, they gathered round him, and attacked

and killed Muhammad Qalih, the Officer who, at Kanthalbari, tried to

intercept the Rajah. They then cut off the supplies of Isfandiar Khan.

The Rajah wrote to him that he should not unnecessarily court danger, and

would do better to retreat ; and Isfandiar profiting by his advice, retreated

to G’horag’hat. ’Askar Khan soon followed him.

The Nawab strengthened Ghazi Khan’s thanali by a detachment under

Abul Hasan, Mirza Beg’s JchaM (maternal uncle) ; for the Asamese had

thrown up trenches opposite the tlianah, and were continually on the alert.

Another detachment under Sayyid Salar was sent to Ghargaon.

IX.

Farh&d Khan marches towards Lak'hugar, and returns safely.

The Nawab, on hearing the result of Muhammad Murad’s expedition,

despatched Farhad Khan and Qarawal Khan with a strong detachment

towards Lak’hugar, to keep the roads clear for the supplies. They were also

to assist Sarandaz Khan in getting to Gajpur, and send reinforcements to the

thanahs under Mir Nurullah and Muhammad Muqim.

On the 18th Shawwal, [27th May, 1662] Farhad Khan, in spite of a

dreadful storm, reached Ghargaon, crossed the same night the Dik’ho, took

UP Abul Hasan, who was on his way from Deopani to head quarters, and

reached with great trouble Mauza’ Tik, which lies between Taramhani and

Gajpur, Sarandaz Klian joined the corps. The Asamese made their ap-

88 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm. [No. 1,

pearance in tlieir trenches, and their ships under a renowned Phukan com-

menced to tire.

Fighting continued for several days. The Rajputs of Rajah Subli&n

Singh distinguished themselves. Forty-one ships captured. Farhad arrived

at the tlnmah of Muhammad Muqim, from whom he heard that the inhabitants

of the district had been away for some days, but had just come back with

many wounded. Farhad Khan therefore sent Muhammad Mumin Beg into

the villages, as it was clear that they had been fighting against him. All

males were killed and the women were carried off.

On the 2nd Zf Qa’dah, [9th June, 1662] Farhad Khan returns to the

Nawab. The captured women were let off.

X.

The roads entirely closed. The Thanahs are drawn in.

With the progress of the rains the thanahs had to he drawn in. At the

Nawab’s order, Adam Khan was to leave Abhipur and join head quarters.

The other thanahs were to join the corps at Ghargaon, whilst Sarandaz

Khan and Miyanah Khan were to guard the other banks of the Dik’ho.

Jalal Khan, Ghfiz'i Khan, and Muhammad Muqim, should occupy this side of

Dik’ho, and he under Mir Murtaza’s orders.

This is done with difficulty. Sarandaz Khan and Miyanah Khan

occupy a piece of land surrounded on three sides hy the Dik’ho Nalah,* and

shut up the fourth side by a strong wall. The whole country is now

re-occupied by the Asamese, only Mat’hurapur and Ghargaon being in the

hands of the Imperialists. If a man dared to leave the camp, lie was certain

to be shot by the Asamese. A similar case never happened before in the

history of Dibit. Hero were 12,000 horse and numerous infantry locked in

for six months, prevented hy the rains from continuing operations, and yet

scarcely attacked by the enemies that surrounded them. Nor did during

this time provisions arrive. “ The Amirs turned their eyes longingly to Dihli,

and the soldiers yearned for their wives and children.”

The Asamese were under orders of the Phukan Bijdili, an Asamese

Brahman, whose father had risen from a storekeeper to he a noble. The

Rajah himself had come from Namrup and taken up his abode in Solagori

( ),t which in former times had been the capital of the Asamese

Rajahs. It lies four stages from Mat’hurapur and Ghargaon. The Rajah had

called up the whole population and placed them at Bijdili’s disposal. This

commander’s head quarters were at the Dillx (^A) River, which issues from

* Evidently the modern Nazirah. Mr. Foster tells me that traces of the wall

which closed the fourth side still exist.

t Solagori lies north of Ghargaon on the Disang. It is often called Hulagori,

according to the interchange of s and h, above alluded to.

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and Asam.

8!)

1872.]

the hills, passes Mat’hurapur, and flows into the Dihing. It is a dangerous

river in the rains, though at other times it is scarcely knee-deep. He had

thrown up trenches, and had* built a strong wall three Icon long, one end of the

wall extending to a mountain, and the other to the place where the Dilli

joins the Dihing. He had also cut every where the banks of the river,

and made them so steep, that no man, much less a horse, could get up.

He had several times at night attacked Dili)- Klian, but was repulsed.

Rajah Subhan Singh drives away the Charang Rajah who threatened

Ghargaon. The (Jharangs are an Asamese tribe living in the southern

mountains, and their zamindar holds from the Rajah of Asam the title of

Rajah.

The author says that it is impossible to relate the minor affairs which

almost daily oocurred.

Once Phukan Bijdili sent an ambassador to the Nawab, and asked for

cessation of the hostilities. Khwajah Bhor Mall took the Nawiib’s answer,

which was that he agreed to stop hostilities on receiving five hundred elephants

that had still their first teeth; thirty lacs oftolahsof goldand silver as peshkash ;

a daughter of the Rajah for the harem of his Majesty ; a yearly tribute of fifty

elephants with their first teeth ; and lastly, a promise to cede that portion

of Asam over which the Imperialists had passed. Tho Rajah was to keep

Narnrup and the whole of the mountainous districts to himself.

Bhor Mall went, and was received with great honor by the Phukan, with

whom he remained for half a night alone. The Phiikan approved of the

articles, and said that should the Rajah not accept them, ho would himself

come and join the Xawab.

Bhor’ Mall returned after two days. But in the meantime the epidemic

had broken out, and the Nawab moved to Ghargaon ; and as the Asamese

looked upon this movement as a sign of weakness, Bijdili did not come, as

he had promised.

XI.

Condition of the army at Ghargaon.

The Asamese in their continual attacks upon Ghargaon had succeeded in

burning down several houses of the Rajah and the Phukans outside the

enclosure. On the 7th Zi Qa’dah [14th June, 1662], Farhad Khan, Sayyid

Salar, and Qarawal Khun had arrived, and Mir Murtaz* prepared to protect

the town more efficiently. The north-western part of the town being

principally subject to attacks, a bamboo fort was erected, of which one end

reached as far as the Dik’ho and the other to the northern corner of the

palisade of the palace. Many of the inhabitants also, who suffered in the

attacks, were transferred by Mir Murtaza inside the enclosure, notably so

the inhabitants of Mauza'Chachni wll° were transferred from beyond

90

H. Bloehmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm.

[No. 1,

the ditch to the north side of the enclosure of the Rajah’s palace. In one

night attack, the Asamese entered the bamboo fort, and occupied half of

Gliargdon. The confusion was extreme, as Mb’ "Murtaza could not find out

where the enemies chiefly were, when an Asamese set fire to the large

chhappars of the Rajah’s palace, and the dark night became clear as day.

Account of how they were repulsed. Farhad Khdn wounded in the hand.

Further immediate fortifications. The night attacks continue without

interruption. The Dili! Nalah and the Dandka* Nalah, which flows into the

Diliing about one Icos north-east of Ghargdon, wore especially attacked by

the Asamese. The Dandka Nalah had a bridge which allowed communi-

cations to go on between Gliargdon and Mat’hurapur. One night the

Asamese broke it up ; but it was immediately rebuilt and guarded day and

night. Several store-houses were burnt by the enemies.

Detailed description of a general night attack on Ghargaon on the 5th

Zi Hajjah [12th July, 1GG2], Bepulsed with great difficulties.

The enemies cross the Dilli, and throw up a trench on the Kakujan

Nalah, which flows between the Dilli and the Dandka.

Renewed night attack on the 8th Zil Hajjah [15th July]. Farhdd

Khan’s wounds did not allow him any longer to remain in command, and

he repeatedly asked the Nawab to relieve him. Rashid Khan arrived on

the 11th with reinforcements. Farhad went next day to Mat’hurapur. Daily

attacks. On the 16th [23rd July], Rashid Khan succeeds in taking the

trenches on the Kakujan Nalah, and 170 prisoners are taken whom the author

takes the next day to the Nawab, who sent them back. The chiefs among

them were fettered and the others impaled on the Dandka Nalah.

XII.

Affairs in Lalchugar. Condition of the fleet.

When Anwar Beg, the Thnnahdar of Gajpiir, had been killed, Ibn i

Husain despatched a flotilla under ’Ali Beg to take Gajpiir and destroy the

fort which the Asamese had erected. ’Ali Beg went, but as he was not

immediately successful, he encamped the night outside the fort, his

ships anchoring at Bansbdrf, which lies between Dewalgaon and Gaj-

pur. A few ships were taken from the enemies, among them several of

Muhammad Murad’s ships. Yddgar Khan moves from Dewalgaon, and

joins Ibn i Husain at Lak’hilgar, who fortifies his camp. Repeated attacks

on Solaligar on the part of the Imperialists. Demonstration of the people

in favour of the invaders.

On the /th Muharram, 1073 [12th August, 1662], Sayyid Najiruddin

Khan died. Several attacks repulsed. The Bargosafn brought in. Yddgar

* The Bibl. Ind, Edit, of the ’ Alain firnamah has 1 Dandkdlah Nfilah.

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sdm.

91

1872.]

Kh&n again occupies Dewalgaon. A report of his success was sent to the

Nawab, who received it in the beginning of pafar [September, 1662] at

Ghargaon.

XIII.

Epidemic at Ghargaon and Mat'lmrdpur. Return of the Nawab.

Mat’hurapur lies high and was properly speaking an excellent place for

an encampment. But it was soon found that the air of the surrounding

jungles and the water from the mountain itself were unhealthy. The

mountain is called 1 Jur Parbat,’ which in Asamese means 1 fever moun-

tain.’ The men soon suffered from severe fever, and the casualties became

numerous. Thus in the beginning of the war, Dilir Khan’s detachment con-

sisted of nearly 1500 horse ; but at the end of the rains and his expedition to

Namriip, he only mustered between 4 and 500. Of the people also an unusual

number died, and Bhor Mall had heard from Phukan Bijdili that the present

year was exceptionally unfavourable to all. Food, though it was not scarce,

was limited to a few things, and some articles were only to be had at fabulous

prices. Thus butter sold at 14 Rupees per ser ; mash, 1 Tt. ; opium tolali,

1 goldmuhur ; 1 chillum of tobacco, 3 Its. ; dalmung, 10 Its. per ser ; salt,

30 Its. per 8er rJ']]0 only thing the army had was sh&li. Many horses died.

It was altogether an extraordinary year, and famine even raged in

Jahangirnagar.

The Nawab, therefore, found it necessary to leave Mat'hurapur, and

marched on the 12th Muliarram, 1073, [17th August, 1662] to Ghargaon.

One fourth of the stores of shall, for want of conveyance, had to he left

behind. Many wounded and sick people were also left in Mat’huraphr, and

it has never become known what their fate was, when the Asamese occupied

the place. Several guns also stuck in the mud,* the cows that pulled them

having no strength from want of food. At night, the Nawab stayed at a

house belonging to the Rajah, one kos from Ghargaon, and Dilir Khan who

commanded the rear, was ordered to look after the guns, as the Nawab had

resolved to wait where he was till all the guns had been brought up. The

rain was fearful. Dilir Khan told the Nawab that he would look after

everything, and on the 13th Muharram, the Nawab entered Ghargaon.

Immediate attacks of the Asamese followed. In Ghargaon also coarse red

* Mr. Foster writes from Nazirah — There are numerous large iron gnns in the

neighbourhood. One seven miles from here is 18' 6" long, 6i" bore, and has 4 trun-

nions. There are three 14' guns within a quarter mile of my bungalow. They will

he lost in the River Dik’ho next wet season, being only some 15 feet from the bank

which is rapidly cutting away. I think they must have been left by the Mughul army,

when it retreated in 1663.

92 H. Blochmann — Koch, Bihar and A’sdm. [No. 1,

rice, without salt, and limes were the only things that could he had, and fever

and dysentery soon raged as had as in Mat’hurapur. Muhammad Mumin of

Tabriz, the Waqi’ahnawis, died.

A bridge which the Imperialists had made over the Dik’lio, was torn

away by the current, but was at last built again.

XIV.

A change for the letter.

The rains ceased about the middle of f afar [end of September, 1662],

Makrdhaj, Bajah of Durang, had died in Mat’hurapur, and his mother

who held the reigns of the government during his absence, favoured the

Imperialists, and placed men at the disposal of the Faujdar of Gawahatti.

Communications now became easier. On the 21st Babi’ I. [21th October,

1662], the first supplies arrived by land, and on the 28tli, the ships with

the provisions landed at Ghargaon.

The Asamese gradually withdrew, and the Bajah went to Solagorl,

and then back to Namrup. Bijdili and Karkumba, the two principal

Phukans, were intrenched on the Dill! Biver, and Bijdili sent again an

ambassador expressing his willingness to conclude peace, should the Imperia-

lists withdraw from the country. But his offers were not listened to.

About this time orders came from court in which Ihtisham Khan was

appointed Governor of A'sam and Bashld Khfin Faujdar of Kamrup. The

latter refused on account of the unhealthiness of the climate, and Ihtisham

Khan also begged to be excused.

On the 8th Babl’ II. [10th November, 1662], Abul Hasan was ordered

to take back the provision ships to Taramhtai, and then to take the

entrenchments of Bijdili in the rear. QarawalKhan was to accompany him.

XV.

The Nawab takes the offensive. Pursuit of the Bajah.

Abul Hasan succeeds in destroying some entrenchments held by the

Asamese, and set out for Bijdili’s trenches, whilst the Nawab, too, marches

towards the Dihing to support him. But Bijdili withdrew. The Nawab

reaches the Dihing. Has a fainting fit. Badll Phdkan pays his respects

with his three brothers. The defection of the Phukans alarmed the Bajah,

and as he had been dissatisfied with Bijdili’s operations, he killed him and

his whole family, males and females. Numerous letters also arrived from

the Bajah and the Phukans, but the Nawab paid no attention to them.

Badli Pliukan submits a plan how to hunt down the Bajah, and with

the Nawab’s permission collects between three and four thousand fighting

men, and is appointed fiibahdar of the country between Ghargaon and

Narurup.

1872.] H. Bloclnnann — Koch Bihar and A’sam. 93

Numerous requests to conclude peace arrive from the Rajah, hut the

Nawab pays no attention to them. An unwelcome news also reaches the

camp, that in consequence of the famine in Bengal no rice had been sent, and

Ibn i Husain had put his sailors on short rations. The Nawab sent off 12000

maunds of shah to Rak’liugar.

At Badli Phukan’s advice, the Nawab, on the 1st Jumada I. [1st

December, 1662], sent a detachment under Darwfsh Beg to Solagori, where

several Phukans and a number of elephants were reported to be. Badli

Phukan aeompanies Darwish, and they reach Solagori on the 6th. The

Nawab himself crosses the Dihing on the 7th [7th December], On the 9th,

he has an attack of fever and severe pain in the chest. Hakim Karima of

Oilan attends him. But though sick, he determined to follow the Rajah to

Namrup. But many of his officers and the men showed signs of dissatis-

faction, and it was reported to the Nawab that large numbers would march

away, if he ffjq uot retum, as the men would not pass another rainy season

in A'sam, much less in Namrup. The Nawab got so annoyed, that his illness

became worse ; but on the 14th [14th December], he broke up, and marched

one stage further on to Batam.* On account of his sickness he travelled by

palki. Batam belongs to A'sam, and the zamindar holds the title of Rajah.

It lies on the outskirt of the Namrup jungles.

The Rajah in the meantime renews his applications for peace, and asks

Dilir Khan to intercede on his behalf with the Nawab.

XVI.

Conclusion of Peace. Beturn of the Army to Bengal.

Illness forced the Nawab to listen to the proposals of peace. Bhor Mall

was again employed to confer with the Phukans, and the following conditions

were agreed upon —

1. The Rajahs of A'sam and Batam should each send one of their

daughters to the imperial harem.

2. Each should pay 20,000 tolahs of gold, and 120,000 tolahs of silver.

3. Fifteen elephants to be sent to the Emperor ; fifteen to the Nawab,

and five to Dilir Khan.

4. Within the next twelve months 3 lacs tolahs of silver and 90

elephants to be sent as tribute to Bengal, in three four-monthly instalments.

5. Twenty elephants to be furnished annually.

6. The sons of Budh Gosain, Karkas-ha, Bar Gosain, Prahatar, the

four principal Phukans of the Rajah, to remain as hostages with the Nawab,

till the fulfilment of the conditions in para. 4.

* Or Patam. I have not identified this place; in fact there are no maps

available. Vide p. 85, third note.

91

H. Blochmann — Koch Tiihur and A'sdm. [No. 1,

7. The following districts to be ceded to his Majesty the Emperor —

A. In the Uttarkol.

(a.) Sirkar Durang, bounded by Oawahatti on one side, and by the All

Burari,* which passes Fort Chamdhurah, on the other side.

K. In the Dale hinkol.

(a.) The district of Nakirani (<_s> |

(h.) The Naga Hills.

(c.) 1 Sol tal!

(«?.) Dumuriah

8. All inhabitants of Kamrup kept as prisoners by the Rajah in the

hills and in Namrup to be restored ; so also the family of Badli Phulian.

The districts of the Dak’hinkol that were ceded, have at no previous

time formed part of his Majesty’s empire. Nakirani [Deshrani] lies near

the Garo Hills. The Garos are a wild tribe excessively fond of dog’s flesh. J

If a dog sees a Garo, it will instinctively howl and rim away. Their hills

are also near Kalahari, which belongs to the empire.

Dumuriah extends as far as the Kulang Eiver, which flows at the foot of

Fort Kajli. Hence as the Ali Burari forms the boundary between the empire

and A'sam in the Uttarkol, so does the Kulang form the boundary in the

Dak’hinkol.

Durang is a country full of wild elephants and k’hedalis for catching

them. Once Jaidhaj captured no less than one hundred and twenty elephants.

In the territory of the Rajah of Dumuriah elephants were formerly found.

It borders on Kachhar, from which the elephants used to come into Du-

muriah ; but the Kachhar Rajah having put a stop to the migrations of

the elephants, no k’hedahs are now-a-days found in the Dumuriah.

The above conditions of peace were accepted, and the treaty was mutually

signed. After some delay caused by an attempt at cheating in the hostages,

the Rajah sent, on the 5th Jumada II., [4th January, 1963] his daughter, the

gold and silver, ten elephants, and the hostages to the Nawab, and promised to

send. thirty elephants more to Lak’hugar. The gold and silver was put into the

treasury, the hostages were given to Dilir Khan to take charge of, and the

* Called on the map Bhor-alli, or Bhoreli. It flows near Tezpur and the Kamakhya

Temple, Central A'aam.

f Vide p. 76, last note. It seems to be the same as Deshrani, because Deshrani,

Desh Dumuriah, and Desh Beltalah are mentioned together. They belong to Thanah

Gawahatti, and lie south of it. Vide also Kobinson’s Asam, p. 289,

By “ Naga Hills” the Mildr and Bengmah Naga hills appear to be meant.

$ Most of tho wild Asameso tribes eat dogs, The custom is to hang up the dog

and force large quantities of boiled rice down its throat. When it is swollen up, it

is suspended over a fire and slowly roastod. The rice is said to be ” delicious.”

1872.]

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A'sam, ,

95

Rajah’s daughter was provided a place in the Nawab’s harem. On the 9th

Jumada II., eleven elephants were brought in.

The order to return to Bengal was given on the 10th Jumada II., [9th

January, 1663], to the intense joy of all. The Nawab had still to travel in

palld ; he did not march over Ghargaon, hut went straight to Taramhani,

where the prisoners, whom the Rajah had detained in Namrup, and Badli

Phukan’s family arrived.

XVII.

Arrival at La’hhugar. Distress during the retreat. March over Baritalah

to Khizrpur. Death of the Nawab.

On the 26th Jumada II., [25th January, 1663] the Nawab left

Dewalgaon for Lak’hugar. His health daily improved. Mir Murtaza

brought all stores from Ghargaon, and twenty-five elephants arrived which the

Rajah had sent. Many people, males and females, followed the army, happy

to find thus a means of leaving A’sam.

The Nawab had resolved to go to Gawahatti, settle financial mat-

ters, and then to march against Koch Bihar. lie, therefore, embarked with

the hostages at Lak’hugar, sending the principal part of the army via

the Dak’hinkol to Baritalah where they should cross the Brahmaputra.

On the 1st Rajab [29th January], he left Lak’hugar, inspected on his road

portions of Dumuriah, now annexed, and passed in palld over the Kajli plain,

where never before an army had passed. On the first and the second days,

he travelled eight kos daily ; on the third, fourteen ; on the fourth, twelve.

He then passed the Kulang river and then Port Kajli. During these four

days, the men lived on water and the animals on grass. At Kajli, the Nawab

rested a few days. The mother and the son of Malcr Dhaj, Rajah of Durang,

who had lately died, waited on the Nawab. The Rajah of Dumuriah was also

expected. But his brother’s son only came, and, soon after, the Rajah’s

mother.

Here the Nawab had a relapse, which ended in asthma, and the hasty

way in which he proceeded from remedy to remedy, made him only

worse.

In the evening of 11th, [7th February, 1663] the same day on which

the mother of the Rajah of Dumuriah had come, tremendous lightning

and thunder frightened the army, and immediately afterwards, a strong

earthquake was felt which shook all, whether they were sitting or standing,

reclining or sleeping. The shocks continued for half an hour.

On the 13th [9th February], the Nawab left Kajli, and arrived at Pandu,

which lies opposite to Gawahatti. Muhammad Beg, Faujdar of Gawahatti

reported the capture of eighty-four Durang elephants in the k’hedahs.

The Nawab recommended to him the mother and the son of the late

96 H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and Asam. [No. 1,

Rajah of Durang, and the mother of the Rajah of Diimuriah, and dismissed

them to their homes. Badli Phukan was to have a Parganah in Bengal,

with a revenue of 3000 Rs. On the 14th, Dilir Khan arrived from Lak’hugar,

bringing eight more elephants with him.

Rashid Khan, who had formerly declined the office of Faujdar of

Karnriip, received from his Majesty a reprimand. He now accepted the

office, and was appointed to it by the Nawab. Muhammad Beg, the former

Faujdar of Gawahattl, who was a servant of the Nawab, was appointed

Tlianahdar of Kajli, under Rashid Khan.

The Nawab, though very ill, settled several financial matters of great

importance, and left Gawahatti on the 26tli Rajab [22nd February, 1663].

On the last of the month, he reached Baritalah, where the Koch Bihar

detachment joined him. Here the Nawab’s condition got much worse, the

fainting fits came on oftener, and Hakim Zahira Ardistani was sent for from

Hugli, and Mlrza Muhammad from Akbamagar.

Description of the diagnosis of each doctor. The men commonly

believed that the sickness was the result of witchcraft practised by the Rajah

of Asam. The doctors recommended the Nawab to go to Khizrpur. On

the 26th Sha'ban, he appoints ’Askar Khan to renew operations against

Koch Bihar.

The Nawab died on board the barge on Wednesday, the 2nd Ramazan,

1073 [30th March, 1663], half an hour before sunset, two kos above Khizrpur.*

The i Arikh of his death is 0r 1 occupant of paradise,’ A. H.

1073. Dilir Khan and Ihtisham Khan buried the body the next day at

Khizrpur, in a vault which the Nawab had given orders to build after leaving

for Asam. According to his last wish, his body was to be taken to Najaf,

and buried in holy ground. News of his death was at once sent to court

and to his son Muhammad Amin Khan.

* Neither Rennel’s Map of the ‘ Environs of Dacca’ in 1778 (Map xii, of the

Bengal Atlas), nor the Survey Maps help us to identify Khizrpur, and 1 addressed Dr.

James Wise, of Dhaka, who is so well known for his researches in the local history of

the District, regarding the geographical position of the place. Ho kindly sent mo

the following reply —

« Narainganj, eight miles S. E. of Dacca, is in a parganah called Khizrpur. It is

bounded by tho Dacca river, the Burha Ganga. This situation corresponds with that

of the historical Khizrpur, which was on the banks of the Ganges. A tomb, said to

be that of one of Shaistak KhSn’a daughters, is called by the Muhammadans of the

present day the ‘ Khizrpur Maqbarah.’ It is strange that the tomb of such a groat

man as Mir Jumlah should not exist.”

The Maasir ul Vma rd does not record whether the body was taken to Najaf

{ Mashhad, in Khurasan). It is said that many towns in Talinganah contain buil-

dings erected by tho Nawab, and in Haidarabad there is a tank, a villa, and a

palace, still bearing his name.

1872.]

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihdr and As&m.

97

Events after 1663.

With the death of the Nawab the Fathigah i 'Tbriyah ends. The news

of his death reached Aurangzib at Labor, and, according to Bernier, (vide

above p. 35) was a source of joy for the emperor. The ' Alomgirndmah

says that he was sorry, because Mir Jumlah had been an old servant.

Whether the “ ceded” districts of Central A'sam were ever taken

actual possession of by the Imperialists, is a matter of doubt. The

Asam Buranji, or Asam Chronicle, according to Robinson (loc. cit., p. 166),

gives a very different version, and says “ that Mir Jumlah’s army was

entirely defeated, and he was obliged, to give up the whole of zillah Kamrup

to the Asamese, which was from that time placed under the management of

a great Asamese officer, the Bar Phukan, and formed a government equal to

about a third part of the whole kingdom. Jaidhaj Singh died A. D. 1663.”

Prom the following extract from the ’ Alamglrnamah it would certainly

appear that Gawahatti was the actual frontier of the Mughul empire and

Asam, when Mir Jumlah returned to Bengal, and that the cession of

Durang as far as Tezpur was nominal ; but on the other side it is quite

clear that Mir Jumlah’s retreat was not an absolute defeat. The pay-

ments of the money are certainly nowhere recorded by Muhammadan

historians ; but a part of the elephants did come, and a daughter of the king

of Asam was subsequently married to an Imperial Prince.

Gawahatti then was the actual frontier at Mir Jumlah’s retreat, and

remained so for four years, till the beginning of 1078 A. H., or the very end

of A. D. 1667. The re-conquest by the Asamese is the last event recorded

in the ' Alamgirndmah (Bibl. Ind. Edit., p. 1068) as follows —

“ At tills time [llajab, 1078, or December, 1667], reports were received

by his Majesty from Bengal that the Asamese with a numerous army and a

large fleet had attacked Gawahatti, which is the frontier of Bengal. The

Thanahdar, Sayyid Firuz Khan, could not in time receive assistance. He

and most of his men bravely defended themselves, and sacrificed their lives on

the path of loyalty ('ubudiyat). His Majesty resolved to punish the Asamese,

and appointed Rajah Ram Singh to the command of an imperial corps, which

was to be strengthened by troops of the Bengal army. Ri^ah Ram Singh,

on the 21st Rajah 1078, A. H., [27th December, 1667] received as klial'at a

horse with a gilded saddle and a dagger with a belt adorned with pearls, and

was sent to A'sam. Na<;iri Khan,* Kisari Singh Bhurtialpt Rag’hunath

Singh of Mirthah, Bairam Deo Sisaudiah, and other Manjabdars, with 1500

Ahadis and 500 artillery, accompanied him.”

* The Madsvr i ’ AlarngM (Ed. Bibl. Indica, p. 65) has Nuqrat Khan.

t The Maasir i ’ AlamgM has Kirat Singh Bhurtiah, which is clearly the correct

reading.

13

N

98

H. Blochmann — Koch Bilidr and Asiim.

[No. 1,

For the subsequent events we have only the Maasir i ’ Alamgiri to refer

to, whose scanty notes are nevertheless of great value. I translate from

the edition of this work in the Bibliotheca Indica.

Page 73. “ On the first of Zi Hajjah, 1078 [2nd May, 1G68], Eahmat

Banu, the daughter of the king of Asam was married to Prince Muhammad

A’zam. Dowry, 180,000 Rupees.”

It is not said whether this is the same girl that was taken by Mir

Jumlah to Bengal. Her name implies that she had been converted to Islam.

It was only Akbar and Jahangir that did not convert their Hindu prin-

cesses.

Page 97. “ Rajah Rdm Singh, who was a commander of 4000, 4000

duaspah sihaspah troopers, was promoted to a command of 5000, and his son*

* This Kishn Singh is called grandson (naltrah) of Ram Singh on p. 172 of the

Marfsirr. It should he son. Ram Singh was the son of Jai Singh I, of Arnbar (Jaipur),

with whose assistance Aurangzib had como to the throno. He died at Burkanpur on tho

28th Muharram 1076, or 10th J uly, 1667. The ’A'lamgfrndinah (p. 1051) and the Madsir

i Alamtjin (p. t»2) state that he died a natural death, and that his son Ram Singh was

immediately made Rajah. Colonel Brooke ( Political History of Jcypore, p. 14) says, though

he does not mention his authority, that Jai Singh was killed by his son Kirat Singh,

whom Aurangzib had promised tho succession, and that the Emperor had engaged

his services, because he thought Jai Singh too powerful a subject. “Tho fooling of

the countiy, however, was too strong against the parricide, to allow such a succession

to be carried out, and Kirat Singh was obliged to content himself with Kamah, now

in the Bhurtpore territory, and which his descendants enjoy to this day ; but the par.

ricidal act of their ancestor has for ever excluded them from any chance of sncceeding

to the Jeypore throne.” Kirat Singh certainly was at Burk&npur, when Jai Singh died.

He had in nearly every war served under his father, as, for instance, in the Mew

disturbances, after which ho received Kamah Pahuid, and Koh-Mujahid, and was

appointed Faujdar of Mewat. Shahjahdn, two years before being disposed, had made

him a commander of 1000, and nftor the wars with Siwa, Aurangzib gave him a

command of 2500. After the death of his father, he was made a commander of 3000,

a promotion which docs not look like a reward for the great crime imputed to him.

Kirat continued to serve in the Dak’hiu, and died in the beginning of 1081 (1673, A. D.).

Jai Singh -was succeeded by his first-born son, Ram Singh. He had risen under

Shahjahan to tho rank of commander of 3000. In the battle of Samogar, he was with

Dard Shikoh, but joined soon aftorwards, like his father, the party of Aurungzib. He

served under Muftnmmad Sultan, in tho pursuit of Shnja’, and took a part in the capture

of Sulaiman Shikoh at Srinagar. Subsequently, he served under his father against

Siwa; and when the Bhonsla and his son Samba presented themselves at Court,

Aurangzib warned Ram Singh to have a sharp eye on them, and not to let them

escape. But they fled (beginning of 1077), and Ram Singh fell into temporary disgrace,

and lost his rank. The fact that Jai Singh died soon afterwards may be construed

mto a suspicion against Kirat Singh. But Ram Singh was immediately restored,

received the title of.Rajah, and a mamjab of 4000. In the same year (1078), he was

ordered to Gawahatti in Asam. Ram Singh remained in Asam till tho middle of 1086

(1675), his long stay being evidently a punishment. Ho died soon after. His son

, H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and Asam.

99

1872.]

Kishn Singh received a present of a sarpesh studded with jewels.” End of

1080 A. H., or beginning of A. D. 1G70.

Page 154. “On the 22nd Rabi’ II., 1087, [21th June, 1676] Rajah

Bam Singh returned from Asam, and paid his respects at court.”

Page 178. “ On the 29th Muharram, 1090, [1st March, 1679] Shahrukh,

a servant of Prince Muhammad A’zam brought a report to court which

contained the account of the conquest of Gawahatti by his Majesty’s troops.

The messenger received a reward of Rs. 1000 ; and a necklace of 91 pearls,

valued at 2 lacs of Rupees, and a tassel ( turrah ) studded with jewels, of a

value of 25,000 Rupees, were sent to the Prince as presents.”

Page 234. Rashid Khan reported that, according to orders, the Amirul-

Umara had been charged with 52 lacs of Rupees on account of expenses

incurred in Gawahatti. The officer referred to had written to say that the

whole expenditure amounted to 7 lacs of Rupees * * # Hence this sum

was ordered to he charged.”

Page 387. Prince Muhammad ’Azim [’Azim ushshan, son of Bahadur

Shah] was appointed pubahdSr of Bengal and Faujdar of Koch Bihar.” End

of 1108, A. H., or middle of 1697, A. D.

This closes my collection of notes on Koch Bihar and Asam from

Muhammadan historians of the 16th and 17th centuries. I have only

occasionally referred to Khdfi Khan (Ed. Bibl. Indiea, II, pp. 130 IF.).

He has used the ’Alamgirnamah, in his slovenly way, without the

slightest exactness even in his meagre geographical and chronological

details. To give an example. He makes the Koch Bihfir Rajah flee to an

old zamindar of the country, near whose castle there is a river, over which

two chains pass. The chains are fastened to pegs and stems of trees on the

opposite banks, and people use the chains as a bridge. Comparing this with

the account on p. 68, we see that Khali has a wonderful power of combina-

tion, whilst the castle is altogether fictitious. He gives Koch Bihar five

chaklahs or eighty-nine parganahs, and fixes the revenue at 10 lacs of Naraini

rupees. The kaseru root ( Cyperus tuberosus, Wild) is mentioned as the best

lemedy for wounds caused by poisoned arrows. He speaks of the breaking of

idols in Koch Bihar, and makes the Nawab build mosques iu Simlaligar and

Ghargaon, and remit one year’s taxes. The circulation of Kara ini rupees in

Asam was forbidden, because the Nawab corned money with Aurangzib’s

name on it. A great deal of silver and gold is found with the assistance of

expert treasure-finders, and ten or twelve golden keys and a map of Asam

are sent to court. He traces the epidemic to bad water ; “ for the rain

Kunwar Kishn Singh died when young, of a wound he had received. He had served

for some time in Kabul. Yido my essay, entitled ‘ A Chapter from Muhammadan

History,’ Calcutta Review, 1870.

100

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihar and A’sdm.

[No. 1,

falls on many poisonous trees, and when such water runs into rivers or tanks,

it renders them poisonous. Again, the wind blows the flowers of poisonous

trees into the rivers, and thus makes the water unwholesome. Thus between

Khandesh and Surat, four stages from the latter, there is a river called

Sapin, the water of which at the end of the rains is quite poisonous.”*

Robinson (Xsam, p. 156) has some notes on Baldeo, or Balit Narain, as

he calls him, and places his death in A. D. 1634. This is certainly too early

as his defeat by the Mughuls ( vide above p. 62) took place in 1637. He

does not mention Baldeo’s son, Chandr Narain, but a grandson of the same

name, who in 1671 was succeeded by Surja Narain. He then says that

about 1682 the territory of Surja Narain [Durang and Kamrup] “ were

invaded by Munjur Khan, a general of the emperor of Dihli, when he

himself was taken prisoner, and conveyed to the presence of the emperor.

Some time after, effecting his escape, ho returned to his own dominions ; but

from a sense of shame, is said to have refused resuming tho reins of govern-

ment.” His brother Indra Narain lost portions of his kingdom to the Ahom

kings, and only retained Durang.

I do not know who this “ Munjur Khan” can be. The spelling

suggests Manzur Khan a doubtful name, or Mamjur Ivkan

((iilAjj^uxj). The year 1682 refers to A. H. 1094 ; but I can find nothing

regarding this invasion in Muhammadan historians.

APPENDIX.

Col. J. C. Haughton, C. S. I., Koch Bihar, kindly sent me the follow-

ing extract from Biswessar’s History of A'sam, which may advantageously

be compared with the extracts from the Akbarnamah, on pp. 52, 53, 56.

“ Rajah Nara Narain, t having no male issue, determined to appoint his

nephew Rag’hudeb successor. When old, however, he had a son, and

Rag’hudeb became hopeless. The latter therefore, quitted one day the pa-

lace under tho pretext of going a hunting ; but the Rajah, in order to con-

sole him, allotted to him a portion of the raj.%

“ Nara Narain died after a reign of fifty -six years, and was succeeded by

his son Lachmi Narain.

* The text of Khfifi Khan’s history in the Bibl. Indica Edition is very untrust-

worthy as regards proper nouns. On p. 138, of vol. II., read Qazi Samui, for Qdzi

Timur; p. 142, Oawdha((l for Korthf ; p. 144, Stmldligarh for Bhimgar ; p. 161, Gagpur

for Kaohhp&r ; p. 163, Subhdm Singh, for Sagan Singh.

f The 1 Balgosain’ of the Akbarnamah. Rag’liudeb is tho ‘ Pat Kunwar.’

t This seems to have caused tho division of Koch Bihar and Koch Iliijo. Lachnu

was thus the first KSjah of Koch Bihar only.

1872.]

H. Blochmann — Koch Bihdr and A'sam.

101

“ Eag’hudeb laving obtained a portion of bis uncle's kingdom, founded

the town of Ghclabijaya in Kamrup, and erected a temple at Hajo in 1583.

He died in 1593, and was succeeded by Paricbbat Narain, who made war on

his uncle Laclimi Narain. Parichhat went to Delhi, and died at Patna on

his way home from A'grab in 1G0G.* Subsequently, the Muhammadan ruler

invaded the kingdom to realize the promised tribute. The Mantri succeed-

ed in obtaining the office of Qaniingo.

“ Ah this time the kingdom was divided into four sirkars. Baht Narain,

brother of Parichhat, got the Sirkar, east of Dikrai and west of the river

Manah. Parichhat’ s son, Bijat Narain, only got the land between the Manah

and Sankos. The descendants of Bijat Narain are known as the Rajahs of

Bijni.”

The following extract from the family history of the Rajahs of Bijni, I

also owe to Col. Haughton’s kindness.

“ Maharajah Biswa Singh had two sons. The elder, Nara Narain Blnip

leigned over that portion of the kingdom which lies between Karatuja and

Bihar. The younger, Shukladhaj Bliup ruled over the country from Biliar

o Dikrai. For his impetuosity at time of war, he was called Chilah Eai,

Hmg Kite.’ His son was Eag’hudeb Narain. The latter had three sons ;

one was king of Durang, another ruler over Beltalah, and the eldest, Pari-

o at Narain was Rajah of Bijni. Parichhat waged war with Laclimi Narain ;

but sorry for having attacked his nearest relation, he turned hermit. He

went also to Dilili with his Diwan, astonished the emperor by his extra-

ordinary talents, received a Jchal'at, and was sent back to his country

with a royal guard. But ho died at Rajmahall on his way home. The

Hiwan went back to Dilili, and was made Qanungo of Koch Bihar. Pari-

chhat left a son Chandr Narain, who enjoyed his father’s raj, but did nothing

remarkable.” [Vide pp, 58 to GO, and Robinson, p. 155.]

* This date is too early.

102 H. Blochmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. [No. 1,

Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions, No. II. — Iiy H. Blochmatot,

M. A., Calcutta Madrasah.

Since the publication, in last year’s Journal, of several Arabic and Per-

sian Inscriptions forwarded to the Society during 1871, a few others have been

received from Messrs. Wilson, C. S., Badaon ; E. Yesey Westmacott, C. S.,

Dinajpur ; and Dr. J. Wise, Dhaka. As these inscriptions are of great inter-

est, I have placed them together, and added a few notes and extracts from

the letters which accompanied the rubbings.

They refer to

Dinajpur, (Gangarampur) .

Dhaka.

DhamrSi, N. of Dhaka.

Badaon,

and A’lapur, East of Badaon.

Gangara'mpu'r, Di'na jpu'r.

The following four inscriptions were received from Mr. Westmacott

C. S., Dinajpur. They are by no means new, having been mentioned by

Buchanan in his ‘ Historical Description of Dinajpur’ (p. 51), and partly by Mr.

Thomas in his * Chronicles of the Pathan Kings’ (p. 149) ; but they are here

for the first time given with the text and correct translations. Buchanan

says that the chief place in Division Gangarampur is Damdamah, the old

Dev Kct.* “ It received its present appellation (which signifies a place of

war) from its having been a military station during the early Muhammadan

government, as it probably was then on the frontier. * * * The chief officer,

under the title of Wazir, seems to have resided on the banks of a very noble

tank, which is named Dahal Dig’hi, and has evidently been formed by the Mu-

hammadans : its water being about 4000 feet from east to west, and 1000 from

north to south * * * On many different parts, especially towards the north

east comer, are heaps of bricks, probably the ruins of the houses that were oc-

cupied by the Muhammadan officers. On the centre of the north side is the

Dargah of a saint, named Mulla ’Atauddm, contiguous to which is a small

mosque. Both are very ruinous, but a canopy is still suspended over the

tomb, which is much frequented as a place of worship, and the faqir has an

endowment of 200 big’hahs (about 100 acres) of land.”

Buchanan then mentions five inscriptions belonging to the tomb and

the mosque.

* Mentioned several times in the Tdbaqat i Naqirt and in Dowson’s edition of Elliot’s

Historians, II, pp. 313, 314, tf.

103

1872.] H. Tiloelimann — Kot.es on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions.

First. — One over the gate of the mosque, “ by Wazir Shair Musaur of

“ Mozofurabad, commander of the troops of Firuzabad, in the reign of

“ Hoseyn Shah, Sultan of Hostina, son of Mozofur Shah, A. H. 718.” His

date and names are wrong ; vide p. 100, inscription III.

Secondly. — One under the former, stating that the Gumbuz [vault] of

the tomb had been erected “ by Sekandar Shah, son of Majahud Shah, son

°f Ay as Shah, A. H. 7G5.” These readings will he found corrected below ;

vide inscription II, p. 101.

Thirdly. — One in the wing of the mosque, mentioning “ Futeh Shah,

son of Mahmud Shah, A. H. 845.” I have not seen this inscription ; but

the year is wrong. Mr. Westmacott says that the wall on which the inscrip-

tion was, has fallen down.

F ourthly. — An inscription stating that “ a part of the mosque, called

Hamada [P] was built in the reign of Ky Kaos Shah, by order of Sakandar

8ani, or the 2nd, A. H. 872.” This is the famous Kai Kaus inscription,

No. I, below.

Fifthly. — An inscription “ over the door of an apartment used as a kit-

chen by faqirs, to the right of the mosque, on which Makhdum Mulla and

uzaffar Shah are mentioned. The date is no longer visible.” Vide p. 107>

No. IV.

I shall now give the text and translation of the inscriptions from the

rubbings which Mr. Westmacott forwarded to the Society.

I. The Gangaranipur Kai Kaus Inscription.

* . .. - - . * S5

Vr5 '-y-* ^..cA j $.{.1.0 $.i! A A &U|

• , „ ^ ^ | Jji

w* ■ * ^

This mosque was built during the reign of the king of kings, Rukn uddunya

w a d d i n, the shadow of God on earth, Kai Kaus Shah, son of Mahmud, son of the

ultan, the right hand of the Khalifah of God, the helper of the Commander of the Faith-

ful—n

-may God perpetuate his rule and kingdom ! — at the order of the Lord of the age, by

^hihabulhaqq wad din, a second Alexander, the Ulugh i A’zam Humayun,

afar Khan Bahrain I' t gin — may God perpetuate his rule and kingdom and

104 H. Blochmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. [No. 1,

may God prolong his life!— under the supervision (batwuliyat)* of Salah Jiwand of

Multan. On tho 1st Muhnrram, 697, A. H. [19th October, 1297].

As mentioned above, this inscription is quoted by Mr. Thomas in his

‘ Chronicles of the Pathan Kings,’ p. 140, where a “ rough” translation by

Col. Nassau Lees is givon. The ‘ translation’ leaves out the name of the

builder, and wrongly puts his titles in apposition to the words Khusrawe

mm An. The absence of a facsimile has led Mr. Thomas to state that Kai

Kaus confessed allegiance to ’Alauddin of Dihli, who is the Sikandar ussani

par excellence ; but the grammatical construction of the sentence, and the

idiom, shew that the words ‘ Sikandar ussani, Ulugh i A’zam 1 lumayun, and

Zafar Khan’, are merely titles of Bahrain Ttgin. He must have been a

Malik of high rank, as the titles are high ; but my Tribeni inscriptions

(Journal, 1870) and Mr. Broadley’s Bihar inscriptions, (about to be publish-

ed in this volume) give Maliks not only similar titles, but also the phrase

‘ May God perpetuate his rule and kingdom,’ and even Julus names, if I may

say so. ‘ Shihab ul Haq waddin’, therefore, is merely tho julus name of Malik

Zafar Khan, and shews, moreover, that the ‘ Sikandar ussani,’ cannot be

’Alauddin, whose full julus name, with the Tcunyah , was ’Alauddin Abulmu-

zaffar Muhammad Shah.

Observe also that when names and titles are given, the titles are gen-

erally put first and then the name, and the idiom requires that the word

htimdyun he taken to TJluyh i A’zam, not to Zafar Khan.

It gin is Turkish and means ‘ proprietor.’ It also occurs as name ; e. g.,

in the list of the grandees of Balban’s Court ( Tarikh Barani, p. 24, last

line).

The Arabic style of the inscription is bad, as in all Bengal inscriptions.

The words are gpgptly doubtful, the rubbing merely giving

I am not satisfied with my reading of the name of the

supervisor ; ‘ Jiwand’ is unusual ; but ‘ Jiwan,’ without the final d, is very

common.

II. The Inscription on the Dargah of the Mauldna ’ Ata .

Buchanan calls him ’Atauddin, which is perhaps a mistake for ’Ataullah.

The inscription is half poetry, half verse.

L'tj k slA. jUb t.S j, j

Ijlci — 5. 1 — ^ joAj # jib-s* U yi i s IjV^i

» -j * /

'' , c A'' ' f p', l ** ..iA » j

* The same phrase occurs in the Arabic inscription on the wall of a Jain Temple

near Ajmir, of A. H. 666; vide Journal for 1848, p. 653.

1872.] H. Blochmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. 105

as/ j ju. i Q SLajj j) i “ -j.] tS fSjj A>.1£

■gfc I ^ gO

AjJjSI i . -la) <Lojj UjjJI *U.w U_>j

ui UJ kP ^ .

^ jl <Ai 1 ^ ci <*.ii| *Uac Ua.c USy« ^Jdll ^ gj&S] j ^srl^l j»*

^ »

^tuva^S) } JtW) Li^cb uJ^yi J «X4*J) t •**»[<£ (StC) J-Oi'l U

tJJ] J.U jflacSl ^UJI JjUI ^UaUl ^UxJl ^ _, jlUJ)

(jUaLJI sLA^jIjJI j yl&jjjXw iAfels*^lyj| ^*.=^11 £Ai*J (^ay*a.i"6^|

.M >J

* <siL« aUI oJa-

M # y

tSXXH/JJ

*

" U) sdJ X tJ

<xii! &. — A.1JI

\iJ JJ

$ JJO <_)..&£ # 2lAa*X*«j ^.JAw _} gi

[Poetry, motre short flixsqj], In this dome, which was founded by ’Ata — may

the building be a house for both worlds ! — angels sing on account of its erection till

the day of judgment, “ Banaind fimqaleam sab’ an shidddd.”*

[Prose.] Through the grace of the maker of the wonderful seven palaces, “ who

has created the seven heavens one above the other”— his names be pTaised ! — tho

building of this lofty dome was completed. It is a copy of the dais of tho vault of

glory. And “ we have adorned the heaven of tho world with lights” in the blessed

shrine of the pole of saints, the unequalled among enquirers, the lamp of truth, and

law, and faith, Maulana ’At a — may God Almighty bestow His grace upon him in

both worlds ! [The building was completed] by order of the Lord of the age and the

period, the causer of justice and liberality, tho guardian of countries, the pastor of

the people, the just, wise, and great king, the shadow of God on earth, distin-

guished by the grace of the Merciful, Abul Mujahid Sikandar Shah, son of

■Ilyas Shah, the king, may God perpetuate his kingdom !

[Poetry, metre Khofi'f}. The king of the world, Sikandar Shah, for whom people

string pearls in prayer, and chant, ‘ May God illuminate his worth,’ and say, ‘ May God

Perpetuate his kingdom.’

Dated, A. H. 765 [A. D., 1363], Done by the slave of tho throne, Ghias, the

golden-handed.

The inscription measures about 5 feet by 3^ foot. The characters are

beautifully drawn. Ghias, the ‘ golden-handed’ ( zarrindast ) was evidently the

Court Katib of Sikandar Shah ; his title reminds us of the zarrtn-qulams and

Mishkin qalams of later times. Even in point of style, the inscription is one

* A metrical passage from the Qoran, LXXVTII, 12, “ We have built over you

seven (heavens), firm ones.”

14

o

106 H. Blochmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. [No. 1,

of the best among Bengal inscriptions of the 8th century of the Hijrah, that

I have seen. The text spells baMshah, instead of pddislid h ; if this he not

accidental, we would have here a proof shewing that the Indian pronuncia-

tion of this word is of old standing.

III. PuJcn Khan's Mosque.

uS • / .

^sl»r«J) J'—J xjUJ) J )J,A

** /

* “ r

l-X)cVi} c ■■ A y jy {f1*1** *

^ • f • ^

* jlA-oJI • X I, . ^ I yjthJLu dJ) j

X- X / / **

•i/6 «|'j \) jl JjL' «jlj )j ^jjiS'CjSK lSj.& rikc

11 j jmkC ^.J. <. j itXjM e tl -f I jXn.’C ^x.jj i s j

This mosque and tlie minaret were built by the Khan i ’A z i m EuknKhan,

[son of] ’A laud din of Sarhat, cup-bearer out of the palace, Yazlr of the town

known asZafarab&d, Commander-in-chief, High Kotwiil of the town known as

Ffruzabad, Mun^if of the Diwan of books in the town mentioned, during the reign

of ’A 14 ud dunya waddin Abul Muzaffar Husain Sh4h, the king, a

descendant of the prophet, in front of the door of the Shaikh of Shaikhs, Shaikh

’A t a. Ho who keeps up and ronows this pious grant, will be renewed by God, and

will find favor with the Shaikh. A. H., 918 [A. D., 1512].

Rukn Khan united many offices in his person ; hut the titles are not quite

clear. I am not quite sure whether I have correctly translated the words

Shardbdar i ghcdr-mahalli. One of General Cunningham’s Husain Shahi

inscriptions from Sunnargaon gives a similar title, ‘jdmaddr i gliair-mahallV ,

* keeper of the wardrobe outside the palace.’

Rukn is called * Sarhati,’ perhaps from Sarhat in Birhhum. In my paper

on the Tribeni Inscriptions (Journal, 1870, p. 284), tho same man

evidently is mentioned ; hut he is there called “ Rukn Khan, son of ’Alauddin

of Sirhat,” and we have no doubt to put here an Izafat after lyhk which is

used in Persian, when is omitted. We are also enabled to fix the date of the

Tribeni inscription, which (Joe. cit., p. 285) I referred, as I now see errone-

ously, to the end of the 7th century of the Hijrah.

Firuziibad appears to be the same as Panduah, the ‘ Purroa’ of our maps,

near Maid ah. I am more doubtful about Zafarabad, unless it refers to the

same as is mentioned by Badaoni, I, p. 246.

1872.] H. Blochmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. 107

IV. Muzqffar Shah's Inscription.

) jr<A.ol) ^ *j,S>

>jj UJ f a*

slyL* Xhsrl Jaa. _J (s/c) Ua- US^.o

(P *» •** <JJ

* * # L ^3 &A.v.laiAu ^ &£L<o AiflcjX^. j

This mosqne was built in the time {fi ’alid, ?) of the renowned saint, Maul ana

-A t a — may God give him affluence and may He make paradise his dwelling place ! —

during the reign (jl ’ alid ) of Shamsuddnnya waddfn Abul Mu ’in Muzaf-

far Shah, the king, may God perpetuate his rnlo and kingdom! In the year

(not legible).*

The first 'alid is unintelligible to me, as ’Ata lived before Sikandar

Shah. The inscription, though the year is unclear, is of some value, as it

gives the full name of Muzaffar Shah.

Dha'ka'.

The following inscriptions were received from Dr. James Wise, of Dhaka,

together with copious notes.

The Inscription on Khwdjah Jahdn's Mosque.

Dr. Wise says —

“ The mosque from which this inscription is taken is a very insignificant

building in a Mahallah of Dhaka, called * Churlliattah.’ The building looks

°ld, and Curious to say, the three doors of entrance are not arched, but

square. They are little over five feet in height ; hence it is probable that

the ground outside has been raised. Its history is unknown. The only

name by which it is known, is the 1 Masjid of Bhola Klum,’ a former Khadim.

The slab has evidently been removed from some older mosque and city to

Dhaka. It is a curious thing that General Cunningham and I found no

inscription at Sunuargaon earlier than A. H. 888.”

I have not been able to decipher the whole inscription, a few wox-ds be-

fore the date being illegible.

) levs*.) ,mi i^c si j

jj] jJ) j j«C| ,j

f ^ OJ ‘

i > „ -.V*A J I JilixA*

gj I Ul

vP * * j d’UJI pjJ J^ll JJI * * * * ^*^1 o^SI xL*.

* Tlie date was already at Buchanan’s time illegible. It looks as if it was ‘Eajab,

902.’

108 II. Bloclimann — Notes on Arabic and 'Persian Inscriptions. [No. 1,

I) all j txL &1J| ^U>

God says, • Surely the mosques belong to God. Worship no one elso besides God

[Qoran, LXXII, 18],

This entrance was firmly erected* during the days of the reign of the Khalifah of

God, Naijiruddunya waddin Abnl MuzaffarMahmddShah, the king,

by the Khan whose title is KhwajahJaha n — may the Merciful proteot him from all

misfortunes on earth, * * * to the day of resurrection ! Dated, 20th Sha’ban, 863, [13th

June, 1459, A. D.] of the era of the Prophet,— may God bless him and all his family !

This inscription is, I believe, the first of Mahmud Shah that has been

published. It is, therefore, of particular value. The year 803 is remark-

able, and it looks as if during the long reign of Nafir Shah, or Husain Shah I.,

as he ought to be called, Mahmud Shah had reigned as opposition king.

Mahmud’s reign must have been of precarious tenure, as he was opposed by

his son Barbak Shah, whom my Tribend inscriptions mention as reigning

king in 860.

Dr. Wise’s inscription give Mahmud’s full name NAgiruddm Abut Mw-

zaffar Mahmud Shah. This may explain the fact that Bengal Histories call

Barbak Shah ‘ the son of Na^ir Shah’ ; for confusions of names and julus

names are common in Bengal History ; vide Journal, 1870, p. 296.

It may be that the Khan Khwajah Jahan mentioned in this inscription,

is the same as the Klnin Jahan, whose tomb is at Bagerh.lt. f A description

of his tomb was given by Balm Gaur Das Baisak, in the Journal of this

Society, for 1807, pp. 130, 131. On p. 135, loc. cit., the Babu gives the

inscriptions J attached to the tomb, from which it appears that Khan Jahan

died in the end of Zil Hajjali, 863 [end of October, 1459, A. D.] — the same

year, which is mentioned in the above inscription. The Bagherhat inscrip-

tions mention, unfortunately, no king.

* The writor uses as a transitive verb, for which construction there seems

to be no authority.

t Babu Gaur Das Baisak derives the name of Bagerhat from the Persian

^b, and explains Bdjher~hd( by * garden fair.’ I cannot say whether this is correct ;

Muhammadans pronounce Bdqvr-hdt, from some Muhammadan of the name

of Bdqyr.

$ The Arabic inscription (A.) given by the Babu contains several misprints.

His inscription E. is a curious specimen in point of metre, as it is eight times

although the Bajaz i musamman i salim ( vide my Prosody of the Persian, p. 34) is

not used in Persian.

1872.] H. Bloehmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. 109

Dha'inra'i, North of Dha'ka'.

Two Inscriptions of the reigns of Jalaluddin Path Shah and Ilusain Shah.

■ Dr. Wise says —

“ Dhamrai is situated about twenty miles north of Dhaka, at the junc-

tion of Kaklajani and Bunsi rivers. It was one of the places where the Af-

ghans were settled after the defeats in Orisa and Lower Bengal, towards the

end of Akbar’s reign. There were two other places still further north on the

Bunsi, where they were granted free lands. One, Ganakp-ArS, stands on the

left hank of the river. There are no descendants of the Pat’hans there now,

nor are there old Masjids or ruins. The third settlement was Ghosi in

pergunnah ’Atiah, zil’ah Maimansingh. It is about ten miles due north of

Dhamrai.

“ Dhamrai is a scattered village, each portion being placed on a mound,

generally of red laterite. One of its Mahallahs is still called ‘ Pat’hantalah,’

and a few of the residents still claim to he of Afghan blood ; hut the pecu-

liar physiognomy of that race is not to he found now-a-days. There are no

°ld Masjids in Dhamrai. One did exist till lately ; hut it became ruinous,

and the proprietors have dug up the foundations and sold the bricks. The

only buildings of interest are the tombs of five brothers, all pirs, or saints.

The most striking one is that of Mir Sayyid ’Ali in Pat’hantalah. It is

eight feet high, and is surrounded by a high wall. On the west side of the

tomb is an inscription in fine preservation, which hears the name of Sultan

Husain Shah (vide below). The tombs of the other Pirs are of no interest.

The other inscription was found by me in a private house in Pat’hantalah.

It belongs to Path Shah’s reign. Both inscriptions are evidently plundered

from Sunn&rgaon or some other city. There is no inscription in Mu’az-

zampur.”

I.

r^i j MJU Mil Mi) JIS

„ tA» yj

W-f *1 All) Ml ks"'* 3 sd c all) Jtf

Ci^^l 4 MIL iC/jJ] 0,Upl 3 A(.*J| ^IkLw &W|

^jJ) 3 Dial) (J3U. ^jUaLMI ^ ^i*!***!)

J Mllal* J Mix 0 Mil alA ^jUaLJI j yjUalv-

w

2 ^ XgJLuaJ) ^ J

i| y j^lUJ Ml | itiL.1 i £l*Jl C-lU jjJI

.4

I) UL.jl*j 3 3 sAm J_jS)

110 H. Blochmann — JVotes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. [No. 1,

God Almighty says, 1 Surely he who believes in God and a future life, will build

mosques for God’ [Qorfrn, IX, 18]. The prophet — may God’s blessing rest on him !

— says, 1 He who builds a mosque for God, will have a house built for him by God in

Paradiso.’

This mosque was built in the fimo of the king of the ago and tho period, who is

aided by the aid of the Meroiful, the helper of Islam and the Muslims, the king, son

of the king, .T al al u d duny a waddin Abul Muzaffar Fath Shah, the

king, son of Mahmud Shah, tho king, — May God perpetuate his rule and kingdom, and

elevate his power and dignity 1

The builder of this mosque which is blessed to Islam and the Muslims, is Zahir-

ulmillat waddin, Malikul Mu Ik Ale bund Shor, the admiral — Ma.y God Al-

mighty give him a dwelling in Paradise 1 Dated 10th Jnmada I., 887 [27th June

1482, A D.]

II.

St* ** t JU »>

aJ aJJI aU JL J Axle aU| ^1-e ^aa'I JUi

ijj ^ UJ ' . . , UJ f

^ ,<*JI |»kx.Jl j-thsr I Iiilb Assr'l t (.lx* Ixxj

ji' . # OJ JJ wM . UJ

w*J

I) aAmu»J } aXm Aitkin, _j A <l-v All) jdk.

The Prophet — may God’s blessing rest on him 1 — says, ‘ He who builds a mosque

for God, will have a house like it built for him by God in Paradise.’ This Jami’ Masjid

was built by the great and respected king ’A lair ddunya waddin Abul Muza f-

far Husain Shah, the king, son of Sayyid Ashraf, a descendant of Husain, — may

God perpetuate his rule and his kingdom 1 Dated, A. H. 922 [A. D , 1516].

Bada'on.

The first inscription forwarded by Mr. Wilson belongs to the tomb of

tbe Emperor ’Aliuddln or ’A'lam Shah, who, soon after A. II. 851, ceded

the empire to Buhhil Lodi, and withdrew to Badaon, where ho lived in retire-

ment, and died in A. H. 883. The stone measures about 5 feet by 21 feet, and

is the most extraordinary inscription that has come under my notice. The let-

ters are nearly all without diacritical marks, and are so unusual, that the whole

looks like a puzzle ( vide PI. I.) With the assistance of several Maulawis of

Calcutta and Badaon, I have deciphered the greater portion of it, and can

thus give the general purport of the inscription, leaving the complete and

grammatical restoration of the text to others.

I.

First line ^Ikl J| i.^.j.(.x/e -Ix-c (?)

W s

UaJLc ^jjJ) Uij,Jhli£

1872.] H. Blochmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. Ill

Second line UaKj ujISs dlkLJ| SU tUs^yiAJl f^Al ^kCl! j *

• f

L &.k:2 I j

Third line \ 4.JI 3 \J-y^> ^(Lu»,» * # # i.Ay £.xS

SJJ

( S ) AxlUj] ^ ^XU$ jyilSs* £sbj/G ( ^ )

3 v__?JL< 3

77 tU jj

-hourth line ^,-Lq ufy*l ^tjljT

(pi / , I ^ v*) $

• 1 cJ,U sJ {.xx* \2j\ Ua.| ^.o ^JL> j dulc aU|

iri^ ^^.la^A/O ^CysQ 'kSj$tS/< ^ L ** . 1 >

Fifth line yj j-xfj J>\ jfAAj ^ Jyf^ I ^UxL*

’ y~*~* ( ^ ) Xm—B-fj * L ^ ( S ) i s i ix j &.xjfxj

jj.A.L« aJEJ! jAc j! aio

^ line J’(q-) lM ( S ) ^4 ( ? ) ^

,,« * . « • **■* **•

(j! ^lc &.<J] UiU &%*** U j^*j *Jju ^KjJ &U)

* l*i*£ £i**w

SzV7<? ^jilklw l£^<«1U l-2-U'«>!y£i'<’ £-iyo ^yiw)

The purport evidently is, that certain waste lands of Mauza’ Pindoll, in

Tappah Jhonali (or Jhoniah), perganah Salbahan, were cultivated. A Hadis

of the prophet is then mentioned, according to which he who reclaims lands

becomes the owner of them. These lands appear to have been set aside for

the maintenance of the tombs of Sultan 'Alauddin ’Alam Shah, son of Sul-

tan Muhammad Shah, and his wife. Such as resume waqf lands are threa-

tened with divine punishment, according to a passage in the Qoran [II, 177],

At the side of the inscription are the words, ‘ Malik Salamat Sultani,

Mutawalli of the above place.’

Mr. Wilson says in a letter. — “ There is a village called ‘ Pindol,’ and

another called ‘ Nagar Jhonah” in perganah Kot Salbahan of this district

L ‘button] ; but there is no sub-division known as ‘ Tappah Jhonah.’

There is nothing particular about the tomb of ’Alauddin. It is a large

square, massive, structure of brick, covered with a vaulted roof, and with the

1 Milams of some minarets on the top. In the inside there are two graves

112 H. Blochmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. [No. 1,

side by side, also a smaller one in the corner, but with no inscription of any

kind on them. The tomb is in a very dilapidated condition, and the same

may be said of the remains of other smaller buildings near it. Close to the

tomb is an old masonry well, which is in working order, and is used for irri-

gating the adjacent lands.”

The tomb, according to Maulavi Muhammad Karim, Deputy Collector

of the district, lies in Miran Sara, a Mahallali of Badaon. The emperor is

said to have founded A’laptir (j_>J ),* which lies seven /cos East of Badaon.

He had three sons, Ahsan, ’Abbas, Haidar. ’Abbas had no issue. Alisan

founded Sayyidpurah, outside Port Badaon, to the south. The place does

no longer exist, nor are there any descendants of his. Sayy id Haidar founded

Sarai Miran. His descendants exist to the present day, but they are all

poor agriculturists.

II.

Mr. Wilson’s second inscription is taken from the gateway of the Jami’

Masjid at Badaon. His reading is as follows : —

j IjJjJ!

^ 53 jj

^ aIJ I !

]1 Aphj j SXmj

Enter it in peace ! The great Sultan, the owner of the necks of nations, Shams-

ud dunya waddin, the helper of Islam and the Moslems, themostjust of rulers

and kings, Abul Muzaffar Tlitmish, [Altamsh] the king, who assists the

Commander of the Faithful,— may God perpetuate his kingdom ! In the blessed month

of Ramazan, 628 [November, 1230, A. D.]

A’la'pu'r.

From the Masjid in A ’la pur, east of Badaon —

III.

w_iuaxxj) t gj

UJ

1! \

Qiq, son of (?), Dadbak [highest judicial officer] in the district of Badaon. In

the middle of Rabi’ I„ 707, [September, 1307, A. D.]

The inscription seems to be incomplete.

* So spelt by the Deputy Collector, notj^jlls ’Alapur.

1872.] H. Blochmann — Notes on Arabic and Persian Inscriptions. 113

IV.

From inside a mosque at A’lapur —

\JJ w >JJ *** I ww ^

jbib y\ * *U\

I) - -‘Mf j^xi l^jt*"b"J) J_5" j c_ai|

In the name of God, the merciful and the clement ! This mosque was built during

the reign of Abu Zafar Muhxuddin Muhammad Aurangzib Bahadur,

’A'lamgir Padishah, when Dindar Khan Kliweshagi was Jagirdar. A H. 1071,

[A. D„ 1660.].

This Dindar Khan* belongs to a well known Afghan family, called the

Khweshagis, or ‘ relatives,’ who settled at Qasur ( )y~>, or )}-^*) in the Bari

Duab. He is twice mentioned in the Maasir i 'A'lamgm (pp. 213, 340).

The Maasir ul TTrnara gives interesting biographical details of Nazar Baha-

dur Kliweshagi and Husain Khan Kliweshagi.

In the Proceedings for March of this year, I gave two other inscriptions

received from Mr. Wilson. Maulavi Muhammad Karim suggests two altera-

tions in the first inscription (Joe. cit., p. 48). For the unusual J'-iaU-, he

reads J^K^, a 1 well-tank,’ which compound appears to me to he as curious

as my old reading. The date he reads 898, instead of 798. The rubbing, it

would appear, gives hi rad, instead of haft ad, which I chose, and the

Maulavi says that in Persian stands for has head, not for 0.-011*, In

giving the text of the inscription, I mentioned that it was, in point of grammar

and sense, the worst that I had seen ; and if the writer did use higad, he used a

form which no Persian knows, nor any dictionary records. Besides, there

was no occasion for an artificial Head, as hashgad suits the metre as well.

But the Maulavi gives a better reason for adopting 898, when he

maintains that the second verse is an allusion to Sikandar Lodi, in whose

reign a Khan Jahan [Lodi] lived. This Khan Jahan is mentioned in Badaoni

and Firishtah. For the three asterisks in the first line, he reads ft line

AhA ‘ Jagirdar of the District of Badaon,’ which I believe to be correct,

although the form muqati’ should, according to usage, he muqti’ . However

the author of the inscription knew as little of grammar as of poetry.

* He is not to be confounded with the Dindar Khan i Bukhari, who served under

Jahangir and Shahjahan. He was Faujdar of the Miyan Duab, and died in A. H.

1045. Maasir ul Umard.

In the julus name of Aurangzib we find, in MSS. and inscriptions, both Abul

Muzaffar and Abu zafar. .

lo

1*

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

— • —

Part I. -HISTORY, LITERATURE, Sec.

No. II.— 1872.

The Legend of Bdghesar, a deified spirit held in great reverence hg the

Kusrii, Surl, Markam, Netia , and Sarsun clans of the Oond Tribe. —

By Capt. W. L. Sam mams, Assistant Commissioner, Manbhum.

Once upon a time, in a family of the Gond tribe, there were five brothers,

named respectively Kusrii, Siiri, Markam, Netia, and Sarsun.

On the first occasion on which Kiisru’s wife was pregnant, she brought

forth a male child ; but on the second occasion she gave birth to a tiger’s

whelp. This young cub was treated by its parents with as much affection

and regard as their first-born ; and the superior nursing it received, had such

a powerful effect on its growth and constitution, that in a few months it grew

up to be the finest child of its age and kind that ever was known. From

childhood he was the constant companion of Kusrii, never forsaking his

side for a moment ; and so great was the filial attachment he bore towards

his unnatural parent, that, to this day it is said in praise of him, he was

never known to have injured Kusrii in any way. To the Gond mind no

doubt this was a most remarkable trait of character ; for what is the ex-

perience of their lives from day to day, but that of the strong lording

it over the weak.

Kusrii, whose occupation was husbandly, had taken to tilling jungle

lands near his village, and during such time as there were crops in the

ground, he used to spend the greater portion of it in watching them. But

at one time it so happened that for some days past he had been less vigilant

than usual, and the nilgai and sambar, making the best of the opportunity,

well-nigh ruined the crop and Kt'isrd’s prospects. However, it was better to

save what remained than lose all, thought Kusrii philosophically ; so he

116

[No. 2,

W. L. Samuells — Gond Legend of Bdghesar.

hutted himself' close by the field, and night and day watched without ceas-

ing. Weary days and nights were those for Kusru, and little wonder was

it that— t- s , '

* One beautiful night

When the stars shone bright’

Kusru’s head went nid-nid-nodding, and his eyes, s^re and weary from

watching, dropped tho curtains and went to sleep. But whilst he slept, the

young cub watching, saw a trespasser approach. So placing his paw gently

on K (isrus shoulder, he roused, him from sleep, and by signs and gestures

drew his attention to a noble looking sambar, who was making himself «at

home amongst "the young and tender urid plants.

Kfisru, however, instead of being quickened to . action by the sight, fell

into a desponding state ; and tearing his liah and bemoaning his ill-fortune,

sunk to the ground and cried aloud, ‘ Oh, that mine enemy might be swal-

lowed up !’ The young cub, moved by this despairing and touching appeal,

instantly crouched and sprang upon the deer, which it killed and tore to pieces ;

making emphatically no bones about the matter. And so from day to day,

till the crop was gathered, the young cub watched and slew, and thus saved

Kusru’s field from further injury.

For this great act of deliverance, Kiisrfi began to love the young cub as

he never before had loved him, with a love in fact that was little short of

idolatry. But Ivusru had at length to experience the bitter truism that

‘ all flesh is but as dust for, alas, a day came—1 the long, long, weary day’

of Kusru’s existence — when the young tiger departed this life and gave up

the ghost. In other words he died and became a bhut !

Kusru was inconsolable, and his wife by no means improved matters

by presenting him at such a time with an addition to the family in the shape

of a daughter. If she had only kept up the tiger progeny, she might possi-

bly have helped thereby to fill up that aching void which was gnawing at

Kusru’s gizzard. He ate not — he slept not ; and how life was sustained

during the following space of ten or twelve years, we are not informed.

Tradition, not to be burdened with such trifles, hurries us on to the period

when Kiisrii’s daughter had matured into a plump and buxom lass, and veiled

and decked as a bride in turmeric-stained garments, looking as fine as a carrot

fresh-scraped, we find her seated with a bridegroom at her side under a leafy

marriage-bower, which has been erected for the occasion within her father’s

court-yard. Kinsmen and acquaintances from far and near have come in

holiday attire to offer their congratulations and enjoy the fun, and are to be

seen crowding round the manva, or bower, with joyful faces and sparkling eyes.

Even Kusru, forgetful of his old sorrows, is determined to make merry

yith the rest, and is to be seen urging the drummers and pipers to increased

117

1872.] W. L. Samuells — Qond Legend of Baghesar.

exertion, as if in all conscience they were not making enough din and 'noise

already. But the time and occasion perhaps require it.

The ceremony is at a close, and the nuptial knot has been tied. , Three

hours have passed in tedious rites and ceremonies. The happy couple with

the hride’s-maids and -best man have all been kissed and marked with the

sacred symbols times out of number, first by one relation and then by an-

other. The bride and bridegroom with ;their garments knotted together

have, with mincing Steps, slowly and wearily crept seven times round the

ihcmnra, or branch, which foyms the central support to the bower. The rice

given in dowry has be§in measured out to the samp, mystical number of seven

times. Everything, in short, has been done that _ ought to have been done,

and the wedded couple are now about to retire within the house, whilst the

spectators withdraw to the green outside to dance, sing, and make merry.

But the attention of every one present is suddenly arrested by fiendish

yells and roars. i •

“ What is it ? Who is it ?” is the anxious enquiry of every one as the

words pass from mouth to mouth with wind-like rapidity. With quivering

accents and bated breath the answer comes speedily back, that one of the

company has become (demoniacally) possessed with a demon. A thrill of

mingled terroy and dismay ran through the 'whole party at the sudden news

of so untoward an event, for

“ When the sun sets, who doth ‘hot look for night P”

1 i »f %r

The most civilized community on earth could'not fail, on a similarly joyful

occasion of then’ own, to be overcome with, at least,, a sense of gloom, if one

of their number on the spot went suddenly mad or hysterical. But amongst

a people naturally superstitious, aud that to a degree almost incredible, the

circumstance before alluded to had a wider and deeper significance than any-

thing we can possibly imagine.

Falling into the midst of the company, the individual possessed is dash-

mg his body about on the ground ; up and down ; right and left ; driving

the lookers on from post to pillar, and from pillar to post ; and, by his wild

and fiendish actions, striking consternation and terror into the hearts of

all ; for a visitation of this sort had never on such an occasion been known

before. , ,

Kusru’s spirits went down with a run, and looking as grave as a judge,

he implored the Baiga, or village priest- and necromancer, to divine whose

spirit this was, and for what purpose it had pome.

Forthwith the Baiga, with an -air of authority worthy of an exorcist, in-

terrogates the spirit, saying —

118

W. L. Samuells — Gond Legend of Bnghesar.

[No. 2,

Speak ! speak ! thou fearful guest !

Whose spirit haunts thy breast ?*

Why thus as one possessed

Come ye to daunt me ?

Amidst a breathless silence, the demoniac giving the wretched Kusru a

piercing look of recognition, informs him and his terror-stricken guests in

a voice peculiar to gnomes, bogies, goblins, and such like fry,

I was a tiger bold !

My deeds, though manifold,

No Gond hath yet extolled,

For this I sought thee.

Kusru is thunder-struck, and the company in dumb show betoken

bewilderment, whilst the restless and impatient spirit roars, ‘ Worship me

with offerings and sacrifices.’

A fowl was immediately fetched for the purpose of being offered up

in the orthodox fashion ; but the spirit evinced such unmistakeable signs of

dissatisfaction at the very sight of this familiar bird, that a kid was instantly

brought to be sacrificed in its stead. As soon as the demoniac espied that

animal, he sprang at it after the fashion of a tiger, and, seizing it between

his teeth, gnawed and tore it to death.

Krisru’s joy at this sight was unspeakable ; for there was a something

in the killing way in which the demoniac went to work that revealed to him

beyond a doubt, that the spirit present was of a truth no other than that

of his favourite tiger-son. So he brought out a pot of the last home-brew,

and some of the finest and purest ghi which his store contained wherewith

to treat his welcome guest.

Three loaf-cupfuls of the former were poured down the demoniac’s throat

and a handful of ghi forced into his mouth, whereupon the spirit being

satisfied went out of the man, and took its departure for the shades below,

leaving Kusru dilated with joy, but the company en masse in grave doubt

as to the light in which this apparently unwarrantable intrusion ought to be

regarded.

But they soon received the assurance of Kusru and the Baiga that this

little novelty which had so alarmed every one at the first was the happiest

omen possible. So from that day forth, the spirit of Kusni’s tiger-son was

deified and worshipped under the name of Baghesar by the five Gond clans

descended from, and respectively named after, the brothers Kusru, Suri, Mar-

ram, Netia, and Sarsun.

* “ Speak ! speak ! thou fearful guest !

“ Who with thy hollow breast, &c.”

Longfellow’s Skeleton in Armour.

W. L. Samuells — Gond Legend of Baghesar.

119

1872.]

The substance of the above was told me by a Gond of the Tviisru

clan, at the marriage of whose daughter I was present ; and it was then

that I witnessed the pranks of the demon Baghesar from which I was led

to make enquiry as to his antecedents.

It is only at the marriages of members of the five clans, who are named

in the heading to this paper, that Baghesar manifests his presence in the

manner narrated in the story. With them he is held hi reverence as a

deified spirit ; hut with other Gonds, Baghesar is simply one of the many

spirits to whom propitiatory offerings are yearly made. According to the

latter he has no such origin as that ascribed to him by the five clans before-

mentioned, but is simply regarded as 1 the concentrated essence of spirits’,

which have issued from those Gonds who have met their deaths by tigers ;

for, according to local belief, the spirits of all Gonds thus killed, are said

to unite and form the one great spirit Baghesar ; and it is simply with a

view to saving their flocks and herds, and their own lives also, from the

ravages of tigers that the inhabitants of every Gond village yearly make

offerings to propitiate this demon. And to this extent I find the same

spirit is known and propitiated by the people of these wild parts generally.

At the marriage ceremony which I witnessed, Baghesar entered into and

possessed two men. One was the puj dr ( or priest, and the other a looker

on. The puj dr i is always told off specially for this duty, in ease none of

the company should happen to get involuntarily possessed. A woman, on

the occasion referred to, was also taken worse, but got quickly bundled out

of the way from motives of public decency.

The manner in which the two men seized the kid between their teeth

and by that means killed it, was a sight which could only be equalled in a

zoological garden or menagerie on feeding days.

But this exhibition of fiend-like butchery is only allowed to be partially

witnessed, for, as soon as the kid has been fairly pinned, the members of the

family who are standing by, throw blankets or cloths over the demoniacs,

as they say it is a sight not fit for all eyes to behold ; a point which no

civilized being would be likely to dispute with them.

The demoniacs I saw, were permitted to exercise their teeth on the

kid’s carcase some time after it had sounded its last gurgling note : and this

indulgence, judging from the motions of the covering cloths, was entered

into with an amount of zest and gusto that was positively brutal ; and from

an orange-sucking sound that was occasionally audible, a horrid suspicion

crossed my mind that they had even gone to the extent of blood-sucking,

though of this I could not be positive.

The bride’s father at length dragged out the mangled and lifeless body

of the kid and put it aside ; and the men emerging from their covering

disported themselves like electrified frogs d la Ghamasan, another gentleman

120 A. F. Rudolf Hoemle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2,

of tlie infernal regions whose acquaintance I made in these parts, and who

throws those whom he possesses into a state suggestive of one attacked

simultaneously with hysterics, epilepsy, ague, and colic, a fearful combination,

it is true, and to fully realise which, tha reader must make a trip to Chang-

Bhokar, which, geographically speaking, is one of the Chutia-Nagpur Tribu-

tary States, but which psychologically, I think, must be one of the outlying

provinces of Pandemonium.

The bride’s father having treated each of the demoniacs to three cupfuls

of liquor and a mouthful of ghi, Baghesar’s spirit vanished, leaving both

the men considerably blown and exhausted.

During the whole of this scene not a soul spoke, and the general impres-

sion seemed to be, that it was too solemn a matter to be sneered or laughed

at. Still no marriage ceremony is complete without it, and, according to

Gond ideas, fortune smiles on the wedded couple when Baghesar appears.

If the bride’s parents are poor and have not the means to afford a kid,

a pig is given instead. This I should think can’t be quite so pleasant for

the demoniacB, but the fun no doubt would he considerably enhanced to

those lookers-on who, like myself, had nothing to fear from Baghesar, and

could therefore with impunity smile at his pranks.

Of the extraordinary nature of the scene in general, no description could

ever supply a perfectly accurate conception ; but, as an illustration of the

superstitious belief and worship of one of the most interesting of the

aboriginal tribes of India, it is nevertheless worthy of record. -

Essays in aid of a Comparative Grammar of the Gaurian Languages. — Eg

Rev. A. F. Rudolf Hoeenle, D. Eh., Professor of Sanskrit, Jag

Ndrayan's College, Benares.

I .-—Introductory.

It may be convenient to have a collective name for all North-Indian

languages derived from the Sanskrit. As Dravidian is now, after the example

set by Dr. Caldwell in his Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian langu-

ages, the name generally received to designate the non-Sanskritic languages

of South India, and as Gaurian ( ) is the term commonly, used by San-

skrit writers as the correlative to Dravidian ( ^Tfs.^3" ), it appears to be the

simplest plan to appropriate the term Gaurian for the Sanskritic languages

of North India.*

The following languages must be accounted Gaurian : viz., the Oriya,

the Bangali, the Hindi, the Naipali, the Marathi, the Gujarati, the Sindhi,

* If X am not much mistaken, I have already seon tho word Gaurian employed by

some writers in this wise, so that its use by me is not a novelty.

I*

Note to p. 119.

Bdghesar means ‘ the Tiger-God,’ from lag'll, a tiger, and eshivar,

1 God.’ Compare also Herklots’s ‘ Manners and Customs of the Mussul-

mans of India,’ p. 220, — “ After the demoniac is well filled with the devil,

he sometimes screeching takes a kakra (large wick), continues lighting and

extinguishing it by putting the lighted end into his mouth ; some, biting

the neck of a fowl, suck its blood.”

**u

►A*

Jf*

* l&f ~

*«»*'

*

*•

*

*&•

121

1872.] Hoernle — Essays on tlie Gaurian Languages.

the Panjabi (or Gurmuklii), and the Kashmiri. They are divided into two

groups by somo striking' grammatical peculiarities, of which I may here

niention two, which will more immediately concern us in the following essays.

One is the possession of an eighth case of agent (over and above the common

seven Sanskrit cases) , formed by the post-position sr (or sf ; in the Naipali, ^j) ;

a correlate of which is the absence of an organic past tense of the verb. The

other is the adjective character 'of the genitive post-positions, which agree

with the noun which they qualify, in gender, number, and case. These

peculiarities are possessed by all Gaurian languages* except the Oriya and

Bangali, which two latter, therefore, form a group by themselves ; the

remainder making up the other group.

The Hindi is the most extensively spoken of all the Gaurian languages.

Its area consists of nearly 40,000 square miles, and extends from the River

Gandak in the east to the Satlaj in the west, and from the Himalaya in the

north to the Vindhya Mountains in the south. But a distinction must bo

made between the high Hindi and the low Hindi, the mutual relation of

which shows many striking resemblances to that between the high and low

German. I take here the terms high and low in their ordinary sense, mean-

ing by high the cultivated, the language of literature, and by low, the vulgar

Bpoken dialects. The high Hindi is used almost exclusively for literature

over the whole area, and is understood everywhere ; though it is perhaps no-

where spoken in its purity by the people : at all events, it is spoken only by

the higher and educated classes. The high Hindi does not differ from the

Urdu in its grammar ; and in its vocabulary only so far, that it substitutes

for all foreign (i. e., Persian or Arabic) words, others transferred to it directly

from the Sanskrit. It arose gradually by the substitution of Sanskrit words

partly for foreign words, partly for such Prakrit words as had become, in the

course of time, obsolete or vulgar ; and the cause of this substitution was

partly the revival of Hindil patriotism, partly the impetus given to Hindi

literature through the introduction by the English of vernacular education

and Christian missions. It is, therefore, a comparatively modem language.

In fact, its formation and growth is still going on, as ipiy one who takes an

interest in such matters may verify by personal observation.

While the high Hindi is uniform and spread over the whole area of the

Hindi, the low Hindi consists of many dialects differing more or less among

themselves and confined to different provinces. But they may be divided

into two great classes, of which the Braj Bhasha and the (so-called) Ganwari,

respectively, are typical. The former class occupies the western, the latter

the eastern half of the Hindi area. Roughly speaking, the boundary line

tna.y be drawn at 80° Long. To the western class belong, besides the typi-

cal Braj Bhasha spoken in the A'gra and Mathura Districts, the Dialects of

122 Iloemle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2,

Gwitliar, Alwar, Jaipiir, the Marwari dialect, &c. To the eastern class be-

long, beside the typical Ganwari spoken in the Benares Division, the Bais-

wari* dialect of Audh, the Maithili dialect of Tirhut, and others. The

differences between these two classes are so great as to constitute them al-

most two different languages ; for the Ganwari and its class of dialects

participate in most of the characteristics of the Bang&li class of the Gaurian

languages, while the Braj Bhasha class of dialects share those of the other

Gaurian languages. The Ganwari, as its name which means * rustic’ or ‘ vul-

gar’ confined to villages) indicates, has never received any literary

cultivation, and is confined to the low and uneducated part of the population.

Throughout the whole area of the latter, a more or less pure high Hindi is

spoken and written by the higher and the educated classes. Hence here the

area of the Hindi class of the Gaurian languages and that of the Bangali

class overlap each other, the Ganwari forming a sort of transition language

between the two. The Braj Bhasha on the other hand has begun from early

times to receive some literary cultivation. Most Hindi poets within the last

400 years ( e . g., Kabir, Bihari Lai, Sur Das, Tulsi Das, &c.) have employed

it principally in their poems. Hence it has become the mother of the Urdu

and high Hindi. The latter derive by far the greatest part of then- gram-

mar and vocabulary from it. In fact, it is distinguished from the high Hindi

chiefly by a greater roughness and a greater abundance of its grammatical

forms. Grammars of the Braj Bhasha have been written hi modern times,

e. g., by Ballantyne, and in the Hindi and Hindustani Selections ; and per-

haps the best known prose work written hi it is the i?i janiti, a translation of

the Sanskrit HUopadeshd.

Two opposite opinions are held by different scholars regarding the na-

ture of the Gaurian languages. While some Orientalists consider them to

be, with trifling exceptions in the vocabulary, wholly Sanskritic, others

admit large un-Sanskritic additions, both in the grammar and in the vocabu-

lary. According to Dr. Caldwell, t e. g., “the grammatical structure of

the spoken idioms of Northern India was from the first, and always continued

to be, in the main Scythian ; and the change which took place when Sanskrit

acquired the predominance as the Aryans gradually extended their conquests

and their colonies, was rather a change of vocabulary than of grammar ; a

* The derivation of Baiswdra is uncertain. According to some Pandits, it is con-

nected with the word IpUTSfY which is said to be the name of a Kshattriya tribe

living in Audh, who gave to their country the name of the Baiswara countiy, and to

their dialect the name of the Baiswari dialect. According to others, it is a modifica-

tion of «[ ry y rid The meaning of the name would then be : the dialect confined to

the Yaisyas, or rustics ; and it would be almost identical with the meaning of the

name Ganwari, which is a modification of HHrerCt, e., confined to villages.

f Comparative Grammar, p. 38.

123

1872.] Hoemle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

change not so much in arrangement and vital spirit as in the materiel of the

language. Seeing that the northern vernaculars possess with the words of

the. Sanskrit a grammatical structure which in the main appears to he Scy-

thian, it seems more correct to represent these languages as having a Scy-

thian basis with a large and overwhelming Sanskrit addition, than as having

a Sanskrit basis with a small admixture of a Scythian element.” If this

theory should be true, the Gauriari languages could no more be accounted

Sanskritic or Indo-European, any more than the El'S vidian languages. For

languages must be classified according to their grammatical structure.*

Otherwise, English (Johnsonian English at all events) would have to be

counted among the Romance, and Urdu among the Semitic languages. But

the whole question is hardly yet ripe for adjudication. The Gaurian langua-

ges have as yet had very little attention paid to them as regards their nature

and origin. Moreover in such an investigation a serious difficulty is met

with at the outset in the extreme want and inaccessibility of the Gaurian

literature dating from the time when the Gaurian languages took then- origin

(about 800 to 1200, A. D.). As up to this time the Aryan population of

North India, who had imigrated many centuries before, had used exclusively

Sanskritic languages (Sanskrit, Pali, Prakrit), it would be a most remarkable

phenomenon, if they, a Culturvolk, had now exchanged their native grammar

for that of the uncultured and despised aboriginal population ; supposing

that the language of the latter was really a non-Aryan one, and that it had

really survived the long Aryan occupation ; both suppositions by no means

established as yet. It has happened more than once that a conquering nation

(especially, if inferior in culture), while retaining more or less its native

vocabulary, adopted the grammar of the conquered people (as the Normans

in England, the Arabs and Turks in North India, the Pranks in Gaul),

under the condition that this process commenced from the very first beginning

of the conquest. But that the conquerors, after having resided for Centuries

hi the country and retained their native language (both in grammar and

vocabulary, trifling instances in the latter excepted) entirely unmixed with

the aboriginal languages, should abandon their own grammar in favour of

that of the conquered, requires strong proofs to be credited, especially as it

is by no means certain whether the aboriginal languages at all survived at so

late a date ; for, according to the evidence aflorded by the Prakrit of the

playg, Prakrit was spoken by the low class population, which was composed,

uo doubt, principally of the subjugated aboriginal people, who, therefore,

either spoke a Sanskritic language from the first or adopted the vulgar

dialect of the language of their conquerors.

* Compare Max Muller’s remarks in Lectures on tke Science of Language, lect.

> pp. 86-90 (Gth Ed.).

16 *

II.,

124

Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

[No. 2,

If by a more thorough investigation of the Gaurian languages it can

be shown, that they are entirely Sanskritie, this will, on account of the

many undoubted resemblances between the Gaurian and Dravidian languages

(cf. Dr. Caldwell’s Comparative Grammar, pp. 34 to 39), materially affect our

view of the classification of the latter. However, this problem awaits yet a

thorough scientific enquiry. And the following essays are offered as a slight

contribution towards its solution. For the inflexional post-positions of the

Gaurian languages are, above other points, considered to be evidences of the

Dravidian* or Seythianf character of their grammatical structure.

Essay II. — On the Post-Positions of the Genitive.

The present essay will be devoted to the elucidation of the nature and

origin of the post-positions of the genitive. They are the following : —

In the High Hindi, ... qrr, ft, % ;

Braj Bhasha, - - - - *RT, ft, f ;

Alwar Dialect,

Ganwari,

Maithili,

Naipali,

Marathi,

Gujarati,

Panjabi,

Sindhi,

Bangali,

Onya,

S5k -v

- ^ ;

-

- ^\T, ^rr ;

- ^T, 'ft, % %, "ST, ft ;

- ^T, ft, *rt, Hi;

- fl> ft, f ;

- %T, ft, f, 3IT ;

- ^ or TC ;

-

The only attempt at an explanation of the origin of these post-positions

that I remember to have met with, is one made by Bopp in his Comparative

Grammar, para. 340, note. J

He compares the Hindi genitives formed by means of the post-positions

«ffT, etc., with the Sanskrit genitive plural HginKH of hihh I, and of

thou, etc. These words are possessive pronomina (our and your) formed by

the affix Others also have referred to this Sanskrit affix or ft *4, which

expresses relation or possession, as an explanation of the Hindi post-positions.

But there are serious objections to this theory.

* By Dr. Stevenson, in tire Jonrnal of the Bombay Asiatic Society.

t Cf. Dr. Caldwell’B Comparative Grammar, p. 39. He seems, however, inclined to

admit a Sanskritie origin of the genitive post-positions, cf. p. 246.

X He says : Es verdient bemerkt zu werden, dass im Hindostanischen die Formen,

die man in beideu zalrlen alier deolinations-faehigen woerter ais genitive aufstellt,

sich als unverkennbare possessiva herausstellen, dadurch dass sie sich nach dem

Geschlechte des folgonden Substantives richten. Die pronomina erster und zweiter

person haben im masc, rft, im fern, rt, als possessiv suffix, die iibrigen woerter im

masc. k&, im Fern, ki j ka aber stimmt zum skr. suffix ka von asmaka, yusnraka,

mamaka, tftvaka.

1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Oaurian Languages. 125

The form of the word to which the post-positions are added, is not

always the pure hase, as the addition of the Sanskrit affix would require, but

already inflected (e. //., ilT% hi of a horse, is not the simple base of the

word ifFfr, but an infleeted form of it). Again, it is most unlikely that

elements like the affixes 3f, cjtol, etc., which occur in Sanskrit only as integral

parts of a word, but never by themselves as independent words, should have,

in a comparatively modem language, separated themselves from the body of

the word and assumed independent life (as post-positions) similar to that of

prepositions. It would be a phenomenon contrary to those that have been

observed in all other cases of (what Max Muller calls) dialectic regeneration.

It is clear also that by this theory the other post-positions (as H, *j, %)

cannot be explained. But there can be no doubt that, whatever the true

explanation be, it must be the same for all post-positions. For these reasons

among others, any theory which traces the post-positions to Sanskrit affixes

cannot be the true one. Their explanation must be sought for in a different

direction.

In the first place, it may be remarked that the term “ post-position” is

misleading. It gives the idea as if the words, to which it is applied, belonged

to that class of words which includes the prepositions, conjunctions, etc., i. e.,

elements of language which are incapable of either derivation or inflexion.

Now most of the so-called post-positions of the genitive are capable of both.

They have clearly a nominal or more accurately an adjective character. For

the Hindi ^rr, #7, agree with the noun which they qualify, in case,

number, and gender, exactly as for instance, ^ good. If

the qualified noun is a masculine singular nominative, then «RT is used ; if a

feminine singular or plural, then cRl ; if a masculine plural nominative, then

% ; if a masculine in any oblique case, then The same is the case with the

Panjabi 27, the Braj Bhaslia 3RT, %, etc. In the Sindhi, 5H and oil

are used like 3fT and in High Hindi ; 5TT is used, if the qualified noun is

in the masculine plural nominative, and si is used, if it is a masculine in any

oblique case singular or plural. With this agrees the use of the post-

positions ir, eft, of the Alwar and Jaipur dialect.

After these explanations the following scheme of the agreement* of the

* This agreement is not altogether perfect ; bnt neither is the agreement of

the real adjective with its substantive more so; e. g., in Hindi, qyj and % ought to

have a different form in the plural ; probably these plural forms are irregularly adopted

from the singular ; but then g°0<h has also both in the singular and plural

. Originally, the agreement was much more perfect. This is clearly proved by the

Marathi, where “ sometimes, in poetry, the adjective takes a case-form corresponding

to that of the noun it qualifies ; thus :

HTW «T HT5PJ ”

Student’s Manual of Marathi Grammar, p. 39.

12G

Hoemle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2,

Gaurian genitive post-positions with the noun qualified by them will be easily

understood —

Singular.

Plural.

Direct case. Oblique cases. Direct case. Oblique cases.

-A —

The adjective character of these so-called post-positions indicates that

we must look for a nominal source of them in Sanskrit.

It is a well-known observation that in poetry and in the vulgar dialects,

old grammatical forms are often preserved which have been altogether lost

in the cultivated dialects. These archaic forms do the same service to the

student of language as fossil remains do to the student of geology. They

discover to us language in its earliest state from which it has developed into

its present form.t

In the Ganwari dialect, sometimes, there is found in the genitive the

post-position 'STT, or diT, instead of It is there confined to the pronominal

declension ; e. g., T?J diT, of him, is in Gunwari V^pc, or Vdi ; rxj % is Vdif , or

df ; KJf diT, of them, is or H5? ^ ^ # is V’^drx:, or f ; again,

* The forms as in use among tbo Mardthis and Gujaratis settled in Benares and

Gaya (and probably anywhere in the Hindi country) differ slightly from those given

above. In Marathi the form of the direct case plural of the neuter is f , instead of

and in the Gujarati, the form of the oblique cases singular in all three genders is alike

sj- instead of sff, f , qj-, These differences are evidently merely assimilations to the

Hindi.

f “ In every country it is in the poetry and in the speech of the peasantry that

the ancient condition oflangnage is best studied.” Dr. Caldwell, Comp. Gram., p. 31.

127

1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Oawrian Languages.

fan =st ST, whose house, is in Ganwari #urr sit, or ufa sit ; fan nr sit n in

whose house, is %uiT sit, &o. The same post-position niT is frequently^ met

with in the Ilamayana of Tulsi Das (about 1650, A. D.). But there it is

not confined to pronouns, but also used in connexion with nouns, e. g.,

^fa srrfa utu II i. e.

High Hindi : '©faUT Ufl 'STTffT niT 35TV II

Lanka kand

Besides spT, Tulsi Das uses sometimes another form which is still more

archaic, viz. ^T, or ^Tl, %-G, %T. They are used exactly as urr, nft, as #t

(%TT) corresponds to the Ganwari sr , so UiT to the Ganwari UiT ; e. g., UfTT

occurs in tide following verse :

far TTTS nu -Jr©5© %TT i. e.

High Hindi : fac # ©U ST^nf ^T-

Lanka kand.

(Here possibly srtt might be used as a Nom. PL, like U\T in the Alwar

and Jaipur dialect, and an in Sindhi).

Again, tut «rrfr Jin Tuufa%r ii i.

High Hindi, TU! TJ't T’SRT m © TT« UTT II

Again, occurs in the following verses :

Lanka kand.

Again %T occurs in the following verses :

U5©! unnTT© nn nr© ii i. e.

High Hindi : © ©fin utTnr © n<fa n©vr ©nr % n

Bala kand.

Or : f. faffa ©5t©*IT II

High Hindi : n fa ©fa © ^siqi^T % II

* Lanka kand.

An example 6f cRT occurs in the following verse :

nr $nfa %t <gn nrq© ii i e.

High Hindi : n© ^ntn ^it i?[3T nrnur © ii

Lanka kand.

128 Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2,

A contemporary of Tulsi Das was Sura Das (about 1650, A. D.). The

following instances of the use by him of the same words (§x;T or §TT, §71,

tT) are taken from his poems called the Sura Sagar —

sir 7TTT f'Trrr ftpair §7T li «. C.

High Hindi : §07 §o’ fwrg; f^^r, ^ ftnair «piw n

Saravali 12.

Or : *p:t%t xs %v.t ii i. e.

High Hindi : xtttbt ii

Saravali.

Or : fHTTFTT xrr^rtff %tl il

High Hindi : usm ^7 fa* §17 srm §T ^ §1 n

Nitya Kirtan, 49.

Considerably older than both Tulsi Das and Sura Das is Kabir. He

lived about 1500, A. D. His Behlitahs offer many instances of the use of

§7T, §7l, §7, as signs of the genitive. A few of them are the following :

^4i7 TiTU § N77 l

«n Jin §t\ ftp^r ^77 " i. e.

High Hindi : ^vjr §rv %r xixttt |

5TT JT7 §1 f «P7T ^rrJir II

Or : %7 vr ^ ^vrii 1*^77 ii i. e.

High Hindi : xgwi % ^iTwr xi % ®i§ f§U7iT ^f7rJr n

Still further back we come to Ohand Bardai, who lived about 1200,

A. D. An instance of the same use of §7 occurs in the following verse

taken from his great epic the Priihirdj r&yasa.

^r7 j[5T ^ -TfsPnsr §7T ii

Book XIX, 41 *

If we now turn to the Prakrit, we find sometimes an adjective noun

or §vqr, inserted between the genitive and the noun qualified by it.

In such eases, the insertion appears to be perfectly 'pleonastic, that is, the

sense is complete, even if the word J|rf7*ff, or §7^i, bo altogether omitted.

Whenever §7^f is thus inserted, it agrees with the qualified noun in case,

number, and gender, i. e., is treated as an adjective ; e. g.,

* Unfortunately I have been unable to obtain a copy of Chand’s epic, and, there-

fore, must content myself with giving this single example, which by a happy accident

occurs in one of the notes appended by Mi*. Boames to his translation of the 19th

Book, printed in the J ournal of tho Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part 1, No. Ill, of 1869.

As I have not the contoxt, I cannot speak with certainty j but my suggestion as to the

nature of §^f might perhaps be a solution of the difficulty which Mr. Beames felt in

the meaning of tho verse. It might explain the verse, without taking ^yj as a verb and

altering it into which is an objoctionable emendation ; for there is (as Mr. Beames

himself admits) no verb in Hindi ; and the words “ to overthrow ” in such a con-

nection aro an anglicism.

1872.]

129

Hocrnlc — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

rpjfq qjum #fxqi 5ITf^ ^ II

Skr. sm q(fq qfTWq: 3lifff *T WCfa ll

High Hindi : ^qqt snffT **T qiTm % ll

Mrichchhakati, Act VI.

Or : Wf? *rqqt>/q<?<" qrr%rri<r wtit qi'HdtqfPer n

Skr. wqiqfr^bq qrqfirfqiSffT *rm qjDqmq n

High Hindi : at «ra qrr #raiT 5jr?rT ^ n

Ditto, Act 1.

Or : qtff qvqf qq qq'?’" n i. e.

Skr. qua q»nT ll

High Hindi : f%<? q>T ^ qq^W n

Ditto, Act YI.

Or : qr^rqr qqqrqi^qi fspjpjnw qqftro ll i. e.

Skr. *?<Yu q^qqfTts^ ^iwT^jT^r ufq^g n or

High Hindi : iiv qujqrq'jqqi u tr^r *iiii!q ^ q%si qryqr n

Ditto, Act VIII.

Or : orf?; *m ifw qqfqifw, nr f^T5 ^rq qjsq*? it i. c.

Skr. •qfq ^qqTf^qiT, frq;T f<reg- ?rrq<T ii or

High Hindi : qf<?; ^ «nft f m aqy snq wt n

* Ditto, Act X.

In the two last examples, the common interchange of q and <3 has taken

place.

It may he noted in the foregoing examples, (1) that in none of them

%r^r (or has a predicative sense. Were we to translate it by “ made

or wrought,” it would turn the sentence into nonsense. It is every where

perfectly superfluous, the sense being complete without it ; (2) that is

used pleonastically, namely, that although inserted only in connection with a

genitive, it is not yet used by itself to determine the genitive, but always em-

ployed over and above the ordinary genitive, hence forming a sort of double

or pleonastic genitive ; (3) that is used in connection with pronouns.

Compare in this respect the use of qrq in Ganwari with pronouns only. There

are, however, instances in which qrqqf is also used in connexion with nouns j

e- 9;

Skr.

High Hindi :

qm ^si^iT^r qfssw srviiT ii i e.

qq *a<sj qu^TUi: 11 or

«tt wqw ^ qiT 11

Ditto, Act IV.

Or : qw qq^w qr^t% 11 i. c.

Skr. qqw qq'S'ri 11 or

High Hindi : m Jrrft t qil 11

130 Hoernle — 'Essays on the Eaurian Languages. [No. 2,

In these examples, sfiOR still forms a pleonastic genitive. But some

places occur where the original genitive termination is altogether dropped,

and instead is joined to the crude base, with which it forms a compound,

and thus determines by itself the genitive ease, e. „

qcFspr ^siir u i. e.

Skr. u-sjrfi ^rrs?: II or

High Hindi : W vx 11 *

Ditto, Act IV:

Or : 15% H >-/e-

Skr. TT5l^rav»H£lT*rei ,*nr HJT: ^iwfa ii or

High Hindi : TTsrrawdwuw dir u fwNl 7? sn^ft ^t^'jit ii

° In these examples evidently, forms no more a pleonastic genitive,

but itself determines the genitive case of the word with which it is com-

pounded, in the place of the real original case affix. It has clearly not only

lost its predicative meaning, but has become altogether a determinative ele-

ment, or a sort of affix.

But what was originally the meaning of this word and how did it

come to lapse into the condition of a mere affix ? In order to answer this

question, we must go back to the Sanskrit. In one place occurs

instead of viz. : —

rf^ jpi || i. e.

Skr. ri? 11 or

High Hindi : vx JTTft ^ fa ^ W WTT V ll

The Sanskrit equivalent of qfa*ra is aWT* The noun tlssfa means

< nature,’ that which distinguishes one from another. Hence, MSfa may mean,

natural, peculiar, or own ; for what is peculiar to one, that is one’s own.

The word therefore means own, and was originally inserted after the

genitive to emphasize the possessive sense of the genitive. But in course of

time, this original object of the insertion of ifa*r<«r was lost sight of, and it

was used simply to express the genitive itself. In fact, it may be shown

that the genitive in many other languages arose by some such process.f As

* LitoraUy it is ’S^irPf I bat it is a vory common practico in Prakrit, of which

numberless instances aro found in the plays, to add the affix to Sanskrit words

without any effect upon tho sense of the latter (of. Pr. Prak. iv, 25, Com.).

f A good illustration of the process is mentioned by Max Muller in his Lectures

on the Science of Languages. In Lect. II, page 79, he quotes the following remarks from

an American paper about the Negro-English. “As to Oases, I do not know that I ever

heard a regular possessive, but they have begun to develope one of their own, which is

a vory curious illustration of the way inflectional forms have probably grown up in

other languages. If they wiBh to make the faot of possession at all emphatic or dis-

tinct, they use the whole word “ own.” Thus they will say “ Mosey houso. But if

asked whose house that is, the answer is “ Mosey own.” “ Co’ Molsy y own was the

131

1872.] Hoemle — Essays on the Gaurian ^Languages.

^r?irf is the original of P#qtqi, so W<T is the original of qrqf (or qrsrqi) ;

and 3irr has the same meaning as garf (or qqqiqf), just as qrr means

the same as. qqrx doer, and qfTX in the phrases T"Slfi ^TPCfl, [qnxm, &c.,

(cf. Siddlianta Ivaumudi to Pan. 3, 4, 27, Yol. II, page 4G8) the same as

qqnr “ manner.”

But to return to the phonetic changes which ^xqi underwent, it is

well known rule in Prakrit, that non-initial single mute consonants ar

elided (cf. Prakrit a I’rakasa II, 2.). Accordingly q<T becomes a

form which occurs in several of the examples already quoted. When two

vowels meet in consequence of such an elision of a consonant, they are

often contracted* in Prakrit already (cf. Pr. Prak. IV. 1.), hut still

more in its descendant, the Gaurian. Hence i&rir becomes in the Gaurian

%tt, and this again changes into #XT. Thus the Sanskrit hraqb, horse, is

in Prakrit inf7.iT, in the Gaurian hpff (Alwari and Sindhi), or hif T (High

Hindi). On the change of the final to ^iT, as well as the change of the

feminine termination qjT to T in see some remarks below and in Essay IV.

From #vt (or %TT), q»T, may be derived immediately the modern

forms ?TT (or qu), qrl, qi, by another step of phonetic decay. The elision of

a medial X, though not noted in the Sutras of Vararuchi, occurs occasion-

ally in the later Prakrit ; e, g., qx, for qfx, in

qrqWTT i| i. e.

Sanskrit, ^qifqiqqfcxqifqqqTfW i

^TflflTSnfXiqi^T^Tfs)' n

Karp ura Mapjari Sattaka, verse 2.

But in the Gaurian the elision of a medial single X is not without

example. For instance, the conjunction q, but, clearly stands for the San-

skrit qxn, which occurs in Hindi also, and more commonly as qx. Simi-

larly, the Ganwdri sign of the genitive qi has arisen from the other

Ganwari and poetic form qrx. Another Hindi word qiX (qrf<) which, how-

ever, has a different origin and stands for the Prakrit qifxq (Sanskrit qr^i),

also becomes not uncommonly qi, especially in the older poets like Kabir,

e-a-, ^ ^ ^

qs%T vrq qw qi 5nqt q’qq- q> flTrit ii or

High Hindi, qr%r qjfqtuq qiq qifx arrq' q«q qifx fli?' h

There is no great difficulty, therefore, in deriving qrr, qil, qi, from qjvq,

%Xt ; qiX, still another derivation is possible which I shall presently give, and

odd reply made by a little girl to the question, whose child she was carrying. Co’ is

little j y euphonic.” — I think also, it can he shown that the affix by means of which

many Sanskrit genitives are formed, is nothing else but a possessive pronominal base,

equivalent to the common possessive pronominal base XI, meaning “own.”

17 it

132

Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2,

which is not open to this difficulty. Before, however, proceeding to the con-

sideration of it, I will dispose of another genitive post-position which, there

appears little doubt, is really derived from ^tt and thus medially from the

Prakrit viz. the Bangdli genitive post-position XX, and the Bangali

and Oriya C

In Bangali, all adjectives which are derived through the Prakrit appear

in the crude base (that is without the Prakrit endings sit [masculine] or VjT or

^ [feminine] and anuswara [neuter]), and hence are alike in all genders and

cases, e. g., WIT siPST^, little boy, and irz Trf%*RT, little girl (cf. Shama Churn

Sircar’s Bangali Grammar, page 75, 2nd edition). Hence the Prakrit or

contracted ifiKT, would in Bangali become ffiC Now this form tfir occurs now

and then in Tulsi Das, who, in his Ramayan, has laid all the principal Gaurian

languages, and Bangali among them, under contribution. An instance of a

verse containing it, has been already quoted. I have above referred to the

Prakrit rule of eliding a medial single mute consonant. The term medial

includes also the initial consonant of a word which forms the last part of a

compound (cf. Pr. Prak. II, 2 ) ; e. g., Sanscrit becomes in Prakrit

^3PC*JT ; Sanskrit finiavTC becomes in Pr krit finpiiTTT. in Gaurian ;

Sanskrit becomes Prakrit ^jjVjTXT, Gaurian ^K. I have also

shown that, though in Prakrit i9 generally used pleonastically, so that

its concomitant word is also in the genitive case, yet in some instances it is

made to form a compound with its concomitant word which thou drops

its genitive inflexion. This latter usage seems to have become exclusively

established in the Bangali, and in using in composition with the word in

the genitive case, the initial of the former is elided regularly. Thus we

arrive at VC Take for instance the genitive of T? wire a child ; it would be vrwnvr

this would change to and this to or (by contraction

of the two adjoining vowels) ^wrrkr, which is the present genitive in Bangali.

By analogy, the other Bangali genitive post-position T, which it shares with

the Oriya, is probably a curtailment of the genitive sign <fiT, still occurring

in Tulsi Das and in the Ganwari.

It has been already noticed that the Sanskrit equivalent for the Prakrit

is VuT. But -gfcT assumes various forms in Prakrit. Perhaps the most

common, though not the most regular, form of it is (where the change

of v? to c takes place by Pr. Prak. I, 28, and that of <T to ^ by Pr. Prak.

II, 7), e. g.,

c fkc n=Sanskrit ^ % 3kHT ll

Or : vmvrsr n= Sanskrit c'reprn fwvfrT li

Or : vd fcp-J wrf< n=Sanskrit xx fk ii

Next comes the form efc, foimed regularly according to Pr. Prak. I, 27, and

II, 7, e. g.,

n= Sanskrit ii

1872.]

133

Hoernlo — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

Or : m ng u=Sanskrit SHTH n

The most regular form, though not so frequent, is with change of

^ to ^ by Pr. Prak. I, 28, and elision of 7f by Pr. Prak. II, 2., in both of

which sutras it is given among the examples. Another not unfrequent form

is (Pr. Prak. XI, 15), in which the rf of ®?T under the influence of

^3 has changed to 'S', a change not uncommon in Prakrit, as in ’q-f^vr ir, for

Vfrr^TJ, (Pr. Prak. II, 8, 2S.), for for fjpo HHHT,

(Mrichchh. Act II page 62). Examples of are —

gri n=Sanskrit arn n

efrir n = Sanskrit nreiniJ 3PT: u etc.

Another very rare foim is where the ^ may he a substitution

either for the ^ of (by Pr. Prak. II, 23, as for

for cfiWm:, Eatnawali, Act I, page 21), or for the ^ of (by analogy of Pi’.

Prak. II, 12, as for efi^yap) ; it occurs, e. g., in gr§fVr^1 ||=Sanskrit giffT

||. From the form probably spi-ang the form which occurs

only in the augmented shape by the not uncommon substitution of

an v for the first 'Uj (cf Pr. Prak. 1, 5, as ifSH for maiT, knit for ifc*H

for &c.). The most extraordinary transformation of sh, however, is the

rare one 3;^ which occurs, e. y.,in^j'%j|^jjM=Sanskrit Jiv?-- wp (Mrichchh.

Act II, page 63). From either cir^orqr^by the easy change of the linguals oi-sr

into y (cf. Pr. Prak. II, 30), arose a further form ; xuxless it be considered

itself the original of qr^r, which is equally possible ; or nrv might also be derived

direct from cf. Pr. Prak. II, 13, 14. The same relation as assist to ^r,

bears to ^ ; and as qra; is to so is to The form <*ra: (as

an indeclinable adjective like those in Han gall) has been used, as already

shown, in the vulgar and poetical Hindi, to express the genitive. And from

it, as also explained already, probably the Bangali and Oriya genitive sign T

is derived, by the elision of the consonant ^ and loss of the vowel "31 through

the contraction of the meeting vowels consequent upon that elision ; e. g.,

Jjn; = ijr?T3j< = iff K.*

The other forms or or are, I think, the originals of the dif-

ferent modern Hindi post-positions jrt or 4iT or and their feminine a#l and

inflected ■%. As the Prakrit aRrafiT becomes (by elision of ^i) ^<iiT, and this

again in the Gaurian (by contraction of the meeting vowels) afiyT or a^rr, so

the Prakrit apa^T becomes and this in the Gaurian apl or crt or aR|. As

regards this final ’sgr of ^rr which corresponds to tlxo masculine ending ajp of

all adjectives which have come into the Hindi through the Prakrit, it is every-

* Perhaps the possessive in Hindi HTT, rPCT, f?F?TC, xfTnTf, &c., should

be explained by means of this element ("C for ^T), the curtailment of (or ^iTT), thus

9^rPT Sanskrit auflri arp — Prakrit 3^ J for the commonly received deriva-

tion of these pronouns from the Sanskrit possessiva &c., is not

without difficulties.

134

Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2,

where the substitute of the Prakrit masculine nominative ending 38T. Adject-

ive bases in ^ end in Sanskrit in the nominative singular masculine in ^i,

feminine "3TT or K\ plural ^T*. These terminations change in the Prakrit in

%T, ^6(T or x;, and ^T- In the Alwari dialect, as well as in the Sitidhi and

Naip&li, these terminations are preserved unchanged. The genitive post-

positions in Alwari and Naipali are, nominative singular masculine sfiT, nomi-

native plural masculine ^TT, feminine ; in Sindhi resp. srr, oU, srl ; similarly,

in all three languages, is a horse, rirei horses, mare, &c. The

Brajbhasha changes generally the Prakrit v*T into »-T, and has therefore efiT,

instead of ^T; similarly for Prakrit (Sanskrit e|frsirr:). The

High Hindi finally changes the harsher diphthongs % or into the more

agreeable vowel ^T, and hence has cfTT, for or or ^>^T-

Prom (or T or «rt) the feminine 3ft was formed, according to the univer-

sal rule of the Hindi of forming the feminine in x;, instead of the Sanskrit

or Prakrit ^T. The origin of the feminine 3d and the inflected form % will be

explained afterwards (see Essay I V).

The form f%g; perhaps has even a better claim than the form to be

considered the original of 3fT, '3t, 3f. It is true that so far as I have search-

ed the Prakrit dialogues of Sanskrit dramas, I have not discovered an in-

stance of either 3\ 3J or f3i <T being used in that pleonastic manner in which

■^iXT^T is employed. While 3*T^T is frequently used in a determinative sense

(as affix of the genitive), I have never found or f3f^T so used, but always

in a predicative sense (as a proper participle past passive). But besides

the direct proofs to be adduced hereafter (showing that 1%% is the original

of ^t), the following reasons will show that not much importance can be

attached to the circumstance. In the first place, that no instance of f%%

or 3<^t as genitive affix is found, is merely matter of accident. For alto-

gether the use of a Prakrit form of the Sanskrit participle ®<T in this deter-

minative sense, is confined to one play, the Mrichchhakati ; and even there it

occurs only about fourteen times (in the form 3ST3;) . This use of was evi-

dently slang. But while other plays also introduce low and vulgar people, they

do it only on rare occasions and even then put a more or less refined language

into their mouth ; on the other hand, the Mrichchhakati introduces low people

very extensively, and allows them to express themselves freely in their native

vulgar jargon. This explains also the occurrence, in the Mrichchhakati, of

other grammatical forms besides 3iT3f, which are found in no other play. We

may safely conclude that since the use of a Prakrit form of tfirT to determine

the genitive is confined to one play and even there, on account of its vul-

garity, is only exceptionally introduced, the manner of its use there must not

be taken as a measure of its use in general among the people. Among them,

^T3T was employed, no doubt, much more frequently, and very probably

other loans of sKrr (as &c.,) also, which were too vulgar to he admit-

135

1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Qaurian Languages.

ted at all into any play. There is nothing surprising in the fact that, among

only about fourteen instances of grW, the form fag or gig should never oc-

cur, seeing that the latter was probably the more vulgar expression of the two.

And here 1 may call attention to the oft-observed fact that what had been once

vulgar or slang phrases, or grammatical forms, during the classical period of a

language, generally becomes the material out of which the language after its

decay reconstructs itself. This law is well illustrated by the Romance lan-

guages. “ The sources of Italian are not to he found in the classical Literature

of Rome, hut in the popular dialects of Italy. Hindustani is not the

daughter of Sanskrit, as we find it in the Vedas, or in the later literature of

the Brahmans ; it is a branch of the living speech of India, springing from

the same stem from which Sanskrit sprang, when it first assumed its literary

independence.”* (2.) Moreover, there is direct proof that fagi and ggT were

used in a determinative sense. In Sanskrit, sfifi', the locative singular of

«SrT, is sometimes employed to express the dative. Even there it has nearly

lost its originally predicative meaning, and has come to he regarded almost

like a mere case-affix. But in the Prakrit and Gaurian, s5<i as well as other

similar Sanskrit words, e. g., ^ (Marathi gfat), ggvfa (Bangali grri, Hindi

gfa) , have become mere case — signs of the dative. N ow is rendered in the

Prakrit promiscuously by gfagf (or fagfa), or by fgrg, or by gig. Examples

of gggi are the following —

gif rg fa gig rfa srmrTfo ii i. e.

Skr. % gfa ggj sfa tw 3>vj sngrfg n or

High Hindi : g gfa fa gg gr fag ( gigi g ) gg *fig V ll

Or : grigrcg fg g II i- e.

Skr. ggfai ■gigrg: sgsfa g sngrfg n or

High Hindi : g uwt fa giTg fag ( gjTgT g ) gg *r' 3fTgg\ # I

Mrichchhakati.

Or : ire giw fa II *’• e-

Skr. uu gggw gfa n or

High Hindi : gg Jifat fag g fag % ll

Or : yg trggrgtggigfagig Tugg fa u *• e-

Skr. vg vfa u or

High Hindi : gg rift vrsn % gr^T gtarg gr fag g n

Ditto, Act. VI. page, 186.

Examples of fag are —

grgj fag g;g gjrggT ll i- e.

* Max Muller, Lectures ou the Science of Language, Lect. II., page 67. The

greater part of that lecture (pp, 60 to 80) is devoted to this sirhject of what M. M.

calls “ dialectio regeneration.”

13G

[No. 2,

Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

Skr. w ii or

High Hindi : fare % fasfa? *i i? II

Batnavali, Act II, page 57.

Or : sffar g*i fajfanr^^w^Tns^fai^ *iwimre il i. e.

Skr. ssgiTrr ^j?rg?fa*iTW 3fh... . ll or

High Hindi : «pt‘ g; % fa# ... v^imiii ^r<f\ y «

Venisamhara, Act II. page. 35.

An example of qrg is the following —

tit? n^-vrr^li urufa^fa; ll i. e.

Skr. tit? n^nrfjmji: g# ■ssimi’TPu?#! ^TT^r^j^r n or

High Hindi : nnr ^wnt # fa?# wttt ^Prr % il

Mrichchhakati, Act X. page 323.

It is more than probable then, that if fa#, or was used beside

to express the dative, fa#T orTj#T was also employed beside to express

the genitive. And I think it not impossible, that a more careful and ex-

tensive examination of Prakrit and the earliest Gaurian literature, might bring

to light instances of the use of fa#T or as affixes of the genitive.

But to proceed with the consideration of fa#T. By the usual elision of

the medial mute consonant, the form farin' would arise. This is, indeed, the

usual form in which the participle ssn appears in the earlier Hindi poets

(especially Sura Das), where it is written fa#T, with a slight accommodation

to the pronunciation to avoid the hiatus. Generally, however, in such cases the

vowel X before in is changed to the corresponding semivowel g; e. g., Sanskrit

= Prakrit rf?% = Hindi T!W ; Sanskrit nffajrp = Prakrit =

Hindi <r#b &c., and in the Brajbliasha r^r, qrtjr, etc. Accordingly, fafiSiT

would become #r, and in the Braj Bhasha 4#. The reason why it is changed

to farin' (or faftjT) is simply euphonism, an initial double consonant being

difficult to pronounce. But when in other words (t#T, the double

consonant would be medial and hence divisible between the two enclosing

syllables, it is not avoided ; and for the same reason the word fa#T itself, when

it is compounded with a prefix, is spelt #3T in the Naipali ; e. g., 5J«I V3

= Hindi 5R -siTf^ fapmjTT ( = S. fapWT:). This is but the ap-

plication of a well known Sanskrit Sandhi rule, according to which, e. g., fat

+ = fv^faf j jj + ^jfar = JJ^frT, but faflft + = fat#, WPT + % =

WI^t: (cf. Siddh. Kaum. to Pan. G, 4, 77, G4, 82, page 118.) Now when far#

is used to express the genitive, it is no more an independent word, but has

sunk down to the position of an affix, and forms a compound with its

concomitant word. Hence, cpj would have a medial position and, therefore,

would not be avoided. Hence fafifT, when used as a sort of genitive affix,

would be contracted into efm (or tRT).

Lastly #r would, for reasons of euphony, be contracted into %T (or 3>T or

cfTT) ; just as the harsher forms Trfjf or or T, &e., of the Braj

137

1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

Bhasha are contracted in the High Hindi into the more euphonious KTT,

&c.. The following scheme will make the similarity still more manifest to the

eye—

Sanskrit. Prakrit. Br. Bhasha. Hindi.

(3rfWK:), (^f-)f«qrr: = far-)f%^T = fa-)1^rT = (^r-)w = (3T-)TT

(TB?Tr:), (T-)f%<T: = = (T-)fW = = (T-)^T

(mftrTi), (*TT-)fT7r:= (FT-)fc^T = (*T-)fC%T = (w-)m = (TJT-)TT

faftlrr:), (tjf-)fjlrr: = (~T-)faT37= (wr-)TOT= (^TT-)JTT

(®?r:), (— )f%rj: = (— )f^r= (— (— )^T = (— )3tt

A still more exact parrallel, than by these examples, is afforded by the

Hindi 'sjt (feminine '«ft, plural if), the past tense of the auxiliary verb %T*TT, to

be. For the original of «tt is Bgpr:, the Sanskrit past participle of the verb

^TT, to stand. The initiator is dropped, as usual in Prakrit; likewise the

medial rf ; thus we arrive at ; and this may change either to f’sjifT, which

would he exactly parallel to the Braj Bhasha f^rnT, or to 'Ojr, which would

he exactly parallel to the form %r. assumed by me as the immediate original

°f (3iT). Now both and 'in occur in the Naipali, and are there the

simultaneous equivalents of the Hindi WT ; e g.,

WT farijT I i e.

High Hindi : wra i St. Luke i, 5.

Again : T fafv W TWcttu i i. c.

High Hindi : Sj ir^f frfa « vi | St. Luke i, 6.

Again : T fwuT i i. e.

High Hindi : il 33 3V i i St. Luke i, 7.

In the case of v;t. therefore, we can still follow its descent, step by step,

from the Sanskrit f^cTh through fvj<T, fees,!, f*T3T, iff, to WT ; while in the

case of <st unfortmvately some of the links have been lost. But that %, or

3*T, is really a direct descendant of the Sanskrit s57p, just as WT of is

even more remarkably proved by the Naipali ; for in one ease it actually

makes use of %r (feminine 3ft, plural 3TT) as a substitute of ®<r:. The Nai-

pali, namely, possesses two forms of the past participle passive ; one is the

ordinary form, which it shares with all other Gaurian languages ; the other is

a very peculiar pleonastic form, which I believe only one other Gaurian lan-

guage, viz., the Marathi, possesses. The difference between those two forms

appears to be this, that the participle takes tho common form, whenever it is

used actively to denote the past tense active, and the pleonastic form when-

ever it is used passively as a participial adjective. The pleonastic form is

made by superadding the past participle sSU!, contracted to ifir, to the common

form of the past participle passive, and of the two participles, thus compound-

ed, the latter cannot be inflected, whereas the former (i. c., ipT) takes the in-

flexions, and agrees with the qualified noun in gender, number, and case,

138 Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2,

(i. e., masculine %r. feminine plural and oblique HIT) ; e. g., the past parti-

ciple passive of to write, used to form the perfect tense active, is

(i. e., Sans. fiHfrifG) ; but with the proper passive sense, it is HiT (i. e.

Sanskrit f^rfisTFr: or Hindi 1%HIT SNT or HHT), thus “the Gospel written

by Luke” is ^ r TJHHWTNTT (i e. Sanskrit SINN eRfr: TJH-

HHTNFO or Hindi ! QH«rHTr) ; but “ Luke wrote a Gospel”

is ^i^jr sjhhHTNIN (i. e., Sanskrit ^r%sr %f«slcr: TIHHHTHKb or Hindi

fls,

NtHT Vf f^figx uqviHHr^n:)- A few other examples are : HTTP? Nthtt

VNT HiT ITT H^HNK HT3 Y<T HHTN1 HTT TNHT *• e., High Hindi %?; VfJiy STTWH

Hf% 5V if h« Hi"? TH «sf r hnt Nr (Lit. Sanskrit HTOTfa srJT^N? HraTj HT%-

<TfH HHr HTHNTHHlHDT ^7f: nmrfHH: Urf: f^jTrs) St. Luke i, 20, 27.

Again, <3 HTfHH f*fff rrrs^Ti H HT eft fvjr. i. e., High Hindi HN vhj

HNN % NTH ntj^tT hn! JpTt vft (or Sanskrit NT HoTT S<TT St.

Luke i, 27. Again, ht ftsfil W *- e., High Hindi Vfpr fsivrn ^TT

NHT % (or Sanskrit Ndi gffi-TsfHl) St. Luke i, 14. Again, ^ NlHir HNJT Hit

%T NT irsf Hf-HHI nht i. e., High Hindi hh H(H> 'fft war NrTlHT

SNr. In this last example, the participle %f and the genitive affix qrr

are side by side.*

Whichever be thought the more probable derivation of HTT, either from

'fT'T or f'fT'p — and this can only be decided after a more thorough examina-

tion of the earliest Gaurian literature — I hope, I have succeeded in proving

so much beyond doubt, that the Sanskrit participle eid is in one form or the

other the original of the genitive post-positions.

There remains briefly to consider the post-positions in the other Gau-

rian languages. In the case of most of them my remarks are not meant to be

* A very similar, thougli not quite so parallel case is that of vjj, a past participle

of NT*TT, to he, which still occurs in the Ganwari, and is also met with now and then in

Tulsi Das. It stands for the High Hindi aTN (Sanski’it W«T- ), and the Low Hindi WHT,

or HHT- It occurs, for instance, in the following verse of Tulsi Das,

NH HTf# HT HVfH NHHWIT II i. e.

High Hindi : HHf SHT Hv TNT N NHHTH II

Sundar kand.

HT is, a curtailment of the Low Hindi VRT or HHT, which are both probably de-

rived from a Prakrit (for Sanskrit Wjfi) . Prom Hfq^f, by the elision of

would come VltHHT, Vli)T, WHT, and from the same, by the elision of both ^ and H, would

come «?;NT = N*TT = HUT. Another parallel case, I believe, wo have in the syllable

31T (femhnno Hi, plural H), which forms the Hindi future tense ; e. g., tHAI, he will be

For it stands probably for HHT, the Hindi past participle of NTHT, to go ; and JTHT itself

is connectedjvith the Sanskrit Hrfb and Prakrit HHT or (with insertion of an eupho-

nious *0 HHT- Compare also HI in the Low Hindi phrase HT 5JTHT, to bo found,

for HINT 5JT«TT, and HIT, the Low Hindi for Hffi, what ?

139

1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

more than suggestions of their probable origin, founded partly on the fact of

the common origin of all Gaurian languages, partly on Prakrit analogies.

In the Marathi genitive post-positions ^T, a simple transforma-

tion of the guttural of <rr, yft, ^ into a palatal has taken place. For

the rest they must be derived from the Sanskrit a<T in the same manner as

'fiT, ^1, %. There is only one other instance known to me in Marathi of such

a change of gutturals and palatals : it is that of the Sanskrit fyr rl?C barba-

rian into the Maharashtri which is the subject of a special rule in

the Prakrits Prakasa (II. 33.) But the change is physiologically very easy

(cf. Max Muller, Science of Languages Lect. Ill, page, 155 vol. 2nd), and by

no means uncommonin the Aryan languages in general (cl. Bopp, Comp. Gram.

§ 14 page 25).*

The origin of the Panjabi, Sindhi and Gujarati post-positions I explain

alike, in a manner similar to that in which I have explained the Bangali

and Oriya post-positions y and yy ; viz. that they have originated from a

Prakrit form of tRH by the elision of the initial consonant 3fT and contraction

(by Sandh i) of the two adjoining vowels.

The original of the Panjabi post-positions yr, y), y is the form yiyT or

fyriy ; probably the latter. t Take for instance the genitive of horse.

It may be assumed to have been originally i|l% fyryT. % Here the original

* I had written tlie above remarks when I received a copy of the Student’s

Manual of Marathi Grammar. In the appendix on the grammatical forms which occur

in old Marathi poetry, a few forms are given which confirm my thooiy in a remarkable

way. The old form of the masculine and the neuter ^ is there (page 138) stated

to be reap. and Now represents a Prakrit form and is the

very form which, a few pages back, I postulated as tho immediate original of tlie

Hindi 3TT (taking yi and ^ to be interchangeable letters) and about which I expressed

a hope that a more thorough examination of the oldest Gaurian literature might bring

to light traces of it. I, there, derived *RT (or thus : Sanskrit fSH:, Prakrit

= fyr% (or f%%) = either (or f^T) or *1 (or (or ^T). The

derivation of ^T( in the same grammar page 132) from the Sanskrit genitive affix

W is untenable. 1 stly, because even if *8 could be the original of V, it certainly

could not bo so of tho older from fW 2 ndly. The Sanskrit * is unchangeable,

while is capable of forming case, number, and gender. 3rdly. Against the Sans-

krit derivative affix as well as against the inflexional affix HI all those objections

lie which I have pointed out with reference to the derivation of the Hindi ^1 from the

Sanskrit affix or w)v.

t The Panjabi dictionary of tho Lodiana Mission gives a form Ty^iT, a preposition

or genitive particle. If this can bo trusted, it would seem to indicate that the initial ^

of the Panjabi post-positions is a modification of the original ^ of f%yT See on this

interchange of the guttural and dental class, Bopp’s Comparative Grammar, § 401.

$ I must reserve the explanation of the inflected from UP? for another paper.

18 F

140 Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2,

meaning of was no more felt ; it had become like a mere affix and

had assumed an enclitic position, forming one word with Hence, as in

compound words, the (now medial) consonant 31 was elided, and the two ad-

joining vowels 5+1 contracted (by dropping c) ; thus we have iff'

— hlir Finally as in High Hindi the harsh diphthong % was changed to

the more agreeable vowel ; thus iri% gT. The process here assumed is

well illustrated by the origin of the interrogative pronoun who. In

Prakrit the interrogative pronoun *fiT ( = Sanskrit qr:) has almost invariably

appended to it, the enclitic thus #7 here the consonant^ is

always elided ; thus 'SW ; in the Gaurian again the two adjoining vowels

^ are contracted (by dropping 'S ), thus ^vr*T-*

The Sindhi post-positions 3H, 5j), 5J, aiT may have originated from the

form f+frilT (= farijT = %^t), by exactly the same process as explained above

in the case of 37 ; thus f^rer = =» %1% hb Finally the ini-

tial semivowel U of hi would change, according to a general rule of the

Prakrit (P. P. II, 31) and Gaurian, into the palatal consonant 5?; thus

ifT-t

The Gujar&ti post-positions (vf), sf, etc.) I am inclined to derive from

an obsolete Prakrit form of sfirl\ via. fsfiieT or fiuiT in the same way as the

Panjabi 37 from or the Sindhi an from f3SUT. That such a Prakrit

form must have once existed, is clearly proved by the Hindi. In poetry, an

old Hindi form 3Tr37 or qftvrT often occurs equivalent to made or done.

Two other old Hindi past participial forms, exactly analogous to them, also

occur in poetry, vie. Cl5?! or g+vTT given (= Sanskrit 3t1:) and or ^friTT.

taken (= Sanskrit Now the derivation of 3^Hl is well assured

Here I will only say that I consider the termination ^ to be a modification of the

Sanskrit genitive termination ^i*SJ (of bases in XI), which in Prakrit becomes (or

SJjThf or ^1N) or if The enrtailment of 'i3fi3T or 3! into must be supposed to

have taken place contemporaneously with the modification of the Prakrit termination

or^TN or hi into the Gaurian 'I (Hindi, Panjabi, Sindhi) or ^iT (Mar. Gujar.).

* A Prakrit lingual ^ generally changes into the dental *T in Hindi. In the

Alwar dialect the pronoun is still #T53*T ; in the Ganwarf and in Hindi poetry (e. g. of

Chand Bardai) it is compare in Marathi "^7 fourth for the Prakrit It

may be noticed also that ths vowels T and ^ which are elided, are preceded by their

own corresponding diphthongs X and ^1T.

+ The Sindhi post-positions admit, however, also of a different explanation. Their

initial Straight bo merely a softening of the initial which we have in the Marathi.

As a somewhat parallel case we may compare the Nipali Hi (they are), to which corre-

sponds in the Low Hindi of Alwar If and in High Hindi (i. e. Sanskrit Hprl).

$ Of these pairs those containing the are later and occur generally in Tulsi

141

1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Qaurian Languages.

According to the Prakrit Prakasa VIII, 62, the participal past passive of the

root to give is in Prakrit (for Sanskrit ^vf) and from by a regu-

lar process of phonetic modification, which I shall explain later on, the form

originated. By analogy it follows that the other two forms «fri«rr

and ^ftvrT must also be derived from original Prakrit forms fqfnj and (of

the roots a and « ). It is true that neither far«J nor f^nir are supported by

any of Vararuehi’s Sutras, nor by the Prakrit of the plays founded upon those

Sutras. But as the process of phonetic change was certainly not stop-

ped by Vararuchi’s Sutras, the phase of Prakrit exhibited in his Sutras can-

not be taken as a measure of what Prakrit may have been at a much later

period. There is not the least difficulty, therefore, in assuming that the

Prakrit of later times and perhaps among the vulgar, contained many forms

which have not found admittance in Vararuchi’s Sutras or in dramatic Pra-

krit. Among those later or more vulgar forms fqrcT and must have

heen.f Their existence is necessary to account for the existence of the

Das. The others. without V are the more original onos and occur for example in Kabir

Chand ; e. g.,

>5fT ^irsi*5 |

5T5T 5S15T S*JJT ifipfl II *. e.

High Hindi : mi V(T^S( TVVT |

HI TJI-irT -if f^UT II

Tulsi Das Ramayan, Ajudhya Kami.

Again : 57Tfv qTtT % *JtpTT ^TT I

IlST fV ~Pf=TT II i. e.

High Hindi : 3T^T 3iT% IJtPTT f^T I

^^rfT ^ ^T% %T f^TUT II

Kabir, Rekhtas.

Again : JT5T 3ipr I

Wt ^ II i. e.

High Hindi : 3TT -til fa»=qT I

^rai ^ q^r ii

Pr. R&j Ray., I, 1 1 .

Again : '-FIV ill ?jfif a^f 1

VIPS J2W qiVT 11 i. e.

High Hindi : 35JT HiKST fqf *JT1 «q faVT I

fllff %I V*I BsTST II

Pr. Eaj II tv., 1, 18.

* The dontal «T for original qt according to general Hindi usage.

t In P. P. vm, 13, it is stated the root IF or IF r may change

he does for (= Sanskrit q>Tlf<T). Prom tffqr a past, part,

®ay be derived and it is not improbable, that giW might ohange into by the

analogy 0f just as e. y.q^q man changes into qf^V ; of. P, P, I, 33.

into sp1?; e. g.

passive ~qi,Tf

112

Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2,

forms eftsn and sft^rr which certainly do exist. From an original Prakrit

fw then, through the intermediate modification ^t*TT, I think the Gujarati

genitive post-positions «ir, &c., may be derived.

Having thus explained the derivation of the various Gaurian post-posi-

tions of the genitive, I now proceed to state another important evidence in

support of my theory. I have shown that the word was used in two

different ways in Prakrit to express the genitive, viz., 1st, as a mere affix, in

which case it was compounded with the word which was to he put into the

genitive ease ; 2nd, as a pleonastic insertion, in which case the word which

was to he put into the genitive case, retained its organic genitive inflexion.

Now I have tried to prove that the Bangali post-positions VX and and the

Oriya post-position K are derived from the Prakrit employed in the for-

mer manner. On the other hand the Hindi post-position ^ s:t (%<fb ) are

derived from the same Prakrit employed in the second manner and the

Hindi post position qrr (qft, %) as well as the post-positions of all Gaurian

languages of the Hindi class (i. e. Naipali, Marathi, Gujarati, Sindhi, Panjabi,

hut exclusive of Bangali and Oriya) are derived from the Prakrit form

(fcffVT respectively), also employed in the second manner. This accounts why

the initial was lost iu Bangali and Oriya, while it was retained in Hindi,

Naipali and Mari. (hi. It is true was dropped (if my derivation be true)

in the Panjabi, Sindhi and Gujarati ; but this is accounted for by the cir-

cumstance that though the wordsfV^l and f^mr remained independent words,

yet being only pleonastic, they became enclitic, and hence liable to phonetic

corruption in the initial letters by contact with the principle word, on which

they leant. However the main point to which I wished to call attention is

this, that if my theory of explanation of the genitive post-positions of the

Hindi class of the Gaurian languages is true, it may be expected that traces of

their being •& pleonastic insertion, and of the existence of an organic genitive

of the inflected word will have remained. A few such traces, I think, I can

prove to exist, and considering the extent to which phonetic decay has gone

in the modern languages of India, I think they are sufficiently distinct and

remarkable.

In Hindi poetry, such combinations as wf? srtt, ^t, rrtfl? (all

= or or sftVj (— ssr) &c., are not uncommon ; e. g.,

stw -vjjl serif HTMT II i. e.

High Hindi: % fa* % ^iir WtWT 'u*?! aiMt n

Sura Das, Stirs agar, Ragvilasa.

Or : «irhf ?rrr? #t ii i. e.

High Hindi : « % <sif n

Ibidem, 162.

1872.] Hoernl e— Essays on the Gauricm Languages. 143

Or : % vfTj -z\€\ §ttt ^'vr u i. e.

High Hindi : fire # s? f?re % sv ntt ii

Kabir’s Rekhtas.

Now these forms Tip? or <Ttl%! or ^T[f%, or snf?, oTf%, wt%>

&c., are nothing hut phonetic corruptions of the Sanskrit genitives ?r^J,

V<g, &c. No doubt when standing by themselves they are commonly used

to express the dative case and even any other case (ablative, instrumental,

locative) ; but that is owing to the fact (i) that the dative case has disap-

peared altogether from the Prakrit and the Gaurian, and has been substituted

by the genitive and (ii) that in poetry all case-signs (or post-positions) are

generally omitted. But instances are not wanting where those forms are

used even by themselves in the sense of the genitive ; e. g.,

gnf% w;t»s % l «• e.

High Hindi : fsre ^ ^ ^ ^ $ 11

Rajniti, page 3.

Or : vi qqm aH*TT t

J

II *'• e.

High Hindi : re ^1 sired ^ I

xsx# 'sj« 4rV W I'

Tulsi Das Ramayan, Sundarkand.

2 In the High Hindi the interrogative pronoun %r*r forms its genitive

the relative sir forms fare^T, the demonstrative forms fire^r,

forms <3fl«*r. re forms rrerr. These forms fare. f®PT, fare, T*T have

never been explained. The fact, however, is that they are by themselves al-

ready full genitives so that fare^TT. fare &o., are in reality double ov pleo-

nastic genitives. In Prakrit there are two forms of the base of these pronouns,

one ending in ^f, the other in X (viz. qfr and fair, 31 and faff, 7T and far of which all

T bases, with the solitary exception of fare what have been lost in Sanskrit).

The bases far, fsj, fir, are in the Prakrit, as we know it now, restricted ge-

nerally to the feminine ; but that originally it was not so, is proved by the

fact that in the masculine the forms fafffnT, fsreT, farntr of the instrumental

case occur as alternatives besides are, nit. Now the genitive of the

masculine bases fair, faff, far is fW faPS(feminine far^T, fan^r, fap^T ;

for the Sanskrit fffrej, faf^J farei ; feminine etc. by the common rule

of the Prakrit of assimilating dissimilar compound consonants, cf. P. P. Ill,

2.) In the modern dialects there is a general rule, that where the Sanskrit has

two dissimilar consonants adjoining and the Prakrit turns these into two

144 Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2,

similar consonants, the Gaurian elides one of the latter and lengthens the

preceding vowel.* The following examples will illustrate this rule :

is all from Prakrit and Sanskrit The genitive fanjf,

&c., are also exceptional and become in Hindi , f%3, ffRI, &c. It follows,

therefore, that the forms fanofTT etc. are pleonastic genitives. Rendered in

Prakrit they would be fqr<^T (or #•%?), etc., with which may be

compared the genitive #T3i quoted above on page 23.

3. In most Gaurian languages the termination of the noun in inflexion,

i. e. when followed by post-positions, undergoes some change, generally into

y or ^T; e. g., Hindi iu^gr genitive 31% 3ii; Marathi genitive %T3T. These

inflexional forms, I believe, to be simply modifications of the old organic geni-

tives of the Sanskrit. I must content myself, however, here with this simple

statement, and reserve the substantiation of it to a future paper on the in-

flexional bases of nouns.

Essay III.

On the Inflexional Ease of Nouns.

In the former essay I promised a paper on the inflexional base of Gau-

rian nouns. The present essay will be devoted to this subject, the dis-

cussion of which, it seems best to insert here, as it offers an important con-

firmation of the theory set forth in the former essay, and a foundation for

the treatment of the other inflexional post-positions in the subsequent essays.

In most Gaurian languages, there are classes of nouns which exhibit a

different form when placed in connexion with post-positions (i. e. in all

oblique cases) from that which they have when they stand by themselves

(i. e. in the nominative case). The former form I shall call the oblique

form ; it is identical with what is often called the inflexional base. The

* Traces of this law aro seen already in Prakrit, e. g., Sanskrit becomes in

Prakrit w or .see P. P. VI, 5 ; or Sanskrit , Prakrit or : Sanskrit

Prakrit WYt or ; Sanskrit Tift, Prakrit Yr%t or Y!‘<1 or Ylf i see

P. P. Ill, 58.

f Also true, from Prakrit and Sanskrit YT3I; bat in Naipali regularly

3T3.

145

1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

form of the noun in the nominative case I shall distinguish as the direct

form.

In the present essay these forms of the noun in the plural will be

altogether set aside, as in some Gaurian languages they are of a nature,

altogether different from that of these forms of the noun in the singular. For

the present I must assume this ; the proof will he given afterwards in another

essay. But it will greatly simplify the enquiry to confine our attention for

the present to the singular.

In the Hindi only one class of nouns possesses an oblique form in

the singular ; viz., all masculine nouns the direct form of which ends in

such an "ajr, as is a modification of the Prakrit nominative sing, masculine

termination %. The oblique form differs from the direct form in chang-

ing the termination to X ; e. g., nominative ur®T horse, genitive

«fT[ ; u«TT large, 3\T &c. The above definition implies that all those

nouns have passed info the Hindi from the Prakrit and, therefore, excludes all

such nouns ending in as have been transferred to the Hindi direct from

the Sanskrit or Arabic ; e.g., TT5TT king, firm father, mrm God, WT priest,

God, &c. All other nouns, whether masculine or feminine, have no oblique

form differing from the direct form ; e. g., nominative, fum father, genitive

fum «TTT ; sr^r water, genitive ; m^rf gardener, genitive m

devotee, gen. daughter, genitive uft 3fr ; m«T (fern.) word, gen.

mw ^TT, &c.

The Panjabi agrees with the Hindi in every particular ; e.g., nominative

boy, gen. ; but ^rirnr soul, gen. ^nwr ^1 ; man, gen. ;

herdsman, gen. father, gen. ^ ; mni crow, gen.

m ; calamity, gen. *H?TT ; *rri mother, gen. TTP3 m ; ft daughter, gen.

tfj m- To the masc. nouns in must be counted also those termmating in

agj ; e. y.,Wta)f shopkeeper, gen. mm ^T. (See Panjabi Grammar of the

American Mission in Lodiana).

The Sindlii follows the Hindi and Panjabi with this qualification, that

it retains the Prakrit termination 'iff, and that, therefore, to the Hindi

and Panjabi class of nouns in m correspond in Sindlii the nouns ending in

%. The oblique form changes the tenninations m of the direct form into

V , as Hindi and Panjabi ; e. g., nominative i(T^r horse, gen. oTT ; but

man, gen. ; 5Tn?T woman, gen. STT^T 51 t; word, gen. Jl.r? mT ;

Uufl mare, gem urfl mr ; m^f t bread, gen. TTl^fl sir & c. (See W . H. Wathen’s

Sindlii Grammar).

The Naipali and Gujarati again agree with the Sindhi, with this excep-

tion that they change the termination Vjf of the direct form into of the

oblique form instead of if. Similarly the Gujarati neuter nouns in ^

change their final in the oblique form into mj ; e. g.,

116

[No. 2,

Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

Naipali ; nominative word, gen. fiVT gsT ;

but

VT5TT king

^rsfnvr son

trfs course

lord

^3TT *»TT

*IWIPT SfiT

vte 357

w

(Examples from St. Luke’s Gospel.)

gen. -SJVT »TT

but

(See Grammar of Shapurji Edalji.)

It is manifest that all these Gaurian languages allow an oblique form

only to such nouns as have passed directly or immediately from the Prakrit

into the Gaurian, which form part, as it were, of the original stock of voca-

bles with which the Gaurian started on its way of development, when it

first began to become a distinct language beside Prakrit. These nouns

(viz. those which admit of an oblique form) I shall always in future dis-

tinguish briefly as the Pralcritic elements of the Gaurian.

Besides these Pralcritic elements of the Gaurian, there is another class

of nouns in the above-mentioned languages (viz. Hindi, Panjabi, Sindh i,

Gujarati, Naipali, which I shall in future call for brevity’s sake the Hindi-

class Gaurian), the naturo of which is unmistakable to any one acquainted

with the phonetic peculiarities of Prakrit and Sanskrit. They are purely

Sanskrit. As the Prakrit tolerates no compound consonant in the begin-

ning, nor a dissimilar compound consonant in the middle of a word ; further

as it generally either changes a medial surd mute consonant to the corre-

sponding sonant one, or elides it altogether ; and as it generally changes

an aspirate mute consonant to the simple aspirate it follows, that, 1, every

Gaurian word containing a compound consonant in the beginning or a dis-

similar compound consonant in the middle must be Sanslcritic (barring of

course all foreign words) ; 2. Most Gaurian words containing a medial

surd mute or aspirate are Sanslcritic, e. //., wrath is in Hindi both JfiTt) and

147

1872.] Iloenile — Essays otl the Oaufian Languages.

5 but the latter is Prakritie, whereas the former is purely Sanskritic ;

again or 3TT>q work are Sanskritic, but ^TTW or 3fT3f are Prakritie ; again

written is Sanskritic, but f%*gT or is Prakritie, &c. &c*

All such nouns I shall call the Sanskritic elements of the Gaurian. It

needs no proof to show that this Sanskritic element is the most modern

part of the Gaupan ; modern, that is, not absolutely, but relatively to the

other elements ; for the presence of some of the Sanskritic element dates

from some centuries. But a very slight examination of the Hindi liter-

ature will show that this Sanskritic element is least present in its oldest

specimens, and that it increases in proportion as the date of the literature

approaches our own times. In the High Hindi it preponderates very large-

ly, and, as I have already remarked in the introductory essay, its intro-

duction is still progressing.

Now what happens when we see a Sanskrit word naturalised, as it

were, in the Gaurian (High Hindi) ? It is simply taken in the form

of the Sanskrit nominative sing. In this form it remains stereotyped in the

Gaurian and serves as the Gaupan Inflexional base for all cases, the nomin-

ative, as well as the oblique ones ; e. g., wise is in Hindi fsHTW, gen.

3TT. This inflexional base is nothing but the nominative sing, of the

Sanskrit word (or rather base) Again soul is in Hindi 'sjriJTr (with

gen. ^T(Str 3>r) which is merely the Sanskrit nominative sing, of the base

The same word occurs in Hindi also in the Prakritie form '3?PT (for Prakr.

in the sense of an honorific term of address. It follows from this as

the distinctive principle of the (Hindi-class) Gaurian, f that they have 1,

lost the power of forming organic inflexions of a noun (as the Sanskrit and

Prakrit do.) 2. That they leave their inflexional bases unchanged and

indicate their inflexion by post-positions, and 3, that they use as their bases

the nouns in the nominative singular belonging to a former and now

fossil state of the language {viz., to Sanskrit or, as we shall presently see, to

Prakrit) ; having thus become unconscious of the already inflected nature

of its nouns.

It has been now shown that the Prakritie element of the (Hindi-class)

Gaurian contains all those norms which admit of an oblique form , and

* These are only a few of the more broad and general criteria. There are others

also; e. g., in the High Hindi (not in the low Hindi of Alwar) every lingual nr of the

Prakrit (which, as is well known, not only retains all Sanskrit lingual tn but changes

even every single, dental «T of the Sanskrit into the lingual p ) is changed into a dental

•f oven in those cases whore the Prakrit represented the original Sanskrit nr Hence

every Hindi word containing a lingual nr must be Sanskritic ; e. g., to do is

Prakritie, but to do and Bfrprp cau3° are Sanskritic; ear is Prakritie, but

ear Sanskritic, &c.

t I. e.t of the Gauj*ian after its fall development as a distinct and separate lan-

guage ; leaving out of account, therefore, the Prakritie element, which represents a

state of the Gaurian, when it was not yet distinct from Prakrit.

19

a

148 Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2,

that all Sanskritic elements (of the Gaurian) belong to that class of nouns

which admit of no ohlique form, a class which is much more extensive than

the other. But Sanslcritic elements do not account for the whole of the nouns

belonging to that class. There are many nouns in this class which 1., ex-

hibit all the phonetic peculiarities (enumerated above) of the Prakrit ; which

2., have the form of the nominative sing, of the Prakrit ; and which 3., pre-

serve this form unchanged in all cases (i. e., do not admit of an oblique

form), indicating their inflexion by post-positions ; e. g., elephant is in Hindi

it is identical with the Prakrit nominative singular (= Sanskrit

nominative singular of the base vrmvf ), and is in Hindi the ( inflexion-

al) base of which the nominative is the gen. TIrit 357, &c. From

this we conclude, 1., that all these nouns have been transferred to the

Gaurian not from the Sanskrit, but from the Prakrit ; but 2., that they were

so transferred not before the distinctive principles of the Gaurian had fully

established themselves, i. e., after the Gaurian had finally and entirely-

replaced the Prakrit as a separate and distinct language. These nouns,

therefore, have an altogether different nature from those nouns which con-

stitute the Prdkritic elements of the Gaurian. The latter are the earliest

elements of the Gaurian which were transferred to it from the Prakrit at that

early time when the principles of the Gaurian were not yet formed, but

only in process of formation ; when as yet the Gaurian was only a much

decayed dialect of the Prakrit. Hence the Prakritic elements have a mixed

character, half Prakrit, half Gaurian ; Prakrit they are in showing traces of

organic inflexion, vie., in the oblique form (as differing from the direct form

of the nominative) ; Gaurian, in preserving their oblique form unchanged in

all oblique cases alike, indicating the difference of the various oblique cases

by post-positions. On the other hand the other Prakrit nouns entered the

Gaurian when its principles were fully formed ; and, therefore, becoming sub-

ject to the force of those principles, they were fully assimilated by the Gaurian.

I shall therefore in future denominate all such nouns as the proper Gaurian

elements of the Gaurian, to distinguish them from the Prakritic elements

on the one hand, and from the Sanskritic elements on the other hand.*

Thus we have seen that the whole of the Gaurian nouns are divided

into three classes. z. The Prdkritic element containing all nouns, which

admit an oblique form. 2. The proper Gaurian element containing one part

* By tlie term te Gaurian element” only, I shall designate both the proper

Ga/urian and the Sanskritic elements together. For all Gaupian nouns may be divided

thus : —

1. Prdkritic nouns, i. e.f admitting an oblique form.

2. Gaurian nouns, i. e ., not admitting an oblique form,

a. Gaurian proper.

b. Sanslcritic.

1872.] Hoemle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. 149

of the nouns which do not admit an oblique form. 3. The Sanskritic

element containing the remaining part of the nouns which do not admit an

oblique form. And from what has been explained above, it follows further

that these three elements or classes represent three, in the main, successive

stages in the development or periods in the history of the Gaurian lan-

guages. The PrdJcritic element exhibits the Gaurian in its earliest stage

(probably before 800 A. D.) Next comes the proper Gaurian element

which shows the Gaurian in its middle stage (extending probably from

about 800 to 1300 A. D.) Lastly comes the Sanskritic element showing

the Gaurian in its modern form (beginning probably with about 1300

A. D.)

I may remark here en passant, that the nouns (now post-positions) %T

(Naipali), (Hindi) ; (Panjabi), 5TT (Sindhi), «rr (Gujarati), since they

exhibit the phonetic peculiarities of the Prakrit (for they stand for the

Prakrit [fai^T or 3iT37 or rather for] or and the. Sanskrit

[sRri: or) as explained in Essay II), and since they admit of an

oblique form (i. e., ^TI, if, 'ft), belong to the Prakritic element of the

Gaurian and hence to the earliest period of its history ; to that tune of its

history, in fact, when it was yet merely a modification of Prakrit. The

Gaurian was not established as a separate and distinct language until after

these nouns had assumed fully the nature of mere inflexional post-positions.

This fact it is important to bear in mind, when we come afterwards to the ex-

planation of the nature of the oblique form of nouns ; and also because, as

it will be observed, it tends to confirm the theory of the origin of the geni-

tive post-positions, given in Essay II.

Another point I may also dispose of here, before I pass on to the

examination of the oblique form in the remaining Gaurian languages,

(Marathi, Bangdli, Uriya). It has been stated that it is a principle of the

Hindi-class Gaurian languages that they assume as their inflexional bases

the nouns of their parent languages (Prakrit and Sanskrit) in the form of

the nominative singular and preserve this form throughout in all cases.

Here two phonetic laws come into play which have the curious effect of

making the terminations of many Sanskritie and proper Gaurian nouns,

which would otherwise have been widely different, identical ; so that looking

simply at the termination, it would be impossible in some cases to judge,

to which class of elements such nouns belong. These two phonetic laws

are ; first, the well known law, that final short vowels in Gaurian are

quiescent or not pronounced, so that a word, though ending in reality in a

short vowel, virtually terminates in a consonant and is treated accordingly.

In most Gaurian grammars such nouns and those ending really in conso-

nants are considered alike as constituting the consonatal declension and are

subject to identical rules of inflexion. Eor clearness of distinction jn these

ISO Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2,

essays, all Gaupan words really ending in consonants will have the Viba'ma

(furru) appended to them while those which end only virtually in conso-

nants (but really in short vowels) will be written without it ; e. g., q\T*T ear

is pronounced kan not kiina, and treated exactly like wise (pro-

nounced budhiman, not budhimana). This explains also how it happened

that some words which really end in ^ or 'a come to be written as if ending

in vj. The truth is, that they are not really written with a final % but

their final X or not being pronounced, was also not written.* The tran-

scription of the word assimilated itself to the pronunciation ; e.g., 'YTJT fire

seems at first sight by the analogy of ^TT*T, &c., to bo really aga though

pronounced only ag ; hut this is only in appearance, in truth stands for

^Tf*I (Prakrit Sanskrit vjfjp), but as final Y was not pronounced, it

was also suppressed in writing. So again the modern High Hindi hav-

ing done stands for the older Low Hindi qifY (Prakrit q\fY3(, Sanskrit

STSfr), which lias dropped its final ?, hi accommodation to the pronunciation.

In poetry, indeed, ^Rl, qrv and other nouns of the same nature are commonly

treated as if termmating in 'Sj (i. e., aga, kara, not as ag, lcar,) but this is

merely because according to the native grammatical system, the vowel “?(

is supposed to he inherent in every consonant.

The second law is this, that a final diphthong or long vowel of the Pra-

krit is reduced by the Gaurian to its inherent simple vowel. The inherent

simple vowel of is of Y and x it is X, of ill and ^ it is In Prakrit

all masculine bases in ^ terminate in the nominative singular in % or q (cf.

Pr. Prak. V. 1, XI, 10) ; all masculine and feminine bases in X and ^

terminate in the nominative singular in Y and ^ (cf. Pr. Prak. V, 18) ;

all masculine and feminine bases in q|T, Y and ^ terminate in the

nominative singular in ^Ti, Y and <3? respectively. I have shown above that

the Gaurian adopts its nouns from the Prakrit in the form of the nomina-

tive singular of the Prakrit. Now in adopting them in this manner, the

Gaurian reduces their (Prakrit) terminations ^JT, % X, regularly to

their inherent simple vowels "W, X and 'S.f E. //., Sanskrit ^Tfli = Prakrit

* Traces of this phenomenon occur already in Prakrit ; comp. Pr. Prak. 2JI,

10., according to which sutra instead of uij qftjrj (for Skr. qq q-qq:) may be said

and written <rftj qf^fg »s well as vq qf%qr.

t Traces of this law arc not unfrequent already in Prakrit. For the reduction

of % to ,3 comp, Pr. Prak. XX, ii. (e. g., VIY^ for smiling), Y, 19— 20,

(e. S'.,niqnrS for nrqtT'qi garlands). For the reduction of u to ^ comp. Pr. Prak. Y,

22. (e. 3-,qiYY for by a river), XI, 10, ii. ( e . S-, qf^rfrj for qf%q) a man), VI, 6. (e.g.,

^iY ^or °f whom). The reduction of a final ^gp x, "3! occurs only, when they

are the final of the first part of a compound ; see Pr. Prak. IY. i. (e. g., f°r

the bank of the Jumna; VIT.) fYI f°r VYVI^i the river-stream ;

1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. 151

3tTT becomes in Gaurian srirr* This is the Proper Gaurian form beside

which the Gaurian possesses the word also in the Sanshritic form utvit. The

earliest Gaurian form of ^Irf is ^t(, which is as nearly as possible like the

Prakrit utit. It occurs e. g., in Chand’s Prithiraja Rayasa (III. 64) ;

z(ti fnf? «r irr, i. «rr?r »nPf ^ ii Again

Sanskrit = Prakrit becomes in Gaurian *^35. a form which

occurs very commonly in Hindi poetry ; similarly poetical Hindi has

gain for Prakrit ~r%T = Sanskrit ; or order, command for Prakrit

== Sanskrit ^T^w: ; e. //., in Tulsi Das’s Ramayan.

sitP? 1

^ vl ^

*3T cRToT rlV RTiW-T II i. e.

H. H. fare R>r nvrhRvr id 1

*rr csi*i 11

Ayodhya Kand.

Beside these a great many other such nouns in ^ are met with in

poetical Hindi ; in fact, I have no doubt, every noun, that now in Hindi

prose ends in ^.f What is, thus, a form confined in Hindi to the old and

poetic language, appears in Sindhi to he preserved in the common modem

language. Dr, Trumpp says : “ The old Prakrit ending in o has in Sindhi

been split up into two great classes, one of which has corrupted the Prakrit

(final) o into u, the other has preserved it unchanged.” He adds : “ It

is noteworthy that many words which in Sindhi end in o, in Hindi end in

a, while on the other hand the short final u in Sindhi has in Hindi been

thrown away or become quiescent.” (Of. Journ. Germ. As. Society, vol.

XVI, p. 131). Also in the common modern Naipali an important instance of

that form has been preserved. The nominative plural is there formed by

adding to the noun. Now is nothing else but a modification of the

Prakrit %Tt, Sanskrit ifc: multitude. Though this form has disappeared from

for T having a woman’s faoe), but comp. Pr. Prak. VI, 6 (e. g , for

of what). Note that in Prakrit all these forms are optional, but not in Gaurian. X

may add a few examples from the Mrichchhakatika : —

3VI isuwv ^rf twl 1 e.

Slcr. vpnfg fffir w 11

Again | - Sanskrit fsiv: e (Tiff II

* A few other instances are in Hindi 7312, bed, for Prakrit 7§f~r; Sanskrit 7gipT ;

flute, for Prakrit ^tuif, Sanskrit sjpsjf ; ttflol, shame, for Prakrit Sanskrit

; 5f|U, tongue, for Prakrit (or SftWT ), Sanskrit shade, for

Prakrit -t? T (see Pr. Prak. II, 18.), Sanskrit at mi-

t These archaic forms are very common in poetry, only it should be noted that as

they generally occur at the end of a line, they are usually lengthened to for metre’s

sake.

1872.] Hoernle — JEssays on the Gaurian Languages. 153

Ganwari and in poetical and old Hindi, the original forms still commonly

occur, e. g.,

sr? WlfJT I

?rq -UTK ^nfjt II i. e.

H. H. 5r?t srm htji qr i

rr^t % ^tjt ii

Lanka Kand.

Or srsiffr ^TfJI Wlf^Nrl II i- e.

H. H. STtsral ^TJI II

Prithiraj Rayasa, 1. 18.

Again faff WrT HTft II i. e.

H. H. u* ft ^i’n Pfrni % wet ii

Ayodhya Kand.

Again ^THT jpv’nsrqe" WKW II *'• e.

^Tq >4UT;i5T8^ tTH #T »TT*t II

Ayodhya Kand.

Again fqrrf% wilST ^nft II i. e.

H. H. fqrTT €r ^<OTT ^oa|T ^HiW] ^Tlft II

Lanka Kand.

But also ftf?j nq spfiqr ^'qrr || i. e.

H. H. fq<ri qrr h?i vh qit tlqnr % n

Ayodliya Kand.

In Marathi, where ^TJT and similar words are mutilated in the same

Way (see below), the original r appears again in the oblique eases ; e. g.,

the gen. is ^TJll ’qT. just as nom. qfe. gen. qrit "qT.

An interesting question here arises : why is it that the Prakrit termin-

ation has not always become ^ in Gaurian, hut has remained unchanged

(or become WT as in Hindi, Panjabi and Marathi) in many instances ? e. g.,

while the Braj BhasM forms the Pres. Partic. %T3 being (= Prakrit %m)

the High Hindi has qr<TT, or while the Prakrit becomes in old Hindi

the Prakrit UT^yT, horse, becomes in modern Hindi ii^q (also in

Panjabi, Marathi, or f?T%T in Sindhi, Gujarati). If my previous remarks be

remembered and also that %7J, U*i3, etc., admit of no oblique form , while

%T<TT, iu%T, etc., do admit of one (viz. 3i%, etc.), it will be seen that the

forms %Trj. qws, etc., belong to the proper Gaurian element, while qirTT, qlfT,

etc., belong to the Priihritic element. This, however, is not yet an answer

to the question. The question still remains why did some Prakrit words

ending in qjy not submit to the Gaurian principles, but retained their

In modem Hindi the form (Rao) is limited to being a certain title of

nobility less than Raja, exactly as it is also the case with the form (mentioned

above in the text) , a perfectly parallel formation to

154 Hoemle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2,

Prakritic complexion ? The answer to this question, I believe, to he this :

In Prakrit any nominal ^ase in vj may have two forms as regards the

termination: 1., a general form which it has also in Sanskrit; and 2., a

particular form, peculiarly Priikrit, made by the addition of the affix

efr (gee Pr. Prak. IV. 25) ; e. g., bee is ( general form) or

particular form) ; done is faff (general) or (part.) ; true is

(gen.) or (part.), etc. The consonant qt is generally elided ; hence

The nominative sing, of these cases would be respec-

tively : MHTTorWT^T (for ; f%%orf%^% (for fqnr^r) ; W%T or

(for wi, etc. Now Prakrit nouns may of course pass into the

Gaurian in both or either of these forms. But according as they did so

in their general or in, their particular form, their fate was different. If they

passed into the Gaurian in their particular, peculiarly Prakrit form, they

retained their Prd/critic complexion, and these nouns constitute the Prd-

lcritic element of the Hindi-class Gaurian. On the other hand, if they

passed into the Gaurian in the general form, they readily submitted to the

action of the pure Gaurian phonetic and grammatical principles (that is,

the law to change to and the law of not admitting an obliqtCe form),

and thus these nouns constitute the proper Gaurian element of the Hindi-

class Gaurian. This may bo illustrated again by the present participle ;

“ being” in Prakrit is ^rwir or in both forms it passed into the

Gaurian ; hut the form was contracted to (for %rwir ) and

remained unchanged or modified to ^IrTf (in High Hindi) ; while the form

was changed to (for %rwi). It is easy enough to understand that

the Gaurian termination % (or ^IT) being a contraction of the Prakrit

termination *fi)T could not he reduced to % while the simple termination

% could be so reduced. The same fact, viz. that the Gaurian % is a

contraction of the Prakrit may perhaps explain its curious Braj

Bhasha form tiT ; for the diphthong ( = ^ + + ^) is more strictly an

equivalent of ( i . e., or ^ + *3) than the simple ^T. Farther

proofs of this theory I must defer for the present. I shall have occasion

again to refer to it in the course of this essay.*

» Another theory has been proposed lately by Mr. Beames (Indian Antiquary,

Part V., 1872) which explains the phenomenon by the different accent of the words ;

oxytones retaining the Prakrit termination (or ^l) > and barytones reducing

it to -g- (or ^j) This theory is quite insufficient for the purpose. Mr. Beames him-

self admits that “ it cannot bo said that every oxytono substantive in Sanskrit

gives rise to a noun in 1 or o in modern languages. On the contrary the exemp-

tions to the rule are as numerous as the illustrations of it." This admission, surely,

is fatal to the theory. But though in the case of tioo different oxytone words

it may be possible to show cause, why in the one instance the accent had its legiti-

mate influence, hut not in the other, this is manifestly inadmissible, when it is one

1872.]

155

Hoernle — Essays on tlie Gaurian Languages.

But to return to our enquiry, we have now seen that if a Prakrit

noun having the general form of its base, passed into the Gaurian, it sub-

mitted to the laws of the Gaurian. Hence e. g., the nominative singular

of the Prakrit HH'if would become the inflexional base in the Gaurian

not admitting an oblique form, but remaining unchanged in all cases ; thus

nominative genitive instrumental etc. But the form

of the Gaurian inflexional base is, then, modified to which now

is the unchangeable inflexional base of all cases ; lastly, is modified

to h#? which still remains the unchangeable inflexional base in modern

Hindi. But this process of phonetic corruption has obtained in all modern

Gaurian languages almost without exception, and has reduced all unchangeable

inflexional bases, which originally ended in WT, to the form of the crude

( general ) base in Only in Marathi a few isolated instances of the

original unchangeable inflexional base in remains; e. g., ^7% gain (=

nominative singular Prakrit wr%T = Sanskrit has nominative tjTT^T,

gen. *n%r ^T, dat. wTlxpsiT, etc. In the present poetical and old Hindi it oc-

curs only as ^its, and from the modem High Hindi it has disappeared alto-

gether and has been substituted by the Sanskritio ^rrw. Some other in-

stances in Marathi of the base in are WTTT surprise, *r%T sensation of

burning, 3T[%T moaning, Hl^T bees’ nest.

Confining our attention to the modern Hindi and the example we

find that the modem Hindi possesses also another form of this same word ;

viz., which is also tho unchangeable inflexional base of all cases in

the singular ; thus : nominative #?, gen. ^rr, instr. if, etc.

The difference between them is this, that Jjir? has come into the Hindi

from the Prakrit, and belongs to the Proper Gaurian element, whereas

and the same word which now exhibits tho Prakrit termination sg j (or ^jj), now the

Gaurian reduced termination ^ (or ^j), Now, in Hindi at all events with which

I am more particularly acquainted, every so-called tadbhava adjective may be used

with both forms of the termination i (though no doubt one is more common than the

other) 5 e. g., true is as well as (fern, ^t) ; great is as well as q-gq

(fem. ; y°u may say ^ jj-gyr % as well as JRiV ^ he is a very

vulgar man ; yon may also say ^ ST<T but not NxT ^Tff ^ ; again

it is more idiomatic to say ^ 't t}ian Nx? ^Trf If it be said

that it depends upon circumstances whethor the accent of the some word should

influence the termination or not, then clearly it is not the accent but that ulterior

cause which determines the form of the termination. I think there can bo no doubt

that the roal cause of the difference in the termination is the absence or presence of

the pleonastic affix This accounts most easily and naturally for all tho facts of tho

case. This is no more a mere hypothesis ; though for tho present I must content

myself with stating tho fact ; the proofs, which I hope to bring forward in another

place, amount nearly to demonstration.

156 Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 2,

lias come into it from the Sanskrit directly and belongs to its Sanshri-

tie element, or, as I have explained in the introductory essay, is the

high Hindi substitute for the low Hindi wvry, which is considered to be

vulgar. But what it is important to observe is this, that and

are identical as regards their termination. This is a curious result of the

action of phonetic laws, by which the Proper Gaurian elements, after a

run of centuries through constantly changing forms, return to their original

Sam&ritic form. In the case of and the appearance of the whole

word is so alike, that perhaps it may have sometimes escaped observation

that there is at all a double form of the word of so widely different origin.

But the identity may even go further than this, so that in the case of not

a few words it may be now impossible to determine, whether they are

contributions of the Prakrit or the Sanskrit. The cause of the identity of

termination on the part of the Sanskritic elements of the Gaurian is the

inability of the latter to tolerate a visarga,* and its want of a neuter

gender. All Sanskrit nouns when incorporated into the Gaurian, pass

into it in the form of the nominative singular according to the Gaurian

principle. Thus father is fq<TT, brother is '‘ST'fn, mother is WrTT ; they are

the nominatives singular of the Sanskrit bases fqs, HiS. wa. The proper

Gaurian forms of these words are HH3 or Hr®, wg which are still

in use in the Panjabi, Marathi and poetical Hindi. Now the nominative

singular masculine of Sanskrit bases in % 7, and ^3 ends in a visarga.

Hence the Gaurian which is unable to tolerate a final visarga, elides it, and

therefore practically adopts Sanskrit masculine norms in raj. x. <3 in their

crude base. Sanskrit neuter bases in ?; and ^3 have no inflexional termination

in the nominative singular, and their adoption by the Gaurian makes,

therefore, no difference in their case ; but Sanskrit neuter nouns in v; end

in the nominative singular in fl . The Gaurian languages which do not

possess a neuter gender, f when adopting such Sanskrit neuter nouns, simply

* E. g. Sanskrit becomes in Hindi Sanskrit becomes in

Hindi ^•fiqryyt. Sometimes instead of the usual suppression of the visarga, it is

turned into ^ but only in Low Hindi.

+ This is Btrictly true only as regards Sanskritic nenter nouns. But as regards

Prdkritic neuter nouns most Gaurian languages possess them (another evidence by the

way that these Prdkritic nouns are the oldest element of the Gaurian) ; e. g., the Marathi,

the Gujarati, the old and poetical Hindi (in Chand Bardai) aud present low Hindi

Braj and Alwari dialects. The modern High Hindi, on the other hand, has lost tho

neuter gender throughout. Thus the Sanskrit neuter, part. fut. pass, qfyrij fjvj,

which has passed through the intermediate stage of the Prakrit into the Gaurian

languages is in Marathi Braj sjfrvt, Alwari qsTSf (all neuter) ; while in

the High Hindi it is which latter, by dropping the anuswara of tho Braj,

has beoomo a masculine noun.

157

1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

out off the final *i and thus turn them into masculine nouns ;e.g., u 3 forest

becomes «P3, just as rrw: becomes KTP.

We will now pass on to the Marathi. The Marathi differs from the

Hindi class Gaurian languages in having preserved a much larger proportion

of the Prahritic element. It predominates in it very largely over the proper

Gaurian element ; so that of all the Gaurian languages the Marathi is the

most purely Prakritic tongue.

In Marathi by far the greater majority of nouns admits of an oblique

form and therefore, according to the canon previously laid down, belongs

to the Prdkritio element of the language. To the proper Gaurian element,

not admitting an oblique form, only the following nouns belong.*

(1) . All proper nouns and nouns of respect ending in (lnasc. and

fern.), e. g.. TTUT Hama, gen. 77flT =gT, etc. ; but TtTrfT mother

father-in-law, gen. fTrtrt'T ''IT. ^

(2) . All nouns in it, u, %, ; as habit, gen. ^nmi; ftr^ tripod,

gen. fww '37 ; btu%I woman, gen. *37; UT mark on a die, gen. UP3T.

(3) . All masculine nouns in 'S (exc. trrw, ^ rtpP

•IT3F, gur-g-, n, vit'S, wrn?. fw wffT; UPS,); e //., red chalk,

^ (N G\ C\ x ^

gen. jiu UT ; but traveller, gen. 313UTT UP

(4) . All feminine nouns in ^ and 'S (exc. iflt and other monosyllabic

nouns in y, and the following in us, viz. 3TTU>, UP3. Tfra,

h~T, 3P5T, sim, 3P|, TO ^0 ; e. g., JTTUt carriage, gen. Jipft UT ;

chalk ig^^T; but mother-in-law, gen. UTU§ rtT or U13i Ui ; woman

f^UT. _ _

(5) . The following neuter nouns in rt ; viz. . ’UTUU, 'SSlrt,

Us(T~f, mz, * t a?' ■ ari^, Ti3rt^. Ulsi, e. g.,

Ula', 'gen. 'W'UG but* TT? pony, gen. «TET UT, and 7TTU ship, gen. <TTOT UT.

^ ,\f ] those nouns that constitute the proper Gaurian element of Marathi,

are subject to those Gaurian laws which have been already explained ;

namely, they have been taken over from the Prakrit in the form of the

nom. sing, of that language ; and having entered the Gaurian (Marathi)

in that form, they retain it unchanged as their inflexional base of the direct

as well as the oblique cases ; e. g., tTw! elephant, in Prakrit nom. sing, —

Sanskrit uuff (nom. sing, of T>f»?r»r ) has nom. gen. Tpdf'37 instr. vpft u

dat. <gr, etc. Again <3T"iT gain, in Prakrit wtrirT, in Sanskrit 317U :

(nom. sing, of 13 [Hi lias nom. <3T%T, gen. UTT +

* See the Student’s Manual of Marathi Grammar, pp. 28, 29, and the Grammar

of Marathi by Dadoba Pandurang Esq., pp 72, 73.

t All such nouns in ^7 are in reality anomalous ; as according to the ordinary pho-

netic laws of the Gaurian, the final Prakrit % should be reduced to U7 (i. e. first to vgr,

then to *|J)4 Accordingly we find that the nouns in % are only a very few isolated

cases.

158

Hoe rule — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

[No. 2,

But (as in the Hindi class Gaurian languages) that form of the noun

(i, e. the nora. sing, of the Prakrit) undergoes in its passage from the

Prakrit to the Gaufian various phonetic modifications in its termination.

The following are typical examples TTTiT. nom. sing. Prakrit of rre (=

Sanskrit ^tr?: ), changes in the Gaurian its final diphthong to the more

agreeable long vowel ^T, thus ri"*n which, then, remains the unchangeable

inflexional base of all cases. Compare in Hindi uilfr for Prakrit iirfr or

qpg'ijp etc. Again the Marathi frR stands for the Prakrit nom. sing,

(for Sanskrit 5 the medial g is elided, leaving frpit which form

occurs in Marathi as an alternative of ; finally changes to fan

which being now a modification altogether peculiar to the Gaurian (Marathi)

remains an unchangeable inflexional base. The word fanT; illustrates also

another case. It is a feminine noun, which in the sense of tripod does not

occur in Sanskrit, but in Bangdll it is The affix Ti is the peculiar

Gaurian formative of the feminine, and feminine nouns thus formed are

therefore subject to the Gaurian law (of not admitting an oblique form ) ;

e. g., rrfat, carriage, gen. Jifat dat. Jifat ^TT ; fan^, gen. faq?; ^T, dat.

^tt, etc. As the feminine termination x, so also the fern, and masc.

termination is a peculiar Gaurian modification and hence unchangeable

in inflexion ; as in chalk for Prakrit (or »afanrr) = Sanskrit

jsifEc(fT (or perhaps rather for a Prakrit wnTT;? Jfa chalk for Sanskrit hfanfr ;

irs? bamboo for Sanskrit nffinrr and Prakrit nfal, and so foi’th.

So far then (as regards the proper Gaurian element) we have seen, the

Marathi is at one with the Hindi-class Gaurian languages. But they differ in

the treatment of their Sanskritic element. In the Hindi-class Gaurian lan-

guages we have seen the rule is, to treat the Sanskritic element according to

the law of the proper Gaurian of keeping the inflexional base unchanged

in all cases. On the contrary in Marathi the rule is, to distribute all Sans-

kritic and foreign words among the various declensions according to their

final vowels. And thus it happens that while some of them are treated

according to the proper Gaurian law of not admitting an oblique form ;

others come under the law of the Prakritic elements and admit an oblique

form ; e. g., all Marathi nouns in niT (masc. and fern.) are Prakritic ; except

nouns expressing titles or names, which are Gaurian proper. Their analogy

is exactly followed by Sanskritic and, wo may add, foreign words. For

while such Sanskritic nouns as aiJTT, ^TTnfT, THT, etc. (all names), and ?WT,

*e!T^T (Arabic titles), by the analogy of 3’T'^T, 3TT3fT, etc., remain unchang-

ed, thus gen. JtJTf ^r, etc., ■gwT ^7, etc. ; on the other hand, all other Sanskritic

nouns, as fq*TT, >3T<TT, 'HT7TT, nfMT, etc. (all masculine), by the analogy

of the Prakritic words ^pi^TT, etc., form an oblique form , thus gen.

fTrSfT ^T, nnnUT ^T, just like ^T, ; or the Sanskritic nouns

WTWT, fanjT, WrTT. etc. (all feminine), by the analogy of the Prakritic

159

1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

nouns unit, Wwrr, etc., form an oblique form, gen. wru ^T, etc., just as

gTfl m, *?i#| 'erT. (In the Hindi-class Gaurian , it must be remembered,

all these nouns are unchangeable ; thus Hindi gen. fb<TT 3>r, ^m?r 'fiT, vitit

^>T, fu^Pfrr, etc.). Again the Sanskritic nouns *n#f, HTHt, etc. (nom.

sing, of etc.) form the gen. sing. KTWr^T, ^TUJT m, gTUJT

^T, by the analogy of the Prdkrittc words etc., which form

gen. wn^jj rfT TlTrHr m Here, however, an option is possible, for the

proper Gaurian noun vfTf), gen. mdT m, also affords an analogy. According-

ly we find that some Sanskritic words have chosen to follow the analogy of

and such like Gaurian words and, according to the Gaurian law, do not

admit an oblique form. Such are the Samkritic nouns ^rt, «RT), ^t, ^wiT,

etc., and the foreign nouns mspi), qfT^t, etc. Here a great deal

of arbitrariness seems to prevail as to the analogy which should be

followed. As regards the nouns in X and ^ (whether masc., fern, or neuter),

they appear to be all Sanslcritic; at least if Dadoba’s grammar represents

the case fairly ; for none of the instances given by him (pp. 7G, 78, 79, 86,

87, 89, 94, 95,) need bo a word derived from the Prakrit ; they are such as

^f%, ^ftr, (masc.), wf%, ajfs, VW, mg (fem.) ; Uifr,

(neuter). It should be remembered that according to the Gaurian law

explained formerly, the final visarga of the Sanskrit nom. sing, is dropped

in the Gaurian ; hence the nouns just mentioned are modifications of the

Sanskrit nom. sing. «tfP'*:,'3if%:,'3lf5rb etc., etc. Now all these Sanslcritic nouns

are treated by the law of the Prukritic elements and admit an oblique form

in long x or It is not very difficult to see the analogy which they follow.

There are in Marathi a good number of feminine nouns in "W which belong

to the Prakritic element and form an oblique form in long X. The reason of

this is simply this, that they are really feminine nouns in short X, which X,

however, according to the Gaurian law explained before, becomes quiescent

and, being also suppressed in writing, is thus apparently changed to *

In an older state of Marathi, no doubt, the original final ? was both written

and spoken (similarly as it has been proved already in the case of Hindi) ;

e. g., fire in Marathi is ^rrfl (which is th o proper Gaurian form of the word,

beside which the Sanskritic form is also used) ; in reality it is

standing for the Prakrit which (by the Gaurian law of shortening

* This law applies strictly only to words derived from Prakrit. In words derived

from Sanskrit the final x (or ^) is often pronounced and, as a rule, always written.

This explains the fact, why all Marathi nouns in ^ (or \3) appear to be Sanslcritic.

Exceptionally, however, the final x may dropped in Sanskritic words ; e. g., 3f rf 3fTrT,

^<T occurs besides 3|ffr, StlffT, (of* Dadobas Grammar, p. 94), and the truth

of the theory stated in the text is confirmed by these nouns, which all form tlioir

■ oblique form in long as gen. Jifft m, Ml-

[No. 2,

160 Hoemle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

final long vowels) becomes in Gaurian Marathi and finally ^TJI.

Other such feminine nouns are ftift (for Sanskrit ftrfyjs, Prakrit fVnft) ; it®

(perhaps Skr. (for Skr. ^f®i, Pr. Wt); (for Skr.tp^ft, Pr.

%Pf) ; -u-Nf (for Skr. waift, Pr. q^ft) ; (perhaps for Skr. tj'llf)1 ; iw (for

Skr. Pr. irrl, cf. Pr. Prak. I, G). They form their gen. ^TtPl ^7, fhrft

^T, it®) ^T, ^r, ^T, etc., etc. And following the analogy of these

nouns the Smskritic nouns in S' form their oblique form also in y; ; thus gen.

^T. ^T, Wt ^T. With the Sanslcritic nouns in ^ it is a similar

case, there is a small number of nouns (masc. and fern.) in long '3; which

belong to the Prd /critic element and form their oblique form in long 'S.

Their oblique form is not identical with their direct form, however it may

seem from the form ; on the contrary the termination 'at of the oblique form

is analogous to the termination y; of the oblique form of nouns in y ; while

the termination 'Si of the direct form is the Prakrit substitute for the

Sanskrit final tg: . All such Marathi nouns in 'S; namely, are derived from

bases in '3\ which in Sanskrit form their norm sing, in '3- which in Prakrit

changes to 'at, and is retained anomalously in the Gaurian (instead of being

reduced to r® and then made quiescent). Examples of such nouns are 71 y

mount Meru, etc. The gen. of fly: (or regularly fly) is fl^yT, just as ^TJI

(or ^nfii) forms gen. yjTflt yi. Now following the analogy of these nouns in

'at (or as it ought to bo according to the strict Gaurian law y) the Sans/critic

nouns in y make their oblique form in long 'S ; thus has gen. ;

r^Trj has gen. yffjyr, etc. — Beside that class of feminine nouns in y which

form their oblique form in y, there is another class of feminine nouns in W

which form their oblique form in y ; e. g., 3ff)fl tongue, gen. sftflyT. The final

y of this class is the Sanskrit and Prakrit final yi shortened to y according

to the Gaurian law ; thus 5t)*T stands for the Sanskrit fsjyr, Prakrit sflyr or

gjjflT (cf. Pr. Prak. I. 17.) Now in consequence of the native grammatical

fiction, that the vowel y is inherent in all consonants all foreign feminine

nouns which really end in a consonant, are supposed to end in y ; and hence

it comes to pass that they are treated according to the analogy of the

Prdkritic feminine nouns in y. But as the latter admit a two-fold oblique

form either in y or in y, the foreign feminine nouns also form their

oblique form, some in y, others in V. There seems some rule to obtain

whether they should form the oblique form in y or in y. But I find a

great difference among Marathi grammarians as to that rule; e. g., according

to the Manual all foreign fern, nouns in <T, y, »f make their oblique form

in x. but all abstract nouns formed by the Arabic formative 7T, as rnytH,

<ry)fl, <TKt*3, <TTyflfl, etc., form their oblique form in y. On the

other hand in Dadob&’s Grammar some of the abstract nouns with initial

<T are said to form their oblique form in y, as crytfl ; others as mylfli

rn'Tly) even in yt, as if they were mascul. nouns (according to the ana-

101

1872.] Hoemle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

logy of tho Prakritic masc. nouns in % which will be explained present-

ly). Again while the Manual declines, e. //., stotK chain, beloved

in the gen. rsisftv: ^T, w€li ; Dadoba makes the gen. tariff ^y,

^r, etc. — There remains still to consider the case of the & 'anskritic

nouns in =!j (masc. and neuter). Their final is the resultant of the drop-

ping, according to the Gaurian law, of the visarga and anuswara of the nom.

sing, of the nouns in Sanskrit ; e. //., the Marathi (Sansfcritic) nouns

are modifications of the Sanskrit nom. sing. 3«f. All (non-

Sanskritic) Marathi nouns in belong to the Prakritic element, making

an oblique form in ^ST, and their analogy is followed by the Sanslcritic

nouns in ^ and also by such foreign nouns as really end in a consonant,

but, according to the native grammatical fiction, are supposed to end in

; e. g., as the Prakritic sin? heat (for Skr. ’EfTflh Prakrit sPiiT) ; milk

(for Skr. -^rar, Pr. -^ir ) have in the gen. UnKl^f. ^sfT^T; so the Satiskri-

tic God, etc., have and the foreign nouns fitjy fault, etc., have

gen.

Here the same interesting question arises which I have had occasion

to touch upon when treating of the proper Gaurian nouns in in the

Iiindi-class Gaurian languages. The problem there was to explain the

reason, why, while all Prakrit nouns (having a base in ^f) end in the

nom. sing, in %, in the Hindi-class Gaurian languages some of them

modify % to and retain their Prakritic character in admitting an

oblique form (in V or ^3t), and others modify *5T to ^ and assume the

proper Gaurian nature of not admitting an oblique form. A very similar

phenomenon is exhibited by the Marathi. Here we have 1., Prakritic

nouns in % as ^ milk, nrw heat, vra wing, vflsr sleep, bell,

lip, etc. Their final vf has no doubt arisen by the same process as the

final w of such words in Hindi (as explained above) ; viz., the original

Prakrit termination T changed to '3, and this uJ afterwards become

quiescent and thus, being omitted in writing, was substituted by

These nouns form their oblique form in vjt. thus gen. =JTHT ^T,

•ftwr ^T, etc. 2., Prakritic nouns in *5;T as iffST horse, ’gpirsTT good (in

fact all adjectives in ^JT) which form their oblique form in ^T, thus gen.

SPfir ^t, ’qr, etc. The final in this class of nouns has arisen, as in

the Hindi-class Gaurian, by substituting the more agreeable long vowel

for the harsher Prakrit diphthong In old Marathi and in the pronouns

ilT, 5jT, etc., the original Prakrit diphthong % is still preserved (see Manual

p. 47, rule 84, note).* The difference between these two classes is to be

* According to tho Manual, p. 29, nouns in TttpyT and qui] do not change

in the oblique cases. But this is wrong according to Dadoba’s gr ammar, where p.

74, rule 207, the nouns in quiT are declined exactly as all other nouns in viz., making

an oblique form in thus an,I P- 266, where from the examples of

1G2 Hoemle — Essays on the Qaurian Languages. [No. 2,

explained by the same principle by which the similar difference in the Hindi-

class Gaurian was explained ; viz., that it is caused by a difference in their

resp. derivative bases. The nouns in ^ with an oblique form in ^t, namely,

are derived from the general base of the word in W, but the nouns in ^jT

with the oblique form in from the particular (Prakrit) base formed by

the affix eff (or more accurately as will be shown hereafter, ; e. g., VPFf

is derived from the general base (Sanskrit vil), but hr^rr from the

particular Prakrit base i)Tr?3F (== as = «fFT^r) or Sanskrit

The full discussion and proof of this important principle I must defer till I

come to the explanation of the nature of the oblique form of the inflexional

base of nouns with which it is closely connected. Here I will only note

that a parallel phenomenon is exhibited by the neuter nouns, some of which

terminate in ^5, others in *3? or V or ^ . Of these the former correspond to

the maseul. nouns in ^ ; as the final fT of the latter is a modification of

the Prakrit % and Sanskrit ^f:, so the final "VJ of the former (the neuter) is

a modification of the Prakrit (neuter) termination ^ and Sanskrit ;

again both the masc. and the neuter nouns in ^ make equally their oblique

form in "=5r. On the other hand the neuter nouns in if, gj, correspond to the

maseul. nouns in and form like the latter their oblique form in *jt or ^t,

and are also, like the latter, derived from the particular base in srr or rather

T*fi (perhaps 'a^F ) ; e. g., flnff pearl. = Prakrit wfwFT ( = for Sanskrit

Tlifi p ) 5 TTO branch of a river = Prakrit (or xfp|a|f, see Pr. Prak.

Ill, 36. = Sanskrit ; W tear = Prakrit vksdi (cf. Pr. Prak. IV.

15. for Sanskrit p ^f), etc., etc.

We now proceed to the investigation of the inflexional base in Bangali

and Uriya. These differ from the other Gaurian languages in not possessing

an oblique form at all. Nevertheless it is probable, that these languages are

not altogether destitute of a Priikritic element. In Bangali there are two

post-positions for forming the gen. case ; viz. Vt and Of these vv must

be the original one, for we can imagine vv; having been, in the cours'e of

nouns in ijr^f it appears, that they likewise are declined like ordinary nouns in

5E|f. As regards nouns in HTf^T Dadoba’a statement is confirmed by the Manual itself;

or on p. 63, rule 112. it is said that all part. adj. in as those ending in fj-y)

■'ffT^FT, are declined like ordinary ndjoctives in i. e., making an oblique form in qp.

If nevertheless the first statement of the Manual should be correct, the anomaly

is to be explained thus ; the oblique form of these nouns is not identical witli the

direct form (that is to say these nouns do not belong to the proper Qaurian element)

but with the oblique form in ^p of nouns in m . Their case is a similar one to that

of some nouns in q, which has been already explained. Their anomaly consists in

this, that their direct form which originally ended in ^ p was not modified to sg as

demanded by Gaurian law, but only to

103

1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Oaurian Languages.

time, phonetically curtailed' into T, but not X having been expanded to v:r.

Hence the use of X will indicate a later inflexional formation ; and accord-

ingly we find that all those real Bangal! (». e., not Sanskrit ic ) nouns, to

which the gen. sign. K is added beloug to the proper Oaurian element. The

principles distinguishing the Gaurian element, as explained already are, that

the Gaurian adopts the nouns of its parent language (Prakrit or Sanskrit)

in that form which they have there in the nom. ease ; and the nouns thus-

adopted in their old nom. case, become anew the base; to which the inflexional

signs of the Gaurian declension are added. This base I call the inflexional

hase in opposition to the crude base which is the base to which the inflexional

signs (or affixes) pf the Sanskrit or Prakrit are added, and which is that

which the noun exhibits before any inflexional sign at all is added ; e. g.,

horse is the crude base to which in Sanskrit or Prakrit, the inflexional signs

(or affixes) arc added. The affix of the nom. sing, in Sanskrit is the visarga

O', e., ^), in Prakrit % ; hence tho nom. sing, of in Sanskrit is

; in Prakrit (or ifi-fifi). In this form ilT^T the noun is

adopted by the Gaurian ; and this form or (by tho modification

already explained) UT^l becomes in the Gaurian, the base to which the

inflexional signs (or post-positions) are added. Hence in .Bangui! the nom.

sing, of the inflexional base ilPsT is irrfT (the nom. not being distinguished

by any sign, i. e., being identical with the Prakrit nominative) ; the gen.

sing, to -(- ^ or hr?TT, etc. Similarly elephant (being the Prakrit

nom. sing. TWt, Sanskrit of the crude base ) has in the nom.

sing. gen. sing. ^Tvjt -+■ T or Again «TT lac has in the gen.

sing. 3tt -f- ^ or srK.

The case of those Bangui! nouns which add the sign ift in the gen.

sing, is probably a different one. It has been shown already in the llnd

essay that is a curtailment of and that was added not only

in the pleonastic way to tho genitive of the noun, hut also often com-

pounded with the noun itself to signify the gen. case oi the latter, and

since only in composition (excepting the isolated case oi the enclitic

particle qvrr ) an initial single consonant is dropped, it is the most

natural way to account for the origin of if’C to suppose that all the

nouns to which it is added, are in the form of the crude base with which

(i. e., with the initial elided) is compounded. Now all nouns

(or rather their crude bases) with which is compounded, end in “3? ;

and coming into Sandhi with the diphthong ^ ol was dropped; e.g.,

tiger is (Prakrit crude base for the Sanskrit crude hase ), and

its gen. in Prakrit might be expressed by UT'd%r^T ; tliis in Bangui! would

change to or '315 - UK or ^TTO, just as, e. g., =

vffllT shoemaker. It will be noticed that this way of adding or com-

pounding w-r with the crude base of tho noun is not according to the

21 i

[No. 2,

164 Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

principles of Gaurian, which adds the case-sign only to an inflexional

base (or rather inflected base, viz., the Prakrit nom. sing.) ; hut strictly

according to the principles of Prakrit. Hence those nouns in Bangali

which add yy constitute the Prdkritic element of Bangali in opposition

to its Gaurian element which adds simply y. We may assume, that

at the time of the formation of the Gaurian principles of declension,

yy, (i. e., the modified form of yry) had become finally established as

the gen.-sign., and its real nature was forgotten. The Gaurian then

added yy as an enclitic part of speech to its inflexional base to signify

the genitive ; e. g., (irrfT or) ir?T (iuflex. base) -f yy (enclitic gen. particle) ;

and in contact with the inflexional base which always ended in a vowel, the

enclitic yy lost its initial y, according to a regular tendency of such enclitic

words ; e. g., the Sanskrit now is in Prakrit regularly only ,

again yvry in Pr. is vjyr, in the Gaurian only vf for yr (as in Hindi ari^r

for 5fTT = y?s y»rx ). Hence ■iiPfr + yy becomes hi^fr + y or argiy.

There still remains a class of Bangali nouns which require an expla-

nation, as they seem to contravene the ordinary rule of the gen. forma-

tion; viz. the Bangali adjectives in as small, 'yy large, good,

etc. They add not yy as might be expected, but y ; e. g., WT«y, not wrSy.

If we compare these Bangali adjectives with those nouns, that add yy,

two facts become at once apparent which distinguish them one from the other,

and which stand in the relation of cause and effect to each other. Those

t vo facts are ; 1, those nouns which add yy (having dropped their final y?

in Sandhi with yy) end in a consonant and are pronounced accordingly ;

thus yiy tiger is read vagh and not vagha (or vagho). On the other

hand those adjectives which add y, have retained and are pronounced with

a final yj, thus WT® small is road chhota (or chhotd), but not clihot.

The other fact which is the cause and explanation of the first one is this,

(2), that those Bangali nouns which add yy occur in an identical form

in the Hindi-class Gaurian and in Marathi; while those which add y

correspond to nouns in y|f or yjT in the Hindi-class Gaurian and in Mara-

thi ; e. g., yin tiger is yra in Hindi, Naipili, Panjabi, Siudhi, Gujarati and

Marathi ; but iie small is WT^T or ilig ; W good is wyn or wyu, yy great

is or <h%t, etc. in those languages. Now, as has been already shown, all

such nouns ending in yjr or % and admitting an obligue form (in y[T or y

in the Hindi-class Gaurian and yT in Marathi) belong to the Prdkritic

element of the Gaurian and are formed from the 'particular Prakrit base in

yr. Hence it follows that those Bangali nouns whose final yf is pronounced,

are formed from the particular Prakrit base in yf ; while those whose final

^ is not pronounced are formed from the general base ; and the final yj of

the former is pronounced for the very reason because it is the remnant of

the original ending yjyr. Take for instance the Bangdli adjective noun

1G5

1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

small, in Hindi it is and stands, therefore for an original Prakrit wreXT

or WPMt. The equivalent for the latter in Hang.il i would be i~rzx (or xrxx

i- e. the crude base) and the gen. of it XT^X t ft or WTXX + XX or (elid-

ing the final X in Sandhi with VX) XIXXT or XT«vy; and now the initial

T of the enclitic yy after the final X inherent in WTX is elided just as U1XT -f-

X instead of XXT + V, hence we have XTXX chhotar (or cliliotor). There

is one exceptional gen form in Bang&li, which proves and illustrates well the

process by which xtxx and such genitives wTere formed. I refer to the gen.

of the pronominal adjectives VX or XX or XX so many, XX as many, XX how

many, which have a double form (see Beng. grammar of Samaehum Sircar

P- 85), either V4V, XWX, XXX, *JHX, XdV 1 or VXXX, ’XXXX, XXXV, XXXX,

XH^r. From the way Samachurn spells the latter forms {viz., appending a

virama to y?(, XX. etc , and thus making them terminate with a consonant),

it would appear that he considers the whole of XX to be the sign of the

gen., and the base to be only vx, XX. XX, XX, XX. If this be correct the

form %y confirms my theory that the gen. - sign XX or X is but a curtailment

of an original XX (the remnant of the Prakrit xrX). But I am inclined to

think that the pronunciation of fXXX XHXX, etc. as et-kcr, at-ker, etc., instead

of etaker, ataker, etc., is only a vulgar corruption, and that the words XXXX

XXXX, etc. ought really to be divided into VXX 4- XX. XXX + IX, XXX +

Xr, jjrTEfr 4 yy, XToX + XX, so that the base is really XXX, Xnx, etc., and

the gen. sign XX My reason is this : the corresponding forms in Hindi are

?XXT or TXT so many.fsfXXT or fxXT as many, fxXWT orfxXT how many, with

the oblique forms resp. TXX or TX, fxxx or fxx, fxxx or fxx. These words,

having a,. direct form in XT and an oblique form, in x, belong, according to

the ordinary principles of Hindi, to the Pr&kritic element and are derived

form the particular Prakrit base in X. They presuppose, therefore, a Prakrit

original yxx or yfxx, fxxx or fsrfxx, fxxx or fxfxx. As a matter of

fact, these forms or, at least, forms almost identical (see Pr. Pralc. IV,

25.) occur in Prakrit ; viz., either xfxx, xfxx, xfxx, xfxx, (for xfxx,

Xfxx, xfRX, Xfxx), or VXX XTX. X^X (in which T stands for

X and x for X, see Pr. Prakrit II, 4, xf%iT for Sanskrit Wifxx: ; hence ==

Vtjx, XXX, XXX, XXX). Here, on the one hand, the Prakrit X lias been

reduced in Hindi to X (thus xfxx or xfxx for xfxx or xfflX) ;_on the

other hand, in Bangali, it has been reduced to X (thus XXX for XXX or

XXX), and besides the double consonant X is reduced to one X.* Thus we

* Theso Bangali forms yj,yr, XXX, XXX, throw light on the origin of another

Gaurian form ; via., that of the Hindi participle present in x' or 47 (as =^^rx or

XXXT going). The Sanskrit affixes ■yjx , XX. XX become in Prakrit regularly

XX, XX, XX ; of. Pr. Prak. IV, 25. VII. 10 ; thus Skr. ^HXX rich is Pr. XHXX,

Skr. tfg ff reading is Pr. xr^vfl. Similarly Skr. fqr«(X, XXX, XTXX ollght t0 be iu

16G

Hoernle — Essays on the Oaurian Languages. [No. 2,

have instead of the Prakrit yfd’SJ irffm, irri^i, qrfro, in Bangali Vrr^r,

*T«=r^f . Tjrp*. Now in Hindi yrTT, farm, fsiTiT belong to the Prakritic

element; hence naturally their corresponding forms in Bangali yci^r*

iTfPW. will belong to the Prakrit io element of the Bangali. But

the Prakritic element of Bangali is distinguished by compounding the

gen. sign, vt; (*. c., ^ry) with the crude base (as explained above). Hence

yrT^r, qrrT'ff being the crude base, their gen. is formed + yy>

etc. = ) v.rT%T, Nrphy, didiy. Next the syllable Eff or is reduced to

^ (or in other words the consonant dr of y<T^y, etc., is elided, thus mak-

ing Tdty, yjrfyy, dTHTT) and now a final ^ and initial y meeting, the

latter (being the initial of the enclitic yy) is elided ; thus we have y<ry,

^?ry 'fi’rfy ; exactly as irpiy, wyy, etc. are formed.

Lastly as regards the Sanslcritic and foreign elements in Bangali,

they are treated on the same principle as in Marathi ; that is, according to

their final letter, they are treated either by the laws of the Gaurion or by

Prakrit fqrsjsfl, yyfWl, NHtWI ; "in reality they are ^pff ( - qf), yvi ( - 30 STtT

( _e(r) . that is, the double consonant wi has changed to This is an extremely

rare change in Prakrit ; but its probability, as shown hero, is beyond doubt. Lastly

%rt3T, etc, changes in Bangali to ERa^t, etc. ; that is, the double is reduced to the

simple iff. Now this explains the origin of the Hindi pres. part, j e. g., The

corresponding part, in Sanskrit is this becomes in Prakrit this may

change to and finally to N. B. the Hindi form ^fcTT, ollique form

presupposes a particular Prakrit base next next ^rfr^i).

Usually a compound consonant of which one of the constituents is a nasal, can snffer

no phonetic modification j hence the combination sj) as a rule', remains unchanged.

There are, however, a few very isolated cases of a change of wi to in the pres,

part. ; e. g.,

HTWifRTf^rST pfwyfrsn 11 «■

Sanskrit yUJbTyy II

Mrichchhakati, 1st act.

The Prakrit commonly uses the Parasmaipada terminations for those of tho

fenanepada ; hence represents a Sanskrit UTgwfj. Now as the termination

through tho modified form Tj-fl is the original of the termination of the

Hindi, Gujarati, Marathi pros, part., so through tho modified form it is the original

of the termination of the Naipali, Panjabi and Sindhi pres. part. The Hindi forms

TrTHT, fsTTTWT, farfpdT ; correspond to the Sindhi UTpy ^fjy, ^r|y. The affixes

«ft ^ aro probably modem additions and correspond to the affix in the Gujarati

forms ERZ%r how many, etc.

* Compare with these their equivalents in Marathi fdddiT, fsiridiT,

which exhibit a closer agreement even than the Hindi.

167

1872.] Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

those of the PrdJcritio elements. Whenever, namely, the final of the noun is

^ or a consonant (which has an ^ inherent), it takes VX ; in every other

cases it takes ’C ; e. a., flvrnj man has sen. Tf*fnjX ; afviwvr wise has gen.

1 J ^ ^ i vi ■”* ~

; hut xxtTT God has gen. ^«?<TTX ; xffm earth has gen. ;

•TK) woman ha§ gen. XTXlx ; tfjq beast has gen. rnjX> etc.

In conclusion it may he well to recapitulate briefly the main results

of the foregoing enquiry :

1. Th Gaurian languages consist of three parts ; a., the Pralcritic ;

b., the Gaurian; c., the Sanslcritic. Of these, speaking generally, the

Pralcritic is the oldest, then comes the Gaurian Proper, then the Sanslcritic.

2. The PrdJcritio element consists of all those nouns which have

come into the Gaurian from the Prakrit, and which have preserved traces

of the old organic inflexion of the Prakrit declension ; vis., the Prakrit

nominative and genitive. The former (i. e., the nom.) constitutes the

inflexional base of the nominative or the 'direct form of the inflexional