a CONTENTS.

OOO

No. I.

(Published 19th June, 1865.)

Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund, Benares.—

By the Rev. M. A. Suerrine, LL. B. and C. Horyz, Esq.

C. 8., Judge of Benares. Illustrated by Plans and Litho-

Meelis, Ne

Ancient Padi Weights.—By E. oie Esq.

On some Siamese Inscriptions.—By Dr. A. Bastran, ry

Notes on the Eran Inscription, being extracts from a letter to the

Editor.—By Professor F, E. Hatt,

"Literary Intelligence, ...

No. II.

(Published 22nd July, 1865.)

Ancient Indian Weights, No. I11.—By E. Tuomas, Esq.,

Description of a Mystic Play, as performed in Ladak, Zaskar, &c.

—By Captain H. H. Gopwin-Ausren, Surveyor, Topogra-

phical Survey, F. R. G. §.,.

Some Account of Ancient Remains at Saidptir and Bhitari, Ene

the Rev. M. A. Suerrine, LL. B., and C. Hornz, Esq. C. S.,

Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language.—By the

Rev. H, A. Jazscrrxe of Kyélang, He

Notes on the Garjat States of Patna.—By Mision Ps: ieee:

Depty. Commr. of Sumbulpore, oh an

Literary Intelligence, ves

Page

111

fy 3 Contents.

he fsa BO

(Published 23rd September, 1865.)

Coins of the Nine Nagas, and of two other Dynasties of Narwar

and Gwalior.—By Major-General A. Cunninenan,

On the Sena Rajas of Bengal as commemorated in an Inscription

from Réjshéhi, decyphered and translated by C. T. Mer-

CALFE, Esq. C. 8.—By Babu Raszenprarata Mirra,

Report of the Proceedings of the Archeological Surveyor to the

Government of India for the Season of 1862-63, (Part IL)

—By Major-General A. Cunnincuam, Archeological Sur-

veyor to the Govt. of India, nas 53

No. Jn.

(Published 1st December, 1865.)

Report of the Proceedings of the Archeological Surveyor to the

Government of India for the Season of 1862-63—By Ma-

jor-General A. Cunnineuam, Archeological Surveyor to

the Govt. of India, _... ese

Notes on Boodh Gaya.—By C. Hoan’ Esq. 0, 8.

Page

115

128

155

«*

ay *

, LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS, &c. IN PART I.

Plate.

I—II.— Ancient Buddhist Temples at Bakarya Kund

near Benares, ao ahs = to face page

T1I.—Groups of stones brought from Bakarya Kund, *

IV.—Buddhist remains from Jounpore, .., a . *

V.—South end of the Tank in Kund, .., Re 7

ViI.—West Bank of Kund, cae SP Se

VIL—VIII.—Ground plans of Bakarya mn aa 7

TX.—Hindu Punch coins, ut Gide nee ”

X.—Stone inscription from Cambodia, _.., re i

XI.—Symbols on early Indian coins, ets >

XII. to XVL—Scenes i in Mystic plays Re siaceaed in

Ladak, . Fae pi ies ad

XVIL.—N. Sbacralile or niné pitiiets, mae a a

XVIII.— Coins from Gwalior and Narwar, As ”

XIX,—Sketch of the Ruins of Delhi, .., os a

ab,

ab.

ab,

ab.

120

155

Pee xX TO PART. L

—>)—

Page

Ahichhattra, or Rimnagar, ... oe as Pee 10.4

Ajudhydé or Saketa, en of, . as seNigh cer elesoe

- Ayuto, Se “ee Oe fer, 20

Axsar, Copper coins in the reign 1 of, Sala taomiaee> 24

, the standard coins ditto ditto, Ae = 16

~an inscription on the Kosambi Pillar in the 1 reign of,... 231

Akshaya Bat Tree, (The) ae eel

ALEXANDER taught India how to coin money, refuted, ba ae 59

Allahabad or Praydga, Antiquities of, .,. ees Grif ee

Anarchy and Cenfusion in Patna, ... Aas P aenien tg yg EL

Ancient Indian Weights, ar aa Pe .- 14,51

Ancient Remains at Saidpir Bhitiri, ae Bate Ae 80

Asokapura or Hatila, Antiquities of, as ee vee, 248

Atalla and Juma mosques at Joanpur, nee A eee 9

Atranji-Khera or Pi-lo-shan-na, — des bed be.

Ayomukha or Hayamukha, ete oat hei Net, aLe

Ayjtto or Ajudhy4,_... es os eae i, 2kG

Barun Deo 2nd, Mahérdjth, Lee Suen 208

Bakerganj, Plate, Copper, from, Noticed, tes beat, i chow

Bakhariya Kund, Description of, ote ee aria , ome 3

— , Buddhist Buins Ere tr = if

Balai Khera, Antiquities of, ee ace ait eet! te

Bausra Suna, aie ee aie a a ody ee

Baragan, As a1 Mh cenh ena

Barikhar or Vairatkhera, Antiquities of,. aC crete peek

Bastian, Dr. A., On some Siamese Inscriptions, it sah PY

Remarks on Sukhottai Inscription, . an 36

Bzerror, Burial of, nae san 49

Benares, Buddhist Ruins at Bakhariya K Kund, ae 1

Bengal, Ou the Sena Réjas of, . a ooh “hbOs

Buaxutyar, Mohammed, ae ce Bat ysutia ae

Bhitari, Some Ancient Remains at, oe A oie 80

, Description of, set Bae mila 82

Peopraphical Dictonary, Ebn Khallikan’ 8, ee ana 46

Brerampit Deo, Mahéaraj,.. sec Stipa. 265

Bodhi tree of the Coins of Krananda, ‘On the, “4 = 66

Bodhi tree at Gaya, a 5 Ais Wave =S32 1

Boodh Gaya, Notes on, ves see eas city oa CAL i

Borasambur, .... a “Oe emer, 105

Bowniye, Sir Joun, On Siam, aes oF aa bess 27

a te ee a

ii Index.

Buppua Saxya Mount, Date of,

, description of a statue of,

, a rude statue of, in Bhitari Remains,.

’ his residence in " Ajudhya,

’ his tooth-brush tree, i

Buddhists, Art of coining among the, is

Buddhist ruins at Bakhariya Kund, Benares, ~.

antiquities from Hazara, “

statue of Sultangunge sent to Burmingham,

Bundah or ghostly ladle in Mystic Play,

Boreon, Mr. On the development of the art of coining money

in Western Asia, . : pee

Brocxuavs, On the ‘ Religion of the Zoroastrians,”

Burial of Begitfot, ae 030 SS

Cambodia, Inscription from, 5% ae vee

Caste of the Sena Rajas_ of "Bengal, :

Cause of the decline of power and prosperity of Patna,

Cuakra, reign of, a Bs

Cudwaxva, his for ging of coins,

conversion of ancient coins by,...

Coinage, The earliest Indian,

Coins of the Nine Nagas,

- of the kings of Gwalior,

——- of Pasupati,

——- of the kings of Narwar,

__.. of the ancient Buddhists,

——- of the Chohan series, weight of the,

——- of the time of Manu, es

-——- of Ceylon,

——- of pee a

- of Gobad,.. :

CsoMA DE Koros, ¢ on Tibetan dialect,

CunNINGHAM, Major- General A., on ditto,

ae —_——- “his opinion on date of Bhitari

Ruins,

Coins of the Nine Nagas,

——_——_— ——— Report of the Proceedings of

the Archelogical Surveyor to the Govt. of India for the

Season of 1862 & 1863, : si ots, aoe

on Jumma Musjid,

———— on Tower at Sarnath,

Chhatak, Indian Weight, .& 505 oe

Dancing on holidays in Ladak, ase ies a

Dates of the Sena Dynasty of Bengal,

Decline of power and Bere of Patna, Cause of:

Delhi, : ,

Deo Narayan Sine, Rah, ai

Dron Sagar, ; ae

eae a ee Pa

Index.

Deoryia, Antiquities of, ... te

Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Be ikhariya Kund,

— of a Mystic Play,

— of the Gonpa or Monastery of Himis,

- of Saidpur, ,

——— - of Bhitari, :

— of the present area of Patna, :

Deva Darra, the Cousin and enemy of Buddha,

Dewal, Antiquities of, ee

Dhopdpapura, Antiquities of,

ae the derivation of the word,

Dictionary of the Tibetan Language,

Dinar, Discussion on the origin of ‘the wor d,

Dynasty, of Narwar and Gwalior,

Egyptians, Coins of the, ;

Exxior MSS. publication of the, R

Eran Inscriptions, Notes on, by Prof. F. E. Hall,

Fa Hray, his visit to Benares,

, to Mathura,

Sankisa, é

-—— the Great Stupa of Asoka at Kano), .

Sravasti,

Fereusson, On Jumma Musjid of Kanoj,

Foundation of Patna, aa

Garea Risxt, village of,

Gobad, Coins of,.

Gopwin-AvstEN, Captain H. HH. , Description of a Mystic Pla ay,

GoLDSTUCKER, Prof. i Discussions on the origin of the wo ord

Dinar, ...

Gond, Gurjat States of,

Gosisa (present Gopsahasa) village of G: arga,

Govisana or Kashipur, Antiquities of,

Gurhs of Patna, List of,

Gurjat States brought under ‘the direct supervision of the

British Government, a tes :

Gurh Sumbul, Rajput Rajihs of, wes c

Gwalior dynasty, ; vat ae

—— ,, Coins from,..

Gya, Bodhi tree at, ;

Hawasan, a renegade Hindu,

Hardvopma, prime minister "of Lakshman Sena,

Hatt, Prof. F. H., Notes on the Eran Inscriptions and his criti-

cisms on Col. Cunningham’ s Archeological Survey Report,

Have, Prof. M. On the religion of the Zoroastrians, sc

Harsna Varpuana, Raja,... Ze te

Hatild or Asokpir, Antiquities of,

Hayamukha or Ayomukha, “a

Hizdrd, Some Buddhist antiquities of,

——

- Index.

Page

Hester, Bisuor, on Kashipur, : ae sae, LTD

Hemanta SENA, om ani at oe .. 145

Himis, Monastery of, sea ie: wo eee TL

Hopasoy, Captain, On Ahichhatra, See OTe

Horne, C., Ese. Buddhist Ruins at Bakhariya Kund, Benares, 1

—_—_- on Ancient Ruins at Saidptir and Bhitéri, 80

excavations into some of the mounds of

Bhitari, ee x os a 5 halite 83

— — his Report to Government on Bhitéri

Ruins, a oor ao ae Be ae 84

notes on Buddh Gaya, aoe fo 278

Horomper Siu, tt tae en! SLOT

HuvisuKa, the ereat Indo- ‘Scythian king,... aM, mp db

Hwan THsana, his visit to Benares,... = fo Mae 2

- on Mathura, ee ia af toe Reh) IBS

——-——— on Khulsi or Srugna,... ie 7 Oekees PS

| ——————— on Madowar or Madipur, ... wet et «

-———-—— on Kashipur or Govisana, aoe ee aeee i

—————— on Ramnagar or Ahichhatra, ae pee LT

——-——— on Ahichhatra Temples, zon ws eee REL

—_ -——— on Soron or Sukurakhetra,... wee ao, LSS

——_—-—— on Piloshana, ier sis wot gee” LOE:

———~——— on Sankisa, a: mn ae ©) EOS

——___————_ on the empire of Harsha Vardhana, Ss Wee 2 204

~— on Ancient Kanoj, me tes oa aE

——— his visit to Ayuta, oe nae ty

OS on Akshaya Bat of Prayéga, we 9 220

—— his description of the city of Visakha, wer 238

—- on Sravasti, . sag -s0) eee

Isw Knariican’s Biogr aphical Dictionar y; a 46

Impry, Major H. B., on the Gurjat State of f Patna, tes 101

Indian Weights, Ancient, ») 3 wt 14, 51, 46

Inscriptions. from Rajashahi, ast ae Soa) 02 142

Siam, a sy oo eee 27

——— Cambodia, : ov) 28

—— Sukhothai, Translation of the, “bf cia 31

ae on Allahabad Pillar, “i waa} Veal ee

on Kosambi Pillar, nie au we Bal

———— on a statue of Buddha, 260

JaEscuke, Rev. H. A., Translation of a MS. on n Dancing o on the

10th and 15th day of the 5th month in Ladak, oe 77

—————— Notes on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan

language, as sie a wee eh 2,

JAYA ‘CHANDRA, R4ja, ads aha so > GE

JERAWUR Wazier, Dogra army under, cs 71

Jetavana, one of the most celebrated Buddhist Monasteries in

India, ; a aes 2 wid sei BOD

Jogi-bir Mound,... uae a? in sie eee 6

acca

Index. Vv

Page

Judnpur, Atali Musjid in, aoe nae aah oa 84 °

—, Mosques at, 9

Jungnas, Thlogan Pudma, ‘the principal deity in Mystic Play

of the Tibetans, Ae ee 74

Kabar or Shirgarh, Antiquities of, aa ae aise) ‘ae ce eae

Kaxsnivat Rishi, oe is Pe wan ee 18

Kaurpas on Kosambi, oe. a =e eet tizee! | same

Kawnanpa or Krananda, ae or at a 60

Kanoj, one rate See aaa AS

Rérsha, Copper transformed, y. eee re 14

Kasapura (present Sultanpur) Antiquities of, . 234

Katinchun, a set of maskers in Mystic Play that make. up the

court of ‘Indra, sins oh the te i 75

Kashipur or Govisana, sie eae ee aie! gre ETS

Katheei, king of,. 4 46

Kesava Deva or Keso Roy, shrine of, pulled down by

Aurungzib, ... wee 33 oe kde Oe 3g

Kesava Sena, ae oe PE Bate i7e bs

Khalsi ov Srughna, PP es a i een SON

Khobagurh, chiet of, ae oa ae can LOR

Kialan or Sacred Monasteries, oe. nie ger 3

Kosam, the village of, ic wa cee rei, eee

Kosambi, Antiquities Gk. axe a vee cate a. mee

Krananpa, a coin of, se ant te ae 24

Kumara Gupra, epoch Oct na Sat ae 80

- name of, stamped on 1 bricks, av aa 87

Kusamba, founder of the city of Kosambi, .. rast dae aE

Kusapura, we ure i aoe

Ladak, Mystic Play per formed i Thy in aes as ake (i!

, MS. obtained in, 2 Pel oe aie 77

LAKsnMana Srna, me a aah Get eoee

Laxumantya, the story of his birth, Sy ee eet MS

Language, Pronunciation of the Tibetan, ane aeey ae 91

Lhatos, or, small square built-altars, oe aE + 72

Literary Intelligence, ad oe ae Bey eee BL

Madawar ) Archwology of, BOO & Ot shee iff

Madipur, dae a8 42 Sauer Cae Te

Mahanudy River, ots aoe ae Pa vere LOL

Maharattas, inroads of the,. ee oe iD

‘their aid to Raee Singh Deo,... Pi: aw! 13209

Manv on Copper Coins, ... iA a ges 16

- on Gold Coins, wee <a OE 14

—- on Ancient Indian Weights, one ade Rene ions 14

Masavpr, Arabic text of, quoted, ee wie hae 60

Mathura, legends of, idl ae ron SSR mCOF 23 .

, description of, 2 a H Ber ee LOD

, invasion of, by Mahmud... af wean.) LOO

, Bactrian Greeks i in, Sie ae Son ray,

EE a eae ee

SS EE

vi Index.

Mercatre, C. T. Esq., Translation of an inscription from

Rajshahi,

Mitakshara, f

MoHAMMAD-BIN Toanax, Re- -adjustment of the Coinage i in the

reign of,

Multan, Temple of the Sun at, .

Mynpore, Gurh Sumbul near,

Muir, J., On Vedic Theogony and Mythology,

Nagas, Coins of the Nine, . 4

Nérwar, dynasties ot,

- coins of,

- or Padindvati, o- ix

Nature and form of the Siamese writing,

Nimsar, .

Nine Nagas, List of the,

Oaths, On rings for taking, F

PAninr’s Grammar, notice of coinage in,

Pasvpatt, coins of, ...

Patna, the Gurjat States of,

the Maharajas of,

- extension of, Se

cause of the decline of power ‘acs:

Anarchy and confusion in,

Parasua Kot, Antiquities of,

PEARSE, Major, Extract of a letter from, on Buddhist antiquities

of Hazara Valley, ... ee

Puaya Ruane, Siamese king, meena of iSiamacté alphabet, ae

Pi-lo-shanna or Atranji Khera,

Prayaga or Allahabad, Antiquities of,

the derivation of the word,

Pritur RAss,

Pronunciation of the Tibetan language, Note on the,

Puranas (Silver Coins,) : ‘

Purvararém Vihira, ...

Rage Siveu Deo, the 21st Mahar ajah of Patna, on

his attempts to regain the Guddee of Patna, owe

RAsenpRALALA Mirra, Babu, On the Sena Rajas of Bengal,

Rdjmahal, the rivers of, :

Rajshdhi, an inscription from,

Ram CuunpeEr Deo, ..,

Raman Dao, :

Ramnagar or Ahichhatra,

Remains, (ancient) at Saidpir and Bhitari,

Reports of the Proceedings of the Ar cheeological Surveyor to

the Government of India, for the season of 1862- 63,

Ruins, Buddhist at Bakhariy akund, Benares, :

Rig Veda, Cowell's Continuation of Wilson’s Translation of the,

Rings for taking oaths, on, aa =

Index. Vii

Page

Sahet-Mahet or Sravasti, see 250

Saidpur, Description of, oat Fig 80

Bhitari, te. oa Ha ite 80

some ancient remains at, 80

Saka era, ... a a 119

Saketa or Ajodhya, Antiquities of, ... 238

Saxya Moni, his reference to ancient coinage, das 1

Samman, Shaik, a Mahomedan faqir, 82

Sanchi, Great Tope at, 87

Sankisa, a aa ie 195

Sarnath, near Benares, Buddhist Ruins at, 2

Saraswati river, 15

Sél; river, ... eae 101

Sena Rajds of Bengal, 5 ae Be 3 fg 128

Shah Nameh, notice of ancient Indian Weights, in the, 60

Suan Deo, Hixvvr, the 2nd Maharaja of Patna, 109

Suan Jeudy,... re a ae e: ae 55

Suzrrine, Rev. M. A., L.L. B. On Buddhist ruins at Bakha-

riyakund, Benares, .. a3 oe “i 1

= On ancient remains at Said-

pur and Bhitari, Fe 80

Shirgarh or Kabar, antiquities of, 217

Surr Suin, bee xP 26

Siamese Inscriptions, 27

writings, nue a5" 28

Sruapirrya, the great king of Malwa, oy 88

Srixnvs, statue of, described by James Prinsep 165

Skanpa Gupta, ... oe a ’ 87

Soron or Sukara-Kshetra, aa are 188

“ Spao,” youthful dancers in Mystic Play, 75

Sravasta Raja, iy sae Se: 252

Srughna or Khalsi, 167

Suna Sena,... nee 130

Sumanra Sen, 130

Sumbulpur, origin of, ... 103

Sukara-kshetra, or Sorou, ... 188

Sat Tila or seven mounds, . ... 158

Synopsis of early Indian Coins, aah 56

Svane’s translation of Ibn Khallikan, 46

Sornyrss, coins of, 46

Sopxrruss, coins of, a 46

Sveapers, Travels of, “i 48

Travels of King Svegders, 48

‘anda or Tadwa, Antiquities of, 207

Tadwa, ... es dvd 267

Tharu Rajas of Ganda, Genealogy of, Se aia? 20

Tuomas, K., Esq., On Ancient Indian Weights, ~... ... 14, 51

Tibetan Language, Note on the Pronunciation of the, 91

;

| vill Index.

Page

Transcript and Translation of an Inscription from aie wee 142

Tsam Chut, or Maskers in Mystic Plays, S Peis 72

TuGHLAK, Mounasep- -BIN, Re- -adjustment of coinage in the

reign of, ae ie ae 26

Types of coins of the Nine Nagas, ae ee al ZG

Tomar Dynasty, kings of the, see ae it Sedes EOD

Theology and Mythology, Vedi, aes is i! 46

Ujain, coinage of, ; wee Sie roc Gee 55

Umarpatt Misra, a ee ake pote “AD

Vairatkhera or Barikhar, Antiquities of, Hic meee TO

VicramApitya, king of Sravasti, pas a seca wr253

. his visit to Ajudhya, ay oeeie se DAZ

| a “‘ Parameswara,” ees wee wen: | 204

Visaya Sena, ... one i Soc ~cethies — eal:

Vira SENA, .. as a seca 30

Vis«xuf the noble maiden, stor y “of, ae ait ee) see

Vishnu Purdna, Sb: aes seca || LLG

Vedic Theology and Mythology oe oe eS 46,

Wazier Jerwar, Dogra army Beit “Be mt rg

WEBER on money weights, wae ao nt See 20

Weights, Ancient Indian, eis ap eed 45D

Witson, ’Prof., on coins of the Vedic age, wae a, wir

Translation of the Rig Veda, ... Rte oy 45

Writing, Siamese, ... : es bias += 29

YAINAVALKYA, On copper coins, - = sae 14

Zaug Bukha, or copper mask in Mystic Plays; as ve TL

Zaskar, Mystic Play performed in, ... : oer 71

Zovoastrians, Religion of the, ... as os nee 45.

OOOO

JOURNAL

OF THE

merA Tih COSOCTrET Y.

en)

Part I.—HISTORY, ARCHAHOLOGY, NUMISMATICS,

PHILOLOGY ann LITERATURE.

AR enn Rarer

No. 1.—1865.

eee

Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund, Benares-—By

the Rev. M. A. Suurrine, LL. B., and C. Horne, Esg., C. S.,

Judge of Benares. Illustrated by Plans and Photographs.*

[Received 15th April, 1864.] [Read 4th May, 1864.]

The fact that Benares is the birth-place of Buddhism and that in it

Sakya Muni first ‘‘ turned the wheel of the Law” or in other words

promulgated the peculiar dogmas of the Buddhist creed, is generally

believed to rest’on good historic grounds. This circumstance alone,

independent of the concurrent testimony of Hindu writers, gives a

high antiquity to the city. If, as there is reason to believe, Sakya

Muni in the early part of the sixth century, B. C., inhis own estima-

tion attained to the mysterious and mystical condition of Buddhahood

under the Bodhi tree at Gya, and thence proceeded to Benares, we

may fairly imagine that he did so because it was then a city of much

influence, if not also of great sanctity, among the Hindus, especially

the Brahmins. In this case the true epoch of ancient Benares must

date from an earlier period still.

Had the Hindus been imbued with the desire of recording the

memory of themselves in huge buildings of brick and stone, as the

* Copied in the lithographs issued herewith.

2 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No.1,

Buddhists confessedly were, they would not have left their most sacred

city, and one of their most ancient, without some irrefragable proofs in

column or cornice, of their residence there prior to the Buddhist reform-

ation. In the present state of ignorance respecting the archxological

remains in Benares, it would be hazarding too strong a conjecture that

no such proofs actually exist; but this much may be said, that the

probability of their existence is exceedingly small.

As the habits of the Buddhists on this point were, as just observed, so

contrary tothe practice of the Hindus, we are inclined to believe that a

strict investigation instituted in places where Buddhism was once famous

and poweriul, would in most cases bring to light certain relies which

they have left behind them. New discoveries of Buddhist remains are

continually being made in various parts of Northern India, every

instance of which is a fresh illustration of our conviction that Bud-

dhism has preserved the footprints of itself in all places wheresoever it

eminently flourished. That it existed in Benares during many

centuries and was the dominant faith professed there, casting into the

shade the elder creed, and asserting proudly its triumph over it,

admits not of the smallest doubt. It is therefore highly interesting

to inquire, what Buddhist remains are yet traceable in the city,

whereby its historical position as one of the chief seats of Buddhism

may be tested. Strange to say, until very recently, few or no remains

in the city proper had been discovered, but the reason of this, we fully

believe, was, that they had never been sought after. It is true,

extensive ruins have been found at Sarnath, and have been frequently

described, but these are three miles distant from the present city,

although it is possible, and indeed probable, that they were once

situated in, or were adjacent to the ancient city itself.

Now while the hope of finding any buildings of the early Buddhist

period in Benares might be pronounced too sanguine, yet, on the

other hand, he would betray a singular ignorance of the massiveness

and durability of Buddhist architecture, who should venture to assert

that it was otherwise than exceedingly likely that portions of buildings

of the later Buddhist period were still existing, waiting to be discovered.

Even as late as the seventh century, A. D., when Hinduism had regain-

ed much of its ancient prestige and influence, at the time that Hwan

Thsang visited Benares, there were then in the city, according to the

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 3

testimony of that keen and accurate observer, upwards of thirty Kia

lan or sacred monasteries,—to most or all of which, temples were pro-

bably attached—and with them about three thousand priests and

disciples were associated. It cannot be for an instant supposed, that

these monasteries, which were unquestionably built of strong material,

have all been swept away with the lapse of ages, and have “ left not

a wreck behind.” Indeed the existence of the Sarnath ruins, which

are mostly of the later Buddhist period,—some of which were seen by

Fa Hian in the fifth century, and nearly all by Hwan Thsang in the

seventh, is a strong argument for believing that portions, more or less

considerable, of some, perhaps of most of these edifices, are still

discoverable. We must not imagine that in any instance they are

existing in their original integrity, but on the contrary, that where they

exist at all, they have been appropriated by Hindus and Mohammedans,

and principally by the latter, for their own purposes, and that therefore

they have become blended with other buildings from which they must

be disintegrated. The use of numerous pillars: in the cloisters of

Buddhist monasteries, which were mostly on a uniform pattern, greatly

aids the identification of the remains of this ancient period.

A careful examination of Benares will reveal those portions of the

city which contain buildings, or parts of buildings, or sculptured

stones, or other objects of undeniable antiquity. Such ancient remains

are for the most part, we believe, only to be found in the northern

division of the city, and among the narrow streets on its eastern

border, running parallel with the Ganges, in a thin band, as far as the

Man Mandil Observatory.

Under the conviction that Buddhist remains were to be met

with in Benares, a search was made for some of them in the course of

the year 1863. On the very first day of the search the ruins at

Bakariya Kund were discovered, which we shall now proceed to

describe.

These ruins are situated at the north-west corner of the city in the

Alaipore Mahalla, and are visible from the Raj Ghaut road leading

from the cantonments to the Ganges. The path conducting to the

tank or Kund leaves the main road a short distance to the west of the

420th mile-stone. The tank commonly known as Bakariya Kund, is

about 300 yards distant from this road, and upon the summit of its

4 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1,

banks the ruins are for the most part to be found. In the hot season

very little water remains in the Kund, but in the rains it contains a

considerable body of water. It is about 550 feet in length and 275 in

breadth.

On approaching the tank you pass along the foot of a high mound

on its northern side, on the top of which lie several blocks of stone.

Proceeding to the western bank you perceive a massive breastwork

formed by large stones, bearing upon them various masonic signs, some

of which are similar to those inscribed on the stones at Sarnath, and

sustaining a solid platform or terrace, which runs by the side of the

Kund to a great distance. This terrace is 20 feet above the tank, and

supports two others of smaller dimensions, one above the ocher, each

of which is girded by a breastwork of huge stones. The lower terrace

is 130 feet broad, and 270 feet long on its western face, and 330 on its

eastern face overlooking the tank. It was originally held up by the

wall of heavy stones just alluded to, but this wall is in many

places much broken down, especially towards the Kund, the great

blocks lying in disorder at its ancient base. Nevertheless extensive

portions are still standing. On the northern face about 70 feet are

visible, while the western wall, which extends to 267 feet, is almost

continuous throughout. The height of the terrace is constant, but the

height of the wall varies greatly, owing partly to its being in a state

of ruin, and partly to the circumstance of its forming in one place the

flank of an old edifice, where it attains a height of at least 30 feet,

measured from the ground on the western side; which is on a higher

level than the tank. Two small windows or doorways open through

this part of the wall, and over each a single stone projects, forming its

eaves. The bare appearance which the wall would here have presented

to the eye, is obviated by a broad moulding half-way down, a foot in

width, and by a noble cornice parallel with it above.

Ascending the terrace, you come to the building itself, which is

occupied by Mussalmans, one portion being partitioned off and used as

azenana. The beams and slabs constituting the roof are in some

cases 9 feet in length, and the roof is supported by three rows of

immensely thick stone columns, the capitals of which are in the form

of across. The cornice decorating the walls is not of modern narrow-

ness, but is twelve inches deep, and is ornamented with carvings of

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 5

various elegant devices. As the building is divided into two distinct

sections, and moreover as the spaces between the pillars are in several

instances filled up with a mud wall, it is impossible to gain a correct

idea of its original grandeur. The outer wall on the "western side is

strengthened by a huge buttress of stone, 14 feet wide and 15 feet

high.

With pillars, breastwork, and buttress, of such prodigious strength,

it seems not improbable that formerly there were several stories above

this lower one, but this point is merely conjectural and is not easy to

be decided. Moreover it is not unlikely that other structures once

existed along the border of the terrace throughout a considerable

portion of its extent, not only on its western side, but also on its

northern and eastern sides.

Directly in front of the ancient building just described, are two

other extensive elevations of the ground or terraces, one over the

other, as already stated. The lower elevation is 86 feet long by 624

broad, and about 4 feet in heighth. The upper is 484 feet by 24,

and is crowned with an ornamental cornice, which runs in an unbroken

band throughout a large portion of the circuit of the terrace, but

this may possibly be of comparatively modern date, the Mohammedans

having selected this spot for a mausoleum, and in many cases adopted

the prevailing forms of ancient ornamentation. The breastworks of

the two terraces by which the enclosed soil is sustained, although they

have been evidently at times extensively repaired, nevertheless appear

as ancient as the neighbouring building.

Beyond the two upper terraces is another raised terrace, which in

all likelihood was originally connected with one of them, but is now

isolated from them. On this possibly stood a Buddhist shrine, con-

nected by a cloister with a building on the main terrace. A short

distance further on also, are remains of the foundations of probably

another, but the traces of this are almost obliterated.

On the eastern side of the Kund is a mound 220 feet long by 90

broad, running parallel with it, which might be taken for a mud

embankment thrown up from the tank, were it not for the circumstance

that layers of large Buddhist bricks, lying zn sitw, crop out from its side,

and that upon its summit and slopes are numerous blocks of sculptured

stones, symbols of bygone glory. One brick measured 20 inches in

6 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1,

length, and the bricks of an entire layer were 32 inches in thickness.

Among the stones was an enormous segment of a kalas or jagged

circular stone found on the pinnacles of temples. The original kalas

of which this segment is exactly the fourth part, was not less than 9 feet

in diameter, and of proportionate thickness, and must have belonged

to a temple of vast strength and dimensions. Several small kalases

are lying not far from this segment. Hight of these were counted at

one time. Excavations into the mound would probably throw some

light on the buildings formerly standing here.

To the east of the mound is a small round structure called Jogi-bir,

on the site of which, we were informed, a devotee buried himself alive.

It is made of earth, but on the top is a hollow circular stone, the

exterior surface of which is divided into sixteen equal sections, each

of which exhibits the sculpture of a man, with one leg turned up, and

the hands apparently grasping a garland which encinctures and connects

together all the figures. The stone is in a reversed position. A ,

portion of one similar to it found at the foot of a tree, was afterwards

removed, and forms one of a group of sculptured stones taken from

Bakariya Kund and photographed. Both of these stones were pro-

bably capitals of highly enriched columns.

To the south of the tank is a ghaut, the stones of which are scat-

tered about in great disorder, so that looking at it from a distance, it

has the appearance of an utter ruin. And such it really is. But it is

nevertheless a comparatively modern structure, for the stones of which

it is composed, judging from the elaborate and finished carvings on

many of them, have been contributions from fallen edifices in the

neighbourhood.

At the south-west corner of the tank is a water-course, depressed

considerably below the ground on either side. It is not improbable that

formerly this was the main source of water supply to the tank. To the

south of this water-course, overhanging the Kund, is a huge breast-

work of stone, on the top of which is a spacious courtyard and a

Mohammedan Dargah or place of prayer. It is difficult by reason of

the carved stones used in the foundations, the underlying mortar and

the evident frequent repairs, to say whether any portion of this breast-

work or of the buttress jutting out at its base, is really ancient, al-

though some portions seem to be so. The buttress is continuous with

the stone ghaut, and merges into it.

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 7

To the east of the Dargah is a small mosque, 37 feet long by 194

feet broad, open to the east, and supported by three rows of pillars,

five in each row. The pillars in the second row have deep scroll

carvings on their sides, with ornamented corners consisting of lotus

seed-pods, one on another. Each pillar is 7 feet 9 inches high, includ-

ing the capital, and the latter is 2 feet 6 inches in length and 2 feet

4 inches in width. The capitals of the outer pillars are somewhat

larger than those of the inner, and are in the form of a cross, the

extremities being rounded off; while the upper surface of each limb

exhibits a convex curve, the line of which rises higher in proportion

as it recedes from the extremity. The architrave is about a foot in

thickness, and on it the flat stone roof rests. Seven niches are placed

at intervals round the three walls of the room. The entire building

is of stone. The western wall, on its outer side, is strengthened by a

buttress, at the base of which runs a beautifully carved band, 11 inches

broad, which projects a couple of inches from the wall, and below it is a

cornice 10 inches in width and 7 in depth, bearing on its front a broad

band of exquisite carving. Some parts of this building are certainly

original ; and there can be no doubt of the antiquity of the pillars,

which belonged to some Buddhist cloister, or of the fact of the

modern character of the enclosing wall.

A few steps off, is an enclosure in the form of an irregular parallelo-

gram, a wall being on either side, and two small Buddhist buildings

at its extremities. That situated at the northern extremity is in some

respects like the mosque just described. Its carvings, however, are not

all the same, and its ornamented band is of a very ancient type.

There is a small building used as a Ranza attached to its north-west

angle, and sustained by ancient pillars and modern walls. The building

is surmounted by a low cupola of primitive construction. It is not

unlikely that originally there were cloisters on this bank of the Kund,

and that the three small buildings just described were all at one time

connected together.

The edifice at the southern extremity of the enclosure well displays

the old Hindu and Buddhist method of making a roof by the imposi-

tion of stone beams, one upon another, cross and corner-wise until they

met in the middle. The roof of this building exhibits a mass of such

beams piled upon each other, exactly like the roof of a house which

8 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1,

children build with their little wooden bricks. A second object of in-

terest here is a cut stone screen, which serves the place of a window.

Nearly a hundred and fifty feet to the east of the last mentioned

buildings, is another which has evidently been erected with old materials,

and is of doubtful antiquity. It has four pillars, two outer and two

inner, exclusive of others imbedded in the walls, and has five recesses

on its three sides. The carvings have been to some extent obliterated

by the whitewash with which the mosque is bedaubed.

Still further on eastwards, at a distance of 75 feet, is a terrace

walled round by a stone breastwork 48 feet long by 36 broad, on

which stand four exquisitely carved columns, sustaining an ancient

roof, the remains probably of a chaitya or Buddhist temple, or of its

innermost shrine. Its position is exactly opposite the Buddhist temple

to the west, yet to be described, from which it is distant 550 feet.

The columns are 7 feet 7 inches in height including the base, and

are elaborately ornamented; in which respect they differ from the

pillars of the other temple, which, for the most part, are destitute of

ornamentation. The four sides of the base display an elegant carving of

a vase with flowers drooping low over the brim—a device always found in

these parts in Buddhist shrine-pillars. The well-known representation of

a face with a floreated scroll streaming forth from the mouth, eyes and

moustache, is repeated four times on each column, and above it runs a

band of beads, each of which is nearly an inch in diameter. An are

of the sun’s disk rests upon this band, and higher up, the column

becomes octagonal. It then becomes quadrilateral again, and on each

side is an exquisite design, exceedingly well executed, of an overflowing

vase. The pillar is crowned with a capital, beneath which is a broad

double moulding. The cornice above the architrave is also beautifully

cut. But the ceiling of this shrine, consisting of overlapping stones

built as before described, is perhaps its most striking feature. Each

stone is richly carved, and was originally coloured, while representations

of suns and lotuses are depicted upon them in bold relief. Taking it

altogether, this little remnant of antiquity is a charming piece of art,

and is in itself a proof of the delicacy in taste and expertness in

chiselling of the architects of those times, and is also a proof of the

sad degeneracy of their posterity.

This Chaitya seems to have been the eastern extremity of the

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 9

range of ancient buildings under notice. Leaving it, the boundary

line took a southerly direction and probably included several buildings

similar to those on the northern side, very faint traceg of the found-

ations of which, at the most, are visible. The boundary line, however,

on its southern side takes in a remarkable structure, consisting of a

massive stone breastwork, 130 feet long, 90 feet wide, and 5 feet 4

inches high, sustaining a terrace now used as a Mohammedan burial-

ground. The breastwork is in some places in decay, but to a great

extent is in good condition. Its stones, especially where exposed in

the foundations, have masonic marks upon them, and some have as

many as three symbols in a row. It is surmounted by a fine cornice

six inches deep. Ascending the terrace no buildings besides Moham-

medan tombs are visible, but it is probable that an extensive Buddhist

edifice stood on this spacious area. On the western side, exactly in

the centre, is a projecting buttress, originally the Singhasun, round

which the moulding also runs. On this spot may have stood a gigan-

tic figure of Buddha, visible to every one entering the court—for such

we hold it originally to have been. Indeed the large terraces which

have been described, may all have been cloistered courts, where dis-

ciples and devotees congregated for religious purposes. An inspection

of the Atallah and Juma mosques at Jaunpore, formerly Buddhist

monasteries, confirms this view.

The most remarkable of these Buddhist ruins yet remains. This

is the temple, to which allusion has been already made, and of which

a separate Ground Plan has been drawn. The Mohammedans have

appropriated this temple and capped it with a dome, and now use it as

a mausoleum. It stands on forty-two pillars, all of which are in good

order with the exception of one in the southern portico, which has

been twisted by the fall of a large tree upon it. Formerly, there were

evidently two pillars more than there are at present, sustaining the

heavy entablature of the southern portico, so that the whole number

of pillars originally, was forty-four. Of these, thirty-two supported

the temple proper, and four the roof of each of the northern, southern

and eastern porticos. To the west, there is no portico, but simply a

sort of projecting buttress or Singhasun, on which probably the chief

idol stood, and was at once seen by persons coming in through the

main entrance on the east. The northern and southern porticos are

10 ~— Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1,

15 feet long by 10 wide, while the eastern is only 12 feet by 10.

The inner part of the temple is 18 feet square. Round the whole of

the exterior of the temple, above the capitals of the columns, and sup-

ported by their external limb, runs an eave-stone nearly 3 feet in

width, and, as at the Atallah, Juma Musjid, Pan Dareba at Juanpore,

this eaves-stone has been made to imitate wood, thus confirming

Fergusson when writing about this class of structures.

Each column is 84 feet in height, of which the quadrilateral shaft

between the capital and the plinth is 44 feet. The capital is in the

form of a cross, each limb consisting of two portions, the lower being

bell-shaped with an ornament in the corners. The columns in the

temple proper stand two or four together, and the abacus or square

stone upon them, between the capital and architrave, is 13 inches deep,

and is beautifully carved. The architrave has a rich double band

sculptured upon it, which passes all round the temple including the

porticos. Above this is a flat stone, and above it again a row of

niches which are probably of Mohammedan origin.

Viewing the temple from the outside, a practised eye soon distin-

guishes between the ancient portion and that added by the Moham-

medans. Above the portico, all below the octagonal breastwork is

undoubtedly of Buddhist workmanship, and the remainder of Moham-

medan ; but the Mohammedans, there is reason to suppose, availed

themselves of old materials. At the termination of the breastwork at

each corner, rests a small kalas, about two-thirds of the circular disk

of which is exposed, the remainder being inserted into the wall.

Although so many ages have elapsed since this temple was erected,

and although it has been exposed to the alternate ruthlessness of

Hindu and Mohammedan fanaticism, nevertheless with such wonder-

ful skill have its proportions been designed and its blocks of stone

been joined together—yet without cement of any kind—that at the

present moment, in spite of its aspect of hoary antiquity, it seems

almost if not quite as durable as on the day on which it was finished ;

and it is unquestionable that if it be not barbarously damaged by

uncivilized hands, it will continue to stand for centuries to come.

The simplicity combined with the great strength of its parts, and the

symmetrical arrangement of the whole, give to the building, notwith-

standing the general scantiness of its ornamentation, an appearance which

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 11

the most fastidious must pronounce to be of no mean order of beauty.

A small cloister was originally connected with the south-west corner

of the temple, as is shown by the continuation of the ancient basement

moulding, a moulding which surrounds indeed all Buddhist buildings

in these parts. This was probably the vestry or retiring room of the

officiating priests. Some of its walls are still visible.

It is greatly to be regretted that a large portion of the site of these

ruins is in a disgustingly filthy state, so that none but the most ardent

investigator would care to visit a place so foul and abominable.

As to the date of the buildings which have been briefly described,

some of them at least must have been erected as early as the large

tower at Sarnath, which General Cunningham considers was in exist-

ence in the beginning of the fifth century of our era, and was then

seen by the traveller Fa Hian. They formed probably one of the

thirty monasteries referred to by Hwan Thsang, to which allusion has

already been made. When looking upon these extensive ruins, we

cannot fail to recall the time when they were frequented by crowds of

priests and disciples of the Buddhist faith.. Then probably the tank

was surrounded on three sides by a lofty terrace of stone, while a large

ghaut or flight of steps was on its southern side. Around the edges

of this terrace, both to the south and west, ran cloisters, and to the east

there must have been massive temples capable of carrying such caps or

‘kalases,’ one of them nine feet in diameter, as have been referred to

in this description. It is a matter of much inteyest to the archeologist,

to try and save from total oblivion these few traces of the past, when

the Buddhists, who long ages since were expelled from the country,

were still famous, if not powerful, and were already engaged in that

tremendous struggle with the Brahmins, which eventually terminated

in their own utter extinction in India.

We propose shortly submitting some notes relating to the numerous

symbols found on the stones at Bakariya Kund and _ elsewhere,

commonly known as mason’s marks, and would invite correspondence

with any parties interested in the subject. A comparison of symbols

found in various places would be curious, and would render our paper

more complete.

In illustration of the foregoing paper, there are herewith submitted

two Plans, one representing this entire locality, and the other the

12 Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. [No. 1,

Buddhist Temple still standing ; and in addition three Photographic

Plates, of which the description is as follows : —

Plate, No. 1, shews the Temple before alluded to, a full account of

which has already been given.

Plate, No. 2, exhibits the remains of a Buddhist shrine consisting

of four handsomely carved pillars, standing on an ancient platform, with

the usual Singhasun facing to the east. The ceiling, which has been

described in another place, is unfortunately concealed from view in the

photograph. ;

Plate, No. 3, represents a group of stones and pillars brought from

Bakariya Kund. To the right and left are two exquisitely chiselled

_ shrine pillars, which are in many respects alike, but the grotesque

faces on the four sides of the apex of each pillar, are in no two cases

the same. The two bases also are different, for on the pillar to the

right, one-half of the chakra is depicted, the symbol from which

Buddha derived his title of Chakravarti, while the left pillar displays

in this position a deeply compressed human face. Above these

portions of the base, the columns become octagonal, and at each angle

is a comical face, half on one side and half on the other, with flowing

scrolls proceeding from the same. Over the faces a beaded band

encompasses the columns, upon which rests the are of a disc on each

of the eight sides. Higher up, the columns again become quadrila-

teral, and exhibit flattened urns in bas-relief, overflowing with wreathed

scrolls, a device exceedingly common on pillars of this age, (about

500, A. D., as we imagine). The uppermost portion of the pillars, on

which the human faces are represented, is somewhat larger in circum-

ference than the base. The dimensions of the pillars are as follows.

Height 2 feet 8 inches, each face at apex 13 inches.

Between these pillars are two large blocks of stone, which, like the

topmost stone of the group, appear to have formed portions of a frieze

running round some sculptured chamber, but as they are of different

proportions, they probably belonged to different structures. The

figures appear very bacchanalian. In the top stone, the man rests his

left arm on a large wine jar of a Grecian pattern, whilst with his right

he lifts the wine-cup. The other two figures are in nearly the same

attitude. A narrow band, beaded or plain, ran round the figures, and

by drooping between them, connected together all the portions of the

Vol: XXXIV. Part 1

Lith: by HM Sma, $. Gv. Caleutta, April, 1865.

On Stons froma Photograph by HL. Frazer J

ANCIENT |BUDDHIST- TEMPLE AT BAKARYA KUND NEAR BENARES.

Vol: XXXIV. Part. J. Pl:

Bengal.

ne froma Photograph by HL. Wrazer Inth-by HM Smith, 5.6.0. Calcutta June 1865.

AU Dh hoa TEMPLE Ne 2

BAKARYA KUND

(BENARES.)

As: Soc: Bengal. ae: 3 Vol:-XXXV. Part.1. Pl- M1,

{. Smith, $.&. &. Calcutta June 1865.

from a Pholograph by H.L. Frazer. meas Weathetiy Et

ie}

GROUP OF STONES

BROUGHT FROM BAKARYA KUNG 1864

Vol:XXXIV PRI. PL: 4,

Journal As Soc: Bengal.

ON STONE FROM A PHOTOGRAPH BY H.L. FRAZER. LITH: BY H.M. SMITH, S. G. 0. CALCUTTA, MAY, 1B65-.

* BUDDIHST REMAINS FROM JOUNPORE

; Vol: XXXIV. Pt I. Plate V-

Soc Rens

z SOUTH END OF TANK IN KUNO

Vol:-XXXIV. P* I. Plate VI.

Pha! As. Soc. Bengal :

tone from a Photograph by H. 1. Frazer

Lith-by H.M. Smith, Surveyor General's Office Calcutta Aug, 18

WEST BANK OF KUND SHEWING RETAINING WALL . E

apAont pur / 02 924) 00!

shunpymg Zz yun,

e eee 2 FY O00 7799

prow

mas Hote

pvoy yung puniy

ze =

>| iY acy =

* :

ps 0G sprernoyy,

Ni yen, enogn jie Z :

q arneal, kaMony

g SER OTD

myIS ME pueueinen QSEYpPNT 1 40

> soning nddyy

o uly 49) 2pm 7 iene cs

seep scurry

: ha |

5 Puvy “7 3 21)

{YOY

« peninucl| :

72M ~— ad

See peng.

——

——_—— \ y

opm, 2173.07 obmemv.ap 92704205 Bight? 95.0100 12H, ey

Hfsonugnernyy STOLE RIO

77 YPM ITD Oe

Pembina

UNA YPN

hay soe

“Pog, YSteyT

qual sums pun

: GNM VAUVXVE iae i

qo :

N¥1d aNnows es

Vol: XXXW. Fare: 1. Pl: WU

Ancient stone work

oe =

im ©

Modern buildings in which

many old stones are used |

}

: ;

= 22 ;

ca), !

“+ |

4, ~ “= North

-{] "e t ; iF,

6 6 ~

i The two pillars = s |

| markedH have fallen - |

cae Sa

| a

| |

| 4

| I

: |

2 1k

\ 1

| < 10 |

H |

GROUND PLAN I

| »

' of the H ®

| . i

H Buddhist Temple at Bakarya Kund. 3

' |

| . \

BENARES 1S

| 4

| 1b March 1864. |

| == ° |

| |

S| | le : :

Co |

"RE: Po ar

v 3 Ko <

Section of adouble pillar as Scale 8 feet =1 Incl

also of a fourlold one > feet § § ‘ g ss Inov

a De nce: lm ee

‘be

aa, |

i q a

a | WATS HIERD

4 — i a>

- ) eeu wemiel ka eevnd]

. . SIN AMES

aa 0 Soa ta

be ‘ a

‘oe Nan ‘

¥ t) «

‘ i ’ ade | _\ ues

pe 5 \

7 VP orgy el - ee ee ‘

i i

1865.] Description of the Buddhist Ruins at Bakariya Kund. 13

original frieze. Beneath the loop of the drooping cord is the repre-

sentation of a gem carved in the stone. Many figures similar to those

now described, have been lately found among the ancient buildings in

Jaunpore. Plate, No. 4, which represents a group of stones taken

from these buildings, is added for the sake of comparison, as it

pourtrays strikingly this similitude. In the College grounds in

Benares, are some magnificent sculptures brought from Sarnath, one of

which is a long frieze, cut with great boldness, the figures of which

are connected by a narrow band or garland. A photograph of this

frieze may perhaps at some future time be sent to the Society. The

length of what remains of it is 263 feet.

The topmost stone shews the projecting position it occupied, by its

under-cutting, but it is hard to say in what part of the building this

found a place. The next stone beneath it consists of a circle, formed

by a narrow band, and surmounted by an elegant ornamentation indi-

cating the central position which it originally occupied, which was

probably the crowning decoration of a niche. In the circle itself a

very merry face is depicted, by no means that of an ascetic. The

large circular stone below this, represents eight human figures standing

in most uncomfortable postures and supporting a cord or garland.

This was probably the capital of an ornamental column; and there is

reason to think that it must be assigned to a later date, on the ground

that ancient Buddhist sculptures rarely if ever exhibit any distortion

of limbs, while the Jains and modern Brahmins twist and distort their

figures in every possible manner. The other half of this circular stone

lies at the College, and as Major Kittoe is stated to have taken stones

from Bakariya Kund until stopped by the people, may have been

brought from this place.

In addition to these Plates which have now been described,

Mr. Tresham has kindly taken two others, one representing the south

end of the Kund, No. 5, and the other a portion of the retaining wall

on the western bank, No. 6, copies of which are also forwarded.

ON er ee re en

14 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1,

Ancient Indian Weights.—By E. Tuomas, Esq.

(Continued from p, 266 of Vol. XXXIII.)

[ Received 28th September, 1864,] -

I concluded the first portion of this article with a suggestive recti-

fication of the reading of a passage in Manu, tending to prove that

coined money was in use at the period of the compilation of the text

of India’s earliest lawgiver. Any question that might have remained

on this subject may be satisfactorily set at rest by the testimony of the

published Sanskrit version of Yajnavalkya,* the commentary on which,

known as the Mitdkshard, defines the Karshika as “ measured by a

Karsha” (Karshenonmita) ; while the copper KArsna itself is described

as Tdmrasya Vikdra, or “copper transformed,” 7. e., worked up from

its crude metallic state into some recognised shape.; This proves, in the

one case, that the interpretation of the term Kdrsha, as a coin, or

fabricated piece of whatever description, is fully authorised ; and, in the

other, that the copper Karshdpana, as Manu’s text would imply, con-

stituted the ready referee of weight, which its general currency as a

coin of the period was calculated to ensure. Indeed it is curious to

note how near an adherence to very primitive customs this state of things

discloses, in that the original idea of the use of definite and subdivided

weights of metal for commercial purposes, is still so closely identified

with the secondary function these fixed units had come to fulfil in the

guise of money, as circulating measures of value, while they retained

their hereditary acceptance as bases of the metric system.{ This

duality of function remained so essentially associated in the minds of

the people, that the revised scales of weights of the British Govern-

ment, in compliance with local predilections, were adapted and adjusted

under a similar system,—the current Rupee recommending itself as the

* Mitékshara, i. 364.

+ Professor Wilson missed the full force of this explanation in adhering to

the old translation of Manu—where “ Kdrsha or Pana” are given.—“ Ariana

Antiqua,” p. 404; Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i. 53, note.

+ An early example of the use of the Karsha as a weight is given in the

Buddhist Legends (Burnouf, Introd. Hist. Bud., p. 258), where one Kdrsha

weight of sandal wood is stated to have cost “500 Karshapanas.’”’ The custom

of employing current coins as measures of weight appears to have become

subsequently so much of a recognised system in Hindustan, that Sikandar bin

Bahlol extended their metric functions into tests of measures of length—414

diameters of his copper coins being assigned to the Guz or local yard.—Num.

Chron,, xv. 164,

HINDU PUNCH COINS.

Engyaved by Shaik Munneeroddeen W2ll Waterloo Street.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 15

initial datum and “foundation of the Ser and DMan,’* and as the

criterion and handy test of the higher weights.

To the most casual inquirer, perusing the precepts and enactments

embodied in the Statutes of Manu, the existence of some conventional

means of meeting the ordinary wants of commerce and exchange, in-

cident to the state of society therein typified, would be, so to say, self-

evident. The scale of fines, the subdivisions of the assessments of tolls,

the elaboration of the rates of interest, and even the mere buyings and

sellings adverted to, so far in advance of any remnant of a system of

barter, would necessitate the employment of coined money, or some

introductory scheme of equable divisions of metal, authoritatively or

otherwise current by tale,t without the need of weighing and testing

each unit as it passed from hand to hand. We need not attempt to

settle the correct technical definition of coined money, or what amount

of mechanical contrivance is required to constitute a coin proper,—it is

sufficient to say that we have flat pieces of metal, some round, some

square or oblong, adjusted with considerable accuracy to a fixed weight,

and usually of an uniform purity, seemingly verified and stamped anew

with distinctive symbols by succeeding generations, which clearly

represented an effective currency long before the ultimate date of the

engrossment of the Laws of Manu. The silver pieces of this class, the

Purdnas, are found in unusual numbers, and over an almost unlimited

extent of the entire breadth of Hindustan: from the banks of the

sacred Saraswati; under eighteen feet of the soil which now covers

the buried city of Behat;{ down the Ganges to the sea; on the

eastern and western coasts; and in the “ Kistvaens” of the ancient

races of the Dakhin.§ That the silver coins should have been pre-

served to the present time, in larger numbers than their more perishable

and less esteemed copper equivalents, was to be expected, especially

looking to the reconversion of the latter into newer dynastic mintages,

* Prinsep’s Useful Tables, ii, 95, 104-6; “Jour, As. Soc., Bengal,” 1834,

Appendix, p. 61, &e. See also “ Jour. As. Soc., Bengal,” i. 445.

+ One example may suffice. “The toll ata ferry is one pana for an empty

cart; half a pana for a man with a load; a quarter for a beast used in agri-

culture, or fora woman; and an eighth for an unloaded man.”—Manu, viii.

404,

{ “Jour. As. Soc., Bengal,” iii, 44. Prinsep’s “Essays,” i, 73. For range

of localities, see also A. Cunningham, “ Bhilsa Topes,” p. 354.

§ Caldwell, “ Dravidian Grammar,” p. 526. Walter Elliot, “ Madras Journal

Lit. and Science,” 1858, p. 227.

16 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1,

and their proverbial absorption for the construction of domestic utensils.

But with all this, the relative proportions of each, which reward modern

collectors,* would seem to indicate that, of the joint currencies, the

silver issues must have already constituted a large measure of the

circulating media of the day; and this evidence is by no means un-

important, as showing that while the standard of value was, from the

first, copper, the interchangeable rates of the two metals must have

been in a measure recognised, while these imperfect currencies were in

the course of formation and reception into the commerce of the

country.

The tenor of the entire text of Manu conclusively demonstrates that

the primitive standard of the currencies of the Indians, like that of the

geographically less isolated, though equally independent originators of

their own proper civilisation, the Egyptians, was based upon copper, a

lower metal, which, however it may astound our golden predilections

of modern times, was clearly in so far preferable in the early conception

of interchangeable metallic equivalents, that it necessarily constituted

the most widely distributed and diffused representative of value, brought

home to the simplest man’s comprehension, and obviously in its very

spread the least liable to sudden fluctuation from external causes, such

as would more readily affect the comparatively limited available amounts

of either of the higher metals. Hence, in remote ages, under an im-

perfect philosophy of exchange, copper may be said to have been the

safest and most equable basis for the determination of all relative

values; and so well did it seemingly fulfil its mission in India, that as

civilisation advanced with no laggard pace, and foreign conquest brought

repeated changes of dominant power, and whatever of superior intel-

ligence may have accompanied the intrusive dynasties, the copper

standard continued so much of a fixed institution in the land, that it

was only in Akbar’s reign (a. p. 1556—1605)} that it even began to

* Col. Stacey’s collection contributes 373 silver coins of this class to 30

copper pieces (“ Jour. As. Soc. Bengal,” vol. xxvii. p. 256; 1858). The British

Museum cabinets show 227 silver against 2 copper punch coins. Of the former

57 are round; the rest are square, oblong, or irregularly shaped.

+ The revenues of Akbar’s magnificent empire were all assessed in Déms; a

copper coin weighing about 324 grains [N. C., xv. pp. 163—172]. The total

demand of the state in a.p, 1596 is given as 3,62,97,55,246 déms. The payments

in kind, in the province of Kashmir, are consistently reduced into equivalents in

dams, and the single exception to the copper estimate occurs in the Trans-Indus

Sirkdér, of Kandahar, where the taxes were collected in Persian gold Tomans and

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 17

lose its position as the general arbiter of all fiscal and mercantile

transactions. With the accumulated increase of wealth, its cumbrous

volume made an opening for the silver Rupee, which established itself

permanently in its place, and as time went on, gold Muhars had an

exceptional and temporary acceptance ; but, like the rwpees of that mon-

arch, they were left to find their own level in the market, as certain

inexperienced servants of the East India Company discovered, to their

astonishment, to be still the ruling idea of the community at large,

when, in subsequent times, they incautiously declared gold a legal

~ tender.*

T have already extracted from the ancient Sanskrit code the contem-

poraneous definition of the weights of metal in use “ for the purpose

of worldly business.” I will now examine how much of an approxi-

mation to the conventional notion of a money currency had been reach-

ed, at the period of the composition of the Vedas and other archaic

writings.

Professor Wilson was under the impression that he had discovered a

reference to coined money in the Vedas, where, in the enumeration of

the gifts bestowed upon the Aishi Garga, mention is made of “ten

purses” of gold ;+ unfortunately, the contents of these “purses, bags,

or chests,” or whatever may have been the intentional meaning of

kosayth in this place, do not figure in the original text of the hymn,

but form part of the conjectural additions of the commentator

Scyana.{ As such, it is useless to speculate further on the passage ;

but the words dasa hiranya pinddn, “ten lumps of gold,” in the sue-

ceeding verse, seem to have a much more direct bearing on the general

question, and would almost in themselves establish a reckoning by

tale. Had the text merely confined itself to the expression “ lumps

of gold” in the generic sense, crude and undefined fragments of metal

Dinars [Gladwin’s “ Ayin Akbari,” ii. pp. 3,107,110. See also i. pp- 2, 3, 4,

35, 37,39}. Ido not lose sight of the fact of the long-continued use of an

intermediate mixed silver and copper currency, which filled in the divisions

between, and co-existed with higher and lower coinage of unalloyed metals | N.

C., xv. pp. 153, 163; Prinsep’s “ Essays,” Useful Tables, p- 71]. Dédms, like

So, Karsha, were also occasionally used as weights (See Ayin-Akbari

*S Sir James Steuart, “The Principles of Money, &c., in Bengal.” Calcutta,

1772, p. 26 ; Prinsep’s “ Essays,” Useful Tables, pp, 73, 76, 77.

tT “ Rig Veda Sanhita,” iii. pp. xvi. and 474.

ft “Rig Veda,” text, vol. i, p. 699; Max Miiller, Sce also Wilson, “R. V.

8.,” i. p. xlix. and iii; and note 4, page 474,

18 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1,

might have been understood; but the deliberate enumeration of ten

horses and ten lumps of gold,* would seemingly enforce the conclusion

that those lumps were fixed and determined sections of the metal of

habitually recognised value, or precisely such divisional portions of

gold as we see in the parallel cases of the silver and copper of which

Manu speaks, and whose extant survivors find a place in our medal

cabinets.

In addition to this allusion to what I suppose to have been Swvarnas,

the Vedas, on two occasions, distinctly name the Nishka. The first

reference to this money-weight is to be found in a hymn by that most

mercenary Rishi, Kaxsuivat,t devoted to no deity, but to the glori-

fication of a mundane prince dwelling on the Indus, whose beneficence

is eulogised, in an extended play upon the number of his gifts, among

which the Rishi confesses to having “ unhesitatingly accepted 100

Nishkas, 100 vigorous steeds, and 100 bulls;” evidencing, as in the

previous instance, a numerical computation by pieces of recognised

value—much in advance of the primitive test of scales and weights.

Again, ina subsequent Suikta, Grirsamapa, a Rishi of some celebrity,t

in addressing the divinity Rupra, says, “‘ He shines with brilliant golden

ornaments.”* * ‘‘ Worthy thou bearest arrows and a bow; worthy

thou wearest an adorable omniform necklace.’’§

The medieval scholiast substitutes the word hdra, a necklace, for

the Nishka of the original text,|| an interpretation which is followed

by the modern translator. It would seem that one of the derivative

meanings of the word NW ishka, as in the parallel instance of Dindra,]

* “Rio Veda Sanhita,” 4th Ashtaka, 7th Adhydya; “ Sukta,” xlvii. verse

23—*I have received ten horses, ten purses, clothes, and ample food, and ten

lumps of gold, from Divodasa.”

I should prefer the substitution of “cakes or balls” of gold for the “t lumps”

of the translator. Mr. W. Elliot mentions that ‘the Canarese gulige (Sanskrit

gutika) was the ancient name of a class of small spherical coins.” See figs. 3,

4, 5, pl. vii., vol. iii, ‘“‘ Madras Journal” (1858). Whence, also, the gold A’dal

Gutkah (Gutka) of the “ Ayin-Akbari,” i. p. 32.

+ Wilson, “ Rig Veda Sanhita,”’ ii. p. 17. See also i. 312, 316, &e.

t Wilson, “ Rig Veda Sanhita,” ii. p, 207.

§ Wilson, “ Rig Veda Sanhita,” 2nd ashtaka, 7th adhyaya. Sikta xxxiii. vol.

li. p. 291-2. :

wy s ! te . ! . ! . los ° ! =~ 2

ae rantt areata earefaa gad feyeq | wefad cae fowae a

aT SISA Wafer ll Re I

|| Max Miiller, “ Rig Veda,” ii. p. 579.

4| Max Miller, “Sanskrit Literature,” p, 247.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 19

came in process of time to apply to “an ornament of the neck,” the

component elements supplying the designation in either case. From

the passage in question we may reasonably infer that the Nishka of

the Vedas had, even then, attained so much of a definite and unvarying

form, and partial ornamental fashioning, as to be suitable for decorative

purposes in its current shape; a deduction which would further imply

that the piece itself was understood, or admitted to be of a constant

and uniform make, and that, in effect, it carried its description in its

name.

Tt is a question whether it is not also necessary to amend the trans-

lation of the adjective, Vis’wa rupa, from ‘‘omniform,” to the more

intelligible ‘“ pervaded,” or covered “with forms” or symbols,* a

rendering which would singularly accord with the state in which we

find the silver money of the period. Should any difficulty be felt at

the supposition of the adornment of a god with so obvious a work of

man’s hand, it may be said that bows and arrows are scarcely divine

weapons; but the inherent tendency of lightly-clad, imperfectly domi-

ciled races to wear on their persons their more valuable and easily

portable wealth, would naturally suggest the notion that the deities

followed a similar practice; and the expression instructs us that the

people among whom it was uttered were in the habit of hanging round

their necks sections of the precious metals, even as their successors in

the land for ninety generations have continued to do; having thereby,

* This rendering is in complete harmony with Burnonf’s ‘“ Dindras marqués

de signes” (lakshandéhatam dindra dvayam), two dinars impressed with symbols.

A difficulty has been felt about the supposed Latin origin of the word Dindr ;

but, if the passage quoted by Burnouf truly represents the tabric of the earlier

mintages, it does not matter what term the original recorder or translator

applied to the piece itself; he may well have used the conventional word of his

age for gold coin, without damaging the authenticity or antiquity of the legend,

or losing sight of the character of the old type of money he was then describing,

and which must have been still abundant in the land. But apart from this,

Colebrooke, in his Algebra of the Hindus (p. exxxiii.), has affirmed that Dindr

“is a genuine Sanskrit word,” the derivation of which Professor Goldstiicker

explains by dé (preserved in didi, and kindred with div, dip), hence the participle

dina, “ shining,’ with the affix dra, implying “pre-eminence,” As regards the

term Nishka, Max Miiller has thrown out a suggestion that it may be in some

way associated with the name of the Indo-Scythian king Kanishka (‘ Sanskrit

Literature,” p. 332). Professor Goldstiicker, on the other hand, thinks that the

word may be satisfactorily derived from nis, “out,” and ka, “splendour” (from

kan, “‘to shine”), Nishka occurs in Panini, v. 1, 20; v. 1, 30: v. 2, 119.

See “Introduction a THistoire de Buddhisme,” p. 423; Max Miiller,

«Sanskrit Literature,” p. 245; Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i, 246, note 3; and “Jour.

As Soc. Bengal,” vi, 459,

20 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1,

in many instances, undesignedly preserved to history the choicest and

most interesting numismatic memorials of olden time.

Dr. Weber has collected from the Sutras and later Vedic writings,

a number of references to money weights,* the most interesting of

which are the notice of the silver Satamdna by Katyayana (xx. 2, 6),

and the mention of a “ yellow-gold satamana’”’ (hiranyam suvarnam

s‘atamdnam) in the Satapatha Braéhmana (xii. 7, 2, &.), showing that

the term s’atamdna, which is given by Manu exclusively as a weight

of silver, had come to be used indifferently with its coincident metric

denomination, the Nishka, which, in earlier times, specially implied a

measure of gold,y The quotation of Swvarna S'aldkdni from the

Sruti,} is also of importance, the S’aldka identifying the gold piece

directly with the parallel issue of silver, the residuary specimens of

which retain the name to this day in the South of India.§

Having obtained from the Vedas themselves so much of an indica-

tion of the use of circulating monetary weights at the very early period

to which those hymns are now admitted to belong, my task in proving

an obvious advance upon the rudimentary phase of the science of money,

under Manu, will be simple; especially as so much has already been

incidentally brought forward, tending to dissipate any remaining doubt

as to the existence of a coimed copper currency, much anterior to the

epoch, when the customs and usages of preceding ages had to be

acknowledged as the practical basis of, and as far as might be, conciliated

in, the new code which was to make Brahmanism absolute.|| As I

have already stated, there is no direct evidence to show what technic

art had achieved in those days, or what form or finish was given to

the current money; but, as with the copper, so with the divisional

parts of gold and silver, in the table quoted from Manu (viii. 131—137) ;

their classification represents something more than a mere theoretical

* « Zeitschrift,” 1864, p. 138-9.

+ See also the quotation from “ Yajnavalkya,” section i. sl. 364; Num. Chron.,

1864, note, p. 56.

{ Madhava in Kalanirnaya.

§ Walter Elliot, “ Madras Journal of Lit. and Science,” 1858, p. 224. Salaku

(Telugu), “A dent or mark on a coin denoting its goodness.”—Wilson,

*¢ Glossary.” The leading meaning of the Sanskrit S’aldka is given as a dart, an

arrow: one of its derivative meanings is “an oblong quadrangular piece of

ivory or bone used in playing a particular game ; a domino.”—Wilson, “ Sanskrit

Dictionary.”

|| “No greater crime is known on earth than slaying a Brahman.’—Manu,

viii, 381.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 21

enunciation of weights and values, and demonstrates a practical

acceptance of a pre-existing order of things; precisely as the general

tenor of the text exhibits these weights of metal in full and free em-

ployment for the settlement of the ordinary dealings of men, in parallel

currency with the copper pieces; whose mention, however, is neces-

sarily more frequent, both as the standard and as the money of detail,

amid a poor community. Their use in the higher totals would seem

to refer to an earlier stage of civilisation, or to a time when the inter-

changeable values of the different metals were less understood and even

more imperfectly determined. There is no attempt to define these

relative values, and the omission may, perchance, have been intentional ;

though some such scale would soon settle itself by custom, and the

lawgivers may wisely, in their generation, have abstained from attempt-

ing, like our own modern statesmen, to fix the price of gold for all time,

to give permanency to an ephemeral balance, or otherwise to swerve

from the ancient simplicity of their own copper standard. Neither

need there be any distrust of the contrasted passages, as representing

different stages of national advancement. The collection of a code of

human laws would necessarily embrace the progress and practical

adaptations of many. generations of men, the older formule being

retained in the one case, side by side with the more recent enactments

and their modified adjuncts. In a compilation of this kind, the retention

of such apparent anomalies would indeed be a negative sign of good

faith ; and as we have to admit considerable uncertainty as to the exact

epochs of the origin, application, and classification of these laws, and

astill greater margin of time to allow for their versification and ultimate

embodyment in writing, it would be as well not to lay too much stress

upon their internal evidence, when all the legitimate deductions we

seek can be established from external testimony.

~The next contribution to the history of coinage in India is derived

from the unexpected source of the Grammar of Panini, in the text of

which pieces of money in a very complete form are adverted to.* That

* Professor Goldstiicker has been so obliging as to examine P4nini for refer-

ences to coins, and to furnish me with the following note on the subject :—

_ ©That Panini knew coined money is plainly borne out by his Sitra, v. 2, 119,

ripad ahata. . . . where he says, ‘the word rzépya is in the sense of “ struck”

(Ghata), derived from répa, ‘form, shape,” with the taddhita affix ya, here

implying possession ; when riipya would literally mean “ struck (money), having

22 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1,

nominal terms should appear in the grammar of a people would, at the

very least, imply that the object designated had attained extensive

local recognition. Without touching the higher ground, as to how

soon in a nation’s linguistic progress fixed grammatical definitions

may become a religious, intellectual, or material need, it cannot but be

conceded that if the name and description of a coin find a place among

rules for the formation of words, this should be evidence sufficient to

prove that such a product of mechanical art must long have passed

into the dealings and commercial life of the nation at large ere it could

have become incorporated in the conventional speech, and been sanc-

tioned in the teachings of the schools.

Admitting these inferences, it remains to decide upon the date of

the grammarian himself. Professor Goldstiicker conceives that he has

lately obtained most important confirmatory testimony that Panini lived

before Buddha Sdkya Muni (8.c. 543).* Accepting this period for the

record in writing of the passage in question, I am satisfied to leave the

limit of the anterior currency of the coins open to free discussion.

The allusions to money in the sacred literature of Sakya Muni are

so frequent, in comparison with their rare occurrence in the Vedic

writings, as to have led one of our modern inquirers to infer that the

Buddhists understood and employed the art of coining long before their

Brahman adversaries ;+ a more simple and satisfactory reason may be

assigned for the apparent data, in the fact that the Vedas and their

supplemental rituals refer to an ideal polytheism, while the Buddhist

scriptures are based on the personal biography of a man living in the

flesh among the people of India, whose manners and customs are thus

a form.”’ Katyéyana and Patanjali make no observation on these words, but

the Kasika-vritti says that ‘form’ here means ‘the form or shape of a man

which was struck on it;’ and considering that riépa, ‘form,’ is in this Sitra

used without any addition—or emphatically, the ellipsis of pwrusha, ‘ man’—is

perfectly natural and justified. As to the date of the Kasikavritti, nothing

positive is as yet known of it; it is certain, however, that it is much later than

the Mahabhashya; but even without its interpretation, I hold that no other

sense than that put by it on this Satra could rationally be attributed to it.”

* While on the subject of dates, I may mention that since the publication of

the earlier portion of this article, a paper has been presented to the Royal Asiatic

Society, by Dr. Whitney, “On the Jyotisha Observation” (adverted to in Note

14, page 255, “Journal As. Soc. Bengal,” 1864) questioning the accuracy of the

results of previous calculations. The utmost possible limit of error, however,

is admitted to lie between 1120 and 1187 B8.c., instead of within the 1181 and

1186 B.c., already quoted.

+ Spence Hardy, “ Eastern Monachism,” Lond., 1850, p. 66.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 23

incidentally portrayed. So that the Vedas proper, as might be antici-

pated, furnish but few references to money, and Manu confines his

notices to the formal letter of the law, though that brings within its

circle even the definition of the lowest rate of wages, which is fixed at

one pana a day, with an allowance of grain, &. (vii. 126). The

Buddhist legends, on the contrary, abound in illustrations of every-day

life, including ordinary commercial dealings, frequent mention of

charitable donations and distributions; and in one instance they have

preserved a record of the quaint item, that the Anonyma of her day,

in the ancient city of Mathura, estimated her favours at 500 puranas

(about £16). Burnouf, who cites this anecdote, has further collected

in his “ Introduction 4 1’Histoire de Buddhisme,” numerous passages

mentioning swvarnas, purdnas, kakini (vatis), and kdrshdpanas,* and

among other things he reproduces a tale which exemplifies the curious

custom of the women of the period indulging in the habit of ornament-

ing the skirts of their garments with karshipanas. The notice of

Dindrst has already been referred to, but the most important passage

under the numismatic aspect, in the Buddhist literature, is to be found

in the text of the “‘ Mahéwanso,”’ where it is stated that the Brahman

Chanakya, the adviser of Chandra Gupta, ‘“ with the view of raising

resources, converted (by recoining) each kaha pana into eight, and

amassed eighty kotis of kahdpanas.’’}

If the Buddhist legends are to be taken as in any way correct ex-

ponents of the state of civilisation existing at the period to which they

professedly refer, it is clear that the act of recoining, and by conversion

and depreciation making each kdrshdpana into eight, would imply

unconditionally, not only that the art of coining had reached its most

advanced stage, but that the ideas and customs of the country had been

already trained by long usage, to identify the regal stamp with the

supposed assurance of fixed intrinsic value—a fallacy that was very early

* Pp. 91, 102, 103, 145-7, 236, 238, 243, 245, 258, note 329, note 597.

+ Ibid, 423.

{ Turnour’s “ Mahawanso,” Ceylon, 1837, p. xl.: and M. Miiller, “ Sanskrit

Lit.” 289. The Ceylon writers wrote according to their own lights, as unlike

the people of India Proper, who seem to have reserved the term Karshapana

for the copper coinage. The inhabitants of Ceylon and the Western coasts

appear to have coined both gold and silver into Karshdpanas, Mdshas, and

other established weights ; though the generic term Karshdpana in books and

inscriptions usually indicates copper coin in the absence of any specification to

the contrary.

24 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1,

taken advantage of by the ruling powers. For, while the primitive

currencies which bear no royal impress, were endued with, and retain to

the present, a remarkable uniformity of weight and fineness of metal, as

in the very nature of things it was necessary for them to be full measure,

that they might exchange against full measure in return; on the other

hand, from the moment true coins, in our modern sense, make their

appearance, irregularity accompanies them, so that in the Indian series,

in one of the first completely fashioned mintages, that of the silver

Behat type, bearing the name of Kunanda,* the weights of fully-

stamped well-preserved specimens vary from 29 to 38-2 grains.

The Ceylon annals casually illustrate the subdivisions of the kdrshd-

pana, as they may be inferred to have existed under Manu (viii. 404),

in the descending scale as 1, $, 4, 3. The Bhikkhus of “ Weséli”’

(Bassahr, north of Patna) asking alms, in 443 B.c., say, “ Beloved!

bestow on the priesthood either a kahdpan, or half, or a quarter of

one, or even the value of a mdsa.”+ Without insisting upon this last,

which would constitute =), of the kdrshdpana, I may notice once again

the permanency of Indian institutions, in the fact that Akbar’s copper}

coins were retained under the original and simple division of 1, 4, 4,

4, in the presence of, and associated with, the most curious complica-

tions of the weights and values of the currency of the precious metals.

There is little else that will immediately serve our purpose in the

notices of Ceylon coins.¢ Nor do the more promising inscriptions of

the Western Caves throw any particular light on the primitive coin-

ages of Northern India. They contain numerous records of donations

of kdhdpanas, and in one place notice a Kahdpan Sdla, or Hall for

the distribution of kdrshdpanas.|| Hins{] and Padikas are often cited

* Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i. p. 203, pl. xi., fig. 16; vol. ii., pl. xliv., figs. 2, 3, 4;

“ Aviana Antiqua,” p. 415, pl. xv., fig. 23.

+ Mahawanso, J. A. 8., Bengal, vi. 729.

{ “ Ayin-Akbari,” i. 36.

§ Other references to money are to be found, “ Mahdwanso,” pp. xli., 10;

Spence Hardy, “ Manual of Buddhism,” pp, 119, 218, 219.

|| ‘Bombay Jour. Royal Asiatic Soc.,’ 1853; Dr. Stevenson’s “ Kanheri

Caves, Inscrip.” No. x. p. 9, and the revision by Mr, E. W. West in 1862, p. 1,

et seq., See also “ Nasik Cave Inscriptions,’ 1853, p. 3; and “ Sahyadri

Inscriptions,” 1854, p. 1.

| The mention of Huns thus early is of some value in this inquiry, as showing

the age of the name, associated with the near coincidence of its authorised

weight with that of the old Purana, Mr. Elliot derives the word from pon,

“gold ;’ Canarese honna, The Varaha, or modern Pagoda, being merely a

double honna of 32 gunjas.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 25

and special respect seems to have been shown to a currency called by

the local name of Nandigera.

In attempting to ascertain the relation of the weights of ancient

and modern days, and to follow the changes that time and local custom

may have introduced into the static laws of India, the capital point

to be determined is the true weight of the ratz, as it was understood

and accepted when the initiatory metric system was in course of form-

ation. Two different elements have hitherto obstructed any satisfac-

tory settlement of the intrinsic measure of this primary unit—the one,

the irregularity of the weight of the gunja seeds themselves, which

vary with localities and other incidental circumstances of growth ;*

the other, the importance of which has been rather overlooked, that

the modifications in the higher standards, introduced from time to

time by despotic authority, were never accompanied by any rise or

fallin the nominal total of ratis which went to form the altered

integer. From these and other causes the rate of the rati has been

variously estimated ast 1°3125 grains, 1875 grains, 1953 grains, and

even as high as 2°25 grains.

We have Manu’s authority for the fact that 32 ratis went to the old

silver dharana or purdna, and we are instructed by his commentator,

in a needlessly complicated sum, that the kdrsha was composed of 80

ratis of copper. We have likewise seen that this kdrsha constituted a

commercial static measure, its double character as a coin and as a

weight being well calculated to ensure its fixity and uniformity in

either capacity within the range of its circulation. I shall be able to

show that this exact weight retained so distinct a place in the fiscal

history of the metropolis of Hindustan, that in the revision and read-

justment of the coinage which took place under Muhammad bin

* Colebrooke, As. Res. v. 93.

+ Sir W. Jones, “ As. Res,,” ii. 154, “ Rati—1,§ of a grain.” Prinsep, U. T.

(180+96) ; Jervis, “ Weights of Konkan,” p, 40; Wilson, ‘“ Glossary.” sub voce

Rati. Col. Anderson, working from Akbar’s coins, which were avowedly in-

ereased upon the old ratios, made the rati 1:94 (Prinsep’s “ Essays,” ii., U. T.,

p. 22). We need have no further difficulty about Shir Shah’s or Akbar’s coin

weights now that we know the bases upon which they were founded. Indeed,

the determination of the true value of the kdrsha enables us to explain many

enigmas in the numismatic history of India; why and whence Muhammed bin

Tughlak adopted his new 140 grain standard; why the unequally-alloyed billon

coins of Firoz and others were all kept at one determinate weight, &c , &c.; N. C.,

xv. 136, and notes, pp, 153, 163.

26 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 1

Tughlak, in a.v. 1325,* this integer was revived in the form of silver

coin, and was further retained as a mint standard by his successors,

till Shir Sh&h remodelled the currency about the middle of the

sixteenth century. In the same way I have already demonstrated

elsewhere,} in illustration of an independent question, that a coin retain-

ing with singular fidelity the ponderable ratio of the ancient purdna,

was concurrent with the restored kdrsha under Féroz Shah (a.p. 1351—

1388) and other kings. And to complete the intermediate link, I

may cite the fact that when the effects of Greek and Scythian inter-

ference had passed away, the 32-ratc Purdna reappeared in the Punjab

and Northern India, as the silver currency of the local dynasty of

Sya’ta and Samanta Deva,} and furnished in its style and devices the

prototype of the Dehli Cuoua’n series of ‘‘ Bull and Horseman” coins,

the Diulliwdlas, which were retained, unaltered in wieght, by the

Muhammedans, in joint circulation with the silver double Dirhams of

174 grains, of their own system.§

Extant specimens of Sydla’s coins in the British Museum weigh

544 grains and upwards.

If this double series of weights, extending over an interval of time

represented by 24 or 25 centuries, and narrowed to an almost identical

locality, are found not only to accord with exactitude in themselves,

but to approach the only rational solution of the given quantities, the

case may be taken as proved.

The ancient pwrdna hall-marked silver pieces range as high as

55 grains; copper coins of Rdmadatal| are extant of 137.5 grains; and

other early coins of about 70 grains ; while, in parallel exemplification,

the later standard weights, under the Muhammedans at Dehli, are

found to be 56 and 140 grains. Hence—_

140+80 ratis = 1°75 grains.

ooo, ,, Sa 75 ga,

87, and vol, xv., No. 24, page 130.

+ Num. Chron., xv., notes, pp. 138, 153, &c. In the minor subdivisions, the

84°5 and 17°4 of coins Nos. lix. and lx., p. 155, singularly accord with the weight

required for the 4 and 3 kdrsha. 1

t J. A. S. Bengal, iv. 674; J.R. A. S,, ix. 177; Ariana Antiqua, p. 428;

Prinsep’s Essays, i. 313.

§ N. C., xv. 136; Prinsep’s Essays, U. T., p. 70.

|| Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i. p. 216, pl. xx., figs. 47, 48.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 27

and this is the weight I propose to assign to the original rati ; there

may be some doubt about the second decimal, as we are not bound to

demand an exact sum of even grains, but the 17 may be accepted with

full confidence, leaving the hundredth at discretion, though from pre-

ference, as well as for simplicity of conversion of figures, I adhere to

the 17. Uuder this system, then, the definition of each ancient weight

by modern grains will stand as follows :—

2 Ratisor 3°5 grains.

1 Masha

Suver. .4 1 Dharana, or Purdna BBs, 4/5; 4 660

1 Satamana — 320 boll. ash REO a

1 Masha —— ee ee eS ye ee

; 1 Suvarna Soul, 140:

Goxp if Palasor'Nishka’”) ==¢ga9~7 0? peor)?

1 Dharana = 8200 ,,_ ,, 5600 ”

Correr . 1 Karsha == 80) i 2 240 oe

Se 3 = 40 ” ”? 70: ”

Subdivisions of Kdrsha .. 44 == 20 , 4, 35 -

$ = 10 ” ” 175 ”

On some Siamese Inscriptions —By Dr, A. Bastian.

[Received 12th May, 1864.—Read 1st June, 1864.,]

Of the Indo-Chinese alphabets, the most interesting one is that of the

Siamese. The others, as those of the Cambodian, the Lao, the Shan,

the Talein, &c., are all derived, more or less directly, from the Pali

characters, which connect them with the circular alphabets of South India

and the vernacular Singhalese. The Siamese flows more immediately

from the Sanscrit and has, for instance, preserved the three sibilants,

whereas there is only one in the Pali and its cognate languages. For

a great many of those terms, which all the Buddhistic literatures of

eastern India have purloined from the Pali, the Siamese possesses two

forms, one taken from the original Sanscrit, and the other modified by

its passage through the medium of the Pali. In writing the sacred

books of the Trai-Pidak, the Siamese do not employ their vernacular

letters, but have borrowed the Pali ones from the Cambodians, and

call them therefore Akson (Akkara) Khom or Khamen letters. The

Birmese use only one alphabet, (with the single exception of the square

characters), whereas the Laos and Cambodians have varied a little the

28 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1,

forms of their Pali alphabet for profane uses, but have never employed

two distinct alphabets, as has been the case in Siam. The introduction

of the Pali alphabet in Ultra-India, is connected everywhere with the

arrival of Buddhaghosa, the Brahmin of Maghada, who visited Ceylon

to translate the Atthakatha, but the invention of their vernacular

alphabet is ascribed by the Siamese to their favourite king Phra-

Ruang, whose exact date is a great point of controversy amongst them.

In the Phongsavadan Muang niia, or the history of the northern towns,

it is said, that Phaya Ruang, (who was carried by his kite to foreign

lands, like the Raja of Dewaju), invented for the nations, subjected to

his rule, the Xieng thai (Siamese strokes or letters), the Xieng mon

(Peguan letters), the Xieng khom (Cambodian letters), and the now

unusual employment of the word Xveng (inclined or oblique) seems

to have reference to the straight and angular shape of the Siamese

letters, (recalling the ancient alphabets of the Bugis and Battas in the

Eastern Archipelago), in contradistinction to the circular one of the

Pali. But without going farther into the claims of Phaya Ruang to

the invention of the alphabet, a subject which would require a disser-

tation by itself, I shall lay before you the translation of an old stone-

inscription, found at Sukhothai, (the ancient capital of Siam during the

reign of Phaya Ruang and before him,) and placed at present in the

palace of Bangkok, by the order of the reigning king. You will see

that the king mentioned in it under the name of Ramkhamheng,

assigns to himself the honour of having invented the written character,

which he, (a very interesting cireumstance,) calls Laz-sé. The present word

for books in the Siamese language is Nangsd, pronounced by a fanciful

whim and against all rules of Siamese grammar, as Nong-si. Nang-st

means verbally the writing on skins (nang), and thus illustrates in a strik-

ing way, the old traditions of the Lawa, Karen, &c., regarding the former

existence of parchment books, and it appears that the Siamese, a

people of quite recent growth, as they could not understand the reason

for the appellation, gave intentionally a different pronunciation, al-

though they retained the original spelling, a manner of proceeding,

which could be illustrated by many similar examples in the Siamese

language. The other term Lai-si “‘ would, according to the same

analogy, mean writing in (various) colours, or writing in stripes.” A

Chinese officer who visited Cambodia in the year 1295, says of the —

32 aQrrerertG

KCC eo aB2zV “7.

ec CUML EOS EE

eae WOus NO[ Ld HOSNI ANOLS 9ON

youmr LDS LICH ayyo

nun oYyporU ok atuos al

wyp oNDyy? YpDy UEMAY VED SI

nawyg mddnyry © punuvyp IK

*qaau9 qwolLsinaand JHL JNINIVLNOD WVIS NI |QaHO-VWWOH LWd yaoovd 3HL

woud YWaLOVEVHO Wd GILVNOILNY NV NI ‘NOILAIHOSNI JNOLS G oN

eb HE TF

“GNIM YSHLONV + oN

PUIHOYAY, |,

vy dle 23

“GNIN YSIHLONV € oN

‘a pe ydoy e

LIAS £2 oF WI. WHS

“GNIN «WRHLONV § ZaN

eo CC [ais vwo

viqogwy) WOH4 NOILdIYISN! JNOLS “LoN

yeSusg 20g sy UInor

ter scav00 vs

—

1865.] On some Siamese Inscriptions. 29

literary sect, which, according to his accounts, then existed in the coun.

try, “ Their books and public records are written on buck-skin dyed

black, and cut into the required dimensions. They work down a paste,

resembling the China white lime. Of this they form little sticks, and

taking one into the hand, like a pencil, form characters, which can

never be effaced.’”” He must mean the black books, still in use, amongst

the Birmese, Siamese and Cambodians, on which they write with a

soft chalk-stone. In the convents they employ wooden tablets, cover-

ed with a black varnish, on which the writing of the boys, who trace

the letters for exercise, can be easily blotted out, and the same material

is used afresh. For documents and memorials, these black books are

at present made of vegetable substances like the white paper books,

and afterwards covered over with a black varnish. The writing is,

however, far from being indelible, and can be effaced without difficulty.

If the book is written full and not required to be kept, the leaves

(folded up in zigzag,) are rubbed over with a preparation of burnt peas

and charcoal, and then used again, as if new. In especially valuable

books, the letters, for appearance’ sake, are traced with a yellow dye,

a preparation from gamboge, on a smoothly varnished surface, but

gradually crumble off and become illegible, because the fluid does not

enter into chemical composition with the material of the substratum.

The white books are written on with Chinese ink. On the leaves of

the Talipoin-palm the letters are traced with an iron style. The

change from parchment to paper took place very likely in the rigorous

times of Buddhism, when the pious priests would not allow the killing

of animals to carry on its fabrication.

The inscription, translated here, is written in an ancient kind of

character, differing from the present one. The vowels are still written

in one line with the consonants, and the diacritical points of the mo-

dern alphabet are mostly dispensed with. The complicated system of

accentuation in the Siamese of to-day, has developed itself only gra-

dually, and can be traced back in old books to that simplicity, which

still reigns in the ruder dialects of the Laos, and makes them unintel-

ligible to the polished ear of the low-landers. I was enabled by the

help of some learned friends in Bangkok to extract the antiquated

alphabet of the inscription, but have not brought it yet to the state of

perfection, which would be desirable for publication. The first lines

30 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1,

in the commencement of the inscription, are to be found in the book

about Siam by Sir John Bowring, to whom the king had sent it, and

as the form of the letters can be looked for there (Vol. I. p. 278), I

abstain from giving specimens.

Two other stone-inscriptions from the neighbourhood of Xiengmai,

which were obtained by me in Bangkok, are written likewise in an

ancient character, related to that of the inscription of Sukhothai,

although differing in many particulars. Both speak of royal offerings

and the deposition of relics to establish the sacred period of 5000 years,

in terms similar to those employed by the Birmese king Mentara, but

T have not yet advanced far enough in the explanation of the cha-

racters to translate the whole of them. Even the present translation,

which I offer here, is still a very imperfect one, but whenever I was at

a fault to make out a satisfactory explanation, I was sure to find the

best informed Siamese in the same predicament. The inscription of —

Sukhothai covers the four sides of a conical stone, and in the same

court of Vat Keoh in the royal palace at Bangkok, is placed at its

side, another stone, which was brought from Kampheng-phet and bears

a Pali inscription. Besides these, stone inscriptions are found in the

Siamese province of Ligor, and at the old pagoda of Pathomma-chedi

at Nakhon-Xaisi, where also brick medallions are disinterred, resem-

bling those of Tagoung and other localities, and containing the con-

fessional formula of the Buddhists.

Ihave added for comparison, a few specimens of several inscriptions,

which I copied at length from the stone monuments in Cambodia.

The ancient characters, called Akson Mihng, abound chiefly at Nakhon

Tom, but are found also at Nakhon Vat, intermixed with inscriptions

of modern date. They are believed by the natives to be wholly unintel-

ligible, but seemingly without real foundation, as I have already suc-

ceeded, by consulting the more intelligent members of the priesthood,

in decyphering the names of gods, kings and towns, mentioned in them.

Some characters in ancient Devanagari, (resembling the Bengal

inscriptions of the 12th century,) I found at the side of Cochin Chi-

nese letters on a sepulchre in the plain of tombs at Saigon, a town

which belonged for some time to the kingdom of Chiampa. The

sepulchre was that of a priest and the Cochin Chinese Buddhists

on such occasions, sometimes mix their writings with fanciful letters of

their own invention, and intersperse them with Chinese characters,

1865.] On some Siamese Inscriptions. 3l

TRANSLATION OF THE SuKHoTHAr InscrIPTIoN.

“My father was called Sinitharatthija, my mother, lady (nang) Stang,

my elder brother, Ban-Miéang. I had of the same mother (womb),

five brothers and sisters, three being brothers and two sisters. Of my

elder brothers, the eldest died and departed at a time, when I was still

young. When I became large and grown up to about nineteen, the

chieftain (Khun) Samxon of the “ myang’’ (town or country) Xot

came up to the place of “myang” Tak. My father went to attack

Khun Samxon and fight him on the outworks of his camp. Khun

Samxon does not delay, he comes forth from the camp. Khun Samxon

spread out his troops, covering the open plains of the fields and chased

my father, who fled hastily, being defeated. Ido not fly. I (ku)

mount the elephant, rushing onupon the army. I push on before my

father; I close with Khun Samxon; I myself throw down the elephant

of Khun Samxon, mounted on which he had come up to the town,

Khun Samxon is defeated ; he is beaten and takes to flight, jumping

on ahorse. My father then raised my title, I was called Phra Ram

Kamheng (the courageous Lord Rama), because I had thrown down

the elephant of the chieftain Samxon. All the time of my father’s

life, I gave support to my father; I gave support to my mother; I

procured the flesh of stags and fishes ; I brought them up to my father.

I procured fresh areca, sweet areca, which I had tasted myself to be

savoury, tasted myself to be good; I bring this up to my father. I

set out against the savages, the tribes provided with elephants, to

obtain slaves for my father. I fall on their villages, on their towns.

I get elephants, get tusks; I get males and females; I get silver; I get

gold ; I bring it all up with me and deliver it over to my father. Then

my father dies. There is still an elder brother. I give support to my

elder brother, in the way, as I had supported my father. My elder

brother dies. Now the towns come to me, all the four towns. Of all

these towns of mine, of me, the father-benefactor (Pho-Khun) Ram-

khamheng, this town here, the town of Sukhotay excels. The waters

are full of fish, in the field grows rice. The Lord of the town does

not exact any duties, he does not tax the people. Undisturbed they

go along the roads, leading oxen to trade in them, mounting horses to

trade in them. If they wish and desire to trade in elephants, let them

doso. They may trade in them in the same way, as they are used to

32 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1,

trade in horses or in cattle. If they should like to trade in silver,

trade in gold, trade in slaves, they are free to do so. Let them fearlessly

transact their business before the face of the lords, before the host of

princes and young nobles. If death occurs, the property of the father

goes to his sons, of whatever it may consist. His children, his wives,

his servants, his slaves, the fruit-gardens of betel and areca, all and

every thing, what the father possessed, is inherited by his son. When-

ever disputes arise between the common people and members of the

nobility, they will be examined into and decided with justice, both

parties being equally regarded as subjects. The judge must not side

with the person who clandestinely steals and defrauds. He must not

harm the property of the litigants and take from it by his greediness.

Whenever traders to buy or sell come in companies to visit the town,

let them come. Such as wait for me at the northern frontier, requir-

ing my assistance, shall have it. If they are in want of elephants, or

of horses, or of slaves, or of money, it will be given tg them. After

the goods have been stapled* up in the town and stored, there will be

made an election of slaves and a rejection of slaves. Such as are

clever in spearing, clever in fighting, shall not be killed, neither shall

they be beaten. There is under the portico a bell hung up for the use

of the people, the royal subjects, in the centre of each village, in the

centre of each town. If in quarrels or injuries of any kind, they wish

to speak their mind before the lord or complain to the nobleman, it is

not difficult. They go and ring the bell, which has been hung up

there for them. The father-benefactor Ramkhamheng, the father

(sovereign) of the country, takes it up, he has the matter enquired

into and the names of the parties searched out.

“Furthermore in this city of Sukhotay there are planted orchards

of areca-palms and betel-vines, all over the town. On every place

there are groves of cocoanut trees in great abundance. In this town

are parks of the resin tree and plenty of them. In this town are mangoes

and plenty of them. In this town are tamarinds and plenty of them.

In this town there is liberty to build and plant for whosoever wishes.

In the middle of this town of Sukhotay there is a stone basin with

a bubbling fountain, the water is clean and clear and good to drink

without being distilled, clear like the water of the Ganges (khongka).

* Sic in MSS. Query [secured] P—Eps.

1865.] On some Siamese Inscriptions. 33

There is a river, which surrounds this town of Sukhotay in three

windings, even at the dry season, two thousand four hundred fathoms

in extent. The people in this town of Sukhotay are addicted to alms-

givings, are addicted to observe the precepts, are addicted to make

offerings. The father-benefactor Ramkhamheng, the sovereign of this

town of Sukhotay, he with all his ladies, with the host of lords, all

men and women, the whole of the princely race, the sons of nobles, all

males and females, as many as there are, the whole multitude, all of

them, persevere piously in the religion of Phra-Phuth (Buddha).

They keep the precepts during the time of Lent, every one of them.

When the rainy season is concluded, they celebrate the processions to

throw presents to the priests during one month, and then it is finished.

To solemnize this festival, they contribute artificial fruits; they collect

the fruits of areca; they bring flowers ; they bring cushions ; they will

reap the fruits of meritorious rewards. Those who present cushions,

will sleep on @ostly canopy couches. The variety of the presents in

multifarious patterns, heaped up by royal command and by the com-

mon folks, are innumerable, glittering in such quantities that they

cannot be counted ; they block up all places, filling every spot. The

lines of presents extend in piles beyond the precincts of the town till

to the outskirts of the jungle. If they have to be transported inside

the palace, there is one uninterrupted mass of goods stretching around,

before and behind, from the jungle outside. Then in praying and

ejaculating pious words, the air resounds with the clashing of voices,

with the echo of voices, in the passing and repassing of voices, with

singing voices. According to every one’s liking, he who feels inclined

and wishes to gamble, may gamble; who feels inclined to play, may

play ; who feels inclined to promenade, may walk about. In this town

of ‘Sukhotay there are excellent singers with melodious voices. At

the height of the festival the people use to come in in crowds, jostling

each other and eager to look on, how they light up the fire-works and

let them off. This town of Sukhotay contains a gong, split in halves,

This town of Sukhotay possesses a temple ; possesses a statue of Bud-

dha, 18 cubits high; possesses a large image of Buddha; possesses a

holy convent ; possesses aged teachers; possesses a high priest. To the

west of the town of Sukhotay there is a jungle-monastery (of hermits).

The father-benefactor Ramkhamheng bestows alms on the high priest

34 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1,

(Maha-thero or the great Thero). Amongst the aged teachers there is

a learned one, who has read through the Pidok in all its three parts.

He is the head of the tribe of savans, excelling above all others in this

town of Sukhotay, and there is none like him, from the town of

Svithammarat to here. In the midst of the jungle there is a monas-

tery. It is very large and roomy and exceedingly beautiful. At the

eastern side of this town of Sukhotay there is a monastery with vene-

rable professors; there is a royal lake; there is a forest of areca-palms

and betel-vines; there are fields aud cultivated tracts; there are home-

steads with gardens ; there are houses, large and small ; there is a forest

of mangoe trees; a forest of tamarinds handsome to look at and care-

fully kept. At the south of the town of Sukhotay there is a market

and a school-room ; there is the palace; there is a forest of cocoa-palms,

a forest of thorny areca; there are fields and cultivated tracts; there

are homesteads and gardens; there are houses, large and small. To

the north of the town of Sukhotay, there is a convent with the cells

of venerable teachers, who live by alms; there is a pretty lake with

plenty of fish; there are plantations of cocoa-palms, plantations of

resin trees, plantations of mangoes and tamarinds; there is water in

acistern. There is also the lord Khaphung, the demon-angel, who

is the mightiest in that mountain and above every other demon. In

this country every one of the nobles reverences the town of Sukhotay,

and observes the rules of adoration in his worship, paying homage.

This town is an upright one. This town stands well with the demons.

Ti mistakes are committed in the worship, if the sacrifice is not correct,

the demons in yonder mountain do not guard and protect the town ;

they disappear.

When the era was dated 1214, in the year of the dragon, the father-

benefactor Ramkhamheng, the sovereign of this country (town) of

Sisatxanalai-Sukhotay planted a palm tree, and after nineteen rice

crops had gone by, he ordered the workmen to prepare the smooth

surface of a stone, which was fastened and secured on the middle of

the trunk of the palm tree. In the days of the dark moon, at the

beginning and at the end, for eight days, and on the days of the full

moon and the quarters, the assembly of the aged teachers and the

priests ascend the surface of the stone to rest ; and the whole circle of

pious laymen accomplish the holy law in remembering and observing

1865.] On some Siamese Inscriptions. 35

the victorious precepts. The father-benefactor Ramkhamheng, the

sovereign of the country of Sitxanalai-Sukhotay, ascending to the

surface of the stone, sat down; and the host of the lords and the sons

of the nobles, the whole multitude, paid homage to him for their vil-

lages, paid homage for their towns. On the first and the last day of

the dark moon, on the extinguished moon, and at the full moon, the

white elephant was adorned in its trappings of costly gold, as it has

always been the custom to do. Its name is Ruchasi. The father-

benefactor Ramkhamheng, having mounted on its back, proceeds to

worship the image of Phra-Phuth in the jungle. He has brought

forth the engravings from the town of Xolajong, to place them in the

foundation, together with the glorious relics, the jewels holy and

splendid from the cave on the source of the waters, the cave on the

river’s bank, from the precious fountain in the middle of the palm

forest. Of the two halls, the one is called the golden, the other

the strength of the protecting Buddha. The flat stone, called

Manang-sila, in the form of an alms-bowl, is placed (as Dagob) above

the relies, to close the foundation formed by the stone. Then all men

saw and acknowledged, that the father-benefactor Ramkhamheng, son

of the father-benefactor Sinitharathiya, had become king in the coun-

try Sri Satxanalai-Sukhotay and over the Ma-kao, the Lao and the

Thay ; over all towns, below and above, under the vault of heaven.

All the inhabitants of the mountain U, the dwellers on the banks

of the river, were called out in the year of the pig, when the era dated

1209. They were ordered to dig and take out the holy relics. Hav-

ing come upon them and seen them, they made offerings and worship-

ped the holy relics. At a favourable day of the sixth month, they

took them out and brought them, to be buried in the centre of the

town of Sisatxanalai. A pagoda was placed upon them and _ stone-

towers were erected in a circle around the holy relies.

Then three years went by. In former times there was no written

aracter of the Thai. When the era dated 1205, in the year of the

orse, the father-benefactor Ramkhamheng, having consulted with the

rned teachers, established the letters of the alphabet for the Thai,

hich exist since that time, when the king arranged them for use.

hen it was, that the father-benefactor Ramkhamheng became verily

king and royal lord to all the Thai, because then verily he became

36 On some Siamese Inscriptions. [No. 1

their teacher and instructor, enlightening the Thai, that they might

know truly the merits and understand the law. But amongst the

people, living in this country of the Thai, there is nobody equal in

regard to firmness and boldness, in regard to courage, pre-eminence

and strength, equally powerful to overcome the host of enemies.

The country stretches far and wide, being enlarged by conquests.

On the side of sunrise, it extends to the royal lake, stretching in two

lines through the low grounds along the banks of the river Khong

(Mekhong), up to Viengchan and Viengkham, which two forts have

been placed there to form the boundary posts. On the south side it

comprises the people who inhabit thé district Phrek in Suphanna-

phumiratburi, the boundary line being marked by Petchaburi and

Srithammarat on the shores, which are washed by the waters of the

sea. On the side of sunset, it extends to the countries of Xot and

Bangkapadi, and there are no frontiers along the waters of the ocean.

In a northerly direction it comprises the town of Phleh (Pre), the

town of Nahn, the town Phlua, stretching to the banks of the

large river, where the country of the Xava (Xao) constitutes the

boundary. There are eatables cultivated in this territory, that the

multitude of villagers and citizens may be provided with food, as it

is right and just, according to the laws of line men.”

The discussion of the many important points, alluded to in this in-

teresting inscription, I must leave for another occasion. It has been

remarked above, that this truly enlightened king, under whom, the

people might with more propriety than now, have been styled “the free”

(Thai), appears to be identical with the famous Phra Ruang, (at least

with one of the different representatives of this name). The Siamese

chronicles place his reign generally in the seventh century, but the

Peguan history confirms his having reigned at about the epoch here

mentioned, which has to be reckoned most probably in the Mahasak-

kharat : if not, as the era appears to be counted backwards, it begins

with the holy period of 5000 years. The first king of Siam makes

the date of the inscription 1193 of the Christian era. The town of

Sukhothay is one of the oldest capitals of Siam and continually cele-

brated in the Phongsavadan muang nua, where one of the Brahmini-

eal ancestors is called by the name of Satxanalai. The town of Tak

1865.] On some Siamese Inscriptions. 37

lies now in ruins, in the neighbourhood of the present Rahein, and

belonged to the kingdom founded in Kampengpet. The mentioning

of the ocean, in defining the frontiers there, recalls the traditions of

the Taleins; and Sukhothai itself is said to have been formerly a sea-

port. According to the Siamese legends, Phra-Ruang sailed from it

to conquer China (Krung Chin), in the same year in which the Chinese

historians (616 P. D.) speak of a tribute brought from Siam. The

mythic traditions of the Damdukban place the residence of Phaya

Ruang in Nophburi or Lophburi, the ancient capital of the aboriginal

occupants of the soil, before the emigration of the Thai. The demon-

worship, mentioned in the inscription, continues still in various forms

in all Buddhistic countries, and the processions to make presents to the

priesthood may still be seen repeated every year at Bangkok, in the

way here described. The presents are called Kathin, on account of

their variegated components, in remembrance of the checkered gar-

ments of the monks, which, according to the founder’s institution, had

to be sown together in incongruous patchwork. The royal custom of

hanging up a bell, which might be rung by complainants seeking access,

occurs also in the history of Hongsavadi and is known all over the

orient. From the remark, that the stone placed over the relics had

the form of an alms-bowl (batr), one would have to conclude, that the

shape of the Dagoba is only indirectly connected with the lotus it is

supposed to represent. In Cambodia, one often sees pots with bones

and ashes of priests, placed under the Pho-tree, the peepul. The town

of Xalang is perhaps Jonk-Ceylon (the shipping of Ceylon), a place

formerly in intimate connection with the island of Ceylon, where

relics were cheap as mushrooms. The places mentioned to define the

boundaries of the kingdom, are all stillin existence, and can be easily

traced by the directions given. The kidnapping of the mountaineers

to carry on the slave-trade is still continued at the present day by the

Laos. The northern trade, the inscription speaks of, may have been in

the hands of Chinese merchants, and the king promises them, (as pro-

tection for their valuable cargoes), a safe conduct through the territory

occupied by hostile and predatory tribes. The years are counted by

erops of rice, as it is often done by the present Siamese, who at other

times employ the enumeration of the yearly inundations in their

reckonings. The names given to the years are those of the Dodecade.

40 Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. [No. 1,

avowed object of correcting the errors of such a scholar as Prinsep, it

is naturally expected that he should take some precaution to ensure

accuracy, and not blunder even in those places where the unfortunate

subject of his criticism happens to be correct.”* This is directed at

me ; and I reply to it.

Where have I come “ forward with the avowed object of correcting

the errors of such a scholar as Prinsep” ? Are the words of such an

avowal producible? Or can it be inferred, from anything I have put

on paper, that my purpose was that here alleged? Adverting to the

Eran inscriptions, I have expressed myself as follows, concerning their

original decipherer : “‘ Had Mr. Prinsep inspected the documents, in

discussion, with the advantage of the facilities I have been able to com-

mand, it is beyond question that his conclusions respecting them would

have differed, as on matters of moment, so as to points of unimport-

ance, from those he has recorded. Writing under obligation of the

reserve impressed by this consideration, I shall stay to expatiate on

but a few of the discrepancies, touching secondary details, which, on

collation of our results, the attentive reader will discover. At the

same time, I have weighed these cases, one and all, with my best

diligence.”+ My chief aim, as to the Eran inscriptions, was to read

and to translate them anew. That, all along, I studiously aimed,

wherever it was practicable, not to provoke comparison of my own

work with that of my predecessor, will, I believe, strike most of my

readers.

The Baba, on the other hand, has thus delivered himself with

respect to ‘such a scholar as Prinsep,” ‘the unfortunate subject of”

my “criticism :” “ Prinsep, notwithstanding his untiring diligence

and splendid critical acumen, was obliged, owing to his own want of

familiarity with the Sanskrita, to depend upon his interpreters; and

they, blind to the importance of the work upon which he was so

ardently engaged, neglected their duty, and trifled with him in all

matters in which he could not readily detect the imposition they prac-

tised upon him. Hence it is, that his translation of the Eran re-

* Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1862, p. 394.

+ Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 16.

Mr. Prinsep was guided solely by Captain Burt’s facsimiles; and I had

pored for two whole days on the incised originals.

1865.] Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. Al

cords * * is sadly defective in many respects.”* To this I need not

add one word of comment.

Before passing to other things, I take occasion to say, that, contrary

to what has been intimated, not in a single instance that has been

pointed out, have I “ blundered” where Mr. Prinsep “happens to be

correct.” And was “such a scholar” correct only by hap?

At the end of my “ Note on Budhagupta” are these words: ‘“ My

paper on the land-grants of Hastin, and that on the Hran inscriptions,

as I did not see the proof-sheets, abound in errors of the press, to say

nothing of other faults. The more important will here be rectified,

and a few comments interspersed.”+ Referring to me, the Babi says :

“T must, even at the risk of being tedious, adduce my premises for

the errors [s¢c] in his reading of the Ivan inscriptions, to which I take

exception. Dr. Hall has attributed most of them to the printers ; but

it is difficult to conceive how those scape-goats are to be responsible

for the word sanswrata, which Dr. Halk altered into sanswrabhw with-

out any authority. ** Regarding the elegant simile of a king

electing his wife like a maiden her husband, the Doctor says,”’t &c. dc.

* My “ bulky” list of corrigenda and addenda, as the Babi styles it,

takes up just twenty-one lines ; and within that space, I set sdnka

and Surdshtras, for s‘anka and Surdshtra, to the account of the printer :

and this is the entire foundation for the charge that I have attempted

to disown my errors.

The Babi’s clause bearing on sanswratam certainly stands in need

of readjustment. The word was Mr. Prinsep’s, not mine.

_ And now for the “ elegant simile,” which is altogether the Babi’s

own property. I first printed: “ Who, by the will of the Ordainer,

acquired, like as a maiden sometimes elects her husband, the splendour

of royalty.” This I corrected to: “ Providentially preferred by Royal

Prosperity, as it had been a maiden who elects her husband.” No-

where have I spoken of “a king electing his wife like a maiden her

husband :” and whence does it appear that I took “ the splendour of

royalty” for anything but an unfleshly personification ?

* Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 268.

+ Journal As, Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 149.

t Journal As. Soc, Beng., 1862, p. 394.

42 Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. [No. 1,

The Babi, animadverting on my rendering of the Eran inscriptions,

says: “He translates qawefgzat: into the unmeaning* ‘ derived

prosperity to his race ;’ when he should have followed Prinsep and

799

given ‘ for the prosperity of his race. On turning to the version

of Mr. Prinsep, I am not at all startled to discover that he has not so

translated @dwefaeat:, an epithet of Harivishnu. He has not trans-

lated the expression at all. It is lower down, in the column inscrip-

tion, that the words occur to which his “for the prosperity of his

race” are meant to correspond.; Differing, there, from Mr, Prinsep,

in deciphering the original, I have given ‘with purpose to advance

the merit of his father and mother.”

When I called fraqaasiaT “a hoary solecism,” I should not

have done so,—as I wrote near two years ago,—f{ if I had had access,

at the time I so characterized it, to a respectable Sanskrit Dictionary.

The Babd, with all the air of a discoverer, magnanimously taunts me

with this mistake, notwithstanding my voluntary and explicit admis-

sion that I had erred. Who shall say that, but for his ploughing with

my heifer, I might not here have eluded the Babi’s penetration ?

However, my translation of the aforesaid expression, ‘‘ the counterpart

of his sire,” is quite correct. The Baba, with intent to make me out

wrong, refers to Dr. Goldstiicker’s Sanskrit Dictionary. Dr. Gold-

sticker authorizes me to say that my explanation is quite as good as

his own.

* More literal than my “ who derived prosperity to his race” would have

been “ cause of the prosperity of his race.” Only I wished to make promi-

nent the devolution which is implied by the Sanskrit.

The verb “ derive,” as employed by me, has been in the English lan-

guage for several hundred years; and it is not yet obsolete. Within a

short time I have met with it, in the acceptation which the Baba pronounces

to be “ unmeaning,” in three living writers.

“The term, indeed, is derived to us from the Schoolmen ; and so far they

are chargeable with having perplexed theology with the disquisitions arising

out of it.’ Bishop Hampden’s Bampton Lectures, third edition, p. 181.

Also see pp. 153, 184, 331. ‘ ‘

“The king’s power of assent is a power derived to him from the whole

body of the realm.” Gladstone ; The State inits Relations with the Church,

second edition, p. 9. Also see the same author’s Church Principles, &c. p.5

It is proper to state that I forego any advantage which could be derived

to my argument from the idea of abstract right, as a thing independent of —

utility.” J.S. Mill: on Liberty, pp. 23, 24. Also see the same author's

Considerations on Representative Government.

+ Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1838, p. 634.

t Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 139.

1865.] Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. 43

Commenting on the Babi’s decipherment of an inscription, I said :

* The third line shows an wpadhmdniya before ay. In the teeth of

all grammar, this, as lately edited, had been turned into a repha.’’*

To this the Babi rejoins: “ The wpadhmdnéiya is a printer’s blunder.”

The Sanskrit scholar cannot fail to discern that there is, in this reply,

a blunder incomparably worse than a printer’s,

Again, I objected to the Babi’s aratfaqear. The reply is: “My

mitdpitustathd is quite as correct as the suggested mdtdpitrostathd ;

the one being an ¢taretarasamdsa, and the other a samdhdra.”

Th passing, matdpitustathé would involve, not, as is here implied,

an itaretarayoga compound, but a samdhdra. A compound of the

sumahdra description must be a neuter singular; and that “ mother”

and “father” can be thus combined, the veriest tyro in Sanskrit

should know to be impossible.

These specimens of the Babi’s want of accuracy and scholarship

might be greatly extended. But I shall have said as much as I care

to say, after mentioning that he has credited Mr. Prinsep,+ instead of

myself, with extracting a full date from the inscription of Budha-

gupta. This is a trifle; but it is characteristic.

T had written thus far in April last, but laid my letter aside, with

the intention of withholding it. Owing, however, to Babi Rajendra-

lal Mitra’s paper on Bhoja, in the second number of this year’s Jour-

nal, I have resolved to forbear no longer. It would make a long list,

if I were to resume the facts of my own finding out which the Baba

there appropriates as though he himself had first brought them to

light. Where, too, he assails me, in connexion with the name of

Colebrooke,} he knows full well that I was not professing to correct

that great scholar as to the meaning of the word dala. When re-

translating a passage translated by another, it is no just conclusion

that I regard as wrong, whatever I do not think fit to copy from his

renderings. It was a matter of misreading and metre, in the instance

in question, where I showed that Colebrooke had slipped.§ For the

* Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1862, p. 128.

+ Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1862, p. 396.

Journal As. Soe. Beng , 1863, pp. 106 & 107.

i Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. VII., pp. 31 and 45;

and Journal As. Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 210,

44 Notes on the Eran Inscriptions. [No. 1,

rest, the word dala signifies “ petal” as well as “leaf.” I am told

that “it is only on the leaf of the lotus that water is tremulous, and

not on its petals.” Indeed!

In preceding volumes of this Journal,* I have stated that Babi

Rajendralal Mitra has interpolated an inscription, and thereby created

a new king; and this myth, Mahendrapdla II., has been adopted asa

reality, in Professor Lassen’s Indian Antiquities.+

Your obedient servant,

F. E. Hau.

King’s College, London, Nov. 9, 1863.

P.S. Colonel Cunningham, in his Archeological Survey Report,

published in your Journal for this year, writing of the year in which

the inscription naming Skandagupta is dated, says: ‘‘ Professor Hall,

on the authority of Baptii Deva Sastri, the learned astronomer of the

Benares College, prefers the era of Vikramaditya.” I have never

expressed any such preference ; and I have never appealed, on the

subject, to Pandit Bapt Deva. Colonel Cunningham was thinking of

the inscription of Budhagupta. I have explicitly said: “ Not to my

knowledge, is there one particle of proof that Kuméragupta preceded

Budhagupta, or that Skandagupta did, whether immediately, or after

an interval.’’{ The year 141 in the inscription that speaks of Skanda-

gupta I have not suggested to place either before or after Budha-

gupta’s year 165.

By the by, the Udayagiri inscription is not dated in S’ravana, as

according to Colonel Cunningham’s decipherment, but in A’shadha,

and very distinctly. I read the word on the spot in the spring of last

year.

* 1861, p. 199; 1862, pp. 5 and 15.

+ Indische Alterthumskunde, Vol. II1., pp. 827 and 1169.

{t Jowrnal As, Soc. Beng., 1861, p. 388.

1865.] Literary Intelligence, 45

Lrrerary INTELLIGENCE.

The large bronze statue of Buddha which was exhumed at Sooltan-

gunge by Mr. Harris and which has been figured in this Journal, has

reached England and been presented by Mr. T. Thornton to the town

of Birmingham.

Capt. Lees was under a misimpression when he announced at the

last August meeting that the Elliot MSS., now under publication in

England by Mr. E. B. Cowell and Dr. Reinhold Rost, were being

published by our Society. The offer of assistance, which, on the

recommendation of our Philological Committee, our Council sent to

Lady Elliot in June 1863, through our Honorary Agent in London,

Mr. E. Thomas, was not at once accepted, and in the mean time,

Mr. Cowell’s return to England enabled her ladyship to make other

and to her more acceptablearrangements. The historical materials left oy

Sir H. Elliot, are to be published in 3 volumes, edited by Mr. Cowell,

under the title of ‘ The History of India as told by its own historians,’

while M. Rost is to bring out a complete edition of the Glossary

under that of ‘Memoirs on the history, philology and ethnic distri-

bution of the races of the N. W. Provinces of India.’ The History is

not to contain any oriental text.

M. Jules Mohl in announcing its projected publication in the Journ.

Asiatique, makes the following remarks.

“ Jenesuis pas, en général, grand partisan des ouvrages posthumes ;

mais je suis heureux de voir que l’on sauve de l’oubli tout ce qui peut

se publier des matériaux préparés et élaborés par un homme aussi

distingué par le coeur, l’esprit et le savoir, que Sir H. Elliot, qui

était certainement un des hommes les plus remarquables parmi le

grand nombre des savants que le service de la Compagnie des Indes

a formés. On ne leur a jamais rendu en Angleterre la méme justice

que sur le continent, et je crois qu’il en sera de méme des ouvrages

posthumes dont je parle ici.”

Mr. Cowell, we hear, has also undertaken the continuation of

Wilson’s translation of the Rig Veda.

Brockhaus has undertaken to publish M. Haug’s ‘ Religion of the

Zoroastrians,’ which is to be in two volumes, the first to contain the

46 Literary Intelligence. [No. 1,

history of Zend and Pehlevee literature, accompanied by translations

and grammars of these languages, the second to explain the

Zoroastrian dogmas, and to give an account of the origin and develop-

ment of this religion and of its relations with Vedism.

The Royal Asiatic Society have commenced a new series of their

Journal, the first part of which contains a paper by Dr. J. Muir on the

Vedic Theogony and Mythology. This is to be followed by others,

the Author’s object being to examine the religious ideas of the

Rig Veda and ‘to compare them occasionally with the corresponding

conceptions of the early Greeks.’

The Oriental Translation Fund Committee are, we regret to see,

unable to proceed with any new publications for want of funds.

They propose, therefore, to complete, as soon as practicable, De Slane’s

translation of Ibn Khallikan and to close their labours.

The following is from General Cunningham, dated October last.

“The coins of Sophytes to which Captain Stubbs refers, have only

been found in the N. W. of India, as far as I am aware: and I am

therefore inclined to assign them to Sophites, or Sopeithes, or

Cuphites, the king of the Kathi, who was contemporary with

Alexander. The coins themselves appear to be of the same age as

those of Alexander and Seleukos.

“ Thomas’s article on Indian Weights promises to be interesting —

I have been collecting materials for the same subject for nearly

20 years, and Ihave made many curious discoveries—I see that he

quotes Sir William Jones as fixing the weight of the Krishnala, or

Rati seed, at 1,5, grain: but I am satisfied that this is a simple

misprint of Jones’s manuscript, for 1% or 1.833 grain, which is as

nearly as possible the average weight of thousands of seeds which I

have tested. The great unit of medieval and modern times is the

taka of not less than 145 grains, of which 6 make the chha-téka, or

chhatak, equal to 870 grains, or nearly 2 ounces—and 100 make the

setaka or ser, the derivation being sat-tdka or 100 takas—For conve-

nience I have taken, in all my calculations, the rat: seed at 1.8229

grain—Then 80 ratis, or 145.832 was the weight of the tangka of

copper, and also of the golden swvarna, which multiplied by 6 gives

874.99 grains, or exactly 2 ounces for the chhatdka or chhatak. One

1865.] Literary Intelligence. 47

of the most curious facts connected with ancient oriental Numismatics

is that sim in Persian means both “ thirteen” and “ silver,” which

confirms the statement of Herodotus that in the time of Darius gold

was 13 times the value of silver.”

_ Extract from Capt. Stubbs’ letter to Mr. Grote :—

“T shewed the gold stater of Diodotus, which you may recollect my

having, to Messrs. Vaux and Poole at the British Museum, and they

held a Committee on it, the result being a clear verdict in its favour :

so Mr. Thomas writes me word. They were much pleased with a

Sophytus which I gave them,* and Mr. Vaux agrees with me in thinking

that General Cunningham’s attribution of the name Swduros to the

Latin suifes and the Aramean—ppy is objectionable.”

Professor Holmboe of Christiania, in a letter to Babu Rajendralala

Mitra, gives the following summary of certain memoirs lately pub-

lished by him on the relation which formerly existed between Asia

and Scandinavia.

“A présent je prends la liberté de vous envoyer ‘trois petits mé-

moires archéologiques: 1. Om Eeds-Ringe c. & d. sur des

anneaux & serment. J’y ai prouvé, que les anneaux, dont se servaient

nos ancétres payens, pour y poser la main en prétant serment, ont eu

la méme forme que les anneaux, qu’on voit entre les mains de quelques

personnes dans la procession sacrificale sculptée aux murs 4 cété

(les escaliers du temple de Pesepolis. J’ai tiché de prouver, que

Vusage de préter serment sur an anneau ait été en usage chez les

anciens Perses; particulitrement sous la dynastie der Sassanides,

dont les sculptures & Nakhchi Roustam et & Nakhchi Bostan ne

representent pas, comme ona cru, la remise solennelle du symbole

de la royauté au nouveau roi, mais le prétement de serment du

nouveau roi sur un anneau, qu’au nom de Dieu lui présente le

grand mobed (mobedi mobedén), ce qui démontre assez clairement la

tenure de la main du roi. Sur la pl. I, j’ai donné les dessins de deux

anciennes monnaies celtiques, dont l’obvers represente la juris-

diction par un homme tenant |’anneau & serment, et le revers de l’une

represente le sacrifice par [d’ ?] un quadrupéde, sur le dos duquel on

* It is considered a better one than Major Hay’s..

48 Literary Intelligence. : [No. 1,

voit le mauteau sacrificial. Le résultat, que je tire de mes raisonne-

ments, c’est que le rite de préter serment sur un anneau, comme tant

d’ autres rites, a di passer de 1’ Orient dans le Nord de |’ Europe.

2. Kong Svegders Reise c. 8 d. le voyage du roi Svegder.

On lit dans l’histoire de Norvége par Snorro Sturlason, chap. 15

de histoire des Ynglings, qu’ un roi de Suéde, nommé Svegder,

lequel, vu la série des rois qui ont regnés jusqu’au temps ou nous

avons une chronologie certaine, a di vivre au 4me siécle de

Vere chrétienne, fit deux voyages pour aller & Godheim ou

Asaland, ot il espérait trouver Odin (Bouddha?) Le récit rap-

porte, que dans son premier voyage il visita le pays des Turcs, le

grand Svithjod c, 4d, la Russie actuelle, et Panaheim c, 4d. le Ta

Ouan ou grand Quan sur les bord de Jaxartes (Lir devger,) dont

parle le Chinois Lee’mutsien dans le Laéki. Le voyage dura cing

ans. Aprés avoir resté quelque temps &la maison il fit un second

voyage dans le méme but. [Il traversa de nouveau Svithjod, et

ayant passé sa limite [?] de l’Est il arriva & un lieu, nommé Stein,

ou ily avait une pierre (ste en Norv. signifie pierre,) grande

comme une grande maison. Ja, sortant le soir d’ une maison, ot

lui et sa suite s’étaient endormis, [?] il observa sous la pierre, un

dverg (petit étre mysterreux de la Mythologie des anciens, demeu-

rant sous terre, mais en sortant le soir et la nuit,) assis sous la

pierre. Alors le roi et sa suite se mirent & courir vers la pierre,

mais avant d’y arriver, il vit le dverg debout dans la porte, 1l’appel-

lant et l’invitant & entrer s'il desirait voir Odin. Il entra, la porte

se ferma, et on ne le vit plus.

Voila le contenu du récit. Je suppose que la pierre ait été un

Stoupa au Tope, dont l’exterieur bien platré lui ait donné |’aspect

d’une pierre, d’une masse solide. Le dverg assis a di étre une

statuette de Bouddha assis, telle qu’on les voit quelquefois dans

les niches de la base des monuments bouddhiques; et la porte

a pu étre la porte d’une chapelle réunie au tope, telle qu’on

voit par exemple au dagobah de Pollanarua 4 Ceylon (p. 11,

du mém.) Un des gardiens du monument a di l’appeler ainsi,

pour semparer d’un homme, dont il craignait violence contre le

sanctuaire, et sachant qu‘il cherchait Odin (Bouddha,) il lui dit,

qwil était la-dedans, ot, peut-étre, quelques reliques de Bouddha

1865.] Literary Intelligence. 49

étaient déposées. Le récit doit done sortir de la classe des fables,

et étre reputé historique dans son fond.

3. Thorolf Begifots Begravelse c. & d. l’enterrement de Thorolf

Begifot. Dans une histoire d’une province de l’Islande nommée

Hyrar, concernant les derniers temps du paganisme, on lit d’un

homme, nommé Thorolf Begifot, lequel, revenant un soir d’un voyage,

s’assit sur son sidge d’honneur et y resta jusqu’au matin, lorsqi on l’y

trouva mort. Son fils étant appelé, enfonga le parois derriére le dos

du défunt, et emportale corps par l’ouverture. O’est, & ce que je

sais, le seul exemple en Scandinavie, d’une manidre si singuliére

de faire sortir un corps mort, Mais en Asie on en trouve plusieurs

exemples. Marco Paolo raconte, qu’en Tartarie, les astrologues

conséillaient vers quel point de l’univers les morts devaient étre

retirés et s'il n’y avait pas de porte dans la direction indiquée on

faisait une ouverture dans le parois, et retiraient par li le mort. Le

Rev. Pallagoix raconte, qu’i Siam, au lieu de faire passer le cer-

cueil par la porte, on le descend dans la rue par une ouverture pratiquée

au murail. Et M. Pallas raconte, qu’un lama des Kalmuks étant

trouvé mort sur son siége d’honneur, on renversa sa demeure par

derriére [sic.] Ce exemples éveillent la supposition, que la maniére,

dont on retirait le corps de Th. B. était une trace de Bouddhisme.

Ayant été enterré dans une vallée, le méme Th. B. causait

comme revenant tant de malheurs, qu’on se crut foreé de transporter

son corps dans le désert, mais arrivé & la sortie de la valleé, le corps

devint si Jowrd, que 14 hommes ne pouvaient pas l’emporter plus loin.

J’ai comparé ce récit avec celui que rapporte Mr. Schmidt dans ses

notes au Scanavy Lectren, & propos de l’enterrement du conquérant

eélébre, Dchingis-Khaghan. Etant mort au Tohet, son corps fut trans-

porté & sa demeure. Arrivé la, le corps fut si lowrd, qu’on s’efforca

en vain de descendre le cercueil de la voiture. On se vit obligé

de’éléver le tertre sépulcrale au dessus de la voiture. Voila un nouvel

exemple de l'influence de croyances orientales sur celles des

Scandinaves.

JOURNAL

OF THE

-ASTATIC SOCIETY.

—_—e-—

Part I1—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c.

eee

No. IJ.—1865.

RAR RRR eee ee

Ancient Indian Weights, No. I1I.—By Hi. Twomas, Esq.

[Received 15th March, 1865. ]

THE EARLIEST INDIAN COINAGE.

- So many questions connected with the earliest form of Indian money

have been incidentally adverted to in the examination of the weights

upon which it was based, and from whose very elements as divisional

sections of metal, all Indian coinages took their origin, that but little re-

mains to be said in regard to the introductory phase of local numismatic

art, beyond a reference to the technic details, and a casual review of the

symbols impressed upon these normal measures of value. The con-

trast, however, between the mechanical adaptations of the east and

west may properly claim a momentary notice, with the view of testing

the validity of the assumption I have previously hazarded respecting

the complete independence of the invention of a metallic circulating

medium by the people of Hindustan.*

_ Many years ago the late Mr, Burgon} correctly traced, from the then

comparatively limited data, the germ and initial development of the

art of coining money in Western Asia, describing the process as ema-

-* Num. Chron., N. 8., vol. iii note, p. 226; and more in detail in my edition

of Prinsep’s “ Wssays’’ (Murray, London, 1858), vol. i. p. 217,

7 Numismatic Journal, 1887, vol. i, p. 118.

“I

52 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

nating from the Eastern custom of attaching seals, as the pledge of

the owner’s faith in any given object. This theory satisfactorily pre-

dicated the exact order of the derivative fabrication of coins, which

may now, with more confidence, be deduced from the largely-increased

knowledge of the artisan’s craft and mechanical aptitude of the ancient

inhabitants of Mesopotamia, the relics of which the researches of

Layard, Loftus, and Botta have recovered in so near an approach to

their primal integrity. The universal employment of clay for al-

most every purpose of life, including official and private writings, with

the connecting seals that secured even leather or parchment documents,

extending down to the very coffins* in which men were buried, natu-

rally led up to marked improvements in the processes of stamping and

impressing the soft substance nature so readily hardened into durabi-

lity, and to which fire secured so much of indestructibility. If moist

clay was so amenable to treatment, and so suitable for the purpose of

receiving the signets of the people at large, we need scarcely be un-

prepared to find yielding metals speedily subjected to a similar process

—tor the transition from the superficially-cut stone seal to the sunk

die of highly-tempered metal which produced the Darics, would occupy

but a single step in the development of mechanical appliances. In

effect, the first mint stamps were nothing more than authoritative

seals, the attestation-mark being confined to one side of the lump of

silver or gold, the lower surface bearing traces only of the simple con-

trivance necessary to fix the crude coin, In opposition to this almost

natural course of invention, India, on the other hand, though possessed

of, and employing clay for obvious needs,} had little cause to use it as a

vehicle of record or as the medium of seal attestations ; if the later

practice may be held to furnish any evidence of the past, her people

must be supposed to have written upon birch bark,} or other equally

suitable substances so common in the south from very remote ages,§

* Mr. J.E, Taylor, “Jour. Roy. As. Soc.,” xy. 414, Loftus, ‘* Chaldza,” p,

204.

+ Wilson, “ Rig Veda.” vol. iii, p. xiv. “ Arrian,” lib, v. cap. xxiv., and lib.

vil. cap. x. Hiouen-Thsang, “Mémoires,” vol. i. p, 333, &e.

{ The primitive Persians “of the north-east also wrote upon birch bark. Ham-

za Isfahani, under the events of 4, H. 350 (a. D. 961), adverts to the discovery

at Jai (Isfahan), of the rituals of the Magi, all of which were written, in the

most ancient Persian language, on birch bark. See also Q. Curtins, viii. 9, §

15; Reinaud, “* Mém. sur I’Inde,” 305; “ Ariana Antiqua,” pp. 60, 84; Praia

sep’s “ Essays,” i ii. 46,

§ “ Arrian,” viii. 7. “La Vie de Hiouen-Thsang,” 168,

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 53

while the practical advance from ever-recurring weighings towards fix-

ed metallic currencies was probably due to the introductory adop-

tion of lengths of uniformly-shaped bars of silver (Plate XI. Figs. 1,

2), which, when weight and value gradually came to require more

formal certificates, were adapted designedly to the new purpose by

change of form and a flattening and expansion of surface, in order to

receive and retain visibly the authoritative countermarks. One part

of the system was so far, by hazard, in accord with the custom of the

west, that the upper face alone was impressed with the authenticating

stamps, though the guiding motive was probably different, and the

object sought may well have been the desirable facility of reference to

the serial order of the obverse markings—each successive repetition of

which constituted a testimony to the equity of past ages.

The lower face of these domino-like pieces is ordinarily indented

with a single minor punch, occupying as a rule nearly the middle of

the reverse. The dies, though of lesser size, follow the usual symboli-

cal representations in vogue upon the superior face. There are scarce-

ly sufficient indications to show if the dies in question constituted a

projected portion of the anvil ; but I should infer to the contrary : nor

does the isolation of these symbols, in the first instance, prevent repe-

titions of small punch-marks over or around their central position ; in

some cases—though these form the exceptions—the clear field of the

reverse is ultimately devoted to the reception of the obverse or larger

devices: which anomaly recurs, of necessity, to a greater extent with

those pieces which have continued long in circulation, and more es-

pecially is this found to be the case among the residue of this descrip-

tion of currency in Central India and the Peninsula, where ancient

customs so firmly resisted the encroachments of foreign or extra-pro-

vincial civilisation.

As far as the typical designs in themselves, when compared with

later Indian symbolical adaptations, are concerned, they would seem

to refer to no particular religious or secular division, but, embodying

primitive ideas, with but little advanced artistic power of representa-

tion, to have been produced or adopted, from time to time, as regal

or possibly metropolitan authorities demanded distinctive devices. It

would be useless, at this stage of the inquiry, to attempt to decide

hether these discriminating re-attestations appertain primarily to

54 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

succeeding dynasties, progressive generations of men, or whether they

were merely the equitable revisions of contemporary jurisdictions.

Though more probably, as a general rule, the simple fixed weights

of metal circulated from one end of the country to the other, in virtue

of previous marks, only arrested in their course when seeming wear or

dubious colour called for fresh attestation : or incidentally, when new

conquerors came on the scene and gratuitously added their hereditary

symbols. The devices, in the open sense, are all domestic or emble-

matic within the mundane range of simple people—the highest flight

heavenwards is the figure of the sun, but its orb is associated with no

other symptom of planetary influences, and no single purely Vedic

conception. So also, amid the numerous symbols or esoteric mono-

grams that have been claimed as specially Buddhist,* there is not one

that is absolutely and conclusively an origination of, or emanation from,

that creed. The Chaitya other Scythians had before them ; the Bodhi-

Tree is no more essentially Buddhist than the Assyrian Sacred Tree,}

the Hebrew Grove,{ or the popularly venerated trees of India at

large.§

Equally on the other part Vedic advocates will now scarcely claim

the figure of the objectionable Dog,|| or seek to appropriate to Aryan

Brahmanism ploughs, harrows, or serpents. In brief, these primitive

punch-dies seem to have been the produce of purely home fancies and.

local thought, until we reach incomprehensible devices, composed of.

lines, angles, and circles, which clearly depart from Nature’s forms ;

and while we put these aside as exceptional composite designs, we may~

accept unhesitatingly as of foreign origin the panther and the vine,

engraved in a style of good Greek art, which overlays the mixed im-

pressions of earlier date and provincial imagery, and appears only to-

wards the end ofthe career of the punch-marked coins, in their north-

western spread, before they were finally absorbed in that quarter by

* Sykes, “Jour. R. A. S.,” v. 451; Cunningham, “ Bhilsa Topes,” p. 351,

plates xxxi., xxxii. B. H. Hodgson, “Jour. R. A. S.,” xviii. 393.

+ Gosse’s “ Assyria,” p. 94; Rawlinson’s ‘“ Ancient Monarchies,” ii, 235.

{ Smith’s “Dictionary of the Bible,” article “ Grove,’—doubts are raised

regarding the correctness of the translation of the word Ashérah as a grove.

See also note in Gesenius, sub voce Ashérah. 7

§ Wilson, ‘“‘ Megha Dita,” ver, 157. Ward’s Hindus, iii. 204. So also Tul-

ast,—* Ocymum sanctum,” or ‘Sacred Basil.”

|| Manu, iii. 92, iv. 208, x. 51, 91, 106, etc. Max Miller, “Science of Lan-

guage,” ii. 481.

On Stone byDinonath Nath.

ome Ve, AEST Sy a] (Ue fae]

cups

gatlas pies TP Don ea GB) EX Ase apy ¥

Pai as ae ? a]

NA Es AB ie ete Are a |

& Wome Bey R @ eh

a) ; ln

Sf oe 24,),@ 8 BF

aif a6 ®) @® © 2 g st “ale Ns

SEAR Se F ya Re ES

Jurnal As. Soc. Bengal.

soh09 So he w GI

Gab Guth ame aes mi |

RS OL ch ge aah > ERS |

Finn

ee shy le UP ace Prat

a) oe? of B Re Be iG se

SYMBOLS ON EARLY INDIAN COINS.

LITH! BY Ho M. SMITH, SURY: GE ’S OFFICE

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 55

‘the nearly full-surface die-struck money with devices of an elephant

and a panther ;* which class in turn merge naturally into the similar

though advanced fabrics of the mints of Agathocles and Pantaleon, of

square or oblong form,+ a shape the Greeks had not previously made

use of, but which when once adopted they retained without scruple,

whatever their early prejudices might have been—possibly out of re-

spect for local associations, a motive which weighed sufficiently with

their successors and other Bactrian Hellenes to induce them to per-

petuate the square indifferently with the circular coins. The excep-

tional, or in this case indigenous form, found favour in later generations

with the Muhammadan conquerors, who sanctioned unreservedly square

pieces in common with the circular forms, up to the time of Shah

Jehan (4.p. 1628-58). But though these unshapely bits of metal ran

on in free circulation up to the advent of the Greeks, this by no means

implies that there were not other and more perfect currencies matured

in India. The use of the time-honoured punch survived in the Penin-

sula till very lately, but no one would infer from this fact that there

were not more advanced methods of coining known in the land. In

fact, like other nations of the Hast, the Hindus have uniformly evine-

ed more regard for intrinsic value than criticism of the shape in which

money presented itself.

Many of these ancient symbols, more especially the four-fold Sun

(17, No 1, Plate XI.) are found established in permanence on the

fully-struck coinage of Ujain,{ of a date not far removed from the

reign of Asoka, who once ruled ag sub-king of that city; the pro-

bable period of issue is assumed from the forms of the Indian-Pali let-

ters embodying the name of U’suninq, the local rendering of the later

classical Sanskrit Ujjayiné. Associated in the same group as regards

* These coins are still mere compromises, being formed from: an obverse

punch, with a full surface reverse, ‘Ariana Antiqua,” pl. xv. figs. 26, 27;

Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i. pl. xx, figs. 50, 51, page 220; Cunningham’s pl. i., &.

While upon this subject, I may-notice the discovery of the name of Agathocles

in Bactrian characters ona coin of similar fabric. His name, it will be re-

membered, has hitherto only been found in the Indian-Pali transcript of the

Greek (Num. Chron. N.S. iv. 196). The piece in question has, on the obverse,

a Chaitya, with a seven-pointed star, and the name Akathakayasa (possibly

Ankathakrayasa). The reverse bears the conventional’ sacred tree, with the

title Maharaja strangely distorted into Hi,rajasa,me or He,ragasa,me.

7 A. A., pl. vi. figs. 7,8, 9, 11; Prinsep’s “ Essays,” pl. xxviii, 8, 9; vol.

ii. pp. 179, 180; “ Jour. des Sav-,” 1835, pl: i. fig. i.

ft “Jour. As, Soc, Bengal,” vol. vii., pl. lxi., p. 1054,

56 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

general devices, and identified with the apparently cognate mintages

of similar time and locality, there appear other symbolical figures

which no predilection or prejudice can claim as exclusively Buddhist ;

indeed, whatever hostility and eventual persecution may ultimately

have arisen between the leading creeds of India, it is clear that at this

period, and for long after, the indigenous populations lived harmoni-

ously together ;* like all things Indian, old notions and pre-existing

customs retained too strong a hold upon the masses to be easily re-

volutionised ; and if at times a proselyting Buddhist or able and am-

bitious Brahman came to the front, and achieved even more than pro-

vincial renown, the Indian community at large was but little affected

by the momentary influence; and it is only towards the eighth or ninth

centuries A. D. that, without knowing the causes which led to the re-

sult or the means by which it was accomplished, we find Brahmanism

dominant and active in persecution.

T have now to advert to the symbols embodied in the Plate. (No. XT.)

I shall notice only those of more moment in the text of this paper,

leaving the engraving to explain itself under the subjoined synopsis.

A. Heavenly bodies ... 1 Suns.

B. Man and his members... LY GR,

Animals Rise «+s ee 3 Hlephants.

3 ; ee - 4 Dogs

ah aes : » ee © Deer, Cows, &e.

5 ose vet .-- 6 Leopards.

Bish y'... ay g. de Ger

Reptiles ad woe oS

C. Home life ee = ‘79° Ploughs:

i oe .-» 9* Cups, vases, &e.

F eeti=se Rac sas ios wel inkiannowa:

4 : 11 Wheels.

ree Sis .«« «+. 12 Bows and arrows.

D. Imaginary devices So ... 13 Chaityas.

5 fh add ae i. eee. 4 alliirees:

2 So Aer --» 15 Ornamental circles.

sr eee os see aes 16 Magic formule.

FE. Reverse dies ... ay eee Alih

* Stevenson, ‘ Journal Bombay Br. R, A, Soc.” Hiouen-Thsang, passim,

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 57

Under class A appears the single representation of the Sun : no other

planet or denizen of an Eastern sky is reflected in early Indian mint-

symbolisation. In examining the general bearing of these designs,

the first point to determine is,—does the sun here, as the opening and

deepest-sunk emblem, stand for an object of worship ? Savitri or Surya,

undoubtedly held a high position in the primitive Vedic theogony,*

and it is a coincidence singularly in accord with its typical isolation on

these pieces, that the Indo-Aryans, unlike their Persian brethren,

dissociated the Sun from all other planetary bodies. But with all this,

there is an under-current of evidence that the Scythians had already

introduced the leading idea of sun-worship into India, prior to any

Aryan immigration ; for even the Vedic devotion to the great lumin-

ary is mixed up with the obviously Scythic aswamedha, or sacrifice of

the horse.f Then, again, arises the question as to whether this Sun-type,

which appears the earliest among all the mint dies, and is so frequently

repeated in slightly modified outlines, does not refer to the more direct-

ly Indian traditionary family of the Surya Vans‘as,{ who eventually

are made to come into such poetic hostility with the Chandra Vans‘as,

or Lunar branch. Neither one race nor the other is recognised or

alluded to in the text of the Vedas; but abundance of reasons

may be given for this abstinence, without implying a necessary non-

existence of children of the Sun before the date of the collection of

those ancient hymns. However, looking to the decidedly secular nature

of the large majority of the figures in subsequent use upon this class

of money, I am content for the present to adopt the popular rather

than the devotional solution ; or, if the latter alternative find favour,

it must be conceded that the Buddhists incorporated the symbolism of

the early worship of the Sun into their own system, which in itself

may fortuitously have carried them through many sacerdotal difficulties,

even as, if we are to credit resemblances, the Hindus successfully

appropriated the Buddhist adaptation of an older form in the out-

rageous idol of Jagannath, or secured as a Brahmanic institution the

ancient Temple of the Sun at Multén.¢ Whatever may have been

* Wilson, “ Rig Veda Sanhita,” vol. i., pp. xxvii. xxxii.; vol. ii. p, vii.; vol.

ii. p- x.

+ Wilson, “ Rig Veda Sanhita,” vol. ii, p. xiv.

{ Prinsep’s “ Essays,” vol. ii. U. T., pp. 232, 236,

§ Reinand, “ Mémoire sur Inde” (Paris, 1849), p, 97,

58 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

the course in other lands, it is clear that, in India, it was primarily

neediul for the success of any new creed, to humour the prejudices, and

consult the eye-training of the multitude, as identified and associated

with past superstitious observances.

Among other figures of very frequent occurrence and very varying

outlines, a leading place must be given in this series to the so-called

Chaityas. There is little doubt but that the normal tumulus originally

suggested the device, for even to the last, amid all the changes its

pictorial delineation was subjected to, there remains the clear ideal

trace of the central crypt, for the inhumation of ashes, or the deposit

of sacred objects, to which it was devoted in later times.

Much.emphasis has been laid upon the peculiarly Buddhistic cha-

racter of this symbol. It is quite true that its form ultimately entered

largely into the exoteric elements of that creed, but it is doubtful if

Buddhism, as expounded by Sdkya Sinha, was even thought of when

these fanciful tumuli were first impressed upon the public money ; and

to show how little of an exclusive title the Buddhists had to the chattya

as an object of religious import,* it may be sufficient to cite the fact

that, so far as India is concerned, its figured outline appears in con-’

junction wtth unquestionable planetary devices on the coins of the Séh

kings of Surashtra,f who clearly were not followers of Dharma. But,

as the Buddhist religion avowedly developed itself in the land, and

was no foreign importation, nothing would be more reasonable than

that its votaries should retain and incorporate into their own ritualism

many of the devices that had already acquired a quasi-reverence among

the vulgar, even as the Sun reasserted its pristine prominence so cer-

tainly and unobtrusively, that its traditional worshippers, at the last,

scarcely sought to know through what sectional division of composite

creeds their votive offerings were consigned to the divinity whose

“cultus” patriarchal sages, here and elsewhere, had intuitively in-’

augurated.

Many of the singular linear combinations classed in the Plate under

D, as Nos. 15, 16, which it would be difficult otherwise to interpret,

* Prinsep, “Jour. A. 8, B.,” iv. p. 687.

7 “Jour. Royal Asiatic Society,” xii. p. 1, Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i., p. 425;

ii. pl. xxxvii, p. 84, “Jour. As. Soc. Bengal,” vi. 377; vii. 347. Prinsep’s

reading of his coin (No. 11, p. 354, “ Jour, A. 8. B.’) as Jinadémd, © votary of

Buddha,” was an error; the name is Jia Dama,

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 59

may reasonably be referred to the independent conceptions of primitive

magic ; as, whatever may have been the religion of the various grades of

men in its higher sense, it is manifest that even the leading and more

intellectual rulers of the people retained a vague faith in the efficacy of

charms ; almost all the tales in Persian or Arabic authors bearing upon

Alexander’s intercourse with the unconquered nations of India, turn

upon their proficiency in the black art ;—traditions sufficiently war-

ranted by the probability that he, a Greek, would readily seek revela-

tions of this kind, even as he sought the knowledge of the art of the

Chaldees.

So also with their own home legends—-one half of the revolution

wrought by Chandra Gupta’s advisers is placed to the credit of magic,

and the Nandas, whom he superseded, appear to have been special

proficients in sorcery. If this was the state of things in India in

those semi-historical times, may not we adopt the parallel of other

nations, and assume that, as so many crude hierarchies grew out of

archaic divinings, these Indian symbols, in their degree, may well

have been emanations from a similar source, and have run an equal

race into the higher dignity of representing things held more sacred ?

—as such, their later reception into a series of the typical adjuncts of

a faith formed vn situ, need excite no surprise,

In concluding these papers on Indian Weights, and completing

somewhat hastily the illustration of the introductory system of Indian

coinages, I am anxious, as the inquiry may end here, to furnish a final

and, I trust, a convincing argument against those who affirm that

Alexander taught India how to coin money—by meeting them on

their own ground, and producing a very perfect piece of an Indian

king, a manifest emanation from the gradational advances of indigen-

ous treatment, minted contemporaneously in a part of the country

Alexander did not reach. Additional interest will be felt in these

coins, when it is known that there are strong grounds for believing

that they bear the name and superscription of Xandrames, the king

of the Gangetic provinces, who was prepared to meet Alexander

should he have ventured to advance towards the Jumna.

The first suggestion for this identification only occurred to me a few

days ago, on reading the newly-published French translation of the

60 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

second volume of the Arabic text of Masaudi,* where mention is made

of Alexander’s having, after the conquest of Porus, entered into corre-

spondence with one of the most powerful kings of India, who is in-

cidentally stated to have been addicted to magic, named Kand (9),

Masaudi is not very lucid as to the exact position of this potentate’s

dominions ; but the Arabs of his day (330 a,n,) had but limited know-

ledge of the geography of India beyond their new home on the Indus.

This king, however, I believe to be no other than the Kananda (pro-

perly, it will be seen, Krananda), monarch of the sacred centre of

Brahmanism and the valley of the Ganges, whom I have already had

occasion to refer to, under the numismatic aspect, as having been un-

scrupulous in the measure of the value of his coins} (a reproach I shall

perhaps now be in a position to relieve him of). The same name of

Kananda, obscured under the three letters of Semitic alphabets, re-

appears in the Shah Namah as oS, Kaid, “the Indian ;” and long

stories are told of him and his mystic powers in connection with

similar traditions of Alexander.{ Tbe triliteral designation is preserv-

ed in other original authors as o4S, with the necessarily imperfect

transcription§ incident to the Semitic conversion of Indian words, and

the systematic ignoring of short vowels; but the name occurs, as a

nearer approach to the apparent original, in a work entitled “ The

Mujmal-al-Tawarikh,”’ compiled | about 520 a.u., at the court of Sanjar,

wherein the letters appear as o485\|| a mistake uionEbi for oh33, Kan-

anda, where the ear perhaps designed to do more in the first instance

to restore the true pronunciation, than the hands of succeeding copyists

knew how to follow.

Before proceeding to examine what the Indians say of themselves

on this subject, I will revert casually to the incidental references in the

Greek authors. The leading passage, which contributes the name of

* Macoudi, “Les Prairies d’Or,” par C. Barbier de Meynard et Pavet de

Courteille. Paris, 1863. ‘ Aprés avoir tué Porus, un des rois de l’Inde,

. Alexandre . . . aprit alors que dans les extrémités les plus reculées de

VInde il y avait un roi, plein de sagesse, trés-bon administrateur, practiquant la

p été, équitable envers ses sujets. Il avait vécu plusieurs siécles, et il était

supérieur 4 tous les philosophes et & tous les sages de Inde. Sonnom était —

Kend,” Vol. ii. p. 260.

+ Num. Chron. N.S., iv. 128. See also Num. Chron, iii. p. 230, note 8.

t Macan’s “ Shah Namah,” i ii. p. 1290—1296, &e.

§ Ibn Badrin, quoted in Masandi, French Edit., iil. 452.

|| Reinaud, “‘ Fragments Arabes,” p. 44, and “ Mémoire sur l’Inde,” p, 63.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 61

the king of the Gangetic provinces, occurs in Diodorus Siculus, to

the effect that Xandrames was prepared, with an overwhelming force,

to oppose Alexander in his progress beyond the Hyphasis.* Quintus

Curtius has preserved the designation in sufficient integrity as Aqgrames,

and attests similarly the reputed power of the monarch in question.¢

Arrian does not mention the names either of king or people; but after

alluding to the autonomous cities{ to the west of the Hyphasis, goes

on to remark, that the country beyond that river was reported to be

highly productive and well cultivated, and to be governed equitably

by the Nobility.§ The earlier classical critics were inclined to think

that this testimony of Arrian’s conflicted with the assertions of Diodo-

rus, &e. ;|| but if I rightly interpret the evidence of the native authors

Tam about to notice, and its special bearing upon the coins, these

seemingly opposing statements are not only reconcilable in themselves,

but mutually aid and assist in the single solution that it would be

possible to draw from the independent data they are here cited to

illustrate.

The materials available from indigenous sources for the illustration

of this section of Indian history, though promising, in virtue of the

importance attached to the dynastic changes involved, are proportion-

ately meagre in detail and distorted in substance. So that, in pre-

ference to relying upon purely local chronicles, we draw our most

consistent testimony from the Ceylon annals, which, though they had,

in the first instance, to embody foreign events, and possibly to arrive

at much of the necessary knowledge through oral channels, have even-

tually remained intact, unassailed by hostile revision or reconversion

for sectarian purposes into simulated Pauranic prophecies, or equally

unscrupulous scriptural fabrications. Not to encumber the text of this

paper with quotations, it may be sufficient to state the general purport

* Diod. Sic. lib. xvii. 93. Mpaiclwyv nal Tavdapidav evos, rovrwy b& BaciArcbew

Eavdpduny

+ Quintus Curtius, ix., c. 2:— § 2, Percontatus igitur Phegelam qua noscenda

erant, ‘xi. dierum ultra flumen per vastas solitudines iter esse’ cognoscit: ‘ ex-

cipere deinde Gangen,’ maximum totius India fluminum. § 3. Ulteriorem ripam

colere gentes Gangaridas et Pharrasios; eorumque regem esse Agorammem,

xx, millibus equitum ducentisque peditum obsidentem vias.” See aiso Plutarch

(Langhorne), iv. 405.

{ Arrian, Hist. v. cap, xxii. See also Diod. Sic. ii, cap. xxxix,

§ Arrian, v. c. 25. pbs yap Tay aplotav upxecbar Tovs moAAovs, Tovs dé

ovdéy Zw Tod emieikods eényeioOat

|| Roorkes’s ** Arrian” (London, 1729), ii, p. 54.

62 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2°

of the information obtained from the Mahawanso and its subordinate

commentaries. It would seem that there were nine Nanpas, the pre-

decessors of Chandra Gupta, who ruled conjointly,* forming a co-equal

brotherhood similar to those of lower degree, so common amid the still

existing village communities of India; designated in the vernacular

dialect, Bhaiydchdrd, proprietary fraternities.f |The Brahmanical chro-

nicles, though they do not directly confirm this statement of the

contemporaneous sovereignty of the Nanpas, incidentally support such

a conclusion, as in the expressions, “the Brahman Kautilya will root

out the nine Nandas;’’{ and in the southern legend, quoted in the

introduction to the Play of the Mudra Rakshasa, the king is represent-

ed as consigning the kingdom to his nine sons.§_ I advert to this point

the more prominently, as one of the great difficulties has hitherto been

to explain or reconcile the apparent anomaly of Krananda’s designating

himself in the coin legends as “the King, the great King, Krananda,

the brother of Amogha ;” and the question naturally arose, if Amogha |

had no title, and no apparent position in the government, what was

the object of his brother’s claiming relationship in so formal a manner

upon the state coinage ? The coincidence may now be satisfactorily

accounted for, by supposing Amogha to have been the eldest living

brother in the family oligarchy, a position recognised to this day,

while Krananda had already justified, by his talents and administrative

ability, the choice of the brotherhood, who had apparently elected him

* Mahawanso, p. 21. “ Kalasoko had ten sons; these brothers (conjointly)

ruled the empire, righteously, for twenty-two years. Subsequently there were

nine; they also, according to their seniority, reigned for twenty-two years,”

Mahawanso, p. xxxviii. [from the commentary, the Tika]. ‘“ Kélasoko’s own

sons were ten brothers. Their names are specified in the Atthakathéa. The

appellation of ‘the nine Nandos’ originates in nine of them bearing that pa-

tronymic title. . . . inaforetime, during the conjoint administration of the (nine)

sons of Kalasoko. . . . His brothers next succeeded to the empire in the order

of their seniority. They altogether reigned 22 years, It was on this account

that (in the Mahawanso) it is stated that there were nine Nandos.” See also

J. A. S. B. vi. 714, 726 (Buddhaghoso’s Atthakatha) “the ten sons of Kalasoko

reigned 22 years. Subsequently to them, Nawanando reigned 22 years.”

+ Wilson derives the chara from the Sanskrit dchdra, “ institute.’ I should

prefer the local chdra, “ pasturage,” especially as the associate Bhaiya is in the

Indian form of the classic Aryan, Bhrdta.

{ Wilson’s “ Vishnu Purana,’ p. 467. See also note, p. 468, for various read-

ings from Bhagavata, Vayu and Matsya Puranas.

§ The Mudra Rakshasa, in Wilson’s “ Hindu Theatre,” vol. ii. p. 144, For

other notices of the Nandas, see “ Asiatic Researches,” xx, 167 ; Rev. W. H. Mill,

J. A. 8. B. iii. p. 343. Wilson’s “ Essays on Sanskrit Literature,” i. 174, 178;

Burnouf, “TI. 359 and Lotus de la bonne loi,” p, 452; Max Miiller, “ Sanskrit —

Literature,” 275.

1865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 63

“ Primus inter pares ;’’* but necessarily with much larger powers and

functions in dealing with kingdoms than the ordinary title would

carry with it in the mere management of village communities.

I now have to refer to the coins themselves, but as introductory to

further details, it is necessary to indicate the leading locality of their

discovery, and the epoch to which they should, on independent grounds,

be attributed. I have so lately, and so entirely without reference to

any present theory, reviewed the chief sites of the discovery of this

class of money, under comparatively careful systems of geographical

record, that I had better confine myself to a recapitulation of those

results, pure and simple. The conclusion I arrived at was, that the

kingdom for the supply of whose currency these coins were designed,

had “its boundaries extending down the Doab of the Ganges and

-Jumna below Hastinapura, and westwards beyond the latter river to

some extent along the foot of the Himalayas into the Punjab’’+—the

division of the entire country probably the most advanced, at that

* General Cunningham, many years ago, guessed, in virtue of a portion of

the name, that Kunanda was one of the nine Nandas, but as he has not ventured

to support his conjecture, I conclude that he has abandoned the identification,

( Bhilsa Topes,” p. 355.) Max Miiller rightly divined that Xandrames might

be “the same as the last Nanda” (“ Sanskrit Literature,’ p. 279); though,

Wilford, in 1807, had already enunciated, to all intents and purposes, a similar

theory. (“ As. Res.,” ix. p. 94.) Notwithstanding that he had previously so far

compromised himself, as to advocate the interpretation of the Greek Xandrames

as a synonym of the Sanskrit Chandra Gupta (As. Res. V. 286).

[Referring to priorities of publication, I see that General Cunningham has

another grievance against me (J. A. 8. B. 1864, p. 229). It seems that in ex-

amining General Abbott's coins, in November, 1859, I noted a square piece of

Epander, as that of a “ new king.” The Memoir in which this statement ultimately

appeared, had avowedly been laid aside, and after two years’ delay was inserted

in the Journal of the R. A. 8. (yol xx. p. 99, July, 1862). In the mean time, as I

now learn, General Cunningham had announced to the world that he was the

owner of a bad coin of the same king (J. A. S. B. 1860, p. 396). But if I of-

fended the General’s susceptibility in this very open date of discovery, I must

have afflicted his sensitive and exclusive ideas of patent rights still more acutely,

when I again published Col. Abbott's coin as “ wnique” in the Numismatic Chro-

nicle of September, 1864 (p. 207, vol. iii. N. S.)

Though, in truth, I was, in either case, altogether innocent of intent, and to

bring this home to the General’s own peculiar feelings, I may state that had I

seen the notice he refers me to, I should not have given him credit, in the same

article, fora discovery he confesses to be due to Mr. Forrest. And, on the

other hand, I should have been most anxious to have been able to cite the con-

junction of the names of Antiochus Nikator and Agathocles on the same piece,

which so specially bore upon the subject matter of my paper. }

t Prinsep’s “Essays,” i. 204. General Cunningham says, “found chiefly

‘between the Indus and Jumna,.’ Mr. Bayley’s experience coincides with

my own in placing their centre more tothe eastward. These coins were first

brought to notice in 1834, on the occasion of Sir P. Cautley’s discovery and

excavation of the ancient city of Behat, on the Jumna, 17 feet below the pre-

sent general level of the surrounding country. See J, A. S. B, iii, 43, 221, Prin-

sep’s “ Essays,” i. p. 76.

64 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

period, in material wealth, as it was in intellectual development, claims

that it has upheld with singular tenacity, under many adverse influ-

ences, through more than twenty centuries, until European Calcutta,

at last, superseded the Imperialism of Moghul Delhi.

I have a more onerous duty to perform in satisfying my readers in

regard to the date internal evidence would assign to these issues. I

have previously confessed a difficulty, and admitted that the data for

testing the age of this coinage by the style of the letters on its surface

were somewhat uncertain, and in a very elaborate examination of every

single literalsymbol employed on the varying representatives of the class,

I came to the conclusion that if certain more archaic forms of letters

might take the whole series up in point of time, modifications, approach-

ing to modernisations, might equally reduce individual instances to a

comparatively late date.* I was prepared to disavow any adhesion to

the old theory that the fixed lapidary type of Asoka’s inscriptions was

to constitute the one test of all local time and progress, and the sole

referee ofall gradations in Paleography, though I was not in a condition

to cite what I now advance with more confidence—both the exception-

al and stiff form of a lapidary alphabet, per se, as opposed to the writ-

ing of everyday life, which last the numismatic letters would more

readily follow ; but I subordinated the fact that Asoka’s alphabet was

designed for all India, and although it condescended to admit modified

dialectic changes, all the inscriptions are supposed to have emanated

from one official copy, which, however perfect at Palibothra or impos-

ing at Ganjam, may well have been behind the age in that focus of

learning to the eastward of the Saraswati, where not only must Indian-

Pali have been brought to unusual caligraphic perfection, but from its

contact and association with the Semitic alphabet on the same ground

and in the same public documents, may be supposed to have achieved

suggestive progress of its own, and to have risen far above the limita-

tions of the writing of ordinary uninstructed communities in other

parts of India; so that, whatever doubts or hesitation I may have felt

in the once discouraged notion that any approach to perfection existed

in India prior to Alexander’s advent, I have been forced into, and now

willingly acknowledge, diametrically opposite convictions, and concur

in the surprise expressed by the Greeks themselves that the Indians

were already so far and so independently advanced in civilisation.

* Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i. p. 207.

1865. | Ancient Indian Weights, 65

Silver. ‘Weight 29-0 grains. B. M., J. A.S. B. vii. pl. xxxii. figs.

2, 3, 4, 8.

Obv.—A female figure, holding on high a large flower,* and appar-

ently in attendance on a fanciful representation of a sacred deer.+ The

animal has curiously curved horns, and a bushy tail like a Himalayan

Yak. Monogram 4.4

Legend, in Indian-Pali [a similar flower to that in the field is re-

peated at the commencement of the legend] :—

Rédjnah Kranandasa Amogha-bhratasa Mahdrajasa. (Coin) of the

great King, the King Krananda, the brother of Amogha.

Rev.—A Chaitya surmounted by a small umbrella, above which ap-

pears a curious symbol§—a serpent is seen at the foot of the Chaitya.

* This is probably intended to represent a lotus, a favourite object of rever-

ence with the Buddhists, One of the Nandas was named Mahé Padma, “ great

Lotus,” (Vishnu Purana, 467. The Padma-chenpo of Tibetan writers. J. A. S. B.

i 2.) “'The distinctive mark” of one of the four principal classes of Bud-

dhists (the Réhula) was also “ an utpala-padma (water-lily) jewel, and tree-leaf,

put together in the form of a nosegay.” I may as well take the opportunity of

noting that the symbols of the remaining three classes of Buddhists were the

figure of a wheel” for the Kdtdyana. (Csoma Kérdsi, “Jour. As. Soc, Bengal,”

vii, (1838), pp. 143—4,)

+ The deer was typical of the Pratyeka Buddhas. Deer were the authorised

devices for the signets of the priests (‘‘ Jour. A, 8. Bengal,’ 1835, p. 625, As.

Res. xx. 86), and deer were from the first cherished and sacred animals among

the Buddhists—‘‘ The Deer Park of the Immortal,” at Sarnath, near Benares,

was an important feature in connection with the celebrated Stipa and religious

establishments at that place. (“Foe Koue Ki,’ chapter xxxiv. ‘ Mémoires,”

Hiouen-Thsang, i. p. 354.)

t{ Iam unable to offer any solution of the meaning of this sign. It may

possibly be an older form of the Tree.

§ Chaityas, or more properly Stipas (Sanskrit “ a pile of earth’), are also call-

ed Ddgobas in the Mahawanso, a, name stated to be derived from Dhdtw and

gabbhan, “ Womb ofa relic.” (Mah, p. 5.; see also Prinsep’s ‘ Essays,” i.

165.) The monogram which surmounts the Stipa on the coins eventually came

to be recognised as a symbol of Dharma; its outline has much in common with

the representations of the idol at Jagganath. (Stevenson, J. R. A, S. viii. 331.

Cunningham, “ Bhilsa Topes,” pl. xxxii.) The device in question recurs fre-

quently on the later Bactrian and Indo-Scythic coins. (Num. Chron, xix, pl.

p. 12, No. 166, “Ariana Antiqua,” pl, xxii, 156. Burnout, ii, 627),

66 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

In the field are the Bédhi tree,* the Swastika cross,} and a later form

of one of the devices under No. 16 of the old series of emblems. Le-

gend, in Bactrian-Pali :— '

Rajah Kranandasa Amogha-bhratisa Mahdérajasa. The concluding

title of Mahéraja is separated from the rest of the legend, and placed

independently at the foot of the reverse.t

* This tree is another chosen emblem of later Buddhism; but, as I have

before remarked, it did not appertain exclusively to the Buddhists in early times,

as it is to be seen on a very ancient coin implying a directly opposing faith, in

the fact of its bearing the name of Vishnu-deva in old Indian-Pali characters,

(J. A. 8. B. iii. pl. xxv. fig. 1, and Prinsep’s “ Essays,” ii. 2, vol. i. pl. vii. fig. 1.)

So also Q. Curtius, in his notice “ Deos putant, quicquid colere eceperunt; arbores

maxime, quas violare capitale est” (viii. 9, § 34), refers to Indians in general, and

not to Buddhists in particular). Another suggestive question is raised by the

accompanying devices on the surface of this piece, one of which represents a

half-moon—a totally exceptional sign, which in conjunction with the name of

Vishnu, may be taken to stand for a symbol of Brahmanism as opposed to

Buddhism, a coincidence which may be further extended to import the pre-exis-

tence of Chandravansas, in designed contrast to Surya Vansas ; and an eventual

typical acceptation of the name in combination as Chandra-Gupta Vishnu-Gupta

(Chanaky a)—all evidencing an intentional hostility to the “ Children of the Sun”

of AyopHya, with whom Sakya was so immediately identified. I may as well

take the opportunity of adding that the remaining objects on the obverse of

this coin consist of the triple Caduceus-like symbol, under D 16 in the Plate,

together with a deer above the half-moon, and a reverse device of a horse.

+ Let the primary ideal which suggested the cross of the Swastika be what it

may, the resulting emblem seems to have been appropriated by the Buddhisis

as one of their special devices in the initial stage of the belief of Sakya-Muni.

The Tao szu, or “‘ Sectaries of the mystical cross,” are prominently noticed by

Fa-Hian. (cap. xxii, xxiii.), and their doctrine is stated to have formed ‘‘ the

ancient religion of Tibet, which prevailed until the general introduction of

Buddhism in the ixth century.” Mr, Caldwell has instituted an interesting in-

quiry into the ancient religion of the Dravidians, which bears so appositely on

the general question of the rise of subsequent sects in India, that I transcribe

the final conclusion he arives at :—‘‘ On comparing their Dravidian system of

demonolatry and sorcery with ‘ Shamanism’—the superstition which prevails

amongst the Ugrian races of Siberia and the hill tribes on the south-western

frontier of China, which is still mixed up with the Buddhism of the Mongols,

and which was the old religion of the whole Tartar race before Buddhism and

Muhammadanism were disseminated amongst them—we cannot ayoid the con-

clusion that those two superstitions, though practised by races so widely sepa-

rated, are not only similar but identical.”—Dravidian Grammar, p. 519

See also Mahawanso, p. xly.

{ Panini enumerates the Swastika among the ordinary marks for sheep in use

in his day (Goldstiicker, p 59). It eventually became a symbol common to’

Buddhists, Jainas and Brahmans, The symbols of the 24 Jainas are enumerat-

ed by Colebrooke, (As. Rs. ix. 301) as follows, No.1, A Bull; 2, an Hlephant ; 3 a

Horse ; 4, anape; 5, a Curlew; 6, a Lotus; 7,a Swastika; 8, the moon ; 9, Makara;

10, a [four-petalled] Sriratsa ; 11, a Rhinoceros ; 12, a Buffaloe ; 13, a Boar ; 14, a

Falcon; 15, a thunderbolt, 16, an Antelope ; 17, a Goat ; 18, Nanda varta [an ara-

besque figure, seemingly designed to repeat the Swastika as often as possible

in its component lines]; 19, a jar; 20, a Tortoise; 21, a blue waterelily; 22, a

conch; 23, a Serpent ; 24, a Lion,

Kuyera’s treasures or nine Gems, also illustrate the history of Indian symbols,

1865.) Ancient Indian Weights. 67

It has been usual to read the name of this king as Kwnanda, and

tested by the limitations of the Indian Pali alphabet proper, the initial

compound should stand for Ku and nothing else; but as some of th

lately-acquired specimens have furnished, for the first time, an approx-

imate reading of the name in the counterpart Bactrian character on

the reverse, giving the indubitable foot-stroke to the right, which

constitutes the subjunct 7, appended to the x, there can be no reasonable

doubt but. that. Krananda is the correct transliteration. The apparent

anomaly of supposing that the Indian P4éli borrowed this form of

suffixed 7 from its fellow alphabet is disposed of by its use a second

time in this legend, in the Pali Bhrata. With similar licence, the

Bactrian writing, to supply its own deficiencies, appropriated the Pali

gh in Ragha, corresponding with the Rajnah of the obverse.

The copper coins of this class follow the typical devices of the silver

money, varying, however, in shape and weight to such an extent as to

indicate a. very general. and comprehensive original currency. A

peculiarity in which they depart from the parallel issues of silver, is

the total omission of the counterpart reverse legend in Bactrian Pali,

occasionally so imperfectly rendered even in the best designed mintages,

and the superscription is confined to what we must suppose to have

been the local Indian Pali character, in-which mint artisans and the

public at large were probably much. better versed.

The ninth, or one of the nine Nandas, seems to have been-popularly

designated Dhana Nanda, or the rich Nanda,* and certainly, if the

extant specimens of the money bearing the impress of the name of

Wilson (Megha Dita, verse 534) has the following note on the subject, ‘The

Padma, “ Mahapadma, Sankha, Makara, Kachhapa, Mukunda, Nanda, Nila,

and Kharva, are the nine Nidhis.”

_ “Some of the words bear the meanings of precious. or holy things : thus Padma

is the Lotus; Sankha the shell or conch. Again some of them imply large

numbers; thus Padma is 10,000 millions, and Mahapadma is 100,000 millions,

‘&c. but all of them are not received in either the one or the other acceptation,

We may translate almost all into things: thus, a lotus, a large lotus, a shell, a

certain fish, a tortoise, a crest, a mathematical figure used by the Jainas [No.

18, above ?] Nila refers only to colour; [No’ 21 supra ?] but Kharva, the ninth,

means a dwarf.” See also As. Res. xx. p. 544.

There is a very full list of Buddhist symbols in Captain Low’s paper on

“ Buddha and the Phrabat,” in the Transactions of the R. A. S., vol. iii. p. 57,

which has been commented on, in detail, by M. E. Burnouf, in his “ Lotus de la

bonne loi’ (Paris, 1852), p. 626.

* Mahawanso (Tika), xxxix. “Vishnu Purdna,’’ note, p. 468. Max Miiller,

“Sanskrit Literature,” p. 281.

68 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

Krananda are any test of the activity of his mints and the amplitude

of his treasure, he must have truly deserved the title.

Whatever mythical conceptions may have first determined the out-

lines of these various coin devices, or whenever they were incorporated

into that religious system, it is clear that they one and all eventually

came to be regarded as typical emblems of the Buddhist creed.* As

such, there can be no hesitation in accepting their combined evidence

as conclusive, that the kings who set them forth in such prominence

two centuries after the Nirvana of Sakya-Muni, must have been votaries

of the faith he originated or reformed.

If the faintly preserved similarity of the names of Xandrames and

Kand fortuitously led to their association in the person of Krananda,

and an almost obvious sequence connected him with one of the nine

Nandas, and alike the issuer of the coins bearing this designation, it

was reserved for the coins themselves to contribute the most important

item in the entire combination to the effect that these Nandas were

Buddhists, and in this fact to explain much that the whole written his-

tory of India, foreign or domestic, had hitherto failed to convey—the

exact record of the State religion at the period, thus obscuring the

right interpretation of the then impending dynastic revolution, com-

menced and accomplished, as it would now seem, for the triumph of

the Brahmanical hierarchy over the representatives of the more purely

indigenous belief.

These considerations, however, open out a larger area of Oriental

national progress than the legitimate limits of the scope of the Numis-

matic Society may justify my entering upon, though history must once

again, in this case, admit a debt it owes to the archeology of money.

And as antiquaries, we ourselves may frankly recognise the aid confer-

red by the determination of the correct epoch of these coins, in justifying

* The association of these symbols with a somewhat advanced phase of

Buddhism is shown in the retention of the deer, the Bodhi-tree, the Chaitya and

the serpent (which is placed perpendicularly on some specimens) on the reverse

of a coin, the obverse of which displays the standing figure of Buddha himself,

having the lotus and the word Bhagawata, his special designation, in the margin-

allegend. (J. A. S. B. iii. pl. xxv. fig. 4., Prinsep’s “ Essays,” i, pl. vii. fig. 4.)

There seems to have been a current tradition in the land, regarding the real

faith of the Nandas, signs of which are apparent in Hiouen-Thsang’s notice,

“Les hommes de peu de foi raisonnaient entre eux 4 ce sujet: Jadis, disaient

ils, le roi Nan-tho (Nanda) a construit ces cing dépéts pour y amasser les sept

matiéres précieuses” (vol, ii. p. 427). '

865.] Ancient Indian Weights. 69

the arrangement of so many prior and subsequent series of the subor-

dinate mintages of a country whose early annals were so largely per-

verted or sacrificed to sectarian hostility.

I have still two purely numismatic questions to advert to before

concluding this paper. Reference has already been made to the adop-

tion by the Greeks of the Indian or square form of money, but if the

period and personal identity of the Krananda of these coins are rightly

determined, the Greek Bactrians must have condescended to appropriate

further oriental mint developments. Alexander the Great, Seleucus,

and all those invaders who might have influenced Indian art, had their

nominal legends arranged in parallel lines, or at the utmost on three

sides of a square, on the inner field of the reverse.

Diodotus, Agathocles, Huthydemus, Demetrius, and other Bactrian

Hellenes, who came into closer contact with India to the westward,

retained the same practical arrangement of legends. So far as the

existing numismatic data authorise a conclusion, Eucratides was the

first to commence any marked modification of the practice, and to lean

towards the filling up the complete outer margin of the coin with royal

names and titles. Ofcourse, if Krananda came after all these Bactrian

Greeks, he may have imitated their customs ; but if, as it would appear,

he was a contemporary of Alexander, ruling in a distant and unassailed

part of the country, it is clear that local art was thus far independent

and in advance of that of Greece, and that the Bactrian and Scythian

interlopers* borrowed circular legends from India.

In contrasting the equitable adjustment and full value of the early

punch-impressed pieces, with the irregularity in these respects, to be

detected in the mechanically improved and more advanced specimens

of Indian mintages, 1 was lately led to instance the identical coins of

Krananda as proofs of what unscrupulous kings might do, even in the

very introductory application of ideas of seigniorage, towards depre-

ciating their own currency. The results in question were cited to

exemplify the statement in the Mahdwanso, where the Brahman

Chénakya is accused of so operating on the coin of the realm as to

* The mention of these later Scythians recalls the curious coincidence of

many of the subordinate members of the ruling families designating themselves,

somewhat after the manner of Krananda, “ Brothers” and even “ Nephews of

the King,” &c. See Num, Chron, vol, xix, Nos. xxvii. class B, and xxxiy.

70 Ancient Indian Weights. [No. 2,

convert every one into ecght.* When I quoted the tradition and the

numismatic fact in juxtaposition, I little surmised how much more

closely the two might be connected, or that instead of the latter afford-

ing a mere illustration of the former, that the surviving metallic

witnesses would suffice, with the slight introductory testimony, to put

a man’s memory on ‘trial for forgery twenty centuries and more after

date. But so it would seem: the Brahman Chanakyat+ confesses,

through his own advocates, that in his desire to subvert the rule of the

Nandas, he seduced sons ‘from their father’s palaces, and ‘“ with the

view of raising resources,’ to have had recourse to the more than

questionable expedient of depreciating, or properly speaking forging,

coins of the ruling monarch, which, however, under the ultimate test

of the old money changers, would soon have found their level. The

copper coinage of the day was probably beyond any very ready power

of transmutation, but ifthe silver currency is to afford a modern “ pix,”

the Brahman must have worked to advantage, as there may be seen in

the cabinets of the British Museum, at this present writing, a piece

purporting to be of Krananda, with fair legends and full spread of

surface, though of tenuity itself, which should in ordinary equity have

weighed somewhere over 40 grains, but which on trial barely balances

17:7 grains Troy.t

* Num, Chron. N.S., iv. pp. 127, 128.

+ Mahdwanso, p. xl. ‘‘ Opening the door [of Nanda’s palace at Palibothra]

with the utmost secrecy, and escaping with the prince out of that passage, they

fled into the wilderness of Winjjhad. While dwelling there, with the view of

raising resources, he converted (by recoining) each kahdpamam into eight, and

amassed eighty kétis of kahdpand. Having buried this treasure, he commenced

to search for a second individual entitled (by birth) to be raised to sovereign

power, and met with the aforesaid prince of the Mériyan dynasty called Chanda-

gutto,”

+ This of course is an extreme instance, but it is not a strained example; and

although the piece, which I refrained from quoting previously, is damaged, and

has lost its oxydised film, it is by no means worn, or anything like a coin which

we might legally refuse for want of the king’s emblems. The best coin of the

class still weighs 38-2 grains. (Num. Chron. N.\S., iy. p. 128.)

1865.] Description of a Mystic Play. 71

Description of a Mystic Play, as performed in Ladak, Zaskar, &e.—

By Captain H. H. Govwiy-Avsten, Surveyor, Topographical

Survey, F. R. G.S.

[Received 21st October, 1864]. [Read 2nd November, 1864].

These Mystic Plays of which I am about to give an account, are

performed on certain feast days in all the principal monasteries of

Ladak, about twice in the year, in spring and autumn. They are also,

I have been informed, enacted at Lhassa and Bhootan, but I did not

see one when in the latter country. I can give no information as to

their origin, and must here state that not being a Tibetan scholar, I

cannot vouch for the true orthography of proper names written down

at the time vivd voce, and which are very difficult to catch. The Play

hereafter described, I saw performed in the fine old Gonpa or Monastery

of Himis, which is situated in a lateral ravine that joins the river

Indus a day’s journey above Leh on the left bank of that river. From

its secluded position, this was one of the few religious houses that

escaped destruction on the invasion of the country by the Dogra army

under Wazier Jerawur. At that time much curious and interesting

property and valuable religious writings were ruthlessly destroyed.

The theatrical property, consisting of silk dresses, masks, &., are

therefore seen in greater perfection at Himis than at any other mon-

astery in the country. On entering the court-yard onthe day of

performance, we found the head Lhama with all the gylongs (monks)

of the establishment were assembled, the musical instruments were

arranged ready under the little verandah to the proper right of the

large Prayer Cylinder which stands under the centre of it, and every

thing betokened the coming scene.

Before commencing an account of the strange performance, it will

be as well to roughly describe that portion of the building where it is

enacted. The principal entrance to the monastery is through a mas-

sive door, from which runs a gently sloping and paved covered way

leading into a court-yard about 30 x 40 yards square, having on the

left hand a narrow verandah, in the centre of which stands the large

Prayer Cylinder above mentioned, The larger picturesque doorway

72 Description of a Mystic Play. [No. 2,

the entrance of one of the principal idol rooms, is in the extreme right

hand corner, massive brass rings affixed to large bosses of brass are

affixed on either door, the posts of which are of carved and coloured

wood work. The walls of the main building with its bay windows

of lattice work, enclose the court-yard along the right hand side, the

roof is adorned with curious cylindrical pendant devices made of cloth

called “ Thook ;” each surmounted with the Trisool or trident, painted

black and red. On the side facing the main entrance, the court-yard is

open, leading away to the doorways of other idol rooms. In the centre

space stand two high poles “‘ Turpoché,” from which hang yaks’ tails and

white cotton streamers printed in the Thibetan character. Innumerable

small prayer wheels are fitted into a hitch that runs round the sides

of the court-yard. A few large trees throw their shade on the

building, and above them tower the rugged cliffs of the little valley,

topped here and there by Lhatos, small square built altars, surmount-

ed by bundles of brushwood and wild sheep horns, the thin sticks of

the brushwood being covered with offerings of coloured flags printed

with some muntra or other. All preliminaries over and the actors

ready inside the building, the musicians,* wearing curious head-dresses

and robes, red being the predominant color, took up their position in

the verandah facing the monastery. Their instruments consisted of

enormous long trumpets, that draw out like a telescope to 8 or 9 feet ;

these issue a low, mellow, bass sound, the mouth-piece is of peculiar

form being a large flat disc against which the lips are pressed ; a narrower

trumpet globe-shaped at lower end; flageolets, drums and cymbals

completed the set. The drums are peculiar, being fixed to a long handle,

the end resting on the ground, they are struck with a bent piece of

thin iron, the point of which is covered with a leather button. The

musicians commenced a wailing sort of air accompanied by a low chant,

to which the drums and cymbals beat a regular tune, but very subdued.

Then came, trooping out of the idol room, a set of maskers in the most

extraordinary dress it is possible to conceive; they were called Tsam-

* See Captain Melville’s photographs, No. 10. This same costume is worn

by the musicians of the Deb and Dhurm Raja at Punakha in Bhootan, and it is

as well to mention here that the monks of Himis, as well as a few other monas-

teries in Ladakh, are of the same sect as the Buddhists of Bhootan, viz, the

**Dukpah” of whom the spiritual head is the Dhurm Raja,

1865.] Description of a Mystic Play. 73

Cuvur,* and in single file led round the flag-poles in the centre of the

yard, with a sort of quiet and most laughable dance, slowly turning

round and round themselves, and coming to a sudden halt at the end of

each bar of the music, which the drummers notified by a louder stroke.

Thus the circle moved round the poles while they tossed their arms about

and waved the coloured flags they held in their hands. The dresses

were all of China silk and Kimkab, the apron embroidered with the

face of a hideous demon, the head-dress was a large conical hat with a

very broad brim, edged with black wool; from the hat several wide

ribbons of different gay coloured silks hung down the back, extending

nearly to the heels, but the most extraordinary and striking part of their

costume, was the device of a death’s head, the eye-sockets, teeth, We.

worked in silk on a white ground. This was suspended from the neck

and hung down to just below the breast.

Tn the left hand they held a sort of spoon having for the bowl a piece

of human skull, cut out of the forehead portion, and round the edge of

which were attached narrow streamers of silk and some plaited ends of

hair. This ghostly ladle is called ‘“ Bunpan.” In these spoons, the

portions into which the enemy is cut up, are carried away and thrown

up into the air as an offering to the gods: of this enemy I shall speak

further on. These maskers hold in the right hand a short little stick

with red and blue streamers of silk; these and the spoons majestically

waived about as they go round in their solemn dance, had the most

curious effect I ever saw. Pantomimes and extravaganzas floated

round one during the whole performance, yet this was a real mystical

religious pageant having some curious and bygone origin, which

none of the party knew or could get explained. This dance came to

an end at last, and as the troop ascended the steps to the large door-

way, the same number, but in a different disguise, came out. The tune

was now changed and seemed to be the repeating of a number of stanzas

of the same length, the maskers held in the right hand little drums

and in the left, bells. To the first, the drums were attached a short string

with a small ball at the end, so that when moved quickly backwards and

forwards it may strike both ends of the drum. At the end of each stanza

they gave arattle and aring at the same time, moving round in the same

way as did the first set, only stopping to make an obeisance to the

* See Photographs, No. 1,

74 Description of a Mystic Play. [No. 2,

centre when they used their drums at the end of the intonation.

These were also dressed in gaudy China silks, both wore gilt masks

with apertures for eyes and mouth, the top of the hat was conical

with silk streamers on the sides and a large loose scarf behind. These

masks were named ‘‘ Cury-Bep’’ or from their copper coloured masks,

“ ZANG-BUKH, lit. copper mask.* These had no death-like insignia

as the first maskers wore. After these had retired, a short delay, and

another more imposing group marched with great dignity out of the

monastery. These all wore very large masks of different forms and

colours, still all of the same type as the heads of deities, their great

peculiarity being the third eye in the centre of the forehead. The

principal of these deities was “ Turogan Pupma Junenas” or “he

born of the lotus” over whom was carried a large umbrella. Among

the other attendant maskers of consequence wast Stner’ DranpRox,

Dorse’ Troione, Sanesea Kurevo (Brahma), Zarn-Sxrone or Eswara.

These are, I believe, intended to represent emblematically the six classes

of beings subject to transmigration, viz. 1, gods; 2, demi-gods; 3,

men ; 4, animals ; 5, ghosts; 6, the inhabitants of hell ; for although we

did not then see the mask of the bull’s head, it should have been among

the maskers,—perhaps the monks did not take the trouble, and thought

us none the wiser,—now this would well represent No. 4 of the above

classes; and in another monastery I afterwards saw masks made to

represent stags. Attending on this principal group were another set

of maskers, who carried the long handled drums and the bent striker.

Their dresses were of the same type, long petticoats of rich China

silk, but the head-dress a kind of crown with six points, gilt, rising

to a high point in the centre, while streamers of silk hung down from

the ears to the waist.{| On each of the six points were the following

1 2 3 4

syllables in the lLantsa character, viz. OM, AH, SHI, HUNG,

TRANG.§

* See fig. 2.

} See Photographs, Nos. 4, 5 and 8.

t See No 6 of Captain M.’s photographs.

§ Hach of these syllables have some mystical connection with the centre and

cardinal points of the compass, thus—

1865.] Description of a Mystic Play. » 75

The whole of these last named Maskers marched round the Flag

Poles in solemn procession, the band still playing; they then sat down

ina line on the ground; Tutocan Pupma Junenas in the centre.

Then with shrill whistling, made by putting the fingers in the

mouth, several boys came rushing out of the monastery, and running

up made obeisance to the chief in the centre, and danced wildly about

round the Poles. They were called ‘‘ Spao,” warriors, and wore short

skirts, and streamers of silk hung from the waist, round which was

a belt carrying small round bells (Gungaroo, Hind.); the same were

also attached to the ancles. Their masks were green with a broad

face on them, and from the centre of the crown rose a stick with a

triangular red flag ; they held a bell in the leit hand, and a large handled

drum in the right. With these also careered about two jesters, one

of whom had two small kettle-drums tied on his back, on which the

other would occasionally thump, and play other practical jokes for the

amusement of the crowd, salaming also in mock respect to Pudma

Jungnas and his attendants. There were also another set who made

up this court of Indra, of which it may be a representation ; these

were called Katincuun,* wearing a red mitre-shaped hat, silk capes

ah (north)

é (centre)

(west) Shi om ———— hung (Hast) and each of

these points is

again supposed

to be the dwell-

ing of a god.

trang This curious

(South) system is seen

drawn out on the walls of some of the monasteries, in a complicated sort of

labyrinth, called MiskyopPa DKYILKHAR, the cirele of AKSHOBHYA in Sanscrit,

T once saw one in process of construction on a square with sides quite four feet

in length. The deities assigned to the different parts are numberless, but of

the principal I may name,—North, Tonytit thibba, West, Nam-’wa-ta-yas, Hast,

Dorjé Sempspa, South, R. Zingsten J ungldan, Centre, Nang-per-nang-'l'sat.

See Hodgson, on the Literature and Religion of the Bhuddists, note, foot of

page 117. ‘In niches at the base of the hemisphere are frequently enshrined

four of the five Dhiani Buddhas, one opposite to each cardinal point. AKSHOBHYA

occupies the Hastern nitch; Ratna SamBuava, the Southern ; Amrra’BHA, the

Western and AmocHastppHa the Northern, VairocHana, the 1st Dhyani

Buddha, is supposed to occupy the centre invisibly. Sometimes, however, he

appears visibly, being placed at the right hand of AksHosnya,

* See No. 3 of Capt, M.’s Photographs,

. 10

76 Description of a Mystic Play. [No. 2,

and petticoats, and carried bells and small hand drums ; they sat in a

solemn row opposite the gods, and may have been intended to repre-

sent dewans of the court. After the jesters had danced about and

played various antics, both with the actors and the lookers-on, they

rose and marched back into the monastery. To these succeeded a

set of Numxrnas with red masks and Tsaxines* with brown, who both

carried the long handled drum, and from their head dress rose a tall

stick with a triangular flag, with a narrow brown silk border and a

device of three eyes painted on the centre. The two sides named

above, faced each other and with a kind of hop dance, advanced

towards each other and then retired, striking occasionally in time to the

music, not of their own drums, but of those of their wis a vis ; altogether

it was the oddest and most curious spectacle possible to imagine. What

this strange masque was intended to represent is more than I can say,

and the priests of the monastery seemed to know as little of the

matter, or perhaps could not explain it, mixed as the subject must be

with theological Buddhist mysteries, the ridiculous grafted upon it

for the amusement of the populace.

I will wind up my account by a description of the masque

which last appeared upon the scene and ended the performance.

The reader must now bear in mind that these last characters

hold a place in another and different day’s festival, so that we

were merely shown the costume. I saw afterwards, on my return

to Leh from the Chang Chenmo, this play acted throughout at

the monastery of GAwun, an account of which I will hereafter give.

But to return to the actors, those that we last saw, were got up

in the most wonderful way to represent skeletons, their clothes being

tight fitting and white, the fingers and toes, loose and long, the mask

being a really artistic model of the human skull, the lower jaw being

moveable. These men danced a slow weird pas, grinning at each

other, and knocking together their short staves, which at the top were

carved into death’s heads. The band played a subdued solemn chant

while this ghostly dance went on. ‘These men take a part in the

festival, when the supposed enemy, an effigy of whom is modelled in

dough, is cut up and carried away by these ghostly bearers who are

intended to represent the dwellers of the burial-grounds.

* See Photograph, No. 9.

1865.] Description of a Mystic Play. 77

Translation of a MS. obtained in Ladak regarding the Dancing on

the 10th day of the 5th month, a great holiday.—By the Rev.

H. A. Jarscuxs, of the Moravian Mission, Kyclang, Lahoul.

“ Dance Boox or tue 107TH.”

(After some preambulatry lines which I do not thoroughly understand,

it continues as follows) :—

The time for the first meeting on the 10th having arrived, the

performers put on their attire and a nether garment* folded in many

beautiful plaits. The leader in front, they enter running quicker and

quicker, according to the measure, and form a circle for the dancing

called.....+ Mustard seed is distributed among the dancers. Then

making the sign of the Trident{ the following steps are gone through

ales ee at the words§ ...... the right hand, and at the words......... the

left is stretched out. (This motion I cannot clearly understand.)

Then the leaders turning to the right, and the last in the line to

the left, both advancing towards each other, the circle is again closed

or formed. (Steps and dancing). Again making the sign of the

‘Trident they retire.

Now enter the Libators of Chang.|| With bells and fans in their

hands, and slowly advancing form a circle (dancing ...... ) at the words

ag tas: they take the offering of Libation to all the beings of the six

classes] in the whole world. Hach one* prays for whatever wish he

desires to be fulfilled. Now, after a signal from the cymbals, the large

trumpets, (about 8 or 9 feet long), thin trumpets, globe trumpets,

kettle-drums, pipes, &c., and the whistling with the mouth (that

extremely shrill kind, which is produced by putting two fingers in the

* Part of the clerical dress, very like a petticoat.

+ Here occurs a considerable number of names of different motions, paces,

and gestures, often repeated in this little paper, which cannot be translated

nor can I properly describe them, as I am not acquainted with the terms used

in dancing in the English language.

{ Viz., with the hands.

§ These refer to the words of the song which accompanies the dance.

|| This word seems to comprehend all sorts of fermented liquors; thus in

Lahoul and Kulloo rice-chang is most common; in Ladak barley-chang, a kind of

‘malt liquor without hops; in Koonawur they make a grape-chang or wine.

G The six classes of beings subject to iransmigration are cha deo (gods) ;

Chamyin (asura demigods); mi (manusha men): dudro (animals): yidags

Oba... 0.0... ) nyal wapa (or daitya the inhabitants of hell).

* Viz. of the Lhamas present.

78 Description of a Mystic Play. [No. 2,

mouth), all these instruments concurring to make one loud noise, the

performers one after the other sounding his bell, hand-drum, or other

instrument, and blowing the air thrice with his face, mentally* sum-

mons the noxious enemy+ as nobody can do so in reality (dancing).

The time having arrived to put down the venomous (enemy),

with dancing, a circle is formed and each performer must successively

hit him with his instrument ;{ then follow different steps and words of

incantation and exorcism.

Three signals with the cymbals having been made two ATSARAS,§

coming out of the large door of the monastery, post themselves on

either side of it, with one arm a kimbo, and blow their hautbois

twice gently, twice vehemently, and then two Gylongs|| and one terrible

person, holding a skull, having performed a series of steps, finally

make the sign of the Trident and retire again. After them appear the

persons of the burial-ground (ghouls), and after performing many

gestures with their arms, retire.

This concludes the 10th day’s act.

On the 11th day of the same month, in the first act,—here follows

what I am unable to explain; in the second act, adoration is paid to

the king ;§ in the third act, mustard seed is thrown on the enemy

after some singing and dancing, and the ceremony of fixing the nail is

performed,** and hitting the arms, legs and heart of the figure. Now

* Performing things mentally when circumstances will not allow of it in

reality, is permitted to a great extent in the Buddhist religion, e.g. when a

person dies without riches, the family may imagine themselves to offer gold,

precious stones, &c., to any extent to Buddha, who will condescend to take it,

as if it were really given. Living Lhamas do rot let their flocks off quite so

easily.

t any being, man or demon, adversary to the religion or to the country, &c.

t{ A small figure moulded in dough, representing that enemy, or venomous

or noxious person, lies on the ground in a triangular enclosure, and each of the

dancers has to hit it, with the sword dagger, or other arms or emblem he may

carry.

§ ArsaRa is derived from the Sanscrit Acharya teacher, spiritual guide;

but according to what I was told, it is now rather used like Yogi or holy

mendicant, a Hindoo fagir. Besides this, it must also denote a sort of demon

or spirit, as I have met with the word in this signification in books ; J am not —

quite sure which it is here.

|| Gylong, a degree of the Lhama priesthood.

€{| No name is given in the text, it was said to be some deity. (THLocaNn

Pupma JuNGNAS ?)

** A nail or peg, in shape of a dagger and often beautifully ornamented,

isa magic instrument, occurring very frequently in books, as an emblem of

deities, as well as used in exorcisms, &c. often by a gesture of the hand

symbolizing its use. By its use, demons are supposed to be bound and enemies

killed,

1865.] Description of a Mystic Play. 79

the rulers of the burial-ground* proceeding with dancing, take up the

corpse,} making the gesture of the trident. Heruka, a god holding in

his right hand a lance with a flag, and in the left a man’s heart and a

snare, { enters attended by the Lady mother (HrrvxKa’s wife) having in

her right hand a club (KmaromxKa, Sanscrit Kuarwanaa) and in her left

hand, a skull.

Four incantations with bells and faces; four women, who carry a

snare, a little child’s corpse,§ a heart, and a cymitar; their dress a wide

human skin, a potka, and leopard skin petticoat. Dancing and music

continue, while the last that enter are four Tiger coats, (warriors with

bows and arrows).

In the 4th act, the dancers are four Libators of Chang, and eight

other performers ............ (some unintelligible words here follow.)

A mask named “ Large mouth” with a censer, another with a drum

and Hashang with his children|| now come on the scene and the

MS. concludes with a number of cyphers indicating the number of

the steps in each dance.

* Viz. two male and two female demons,

+ Lying on the triangle-shaped framework.

{ A magic rope for catching noxious beings.

§ Such things as the little child’s corpse and the human skin are not real,

the former is a small figure, the latter a loose counterfeit made of silk or other

stuff.

|| HasuHane was originally a Chinese priest whom I find mentioned in Tibetan

historical books as a preacher of heretical doctrines, Here in this play, Hashang

seems represented as a sort of school-master masked asa very old man and

attended by a lot of masked children,

80 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitart. [No. 2,

Some Account of Ancient Remains at Saidpix and Bhitdri.—By the

Rev. M. A. Suzrrine, LL. B., and C. Hornu, Esq., C. S.

[Received 4th January, 1865.—Read 1st February, 1865.]

Some account of the remains found at Bhitdri has been already

inserted at various times in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal. This refers for the most part to the stone pillar standing

there, and to the inscription upon it, dating from the epoch of Sri_

Kumara Gupta. General Cunningham, in his interesting and valuable

Report, printed in a Supplementary Number of the Society’s Journal

objects at Bhitéri. Yet there are several very remarkable relics of

the past which, so far as we have ascertained, neither this indefati-_

gable investigator nor any other archeologist has hitherto described,

It is our purpose to give a succinct description of these relics.

It is necessary to draw attention to the circumstance that Bhitari

is usually spoken of in the Society’s Journal as Saidpér-Bhitari

whereas Bhitéri and Saidpir are distinct places, the one being about |

41 miles distant from the other. The high road from Benares toy

Ghazeepore passes close to the large town of Saidpar, while the’

village of Bhitdri lies several miles away from this road. Its

proximity, however, to Saidptr, is no doubt the reason why the two.

have been associated together; besides which, there is good ground

for believing that in ancient times both contained large Buddhist

structures.

SAIDPUR.

This is a flourishing town of ten thousand inhabitants, chiefly

Hindu traders, many of whom, judging from the multitude of well-

made houses adorning the streets, are living in comfort, if not in

affluence. Two large Hindu temples have been recently erected im

the town, which, together with the Government Tahsili school, are

situated on the left bank of the Ganges. Passing down the main

street to its extremity and thence diverging to the right, you come

immediately upon the outer wall of an enclosure, on entering which

you observe three separate buildings appropriated by the Mahomedans |

for sacred purposes. One of these is a modern structure ; the remain-}

1865.) Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitari. 81

Bins two are of undoubted antiquity. These latter we shall proceed

to describe.

The first is a small domed building sustained by four stone pillars,

the bases of which rest on a platform twelve feet square, raised a few

inches above the ground. The shafts of the pillars are square, and

the capitals are cruciform, each limb being one foot ten inches in

length, and having the usual Buddhist bell-ornamentation. The pillars

on the north and east quarters exhibit a groove about 15 inches in

height, which evidently once contained a pierced stone railing. The

eaves stones above are apparently original, and have a projection of

| 15 inches. These eaves are strikingly characteristic of the architec-

ure of the early period to which this building must be assigned, and

e often of great size and solidity. In ancient Buddhist structures

both in Benares and in Jaunpore, as well as in this instance, they are

nt on the upper surface to resemble woodwork. Some persons will

ye reminded by this circumstance of Akber’s stone roof at Futteh-

ore Sikri, cut in imitation of tiles, and of the carved beams in the

ves at Elephanta.

The second building is 26} feet long by 23 broad, and is upheld

y at least 34 columns disposed in the following remarkable order,

amely, 6 at each of the north-east and south-east corners, 9 couples

et intervals in the circumference, and 4 single pillars in the centre,

forming a square. The two clusters of six pillars have been united

y stone slabs into two thick ones, each 23 feet square. This curious

ma gamation is, in all probability, the work of the Mahomedans,

though from what motive, it is hard to conjecture. The building

‘was already strongly supported, and the alteration considerably de-

1 re cts from its native simplicity. he space between the side pillars

‘is 5 feet 9 inches, between the side and centre pillars 6 feet 4 inches,

and between the centre pillars themselves 5 feet 1 inch. The height

| of each column is 6 feet 11 inches, of which the base is 9 inches,

the shaft 4 feet 8 inches, the stone upon it 10 inches, and the capital

ot 8 inches. The innermost line of columns is built into a wall

olid masonry composed of ancient stones, and is of more recent date

n other parts of the edifice. The roof is of long stone slabs, but

in its centre there is a primitive Buddhist ceiling consisting of four

stones placed diagonally upon the architrayes and crowned by a flat

82 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitari. [No. 2m

stone ornamented with a lotus blossom. Each corner stone also :

exhibits this flower in relief. The existence of the original eaves —

stone on portions of three sides of this structure, is sufficient proof

that it could not have been any larger than it is at present; but the

great strength of the supports above alluded to, would appear to

indicate that it once possessed a second or even a third story. Upon 4

the roof is a diminutive chamber of comparatively modern construc-_

tion, sustained by four ancient pillars. The shafts are octagonal, and

the capitals and rounded bases are richly carved with the bell and ©

leaf pattern. These pillars have been doubtless taken from old build-

ings which were formerly situated in this neighbourhood.

We are of opinion that these two edifices were separate chaityas

attached to a vihar or monastery, traces of which, owing to the short

time at our disposal, we did not attempt to discover. The preservation —

of these interesting remains is to be attributed to the circumstance ~

of a Mahomedan faqir named Sheikh Samman having taken up his |

abode in one of them, and having been buried in it at his death.

The second chaitya contains the tomb of Makhdum Sah. It would

be worth the while for any one having time at his disposal to explore —

thoroughly this locality, which abounds with Mahomedan tombs, —

Buddhist remains.

BHITARI. J

This village is situated on the Gangi river, an affluent of the

Ganges, and is called Saidpur-Bhitari, from which Rajah Deo

Narain Singh, late member of the Legislative Council of India,

derives his title. Its appearance in the distance is that of a long low

mound, which, on nearer approach, displays a reddish hue on account

of the large quantity of brick rubbish entering into its composition,

Tn form it is nearly rectangular, the measurement of its four sides

being as follows :—

East Face, .........-...-. 500 yards. y |

South ditto, ............ 525 ditto.

Westidittoy hit 685 ditto.

INorthudittoy ise. os 700 ditto,

7 1865.] Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitdri. 83

A mound rises at each corner, and another half way along each

face, and many more are within the enclosure itself. There is also

a spur running from the south-west angle. The general aspect of the

- site is that of a fort with projecting towers at the corners, connected

- together by a low embankment or wall; whilst the debris scattered

about in every direction and the numerous mounds, would seem to

indicate that formerly extensive buildings existed upon it.

F On the spur is a recently erected Imambara, under the foundations

of which a hole has been made into the mound on which it stands,

‘revealing the original foundations of a very ancient edifice lying in

siti. The bricks are of exceedingly large dimensions, some being 19

‘inches long, about 1 foot in width, and 3 inches in thickness. It

would be interesting to lay bare the whole of these remains, and to

trace as far as practicable, without injury to the Imambara, the extent

and nature of the earlier structure.

Tn the year 1863, Mr. Horne was requested by the Government

f the North-Western Provinces, at the suggestion of Major-General

Cunningham, to make excavations into some of the mounds at Bhitari.

Strange to say, although trenches were made into several mounds, yet

othing of importance was discovered. It by no means follows, how-

ver, that because no ancient relics were brought to light in those

tumuli which were then laid open, that a further and more complete

investigation would be fruitless. It is only natural that the changes

Which have taken place through many generations among the build-

ings which the successive inhabitants of Bhitari have erected, having

“recourse to the ancient structures for their materials from century to

century, rather than to materials of their own manufacture, should

ave occasioned the formation of some, perhaps of many, of the exist-

ing mounds ; and therefore it is no matter for astonishment that Mr.

Horne should have found only vast masses of earth, pottery, brick,

anc other rubbish, especially as his excavations were mostly carried

on in the immediate neighbourhood of the inhabited portion of

Bhitari, His decided conviction is, that if excavations were conducted

‘on a more extensive scale, and embraced not only the larger tumult

in the interior of the enclosure, but likewise those lying at various

distances in the outskirts, it is highly probable that discoveries of

| great interest to the archeologist, shedding light on the antiquity of

84 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Blutdri. [No. 2,

this entire region, might be made. It is the opinion of General

Cunningham that the Bhitari ruins date from the Gupta period, or

from A. D. 100 to A. D. 300, and that they are amongst the oldest

Brahmanical remains known to us. He is wrong, however, in the

implied supposition that they are altogether of Brahmanical origin,

as we shall presently show.

Judging from the relics of tombs and religious houses dispersed

over the village and its suburbs, Bhitari must have been a place of

some importance during the Mahomedan rule in India. The few

inhabitants still residing in it are, for the most part, followers of the

prophet. The bridge over the Gingi below the village, was erected

by the Mahomedans. It dates from at least two eras, and the origi-

nal structure, General Cunningham considers, ‘ consisted of only two_

small arches,’ to which two others have been subsequently added.

The bridge has been altogether built with cut stones taken from other |

buildings, and in one place the figure of an animal, such as supports

the brackets in the Atali Masjid in Jaunpur, is inserted into the

wall. A mason-mark found on one of the stones, is indisputably of

the age of the Guptas. Although in a dilapidated condition, the

bridge nevertheless possesses considerable strength ; and its thorough

repair, which is very desirable, might be effected at a comparatively

small cost. 2

In the enclosure itself, the most noticeable object is undoubtedly

the famous column with the Gupta inscription upon it. The column

rests upon a roughly hewn stone, and is 284 feet in height. This:

includes the base which is 10 feet 2 inches high, of which, between

five and six are below the level of the adjacent soil. It is out of the

perpendicular, and the cause of this, as well as of the injury to the

capital, is attributed by the inhabitants to lightning with which, they

say, the pillar was struck many years ago; but it is just as probable,

perhaps more so, that both results may have been effected by the

Mahomedans, who, failing in their attempt to throw down the column,

may have mutilated the capital, as is commonly reported they did, with

cannon-shot, and destroyed the figure of a lion, which, it is with om

reason conjectured, formerly crouched upon it.

In his Report to Government, Mr. Horne says :—“ TI laid bare the

east face of the foundation, as the column slopes to the north, and

1865.) Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Blutare. 85

found that. the base was 3 inches off the foundation-stone on the south

side, (Vide woodcut in the morgin) ;

that there were two iron wedges

driven under as indicated ; and that

WWW at some remote period, stone-work

(uuu ui) )) of a massive character had been

placed around to prevent further

declension. I then cleared the mound away which abutted on the

column, hoping to find some traces of foundations at least, of the

| building: to which the monolith may have formed an adjunct. This

mound rose from 10 to 12 feet, and extended some distance, and, as

far as I could ascertain by cutting a trench and levelling, consists

entirely of broken bricks and earth.”

__ There is no doubt that during the Buddhist period in India, several

i temples and one or two monasteries flourished in Bhitari. In a mosque

in the village, of modern erection, are thirty stone pillars, seven of them

being elaborately carved. These must. have been taken from buildings

situated here in ancient times, for they present. similar characteristics

to the columns of Buddhist shrines and monasteries, of which remains

are still found in Benares and elsewhere. In asmall uncovered brick

‘enclosure we discovered several old sculptures, among them a rude

‘Statue of Buddha in excellent preservation. The entire stone is

‘+5 feet in height, but the figure measures only 2 feet 4 inches.

Buddha is seated in contemplation, and is devoid of ornament ;

nd on the palm of his hand the chakra symbol is engraved.

He is attended by two chauri-bearers and two kinnaras or cherubs,

and is seated on asemi-circle, below which are four diminutive figures,

‘two representing. animals, and two Buddha. The statue has the

red corona encompassing the head, embellished on the upper part

Indian-corn and leaves, and must have been a prominent object

one of the temples formerly standing here.

| Of the other sculptured stones found at this spot, we will only

= two. One of them exhibits the figure of a man seated on a

. prancing ram, which may possibly be intended to illustrate one of the

signs of the Zodiac. The other is a small octagonal pillar in a niche,

and on either side of it is an erect human figure. In the middle of

| the village is a well, by the mouth of which is a collection of old

86 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitari. [No. 2,

stones picked up in the neighbourhood at various times. Some of S|

these are of Buddhist, while others may be of Hindu type. Amongst —

them are two heads alluded to in the note, and also two very curious

stones, one representing the front portion of the human skull, and

the other a human hand clasping a shell. There is likewise rather a 9

large statue of the god Ganesh, referred to by General Cunningham —

in his Bhitari Report. It is plainly of modern date, and is not worth —

even an allusion. Portions of cloister pillars, square below and —

octagonal above, may be here and there seen. These were manifestly —

first cut down and rounded by the Hindus, to serve as lingams, and —

when the Mahomedans became dominant, were then used by them as

head-stones for their graves, the chirdgh or lamp being placed on the

top instead of in a small niche which it is customary to make for the

same. Some of the massive stones of the mosque now used as archi-

traves and pillars were evidently taken from ancient edifices; and it —

is not difficult to trace roofing stones of old cloisters in some of the

stones in the pavement and in the covering stones of the graves.

General Cunningham also partially describes a remarkable stone

found not far from the column, respecting which we would make a i

few remarks in addition to his own. His account is as follows. —

“There is also a large slab,” he says, ‘‘ with a half-size two-armed —

female figure, attended by another female figure holding an umbrella —

over her, both in very high relief. The figares in this sculpture are |)

in the same style and in the same attitudes as those of the similall

group of the Raja and his umbrella attendant on the gold coins of —

the Gupta Princes. This sculpture, I believe, represents a queen on

her way to worship at the temple. The group is a favourite one

with Hindu artists, and, as far as my observation goes, it is never

used singly, but always in pairs, one on each side of the door-way of

a temple. The age of this sculpture I am inclined to fix as early as

the time of the Gupta kings, partly on account of the similarity of

style to that of their gold coins, partly also because the pillar belongs

to one of that family, but chiefly because some of the bricks found

in various parts of the ruins are stamped with the name of Sri

Kumara Gupta.” To this interesting information concerning this curious

stone, we would add, that seven human figures are sculptured upon it

in bas-relief. Of these the chief female figure or queen stands upon a

1865.) Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhitdri. 87

lotus blossom, and another is remarkable for being seated on the head

of a non-descript animal, partly of human form and closely resembling

the figure carved upon a stone of the Gangi bridge before described.

The figure is decorated with a double necklace, from the centre of which

hangs a large pendant, and on its back and beneath its feet runs a

band of elaborate scroll-work forming the lowermost division of the

sculpture and springing originally from a cherub who has a wonderful

head of hair, and whose feet are like the talons of a bird. This

peculiar ornamentation is perhaps the most singular feature of the

entire sculpture, inasmuch as it fixes the wxra of the slab, and also the

religious sect from which it proceeded. On the face of the large

Buddhist tower at Sarnath is a similar scroll-work connected with a

; similarly carved cherub. As this tower was most probably erected

“in the Gupta period, the conjecture of General Cunningham becomes

almost a demonstrated fact, that the slab must date from the same

epoch, but it is of Buddhist, and not, as he imagines, of Hindu origin,

“unless it be that the Hindus and Buddhists of about the same period

adopted the same style of ornamentation, a supposition which although

‘possible, it would, in the absence of proof, be very hazardous to follow.

" It seems evident therefore that the ancient remains at Bhitari are

* of Buddhist and of Hindu origin, though it is hard to say

‘precisely which preceded the other. The pillar was erected by Skanda

“Gupta, of whom, the inscription says, “in the spirit of his own dread-

ful deeds,” he “‘ danced in the fierce dance,” and was possessed of a

dear insight into the profound wisdom of the Tantras.”’ He was

consequently a worshipper of Shiva, and was an enthusiastic admirer

‘of the Tantric mysteries and abominations. But Kuméra Gupta,

(whose name General Cunningham found stamped on bricks lying

‘about at Bhitari,) who preceded him, and was most* probably his

father, was certainly not a Shaiva, for in the inscription reference is

maze both to him and to his father, Chandra Gupta, the second, as

worshippers of the “Supreme Bhagavat.” It is just possible that

this term may mean Vishnu; if so, they were both Vaishnavas. But

it is exceedingly probable that the allusion is to Buddha, inasmuch

as, one of the titles most usually ascribed to him is that of “ Bhaga-

vat.” Moreover, the inscription of Chundra Gupta on one of the

railings of the Great Tope at Sanchi, sets forth that a sum of money

88 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Blutari. [No. 2,

was given by this monarch “ to the followers of Dharma in the great —

monastery.” It is difficult to believe that he would have extended —

his patronage to this Buddhist monastery, had he not cherished the —

Buddhist faith. We are strongly inclined therefore with General ‘

Cunningham to the opinion that Chandra Gupta and Kumira Gupta, —

father and son, were Buddhists. The ninth king of this dynasty, —

Buddha Gupta, corrected the rabid Hindu tendencies of his predeces- —

sor Skanda Gupta, and in histurn became a zealous disciple of Buddha. —

Respecting the remaining kings of this dynasty, it is not known of 9

what creed they were; but it is not a little remarkable that Siladitiya, J,

the great king of Malwa, who vanquished the Guptas and took pos- —

session of their vast empire, was attached to the Buddhist religion.

The conclusion, therefore, at which we arrive, is, that ancient

Bhitari was alternately in the hands of Buddhist and Hindu monarchs

during the Gupta period, who severally embellished it, according to

their distinctive religious views. The twofold character of the dis- —

covered remains tends to the corroboration of this opinion, and we |

have no doubt that further research would only more fully confirm it, |

It is remarkable that the sculptured fragments of a shell grasped by |

a hand, and also of a skull, the former a symbol of Vaishnavism, and

the latter of the Tantric form of Shaivism, should both have been —

found among the same ruins, showing that both these rival sects of ‘

Hinduism were once prevailing there. We hope that excavations on a |

a more extended scale than has yet been attempted, may one day be

carried on both within the elevated Bhitari enclosure itself and amongst _

the outlying mounds. f

The iconoclastic zeal of the Mahomedans is too well known to need re- —

mark; and as the value of the monolith at Bhitari on account of the

historical information it affords regarding the Gupta dynasty is indis-

putable, it is of considerable importance that the Government remove

it to another place, say the Queen’s College, Benares, for greater

security, to which it would be an interesting architectural ornament;

the more so as we have laid out an archeological garden in the grounds

of that institution.

Note.—We subjoin a Lithograph, (Plate XVII.) of avery curious group found

at Bhitari and supposed by us, in consequence of other similar groups at the

Vishnupad at Gaya and there described as such, to be a portion of the “Nau-

1865.) Ancient Remains at Saidpur ond Bhitars. 89

_ graha” or nine planets, This may perhaps be the stone alluded to by General

_ Cunningham in his Report.

We also found other very curious remains viz, 2 heads (alluded to before), a

‘bust with head, and a sitting figure. The nationality of the parties represented

‘we cannot determine, They are all females and the hair is drest in a very singular

‘style, being drawn up from the face and bound with a fillet, from which depend

elegant ornaments, and then gathered in a mob on the top of the head. The

hair over the centre of the forehead is carefully parted, and there is a fine

jewel in the centre; over the forehead and in the ears are very large heavy

earrings,

Might not these be representations of noble foreign ladies, who having visited

this noted spot, had vowed and erected temples, in or near to which in niches

‘were placed their statues in memory of the founders P—Amongst the articles

found by Major Kittoe at Sarnath and described by Dr. Butler, is a similar

representation made in burnt clay. This head-dressing must not be confounded

with that as shewn in the Bhilsa figures of ascetics, who like many of the

_fugeers of the present day did not cut their hair, but gathererd it in large bunches

at the sides of their heads or plaited it.

i (Received 20th January, 1865.)

¢ Since the above paper was written, I have paid another visit to

Saidpur. On this occasion I examined the country to the west of

the town, which I had not done previously. About three quarters of

a mile from Saidpur, on the high road, is the small village of Zuhar-

ganj, between which and the river is a mound regarded by the people

as the remains of an old fort. Bricks are cropping out of its sides,

and for some distance along the banks of the river round to the main

road beyond the village, the soil is strewn with broken brick, showing

that formerly buildings of this material were standing here. To the

h of the road, but almost close to it, is a mound called Rim

fawakku, rising abruptly from the plain on which are also numerous

fragments of broken brick. To the north, about a mile from the

public road, is an immense terrace raised from 30 to 40 feet high

| above the surrounding country. Its length is 420 paces, and its

breadth 190. The terrace is thickly covered with broken brick, and at

one corner there are likewise fragments of stone. This enormous

90 Ancient Remains at Saidpur and Bhatari. [No. 2,

mound is of an irregular shape. There is little doubt that extensive

buildings lie buried here, which, judging from the quantity of brick

rubbish found above, are for the most part probably of this material.

The people say, that the habitations formerly situated on this spot,

fell in; hence, in their estimation, the origin of the mound. Close

by, are two other tumuli, and further off are apparently others. Were

these mounds, especially the largest, to be excavated, I feel satisfied

that the result would amply repay the labour and expense bestowed

on the undertaking. ,

About half a mile beyond Zuharganj, a few steps from the road,

is a stone chabutra or platform, on which are two figures, one repre-

senting the Boar Incarnation, and the other Krishna with his milk-

maids. Both are old and in excellent preservation. The ornamenta-

tion of the stone representing the former figure, is curious. The

carving exhibits a pilaster in bas-relief exceedingly similar in detail t

the shrine pillars of Bakariya Kund, Benares, which, strange to say,

are undoubtedly of Buddhist origin, while this pilaster belonging to

an incarnation of Vishnu is of Hindu origin. Around the base of

tree standing a few steps off, is an assemblage of mutilated sculptures

of ancient date. They are not worshipped by the Hindus. I brought

away several heads, and a fragment of a seated figure with a short

inscription in front.M. A. §,

ARARARARRAARARARRIAARDA CAAA

ime aur pue sjaueTyT ¢ 10 eyeTZAoy cungeyussaide. v jo UoTyIod & ag 0} pesoddng

‘eggT aany eyin ej 0°9'S Wms WH Ag AQ 1S oa eG

_ 1865:] Note on-the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language: 91

_ Note on-the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language:—By the Rev. H. A.

JanscuKE of Kyéelang.

[Received 1st February 1865. Read 1st February, 1865. ]

The Tibetan: language is known to. possess a very rich literature,

though the smaller part of it is original, most of the Tibetan works

being translations from the Buddhistic part.of the Sanscrit literature.

_ The whole is not of an older date than the 7th century, as that king

of Tibet who despatched one of his ministers to India, in order to

learn Sanscrit and create an alphabet for the Tibetan language, was

a contemporary eof Mohammad. It is incredible, of course, that he

should have loaded his writings with a great. many superfluous signs,

especially. when his only pattern was the Sanscrit, with its perfect

ecommodation of the sign to the sound. On the contrary, he is

ikely to have expressed in writing, with a few exceptions perhaps,

ery sound of the language, as it was pronounced at his time. At

esent, however, the Tibetan mode of spelling. differs nearly as much

om the actual. pronunciation in the greater part of the country as

in the English, or rather in the French language, for the discrepancy

ostly rests in the consonants, many of which have changed in

eertain cases their original sounds, or are dropped in speaking, though

ey are, considered etymologically, essential elements of a word,

nd therefore appear in writing, in a-proportion similar to such French

rds as: ils parlent; qu’est cela Wc., e. g. bkrashis, pronounced

shi. In French, the cause and history of this discrepancy is clear,

as we know the Latin mother as well as the Gallic child, and possess

‘specimens from all ages, by. which we can trace the gradual changes,

Th Tibetan, nothing of the kind exists, or at least very little has yet

been discovered ; nor is there much reason for hoping that in their

own literature anything has been preserved. that might.throw light

on the history of the language, since the grammatical as well as the

historical powers of the Tibetan mind seem to be developed to a

very small degree, and the ancient orthography has. been, with few

| 8xceptions, scrupulously left unchanged, since its invention 1200 years

ago. Csoma- de Korés and other grammarians, especially Cunninghan

92 Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No. 2,

in his work on Ladak, mention some dialectical differences in the —

pronunciation of various districts, which in some instances agree 5

more accurately with the way of spelling, and the latter states that

the more learned Lamas, but these only, pronounce distinctly, though

rapidly, the initial letters which are usually silent. But a closer

inquisition shows the interesting fact, that in the most western ex- —

tremity of Tibet in the province of Purig and the northernmost —

part of Ladak, nearly all the consonants and the ancient pronunciation

of the language, as it was at the period of the invention of the

alphabet, has been preserved by the illiterate, not by a few learned —

Lamas only, in the case of whom we could not be sure whether their

accommodation to the ancient spelling were not merely artificial—a

capricious imitation of what they are trained to revere as the dialect —

of their sacred writings. Let me mention some instances. The f

letters here in question are more especially those compound consonants, —

consisting of two or three elements, which are in Tibetan, as in many —

cases in Sanscrit also, denoted in writing by putting the following ©

consonant below the preceding one. Nowe. g. the letter s as initial,

with a following &, t, &. is spoken distinctly in Ladak, as in skad,

language ; stan, mat; skarma, star; / in the same case is pronounced

even in Lahoul, e. g. ltawa, to look at; lchangma, willow; r in the

same case, in no instance in Lahoul, but in many in Ladak, e. g.

rdowa, the stone, and in still more, perhaps in every word where it

appears in writing, in Purig, e. g. rgyalwa, victorious, or more com-

monly, good, excellent, which is pronounced by Ladakees, and

think everywhere else in Tibet : gyalla ; and so are words as: rdzogs, |

rdza, rdzun, &e Ina similar way a villager of Purig will call a

knife, grz ; washing, khruwa ; rice, bras ; child, phrugu ; whereas even

in Ladak these four words are heard like dri, thruwa, dras, thrugu

in Lahoul and more to the Hast like di, twwa, dai or de, tugu, with

little or nothing of the innate r, and the p and k sounds changed into

é sounds with a more or less lingual pronunciation. Again: those

connected with what would be spelled y in English are pronounced

according to their spelling only in Purig and Balti im all cases, e. g

byang, north; phyag, hand (in respectful language); phyugpo, rich;

these are spoken like yang, chhag, chhugpa already in the southeastern

part of Ladak, and in Lahoul; whereas in the case of the k& sounds,

ae ee tina See -

—1865.] Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. 93

in words like khy?, the dog, gyelwa, to fall down, Kye-lang, the name

of the village in Lahoul where the Moravian Mission is established,

the correct pronunciation has been preserved even in that province,

and chha instead of khyi is only used by still more Eastern Tibetans.

Upon the whole, it may be said that, if not perfectly, still to a certain

degree, the different changes which the pronunciation of the language

has undergone in the course of upwards of one thousand years, may

be traceable even at the present day in the different districts of Tibet

from Purig and Balti in the west to the capital town of Lhasa near

the Chinese frontier, where the deviation, or we may justly say, the

_ degeneration has reached its highest pitch, in introducing assimilations,

‘ dissolving certain consonants nearly into vowels, dropping others entire-

ly, confounding two or three cognate sounds into one intermediate, and

“mingling the short vowels with one another. Assimilations as in the

‘Latin compono instead of con-pono, are unheard of in the written

Tibetan language, as also in the spoken dialect of the western pro-

inces; the word gompa will in Purig mean nothing but a step;

different idea, that of custom, practice, which the Lahoulee will

“include, being connected with the spelling: gomspa or sgompa. In

the pronunciation of Lhasa two more, gonpa to dress, to put on, and

_gonpa, monastery, are mixed up with the two former, by means of

assimilation of the n. Again: s in the end of a syllable is pronounced

in Parig and Ladak, but dropped in most other districts, not with-

‘out a prolonging or changing influence on the preceding vowel. Thus

he word chhos, religion, law, (dharma in Sanscr.) is pronounced

16s in Ladak, chhot in Lahoul, chhé in upper Kunawur, chhé in Lhasa ;

7 and g, in the end of a syllable, are melted into semivowels or nearly

liquid consonants in a similar way as in Danish (though not exactly

same): skad, the language, loses its s even in Southern Ladak,

in Lhasa it is mutilated into ké’; smad, the nether part, into

’; Bod, proper name of Tibet, the Bhota of Sans., into Bo’; Ichags,

, into chad’, scarcely different in goctandianiés, from ja, tea;

| ‘sringmo, Rte, is pronounced shringmo in west Tibet, singmo or

| Nearly simo in Lhasa; sa and za, shi*and zhi (the latter like ji when

pronounced as in French,) which are as accurately distinguished by

every Lahoulee or Ladakee, as .s in seal and z in zeal, are confounded

94 Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No. 2, i

But all this would leave the linguist hopeless as to the question of —

the historical periods when these changes took place, as it only adds

the a posteriort proof, that the pronunciation has once agreed with

the spelling, to the é priori conclusion which everybody may infer from

the mere fact of the present discrepancy. A step towards the solution —

of this question may perhaps be possible by the study of the languages —

of some frontier districts. An instance of peculiar interest in this

respect is found in the Boo-nan language, spoken in a small district

of Lahoul, and in part of Kunawur, where it is called Tibar-skad, —

Tibar-language. It is the familiar tongue of the Lahoul villages in the

Bhaga valley, just above the junction of the Bhagaand Chundra rivers, §

over an extent of about 10 miles on both sides, whereas Tibetan is

understood and spoken fluently enough in intercourse with genuine 4 }

Tibetans by the adult men, but more or less imperfectly by women

and children, and many Tibetan words, very common in books, and i

generally known in Ladak, are not understood by any one in this

district. The fact of this language existing in two different provinces, 7

like two islands separated from each other by the pure Tibetan

population of Spiti and the pure Hindu nationality of Kooloo, renders

the theory of a wider diffusion, of the Tibarskad language in former

times probable, and agrees with the assertion of the Lahoul people, —

that even within the remembrance of the present generation, its dis-_

trict was greater that it is now, and has been more and more encroach-

ed upon by the Tibetan. Now in this language a great many Tibetan _

words are to be met with, which may have induced General Cunningham

to class this Tibarskad under the head of dialects of the Tibetan -

but I think the great difference of the grammatical structure of both

languages (the Boo-nan being at least as elaborate as the Hindi, the

Tibetan nearly devoid of inflections at all) and even a closer. examina-

of the lexical stock of the language, must lead to a different opinion.

Nearly all the words of primary necessity (an inference against which

Latham objects, Ido not see exactly with how much reason), and

many others are not borrowed from the Tibetan, any more than from

Sanscrit, but have an original character. Here is a small list of words

all of which seem to be original, or at least I know not from what

other language they might be derived.

_ Kati, scissors.

_ Kirti, basket.

Kutulu, bag.

ee ricttang, tub, basin.

_ Kumisi, bow, for shooting.

_ Kurkutrig, ant.

_ Kyugs, ashes.

— Koang gul kwang gul, neck (gul is

; Tib.)

’ Koar, kwar, jug, jar.

| Khu, smoke.

| Khudrub, fist.

~ Khug, meal of roasted barley.

_ Khur, knife.

- Khul, bag.

| Khoartum, khwartum, egg.

| Khoa, khwa, raven.

_ Gara, donkey.

Gogs, spittle.

Gyugs, dust.

. fiyum, house.

‘Gyen, spring (as a season).

Gram, stone.

ing, beam, timber.

Goanu, gwanu, fox.

atram, sickle.

| Tigs, cover, lid, cork.

| Thagadrang, spark.

| AE igt, leather bag, purse.

| opo, drinking cup.

Wan, belly.

| Diptsi top.

Diskar, thirst.

1865.] Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language.

Debu, snake.

Deg, leather.

Deska, lie, falsehood.

Dompa, blacksmith.

Pug, roasted grains.

Peltst, milk.

Phos, garment, dress.

Phyutsi, hole.

Ba, wall.

Bang, foot, leg.

Bitang, door.

Bitsi, thread.

Bed, younger brother,

Betse, twin.

Botri, buttermilk.

Botsi, finger.

Byanja, can, pot.

Byenmo, wile.

Byerbu, trowsers.

Byutst, mouse, rat.

Mashung, wile.

Mir, fat (melted).

Mu, snow.

Mutsa, mustachio.

Me, labs, flame.

Me, lum, fire-place.

(Me, is Tib. and means fire.)

Tsitsi, child.

Tsemed, daughter ; girl.

Tsam, wool.

T'sog, thornbush.

Watsi, clue (of woolthread).

Wal, shovel.

Wampu, yellow bear (the only bear

occurring in Lahoul.)

_ * Monkies are not in Lahoul ; in the Koonawur Tibarskad, Cunningham men.

tions only the terms gonas and brandras :

What may the origin of nyugtsi be ?

96 Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No.

Zad, barley.

Yushi, meal, flour.

Rangtsi, sleeve.

Rig, field.

Rindri, lead (plumbum).

Reétsi, ear.

Roang, rwang, hill, mountain.

La, goat ; rock, cliff.

Lama, sheep.

Lala, song.

Lang, dung.

Lan, wind.

Lab, leat.

Las, price.

Lis, ice.

Len, work, action.

Lo, carpet.

Lha, moon.

Lha Kham, month.

Lhe, tongue.

Lhegs, villager ; community.

Shag, birch-tree. -

Sharpa, youth, boy.

Shirti, rain.

Shirped, broom.

Shu, blood.

Shugtst, comb.

Shel, summer.

Shosha, heart.

Shrag, shame.

Shrangs, horse, pony.

Shrig, louse (Tib. shzg.)

Shrim, arrow.

Shoantst, shwantsi, dove.

Sazha, hukka.

* Tt is not ng in sing,

men.

Sagsa, grasshopper.

Sampa, meat, eatables.

Sibi, flute, pipe.

Séshi, friend, acquaintance.

Soti, water.

Skyugtrong, breast.

Sta, vein ; artery.

Stagorwa, neck.

Smutig, flea.

Awa, father.

Ag, mouth.

Amphang, carrot.

Amtsi, road.

Kyui, long.

Khai, black.

Khyei, sweet.

Khyoi, dry.

Gadgad, rough.

Golwei, blind.

Grangi, granv.*

Ngai, straight.

Chung gor, deep.

Chuini, few.

Chhet, warm.

Chhoi, fat, well-fed.

Nyeme, nice (to the taste).

Tai, being, having, possessing,

rich.

Ting, blue.

Tunig, short.

Thi, wet, thin (in case of liquids).

Damshi, pure, clean, fine.

Dez, great.

Nui, new.

Noi, much, many.

but the nasalised vowel as in the Hindustani men,

Pari, broad.

pny, hot, pungent.

Pétsétsi, little, small.

Phrei, rough.

Byai, thin (of cloth, paper &c.).

5 angt, red.

Wus, moist.

Zhili, bright (opp. dark).

Yui, old (as clothes and other

_ things).

Lai, thin, fine (as thread &c.).

Sil sil, smooth.

Soi, cold.

Ebbo, good.

Gyi, I.

Hantsore, you.

Daltsore, they.

_ all.

Thazu, this.

Thé, that.

Gyo, which).

. Kha, eat i inter].

Tiki, one.

Bi, four.

Kachum, to turn.

Kunchun, to look at,

| Kugchwm, to arrest.

Kyichwm, to wash.

% 865.] Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language.

Kyulchum, to rob.

Kyormen, to discharge (an arrow).

Khugchum, to find.

Khyuchum, to cover.

Galchum, to liberate.

Gyagsmen, to listen.

Gyarchum, to fear, be afraid of.

Grechum, to bite.

Goalchum gwalchum, to hang up.

Chachum, to smear, paint.

Chichum, to press, squeeze.

Chhingchum, to rob.

Chhilchum, to select.

Chhurchum, to squeeze out.

Chhuinchum, to bind, fasten.

Tigchum, to cover.

Tidmen, to irrigate.

Toamen, twamen, to mow, cut grass.

Toanchum, twanchum, to borrow

(money).

Thugchwm, to break.

Thichum, to melt.

Thirchum, to send (a man).

Thogchwm, to put off (a coat).

De, is.

Dodmen, to meet.

Ni, is.

Niza, was.

Panchum, to fly.

Pinchum, to fill.

Punchum, to grow.

Phanchum, to sew.

Phochum, to put on (clothes).

Phyamen, to speak.

Bruchum, to wipe.

Tsagchum, to put in,

Tsabchwm.,, to cleave.

98 Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No. 2,

Zhedmen, to sit. [istence. Alchwm, to take away.

Yagsmen, to arise, come into ex- Elmen, to go.

Yen, is. Tha, not (in prohibitive and nar-

Richum, to bring. rating sentences.)

Fochwm, to roast. Thazung, tharang, there.

Ligchum, to do, make. Thang, to-day.

Lochum, to say. Thing, thin, (nasal) here.

Shanchum, to rise. Thindzug, thus.

Smyadchum, to touch. Thong, therein, within.

Hirchum, to fall. Nung, there.

Helchum, to carry away. Hya, yesterday.

Hyugschum, to throw. Ire, again.

Hoangsmen, hwangsmen, to go out, Odchi, to-morrow.

come out, flow out, We. Chi, from. ;

Hoanchum, hwanchum, to take out, Mang, in (-men Hind. ?)

bring out, draw out, &e.

The great multitude of Tibetan words, however, which are adopted

in the Boo-nan language can be divided into two classes: 1, those in |

which the present Boo-nan pronunciation agrees with the Tibetan

spelling, 1. e. the ancient Tibetan pronunciation, though this pronun-

ciation is not preserved in the Tibetan of Lahoul itself, in many cases

not even in Ladak, perhaps in some instances not anywhere else.

The Boo-nan people themselves, whenever they speak Tibetan, use the

modern pronunciation according to the custom of Lahoul, which often —

widely differs from the written letters. ~

2. Those words in which the Boo-nan pronunciation agrees with

the modern Tibetan.

To No. 1 belong:

Kres, hunger, in modern Lahoulee, Tibetan unknown.

Khams, appetite, .......... AO. Reisiasihowiedielnesioe | a URREEDS

Khral, tax, —,... ont J aoe BE cating eo thal.

Khrutsi, arm (elbow,) ..+....0002. +006 Pon veresshtoneele (vacat.) -

Kihrui, eabity Ga): ANS. Bt ee a ae Yaniesibiere thu.

Khaspa, wise, skilfal) .2..00 00:8 octecnsstceetivene. topes

Gyogspa, quick, .. 5.08 ides dats: tive dptitons Bb wa. MV ORIOME

Grampa, cheek, @: 22 0) Aer. on casetocea sa dampa.

GROG PONTIVER sNrweteens von acgeee areas Feedster an dogpo.

1865.] Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. 99

_ Ngospo, truth (in Tib. thing, reality,) ............. ngoipo.

Chespa, dear, cherished, ..,....... .es0..005 Let chepa.

Snyingrus, industry, in Tib. courage, ... ........... nyingru

aUCIna Ch COL COTDS) 26h nieces lalsitive cies ctusee. ee nyema,

Dus, time,....... REDE SPOR. STK Rew 2 dui.

PRIMING, RECS INE BEd dle. a daekiibe cube. Albi wet tan.

PENG BOUSAMG Ure. SL aed. adeeb os ae tong.

Spu, hair, ...... rT A, caliper, aeid. It MUP pu,

BB oe ug, u

Phyagphulchum, to make reverence, adore,......... chhagpulwa.,

PRP aNO MCN Us, S8eieev eels. ods Sed ede 8k. Gaede.) Chhugpas

Bratobrao, buckwheat. ........scccsessiegeies sbvsecees dawo.

Brag, rock, cliff, ....1......... ideo. aaah oiler

Brangsa, dwelling-place, habisitions t dhee ds EGER dangsa.

Brichum, to write,...... LAGI od boll Ls eon yiey diwa.

Myangchwm, to state, .........cc0csereccseeees Yanga,

EAS PLES. ice vies se ssa vea ch esbivibls vdeleas wees zug.

Ras right) (notileft,)......ciccccsscatccscessscereeesee aie

Ras, cotton cloth, ..... Uicebcaptar AeeVinloes. 6.20.04 rai,

SRMROMANBON FL de dN tb rered ceeded a” Tig.

Buspa, PRIOR Selt aac HN, 5 ha Taal Eee wi Live ruipa,

Sman, medicine, ...... | A ROS ALS cae ae man,

= To No. 2.

“Tam, cabbage, Tib. literally; kram.

Kad, language, lit. skad.

Karma, star, lit. skarma.

Thim, judgment jurisdiction, lit. khrims.

Du, corner ; ship, lit. gru.

Doi, counsel, advice, lit. gros.

Nyingzhe, compassion, benevolence, lit. snyingzhe,

Tontog, harvest, lit. stontog.

Jungwa, element, lit. byungwa.

Chodpa, behaviour, lit. spyodpa.

| Digpa, sin, lit. sdigpa.

Lobma, pupil, lobpon teacher, lit. slobma and slobdpon.

This would seem to indicate two different influxes of Tibetan words

and ideas, one at a very early period, the other much later,—so many

100 Note on the Pronunciation of the Tibetan Language. [No. 2, —

centuries after the invention of the alphabet, that the pronunciation —

was already altered to that of the present day.. It is not impossible :

that a more complete dictionary of this language in both its dialects, —

that of Kunawar and that of Lahoul, and perhaps also of other un-

written Himalayan dialects and languages, situated as they are —

between the great Tibetan and Indian families, might afford more —

than one interesting result with regard to the history of the Tibetan

language and the histories of the people of these countries, in their

political situations as well in their civilisation. If such investigations ||

happened to be aided by the discovery of local records of such a

kind as formed the history of Sikkim, destroyed by the Nepalese

soldiery (v. Hooker’s Him, Journ. I, p, 331) it might be possible to

clear up parts of the history of these countries hitherto very obscure.

It would seem to me as if the collection of words given above,

might suggest the conjecture that the first of the two iruptions of

Tibetan power and influence into these valleys, inhabited by Boonan-

speaking mountaineers, was merely of a political nature, carrying” ;

with it such institutions as taxes, very probably the first thing which —

the small population of a secluded yalley is likely to be taught by a

foreign invader,—some new articles of manufacture (cotton cloth, car- —

pets, &c.), words for the higher numerals, and some others; whereas

the second,—perhaps going on in a more quiet and slow way,—brought -

with it judicial and governmental institutions of a somewhat higher ¥

order, and the religious and philosophical ideas as well as usages of

Buddhism. =

1865.] Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. 101

Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna.—By Major H. B. Impry, Deputy

Commissioner of Sumbulpore.

[Received 18th October, 1864. ]

The following sketch of the history of the Gurjat state of Patna is

founded upon the records, genealogical trees, and traditions maintained

by successive Rajahs. Although there may be errors in the calculation

of periods, and mistakes in the incidence of events, yet, considering

how all natives of pretension or position strive to keep up a remem-

brance of their ancestors through the services of Brahmins, and how

strictly they themselves cherish the links of private history (as for

instance, the custom of the Hindus to religiously pronounce the names

of their preceding generations, while engaged in their ablutions,) it may

be assumed that such records and links, when adjusted by their cir-

cumstantial data, as in this case, will generally form a pretty correct

chain of evidence in respect to main facts.

. Origin of the Mahérajéhs—The Maharajéhs of Patna claim

direct descent from a race of Rajpoot Rajahs of Gurh Sumbul, near

Mynpooree, and count back the individuals of this race for 32

generations. .

Foundation of one state, Patna, from a cluster of eight Gurhs.—It is

narrated that these Rajahs used to be in constant attendance at the

Court of Delhi till the last named Hutumber Singh having intrigued

and run off with one of the king’s daughters, was pursued and killed,

and his family forced to fly. Amongst the wives of this Rajah was

one who, escaping, arrived enciente, in Patna, and found refuge with

the chief of Khobagurh, being one of eight gurhs,* which at that

time, alone formed the territories of Patna, being comprised within

the three rivers Ung, Mahanuddy, and Sel, and bounded on the

west by Khurriar, (a possession then of Jaypoor), and Bindanawagurh

| and the chiefs of which took it in turns, a day at a time, to

* 1 Patna, 5 Sindeehala.

2 Salabhata, 6 Kolagurh.

3 Kongaon. 7 Gooragurh.

4 Jhorasinga. 8 Boomnagurh,

102 Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna, [No. 2, ©

exercise full authority, as Rajah over the whole. She was placed in

charge of the said Chief's Brahmin at Ramoor, and there gave birth to

a boy named Raman Deo. The Chief adopted the boy, and subsequently,

on his coming of age, himself being sick and weary of rule, resigned

his position to him, Raman Deo soon after this succeeded in murdering

the other seven Chiefs, and usurping to himself the whole and perma-

nent authority in Patna. Finally he married a daughter of the

Ruler of Orissa, through whose influence and power, he was enabled

to maintain his usurped position.

Extension of territory and donunion to the right bank of the

Mahanuddy.—It would appear that during the time of Raman Deo

and the two succeeding Maharajahs the territories and dominion of |

Patna became extended beyond the Ung river to the right bank of |

the Mahanuddy : embracing—

Ist. Patna Proper, as now, but with the addition to the west, of —

three gurhs, viz. Kholagurh, Goorhagurh and Koomragurh at present

included in the Gurjat state of Khurriar and of 12 villages known

then as ‘ Baragam,” afterwards as ‘‘ Borasambeer,’

2nd. As annexed to Patna Proper, all the land embraced within

the Ung and Mahanuddy rivers, and bounded on the west by Phooljur &

and Sarumgur, which now comprises the southern portion of Sumbul- ¥)

pore and part of Sonepore.

As Tributary dependencies the Gond Gurjat States of Brindanawa-

gurh,* Phooljhurt and Sarungurh.}

The lands and estates lying contiguous to the left bank of the

Mananuddy were, it is believed, at that time attached to Sirgooja,

with the exception of the North Western portion of the present

Sumbulpore district known as Chundurpore and Bhortia which belong-

ed to Ruttunpoor.

Subjugation of States and acquisition of territory on left bank of the

Mahanuddy.—The fourth Maharajah, Puthee Singh Deo, subjugated

and made tributary to Patna, the three dependencies of Sirgooja,

named Bamall, Gangpoor and Bamra, and annexed to Patna itself, by

dispossession from the Rajah of Bamra, the zemindaree of Rehracole,

* 3rd. + 4th, t Sth.

and subsequently f

detached as portion of the Gurjat State of that name, and to the |

east in continuation between the rivers Ung and Sel to the Mahanuddy. —

1865.) Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. 103

and so much of the lands (now) of Sumbulpore on the left bank of the

Mahanuddy, as were contained between Rehracole and Bamra to the

east, Bamra and Gangpoor to the north, and to the west by the river

Kebe to its sudden bend westward, and from thence by a line running

south, to the spot at the extremity of the present city of Sumbulpore

where now the Jail Bridge stands.

Erection of a Fort in Phooljwr.—Maharajah Bikrumdit Deo, the

ninth Rajah of Patna, erected a Fort in Phooljur at Seespalgurh,

where its remains are said to be still traceable: a proof this of the

unflinching authority then exercised over the Gurjat states.

Acquisition of the “ Gurh” of Chundurpoor.—lIt is probable that

the erection of this advanced post in a Tributary State had for its

aim, as much the extension of dominion, as the maintenance in

security of existing dominancy: for no sooner did the next ruler,

Maharajah Baijul Deo 2nd, succeed to the Guddee, than he advanced

to Chundurpoor, and forcibly dispossessed the ruler of Ruttunpoor of

that “ Gurh” with its surrounding lands.

There still remained, to complete the circle known afterwards as

the “28 Gurhs:”

1st. The three Northern Guwijat states of Raigurh, Burgurh and

Suktee, (dependencies of Sirgooja) ; 2ndly, the centrical tract of land

{mow an integral portion of the Sumbulpore district,) falling between

‘the Eebe and the line drawn therefrom, as before observed to the

present Sumbulpore Jail Bridge, and the Gurjat State of Sarungurh,

{also belonging to Sirgooja,) and lastly the two eastern Gurjat

States of Boad and Atmullrick.

_ It never fell to the lot of Patna itself to include these remaining

States and lands within the scope of its authority or possession.

The completion of the circle was not effected till Patna had retired

from the banks of the Mahanuddy, so far as the mouth of the Ung

river near Binka, and a new state had sprung up under its auspices

(on the north of the Ung,) afterwards known as Sumbulpore. It might

therefore seem foreign to the object of these ‘ Notes’ as touching

Patna, to speak of the rise and power of this second State. Never-

| theless the advance of the latter was so intimately connected with,

| and so immediately the result of, the dominion of the former, and

again the decline of the former so direct an issue of the rise of the

104 Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. [No. 2, =

latter, that it is necessary to trace the history of the extension of

power across the Mahanuddy in so far as the grouping of the once

known “18 Gurhs” shall be concerned.

Relinquishment by the Rajah of Patna of territory and dominion on

the left bank of the Ung River—Nursing Deo, the 12th Maharajah of

Patna, and his brother Bulram Deo quarrelling, the former made over 5

absolutely to the latter, (probably on compulsion,) all such portions of a

his territories as lay north of the river Ung: the engagement between —

the two brothers being that each was to be perfectly independent of —

the other. Bulram Deo, taking possession of his allotment, erected 7

a fort on the right bank of the Mahanuddy, exactly opposite the

present city of Sumbulpore at Chowunpore, (where to this day the

traces of his fort are visible,) and adopted the title of Rajah of

Chowunpore. Shortly after this, he dispossessed Sirgooja of the depen-

dencies of Suktee, Raigurh and Burgurh, and of the remaining por- ¢

tion, as before noticed, of Sumbulpore, and finally included Boad and — )

Atmullick, (now Gurjat States of Cuttack,) among the number of

his territory mehals. After this, he abandonea the Fort of Chowun- —

pore, and crossing the river, erected a mud fort on the opposite —

bank. To this, he gave the name of Sumbulpore, from the number

of Seemul trees that existed there on its site. Then changing ©

his own title to that of Maharajah of Sumbulpore, he founded a —

dominion which soon took the real ascendancy over the parent State

of Patna. = |

The two states of Patna and Sumbulpore were now distinct, and |

the area of the “28 gurhs’” was now fully embraced. But as yet —

this number of Gurjat States with independent chiefs, tributary to —

the two paramount rulers of Patna and Sumbulpore, were not fully

formed. 5

Enumeration of the 15 Gurhs of the Sumbulpore and Patna

growp.—The then existing tributary Gurjat States attached to Sum~

bulpore were Phooljur, Sarungurh, Suktee, Raigurh, Burgurh, Bur-

marr, Gangpoor, Bamra, Boad, Atmullick, and, by admission of the

Sumbulpore Maharajah, Rehracole: to these may be added Chundur-

pore, retained by the Maharajah under his own immediate authority.

In Patna, the only dependency was Bindanawagurh. The total there~

fore of the “18 gurhs” or Gurjat States, during the time of Nursing

1865.] Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. 105

Deo and Bulram Deo, Maharajahs respectively, of Sumbulpore and

Patna, was 15, wanting to complete were Sonepore in the one case,

and Khurriar and Borasamber in the other.

Formation of the 8 remaining Gurjat States.—The necessity of

providing for younger sons, caused the alienation from the parent

states of Sonepore and Khurriar, Thus Sonepore, as far as the left

of the river Ung, (the land on the right to the Sel river, still, as

before noted, belonging to Patna,) its chief town being Binka, was

constituted an independent tributary Gurjat State by the 4th Rajah

of Sumbulpore, who made it over with the title of Rajah to his 2nd

son Muddun Gopaul, And again the 15th Maharajah of Patna giving

over three “

Goorhagurh, and Boomragurh, to his younger son Gopaul Roy, and

the latter obtaining Khurriar as a dowry on his marriage with a

gurhs” of the original eight of Patna, viz., Kholagurh,

daughter of the Rajah of Jaipore, those gurhs merged into Khurriar

and the whole was constituted one Gurjat state with the title of

Rajah.

The last created Gurjat was Borasambur the present chief of

which owes his position to the cunning and power of an ancestor.

Originally Borasambur coiisisted of eight villages, which went by the

name of ‘“‘ Atgoan,” and formed a small zemindaree, part of the inte-

gral state of Patna. It is stated that one of the zemindars of

* Atgoan” having saved the life of a Sambur deer by killing a “ bora”

or boa-constrictor which had attacked it, the name of the zemin-

daree was changed to Borasambur. Notwithstanding the smallness

originally of the area of the zemindaree, the proprietor was a man

of some importance, he was chief of his caste-men, Bhinjwals—and,

on the occasion of a new Maharajah being raised to the Guddee, it

was his especial duty to take the latter on his lap and fold over his

head the turban of state. Again, the zemindar held an important

position: his lands were situated alone on the north side of the range

of hills called Goondmardhum, which form part of the northern boun-

dary of Patna, and thus he could hold the approaches through those

hills to Patna for or against any hostile forces. It would appear that

during the first inroads of the Mahrattas, the zemindar of Bora-

sambur was successful in guarding these approaches. For this service

he was granted an extension of property on the Patna side. What

108 Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. [No. 2,

of its power, the control of its three tributary states,* and thus finally —

fell into a smaller circle of power and property than that which it

embraced when some 600 years before (dating from the usurpation of —

Raman Deo) it had first sprung into powerful existence. ~ *

Such then is the history of the extension and contraction of the

territories and dominion of Patna. Like as at its first sacrifice of ©

ground, and of prospect of further advancement, was owing to family —

dissension, so also was the final loss of the last tract of its former

acquisitions caused by family dissensions. In the one instance, how-

ever, it was left with the substance of conquest, and the opportunities

from arrested ambition of employing such to the development of its

own reserved dominions. But in the other, it was brought ultimately

to entire ruin. A glance at the present features of the country of Patna

and a brief review of the dissensions that occurred during the time of

Raee Singh Deo, and of their results, will serve to explain these last

assertions.

Description of the present area of Patna.—It is calculated that

the present territories of Patna contain 5,000 square miles. Although

they are dotted at distant intervals with a few small hills, yet

it may be stated that they compose a plateau of undulating surface”

so peculiarly favourable for the cultivation of rice, the pulses, oi

seeds and sugar-cane. There are certainly besides the few scat

tered hills, interruptions also of gravelly or rocky rises covered with

jungle and a few forest trees. But making allowance for the deduction

of these from the general area, there remains a vast expanse of cull

turable land, the soil of which is of a good description.

Present condition of the area and indications of past prosperit oe

—Tracts of scrubby jungle have usurped the sites of former fields, |

and wild beasts now hold dominion where once stood the habitations |

of men. The Gurh of Patna is now the centre of such a jungle,

radiating 10 coss or say 20 miles in every direction. Close around,

the “ Gurh,” at distances varying from one or two miles, are about 100)

tanks, and in the surrounding jungle beyond these, at intervals of four

or six miles, are said to be the remains of other tanks, with traces of

villages marked, not only by the general certain evidence of planted

* 1, Brindanawagurh,

2. Khurriar.

3. Borasambur,

1865.] Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. 109

trees, such as the mangoe, but also by the unmistakeable proof of

old broken tiles and brick foundations of houses and temples. Nor

is it alone immediately around the “ gurh” of Patna, that signs of

former welfare and former energetic rule are to be found. Turning to

the southern position of the state in the Kondhan zemindarees of

Lowa and Topa, at Jhoorwace in Lowa, at Titoola and Oodeypoor in

Topa, are numerous ruins of solid buildings, of from one to three

stories high, and generally through the Kondhan lands are the walls of

neglected temples at distances of two or four miles apart. Moreover

to prove in some measure the earnestness which formerly existed for

developing the country, and the respect which is still held for the race

of its once energetic rulers, it is to be remarked that the Khonds of

the oldest Khond settlement at Saintula claim to have been brought

to Patna from Jeypore by Raman Deo, and pride themselves in being

still loyal and Khalsa subjects of his descendants. Further indications

of decayed prosperity and past enterprise might be adduced and not

least, this, the minute respectability and intelligence of some of the

YZemindars and Gountiahs of old families; but enough perhaps has

been noticed to prove that there is just ground for the boast of the

Patna people that their country was once thickly populated and

flourishing to such an extent, that even rich merchants were numbered

in it up to the time when anarchy at first, and the depredations of the

Mahrattas afterwards, compelled them to depart—till the occurrence of

these events, which now remain to be noticed, it is believed, then,

that the attention of the rulers of Patna, 20 in succession, was given

to the welfare and prosperity of their country and subjects.

& Cause of decline of power and prosperity—Hindur Shah Deo,

the 20th Maharajah of Patna, died, leaving two young sons, the eldest

named Raee Singh Deo under the guardianship of his younger brother,

their uncle, Buckraj Singh. This uncle, in view to the usurpation of

he Guddee, murdered the mother of the two boys and intended also to

{kill the latter. But he was frustrated in this intention. For the boys

|Were carried off in security to Phooljur by their maternal uncle, and

\there brought up. Raee Singh Deo, on coming to age, sought assistance

\irom Nagpore, and, procuring a force of Mahrattas, proceeded to regain

his rights. He attacked and killed his uncle, and thus obtained

/possession of his estate. But, however much this was beneficial to

110 Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna. [No. 2,

himself, and pleasing perhaps to a portion of his subjects, still the

country paid heavily at the time for his restoration. While party

spirit and enmity having now been excited, it was to be expected that,

an occasion offering, conflicting interests might again stir them to a

blaze ; and again, the plains of Patna having now been opened out

to the view of the Mahrattas, it might be regarded as certain that their

greed would spend itself on the first opportunity of home dissensions

in depredatory incursions. And this prospect was indeed brought to

issue as follows. Raee Singh retained his position for many years, but

during this period the roused spirit of discontent and rebellion was

spreading through the land, till ultimately it was brought to burst

upon the unfortuuate Maharajah, then nearly 80 years old, by the

intrigues of his second wife. The story is, that he had three wives,

no offspring by the first, two boys by the second, and one son, the

eldest of all, by the third. The second wife was fearful that the

eldest son by the third Ranee would, as being his father’s favourite,

succeed to the Guddee, unless during the Maharajah’s life she should

take steps to prevent it. The measures she took for prevention were

the exciting a general rebellion which resulted as before noted, in the

flight of the Maharajah Raee Singh Deo to Sonepore. The Maharajah,

however, frustrated the design of his second wife; for he took her

with him to Patna, along with his grandson by his eldest born; and on

his death three years afterwards, appointed him his successor by putting

the regular Pugree on his head. During these three years, the whole

of Patna was in a state of perfect anarchy. The Ranees at Patna

were quarrelling for dominion, and their partizans were pillaging the

country indiscriminately around. Life and property were nowhere

secure. All respectable persons fled to Sonepore and were followed

by numbers of the general population. On the death of the old

Rajah the people acknowledged his appointed successor, who then

returned to Patna. He was, however, but a youth and found none to

advise or assist him, except such as had shared in the outrages of the

interregnum. Even his father, dismayed at the state of general

disturbance and disappointed at the preference given to his son, retired

on a pilgrimage to Allahabad ane there died. The young Maharajah,

Prithee Singh Deo lived only three years after succeeding to the

Guddee. ‘The next ruler was Ramchundur Deo, the captive of the

> =

1865.] Literary Intelligence. 111

Mahrattas, who now had completely overrun and spoliated the country

already so unhappily ripe for spoliation.

It was scarcely to be expected that after an anarchy of three

years and a total disruption of order under the force of subse-

quent events that the Zemindars of the frontier, who had been

so long revelling in wild independency, would soon be brought back

into proper subjection, especially when the power by entire loss

of resources of the succeeding Maharajah (father to the present one)

was almost utterly paralyzed. Still less could it be supposed that within

the short space of the reign of that one Maharajah, the vacuum in the

population would be filled up. Yet it is satisfactory to be able to

state that a move towards a clearance of the jungle, and an extension

of cultivation is certainly being made, and that out of 22 Zemindars

four only are complained of, and of these four, only one is rebellious.

Liverary INTELLIGENCE.

The following is an extract from a letter from Major Pearse, on

certain Buddhist antiquities of the Hazara valley.

“Tn reading the Proceedings of your Society, No. 4 of 1861, page

_ 413, I was much interested by the description of a small crystal figure

of a duck found in one of the topes or Stupas near Shah ke Dehri.

“ Tt reminds me that there is one object I obtained from a tope of

_ Shah ke Dehri, of which I should have published the account in our

_ Journal long ago, but I never did so. It may be interesting still

at this distant date to do so.

ia,

“Tn January 1850, Major Jas. Abbott, Deputy Commissioner of

Hazara, was absent from that district on duty in which I had just

arrived. A zumeendar brought me for sale either an emerald, or a

green piece of glass or crystal about 2 inches in oblong length, 1}

inches broad, and # of an inch thick; the centre of this emerald

was scooped out and in it was inserted a small gold casket, and

in the casket I found a small piece of bone, which I believe, from

subsequent enquiries, to be the bone of the smallest joint of the smallest

finger. The goldsmiths of the country all pronounced the ornament

to be an emerald, If it was so, it was of a bad pale colour with a

112 Literary Intelligence. [No. 2,

great quantity of flaws. I had intended it for presentation to the

British Museum. But the fame of the jewel was so hinted about,

that my own Sikh Guard coalesced and carried off the box in which

the relic was. The theft was proved, the culprits were all punished,

and everything was recovered, but the one great thing; notwithstand-

ing that Major Abbott and myself offered very large rewards for its

recovery.

“You may be aware that whilst in Hazara, I greatly amused myself

in excavating topes, and only desisted by finding it not at all a paying

thing, and besides the natives of the country took to opening the topes

and selling any relics found to Major Abbott and myself. Thus

from living in the country, hearing the legends of the land, studying

coins and books, and from my own explorations, I formed my own

conclusions on these topes, which in the main, I believe all subsequent

theories and discoveries have proved to be pretty correct. The con-

clusion was that such large grand topes as Manykyala and Bulhur

were the Westminster Abbeys of bygone Buddhist cities, at once a

great religious building and the regal burial-place, answering to the

great Rangoon Pagoda, and to the Bodh Nath of Nepal, only that

these buildings are seen in the days of Buddhistic decadence, those

existed in the days of its glory. Around Bulhur and Manykyala are

the easily traceable remains of cities that must once have had 150,000

inhabitants each. Taking Bulhur and Shah ke Dehri, places on the

right and left banks of the Hurroo river and going up the stream ten

miles, you do not go over a yard of what was not, in olden times,

built over. I have gone over every inch of it and was astounded to

find every where building remains. Thus all the smaller topes, I

conclude from the facts already adduced and from what I see of

modern Buddhism, were at once both religious and burial buildings in

the enciente of old Buddhist cities. And further they belonged either

to noble families, good families, guilds, wards, parishes or priests.

“ T went to see the Stupa from which my emerald relic was excavated.

I conceived, judging from its foundation, that when it stood in its

integrity, it.was from 50 to 80 feet high, or such a building as could

be afforded by a Chinese Mandarin or a Thibetan Lama of our time,

and such as still abound in Nepal. I therefore concluded that my

emerald relic had belonged to a noble Buddhist lady ; that it was in

1865.] Literary Intelligence. 113

her lifetime her drop pendant of her forehead ornament, for so all

the Hindoos of Hazara pronounced it to be, and that on her death

the little gold casket was set in it, and her relic bone placed in it

and buried. ‘

“With reference to the duck crystal ornament mentioned at page

413 by Mr. Westropp, it is not a rare figure, but is on the contrary

a very common one.

“From all the topes we excavated there was a perfect similarity of

objects found in all. And all the objects quite similar to those found

by Masson ; the coins were of the same kings. A good deal of Greek,

nearly purely so, and Greco-Buddhistic statuary was found. I ex-

cavated two or three small topes with all the figures of Buddha at the

different sides in perfect preservation, and similar in all respects to the

Buddhist temples of Nepal. From this I always concluded that these

cities did not perish by the hands of the Iconoclast Muhammadans of the

8th and 9th centuries, but had fallen into desuetude centuries before.

* * * * * *

“ Steatite vases or boxes were plentiful enough. I found but one

inscription on a copper-plate, and that I presented the Society with.”

JOURNAL

OF THE

eset AME COROT E TY.

— <p

Parr L—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. III.—1865.

— Coins of the Nine Nagas, and * two other Dynasties of Narwar and

Gwalior —By Major-General A, Cunniwanam.

[Received 13th July, 1865. Read 2nd August, 1865. ]

The old Hindu coins which are engraved in the accompanying plate,

were nearly all obtained in the Gwalior territory, and chiefly in the

cities of Gwalior, Narwar, and Gobad. Most of them are now pub-

lished for the first time, as only five specimens out of the whole num-

ber will be found in James Prinsep’s plates. These are Nos. 7, 11,

and 12 of the first series, No. 15 of the second, and No. 25 of the third

series. Most of the coins now published are very rare, and several of

them are unique; but Nos. 27 and 29 are common, and No. 7 is so

exceedingly numerous that upwards of 3,000 specimens have passed

‘through my hands, and there are as many more in the Stacy cabinet,

of the Asiatic Society’s collection. Stacy’s specimens were obtained

Gobad, and more than half of mine were found at the same place,

but the remainder were procured at Mathura and Delhi, as well as at

is can only be guessed at by the find-spots of their money. But

he present case I am fortunate in being able to illustrate each of

Me Fibro: different, series by references to inscriptions. The last series

116 Coins of the Nine Nagas. [No. 3,

of coins give their own dates, which accord exactly with the dates of

the inscriptions and with a solitary notice in Ferishta.

3. The first series of coins, from No. 1 to No. 14, may be attribut-

ed, I think with considerable probability, to a dynasty of kings whom

the Puranas call the “Nine Nagas,” and who would appear to have

been contemporary with the Guptas. In the Vishnu Purina, it is

stated that ‘the Nine Nagas will reign in Padmavati, Kantipuri and

*‘Mathurd, and the Guptas of Magadha along the Ganges to Praydga

“and Saketa, and Magadha.” Padmavati was at first identified by

H. H. Wilson with some unknown city in Berar, far to the south of

the Narbad#, and afterwards with Bhagalpur on the Ganges, but the

mention of Mathura utterly precludes the possibility of either of those

places having belonged to the Nagas. Both cities should no doubt be

looked for within some moderate distance of Mathura. The scene of

Bhavabhuti’s Malati and Madhava is laid in the city of Padmavati mm

the Vindhyan mountains. As his description of the locality is a

favourable specimen of Hindu poetry, I will not curtail it.

oth ¥

‘“‘ How wide the prospect spreads, mountain and rock,

“Towns, villages and woods, and glittering streams,—

“There where the Paré and the Sindhu wind,

“The towers and temples, pinnacles and gates,

* And spires of Padmdvatt, like a city

“Precipitated from the skies, appear

“Inverted in the pure translucent wave.” :

The Sindhu is, I think the Sindh river on which the city of Narwar

is situated, and the Pdrd is the Pdrbati or Péré river, which flows

only 5 miles to the north of the Sindh. Narwar also is in the midst

of the Vindhyan mountains, and at a moderate distance, about 160

miles, from Mathur4, so that there are no geographical difficulties to

overthrow the proposed identification. On the contrary the subse-

quent mention of the Madhuvati and the Lavana as streams in the

neighbourhood of the city, renders this identification almost complete,

as the first may be identified with the Mohwar or Madhwwar on

the south, and the other with the Ném or Lin to the north. With

regard to the third city named KA4ntipuri, I agree with Wilford in

identifying it with the ancient Kutwal or Kutwdr, on the Ahsin river, —

20 miles to the north of Gwalior. The kingdom of the Nagas there- :

1865. ] Coins of the Nine Nagas. 117

fore would have included the greater part of the present territories of

Bharatpur, Dholpur, Gwalior, and Bundelkhand, and perhaps also

some portions of Malwa, as Ujain, Bhilsa and Sagar. It would thus

have embraced nearly the whole of the country lying between the

Jumna and the upper course of the Narbada, from the Chambal on

the west to the Kaydn or Cane on the east, an extent of about 1,800

square miles, in which Narwar occupies a central and most command-

~ ing position. ,

4. The identification of Narwar with Padmévati, the capital city of

the Nine Nagas, is strongly corroborated by the coins which I am

about to describe, as most of the earlier specimens were obtained at

Narwar, and the remainder at Gwalior. It is also supported by the

Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudra Gupta,~in which the king

boasts of the extent of his dominions, and enumerates the different

ninees and countries which had become subject to his power. In the

sh he mentions Ganapati-Ndga as one of the nine tributary

princes of Aryavurtta. Now Ganapati or Ganendra is the name of the

4j4 whose coins are the most common and the most widely diffused

“of all these Narwar kings, The legends of his coins are also in the

very same character as those of the Gupta coins and inscriptions. I

think therefore that there is every probability in favour of the identity

of these two princes. My discovery of an inscription of Samudra

_ Gupta in Mathuré itself is sufficient to show that the Nigas must

“have lost that city at an early date. It may also be taken as corrobo-

rative of the decay of their power, and of the supremacy of Samudra

Gupta, as stated in the Allahabad Pillar inscription. It may be

objected that the coins of Ganapati do not bear the additional name of

_ Naga, and that James Prinsep has rendered Ganapati Naga as two

separate names. To these objections I can reply at once that, so far as

_ Lam aware, Naga is never used alone as a man’s name, but always in

conjunction with some other word, either preceding it as in Naga-sena,

Nagarjuna, Nagaditya, Nagadatta, &., or following it as in Skanda-

Naga, Brihaspati-Naga, and Deva-Naga of the coins now under review.

For this reason I conclude that the name of Samudra Gupta’s contem-

porary must almost certainly have been Ganapati-Naga. The omission

he latter part of the name in the legends of the coins is sufficiently

plained by the minute size of the money, which did not afford room

118 Coins of the Nine Nagas. [No. 3,

for a long name. Thus on some of the coins of Brihaspati-Naga the

name is given at. full length, while on others it is contracted to Bri-

haspati and Brihaspa, and even to Briha. Similarly, the name of

Deva Naga is contracted to Deva Na and Deva, while that of Gana-

pati himself is variously rendered as Ganapatya and Ganendra on the

larger coins, and as Gana and even Ga on the smaller coins. A simi-

lar omission of the family appellation may be observed on. many of the

contemporary coins of the Guptas, on which the names of Chandra,

Samudra, Kumara, Skanda and Nara are found alone under the Raja’s

arm without the additional title of Gupta which, as we know from

other coins and inscriptions, certainly belonged to all of them. From

these instances I infer that the title of Naga belonged not only to

Ganapati himself but to every one of the early princes of Narwar,

whose coins form the first series of the accompanying plate.

5. The period to which these princes must be assigned depends

solely on the date of their contemporaries, the Guptas. In 1851,

when I wrote my account of the Bhilsa Topes, I referred the begin-

ning of the Gupta era to the year 319 A. D., but shortly afterwards on

comparing the Gupta gold coins with their Indo-Scythian prototypes,

and the Gupta silver coins with the Sah coins of Saurdshtra, I saw

that the first Guptas must certainly have been contemporary with the

earlier princes of the Kushan Scythians, and consequently that their

date could not possibly be later than the first century of the Christian

era. In 1855 Mr. Thomas devoted a special essay to the determina-

tion of the date of the Guptas, in which the subject was most fully

and ably treated. In this article, and subsequently in his valuable

notes on Prinsep’s essays, he inclines to refer the dates of the Gupta

coins and inscriptions to the Saka era, an opinion in which I fully

concur. But in assigning the Bhilsa inscription of Chandra Gupta,

which is dated in the year 93 to the first king of that name, he must

have overlooked the Udayagiri Cave inscription of the year 82, which,

according to H. H. Wilson, refers to Chandra Gupta’s great-grandson,

the Raja of Sanakanika. The only scheme, as far as I can see, that

will suit all the known dates and other conditions of this dynasty, is

to make Chandra Gupta Ist, the founder of the era. By adopting this

scheme, his great-grandson the Rajé of Sanakanika may be allowed to —

have been reigning in the year 82, and his grandson Chandra Gupta

1865.] Coins of the Nine Nagas. 119

2nd of Magadha in the year 93. But if we assign Chandra Gupta

Ast to the year 93, we must then allow that he continued to reign for

at of Sanaa years ajter the ageession of his own os yee -grandson the

Raja o to Mr. |

e ‘the pieces that bear the

Ist, and those

ndra Gupta 2nd. We

. of the Saka era was

eprueray over the

om Abu-Rihan r

_attribu ed to a Bebe named Vikra

s. From all Sieve concurring

e Saka era, which began in

> actual era Giant dynasty, and to attribute its

establishment to Chandra Gupta Ist.

6. According to this view the date of Samudra Gupta, and there-

fore a so of his contemporary Ganapati Naga, would be the beginning

of the second century, or about A. D.110. The dynasty of the Mine

Nagas palsy saa be assigned to the first and second centuries of

stian In the following list I have arranged the names of

a kings Pisin to the devices on their coins, beginning

Se types which seem to me to be the earliest on account of the

ancient eo of their accompanying inscriptions. It is

worthy of note, as corroboratory of the date which I have assigned to

the Nagas that the whole of the devices on these copper coins are to

be found on the silver coins of the Guptas themselves, or on those of

hi. acknowledged contemporaries.

120 Coins 0 of Nine Nagas.

IV. |Skanda Naga, q “Ditto ditto. :

Ditto, . sess .- Bull recumbent to rig

Brihaspa 1 aga, : Ditto ditto..

VI. |Ganapati,.........0).... Seamer ele

Ditto, Beene

VALE Vyaghra Naga,

Wii [Vasu Naea, se :

IX. |Deva Naga, ..

Ditto, a's dewls co's wcidale oan ones

Ditto, ee hi fa

7. I will now proceed to the more technical d

coins themselves for the benefit of the professed numismatist. The

pieces are all of small size, and many of them are so minute, that their

average weight is only 7-grains each. The whole of them, —

may be readily divided into four distinct. classes, which correspond

with the known divisions of the old Indian “pana or copper. coin of

145.833 grains. These divisions were, “>

. . are ie

The} pauty,, et. eco. eee . T291E

33 ¥ pana, or: hake Oe. i. 2s 36.458 ‘5

Pode. oes. coe nen ottadh ee P

Habart Wala... 0) ee te LE *

As the whole of these coins, excepting only the smallest of 9 grains,

” 3 panda, or

be bole

» Te pana, or

are mentioned in the Code of Manu, the antiquity of the names is

undoubted. In B. VIII, verse 404, the ferry tolls are fixed at the —

following rates :

An empty GATORS. Wit .crcnacpcctdels settee: = enn appa

+ Wrloadedememn; 2.0) Sees otek een eee ss 4

A "WORDEN, "OR'Ox, Eee eee rte -ee eee eee

An unloaded man... Mee Aicaie tage es on eee _.

But the pana was also elle the « copper Reaistiag? and under this,

1865.] ' Coins of the Nine Nagas. 121

name it is mentioned by Hesychius, who lived about A. D. 350 to

380, as kepoa Aciavov vomiopa

8. Of the $ pana, the few specimens that I possess belong to the

Peacock type, but the heaviest weighs only 64 grains. Of the } pana

or kdkini, the specimens are common and of all the types. One

peacock coin of Maharaja Va * * weighs 36 grains, five specimens of

Bhima average 34 grains each, three illegible coins give 34.2 grains,

_ twelve peacock coins of Skanda give 34.1 grains, five Bull coins of

Skanda give 37.2 grains, nine Bull coins of Ganapati average 34.5

grains, and two of Deva Naga weigh respectively 39 and 35. grains.

_ Altogether these 37 specimens. offer a mean weight of 34.87 grains,

llowance for wear, is sufficiently near the standard

ado opted for’ the quarter pana or Kékini. Of the half

simens are very numerous, embracing three Bull coins

which, ma king al

5 ‘of Skanda, all the caine of Brihaspati, the greater number of those of

Ganapati, and two coins of Deva Naga. The three coins of Skanda

give a mean of 16 grains each, thirteen coins of Brihaspati give 18.3

grains, thirty-four coins of Ganapati give 17.55 grains each, and two

of Deva Naga give 18.5 each. The mean of these specimens gives a

weight of 17.76 grains for the half kkeiné, which is within half a grain

of the standard. Of the quarter kdkini, which was the smallest

“coin” of the old Hindu mint, the only examples belong to Ganapati.

Twenty of my specimens weigh 140 grains or exactly 7 grains each,

the heaviest being 114 and the lightest 43 grains. In the original

monetary scheme of the Hindus, the copper pana was equal in weight

to 80 raktikas (or ratis), and in value to a handful of cowree shells.

The average handful was fixed at 80 cowrees a number, which I have

tested repeatedly with cowrees of all sizes as the handful always rang-

ed between 70 and 85 shells. To this circumstance the coin owed its

name of pana or the handful from pdniz, the hand. Both the name

and the value are even now preserved in the Calcutta reckoning of

cowrees in which 4 cowrees make 1 ganda and 20 gandds make 1 pan,

that is 80 cowrees are still equal to 1 pan.

I. Burma Naa.

_ Fig. 2.—5 specimens.

~ Obv.—Peacock standing to left.

ftev.— A horizontal line like a spear-head.

Legend. Mahdrdja Bhima Naga.

122 Coins of the Nine Nagas. [No. 8,

Tl) « Kua (

Fig. 1.—Unique—50 grains.

Obv.—Peacock standing to right.

fev.—Two uncertain upright objects.

Legend. Mahdiréja Kha * * * *

This name must have ended in Ndga, as there is room for at least

four more letters. The full name may have been Kharjjura Ndga, as

there is a trace of the vowel w at the foot of the second letter.

¢ TI. Vie

Unique—36 grains. F Ly

Obv.—Peacock standing to right?” Bi

Rev.—Two uncertain upright objects. se

Legend. Mahdrdja Va * * * %

This name must also have ended in Na ga. It =e been Vatsa

Naga, but it was more probably ogee syllables, as Varuna.

IV. -SKANDA Naea.

Fig. 3—12 specimens. Average weight 34.1 grains.

Obv.—Peacock standing to eho

Rev.—As on Fig. 1.

Legend. Mahdrdja ayia Nagasya.

V. Brimaspatr Naga.

Figs. 5, 6.—81 specimens—all half kakinis, averaging 18.3 grains.

Obv.—Recumbent Bull to right in a dotted circle,

Rev.—Legend, Maharaja Brihaspati Naga.

Most of the legends are incomplete in the name, for want of space,

several of them reading Brihaspa as on No. 6, whilst.a few have only

Briha. Tt is to be noted that the uncertain object which occupied the

field of the previous coins has now disappeared. ‘4

VI. Ganapart (NaGa.) (

Figs. 7, 8, 9.—Extremely common :—Kdkinis, } kakinis, and 4

kdkinis.

Obv.—Bull walking to left, in a dotted circle.

Rev.—Legend. Mahdrdja Sri Ganapatya.

The name varies on different coins both in its form and in its spell-

ing. On No. 7, I read Ganapatya,” and on No. 8, Ganendra, both

properly spelt with the central x, On No. 9 the name of Ganendra.

1865.] Coins of the Nine Nagas. 123

incorrectly spelt with the dental n. These coins are extremely com-

mon. Mr. Thomas has noted that there are 3,479 specimens in the

Stacy collection, of which I know that by far the greater number were

obtained at Gobad. At the close of the Gwalior Campaign in 1844,

Col. Stacy showed me a bag full of these coins weighing about 4 seers

or 8 tbs. which his coin collector had just brought from Gobad; and as

he had not purchased the whole find, I managed to secure the remain-

der, which were about 2 seers or 4 lbs. in weight, and numbered about

1,750 specimens. Since then on different occasions I have procured

812 specimens at Mathura and 357 at Delhi, besides many more at

other places more especially at Gwalior and Narwar, which altogether

make my number considerably over 3,000.

Unique.—Kiikini of 35 grains.

Obv.—Wheel in a circle of dots.

Rev.—Legend. Mahdraja Sri Gane (ndra.)

VII. - Vya’aura Na’@a.

Fig. VA—Unique. Half kdkint of 18 grains, square.

Obv.—Wheel in a dotted circle.

Rev.—Legend. Vydghra (Na) ga.

VII. Vasu (Na’aa.)

Fig. 12.—Square. Half kdkini of 19 grains, duplicate in Dr.

Swiney’s collection, Thomas’s Prinsep, Plate 34, Fig. 30.

Obv.—Wheel in a dotted circle.

Rev.—Legend. Vasu Naga.

IX. Deva Na’aa.

Figs. 13, 14.—18 kakinis and 2 half kakinis.

Obv.—Wheel in a dotted circle.

Rev.—Legend. Mahdrdja Sri Deva Ndgasya.

Xa. Six specimens—all kékins.

Obv.—Recumbent Bull to right in a dotted circle.

Rev.—A Trisul, or trident, in the field.

Legend. As on Fig. 13.

IXd. Unique. Half kakinis of 17 grains.

Obv.—Trisul in a dotted circle.

Rev.—-Legend. As on Fig. 13,

124 Coins of the Nine Nagas. [No. 3,

9. On a general view of all the coins of the Naga series, it will be

observed that the unique specimens of both Vydghra and Vasu are of

square form, and that they also differ from the others in omitting the

title of Maharaja. It is possible therefore that they may not belong

to the dynasty of the Nine Nagas, although their type of the wheel is

also that of Deva Naga and Ganapati. It seems probable that a care-

ful scrutiny of the coins in the Stacy collection would increase con-

siderably the variety of types, and perhaps also might add to the

number of names of these Naga kings.

10. The second series of coins consists of five specimens, of which

no less than four belong to the same king, Paswpati, whose name

occurs in the oldest of my Gwalior inscriptions. In that record he is

stated to be a mighty sovereign, the son of Toramana, who was him-

self first made known to us by the inscription on the great boar statue

at Eran. A single silver coin of Toramana has also been described by

Mr. Thomas, who reads the date as “ one hundred and eighty odd’ of

the Gupta era, or about 20 years later than the Eran inscription of

Budha Gupta, that is about A. D. 263. If therefore we place Tora-

mana between the years 260 and 285 A. D., the date of his son Pasu-

pati will be 285 to 310, or about 300 A.D. The coins of Pasupati

consist exclusively of copper, and are so extremely rare, that, so far

as I am aware, three out of the four specimens now made known are

unique, and of the fourth specimen I have only two examples.

Pasupati.

Fig. 15.—Copper coin weighing 92 grains.

Obv.—Figure of the king seated cross-legged in the Indian

fashion, his right hand holding a flower, and his left resting on his

hip ;—the whole surrounded by a circle of large dots.

Rev.—A vase surmounted by a crescent and star or perhaps a

flower, and enclosed in a circle of large dots. Legend in Gupta

characters in one straight line, Paswpatz.

Fig. 16.—Copper coin weighing 109 grains : duplicate 105 grains.

Obv.—Figure of the king seated in the Indian fashion, holding a

flower in his right hand and a vase of flowers in his left hand ;—the

whole surrounded by a circle of large dots.

Rev.—A vase of flowers, surrounded by the same dotted circle.

Legend in two lines, Paswpatz.

1865.] Coins of the Nine Nagas. 125

Fig. 17.—Copper coin weighing 92 grains.

Obv.—A short trident or trisul, on a stand surrounded by a circle of

small dots.—Legend in two lines, Pasupati.

Rev.—A globe surrounded by rays, enclosed in a dotted circle,

Legend disposed circularly, Paswpat.

Fig. 18.—Copper coin weighing 43 grains.

| Obv.—Humped Bull to right with a crescent above, and surrounded

by a dotted circle.

Rev.—Type and legend the same as No. 17.

Fig. 19.—Copper coin weighing 112 grains.

Obv.Figure of the king seated in the Indian fashion on a high

backed throne, and surrounded by a circular line and an outer circle of

dots :—Legend over the head in Gupta characters which are not easily

legible. I read doubtiully Sri Guhila-pati,

Rev.—An elephant to right surrounded by a circular line and an

outer circle of dots.

11, I have added the last coin to this series because it corresponds

both in weight and in fabric with the specimens of Pasupati’s mintage.

The type of the obverse also agrees so closely with that of the first

example just described that I have little doubt that this coin belongs

to some member of the same family. The specimen is unique. I

have added two small coins of Chandra Gupta, Figs, 20 and 21, for

the purpose of shewing that similar vases of flowers were used as types

by the Gupta dynasty which immediately preceded the family of Tora-

mana. Fig. 22 is another small coin with the flower-vase type, but

bearing a different name, Swarga, regarding which I am unable to

offer any remarks save that its type and fabric range it with the con-

temporary coins of the Guptas.

12. The third series of coins belongs to a much later period of

ndian history, shortly after the capture of Delhi by the Muhammad-

ans. The coins themselves are utterly rude and barbarous imitations

of the horseman mintage of the Brahman kings of Kabul ;—but they

are otherwise interesting and important, as they bear legible dates,

from which I have been able to verify two of the names as those of

actual Rajas of Narwar. Of the earliest of these coins belonging to

Malaya Varmma Deva, 1 have seen only 5 specimens. On one of

them, Fig, 26, the date is §, 1280, or it may be 8. 1285 as the unit_

126 Coins of the Nine Nagas. [No. 3,

figure is partly cut off. On a second coin the date is S. 83, and on a

third S. 90 odd, the unit being cut off. Here we see that the last two

dates must undoubtedly refer to the same century as that of the first

coin, because the name of the prince and the fabric of the coins are

precisely the same. Of the second prince named Chdhada Deva, I

have numerous specimens, bearing various dates from 1303 to 1311, of

-which Figs. 27 and 28 give S. 1305 and S. 1311. Of the third

prince, named A’sala Deva, the specimens, though numerous, are always

small and much worn, and the dates are therefore generally imperfect.

Two of the more perfect coins, however, give the dates of 1311 and

1312, and a third has 1330 odd: see Figs. 29 and 30. In illustration

of these coins, [have engraved a curious specimen of the contemporary

coinage of Ala-ud-din Masaiid, Fig. 23, which bears on the obverse

the well known recumbent Bull with the Nagari legend Sri Ala-va-

dina and the date of 1300, inserted on the quarter of the Bull. This

date must certainly refer to the Vikramiditya Samvat as Masaiid

reigned from A. D. 1242 to 1246, and S. 1300 is equal to A. D-

1243.

13. The coins of this third series of Narwar princes are found

chiefly about Gwalior, Jhansi, and Narwar, but a few stray specimens

may be picked up at Agra and Mathura. The obverse bears the rude

figure of a horseman which is only traceable on the coins of Asala

Deva by comparing them with the earlier pieces of Malaya Varmma.

A brief description will therefore be sufficient for this barbarous

coinage.

. I. Manayva Varma Deva.

Figs. 25, 26.—Copper coins weighing from 50 to 56 grains,

Obv.—Rude horseman with no trace of the legend of Sri Hamir

which is found on all the contemporary Muhammadan mintages.

Rev.—Legend in three lines Haass Hss @- URs- Sri-man Ma-

laya Varmma Deva, §. 128 and also 8. 83.

II. Cuduapa Deva.

Figs. 27, 28.—Copper coins weighing from 50 to 59 grains.

Rev.—legend in three lines Hwatsesea F- L204, Sri-Mat Chéhada

Deva, S. 1305.

III. Asata Deva.

Figs. 29, 30.—Copper coins weighing from 50 to 57 grains.

1865.] Coins of the Nine Nagas. 127

Rev.—Legend in three lines FHeIaM!|T B- YR{R- Sri-Mad Asala

Deva, 8. 1311.

14. All my researches have failed to discover any trace of the first

of these princes, but I have found the name of Chéhada Deva in two

different inscriptions, as well as in Ferishta’s history. In the year

A. H. 649, or 1251 A. D., the historian relates that Naser-ud-din

Mahmud, the king of Delhi “ proceeded to the siege of Narwar. The’

Raja Jéhir Dew, having lately constructed the fort on the summit

of a rock, prepared to defend it to the last. He accordingly marched

out to oppose the Muhammadans, with 5,000 horse and 200,000 foot.

This immense host being defeated with great slaughter, the place was

invested and reduced to surrender after a few months’ siege.” In

: Dow’s translation the Raja is called Zéhir Deo, and under this name

__ he is entered in Prinsep’s tables, but with the date of A. D. 1251 trans-

posed as 1215, and the name of Narwar erroneously referred to

Nahrwara, or Analwéra-patan, in Gujarat. The inscriptions which

mention Chdhada Deva are dated in 8. 1348 and 1355 or A. D. 1291

and 1298, but the first refers apparently to a younger son and the

second to a grandson.

15. Ofthe third prince named A’sala Deva, I can find no trace in

history, but he is mentioned in the Narwar inscription of S. 1355 as

the son and successor of Chdhada Deva, and I found his name on a

Sati pillar at Rai, with the date of S. 1327 or A. D. 1270, at which

time he was the reigning sovereign. The beginning of his reign is

fixed in the year S. 1311 by the agreement of the date of his father’s

latest coins with that of his own earliest coins. The following table

gives the chronology of these three princes as determined from various

ources :—

Accession,

Samvat. A. D.

1, Malaya Varmma Deva, 1267 1210 Coins S. 1280 odd, 82 & 1290 odd.

. Chahada Deva, ......... 1292 1235 Coins S. 1303 to 1311. Ferishta

A. D, 1251.

3. Asala Deva, ........... 1311 1254 Coins S. 1311 to 1330 odd.

. 1336 1279 Inscription, 8. 1327.

_ Al the inscriptions referring to these Narwar princes, will be duly

transmitted to Babu Rajendralala Mitra in the hope that he will

kindly undertake their translation.

RRA nnn en

128 On the Sena Rajas of Bengal. [No. 38, «

On the Sena Rajas of Bengal as commemorated in an Inscription from

Rajshahi, decyphered and translated by C.- T. Murcarrz, Lsq.,

C. S.— By Babu RAsenprausta Mrrra.

{Received 5th July, 1865. Read 5th July, 1865. ]

Subjoined are the text and translation of a Sanskrit inscription of

some interest lately found in a part of Rajshahi called the “ Burrin,”’

close by the village of Deopdrah, Thinnah Godigdri. Mr. C. T. Met-

calfe, to whom the Society is indebted for the original and the transla-

tion, gives the following account of the place where the monument

was found. “The tank where I found it,” he says, “is some 40

miles from Goa (Gour?); but it stands on the bank of a river which

was the old Pudda bed, and which river now flows 6 miles to the

south, before Rampur Bauleah. The locality is evidently the site of

some temple, and the stone records, I should say the inscription, the

praises of the founder. While making some further examinations

I came to the top of a series of black stone-steps leading underground ;

one monster stone was 1 yard in thickness. In the tank itself are

2 slabs which can be felt with a bamboo and which, a hoary-headed

old man says, were above ground when he was a chokra (boy) and kept

the village cattle, 2. e. some 60 years ago.” The place was of some

distinction, even during the Mahomedan period, for there still stands

a magnificent masjid about 650 years old. Mr. Metcalfe describes it

as “built entirely of stone without a bit of mortar, and put together

like a child’s toy-house, the stones fitting the one into the other.

The carving on it is beautiful.”

The stone slab upon which the inscription is recorded, was found in

a dense jungle apparently away from its original position, but amidst

a number of large blocks of stone half buried under the earth. It —

measures 3 ft. 2 inches by 1 ft. 93. Its material is basalt carefully —

polished on the upper surface.

The letters of the inscription are of the Tirhoot or Gour type, simi-

lar to that of the Bakerganj plate of Kesava Sena, decyphered by

James Prinsep. Bengali MSS. three centuries old, are written in

very much the same characters, and the facsimile of the Yaynadatia-

badha published by Chezy, bears some resemblance to it. It is im fact

1865.] On the Sena Rijas of Bengal. 129

the first transition stage of the Kutila in its passage to the modern

Bengali. Mr. Metcalfe found considerable difficulty in getting the

record decyphered, owing to modern pandits not being familiar with

its style of writing, but I have carefully compared his transcript with

the original and satisfied myself that his reading is perfectly correct.

The language of the inscription is pure Sanskrit, but its style is

highly inflated and hyperbolical. Umapati Mis’ra, the author of it, is

never satisfied with an ordinary comparison. If he has to describe a

high temple, he cannot stop without making its pinnacle stand as

an obstruction to the course of the sun. His kings must upbraid the

heroes of the Ramdyana and the Mahabharata as vain boasters and

insignificant upstarts, and his war-boats, even when stranded on a

sand-bank in the Ganges, must eclipse the glory of the moon. This

style, common enough in oriental writing, was particularly remarkable

in Northern India in the 9th, 10th and the 11th centuries of the

Christian era. Whether at Gour or Benares or Kanauj or Oujein or

Mathura, this straining after bombast was so universal, that no one

familiar with the monumental literature of the period, can mistake it

for a moment, and it may therefore be taken as characteristic of the

time. I have myself met with it so often, that had I no other guide to

ascertain the age of the record under notice, I would have taken its

style to be a conclusive proof of its being of the 10th or 11th century.

The subject of the record is, the dedication of a temple which is

‘described to have “extended to all directions in space, and vied in

loftiness with the Mount Meru round which the sun, moon and the

‘stars run their course.” Its pinnacle of gold, which was shaped like a

water-jar, was equal 1o the Meru in weight. Its locality was the

nargin of the tank where the inscription was found. Judging from the

insignificant remains now traceable in that locality, I believe the edifice

yas by no means a very extraordinary one. Its presiding deity was

radyumnesvara or S’iva as the destroyer of Cupid, a form in which

he is not often worshipped by his votaries in Bengal. This divi-

“nity, who is generally represented as a vagrant mendicant, is said to

| have exchanged, by the favour of the dedicator of the temple, his tiger

skin toga for silken dresses, his serpent neck-chains for garlands of

jewels, his ashes for sandal wood powder, his rosary for pearls, and his

(

human bone ornaments for precious gems.

130 On the Sena Rdjis of Bengal. [No. 3,

Of the dedicator of the temple, Vijaya, the record is, as usual in such

cases, the most lavish in its praise. According to it, he was the great-

est of kings that ever held sway on earth; the most valiant, the most

charitable, and the most virtuous. While describing the hero as a

devout follower of Mahadeva, it does not hesitate to make him even

superior to that dread manifestation of the divinity, for the one, says it,

destroys all alike, while the other, killed his enemies and cherished

his friends. There is, however, very little in the verses devoted to his

glorification which may be taken for facts. The time of his reign is not

given, nor the name of his caste, nor that of the place where he caused

the temple to be erected. He is related to have invaded Assam

(Kamartipa) and the Coromandel Coast between the Chilka Lake and

Madras (Kalifiga), and to have sent a fleet of war-boats up the Ganges

to conquer the Western kings; but nothing is said of the results of

these invasions : the last is, ina manner, acknowledged to have proved

a failure ; for the only thing noticeable in it, was the stranding of one

of the boats on a sand-bank, poetically described as “the ashes on the

forehead of S‘iva, changed to mud by contact with the water of the

Ganges.”

The genealogy of the king includes three names, those of Hemanta

Sena, Sumanta Sena, and Vira Sena. The last was evidently the

founder of the family, for he appears as a descendant of the moon,

without any reference to his immediate progenitors. All the three were

kings of Gour, but their names occur nowhere in history. Vijaya

the last of the series was, according to tradition, known by the name

of Sukha Sena, and under that name he occurs in the Ayin Akbary, as

the father of Ballaéla Sena. His name occurs in the Bakerganj plate — 3

as the first of a series of four kings, the last of which was Kesava —

Sena. Vijaya there appears as the father of Ballala Sena. Again, in

a manuscript of the Ddanasdgara, a treatise on gifts attributed to

Ballala Sena, the author describes himself as the son of Vijaya Sena —

and the grandson of Hemanta Sena. These facts justify the assump-

tion that the three records allude to the same family, and that Sukha ~

Sena was an alias of Vijaya Sena. If this be admitted, the Sena

dynasty of Bengal will have to be extended by the addition of the

three names which occur in the inscription now under notice.

Of the descendants of Vijaya, the most distinguished was, no doubt,

1865.] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. 131

his son Ballila. ‘‘ This prince,” to quote the words of an able writer

in the Calcutta Review, “was held in such high estimation all over

Bengal, that the most extravagant fancies have been indulged and the

wildest tales invented in order to connect his memory with the mar-

vellous and the sublime.” The same writer continues; ‘ Poets have

invested him with the dignity of a divine original and described

his infantile precocity in the most glowing colours. He has been

represented as the son of the fluvial god Brahmaputra, who had

deceived his mother by assuming the form of her own hus-

band. His nativity is said to have taken place in the solitude of a

thick forest, where his mother had been banished, a few months before

her parturition through the jealousy and treachery of his father’s two

other wives. In these sylvan shades and under the especial protection

of heaven he passed his infantile days, undisturbed by the noise and

distractions of towns and cities, and uncontaminated by the pleasures

and irregularities of riotous society. His divine parent, ‘‘ the uxorious

Amnis,” as Horace would perhaps call him, instructed him in the

different branches of a Hindu’s education, and in the tactics of war

and diplomatic policy. While yet a boy he is said to have exhibited

extraordinary proofs of heroism and strength. He had discomfited

unassisted and alone a whole host of disciplined troops commanded by

princes and veteran captains, and armed with all the weapons of native

warfare.” The whole of this statement, however, is founded upon vague

traditions or modern records of doubtful authority. We may dismiss

it, therefore, without a remark. The Bakerganj inscription of Ballala’s

grandson does not allude to the facts noted in it with sufficient circum-

stantiality to give them any prominence. From what it says, we may take

for granted, however, that he was a great patron of learning and himself

an author of some pretension.—Vedartha smriti safigrahddi purusha,

‘The treatise on gifts alluded to above shews that his reading was

extensive and his knowledge of the s’dstras respectable.* He is,

_* The prominent mention made in the work of the author's tutor, Anirudha,

mld waken a suspicion that, like many other crowned heads in India and Europe,

allila had assumed to himself a credit which rightly belonged to another. How-

had that be, the authenticity of the work is undoubted. It has been quoted by the

author of the Samaya Prakasa who lived several hundred years ago, and Raehu-

_ nandana who flourished at the end of the 15th century, alludes to it in two places

in his Suddhitattva: Wa ST ATRAL VTA SAI gailatita SAA aAT:

Serampore edition, p, 194, Again : BAHT wryitz faaaia,sraraifeaa-

132 On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. [No. 3,

however, better known in this country by the system of hereditary

nobility which he established in his court than by his devotion to

letters. The main object of that system was to give preéminence to

wrara <fa areata: | Ibd. 20—3. The work is divided into 70 Sections

and devoted to a description of 1375 gifts, the mode of consecrating them, the pro-

per persons to give them to, the time meet for making such gifts, &e. &e. The

author enumerates in his introduction the different authorities he had consulted

in compiling his work, and as his list gives an idea of the works which were

reckoned as standard authorities in his time, 9 hundred years ago, I quote it

entire.

Purdnas. Vishnu-dharma. Yama.

Brahma. Gopatha Brahmana. Yogayajnavalkya.

Varaha. Ramayana. Deyvala.

Agni, Mahabharata, Baudhayana.

Bhavishya. Manu. Angirasa.

Matsya. Vasishtha. Danavyasa.

Kurma. Samvarta. Vrihaspati ? ?

Adya. Yajnavalkya, Sankha.

Upapurdna. Gotama. Likhita.

Adya, Katyayana, Apastamba.

Samba. Yavala. Satyayana,

Kalika, Sandana. Maha Vyasa.

Nandi. Vrihaspati. Laghu Vyasa.

Aditya. Vrihad Vasishtha. Laghu Harita.

Narasiniha, Harita. Chhandoga perisishta,

Markandeya. Pulasta.

Vishnudharmottara. Vishnu.

S’astras. Satatapa,

S‘lokas are often repeated by panditas, which tradition ascribes to this

prince. It is said that once when his son Lakshmana was long absent from

home, his daughter-in-law brought the circumstance to his notice by writing the

following s‘loka on the wall before the place where he used to dine :-—

udafatad afc cates fufaat Hat |

WY AA: Hara at Saar afcate

*‘The clouds are pouring without intermission and the peacocks are dancing

with joy ; on such a day death or my darling alone can remove my suffering.”

Touched by it he invited his son back to his home with the following stanza :—

aaa CNRARA Barat eafaar fasra

iN ~ ~

aqwaqenaa featafagaiewaat |

VI yEl eaagHE feat yauatatsrat

~ iS 3 ~ Ke ee

IIATUSRIS A TVA SAT Salat Wa i

“O thou who art disposed as the second (the Bull—listen).’’ Alone and op-

pressed is she with the breasts like the eleventh (pitchers-globes) of the elephant,

by the approach of him who has the tenth (Makara on his flag Cupid), even as are

the twelfth (fishes) and the fourth (crabs), on the approach of the shark (maka-

ra). That sixth (virgo), with eyebrows without compare, (lit. devoid of the seventh

libra), who should belong to the royal fifth (lion-prince is suffering from the pangs

of the eighth (scorpio), O, first (aries—my son) hasten and be thou the third

1865.] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. 1338

the descendants of the five Brahmins and Kadyasthas who had been

_ brought to Bengal by Adis’ira. The particular qualities which were

to characterise his nobles were ‘‘ good manners, learning, humility,

reputation, pilgrimage, faith, fixed profession, austerity, and charity’’*

but as there was no standard measure for those qualities, and it

was difficult to secure them without attaching penalties to personal

delinquencies which could never be enforced, he had recourse to other

and more definite means for their perpetuation. He availed himself of

the popular notion that children invariably inherit the moral qualities

of their parents, and hoped that by maintaining the blood of his newly

created nobles pure and undefiled, he would attain his end. He forbad all

intermarriage between the original Brahmans and Kayasthas of the

country and the newcomers, and ordained various and complicated rules

for the gradual degradation of those families which should permit any

stain to fall on the gentility of their blood. Mis-alliances could not, how-

(gemini).” The play. on the names of the twelve signs of the zodiac in this

s'loka cannot be preserved in the English translation.

On another occasion he was himself absent from home for a long time, having

been detained in a forest by the charms of a lowly born damsel. The scandal

was great, and his son, to stop it, requested his return with the following

verse :—

as =

UY ATA AWS TET aiaifaat aart

fa qa: wiai vata Wee: A GETIT |

’ faa auafa a alge asaifaat aaa

; aeaRaIaa Aais qa: weal frrg we: Il

Generally cool art thou, O river, and transparent by nature. Of thy purity

what can I say ? everything becomes pure by thy touch. What else need I tell in

thy praise ? thou art the life of all living things. And yet strange to relate, thou

flowest downwards and none can withhold thee.”

' To it the king sent the following reply :—

AAT ATITAGI TT HAT Var A Yel Tal

F SQA HARI Hl aA A FUT It

Strafarata ea afcu wer a@ at qfaal

II<aSl BUG CHICUAST WMRITA SISA: I

7 - ©The elephant has not yet soothed its skin nor allayed its thirst; the dust on

its body still remains unwashed, and the tuberous roots of the lotus have hi-

_ therto not yielded it a mouthful of food, much less an entertainment; the lotus

‘remains untouched by his far projectile arm: verily the bees have raised an

‘unmeaning hue and ery by their murmurs.”

The authenticity of these s‘lokas is, however, not such as may be relied upon.

* ANcharo vinayo vidya pratishtha tirtha darsana, nishtha vritti tapo danam

nayadha kula-lakshanam,

134 On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. [No. 3,

ever, be altogether prevented, and the successors of Ballala somewhat

encouraged them, by raising the social status of those plebeans who

succeeded in securing the alliances of kulinas. Wealthy maulikas large-

ly availed themselves of the opportunity which was thus given them

of rising in social rank, and the cupidity of our nobility has of late

encouraged them by a system of polygamy which has made kulinism

in Bengal, a positive nuisance to society.

The son and successor of Balldla was Lakshmana Sena. The author

of the Bakerganj plate makes him erect altarsand pillars of victory at

Benares, Allahabad, and Jagannath, but ‘it may reasonably be doubt-

ed,” says Prinsep, “ whether these monuments of his greatness ever

existed elsewhere than in the poet’s imagination.” His prime minis-

ter and Lord Chancellor (Dharmadhikara,) was Halayudha, son of

Dhananjaya, of the Vatsya race, a Brahmin of great learning and a

descendant of Bhattandréyana, the author of the Venisanhara. His

eldest brother, Pashupati, wrote a treatise on the srdddha and other

ceremonials under the title of Pashupati Paddhati. His next brother

was a great scholar and professor of Smriti and the Mimafsa; he wrote

a treatise on the diurnal duties of Brahmins which still exists—

Alnika Paddhati. Walayudha himself is said to have written several

works on Smriti, of which the most important is the Brahmana Sarva-

sva. Init, he describes his patron in the usual grandiloquent terms

of his time, but there is nothing in it to shew that he was other than a

prince of mediocre merit. He is said by the Mahomedan historians to

have greatly embellished the city of Gour, and called it after his own

name Lakhnouty or Lakshmana-vati ; but the inscriptions are silent on

the subject, as they are as regards the popular belief of Ballala Sena’s

having built the town of Gour.

Lakshmana was followed successively by his two sons, Madhava Sena

and Kesava Sena. The Rdjdvali brings in a Su or Stra Sena after

Kesava, and Mahomedan writers have a Noujib, a Narayan, a Lakh-

mana, and a Lakhmaniyé to follow him; but no monumental record

has yet been found to prove their ever having existed. An As’oka Sena

also occurs as one of the kings of Gour, but his position in the list is

nowhere defined. Of these therefore I have nothing to say. I shall

make an exception, however, in favour of the last of the series. The

Tabkat 1 Ndsivt of Minhajuddin Jowzjani says that the last king of

1865.] On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. 135

the Sena dynasty was Lakhmaniy4, and this authority must be accepted

as correct, as the work was written within fifty-eight years after

the conquest of Bengal by Bakhtiar Khilijy, and its author had

ample opportunities, during his sojourn in Bengal, of conversing

_ with the contemporaries of Lakhmaniyé who had taken part in that

conquest, and of collecting the most authentic information available in

his time. The account given in that book is as follows :—

eels 953 we & dS ByyS tly tle AU ayer Soy ws

bho ty ATorwy Maing ey) Vide) is? age Slher oi9 5 wy}, luo y

Bae? Shy fle glide woe y a9 Sp! Gt ob als oy? Aroahyed I

6 Sef els yo aes! x glist ¢ borin! ae!) wT wile 5 ako PE9e tO! g

pe Babee co') cyst oyS UR Ls jt WTOY we itl wl»

WIdIA y did ya 9! jyole Uw wiker y Bole gf polo af oo Sob » fan oy jole

WF Nosed dia FS Cyr ce aiddry 6p ais si ty wliot

:. od 2b ea Edy ght Ly Byole 9 daw) Shop dag ei

my aS Qiinl G'ab My Pie) by Sy we G oS &e> |) wa,

Desc oil Loli Ka yo Seog? OBL WoYy Hele Wye Lh rite

cst gl Slew glia woe Sb wads Cele 9 Ot Et i! OF Sipe

ak 997% fy gh G o9yB Okay w= 3! pS= wel ot yale we RCs

| Bis SG go GIL U olodliniy wher 5 KLE T yy ylaigS y ating 92

ails,S 55 ly 9! G 09 Rs oT wody Sy AS HoT ees) Os SrSy 9m y

wf dexinod 31 Ghole oof wey eg - dy walk Ly dab J's y9-

BSS sold als fle glide» aigls Geiy 1) Arig. rbd yy elle

: Translation.—Contemporary historians, on whom be the blessings of

¥ God, have thus related : ‘‘ That when the news of the valour and the wars

q and subjugation of kingdoms by Mohammed Bakhtyar, may the mercy

_ of God be on him, reached Lakhmaniy4, the capital of his kingdom

was Nuddea. The Raya was very learned and had sat on the

throne for 80 years. It will not be amiss to mention here an anecdote

of the Raya which has come to my knowledge; it is this: When the

| father of the Riya passed away from this world, Raya Lakhmaniya

‘was in his mother’s womb. The crown was therefore placed on the

‘Womb, and the officers of State all girt themselves and stood round

and behind the mother. The family of this prince was known as the

Raya of Rayas of Hind by the wise men of the time, and reckoned as

136 ‘On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. [No. 3,

the viceroys (khalifa) of India. When the time for the birth of Lakh-

maniya approached near, and the mother felt the pains of delivery, the

astrologers and Brahmans were assembled together, so that they may

watch the auspicious moment of birth. They unanimously said that

should this boy be born immediately, it will be unfortunate in every

respect, and he will never attain to royalty. But should he be delivered

two hours hence, he will reign for 80 years. When the mother heard

this from the astrologers, she ordered that she may be hung up by

her two feet as long as the auspicious moment should not come, and

that the astrologers should be in attendance to watch that moment.

When the proper time arrived and the astrologers said that it was -

at hand, she was taken down. Thus was Lakhmaniya born, but his

mother immediately died of the pains she had been subjected to.

Lakhmaniyé was immediately placed on the throne, where he reigned

for eighty years.”

’ Three things may be taken for granted in this statement; first that

the name of the last king of the Sena dynasty was Lakhmaniyda;

second, that he was a posthumous child; and third, that he reigned for

eighty years. It must be admitted, however, that the word Lakhmani- —

ya is very unlike a Bengali proper name. The only Bengali or San-—

skrit word to which it bears any resemblance is the patronymic* Ldksh-

maneya, “a son, grandson or descendant of Lakshmana,”’ and if it be

admitted that the Lakhmaniyd of the Mahomedan historians is a cor-

ruption of the Sanskrit Ldkshmaneya, it would not be too much to

assume that the prince under notice was the grandson of Lakshamana

son of Ballala.

The reigns of Madhava and Kesava Sena were short and inconsequen-

tial, and it is very likely that the Lakhmaniya who succeeded Kesava,

and reigned in Bengal for 80 years, was taken by the Mahomedans

to be the immediate successor of Lakshmana, son of Balléla, who

had a long and prosperous reign of many years. I adopt this assump-

* The affix dhak is ordinarily used after feminine nouns, qa oa Pinel va

iv, I. 120, but under the especial rule s’ubhird-dibhyas’cha (P. iv, I. 123.) Lakhsh- es

mana of the Vasishtha gotra takes that affix. “ Lakshmana sydmayorvdsish- a

the.” I know not whether the Senas were of the Vasishtha gotra, but such niceties —

of grammar were so little attended to in the middle ages that I do not think that

anybody would have objection to its use in the case of persons not of the Vasish-

tha gotra. If such an objection be raised, we must take Lakshmaniya to be a —

matronymic and assume the name of our prince’s mother to haye been Lake :

mana,

ne TERNS eerie . _ ——

1865.] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. 137

tion owing as much to the names of Su Sena Noujib and a second

Lakshmana not occurring in any authentic early document, as to there

being no sufficient time available between the dates of Ballala Sena

and that of the Mahomedan conquest for the allocation of three reigns,

after making the necessary allowance for Lakshmana, Madhava and

Kesava Senas and Lakhmaniya. It is possible that those reigns were

only of a few months’ duration each, but there is nothing authentic to

support such a theory, and therefore, I feel fully justified in the assump-

tion I have made above.

The inscriptions are very unsatisfactory on the subject of dates.

The Bakerganj plate professes to have been recorded in the month of

_ Jaishta in the third year of the king’s reign, but does not name any cur-

rent era. The Rajashahi stone has no date whatever. But it is not

difficult to find the probable time when the different members of the

Sena dynasty flourished in Bengal. According to the author of the

Samaya Prakds'a, the Danasdgara was written (or completed?) in the

S’aka year 1019* — A. D.1097. Ballala must therefore have lived at

about the end of the eleventh century, and this accords well with the

statement of the Ayin Akbary which makes that prince commence his

reign in the year 1066. Lakshmana, according to Abul Fazel, assumed

the sovereignty of Bengal in 1116, which gives a period of 51 years to

Ballala. I doubt, however, the accuracy of the last date. The date

of Bakhtiar’s conquest of Bengal is well known (1203), and the

testimony of Minhajuddin regarding the eighty years’ reign of

Lakshmaniya cannot be easily set aside. This carries us back to 1123.

On the other side if we allow only three years to Ballila after the

completion of his Daénasigara we come to the end of the 11th century,

leaving only 23 years between 1101 and 1123 for distribution among

Lakshamana, Madhava and Kesava. The exact period of Laksmana’s

reign is not known. Abul Fazel allots to him only 8 years, but Halay-

—udha, his prime minister, suggests a much longer time. He says that

he was in his boyhood made a court pandit, by the king; that in his

(ee ea

_ éarly manhood, he attained to the rank of a minister; and that

*fifescraafraatramaacsd | qu ufe-aa-enfaa wate

SIaaathaa:

138 On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. [No. 3,

subsequently he was raised to the office of the Lord Chancellor

Dharmadhikdva.* This is not practicable within the space of eight

years, and I feel no hesitation in assigning to him two and a half times

that number of years ; the remaining three years being left for Madhava

and Kesava and possibly for Su or Sura Sena should a prince of that

name be hereafter verified. For the present I am disposed to throw out

a hint that Su Stra Noujeb and As’oka were probably the proper name

and aliases of the prince whose patronymic was Lakhmaniya. Prinsep,

following the Ayin Akbary, takes 1136 to be the date of the Bakerganj

plate, but as that authority makes Lakhmaniy4 begin his reign in the

year 1200 A.D. and fly to Orissa three years after, when Minhajuddin,

who had ample opportunities of conversing with the contemporaries of

Lakshmana, and was himself in Bengal a few years after his overthrow,

assures us that that prince reigned for 80 years, we may without com-

punction reject its evidence as unworthy of belief. The ancestors of

Ballila from Hemanta to Vira Sena were hitherto unknown to history,

and even now the inscription under notice does not name the time when

they flourished. The final settlement of their dates must, therefore, be

left for future research. If we assign to them the usual Indian average

of 18 years to a reign, the Sena dynasty may be arranged as follows :—

* For those who may be curious on the subject I quote a few stanzas from the

Bréhmana Sarvasva. 4

aaa Tal yaaweltad Paar frararaad SATAY |

aml Tan fafaaeews referees faut ll

BH HA VATA gIag: BRaewBragqa-

tea waar fase FAS IAT ABTTTAAT |

WRAG RUST AVIASE WAC Vaima-

afa wufaaaae aaa fates siarita i

gatetad 4 fara aeC wawgarat Paar

FASTA HAA anya arated asa |

a: 9 faaamaR “afeat Raw u: wr fa-

wat ae wala yay Ceca BTS: Il

arg Qilwatisagfwaqe: santa aaq-

RAT TAA ETA TTY IS Zeal aa Araz |

aa Samii afes VAi TTATTIA:

Fale MAUS AS ceVylasa/ wart er |

{

1865.] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. 139

A. D.

arn Sema Lis es yy, tiie. oes 994

Caomenta Pera ds il toe ns. cedeTl lt. 08 1012

Elemmaritia Senay). iis sivas lect wn sasves wes dionee 1030

Vijaya alias Sukha Sena, ...............00026. 1048

bisa Sensieack I. saskt las waldent Licsiweniast «is 1066

Naileshmanai Sends iisstis cei. ss sede. ast te 1101

MathavealS emai itil... vaatddisvse. 0005. ed oalve 1121

Kesava Sena, ............ i Asses LL22

Lakhmaniya, sli As’ es Bix or Bs Sena, 1123

The last overthrown by Bhakhtiar in ...... 1203

This arrangement brings the age of Vira Sena, probably the first of

the family who settled in Bengal, to very near the time which I have

assigned to Adis’ tira in my paper on Mahendrapala,* and it would not be

too much to assume that Vira was the immediate successor of Adis’ tra.

There is, however, no monumental or any ancient authentic record to

prove the date of A‘dis’tra. The authorities quoted in my paper agree

in bringing him down to the time of Ballala, and must therefore be

rejected as false. The author of the Kdyastha Kaustubha places the

advent of the Kanauj Brahmans in Bengal in the year 380 Bengali or

892 A. D., which would place A’dis‘tra in the midst of the Palas and be

altogether inconsistent with the history of the five original Brahmans

and Kayashtas of Bengal. Pere Tieffenthaler’s authorities carry Adis’ tira

still further back, and place him twenty-two generations away from

Ballala. My date of Adis’ura is founded upon the genealogical tables of

the Kayasthas as now current in this country. Those tables give 27

generations from the time of Adis’ tira, and at 3 generations to a century

the time of that prince is carried to 964 of the Christian era. If there

be any error in the tables, it would no doubt falsify my deduction, but

as long as that error is not detected, that deduction will, I expect,

command more attention than the authorities I have quoted. But be

that as it may, as far as we are at present informed, it must be admitted

that the two princes lived at times very close to each other. It is said

_ by some that Adis’ tira was the father of Ballala ; while others maintain

that he was the progenitor of the Sena dynasty. The first statement

May at once be rejected as inconsistent with the inscriptions and the

* Ante Vol. XXX, p. 11.

140 On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. [No. 3,

Dénasdgara ; but the second may be true, and if so, Vira Sena may

well be taken to be the same with Adis’tira. The name Adis'fra does

not sort either with the Palas or with the Senas. The word s’wra

is a synonym of Véra a hero, and the ddi is indicative of the initial

position which Vira Sena occupies in the genealogy of the dynasty. It

is stated in the genealogical tables of the Kayasthas that when Ballala

established his system of Kula the original five Kayasthas of Ka-

nauj had multiplied to 56 families. Assuming that each generation

of the original Kayasthas had multiplied two-fold, five generations from

Adis’tra to Balléla would give eighty individuals, who may well repre-

sent the alleged number of families. Of the Brahmans the total number

of families that lived at the time of Ballila is not known. But it is

evident that it was not large, for we find that he included only ten

families in the ranks of his nobles, viz. two of the descendants of

Bhattanirayana, two of those of Daksha, one of those of 8’ri Harsha,

three of those of Chhandada, and two of those of Vedagarbha. They do

not suggest a longer period than would be covered by five generations,

It should be noted that the editor of the Venisanhira,* Muktarama

Vidydvagis’a, in his genealogical table of the Tagore family makes

Haléyudha minister of Lakshmana Sena, to be the 16th in descent

from Bhattanarayana; but inasmuch as his statement hhas been con-

tradicted by the author of the Khités a-vaisdvali-charitat who would

have him to be the third in descent from Bhattanarayaya, and both

have been contradicted by Haléyudha himself, who calls his father

Dhanafijaya, whereas the one makes him the son of Nipu and the

other that of Ramariipa, we may well reject his testimony as inad-

missible. It must, however, be admitted that the identity I suggest is

a mere conjecture, and I hope it will be taken as such and no more.

There is one more circumstance in connexion with the Senas to

which I wish to allude, before I conclude,—it is with reference

to their caste. The universal belief in Bengal is, that the Senas were

of the medical caste, and families of Vaidyas are not wanting in the

present day who trace their lineage from Ballala Sena. There is,

however, nothing authentic to justify this belief. It is well known

that a great many of the pedigrees given in Burke’s Landed Gen-

try are utterly worthless, and it is notorious that many families of

* Kd, Calcutta, 1855. {+ Pertche’s Hd. p. xvi.

ae = ‘ "ne

—

1865.] On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. 141

obseure origin have their veins filled with the blue blood of genera-

tions of kings by the opportune help of popular genealogists, and

we feel strongly tempted to believe that the pedigree of the so-

called Ballala’s descendants is no better. The Kulapamjikd of Kula-

charya Thakura describes Adis’tira as the “ sun of the Kshatriya race.”

(Kshatriya vansa haisa) ; the Bakerganj and the Rajshahi inscrip-

tions agree in calling the Senas, the descendants of the moon or

Kshatriyas of the lunar race (Somavansa) ; the latter describes SAmanta

Sena as “a garland for the head of the race of noble Kshatriyas’—

brahma kshatriydném kulos'iro ddma ; and their testimony cannot

be rejected in favour of modern tradition. Nor is it difficult to

account for the mistake which has given rise to that tradition. There

lived in former days in the North-West a race of Kshatriyas of the name

of Ambastha. The Vishnu Purdna alludes to them when enumerating

the several races of the North-West Provinces, (#31 <THTGYIATST: FT-

<faatzaeaat: ) and Panini quotes Ambastha as an example of the

same word meaning a Kshatriya race and a country where they live

(Pépini IV, 1,171.) The Mahabharata uses the word both as the

name of a race of Kshatriyas, and that of a Kshatriya king, and the

Medini, the Viswaprakas’a and the Sabdaratnakara explain it as the

name of a country.* It is very likely that the Senas belonged to this

section of the military class, and in Bengal, in later days, was confounded

with the Ambasthas of Manu who were a mixed tribe of Brahmans and

Vaisyas, and therefore taken to be of the medical caste. Such con-

founding of names and their meanings has been so common in India,

that one need not be at all surprised at finding the Senas degraded from

a military to a mixed caste, from a misapprehension of the meaning of

their name. Abul Fazel in the A’yin Akbary and Pere Tieffenthaler

make the Senasto belong to the Kdyastha caste, and this may beexplain-

ed by the fact that the Kayasthas in the North-West are even to this day

called by the name of Ambasthas. If this be not accepted, tradition shall

have to be opposed to authentic inscription. James Prinsep noticed in

the Bakerganj plate the title of S’ankara Gaudes'wara which, written as

the word s’ankara is with a palatal s, can only mean “ the excellent lord

of Gauda,” unless wRT ‘ excellent’’ be taken as a euphuism of sankara, a

mixed race. There is a temple at Kashmir known by the name of San-

* Goldstiicker’s Sanskrit Dictionary, voce Ambastha,

142 On the Sena Rajis of Bengal. [No. 3,

kara* Gaureswara, owing probably to its having been erected by order

of one of the Sena Rijas. The epigraph of the Ddnasdgara assigns to

Ballala Sena the title of fatwgrtg< which, according as the s of

Sankara is taken to be a palatal or a dental, means “ undoubtedly the

most excellent,” or ‘‘ undoubtedly of a mixed race.” It is very unlikely

that anybody would assume the latter for a distinctive title. This

is, however, a question of so little consequence to the antiquarian, that

I need not dwell upon it any longer.

P.S. As Mr. Metcalfe’s translation does not profess to be literal I have

not thought proper to alter it in any way, except in the cases of verses

4, 5 and 20, which are susceptible of very different interpretations,

one of which would make Vira Sena a king of Dekkan and his great

grandson the first who subjugated Bengal, and another take him to

be only a Southron by race, but a king of Bengal. (12th Sept. 1865.)

Transcript and Translation of an Inscription from Rdjashdhi—By

C. T. Mercatre, Ese., C. S.

ge aa: fara |

aaiqare Cagiaaazarta-

Al VSTSAITATTATT ANTS: |

fqranagtad aafacatta.

. Staraatta efaatta safer wait 1 eI

Victory be’ to the mouths of Shambhu (Shiva), who laughed on

looking through the light of the moon at the shame-contracted face

of Debi who, for fear of the removal of her breast-cloth, turned

aside her head, the garland of which drowned the light of the candle in

the hymeneal chamber.

agian sae faaaceasaaed

UQH ACMA SAAS AAAS |

aaifagaagaacaat afar aaa.

Saat nuaafsactafeatsncra: aa: | 2 |

We bow down before the idol of Harihara (Vishnu and Shiva),

known under the name of Pradyumneshwara, where the Debis, fearing

* Ante Vol. XVIL, Pt. II, p, 283.

1865.] On the Sena Rijds of Bengal. 143

lest they should no longer enjoy the embrace of their husbands, went

inside (the idol) ; and became an obstacle to the amalgamation of the

two deities.

[When Hari and Hara intended to amalgamate themselves into one

form, their wives, being afraid of not recognising their husbands,

became an obstacle to executing their purpose, and the deities instead

of being able to assume a new form, retained half of each. }

ua feiereaataccy WAAMA aca

ugtincagelufeae a aacstHar |

AdqenMas: frafreaeacaca-

eS TY AIMAycat cist Turatfufa: i 2

Victory be to the first king moon, who sits enthroned on the

matted hair (Jat) of Shiva, fanned by a chauri having drops

of Ganges water; the white expanded hood of the serpents which

adorn the head of Shiva, became the covering of his chatta

(umbrella), and the serpents, its handle.

[Here the moon is represented as a king, who has the matted hair

of Shiva for his throne, and the hood of the serpent’s for his umbrella. ]

am awiacelfaancanarefam efama-

ES ES ~ s SS

aii af caanafatuctaa: atfiagay a |

aatfcarafaaafcwagaa: ahead aater:

uiaman faasqugfcacimara yatat: 2 1

In his race, who enjoyed the companionship of the celestial

maidens, and the virtuous deeds of which race were celebrated in

honied verses by Vyasa for the satisfaction of the universe, were born

king Vira Sena and others, who were Dakhindtyas* and famous

everywhere.

afaa Garand vfaquenatareaaaanel

asaaamasifa qafmirea aaa: |

sqlacd atta: eaagefyasraraatay Sar:

RSA ayeae tC gIAaAS aA THAI iy |

* The word Ddkshinatya kshawnindra may mean “a king of the Southern

country” Dekkan, or ‘a king of the Southern race,” in the same way in which

paschdtya, Sdruswat, Drabidu, indicate races. R. M

144 On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. [No. 3,

In that Sena family was born Samanta Sena, the destroyer of hundreds

of the enemy’s champions. He was a worshipper of Brahma and a

garland for the head of the race of the noblest Kshetriyas ;. and verses

celebrating his heroic deeds were sung by the celestial maidens on the

border of the dam cooled by the agitated waves of the ocean, in a manner

which might even excite the envy of Rama, the son of Dasharatha.

afaa agiaae wie ustuRatey-

ea tq aMatsyam: Gatfaa: ufwat |

Siyataragqacaefatgegrast

qarysacifearafeaceard aca | Cl

He did in the field of battle play with his hands his serpent-like

swords, where the noise of his battle-drums depressed the spirit of his

enemies, and the pearls which fell from the globe over the head of his

enemies’ elephants, unseamed by his sword, are still to be found scat-

tered in the shape of heavy kouries.

wegrquiaag aafa wad WaaT-

eata “aaa wafa ured ute |

futthifcafetsancte tafe.

aeyaafegeelacavwSsay FW: || |

His fame mounting the backs of his enemies’ wives, did travel

from house to house, from city to city, from forest to forest, from

mountain to mountain, and from ocean to ocean.

SeuaaaAfegrataayiesait-

SUA ALAAATATMETTAFANE |

qelequfaeasraataae gaat

emanate a fer efaat Gaara | <1

He didextirpate the enemies who plundered the riches of the Carnatic, —

and the marrow, flesh and bones, (of the dead bodies of his enemies’

troops) to be found in abundance there, has caused Yama not to leave :

the southern quarters up to the present time, becoming himself glad

an inhabitant of the place.

[Yama is lord of the Pretas, a kind of evil spirits or demons, who

live upon human flesh and blood. ]

1865. ] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. 145

sqiardyaintrsc fan fers aae-

waacifa wcvacufefaaraqurcaaitea |

audaa 88 aafe vsnararefamacts:

qHagita agufsanfaccaqarsarta |i é |

In his old age he settled himself in the sacred groves of the hilly

forests situated on the bank of the Ganges, where the smoke of the

incense offerings reached to the skies, and young deer sucked the

milk of the wives of the moonies (saints); where parrots have got by

rote the Vedas; and where the slopes of the mountains are filled up by

the saints who resort there on approach of death.

BaALauc a aA AH AleEqI-

fanyaacamerfaarcg aie: |

saacaqalsitgafataaaa-

qutaqeateat Sasa Tas: | ye |

From this king, in his manhood, when he had not devoted himself to

the contemplation of God, was born Hemanta Sena, who was famous

for killing his enemies proud of- their strength, and who did acquire

from his birth all the pure and virtuous qualities possessed by his

ancestors.

qeaegystafwacacs: aaara Awefaat

Ute Bacar: ueyfayaa inca at fang:

aw wy aa waafaates tayen fa SIRT

IsE ATCaaMAAITIAYS ZATF ATTA | WV

He did bear on his head the dust of Shiva’s feet, had truth on his

throat (7. e. spoke truth), had the Vedas in his ear, (¢. e. heard the

Vedas,) had the hairs of his enemies under his feet, (7. e. received ho-

mage from his enemies), and had the scars of bow-strings on his arms.

Such were his ornaments, while the pearl flowers, ear-rings and golden

bracelets formed the ornaments of his dancing girls.

[This sloke is so full of participles that it is difficult to translate it

clearly. ]

aeafafaaraasatafs: wafeharcai

Acai cudisuaauifer ayfasara |

146 On the Sena Rajds of Bengal, [No. 3,

aanlacarfattaanacianacasifesad

aa wfia qufesfaua: aragarentad 1 ee |

The breasts of the heroes, who on account of their fall in bat-

tle with him, being pierced by his spears, which were spiritedly

played by his arms, assumed celestial forms, and were embraced

by the celestial maidens, whose breasts were reddened by good-

smelling red powders, were looked with terror by the Shiddhas, a spe-

cies of celestial inhabitants, (for, on account of their breasts being

reddened by their embracing the celestial maidens, the Shiddhas were

reminded of the time when they fell in battle, their breasts being then

besmeared with blood, pierced by his spear).

[It is represented in Hindu mythology, that heroes, after their

fall in battle, assume celestial forms and ascend to heaven. ]

yvafiqaatraafa ye Wc ag fauat

Cawazes HWATAyEa STALE |

WAC Hf TYAATAIT: SA: FATS BUT-

THI CILAUASIE FEIT Gee Tara | 22 |

Hisarms and his swords could both assume diverse aspects, the one in

acts of benevolence, and the other when killing his foes, both were ingen-

iously employed. One intended destruction to his enemies, and the other _

blessing to his friends; one adorned his friends with garlands, and the

other his enemies with wounds.

aes ae eutfafasra:qeey-

fricasaifacmacfumesemt |

fafa: ard areal aafaaataaiaqaa at

aniea aa faqaaaraafacaa ee |

His queen was of the name of Yasho Debia, who possessed a

delightful figure, was a treasure to her husband, was famous for per-

forming ceremonial rites, and the path of her feet was adorned by the

rays of the pearls stuck on the crest of the diadem,of her friends and

enemies’ Wives.

aafenudactra wastes Saree.

wcfaaniaatsqagacafana: |

1865.] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. 147

GO RICCRICR OCI Cicect Tal

fafucaaeraa fasataceitafa: i ey

From this king of the world and the queen, was born Vijaya Sena,

the emperor of the earth, who diverted his youthful days by destroying

the strength of his enemies, and extended his conquests to the end of the

four oceans* which girdle the world like bracelets.

Wag WUT: Fl Hadtaraaa

ufafcacaatat & faat at war at |

rq safa faa wu ana Wad:

Teg xfa BuiTt Rat Caw: I r<ea

Who can count the number of kings daily killed or conquered by

him? The moon, being his first progenitor could only retain the title

_ of Raja before him in this world.

[That is, he defeated or destroyed all the Rajas of this earth, and

acquired its possession. |

agian eeaataat sentesigaai

fa tam qara WW IWHATUAT Ulett |

Bat: ey waradfaayatarae aarti

aMAartsad frases aMaRALIIA WIA || Lo |

As he, being armed only with a sword and with no other assistance,

obtained the undisputed dominion of the earth girdled by the seven

" oceans,.can we compare him to Rama, the leader of innumerable monkey

forces? or to Partha (Arjuna) the generalissimo of the Pandava forces ?

[In conquering the earth, Rama and Partha had advantages of large

“armies, while he had none.

_ Partha the third son of Pandu was a famous warrior. In the war

ofthe Kurus and Pandavas, he was the general of the Pandavas, His

heroic deeds are celebrated in the Mahabharat.

~ “ Monkey forces.” . This mention of monkey forces, appears to me

to agree curiously with the scenes in Homer I1. iii. 6. When speaking

of India, he writes—

Avopact Uvypatowcr povov Kat Knpa pepovorat

and he goes on to say. (I forget the remaining lines,) that the king of

India kept an army of 3000 of them as guards. |

* Ceylon doubtless.

148 On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. [No. 3,

uaaa qia a: ufcad Gut fears

afaswucs tata esas ace Ta |

Re et aS ~ > ~~

ead qua: aa wetauetar sata fear

sugraqaaae @ fCaseea feat: TAT I eet

Of the (three) qualities of the Deity, which manifest themselves

singly, without discrimination, one destroys the universe, the other

preserves, and the third creates it. But this king resembled the

Deity, on account of his having these eminent qualities, and employing

them with discretion, for he destroyed his enemies, preserved the

virtuous, and made his subjects happy by destroying their foes.

ew feaua: ofa fafaworaattacigaat

Areas teahersfacaat WAT WTAT: |

Fa Ud RIAA Jaa HiT faster ay

asrazanauifef wat wy feat aafa: | te 4

He assigned heaven for the residence of his opponent kings, and took

upon himself the dominion of the earth; his sword decked with heroes’

blood, fulfilled this contract. Had it been otherwise, then why did the

descendants of his enemies, fly from the field of battle, where he chal-

lenged them with his sword?

thee *? STR bees

@ araqdietasatfa fac: adtat

FAIA AATSCAACETA: |

WIS HRAR ACU IMAA AKI-

au atagata aacat fara | ze |

“Thou hast no hero to conquer” said the bards. On hearing it,

through a misconception (the words being susceptible of the meaning —

“thou hast conquered no hero,’’?) a deep anger rose and assailed the

king of Gauda who overcame the king of Kamrupa, and forthwith con-

quered him of Kalinga.*

* The latter part of the s‘loka may mean that the king (not the anger)

assailed the king of Gour, subjugated the king of Kamrupa and quickly conquered

him of Kalinga ; or, he assailed the king of Gour who had subjugated the king of

Kamarupa, and quickly conquered him of Kalinga ; or he quickly conquered the

king of Kalinga who hail overcome the king of Kamarupa without the interven:

tion of the king of Gour, R. M, e.

1865.] On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. 149

wiag rae aa fafas © crag Wea

aei wea qy ate facar arate <u

raaqiaaeaniafat: ares WMT

aanltiaeataataataar faxraateaa: | RQ |

O Righava, O Aswineya, O Vardhana, do you boast, calling yourself

a hero? away with your boasting, stop your pride. The cries that arose

day and night among the captive kings prevented the -guards of the

prison-house from sleeping (at any time).

Walaa ay ara

wats eAyarata atfrata |

aig afvaficafa way.

sufeada afefoeaat wari | 22 |

The fleet which he equipped for conquering the western countries,

went up the stream of the Ganges, and one of the ships became stuck

in the ashes which are on the forehead of Shiva, and which have been

- changed into mud by constant mixture with the water of the Ganges,

and being left there, shines as the moon.

[The Hindu Shasters affirm that the Ganges proceeds from the

Jaté (matted hair of Shiva), and hence this sloka means, that this

king having resolved to conquer up to the source of this river, one

of his ships going up the stream became stuck on the forehead of

Shiva, where it shines like the moon. ]

qa! RUA AMCHATAG WAVALAT-

qa eae ca ufcafafuge: gtataciieatara |

Rywageai faafsaqaa: ara ataxia:

feed aa saiciasfanasni afae: Srfaararaieey

Through his favour the wives of the rich Brahmins learned to make

diamonds from cotton seeds, black diamonds from grass leaves, silver

from the flower of long gourds, pearls from brittle cavities of pome-

-granates, and gold from flowers of gourd-creepers and euphorbia.

sarateaifaayaay-

Wala AMIGA: |

150 On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. [No. 3,

aaraurazg faaqutt-

AUITHATS HIS TD UTA: || RB |}

Though on account of this age, the praise of his virtue is one-legged,

yet, through his power, it has travelled over the world, holding the

sacrificial posts continuously erected by him (on the earth).

[The import of the sloka is, that he was constantly engaged in per-

forming sacrifices, on which occasion posts are erected on the spot

where the ceremony is performed.

Among the Hindus, there are four ages; Satya Yuga is the age of

purity, Treta, Dwapara and Kali. In the first, virtue is supposed to be

four-legged, in the second, three-legged, in the third two-legged, and in

the last one-legged ; thereby showing that the worldis gradually becom-

ing sinful. This is Kali Yuga, and is said to have commenced from

the latter part of the reign of Yudhisthir, king of Hastinapura, the

modern Delhi. ]

HLareagfeay ss eey ISAT

wae qeaifaataaa a @My aay Fy |

SUF: quatanes faaanas Rad

Wah aq vq wa aay fase: Rw tk

Having invited the gods from Meru, which was infested by enemies,

this sacrificer made the inhabitants of the heaven and earth to change

their places ; and by digging deep ponds* and erecting lofty temples, —

he made the heaven and the earth to resemble each other.

[It is supposed that the peaks of Meru are inhabited by the gods. —

When any sacrifice is performed, they are suffered to come down to the

earth to partake of the offerings. ] 4

feAMIBIQIUEe aaa TAA

BAT: VTA yaafafatatiageaae WIL TA |

gaya faysrnaneaite fartiat

ayuda acy” afua agadiaras: Saaz |i ee tl

* The Burrin or high land of Rajashahi is covered with the most enormous

tanks that astonish every body. I do not know of ever hearing of any other dis-

trict with the same number of tanks as this. It is no exaggeration to Say,

that there is a tank measuring 200 to 500 yards in the north of this district, and

some most extensive and beautiful,

1865.] On the Sena Rajds of Bengal. 151

This king of the earth erected a templé to Pradyumneshwar, which

was girdled by the oceans and contained inside the whole ethereal

firmament. It extended to all directions in space, and vied in lofti-

ness with Meru, round which the sun, moon and the stars move. It

became the mid-day mountain of the sun who rises and sets in the

eastern and western mountains.

matea satan efeataeat fewest aur

aarata aafe cfaafen: Fraraareat ata: |

wageraiaaeg far fase asat

arasefa aura aw uedt Saw mfeza | Ro |

O sun! in vain have you obliged Agastya to remain in the southern

quarter ; look, this lofty temple has obstructed the passage of your

horses.* Let Agastya go in any direction he likes, and let Vindya

increase its heights as much as it can, but it shall never be able to

attain the loftiness of this temple.

[According to the Purans, the sun is represented as moving round

Sumeru, a mountain supposed to be situated in the middle of the

earth. This particular honour paid to it, excited the jealousy of Vin-

dhya, another mountain, (the mountains are supposed to possess animal

life), and he worshipped Shiva and obtained the power of increasing his

body as high as he wished. Vindhya did so, and obstructed the passage

of the sun which doomed the half of the earth to darkness. The gods,

having perceived this, were alarmed and prevailed upon Agastya, a

moonie and spiritual guide of Vindhya, to leave Kashi (Benares) and

to prevent his increase. Agastya acceded to their wishes, and went to

Vindhya who, seeing his guru, prostrated himself on the ground.

Agastya, thereupon in order to serve the purposes of the gods, ordered

him to remain in that posture till his return from the southern quarters,

_ where he is supposed still to reside. ]

eu ate wofa ufaaa, qauefawlaaa arta: |

aces: Biquataatea waqaey acfuaw® | R< |

If Brahma, making the earth as a potter’s wheel builds a pot, taking

-asmuch mud as the Sumeru is in weight, then that pot can bear

resemblance to the golden one placed by this king on the summit of

this temple.

* The mythological story of Phoebus and his horses,

“

152 On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. [No. 3,

fainafanfantageaecage

wcifacuageretcaatfege Ta: |

BS RCIGE qvafem: SATAAUIAIFAL

WAUVATTICHIAPTTTAOA PE |} RE |

Before the temple of Shiva, he dug a pond in which reflected the

rays of the pearls stuck in the diadem of the crest of the female ser-

pent and to which the black bees are attracted by the sweet scent of

the musks applied to the breasts of the maidens who go to bathe there.

[The snakes are supposed to reside in Patal, a region below this

earth. He dug his pond to such a depth, to cause the rays of the dia-

monds over the heads of the female snakes to pierce, through its

waters. ]

sheatfe feaaca THATS HA aifaat

tasgtatateattiacay eat QT Wa Waa! |

Fear yet: waged any araraat

sat ayaaefeanca qa fe Garqa: | se |

This descendant of the Sena family did wisely provide for the poor,

inasmuch as he clothed Digambar (naked) with coloured dresses,

adorned his body with golden ornaments, erected a palace for him, as

he used to live in Shashana (a place where dead bodies are burnt,) and

made him rich, as he maintained himself by begging.

[In the Hindu mythology, Shiva is represented as naked, living in

Shashana, and maintaining himself by begging. He is ornamented,

with serpents. ]

feamitaaen ecafatafeagaeaicis:

HURA cuBaAclafaaagaisgcaraars: |

qaeay aa vsalasar Waa: ATA AT

aug, 7 fafa eafsacaa: AAtTITIAAT || 32 |

This king dressed Shiva at his own choice in the shape of Kalpa

Ka4palika, replacing his (Shiva’s) tiger’s hide by coloured silken clothes,

his serpents by bulky garlands pendent over his breasts, his ashes by

sandal wood powders, his rosary by blue pearls, and his human bones

by gems.

1865.] On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. 153

[A Kalpais a period of 4,320,000,000 of years (constituting a day and

night of Brahma), after which period the universe is supposed to be

destroyed by Shiva, who assumes on the occasion the form of Kapalika,

having a tiger's hide for his dress, serpents round his neck, ashes over

his body, and a rosary of human bones in his hand.

The carpenter in Marryat’s “ Midshipman Hasy’’ was evidently ac-

quainted with the Kalpa theory. ]

ate atafucfediaaaawe ufesias

qataa a atte feafy qa aafeag |

fama feng seaaceiae arta: uz

@ aqsqaaraufsacmaa qaerafa | 82 |

He acquired by his arms the government of the world, and gained

what was good for him in earth by his own powers. He has nothing

to ask for in this world ; but, O Shiva, who hast the half-moon on thy

erest, bless him and give him in the end final absorption into yourself.

geiday ufcaafed aa: WIA

Waal ale UCIMLAAT AT

aelfiqcacfasfanreaa

ara: ufaafaqaa gd a: yaa: || 82 ||

It is Valmika and Vyasa who are able awhile to do justice to his

life ; we have tried this only to purify our words by emerging in the

holy river of his fame.

[Valmika, a saint, is the author of the Ramayana, a famous and

beautiful historical poem, containing a life of Rama.

- I believe Rama to be Bacchus, or rather Bacchus to be Rama. I

have no authority for this idea beyond a curious similarity between the

fables of this country and the fables as told by the Greeks.

Rama conquered the Continent of India,

and

nunc quoque qui puer es, quantus tum, Bacche, fuiste

Cum timuit thyrsos India victa tuos !

Victa racemifero lyneas dedit India Baccho.

Ovid. Art. Amorum 2. 189, 190. Metam. xv. 413.]

154 On the Sena Rdjds of Bengal. [No. 3,

aaseaeafaycadtyys: | qata

masta aaafa aaraaat WaT: |

masa aaafa waistaara fast

alaaei Cwag TA aneare alfa: | Be |

As long as the Ganges will purify the heaven, the earth, and the

Patdla, (a region under the earth, Purgatory), as long as the moon will

become an ornament of Shiva, and as long as the three Vedas (Rig,

Yajus and Shama) impart true knowledge to the virtuous, so long may

his fame, becoming their friends, do similar duties which are done by

them !

faftimtaqaautaarfratat.

anfysaeqaasasate: |

Tal Ha: UcueTqufamicyaE-

qeeafauce afa: safe: | 24 II

This garland of praises, consisting of the gems of the pure Sena family

kings, has been constructed by Oomapatidhar, a poet, whose under-

standing has been refined by study of words and their meanings, (7. e.

by the study of literature).

UMAR AACAAT

Seua: aafcai safe

wala aaaatatearet-

BeaMciaT ZautfM: | es |

This praise has been inscribed (dug) by humble Shulapani, the

head of the Barendra artists, son of Brihaspati, grandson of Manadasa

and great-grandson of Dharma.

2 y

}

Son |

Jowrned As. Soc. Bengal Val: XRXiV. Part T

SIRI | OV

or ia Ve

we KOSHAK-SHIKAR

Wes Lrae AIG

: = =

\ aN es IN ys

\ > S22 PURANA-KIL

INDRA- PRASTHA

wis)

3 Ay

Sy nino

ADILABAD J

6 Miles

x £

Lithog: at the Surv: Generals office, Caleutta, Aw

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey, 155

Report of the Proceedings of the Archeological Surveyor to the Govern-

ment of India for the Season of 1862-63.—By Major-General

A. Cunnineuam, Archeological Surveyor to the Govt. of India,

[Received 3rd Feb., 1865. ] [Read 1st March, 1865. |

(Continued from Vol. XXXITI. page Ixxxvii.)

IL—MATHURA,

159. In the Brahmanical city of Mathura, in A. D. 634, the

temples of the gods were reckoned by Hwen Thsang at five only,

while the Buddhist monasteries amounted to 20, with 2,000 resident

monks. The number of Stwpas and other Buddhist monuments was

also very great, there being no less than seven towers, containing

relics of the principal disciples of Buddha. The king and his minis-

ters were zealous Buddhists, and the three great fasts of the year

were celebrated with much pomp and ceremony, at which times the

people flocked eagerly to make their offerings to the holy Stupas

containing the relics of Buddha’s disciples. Each of them, says

_ Hwen Thsang, paid a special visit to the statue of the Bodhisatwa

whom he regarded as the founder of his own school. Thus the follow-

ers of the Abhidharma, or transcendental doctrines, made their offerings

to Sdriputra ; they who practised Samddhi or meditation, to Mudga-

laputra ; the followers of the Sautrdntikas, or aphorisms, to Purva

Maitreyani Putra ; they who adhered to the Vinaya or discipline, to

Upali ; the Bhikshuni or Nuns, to Ananta ; the Anwpdsampannas, or

novices, to Rahula (the son of Buddha) ; and they who studied the

“ Greater means of advancement,” to the great Bodhisatwa Manju

Sri or Avalokiteswara, who plays such a conspicuous part in later

Buddhism. But notwithstanding this apparently flourishing condition

of Buddhism, it is certain that the zeal of the people of Mathura

must have lessened considerably since A. D. 400, when Fa Hian

reckoned the body of monks in the 20 monasteries to be 3,000, or

_ just one-half more than their number at the time of Hwen Thsang’s

- visit in A. D. 634.

160. Fa Hian and his companions halted at Mathura for a whole

month, during which time “the clergy held a great assembly and

discoursed upon the law.” After the meeting they proceeded to the

Stupa of Sdriputra, to which they made an offering of all sorts of

156 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

perfumes, and before which they kept lamps burning the whole night.

Hwen Thsang describes these processions as carrying flying streamers

and stately parasols, while the mists of perfumes and the showers of

flowers darkened the sun and moon! I can easily realize the pomp and

glittering show of these ceremonies from the similar scenes which

I have witnessed in Barma. I have seen streamers from 100 to 200

feet in length carried in processions, and afterwards suspended from

pillars or holy trees. I have beheld hundreds of gorgeous parasols of

gold and silver brocade flashing in the sun; and I have witnessed the

burning of thousands of candles day after day before the great Stupa

of Shwe-Dagon at Rangoon, which is devoutly believed to contain

eight hairs of Buddha. Before this sacred tower, I have seen flowers

and fruits offered by thousands of people, until they formed large

heaps around it, while thousands of votaries still came thronging in

with their offerings of candles, and gold leaf, and little flags, with

plantains and rice, and flowers of all kinds.

161. From these accounts of the Chinese pilgrims it would appear

that the Buddhist establishments at Mathura must have been of consi-

derable importance, and this conclusion is fully borne out by the

number and interest of the recent discoveries. Contrary to his usual

practice, Hwen Thsang has unfortunately given us but few details

regarding the monasteries and temples of Mathura. This is the more

to be regretted, as we now know that one of the monasteries was

established by the great Indo-Scythian King Huvishka, about the

beginning of the Christian era, and that one of the stone statues,

judging by the size of its hand, could not have been less than 20 feet

in height.

162. The first place described by Hwen Thsang is a monastery

situated on a mound, at 5 or 6 li, or about one mile, to the east of the

city. Cells were formed in the sides of the mound, which was ap-

proached through a hollow, and in the midst was a Stupa containing

the nails of Buddha. This monastery is said to have been built by

the holy Upagupta, who, as we learn from one of the legends of Patale

Putra, was a contemporary of Asoka. The nails and beard of the

holy man were still preserved. :

163. On another mound to the north of this monastery, there was

a cave containing a stone chamber, 20 feet high and 30 feet long,

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 157

which was full of bamboo spikes only four inches in length. These

spikes represented the number of husbands and their wives who had

been converted by Upagupta.

164. At 24 or 25 li, or just four miles to the south-east of the

stone chamber, there was a large dry tank, with a Stwpa on its bank,

which marked the spot where Buddha was said to have taken exercise.

On this spot also, according to the local legends, a monkey had offered

honey to Buddha, which the teacher graciously accepted and directed

that it should be mixed with water and given to the monks. The

glad monkey made a wild bound, and fell into the tank and died ; but

owing to the powerful influence of his good act, he became a man in

his next birth.

165. In a forest at a short distance to the north of the tank there

was another holy spot, where the four previous Buddhas were said

to have taken exercise ; and all around it there were numerous Stupas,

which marked the places where no less than 1,250 arhats, or holy

men, including Sériputra, Mudgalaputra, and others, used to sit in

meditation. But besides these, there were several other Stwpas on

the spots where Buddha at different times had explained the law.

166. The two principal sites described by Hwen Thsang can, I

think, be fixed with tolerable certainty ; namely, that of the famous:

Upagupta monastery, and that of the monkey’s offering. The first

is said to be at 5 or 6 l’, or just one mile, to the east of the city ; but

as an eastern direction would take us to the low ground, on the oppo-

site bank of the Jumna, where no ruins now exist, I feel quite satistied

that we should read west instead of east. This change is rendered

almost certain by the discovery of numerous Buddhist remains inside

the great square of the Katra, which is just one mile to the westward

_ of the old fort of Mathura, But it is rendered quite certain by the

more recent discovery of very important Buddhist remains and old

inscriptions in a mound beside a tank which is situated just three miles

to the south-east of the Katra mound. This tank mound I take to

be the place where Buddha was said to have taken exercise, and where

the monkey made his offering of honey. The direction is precisely

the same, and the distance agrees also as well as can be made out from

Hwen Thsang’s statements. He gives the distance as four miles from

the stone chamber, which was at some unstated, but certainly. short,

158 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

distance to the north of the Upagupta monastery. The nearest

mounds are about half a mile to the north of the Katra, which will

make the whole distance 33 miles, if measured in a direct line by

the British road, which passes outside the city, but which will be fully

four miles if measured by the old road, which goes through the city.

Had the Chinese pilgrim given us the name of the monastery built

by Upagupta, we might perhaps have obtained some absolute proof of

its identity with the site of the Kalra ; but I believe that the very

strong reasons which I have just before given are amply sufficient to

fix the site of the Upagupta monastery at the present Katra.

167. There are a great number of lofty earthen mounds around

Mathura which are covered with fragments of stone and brick. No-

thing, however, is known about them, although every one of them has

a separate name. The numerous fragments of stone which are found

upon them show that they are not old brick-kilns, as might have been

supposed from their vicinity to the city. Apparently, they are natural

mounds such as are found everywhere along the lower course of the

Jumna, and which have usually been taken advantage of for the sites

of forts or temples. Thus the old fort of Mathura is perched upon

a similar mound, and so also is the Jama Masjid in the middle of the

Katra Square. Most of the names of these mounds refer to the Brah-

manical divinities; but there are two of them, such as the Anand

Tila and the Vinayak Tila, that are unmistakably Buddhist, and

which may possibly refer to the two Stupas of Ananda and Updli

(the Vinayaka, or teacher of Vinaya) as described by Hwen Thsang,

Both of these mounds are to the north of the city. To the south

there are seven mounds known as the Sat Tila, which are severally

named as follows :—1, Dhi-ka-Tila ; 2, Sapt Rishi ; 3, Bal, or But,

Tila ; 4, Narad ; 5, Kans ; 6, Kal-jug ; 7, Ndgshesha. Now, it is

remarkable that the number of great Stwpas of the disciples of Buddha

was also seven; but unfortunately as nothing is recorded regarding

their relative positions, we are left entirely to conjecture whether these

seven mounds may possibly represent the seven famous Stwpas of Bud-

dha’s principal disciples. I think that it would be worth while to

make some excavations in all of these seven mounds to the south, as

well asin the two northern mounds which still bear Buddhistical

names.

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 159

168. The Katra mound has been successively occupied by Bud-

dhists, Brahmans, and Musalmans. The Kaira, or market-place, is

an oblong enclosure like a Sard, 804 feet in length by 653 feet in

breadth. In the midst of this square stands the Jama Masjid, on

a large mound from 25 to 30 feet in height. The mosque is 172 feet

long and 66 feet broad, with a raised terrace in front of the same

length, but with a breadth of 86 feet, the whole being 30 feet in

height above the ground. About 5 feet lower, there is another terrace

286 feet in length by 268 feet in breadth, on the eastern edge of

which stands the mosque. There is no inscription on the building,

but the people ascribe it to Aurungzib, who is said to have pulled

down the great Hindu temple of Kesava Deva, or Keso Ray, that

formerly stood on this high mound, a most noble position, which com-

mands a fine view of the whole city. Curiously enough, I have been

able to verify this charge against Aurungzib by means of some inscrip-

tions on the pavement slabs which were recorded by Hindu pilgrims

to the shrine of Kesava Ray. In relaying the pavement, the Muham-

madan architect was obliged to cut many of the slabs to make them

fit into their new places. This is proved by several of the slabs bear-

ing incomplete portions of Nagari inscriptions of a late date. One

slab has ‘ bat 1718, Phdlgun,” the initial Sam of Sambat having been

eut off. Another slab has the name of Keso Ray, the rest being

wanting ; while a third bears the late date of S. 1720. These dates

are equivalent to A. D. 1656 and 1663 ; and as the latter is five years

subsequent to the accession of Aurungzib, it is certain that the Hindu

temple was still standing at the beginning of his reign.

169. The greater part of the foundations of the Hindu temple of

Kesava Ray may still be traced at the back of the Masjid. Indeed

the back wall of the mosque itself is actually built upon the plinth

of the temple, one of the cyma reversa mouldings being filled up with

brick and mortar. I traced the walls for a distance of 163 feet to the

westward, but apparently this was not the whole length of the temple,

as the mouldings of the Hindu plinth at the back of the Masjid are

those of an exterior wall. I think it probable that the temple must

have extended at least as far as the front of the mosque, which would

give a total length of 250 feet, with an extreme breadth of nearly 72

feet, the floor of the building being no less than 25 feet above the

160 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

ground. Judging from these dimensions, the temple of Kesava Deva

must have been one of the largest in India. I was unable to obtain

any information as to the probable date of this magnificent fane. It

is usually called Keso Ray, and attributed to Raja Jaga Deva, but

some say that the enshrined image was that of Jaga Deva, and that

the builder’s name was Ray or Raja Kesava Deva. It is possible that

it may have been one of the “innumerable temples” described by

Mahmud in his letter to the Governor of Ghazni, written in A. D.

1017, as we know that the conqueror spared the temples either through

admiration of their beauty, or on account of the difficulty of destroy-

ing them. Mahmud remained at Mathura only 20 days, but during

that time the city was pillaged and burned, and the temples were rifled

of their statues. Amongst these there were “ five golden idols whose

eyes were of rubies, valued at 50,000 dinars,” or £25,000. A sixth

golden image weighed 98,300 mishkals, or 1,120 tbs., and was decor-

ated with a sapphire weighing 300 mishkals, or 33tbs. But “ besides

these images, there were above one hundred idols of silver, which

loaded as many camels.’ Altogether the value of the idols carried of

by Mahmud cannot have been less than three millions of Rupees, or

£300,000.

170. The date of Mahmud’s invasion was A. D. 1017, or some-

what less than 400 years after the visit of the Chinese pilgrim Hwen

Thsang, who in A. D. 634 found only five Brahmanical temples in

Mathura. It is during these four centuries, therefore, that we must

place, not only the decline and fall of Buddhism, but its total dis-

appearance from this great city, in which it once possessed twenty

large monasteries, besides many splendid monuments of its most famous

teachers. Of the circumstances which attended the downfall of Bud-

dhism we know almost nothing; but as in the present case we find

the remains of a magnificent Brahmanical temple occupying the very

site of what must once have been a large Buddhist establishment, we

may infer with tolerable certainty that the votaries of Sakya Muni

were expelled by force, and that their buildings were overthrown to

furnish materials for those of their Brahmanical rivals; and now these

in their turn have been thrown down by the Musalmans.

171. I made the first discovery of Buddhist remains at the temple

of Kesava Ray in January 1853, when, after a long search, I found

1865. ] Report of the Archeological Survey. 161

a broken pillar of a Buddhist railing sculptured with the figure of

Méydé Devi standing under the Sé/ tree. At the same time I found

the capitals of two large round pillars of an early date, which are most

probably Buddhist, along with a fragment of an inscription of the

Gupta dynasty, containing the well known genealogy from Gupta, the

founder, down to Samudra Gupta, where the stone is broken off.

During the present year I have discovered the peculiarly curved archi-

trave of a Buddhist gateway, which is richly sculptured on both sides

with buildings, figures, and trees, including a representation of a gate-

way itself. I found also a very perfect standing figure of Buddha,

the Teacher, which had lately been discovered in clearing out a well

at the north-west corner of the temple. The figure is 3% feet high,

with the left hand grasping the drapery, and the right hand raised in

the act of teaching. On the pedestal there is a dated inscription, in

two lines, in characters of an early period. The date is given in

figures and is uncertain, but the remainder of the inscription, which

is in perfect order, is easily legible. It records the gift of a statue of

Sakya Bhikshu to the Yasa Vihdra, or “ splendid monastery,” which

I take to have been the name of the Buddhist establishment that once

existed on this spot. I think also that there are good grounds for

believing that this was the famous monastery which was founded by

the holy Upagupta during the reign of Asoka.

172. In the same well there were found five other pieces of Bud-

dhist sculpture, of which the only specimens worth mentioning are

a colossal arm and hand, and a small figure of Buddha, the Ascetic,

4 with an imperfect inscription on its pedestal in characters of the Gupta

_ dynasty. All these discoveries are sufficient to show that the mound

of Kesava Ray must have been the site of a Buddhist establishment

of much wealth and of considerable size. The inscribed statue proves

—

_ that here stood the Yasa monastery, and the gateway architrave shows

that there must also have been a Stwpa surrounded with the stone

_ railing which is peculiar to Buddhist architecture, and which on that

account I have ventured to call the Buddhist railing. The site is

a most promising one for a discovery, and as the Masjid has long been

disused, owing to many dangerous cracks in both roof and walls,

T believe that there would not be any objection whatever to a complete

exploration of the mound.

162 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

173. The most extensive discoveries at Mathura have been made

in a mound close to the Jail, which, according to the inscriptions,

would appear to have been the site of at least two different monas-

teries, named the Huvishka Vihdra and the Kundokhara Vihdra.

The first of these names I deciphered in 1860 from a cireular inscrip-

tion round the base of a column, and the second name I found early

in the present year, 1863, on a large flat slab of stone which had

apparently been used as a seat.

174. In my notice of the first discovery, which was published in

the Asiatic Society’s Journal for 1860, I identified this Huvishka with

his namesake of the Wardak inscription, and with the Hushka of the

Raja Tarangini; and this identification has since been adopted by all

who have made any reference to either of these records. The ques-

tion is one of considerable importance, as it enables us to fix the date

of the building of the monastery in the latter half of the century

immediately preceding the Christian era, at which period the three

Indo-Seythian princes, Hushka and his brothers, Kanishka and Jushka,

ruled over Kabul, Kashmir, and the Punjab. The bases of about 30

pillars belonging to this monastery have now been discovered, of which

no less than 15 are inscribed with the names of the donors who pre-

sented the columns to the monastery. But as one of these gifts

consisted of six pillars, a second of 25, and a third of 26 pillars, there

still remain 40 columns to be discovered, which will bring up the total

number to 70. The diameter of the circular shafts of these pillars

varies from 17 to 18 inches, and the side of the square base from 233

to 24 inches. They are all very coarsely worked, the rough marks of

the chisel never having been smoothed away.

175. The name of the second monastery, Kwndokhara, refers, I

believe, to the tank which lies immediately to the westward of the

mound. At most of the old Buddhist sites I have found tanks named

in a similar manner, as the Buddhokhar at Buddha Gaya, the Panso-

khar at Nalanda, the Narokhar and Chandokhar at Sarnath, Benares, —

the Buddhokhar at Punawa, and the Chandokhar at Dharawat. All

of these I believe to be formed of Pushkhara, or Pokhar, the well

known term for a tank, added to the name of Buddha, or to that of

the person at whose expense it was excavated.

176. The discoveries already made in the Jail mound, amongst

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 163

the ruins of the Huvishka and Kundokhara monasteries, have been

very interesting on account of their variety, as they comprise statues

of all sizes, bas-reliefs, pillars, Buddhist railings, votive Stwpas, stone

umbrellas, and many other objects peculiar to Buddhism, of a date as

early as the first century of the Christian era. Amongst the broken

statues there is the left hand of a colossal figure of Buddha, the

Teacher, which measures exactly one foot across the palm. The

statue itself, therefore, could pot have been less than from 20 to 24

feet in height, and with its pedestal, halo, and umbrella canopy it

must have been fully 30 feet in height. Stone statues of this great

size are so extremely difficult to move, that they can be very rarely

made. It is true that some of the Jain statues of Gwalior are larger,

such as the standing colossus in the Urwdhi of the fort, which is 57

feet high, with a foot 9 feet in length, and the great seated figure on

the east side of the fort, which is 29 feet high, with a hand 7 feet in

length. But these figures are hewn out of the solid rock, to which

they are still attached at the back. There are larger statues also in

Barma, but they are built up on the spot of brick and mortar, and

cannot be moved. I look forward, therefore, with great interest to the

_ discovery of other portions of the Mathura Colossus, and more especi-

ally to that of the pedestal, on which we may expect to find the name

of the donor of this costly and difficult work.

177. Most of the statues hitherto discovered at Mathura have been

those of Buddha, the Teacher, who is represented either sitting or

standing, and with one or both hands raised in the attitude of enforcing

his argument. The prevailing number of these statues is satisfactorily

illustrated by Hwen Thsang, who records that when Buddha was alive

he frequently visited Mathura, and that monuments have been erected

“im all the places where he explained the law.” Accordingly, on this

one spot there have already been found two colossal standing figures

of the Teacher, each 74 feet in height, two life-size seated statues, and

~ one three-quarter size seated statue, besides numerous. smaller figures

of inferior workmanship.

178. The most remarkable piece of sculpture is that of a female

of rather more than half life-size. The figure is naked, save a

girdle of beads round the waist, the same as is seen in the Bhilsa

sculptures and Ajanta paintings. The attitude and the positions of the

164 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

hands are similar to those of the famous statue of Venus of the Capitol.

But in the Mathura statue the left hand is brought across the nght

breast, while the right hand holds up a small portion of drapery. The

head is slightly inclined towards the right shoulder, and the hair is

dressed in a new and peculiar manner, with long curls on each side of

the face, which fall from a large circular ornament on the top of the

head. The back of the figure is supported by a thick cluster of lotus

stalks covered with buds and flowers, which are very gracefully arranged

and boldly executed. The plump face with its broad smile is the least

satisfactory part of this work. Altogether this statue is one of the best

specimens of unaided Indian art that I have met with. I presume

that it represents a dancing girl, and that it once adorned one of the

gateways of the great Siuwpa near the monastery of Huvishka.

179. Three statues of ions have also been discovered, but they

are inferior both in design and in execution to most of the other

sculptures. They are all of the same height, 3 feet, and are all in the

same attitude, but two of them have the left foot advanced, while the

third has the right foot brought forward. The attitudes are stiff, and

the workmanship especially of the legs, is hard, wiry and unnatural.

It is the fore part only of the animal that is given, as if issuing out of

the block of stone in rear, from which I mfer that they must originally —

have occupied the two sides of some large gateway, such as we may

suppose to have belonged to the great monastery of Huvishka.

180. The most numerous remains are the stone pillars of the Bud-

dhist railings, of which at least three different sizes have been found.

Those of the largest size are 4} feet in height, with a section of 12

by 6 inches. When complete with base and coping, this railing would

have been about 7 feet in height. The middle-sized pillars are 3 feet

8 inches high, with a section of 9 by 43 inches. The railings formed

of these pillars would have been 5} feet in height. Those of the

smallest size are 2? feet high, witha section of 64 by 3? inches,

which would have formed a railing of only 4 feet in height. Of this

last size no more than six specimens have yet been found, but two of

them are numbered in the ancient Gupta numerals as 118 and 129, so

that many more of them still remain to be discovered. If we assume

the number of these pillars to have been no more than 129, the length

of railing which they formed would have been 144 feet, or with two ‘

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 165

entrances not less than 160 feet. This might have been disposed

either as a square enclosure of 40 feet side, or as a circular enclosure

of upwards of 50 feet diameter. The last would have been sufficient for

the circular railing of a Stupa 40 feet in diameter.

181. No inscriptions or numbers have been found on any of the

large sized pillars, but there can be no doubt that they must have formed

parts of the surrounding railings either of Stwpas or of holy trees, such as

are represented in the Sanchi bas-reliefs, or as wesee them in still existing

examples at Sanchi and Sonéri, Of the middle-sized railing I founda

single broken rail, and also a single specimen of the architraves or

coping stones. In the Sanchi and Son4ri examples the coping is quite

plain, but this Mathura specimen is ornamented on both faces with

semi-circular panels or niches containing figures and flowers.

182. The sculptures on the Mathura pillars are of two kinds;

namely, large single figures on the front, and on the back either small

bas-reliefs in compartments one above the other, or else full-blown

flowers at regular intervals. Both in the single figures and in the

bas-reliefs we find the same mixture of religious and social subjects as

in the sculptures of Sanchiand Buddha Gaya, Qn one pillar we have

a standing figure of Buddha, the Teacher, with a halo and umbrella

canopy, and on the back four small bas-reliefs representing, 1st, a holy

tree with suspended garlands, surrounded by a Buddhist railing ; 2nd,

a pair of figures, male and female ; 3rd, a kneeling figure presenting

an offering to a standing figure ; and 4th, an elephant with rider. One

of the other single figures is a female holding a water vessel to her

lips, and no less than four of the others are representations of Maya

Devi standing under the Sd/ tree, and holding one of its branches, in

which position she is described as having given birth to Buddha. A

specimen one of the large sized Mathura pillars may be seen in the

Asiatic Society’s Museum in Calcutta, where it was deposited by

Colonel Stacy.

183. But perhaps the most curious of all the Mathura sculptures

is that which was figured and described by James Prinsep in 1836

as a Statue of Silenus. The block is 3 feet 10 inches in height, 3 feet

‘broad, and 1 foot 4 inches thick. On the top there is a circular

bason 16 inches in diameter and 8 inchts deep. On the front there is

a group of three figures about three-fourths of life-size, with two

166 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

smaller figures, and on the back a group of four figures of half life-size.

In the front group the principal figure is a stout, half naked man

‘resting on a low seat, with ivy or vine-crowned brow, and outstretched

arms, which appear to be supported by the figures, male and female,

standing one on each side. The dress of the female is most certainly

not Indian, and is almost as certainly Greek. The dress of the male

figure also appears to be Greek. Colonel Stacy describes it as “a

kerchief round the neck with a tie in front as worn by sailors ;’”’ but

as it widens as it approaches the shoulders, I presume that it must be

the short cloak of the Greeks which was fastened in front in the very

same manner as represented in this sculpture. Prinsep agrees with

Stacy in considering the principal figure to be Silenus: “his portly

carcass, drunken lassitude, and vine-wreathed forehead, stamp the

individual, while the drapery of his attendants pronounces them at

least to be foreign to India, whatever may be thought of Silenus’s

own costume, which is certainly highly orthodox and Brahmanical.

Tf the sculptor were a Greek, his taste had been somewhat tainted by

the Indian beau-ideal of female beauty. In other respects his

proportions and attitudes are good; nay, superior to any specimen

of pure Hindu sculpture we possess; and considering the object of

the group, to support a sacrificial vase (probably of the juice of

the grape), it is excellent.” Of the group on the back I have but

little to say: the two female figures and one of the men are dressed

in the same Greek costume as the figures of the other group,

but the fourth figure, male, is dressed in a long turi>, which is

certainly not Greek, and cannot well be Indian. The religious

Buddhist would have his right shoulder bare, and the layman would

have the dhoti, or waist-cloth. The Greek-clad male figure may

possibly be Silenus, but Iam unable to offer even a conjecture as to

the figure in the tunic.

184. The question now arises, how is the presence of this piece of

Greek sculpture to be accounted for? Perhaps the most reasonable

solution is to assume the presence of a small body of Bactrian Greek

sculptors who would have found ready employment for their services |

amongst the wealthy Buddhists, just in the same way as goldsmiths

and artillerymen afterwards found service with the Mogul Emperors.

It must be remembered that Mathura is close to the great sandstone —

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 167

quarries which for ages past have furnished materials for sculptors and

architects of Upper India. All the ancient statues that I have met

with in Rohilkhund and Oudh are made of this stone, and there can

be little doubt that the Buddhist custom of making gifts of statues

and pillars to the various monasteries must have created such a steady

demand for the sculptor’s works as would have ensured the continuous

employment of many skilled workmen. Many of the Bactrian Greeks

may thus have found remunerative service amongst the Indian Buddhists.

Indeed, this is the only way in which I can account, not only for the

very superior execution of many of the earliest specimens of Indian

art, but also for many of their ornamental details, such as the fluting of

the pillars in the Western Punjab architecture and the honeysuckle and

; astragal ornaments of Asoka’s monoliths, all of which are of undoubted

_ Greek origin. Jn the great fort of Narwar there still exists a Roman

Catholic chapel, with a burial-ground attached, containing filty tombs

_ of all sizes, of which two only are inscribed. One records the death of

a German, named Cornelius Oliver, in A. D. 1747; the other of a

young girl named Margarita, the daughter of a Hakim or Doctor.

The first is recorded in Portuguese, the other in Persian. That the

fifty tombs are those of Christians is proved, not only by the presence

of the cross on several of the uninscribed head-stones, but by the occur-

rence of letters I. H. S. surmounted by a cross, on the wall imme-

diately above the altar. I presume that these Christians were gunners

who formed the artillery portion of the garrisons of the important

fortress of Narwar. Here, then, we have the clearest proof of the

existence of a small body of foreigners in the very heart of India, who

vere permitted the open exercise of their religion by the most bigoted

f all mankind, the Indian Muhammadans. Such also I think may have

been the position of a small party of Bactrian Greeks amongst the

tolerant Buddhists of the great city of Mathura, about the beginning

of the Christian era, Their very names are unknown, and their occupa-

tions are uncertain, but their foreign religion is attested beyond all

doubt by the presence of a Bacchie altar, bearing the known figure of

the wine-bibbing Silenus.

® III.—KHALSI OR SRUGHNA.

185. About 15 miles to the westward of Masuri, and on the right

bank of the Jumna just above the junction of the Tons river, there

168 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

stands a huge quartz boulder covered with one of the well known

inscriptions of Asoka. The inscribed rock is situated close to the

little villages of By4s and Haripur, and about one mile and a half to the

south of the large and well known village of Khalsi, by which name

I propose to distinguish this copy of Asoka’s edicts from those of

Kapurdagiri, Junagiri, Rohitds, and Ganjam. In speaking of Firuz

Shah’s Pillar at Delhi, which we know was brought from the foot of

the hills on the western bank of the Jumna near Khidrabad, I have

already identified the district of Khalsi with part of the ancient kingdom

of Srughna, as described by Hwen Thsang. As my reasons for com-

ing to this conclusion are based entirely upon the statements of the

Chinese pilgrim, it is necessary that they should be given in detail.

186 On leaving Sthdneswara or Thinesar Hwen Thsang records

that he went 400 l, or 66 miles, to the westward, to the kingdom of

Su-lu-kin-na. or Surghna, which he describes as being bounded by the

Ganges on the east, and by high mountains on the north, and as being

watered by the Jumna, which ran through the midst of it. The Capital,

which was 20 lz, or upwards of three miles, in circuit, was situated

immediately on the west bank of the Jumna, and although much ruined,

its foundations were still standing. Amongst other monuments it

possessed a Stupa of King Asoka. The direction given by Hwen

Thsang is undoubtedly wrong, asthe Jumna is not more than 24

miles distant from Thanesar towards the east. But the mention of the

hills shows most clearly that the bearing should be north-east, and as

the recorded distance of the Jumna at the foot of the hills agrees with

the actual distance, the situation of the Capital of Srughna must be

looked for along the western bank of the Jumna, somewhere between

Khalsi and Khidrabad. At first I was inclined to fix the position of

the Capital in the immediate neighbourhood of the inscribed rock of

Khalsi, but I could neither find nor hear of any ruins in its vicinity,

and the distance is besides too great, being, 71 miles in a direct line,

or about 80 miles by the road. If Hwen Thasng’s distance is correct,

the most probable position of the Capital is Paota, on the right bank

of the Jumna, which is 57 miles distant from Thdnesar in a direct line,

or about 65 miles by the road. I believe also that Paota is the very place

from whence Firuz Shah removed the Delhi column, for the name of its

original site is variously written as Taopar, or Topara, or Taoparsuk, any

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 169

one of which by the mere shifting of the diacritical points might be read

as Paotar. It is possible also that the word Suk may still preserve a

trace of the ancient name of Sughan, which is the spoken form of the

Sanskrit Srughna. I propose to explore this neighbourhood during

the ensuing cold season. In the meantime I am satisfied with having

shown that the inscribed rock of Khalsi is situated within 18 or 20

miles of the site of the ancient Capital of Srughna, in whose great

monastery the Chinese pilgrim spent upwards of four months, because

the monks discussed the most difficult questions so ably that all doubts

were cleared up. By the hands of this learned fraternity were most

probably engraved the two copies of the edicts of Asoka which are still

extant, on the Khalsi rock and on the Delhi Pillar of Firuz Shah.

187. Between Khalsi and the Jumna the land on the western

bank of the river is formed in two successive ledges or level steppes,

each about 100 feet in height. Near the foot of the upper steppe

stands the large quartz boulder which has preserved the edicts of

Asoka for upwards of 2,000 years. The block is 10 feet high, and

about 8 feet thick at bottom. The south-eastern face has been smooth-

—<—--

ed, but rather unevenly, as it follows the undulations of the origina,

surface. he main inscription is engraved on this smoothed surface,

which measures 5 feet in height with a breadth of 5} feet at top, which

increases towards the bottom to 7 feet 103 inches, The deeper hollows

and cracks have been left uninscribed, and the lines of letters are un-

dulating and uneven, Towards the bottom the letters increase in size

until they become about thrice as large as those of the upper part.

Owing either to this enlargement of the letters, or perhaps to the latter

| part of the inscription being of later date, the prepared surface was

too small for the whole record, which was therefore compressed on the

ft hand side of the rock.

188. On the right hand side an elephant is traced in outline, with

words Gaja tame inscribed between his legs in the same chayacters

is those of the inscription. The exact meaning of these words I do

t know; but as the Junagiri_rock inscription closes with a paragraph

Bisting that the place is called Sweta Hastz, or the “white elephant,”

I think jit probable that Gaja tame may mean the “ dark or black

elephant,” and may therefore be the name of the rock itself. Amongst

the people, however, the rock is known by the name of Chhatr Sila,

170 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

or ‘the canopy stone,’ which would seem to show that the inscribed

block had formerly been covered over by some kind of canopy, or

perhaps only by an umbrella, as the name imports. There are a

number of squared stones lying about close to the rock, as well as se-

veral fragments of octagonal pillars and half pillars or pilasters, which |

are hollowed out or fluted on the shorter faces, after the common

fashion of the pillars of Buddhist railings. There is also a large

carved stone, 7 feet long, 14 foot broad, and 1 foot in height, which

from its upper mouldings I judged to have formed the entrance sae

to some kind of open porch in front of the inscription stone.

189. When found by Mr. Forrest early in 1860 the letters of the

inscription were hardly visible, the whole surface bemg encrusted with

the dark moss of ages; but on removing this black film the surface

became nearly as white as marble. At first sight the inscription looks

as if it was imperfect in many places, but this is owing to the engrav-

er having purposely left all the cracked and rougher portions uninscrib-

ed. On comparing the different edicts with those of the Kapurdagiri,

Junagiri and Dhouli versions, I find the Khalsi text to be in a more

perfect state than any one of them, and more especially in that part of

the 13th Edict which contains the names of the five Greek Kings,

Antiochus, Ptolemy, Antigonus, Magas, and Alexander. The Khalsi

text agrees with that of Dhouli in rejecting the use of the letter r,

for which / is everywhere substituted. But the greatest variation is in

the use of the palatal sibilant s, 4, which has not been found in any

other inscription of this early date. This letter occurs in the word

Pdsanda, which curiously enough is spelt sometimes with one s, and

sometimes with the other, even in the same edict. As the proper

spelling of this word is Pashanda, it seems almost certain that the

people of India Proper did not possess the letter sh in the time of Asoka,

190. I made a complete impression of the whole of this important:

inscription. I also copied the whole of the inscription on the left side

by eye, as well as most of the more obscure parts in the front inscrip-

tion. I have since compared the entire text with those of the other

rock tablets, and I am now engaged in making a reduced copy of this

valuable record for early publication. I propose, however, first to

compare it with the Kapuwrdagirt version in the Arian characters.

With good copies of all the different texts before them, the scholars

1865.] - Report of the Archeological Survey. 171

of Europe will be able to give a more satisfactory interpretation of

Asoka’s edicts than has hitherto been made, even_with the aid of all

the learning of Burnouf and Wilson.

’

IV.—_MADAWAR, OR MADIPUR.

191. From Srughna the Chinese pilgrim proceeded to Mo-ti-pu-lo,

or Madipur, to the east of the Ganges, a distance of 800 lv, or 133

miles, Madipur has been identified by M. St. Martin with J/anddwar,

a large old town in Western Rohilkhand near Bijnor. I had made the

same identification myself before reading M. St. Martin’s remarks, and

I am now able to confirm it by a personal examination of the locality.

The actual distance from Paocta on the Jumnato Manddwar vid Harid-

war, is not more than 110 miles by the present roads; but as it

would have been considerably more by the old native tracks leading

from village to village, the distance recorded by Hwen Thsang is most

probably not far from the truth, more especially when we remember

that he paid a visit to Ma-yu-lo, or Mayurapura, now Myapoor, near

Hardwar at the head of the Ganges Canal. But the identity of the

site of Maddwar with Madipur is not dependent on this one distance

alone, as will be seen from the subsequent course of the pilgrim, which

most fully confirms the position already derived from his previous route.

192. The name of the town is written astat, Maddwar, the

Munddwur of the maps. According to Johari Lal, Chaodri and

Kanungo of the place, Waddwar was a deserted site in Samvat 1171,

or A. D. 1114, when his ancestor Dwdrka Dds, an Agarwila Baniya,

accompanied by Katdr Mall, came from Mordri in the Mirat District,

and occupied the old mound. The present town of Maddwar contains

7,000 inhabitants, and is rather more than three-quarters of a mile in

length by half a mile in breadth. But the old mound which represents

the former town is not more than half a mile square. It has an aver-

age height of 10 feet above the rest of the town, and it abounds with

large bricks, a certain sign of antiquity. In the middle of the mound

there is a ruined fort, 300 feet square, with an elevation of 6 or 7 feet

above the rest of the city. To the north-east, distant about one mile

from the fort, there is a large village, on another mound, called

Madiya ; and between the two lies a large tank called Kinda Tal,

surrounded by numerous small mounds which are said to be the re-

22,

172 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

mains of buildings. Originally these two places would appear to have

formed one large town about 14 mile in length by half a mile in

breadth, or 34 miles in circuit. The Kanuwngo states that Iladdwar

formed part of the dominions of Pithora Raja, and that it possessed

a large Hindu temple of stone, which was afterwards destroyed by one

of the Ghori Sultans, who built the present Jama Masjid on its site,

and with its materials. The stones of the mosque are squared blocks

of soft grey sandstone, and as many of them exhibit cramp-holes on the

outside, there can be no doubt that they must originally have belong-

ed to some other building.

198. To the south-east of the town there is a large, deep, irregu-

larly shaped piece of water called Pirwdlz Tal. It is nearly half a

mile in length, but not more than 300 feet broad in its widest part.

It is filled in the rains by a small channel carrying the drainage of the

country from the north-east, and its overflow falls into the Malini

River, about two miles distant. This pool is only part of a natural

channel of drainage which has been deepened by the excavation of earth

for the bricks of the town. But in spite of this evident origin of the

Madéwar tank, it was gravely asserted by the Buddhists to have been

produced by an earthquake which accompanied the death of a celebrat-

ed saint named Vimala Mitra.

194. According te Hwen Thsang Wadipur was 20 li, or 34 miles,

in circuit, which agrees very closely with what would appear to be

the most probable size of the old town. The King was a Sudra, who

cared nothing for Buddhism, but worshipped the Devas, There were

12 Buddhist monasteries, containing about 800 monks, who were

mostly attached to the school of the Sarvdstivddas, and there were

also about 50 Brahmanical temples. To the south of the town, at 4

or 5 li, or # of a mile, there was a small monastery in which Gunapra-

bha was said to have composed 100 works ; and at half a mile to the

north of this there was a great monastery which was famous as the

scene of Sanghabhadra’s sudden death from chagrin, when he was over=

come in argument by Vasubandhu. His relics were deposited ina —

Stwpa in the midst of a mango grove only 200 paces to the north-west.

of the monastery. These two chiefs of Buddhism lived about the

beginning of the Chirstian era, and the Stwpa was still standing in

A. D. 634, at the time of Hwen Thsang’s visit. There is no trace

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 173

now existing either of the monasteries or of the Sfupa, but their sites

can be fixed with tolerable certainty by the aid of Hwen Thsang’s

descriptions. The village of Lalpur, which is situated on a*mound

about three quarters of a mile to the south-south-east of the Jama

Masjid, and which is built partly of old bricks, represents the site of

the small monastery of Gunaprabha, To the north of Lalpur, and

just half a mile distant, is the shrine of Hidéyat Shah, with a Masjid

attached, both of which are built of old bricks, This spot I believe

to be the site of the great monastery of Sanghabhadra. Lastly, to

the west-north-west of Hidayat’s shrine, at a distance of 200 paces,

there is another shrine, or Fakir’s takia, standing in the midst of a

mango grove, like the old Stwpa of Sanghabhadra, the site of which

it represents almost exactly as described by Hwen Thsang.

195. Beside the mango grove, there was.a second Stupa which con-

tained the relics of Vimala Mitra, who, as a disciple of Sanghabhadra,

must have lived in the first century of the Christian era. The legend

relates that on passing the Stwpa of his master Sanghabhadra, he

placed his hand on his heart, and with a sigh expressed a wish that he

might live to compose a work which should lead all the students of

India to renounce the “Great Vehicle” (Mahé Yéna), and which

should blot out the name of Vaswhandhu for ever. No sooner had he

spoken than he was seized with frenzy, and five spouts of burning hot

blood gushed from his mouth. Then feeling himself dying, he wrote

a letter “expressing his repentance for having maligned the Mahd

Ydna, and hoping that his fate might serve as an example to all

students.” At these words the earth quaked, and he expired instantly,

Then the spot where he died suddenly sank and formed a deep ditch,

_ and a holy man who witnessed his end, exclaimed, “‘ To-day this master

of the scriptures, by giving way to his passions, and by persisting in

erroneous opinions, has calumniated the Mahd Yana, for which he

_ has now fallen into everlasting hell,” But this opinion of the holy

‘han would appear to have been confined to the followers of the Mahd

i" Ydna, for the brethren of Vimala Mitra, who were Sarvastivddas, or

students of the lesser Vehicle, burned his body and raised a Stupa

over his relics, It must be remembered, also, that Hwen Thsang, who

relates the legend, was a zealous follower of the Mahé Yana, and this

no doubt led him to overlook the manifest contradiction between the

174 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

statement of the uncharitable arhat, and the fact that his brethren had

burned his body in the usual manner. This legend, as well as several

others, would seem to show that there was a hostile and even bitter

feeling between these two great sects of the Buddhist community.

196. The site of Vimala Mitra’s Stupa is described as being at

the edge of the mango grove, and from the details of the legend it is

clear that it could have been at no great distance from the Stupa of

Sanghabhadra. It would appear also that it must have stood close by

the great ditch, or hollow, which his opponents looked upon as the

rent in the earth by which he had sunk down to “ everlasting hell.”

Now, the mango grove which I have before mentioned, extends only

120 paces to the westward to the bank of the deep tank called the Pirwali

Tél. Iconclude therefore that the Stwpa of Vimala Mitra must have

stood close to the edge of this tank and on the border of the mango grove

which still exists in the same position as described by Hwen Thsang. —

197. It seems probable that the people of Maddwar, as pointed out

by M. St. Martin, may be the Mathe of Megasthenes who dwelt on

the banks of the Erineses. If so, that river must be the Malini -It

is true that this is but a small stream, but it was in a sacred grove

on the bank of the Malini that Sakuntala was brought up, and along.

its course lay her route to the Court of Dushmanta at Hastinapur.

While the lotus floats on its waters, and while the Chakwa calls its

mate on its bank, so long will the little J/dlini live in the verse

of Kalidas.

V.—KASHIPUR, OR GOVISANA.

198. On leaving Madipur the Chinese pilgrim travelled 400 li, or —

66 miles to the south-east and arrived in the kingdom of Kziw-pi-

shwang-na, which M. Julien renders by Govisana. The Capital

was 14 or 15 li, or 21 miles, incircuit. Its position was strong, being

elevated, and of difficult access, and it was surrounded by groves,

tanks, and fish ponds. There were two monasteries containing 100.

monks, and 30 Brahmanical temples. In the middle of the larger

monastery, which was outside the city, there was a Stwpa of Asoka, 200

feet in height, built over the the spot where Buddha was said to have — 4

explained the law. There were also two small Stupas, only 12 feet

high, containing his hair and nails, 7

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 175

199° According to the bearing and distance from Madipur, as

given by Hwen Thsang, we must look for Govisana somewhere to the

north of Muradabad. In this direction the only place of any antiquity

is the old fort of Ujain, which is just one mile to the east of Kashipur.

According to the route which I marched the distance is 44 kos, or 66

miles. I estimate the value of the kos by the measured distance of

59 miles between the Post Offices of Bareli and Muradabad, which is

always called 40 kos by the natives. The true bearing of Kashipur

is east-south-east, instead of south-east, but the difference is not great ;

and as the position of Kashipur is equally clearly indicated by the

subsequent route to Ahichhatra, I feel quite satisfied that the old fort

of Ujain represents the ancient city of Govisana which was visited by

Hwen Thsang.

200. Bishop Heber describes Kashipur as a “famous place of

Hindu pilgrimage which was built by a divinity

named Kashi 5,000 years ago.” But the

good Bishop was grossly deceived by his informant, as it is well known

Vol. IL., p. 246.

_ that the town is a modern one, it having been built about A. D,

_ 1718 by Kashi Nath, a follower of Raja Devi Chandra, or Deb Chand,

of Champ4iwat in Kumaon. The old fort is now called Ujain, but as

that is the name of the nearest village it seems probable that the true

name has been lost. The place itself had been deserted for several

hundred years before the occupation of Kashipur, but as the holy tank

of Dron Sdgar had never ceased to be visited by pilgrims, I presume

that the name of the tank must have gradually superseded that of the

fort. Even at the present day, the name of Dron Sdgar is just as well

known as that of Kashipur.

201. The old fort of Ujain is very peculiar in its form, which may

be best compared to the body of a guitar, It is 3,000 feet in length

from west to east, and 1,500 feet in breadth, the whole circuit being

upwards of 9,000 feet, or rather less than 2 miles. Hwen Thsang

describes the circuit of Govisana as about 12,000 feet, or nearly 24

tniles, but in this measurement he must have included the long mound

of ruins on the south side, which is evidently the remains of an ancient

suburb. By including this mound as an undoubted part of the old

city, the circuit of the ruins is upwards of 11,000 feet, or very nearly

the same as that given by Hwen Thsang. Numerous groves, tanks,

176 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

and fish ponds still surround the place. Indeed, the trees are parti-

cularly luxuriant, owing to the high level of the water which is within

5 or 6 feet of the surface. For the same reason the tanks are numer-

ous and always full of water. The largest of these is the Dron Sagar, |

which, as well as the fort, is said to have been constructed by the five

Pandu brothers for the use of their teacher Drona. The tank is only

600 feet square, but it is esteemed very holy, and is much frequented by

pilgims on their way to the source of the Ganges. Its high banks are

covered with Sati monuments of recent date. The walls of the fort are

built of large massive bricks, 15 inches by 10 inches by 23 inches, which

are always a certain sign ofantiquity. The general height of the walls

is 30 feet above the fields; but the whole is now in complete ruin, and

covered with dense jungle. Shallow ditches still exist on all sides —

except the east. The interior is very uneven, but the mass has a mean

height of about 20 feet above the country. There are two low open-

ings in the ramparts, one to the north-west and the other to the south-

west, which now serve as entrances to the jungle, and which the people

say were the old gates of the fort.

202. There dre some small temples on the western bank of the Dron '

Sdgar; but the great place of worship is the modern temple of Jwala

Devi, 600 feet to the eastward of the fort. This goddess is also called

Ujaini Devi, and a great fair is held‘in her honour on the 8th day of —

the waning moon of Chaitra. Other smaller temples contain symbols of

Mahadeva under the titles of Bulesar, Muktesar, Ndgndth, and Jdgesar.

But all of these temples are of recent date; the sites of the more ancient

fanes being marked by mounds of various dimensions from 10 to upwards

of 30 feet in height. The most remarkable of these mounds is situated ©

inside the northern wall of the fort, above which the ruins rise to a height

of 52 feet above the country, and 22 feet above the ramparts, This

mound is called Bhimgaja, or Bhimgada, that is, Bhim’s club, by which

I understand a large lingam of Mahadeva, Were it not for this name, —

I should be inclined to look upon this huge mound as the remains of

a palace, as I succeeded in tracing the walls of what appeared to have

been a large room, 72 feet in length from north to south, by 63 feet in

width, the walls being 6 feet thick, About 500 feet beyond the §

north-east angle of the fort there is another remarkable mound which — j

is rather more than 34 feet in height, It stands in the midst of a a

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 1i7

quadrangular terrace, 600 in length by 500 feet in breadth, and, as well

as I could ascertain from an excavation at the top, it is the remains of a

large square temple. Close by on.the east, and within the quadrangle,

there are the ruins of two small temples. To the eastward of the Jwala

Devi temple, there is a curious circular, flat-topped mound of earth, 68

feet in diameter, surrounded by a brick wall from 7 to 11 feet in height.

It is called Rdmgir Gosain-ka-tila, or “the mound of Rémgir Gosain,”

from which I infer that it is the burial place of a modern Gosain. To

the south of the fort, near the temple of Jégesar Mahadeva, there is a

third large mound, 22 feet in height, which was once crowned by a

temple 20 feet square inside. The bricks have only recently been

removed, and the square core of earth still remains perfect. To the

_ westward of this last, there is a fourth mound, on which I traced the

Tuins of a temple 30 feet square standing in the midst of a raised

- quadrangle about 500 feet square. Besides these there are ten smaller

_ mounds, which make up altogether 14, or just one-half the number of

the Brahmanical temples which are mentioned by Hwen Thsang.

203. The only ruin which appeared to me to be of undoubted

Buddhist origin was a solid brick mound 20 feet in height, to the

south-west of Jagesar Mahadeva, and close to the small village of

Khargpur. The base of the mound is upwards of 200 feet in diameter,

The solid brick-work at the top is still 60 feet thick, but as it is

broken all round, its original diameter must have been much greater,

probably not less than 80 feet. But even this larger diameter is too small

ra Stwpa of 200 feet in height of the hemispherical form of Asoka’s

time; a Stupa of that early period, even when provided with both

plinth and cupola, would not have exceeded 100 feet in height. Unless

therefore we may suppose that there is a mistake of 100 feet in the text

of Hwen Thsang, I feel quite unable to offer any identification

Whatever of the Buddhist remains of Govisana as described by the

Chinese pilgrim.

VI—RAMNAGAR, OR AHICHHATRA,

204. From Govisana Hwen Thsang proceeded to the south-east

0 Ui, or 66 miles, to Ahi-chi-ta-lo, or Ahichhatra. This once famous

place still preserves its ancient name as Ahichhatr, although it has

been deserted for many centuries, Its history reaches back to B. C,

178 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

1430, at which time it was the Capital of Northern Pdnchéla. The

name is written Ahi-kshetra, as well as Ahi-chhatra, but the local legend

of Adi Raja and the NAga, who formed a canopy over his head when

asleep, shows that the latter is the correct form. This grand old fort

is said to have been built by Raja Adi, an Ahir, whose future elevation —

to sovereignty was foretold by Drona, when he found him sleeping

under the guardianship of a serpent with expanded hood. The place is

mentioned by Ptolemy as Adwadpa, which proves that the legend at-

tached to the name of Adz is at least as old as the beginning of the

Christian era. The fort is also called Adikot, but the more conmon

named is Ahechhatr.

205. According to the Mahdbhdrat the great kingdom of Pdnchéla

extended from the Himalaya Mountains to the Chambal River. The —

capital of North Pdénchdla, or Rohilkhand, was Ali-chhatra, and that of

South Pdnchdla, or the Central Gangetic Doab, was Kdmpilya, now

Kampil, on the old Ganges between Budaon and Farokhabad. Just

before the great war, or about 1430 B. C., the King of Pédnchdla,

named Drupada, was conquered by Drona, the preceptor of the five

Pandus. Drona retained north Pdnchdla for himself, but restored the

southern half of the kingdom to Drupada, According to this account

the name of Ali-chhatra, and consequently also the legend of Adi

Raja and the serpent, are many centuries anterior to the rise of

Buddhism.

206. It would appear, however, that the Buddhists must have

adopted and altered the legend to do honour to their great teacher, fo

Hwen Thsang records that outside the town there was a Ndga-hrada, o

““ serpent tank,” near which Buddha had preached the law for seven days

in favour of the Serpent King, and that the spot was marked by

Stupa of King Asoka. Now, as the only existing Stwpa at this place

is called Chattr, I infer that the Buddhist legend represented the Naga

King after his conversion as forming a canopy over Buddha with his

expanded hood. I think, also, that the Stwpa erected on the spot

where the conversion took place would naturally have been called Ahi.

chhatra, or the “serpent canopy.” A similar story is told at Buddha

Gya of the Naga King Muchalinda, who with his expanded hoo

sheltered Buddha from the shower of rain produced by the maligna

demon Mira.

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 179

207. The account of Ahi-chhatra given by Hwen Thsang is

unfortunately very meagre, otherwise we might most probably have

identified many of the existing ruins with the Buddhist works of an

early age. The Capital was 17 or 18 i, or just three miles, in

circuit, and was defended by natural obstacles. It possessed 12

monasteries, containing about 1,000 monks, and nine Brahmanical

temples, with about 300 worshippers of Iswara Deva (Siva), who

smeared their bodies with ashes. The Stwpa near the serpent tank,

outside the town, has already been mentioned. Close beside it there were

four small Stupas built on the spots where the four previous Buddhas

had either sat or walked. Both the size and the peculiar position of

the ruined fortress of Ahi-chhatra agree so exactly with Hwen

Thsang’s description of the ancient Ahi-chhatra, that there can be no

doubt whatever of their identity. The circuit of the walls, as they

stand at present, is 19,400 feet, or upwards of 34 miles. The

shape may be described as an irregular right-angled triangle, the

west side being 5,600 feet in length, the north side 6,400 feet,

and the long side to the south-east 7,400 feet. The fort is

situated between the Rdm Ganga and Gdnghan Rivers, which are

both difficult to cross; the former on account of its broad sands, the

latter on account of its extensive ravines. Both on the north and

east the place is rendered almost inaccessible by the Piria Nala,

a difficult ravine with steep broken banks, and numerous deep pools

of water quite impassable by wheeled vehicles. For this reason the

cart road to Bareli, distant only 18 miles due east, is not less than 23

miles. Indeed the only accessible side of the position is the north-

west, from the direction of Lakhnor, the ancient capital of the Katehria

Rajputs. It therefore fully merits the description of Hwen Thsang

as being defended by ‘natural obstacles.” Ahi-chhatra is only seven

miles to the north of Aonla, but the latter half of the road is rendered

difficult by the ravines of the Gdnghan River. It was in this very

position, in the jungles to the north of donla, that the Katehria

Rajputs withstood the Muhammadans under Firuz Tughlak.

- 208. The ruins of <Ahi-chhatra were first visited by Captain

Hodgson, the Surveyor, who describes the place as “ the ruins of an

ancient fortress several miles in circumference, which appears to

have had 34 bastions, and is known in the neighbourhood by the

180 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

name of the‘ Pandus Fort.’ According to my survey there are

only 32 towers, but it is quite possible that one or two may have

escaped my notice, as I found many parts so overgrown with thorny

jungle as to be inaccessible. The towers are generally from 28

to 30 feet in height, excepting on the west side, where they rise to

35 feet. A single tower near the south-west corner is 47 feet in

height above the road outside. The average height of the interior

mass is from 15 to 20 feet. Many of the present towers, however,

are not ancient, as an attempt was made by Ali Muhammad Khan,

about 200 years ago, to restore the fort with a view of making it his

stronghold in case he should be pushed to extremities by the King

of Delhi. The new walls are said to have been 1} guz thick, which,

agrees with my measurements of ‘the parapets on the south-eastern

side, which vary from 2 feet 9 inches to 3 feet 3 inches in thickness

at top. According to popular tradition, Ali Muhammad expended

about a crore of rupees, or one million pounds sterling, in this

attempt, which he was finally obliged to abandon on account of its

costliness. I estimate that he may perhaps have spent about one

lakh of rupees, or £10,000, in repairing the ramparts and in rebuilding

the parapets. There is an arched gateway on the south-east side,

which must have been built by the Musalmans, but as no new

bricks were made by them, the cost of their work would have been

limited to the labour alone. The ramparts are 18 feet thick at

the base in some places, and between 14 and 15 feet in others.

209. There are three great mounds inside the fort, and outside,

both to the north and west, there are a number of mounds of all sizes,

from 20 feet to 1,000 feet inthe diameter. To the north-west, distant

one mile, there is a large tank called the Gandhén Sagar, which has

an area of 125 begahs, and about one quarter of a mile beyond it

there is another tank called the Adi Sdgar, which has an area of ©

150 begahs. The latter is said to have been made by Adi Raja at

the same time as the fort. The waters are collected by an earthen

embankment faced on both sides with bricks of large size. The Gandhdn

Sdgar is also embanked both to the east and south. The mounds.

to the south of the tanks are covered with large bricks, both plain

and moulded; but judging from their shapes, they must all have

belonged to temples, or other straight walled buildings, and not to

1865.] Keport of the Archeological Survey. 181

Stupas. There is nothing to show whether these are the remains

ef Buddhist or of Brahmanical buildings, but from their extent it is

probable that they were the former.

210. According to Hwen Thsang there were only nine Brahmani-

¢al temples at Ahi-chhatra in A. D. 634, all of which would appear

to have been dedicated to Siva. But as Buddhism declined, this

number must have been increased, for I discovered the ruins of not

less than 20 temples of various sizes, of which one is gigantic, four

are large, five are of middle size, and 12 of small dimensions. Three

ef these are inside the fort, and the others are grouped together

outside on the west road. I made excavations in most of these

mounds, ail of which yielded moulded bricks ef various patterns,

but only two ef them afforded sculptares by which their original

purpose could be absolutely identified. These two temples are

marked as Nos. I and IV in my survey of the ruins.

211. The remains of No. I temple form a mound, 65 feet 9 inches

in height above the country, and upwards of 30 feet above the walls

of the fortress. This lofty mound stands inside the fort near the

middle of the north wall, and forms the most conspicuous object amongst

the ruins of the mighty. fortress of Ahi-chhatra. The floor of the

temple is 60 feet above the ground, and at this’ enermous height

stood a colossal lingam, 3 feet 63 inches in diameter, and upwards

of 8 feet in height, which must have been visible from both east

and west through the open doors of the temple for a distance

of some miles. The interior of the temple is only 14 feet

4 inches by 102 feet. The north and south walls are 9 feet 5

inches thick, and the east and west walls only 5 feet 9 inches;

but on these two sides there are open porches outside the two

entrances which increase the thickness of the walls to 19 feet on

the west side, and to 14 feet 11 inches on the east. The exterior

dimensions of the temple are 48 feet 3 inches by 29 feet 4 inches.

From these dimensions I calculate that the temple must have been

about 100 feet in height above its own floor, or 165 feet above the

country. The base of the stone lingam is square, the middle

part octagonal, and the upper part hemispherical. A trisul, ov

trident, is cut upon the base. The upper portion of the lingam

is broken, The people say that it was struck by lightning,

182 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

but from the unshattered state of the large block I am more

disposed to ascribe the fracture to the hammer of the Muhammadans.

212. Mound No. II, which is also inside the fort to the west of

the large mound, is 35 feet in height, and from 5 to 10 feet above

the general line of the ramparts. It shows the remains of a large

square building with along flight of steps on the west side. No.

IIL mound is only 30 feet in height, and is covered with scrub

jungle. There are traces of walls on the surface, but the jungle

prevented their immediate excavation. I will take an early opportu-

nity of exploring both of these mounds, ds I feel satisfied that

they are the remains of large Brahmanical temples.

213. No. IV mound stands about 1,000 feet outside the west

gate of the fort. It is 300 feet square at base, and 30 feet in

height, and has two smaller mounds attached to the north-east

corner. On excavating the surface I discovered the foundations of

a temple, 11 feet square inside, with walls 32 feet thick, and a

long pedestal or raised platform for the reception of statues. The

entrance is on the east side towards the town. Amongst the ruins

I found a seated terracotta figure of Siva, 12 inches in height, with

four arms and three eyes, and one hand holding a large lotus flower.

I found also in red stone a small right hand grasping the hilt of a

sword, and a left hand of three-quarter life size, grasping a large

conch. As the last must have belonged to a figure of Vishnu, it

is possible that the temple was dedicated to that god, but a

projecting portion of the pedestal leads me to believe that it must

have been occupied by a lingam, and if so, the principal figure

would have been that of Mahadeva. There was also a large

quantity of ashes inside this temple, from which I infer that it

was most probably destroyed by the Musalmans in one of their

early expeditions against the Katehria Rajputs.

214. The Buddhist remains at Ahi-chhatra are both more exten-

sive and more ancient than those of the Brahmans. In my survey I

have marked them by the letters of the Alphabet to distinguish them

from the Brahmanical ruins, which are numbered. Only three of the

Buddhist mounds have been excavated, but as most of the others have

furnished materials for the neighbouring villages, it does not seem —

likely that their excavation would be attended with any success. I

—

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey, 183

will, however, manage to have them examined at the end of the

ensuing season.

215. The most important of the Buddhist ruins is an irregular

shaped mound, about 1,000 feet square, from the centre of which

rises a large Stwpa of solid brick-work, which the people call

chhatr. I have already identified this with the great Stwpa which

was built over the spot where Buddha converted the Serpent King.

It is surrounded by eight smaller mounds, of which four would

appear to be the ruins of Stupas, and three of temples, whilst one

only is doubtful. Now? Hwen Thsang describes the great Stupa

as having on one side of it four small Stwpas, which account agrees

exactly with the position of the four small mounds above men-

tioned. Ihave no doubt, therefore, as to the identity of the chhatr

mound with the Stwpa of Hwen Thsang, although I was unable

to discover any certain trace of the tank called the Ndga-hrada,

or “serpent pond” by the Chinese pilgrim. It is quite possible,

however, that a tank may once have existed on the south-west side,

where the ground is still very low.

216. The great ruins called Chhaty is a mass of solid brick-

work, 40 feet in height above the fields, and 30 feet in diameter

at top. The original building was a hemisphere of 50 feet diame-

ter, which was raised upon a base or plinth 15 feet in height. At

some later period an outer casing, 12} feet thick, was added,

which increased the diameter to 75 feet, and the height of the

crown’ of the hemisphere to 52} feet. Allowing two-sevenths of

the diameter for the height of the cupola or pinnacle, which is

the proportion observed in the Sanchi bas-reliefs, the total height

of the original Stwpa would have been 57 feet, and that of

the later Stwpa 77 feet. I made several superficial excavations

around the base in the hope of finding some portions of the stone

railings with which the Stwpa was most probably surrounded, but

without success. I still believe, however, that there must have been

the usual Buddhist railings around this Stupa, and that a further

search would probably bring some of the pillars to light. I found,

however, a number of curved wedge-shaped bricks, that must have

belonged to a circle of between 15 and 16 feet in diameter, and which,

I presume, are the remains of the cupola,

184 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

217. If I am right in my identification of this Stupa with

that which was built near the Serpent Tank, its original construc-

tion must be referred to the reign of Asoka, or about 2505. C.

A strong argument in favour of this date is the similarity of its

shape to that of the Bhilsa Topes, which are undoudtedly of Asoka’s

age. The date of the enlargement of the Stwpa can only be

fixed approximately by inferring from Hwen Thsang’s silence that

it must have been in good order at the time of his visit. Admitting ©

this to have been the case, the date of the enlargement cannot

be placed earlier than about A. D. 400 to 500.

218. The great Stupa attracted the attention of some British

Officer, about 30 years ago, who dug a gallery into it, 21 feet in

length, and then sunk a well for some unknown depth, which I found

filled with rubbish. I made use of this old gallery, and continued it

to the centre of the Stwpa, where it met a shaft which I had sunk

fromthe top. From this point I carried the shaft downwards, making

use of the gallery for the removal of the bricks. At a depth of 27

feet from the present top, or at 7 feet below the centre of the older

hemisphere, I found a low pyramidal topped vessel of common red un- —

glazed earthenware, 8 inches in diameter. Inside this vessel there was a

small steatite box, containing many minute fragments of seed pearls,

several pieces of blue glass, one large bead of red amber, and about a tea

spoonful of little bits of rock crystal. Mixed with these were ten small

cylindrical pierced beads of a dirty white colour like old chalk. They

consist chiefly of carbonate of lime with a trace of some other sub-

stance, and are most probably only the remains of some artificial beads.

The little steatite box is a sphere of 2 inches diameter, but rather

pointed at the top and bottom. Its general colour is white with a few

purple blotches. The whole is rudely ornamented, the top with flowers,

and the bottom with animals of school-boy design. The inside also”

is rudely ornamented, but with simple lines il There is no trace

of any inscription.

219. At 62 feet below the deposit just described, or at 1332 feet

below the centre of the hemisphere, a second deposit was found —

imbedded in the ground immediately under the last course of a globular _

shaped mottled steatite vase, 84 inches in diameter and 6 inches in—

height. This vase has a neck 3 inches in diameter inside and 2¢

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 185

inches in height, thus making the whole height of the vessel 8? inches.

This is divided into two equal portions, the lower half having an inner

lip, which is overlapped by the upper half. The vessel is quite plain,

excepting only a few belts of simple lines which encircle it. The open

mouth was found closed by the lid of a small dark-coloured steatite

vase exactly similar to several that were discovered in the Bhilsa Topes.

Inside there was nothing but a hard cake of earth, 6 inches in dia-

meter, mixed with small stones. A similar earthen cake, but only 25

inches in diameter, was found in the earthenware jar of the upper

deposit. What this cake may be I cannot at present say, but it does

not effervesce with acids.

220. The second Buddhist mound which has yielded important

evidence of its former occupation, is called Katdri Khera. Itis situa-

ted 1,200 feet to the north of the old fort, and 1,600 feet to the east

of the small village of Nasratganj. The mound is about 400 feet

square and 20 feet in height. Close by there is a small pond called

the Maswdse Tal ; but neither this name, nor that of Katéri Khera,

would seem to have any reference to the old Buddhist establishment

which formerly stood there. Unfortunately this mound has furnished

bricks to the neighbouring village for many generations, so that but

little is now left to point out the nature of the original buildings. A

: surface excavation brought to light a temple 26} feet in length by 22

feet in breadth outside, and 11 feet square inside. The plinth is still

; standing 4} feet in height, formed of blocks of kankar, but the walls

have altogether disappeared, excepting some portions of a few courses.

_ The doorway faces the east, from which I infer that the enshrined

statue was most probably that of the ascetic Buddha, who is always

represented seated in a similar position under the holy Pipal Tree of

} Buddha Gaya. I am also led to the same conclusion by the discovery

oi a broken statue of Buddha with two flying” figures over the right

shoulder, which are the usual accompaniments of the ascetic figures of

6 Buddha. This statue is broken at the waist, and both arms are lost;

“but the fragment is still 2 feet high and 2 feet broad, from which I

infer that the size of the original statue was not less than 4 feet in

height by 3 feet in breadth ; and this I believe to have been the prin-

cipal figure of the temple.

. 221.

Tn the same place five other carved and sculptured stones

186 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

were discovered, of which one is an inscribed pillar of a Buddhist railing

of middle age. The pillar is broken, but the remaining portions of the

socket holes are sufficient for the restoration of the original dimensions.

The fragment is 1 foot 11 inches in length, with a section of 83 inches

by 4 inches. The socket holes are 8 inches long, and 43 inches apart, —

which in a pillar of two rails would give a height of 3 feet 24 inches,

or of 4 feet 3 inches in a pillar of three rails. The face of the pillar

is sculptured with six rows of naked standing figures, there being

five figures in the lowest row, and only four figures in each of the

others. On one of the sides there is the following short inscription

in four lines of the age of the Guptas :—

Acharya Indranandi Sishya Mahddari Parswamatisya Kottari.

The last word but one might perhaps be read as patisya ; but the

remainder of the inscription is quite clear. I understand it to record —

the gift of “ Mahddari, the disciple of the teacher Indranandi, to the

temple (Kottari) of Parswamati.” Perhaps the term Kottari may be

preserved in the name of Katdri Khera, by which the mound is now

known. ‘

222. The other sculptured stones are not of much interest. The

largest is a broken statue of a standing figure, 3 feet high by 2 feet

broad, which appears to be naked. The head, the feet, and the right

arm are gone. A second small stone, 1 foot long and 5 inches broad,

bears the figures of the Navagraha, or “ Nine Planets.” On the back

there is a short inscription of only eight letters, of which two are

somewhat doubtful. I read the whole as Sahada, Bhima, Devindra,

but the word Bhima is very doubtful. A third stone, 2} feet long

and 1} feet square, is the fragment of a large pillar, with a lion sculp-

tured on each of its four faces. The naked figures of these sculptures

belong to a somewhat late period of Buddhism, after the introduction

of the Tantrika doctrines, which, as we learn from Skanda Gupta’s

inscription on the Bhitari Pillar, were prevalent during the time of th ;

later Guptas, in the 3rd and 4th centuries A. D. As the forms of the

letters of these inscriptions are also those of the Gupta period, we may

conclude with some certainty that the Kottarz, or temple, of Parswa-

mati was erected before the fall of the Gupta dynasty in A. D. 319. t

223. Four hundred feet to the south of the great bastion, and

close to the south-west angle of the fort, there is another extensive

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 187

monnd, marked D in my map, upwards of 300 feet square, and 35

feet in height above the road. The principal mass of ruin, which is

in the middle of the west side, is the remains of a large temple, 40 feet

square outside. In the middle of the south side there are the ruins

of a small building which may perhaps have been the entrance gate-

way. To the right and left of the entrance there are the ruins of two

small temples, each 14 feet square outside, and 9 feet 4} inches inside,

raised upon a plinth 24 feet square. The contre of the square is open,

and has evidently never been built upon. My excavations were too

limited to ascertain more than I have noted above, but I propose to

continue the exploration towards the end of the ensuing cold weather.

I believe that this mound is the remains of a very large monastery

with its lofty enclosed temple, which could not have been less than 80

or even 100 feet in height.

224. Connected with <Ahi-chhatra is an inscription of the Gupta

period on a square pillar found near the village of Dilwdari, 3 kos, or 44

miles, to the south of the fort. The inscription consists of 14 lines

of five letters each, the letters of one line being placed exactly under

those of the line above, so as to form also five straight perpendicular

lines. The stone is 23 feet long, 1 foot broad, and 9 inches thick in

the middle, but the continual sharpening of tools has worn down the

edges to a breadth of from 7 to 74 inches. The inscription, which is

on one of the narrow faces, has accordingly suffered in the partial loss

- of some of the initial and final letters of several lines. The other

} three faces of the stone are quite plain, and there is nothing whatever

_ to show what the pillar may have been originally intended for.

225. My account of Ali-chhatra would not be complete without a

5 reference to the gigantic lingam near the village of Gulariya, 24 miles te

the north of the fort, and to the Priapian name of the village of Bhim-

aur, one mile to the east of the fort. Bhim-gaja and Bhim-laur are

‘common names for the lingam in all the districts to the north of the

Ganges. I have already quoted Hwen Thsang’s remark that the nine

Brahmanical temples of Ahi-chhatra in A. D. 634 were dedicated to

“Siva, and I may now add in illustration, that only in one of the many

“yuins above the old fort did I find a trace of the worship of any other

divinity.

188 Report of tite Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

VIL—SORON, OR SUKARA-KSHETRA.

226. From Ahi-chhatra the Chinese pilgrim proceeded in a south

direction a distance of from 260 to 270 li, from 23 to 25 miles, to

the Ganges, which he crossed, and then turning to the south-west he

arrived in the kingdom of P%-lo-shan-na. His route to the south

would have taken him through Aonla and Budaon to the Budh Ganga -

(or old Ganges) somewhere near Sahawar, a few miles below Soron, both

of which places stood on the main stream of the Ganges so late as 400

years ago. As his subsquent route is said to have been to the south-

west, I believe that he must have crossed the Ganges close to Sahawar,

which is 42 miles from Ahi-chhatra in a direct line. From all my

early enquiries I was led to believe that Soron was the only ancient

place in this vicinity ; and as Hwen Thsang does not give any distance

for his south-west march, I concluded that Soron must have been the

place to which he gives the name of Pi-lo-shan-na. I accordingly

visited Soron, which is undoubtedly a place of very great antiquity,

but which cannot, I think, be the place visited by the Chinese pilgrim.

I will, however, first describe Soron before I proceed to discuss the

superior claims of the great ruined mound of Atranji-Khera to be

identified with the Pi-lo-shan-na of the Chinese pilgrim.

227. Soron is a large town on the right, or western, bank of the

Ganges, on the high road between Bareli and Mathura. The place .

was originally called Ukala Kshetra ; but after the demon Hiranyaksha

had been killed by the Vardha Avatar, or Boar incarnation of Vishnu,

the name was changed to Sukwra Kshetra, or “the place of the good

deed.” The ancient town is represented by a ruined mound called the

Kilah, or “ fort,”’ which is one quarter of a mile in length from north —

to south, and somewhat less in breadth. It stands on the high bank

of the old bed of the Ganges, which is said by some to have flowed

immediately under it so late as 200 years ago. The modern town

stands at the foot of the old mound on the west and south sides, and

probably contains about 5,000 inhabitants. There are no dwellings

on the old mound, which is occupied only by the temple of Svta-Rdmje

and the tomb of Shekh-Jamdl. But it is covered with broken bricks”

of large size, and the foundations of walls can be traced in all diree~

tions. The mound is said to be the ruins of a fort built by Raja

Somadatta of Soron many hundred years ago. But the original

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 189

settlement of the place is very much older, being attributed to the

fabulous Raja Vena Chakravartti, who plays such a conspicuous part

in all the legends of North Bihar, Qudh, and Rohilkhand.

228. The temples of Soron are very numerous, and several of them

are said to be old. But the only temples of any consequence are those

of Sita-Rdmji, on the top of the mound, and Vardhaji to the north-

west of the city. A great annual fair is held near the latter temple

on the 11th of the waxing moon of Wéargasirsha, in remembrance of

the destruction of the demon by the Boar incarnation of Vishnu. It

contains a statue of Vardha Lakshmi, and is visited by crowds of pil-

grims. The temple of Sita-Rdmy?, which is said to have been ruined

by Aurang Shah (or Aurangzib) was restored by a wealthy Baniya,

only four years ago, by building up the space between the pillars with

plain white-washed walls. Internally the temple is a square of 27

feet supported on 16 stone pillars; but the people say that the original

building was much larger, and that it contained 32 pillars. This ac-

count is most probably correct, as the foundations of the walls of the

sanctum, or shrine, are still standing at the back, or west side, of the

temple. There are also 10 superfluous pillars inside the temple, of

which two support the broken architrayves, and eight are built into the

corner spaces of the walls. The style of these columns is similar to that

of the set of pillars in the south-east corner of the quadrangle of the

Great Kutb Mosque at Delhi, which bear the date of Samvat 1124, or

A. D. 1067. That this date is not too early for the Soron temple is

proved by the inscriptions of various pilgrims who have visited the

_ shrine. As the oldest legible record bears the date of Samvat 1226,

_ or A. D. 1169, the date of the erection of the temple cannot therefore

~ be placed later than A. D. 1000.

229. ‘These pilgrim’s records are generally short and uninteresting,

but as there are no less than 38 of them, bearing dates which range

from A. D. 1169 to 1511, they become valuable for tracing the

history of the temple. The earliest date after the Muhammadan con-

£ quest is A. D. 1241, and from that time down to A. D. 1290 there are

no less than 15 dated records, showing that Soron continued to be a

tauch frequented place of pilgrimage during the whole period of the

Ghori dynasty, which ended in A. D. 1289. But during the rule of

the next two dynasties, the Khiljis and Zughlaks, there is only one

190 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

inscription, dated in A. D. 1375, in the reign of Firuz. Now, as nearly

one-half of this period was occupied by the reigns of the cruel despot

Ala-ud-din Khilji and the ferocious madman Muhammad Tughlak, it

seems only reasonable to conclude that the people were deterred from

making their usual pilgrimages by the persecution of their Muham-

madan rulers. The next record is dated in A. D. 1429, and from that

time down to 1511 there are 16 dated inscriptions ; but as no less

than 13 of this number belong to the reign of Bahlol Lodi, I infer that

the rule of the Syad dynasty was not favourable to Hindu pilgrimages.

I infer also that the temple must have been destroyed during the reign

of the intolerant Sikandar Lodi, because the series of inscriptions closes

with A. D. 1511, or just six years before the end of his reign. Had

the temple existed during the happy century when the sceptre of India

was swayed by the tolerant Akbar, the indifferent Jehangir, and the

politic Shah Jahan, it is almost certain that some records of the pilgrims’

visits would have been inscribed on the pillars of the temple. For

this reason I feel satisfied that the destruction of the great temple of

Soron must be assigned to an earlier period than that of the bigoted —

Aurang Shah.

VIII.—ATRANJI-KHERA, OR PI-LO-SHAN-NA.

230. The great mound of ruins called Atranji-Khera is situated on

the right, or west, bank of the Kali Nadi, four miles to the south of

Karsdna, and eight miles to the north of Hyta, on the Grand Trunk

Road. It is also 15 miles to the south of Soron, and 43 miles to the

north-west of Sankisa in a direct line, the road distance being not less

than 48 or 50 miles. In the Ayin Akbari Atranji is recorded as one —

of the Parganahs of Kanoj, under the name of Sikandar-pur Atrejt.

Stkandarpur, which is now called Sikandrabad, is a village on the left

bank of the Kdlv Nadi opposite Atranji. From this it would appear

that Atranji was still occupied in the reign of Akbar. The Parganah

was afterwards called Karscna, but it is known by the name of Sahd-

war Karséna, or of Sahdéwar only. The name given by the Chinese

pilgrim is P2-lo-shan-na, for which M. Julien proposes to read Virasa-

na. So far back as 1848 I pointed out that, as both pil and kar are

Sanskrit names for an elephant, it was probable that Pclosana might

be the same as Karsdna, the large village which I have already men~

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 191

tioned as being four miles to the north of Atranji Khera. The chief

objection to this identification is the fact that Karsdna is apparently

not a very old place, although it is sometimes called Deora Karsdna,

a name which implies the possession of a temple of note at some for-

mer period. It is, however, possible that the name of Karsdna may

once have been joined to Atranji in the same way that we find Sikan-

darpur Atreji in the Ayin Akbari. As the identification of Karsdna

with Pilosana is purely conjectural, it is useless to hazard any more

speculations on this subject. The bearing and distance from Sankisa, as

recorded by Hwen Thsang, point to the neighbourhood of Strpura, near

which there is a small village called Pilkuni, or Pilokuni, which is the

Pilukhoni of our maps. It is, however, a very petty place ; and although

it boasts of a small khera, or mound of ruins, it cannot, I think, have

ever been more than one-fourth of the circuit of two miles which Hwen

Thsang attributes to Pi-lo-shan-na. But there are two strong points

in its favour—namely, Ist, its position, which agrees both in bearing

and distance with the Chinese pilgrim’s account; and 2nd, its name,

which is almost identical with the old name, sh being very commonly

pronounced as kh, so that Hwen Thsang’s Pdloshana would usually

be pronounced Pilokhana.

231. In proposing Atranji-Khera as the site of the ancient P2lo-

shanna, I am influenced solely by the fact that this is .the only large

place besides Soron of any antiquity in this part of the country. It is

true that the distance from Sankisa is somewhat greater than that

recorded by the Chinese pilgrim—namely, 45 miles, instead of 33

~ miles; but the bearing is exact; and as it is quite possible that there

may be some mistake in Hwen Thsang’s recorded distance, I think

that Atranji-Khera has a better claim than any other place to be

" identified with the ancient Piloshana. I have not visited the place

myself, as I was not aware of its importance when I was in its neigh-

bourhood. I propose, however, to take an early opportunity of explor-

—

ing it in person. In the meantime I have had it inspected by a

_ trustworthy servant, whose report shows that Atranji must once have

been a place of considerable extent and importance. According to him,

the great mound of Atranji is 3,250 in length, and 2,550 in breadth at

the base. Now, these dimensions would give a circuit of about two

miles, which is the very size of Piloshana as recorded by Hwen Thsang.

192 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 3,

Its highest point is 44 feet 9 inches, which, if my identification is

correct, should be the ruins of the great Stwpa of Asoka, upwards of

100 feet in height, as this lofty tower is said to have been situated

inside a monastery in the middle of the town. Outside the town there

were two other monasteries, inhabited by 300 monks. These may

perhaps be represented by two small mounds which still exist on the

east side of the Great Khera. To the south there is a third mound,

165 feet in length by 105 feet in breadth, which may possibly be the

remains of one or more of the five Brahmanical temples described by

Hwen Thsang.

232. Atranji-Khera had two gates, one to the east, towards the Kali

Nadi, and the other to the south. The foundation of the place is attri- —

buted to Raja Vena Chakravartti. The mound is covered with broken

bricks of large size and fragments of statues, and old coins are said to

be frequently found. All the existing fragments of statues are said to

be Brahmanical. There is a temple of Mahadeo on the mound, and

there are five lingams in different places, of which one is 6 feet in height,

The principal statue is that of a four-armed female called Debi, but

which, as she is represented treading upon a prostrate figure, is most —

probably Durga.

233. The only objection to the identification of Atranji with Pi-

loshanna is the difference between the distance of 200 i, or 33 miles,

as stated by Hwen Thsang, and the actual distance of 43 miles direct,

or about 48 or 50 miles by road. I have already suggested the pos-

sibility of there being some mistake in the recorded distance of Hwen

Thsang, but perhaps an equally probable explanation may be found in

the difference of the length of the yojana. Hwen Thsang states that

he allowed 40 Chinese Ui to the Yojana ; but if the old yojana of

Rohilkhand differed from that of the Central Doab as much as the hos

of these districts now differ, his distances would have varied by half a

mile in every kos, or by two miles in very yojana, as the Rohilkhand

kos is only 13 mile, while that of the Doab is two miles; the latter”

being one-third greater. Now, if we apply this difference to Hwen

Thsang’s measurement of 200 U’, or 33 miles, we increase the distance

at once to 44 miles, which agrees with the direct measured distance on

the map. I confess, however, that I am rather inclined to believe in.

the possibility of there being a mistake in Hwen Thsang’s recorded

1865. ] Report of the Archeological Survey. 193

distance, as I find exactly the same measurement of 200 li given as the

distance between Sankisa and Kanoj. Now, the two distances are pre-

cisely the same—that is, Sankisa is exactly midway between Atranjt

and Kanoj ; and as the latter distance is just 50 miles by my measure-

ment along the high road, the former must also be the same. I would

therefore suggest the probability that both of these distances should

be 300 Zz, or 50 miles, instead of 200 7 as recorded in the text. In

favour of this proposed correction I may cite the testimony of the ear-

lier Chinese pilgrim Fa Hian, who makes the distance from Sankisa

to Kanoj 7 yojanas, or 49 miles. At Hwen Thsang’s own valuation

of 40 li to the yojana, this measurement would give 280 i ; and as Fa

Hian does not record half yojanas, we may increase the distance by half

a yojana, or 20 li, which brings the total wp to 300 17, or exactly 50

miles.

234. But whatever may be the true explanation of the difference

between the actual distances and those recorded by Hwen Thsang, there

still remains the important fact that Sankisa was exactly midway be-

tween Kanoj and Piloshanna, just as it now is midway between Kana}

and Atranji. If we couple this absolute identity of position with the

fact that Atranji is the only old place in the part of the country indi-

cated by Hwen Thsang, we can scarcely arrive at any other conclusion

than that the great ruined mound of Alranji is the site of the ancient

Piloshanna.

(To be concluded.)

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Part I—HISTORY, LITERATURE, &.

eee oe

No. IV.—1865.

Report of the Proceedings of the Archeological Surveyor to the Govern-

ment of India for the Season of 1862-63.—By Major-General

A. Cunninenam, Archeological Surveyor to the Govt. of India.

[Received 3rd Feb., 1865. ] [Read 1st March, 1865.]

(Continued from page 193.)

IX.—SANKISA.

235. The site of Sankisa was discovered by me in 1842 ; but it was

not until the end of 1862 that I got an opportunity of exploring the

ruins at leisure. The name of the place is written Seng-kia-she by the

Chinese pilgrims, a spelling which is well preserved in the Sankisa of

the present day, and which represents with considerable faithfulness

the Sangkdsya of Sanskrit. Hwen Thsang calls it also by the name of

Kie-pi-tha, or Kapitha, of which I was unable to discover any trace.

_ Sankisa was one of the most famous places of Buddhist pilgrimage, as

it was there’ that Buddha was believed to have descended from the

Trayastrinsa heaven by a ladder of gold or gems, accompanied by the

: gods Indra and Brahma. According to this éurious legend, Wdyd, the

mother of Buddha, died seven days after his birth, and ascended at once

to the Trayastrinsa heaven, the abode of the 33 gods, of whom Indra

was the chief. But as she had no opportunity in this abode of the gods

of hearing the law of Buddha, her pious son ascended to the Trayas-

trinsa heaven, and preached for three months in her behalf. He then

— a)

-——

196 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

descended to the earth with the gods Brahma and Indra by three stair-

cases, one of which was formed either of crystal or precious stones,

another of gold, and the third of silver. According to Fa Hian, Buddha

descended by a staircase formed of the ‘seven precious things,”—that

is, the precious metals and precious gems; whilst Brahma accompanied

him on his right side by a silver ladder, and Indra on his left by a gol-

den one. But Hwen Thsang assigns the golden staircase to Buddha

himself, and the silver staircase on the right to Brahma, and the crys-

tal staircase on the left to Indra. The descent was accompanied by a

multitude of Devas, who scattered showers of flowers on all sides as

they sang the praises of Buddha.

236. Such are the main points of this curious legend, . which is

believed as firmly in Barma at the present day, as it was by Asoka

2,100 years ago, or by the Chinese pilgrims of the 5th, 6th, and 7th :

centuries of our era. According to Fa Hian, the three staircases disappear- —

ed underground immediately after the descent, leaving only seven steps —

visible. Apparently these seven steps must have existed in the time

of Asoka, as he is reported to have been anxious to behold their

foundations, and accordingly sent men to dig down to their base. But

the diggers ‘‘ reached a yellow spring without being able to penetrate

to the foundation.” The King, however, “ felt sensible of a great in-

crease of his faith and veneration,” and therefore built a chapel over the

three staircases, and upon the middle one erected a full length statue

of Buddha 60 feet high. According to Hwen Thsang’s account, the

three staircases still existed in his time, (A. D. 634), but were com-

pletely sunk in the earth. On their foundations, however, the pious

Kings of different countries had erected three staircases, similar to the

first, of bricks and stones, ornamented with many precious things.

The height of these staircases was about 70 feet. Over them there

was a Vihdr containing statues of Buddha, Brahma, and Indra, who were

represented leaning forward as if about to descend. The Barmese say —

that the descent took place at the full moon of Thadingkyut, (October),

and that the feet of the steps were at the gate of the city of Thing-

ka-tha-na-go, or Singkasanagara. Hwen Thsang adds that the three

staircases were placed in a line from north to south, with the descent

facing the east, and that they stood within the walls of a great

monastery.

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 197

237. Close to the staircase there was a stone pillar, 70 feet in

height, which had been erected by King Asoka. It was formed of a

hard, fine-grained reddish stone, and had a brilliant polish, On its

summit was a lion, who was seated facing the steps. There were figures

also sculptured inside the pillar with marvellous art, which were visible

only to the virtuous. This is Hwen Thsang’s account, with which Fa

Hian’s agrees in almost every particular; but he adds a curious legend

about a dispute between the Sramanas and heretics. “Tf,” said the

former, ‘‘ this place ought to be the abode of the Sramanas, let a super-

natural testimony proclaim it. They had no sooner finished this speech

than the lion on the summit uttered a loud roar.”’

238. There were several Stupas at Sankisa, of which the most

famous were the following :—

1st.—On the spot where Buddha descended from the Trayastrinsa

heaven, accompanied by Indra and Brahma. This Stwpa is not men-

tioned by Hwen Thsang, but it is noticed by Fa Hian, and in the

Barmese life of Buddha,

2nd.—On the spot where the four Buddhas had formerly sat and

taken exercise.

3rd.—At the place where Buddha bathed.

4th and 5th.—Two small Stwpas of Indra and Brahma.

6th.—On the spot where the female mendicant Pundarikavarnd

obtained the first sight of Buddha on his descent.

7th.—On the spot where Buddha cut his hair and nails.

239. The only other place of note at Sankisa was the tank of a

Naga, or serpent, which was situated to the south-east of the great Stupa.

Fa Hian says that this Naga had white ears; that he lived in the

dwelling-place of the “ ecclesiastics ;’’ and that he conferred fertility and

abundance on the ‘“‘ country by causing gentle showers to fall upon the

fields, and securing them from all calamities.” A chapel was erected

for his use, and he was said to make his appearance once a year.

“When the ecclesiastics perceive him, they present him with cream in

a copper vessel.”’

240. Hwen Thsang’s account of Sankisa is unfortunately so mea-

gre that we have but little to guide us in our attempt to identify the

holy places of his time with any of the ruins of the present day. The

only spot that can be identified with any certainty is the tank of the

198 Report of the Archeological. Survey. [No. 4,

Ndga, which still exists to the south-east of the ruins, in the very

position described by Hwen Thsang. The name of the Ndga is Kédre-

war, and that of the tank Kandaiya Tél. Milk is offered to him dur-

ing every day of Vaisakh, and on the Ndg-panchami of Sravana, and

“at any other time when rain is wanted.” In a note on the word

Chaurdsi Sir Henry Elliot has given an account of Sankisa, in which

he asserts that this Ndga is the common Nag of the Hindu worship, to

whom the Ndg-panchamz is specially dedicated. But this opinion is

certainly wrong, as the above account shows that the Sankisa Naga of

the present day is propitiated with offerings of mill whenever rain is

wanted, just as he was in A. D. 400, when Fa Hian visited the place.

This therefore is not the common Ndga of Hindu worship, but the lo-

cal Naga of Sankisa, who is commonly invoked as Kdrewar Ndg

Devata.

241. Before attempting to identify the site of the great monastery

with its three famous staircases, its lion pillar and attendant Stupas,

it will be better to describe the place as it is at present, although but

little is now left of the great city of Sankisa with all its magnificent

monuments. The little village which still preserves the name of San-

kisa is perched upon a lofty mound of ruins 41 feet in height above

the fields. This mound, which is called the Kilah, or “fort,” is 1,500

feet in length from west to east, and 1,000 feet in breadth. On the

north and west faces the sides are steep, but on the other faces the slope

is much more easy. Due south from the centre of the Kilah, ata

distance of 1,600 feet, there is a mound of solid brick-work which is

crowned by a modern temple dedicated to Biséri Devi, who is describ- —

ed as a goddess of great power. At 400 feet to the north of the tem-

ple mound there is a capital of an ancient pillar bearing the figure of an

elephant, standing, but both his trunk and tail are wanting. The capital —

itself is of the well known bell shape, corded or reeded perpendicularly, —

with an abacus of honeysuckle similar to that of the Allahabad pillar.

The figure of the elephant is by far the best representation of that

animal that I have seen in any Indian sculpture. The veins of the

legs are carefully chiselled, and the toes of the feet are well and faith-

fully represented, but the loss of the trunk prevents us from forming a

decided opinion as to its excellence as a work of art. Ifwe may judge

from the position of the legs, the animal was most probably represent-_

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 199

ed as standing still with his trunk hanging down. The stone is a fine-

grained sandstone of reddish hue, and has been very highly polished.

The bell-capital is low, its breadth being greater than its height, in

which particular it resembles the Asoka Pillar of Navandgarh Lauriya,

to the north of Bettiah. Taking all these circumstances into consider-

ation along with tlie superior execution of the work, I feel satisfied

that this capital is of the same age as the well known Asoka Pillars of

Allahabad and Navandgarh.

242. Due south from the temple of Bisari Devi, at a distance of

200 feet, there is a small mound of ruins which appears to be the re-

mains of a Stupa. Due east from the temple 600 feet, there is an

oblong mound 600 feet in length by 500 feet in breadth, which is

known by the name of Nivi-ka-kot. Nivi would appear to have been

the name of the man who formerly brought this piece of ground into

cultivation; and Kot, in the phraseology of Saniisa, means simply

any mound of ruins, and is applied to all the isolated portions of the

ramparts. Nivi-ka-kot would, however, appear to be the remains of

some large enclosed building, such as a Buddhist monastery. It is

covered with broken bricks of large size, and a few fragments of stone ;

but I could not trace any remains of walls on the surface. At the

south-east and north-east angles of Nivi-ka-kot there are large circular

mounds which are probably the remains of Stwpas from which all the

available bricks have been removed ; and at a short distance to the north

there is a third mound of the same character.

243. The Kilah and the different mounds of allsizes around the

temple form a mass of ruin 3,000 feet in length by 2,000 feet in

breadth, or nearly 2 miles in circuit. But this was only the central por-

tion of the ancient city of Sankisa, comprising the citadel and the

religious buildings that were clustered around the three holy staircases.

The city itself, which would appear to have surrounded this central

mound on all sides, was enclosed with an earthen rampart, 18,900 feet,

or upwards of 34 miles, in circuit. The greater part of this rampart still

remains, the shape being a tolerably regular duodecagon. On threesides,

_ to the east,the north-east and the south-east, there are breaks or openings

in the line of rampart which are traditionally said to be the positions of

the three gates of the city. In proof of the tradition, the people refer to

the village of Paor-Kheria, or “ Gate-village,” which is just outside

200 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

the south-east gap in the ramparts. But the name is pronounced

Paor, I<, and not Paur, GX, and may therefore refer to the stair-

cases or steps (Paorz), and not to the gate. The Kali, or Kalindri

Nadi, flows past the south-west corner of the ramparts from the Raj_

ghét, which is half a mile distant, to the Kakra Ghat, which is rather

more than one mile to the south of the line of ramparts.

244. To the north-west, three-quarters of a mile distant, stands

the large mound of Aygahat, which is 40 feet in height, and rather

more than half a mile in diameter at base. The name of the old town

is said to have been Agahat, but the place is now called Agahat Sarai

(Agahat of the maps) from a modern Sarai, which was built in

A. H. 1080, or A. D. 1670, on the north-east corner of the mound, by

the ancestor of the present Pathin Zamindar. The people say that

before this, the place had been deserted for several centuries; but as I

obtained a tolerably complete series of the copper coins of the Muham-

madan Kings of Delhi and Jounpur, I presume that it could not have

been deserted for any very long time. The mound is covered with

broken bricks of large size, which alone is a sure test of antiquity : and

as it is of the same height as that of Sankisa, the people are most —

probably right in their assertion that the two places are of the same —

age. In both mounds are found the same old coins without any in-

scriptions, the more ancient being square pieces of silver covered with

various punch marks, and the others, square pieces of copper that have

been cast in a mould,—all of which are, in my opinion, anterior to the

invasion of Alexander the Great.

245. In identifying Sankisa with the Sang Kasya of the Rama- —

yana and the Seng-kia-she of the Chinese, we are supported, not only

by its absolute identity of name, but likewise by its relative position

with regard to three such well known places as Mathura, Kanoj, and

Ahi-chhatra. In size, also, it agrees very closely with the measure-

ment given by Hwen Thsang ; his circuit of 20 i, or 834 miles, being

only a little less than my measurement of 18,900 feet, or 34 miles,

There can be no doubt, therefore, that the place is actually the same;

but in attempting to identify the sites of any of the holy spots

mentioned by Hweu Thsang, I find myself baffled at the outset by

the indefiniteness as well as the meagreness of the pilgrim’s deserip-

tions. It is his usual practice to state the relative bearings and

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 201

distances of most of the chief placesof Buddhist veneration, but in

describing Sankisa he has given only one bearing and not a single

distance. The tank of the Ndga is the one solitary spot that can be

identified with certainty, the sites of all the rest being only guesses

of more or less probability.

246. But the difficulty regarding the identification of the Asoka

Pillar: is of a different kind. Both of the Chinese pilgrims make

mention of only one pillar at Sankisa, which was crowned with the

figure of a lion, and Fa Hian records a silly legend which refers to the

miraculous roar of this lion statue. Now, the only piece of an Asoka

Pillar at present existing is the elephant capital, which I have already

described, and which, however absurd it may seem, I think may possi-

bly be the lion pillar of the Chinese pilgrims. The reasons which

induce me to think so are the following :—lIst, the elephant capital is

undoubtedly much older than the date of either of the pilgrims, and

yet, if it is not the same as the lion capital, it has been left altogether

undescribed by them, although its great size could scarcely have allowed

it to remain unnoticed; 2nd, the height of the elephant pillar would

seem to correspond very closely with that of the lion pillar, as recorded

by Fa Hian, who calls it 30 cubits, or from 45 to 60 feet according to

the value of the Chinese chhi. Now, the diameter of the neck of the ele-

phant pillar is 2 feet 9 inches, which, compared with the dimensions

of the Allahabad pillar, 2 feet 2 inches neck diameter, to 35 feet of

height, gives a total for the shaft of the Sankisa Pillar of 44 feet 3

inches. By adding to this the height of the capital, we obtain 521 feet

as the probable height of the Sankisa Pillar. 3rd, as the trunk of the

elephant has long been lost, it is possiblethat it was missing before the

time of the Chinese pilgrims, and if so, the nature of the animal might

easily have been mistaken at a height of 50 feet above the ground.

Indeed, supposing the pillar to be the same, this is the only way in which

~ Ican account for the mistake about the animal. Buit, if the pillar is

not the same, the silence of both pilgrims regarding this magnificent ele-

? phant pillar seems to me quite unaccountable. On the whole, therefore,

I am inclined to believe that the elephant’s trunk having been long lost,

the nature of the animal was mistaken when viewed from a distance of

50 feet beneath. This is confirmed by the discrepancy in the statements

_ of the two pilgrims regarding the capital of one of the Srdvast? pillars,

202 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

which‘Fa Hian calls an ox, and Hwen Thsang an elephant. See para.

342 of this Report.

247. Admitting, then, that this elephant capital is not improbably

the same as the lion pillar described by the Chinese pilgrims, we have

a clue to the site of the great monastery which would seem to have en-

closed within its walls the great stone pillar as well as the three holy

staircases. I infer, therefore, that the temple of Bisdri Devi most pro-

bably occupies the site of the three staircases, and that the three mounds

which stand to the east of the Nivi-ka-kot may be the remains of the

three Stupas which were erected on the three other holy spots of Sankisa,

which have already been described. I made several excavations about

the different mounds just noticed, but without any success.

248. I made also a careful but an unsuccessful search for some trace

of the base of the stone pillar. The people were unanimous that the

elephant capital had been in its present position beyond the memory —

of any one now living, and most of them added that it now stands in —

its original position. But there were a few men who pointed to a spot

on the west of the village, or Kilah mound, as the original site of the

capital. Here, indeed, there is an octagonal hole in a small mound,

from which the bricks of a solid foundation have been removed. If any

dependence could be placed upon this statement, the mound on which

the village now stands would almost certainly be the site of the great

monastery with its three holy staircases, and the three mounds to the

east of Nivi-ka-kot would still represent the three Stwpas. The main ob-

jection to our accepting this statement as correct is the apparent want of

all object in the removal of the elephant capital to any other site. It is,

however, quite possible that the capital may have been stopped on its

way to the temple of Mahadeva, near the Néga mound and tank.

Thetemple of Bisdéri Devi would then be the site of one of the ten ancient

Brahmanical fanes which are described by Hwen Thsang. Altogether,

this is perhaps’a more probable solution of the case than that first

described. re

249. In his description of Sankisa, Hwen Thsang mentions a

curious fact, that the Brahmans who dwelt near the great monastery

were ‘‘ many tens-of-thousands” in number. As an illustration of this

statement I may mention that the people have a tradition that Sankisw

was deserted from 1800 to 1900 years ago, and that 1300 years ago,

1865.) Report of the Archeological Survey. 203)

er about A. D. 560, it was given by a Kayath to a body of Brahmans.

They add also that the population of the village of Paor-Kheria is

known to have been wholly Brahman until a very recent period.

X.—KANOJ.

250. Of the great city of Kanoj, which for many hundred years

was the Hindu Capital of Northern India, the existing remains are few

and unimportant. In A. D. 1016, when Mahmud of Ghazni approach-

ed Kanoj, the historian relates that “‘ he there saw a city which raised

its head tothe skies, and which in strength and structure might justly

boast to have no equal.’ Just one century earlier, or in A. D. 915,

Kanoj is mentioned by Masudi as the Capital of one of the Kings of

India, and about A. D. 900 Abu Zaid, on the authority of Ibn

Wahab, calls “ Kaduge, a great city in the kingdom of Gozar.” At

a still earlier date, in A. D. 634, we have the account of the Chinese

pilgrim Hwen Thsang, who describes Kanoj as being 20 li or 34 miles,

in length, and 4 or 5 li or ? of amile, in breadth, The city was sur-

rounded by strong walls and deep ditches, and was washed by the

Ganges along its eastern face. The last fact is corroborated by Fa

Hian, who states that the city touched the River Heng (Ganges) when

he visited itin A. D. 400. Kanoj is also mentioned by Ptolemy,

about A. D. 140, as KavoyiZa. But the earliest notice of the place is

undoubtedly the old familiar legend of the Puranas, which refers the

Sanskrit name of Kanya Kubja, or the ‘“ hump-backed maiden,” to the

curse of the sage Vayu on the hundred daughters of Kusandba.

251. At the time of Hwen Thsang’s visit, Kanoj was the Capital

of Raja Harsha Vardhana, the most powerful Sovereign in Northern

India. The Chinese pilgrim calls him a Fei-she, Varsya, but it seems

_ probable that he must have mistaken the Vaisa, or Bais, Rajput, for

the Vaisya, or Bais, which is the name of the mercantile class of the

_ Hindus; otherwise Harsha Vardhana’s connexion by marriage with

“the Rajput families of Malwa and Balabhi would have been quite

impossible. Baiswara, the country of the Bais Rajputs, extends from

the neighbourhood of Lucknow to Khara Manikpur, and thus com-~-

prizes nearly the whole of Southern Oudh. The Bais Rajputs claim

descent from the famous Sdlivdéhan, whose capital is said to have been

Daundia Khera, on the north bank of the Ganges. Their close

204 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

proximity to Kanoj is in favour of the sovereignty which they claim

for their ancestors over the whole of the Gangetic Doab from Delhi to

Allahabad. But their genealogical lists are too imperfect, and most

probably also too incorrect, to enable us to identify any of their recorded

ancestors with the Princes of Harsha Vardhana’s family.

252. The vast empire which Harsha Vardhana raised during his

long reign of 44 years, between A. D. 607 and 650, is described by —

Hwen Thsang as extending from the foot of the Kashmir hills to

Assam, and from Nepal to the Narbada River. He intimidated the

Raja of Kashmir into surrendering the tooth of Buddha, and his

triumphal procession from Pataliputra to Kanoj was attended by no

less than 20 tributary Rajas from Assam and Magadha on the east,

to Jalandhar on the west. In the plenitude of his power, Harsha

Vardhana invaded the countries to the south of the Narbada, where

he was successfully opposed by Raja Pulakesi, and after many repulses —

was obliged to retire to his own kingdom. This account of Hwen

Thsang is most singularly corroborated in every particular by several

ancient inscriptions of the Chdlukya Rajas of Kalydn. According to

these inscriptions, Raja Vikramaditya, the grandson of Pulakesi Val-

labha, gained the title of Parameswara, ‘“ by the defeat of Sri Harsha

Vardhana, famous in the north countries.*“ Now Vikramaditya’s

reign is known to have commenced in Sake 514, or A. D. 592, as one |

of his inscriptions is dated in Sake 530, or A. D. 608, which is called’

the 16th year of his reign ; + and as his grandson did not succeed to the

throne until the Sake year 618, or A. D. 696, it is certain that Vikrama-

ditya must have been a contemporary of Harsha Vardhana throughout

the greater part, if not the whole, of his reign, The unusually long

reigns of the earlier Chdlukya Princes have led Mr. Walter Elliot to

suspect the accuracy of the dates, although, as he points out,‘‘ the

succeeding dates tally with each other in a way that affords the strongest —

presumption of their freedom from any material error.” The question

of the accuracy of these dates is now most satisfactorily confirmed by

the unimpeachable testimony of the contemporary record of Hwen —

Thsang which I have quoted above. a

* Bombay Asiatic Society’s Journal, ITT. 206.

t+ Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal IV. 10.

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 205

253. In determining the period of Harsha’s reign, between the

years 607 and 650 A. D., I have been guided by the following evi-

dence :—Ist. The date of his death is fixed by the positive statement

of Hwen Thsgng in the year 650 A. D.—2nd. In speaking of Harsha’s

eareer, the pilgrim records that from the time of his accession Harsha

was engaged in continual war for 5} years, and that afterwards for

about 30 years he reigned in peace. This statement is repeated by

Hwen Thsang, when on his return to China, on the authority of the

King himself, who informed him that he had then reigned for upwards

of 30 years, and that the quinquennial assembly then collected was

the svath which he had convoked. From these different statements it

is certain that at the date of Hwen Thsang’s return to China, in

A. D. 640, Harsha had reigned upwards of 30 years, and somewhat

less than 35 years. His accession must, therefore, be placed between

A. D. 605 and 610.—3rd. Now, in the middle of this very period, in

A.D. 607, as we learn from Abu Rihan, was established the Sri

Harsha era, which was still prevalent in Mathura and Kanoj in the

beginning of the 11th century. Considering the exact agreement of

the names and dates, it is impossible to avoid coming to the conclusion

that the Harsha who established an era in Kanoj in A. D. 607 was the

great King Harsha Vardhana who reigned at Kanoj during the first

half of the seventh century.

254. Hwen Thsang adds some particulars regarding the family of

Harsha Vardhana which induce me to think it probable that it may be

identified with one of the dynasties whose names have been preserved

in the genealogies of the Rajavali. The names differ in the various

copies, but they agree generally in making Raj Sing, who reigned

only nine years, the predecessor of Hara or Hari Sing, who is recorded

to have reigned for 44 or 45 years, Now, according to Hwen Thsang,

_ the predecessor and elder brother of Harsha Vardhana was Rajya Var-

dhana, who was assassinated shortly after his accession. Here both the

names of these two Kings and the lengths of their reigns agree so well

together as to suggest the probability of their identity. In most

copies of the Rajavali this dynasty of six Kings, of which Raja and

Hara are the 3rd and 4th names, is made the immediate predecessor

of the Great Tomar dynasty, whose accession has already been assigned

in my account of the Kings of Delhi to the year 736 A. D,

206 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

The following lists give the names of all the Kings of this dynasty

according to the various authorities in my possession :—

MRITUNJA¥A Punsap, CHANDERI Hwen

5 2

AND WARD. M.S, a) Sayip AHMADe THSANG,

Yrs, F Yrs. Yrs Yrs.

Dipa Sinha} 27 |Dip S....| 17 |Dip S.......]| 17 |Dip Sing ...} 17

~ dhana.

Vara S. ...| 46 |Hari S. | 45 |Mitr S. ...| 45 |Shir Sing | 45 |Harsha ditto,

Jivana......| 203|Jiwan ...| 8 |Jiwam ...... 8 |Jiwan Sing} 7

Wotalleans| LOLs eee Sat Beateees

According to Sayid Ahmad the accession of Shir Sing, who is the —

Hara or Hari of the other lists, took place in A. D. 611, or within

four years of the date already obtained for Harsha Vardhana.

255. In my account of Delhi I have given my reasons for believing

that Kanoj was the Capital of the Zomars down to the invasion of

Mahmud in A. D. 1021, immediately after the defeat and death of

Réjé Fai Pal. Shortly after that date the small town of Bari to the

north of Lucknow became the Capital, until about A. D. 1050, when

the Zomars retired to Delhi before the growing power of the Rdhtors.

Once more Kanoj became the Capital of a powerful kingdom, and the

rival of Delhi, both in extent and in magnificence. Here Jaya Chan-

dra, the last of the Réhtors, celebrated the Aswamedha, or “ Horse-

sacrifice ;” and here in open day did Prithi Raja, the daring chief of

the Chohans, carry off the willing daughter of the Réhtor King, in

spite of the gallant resistance of the two Bandfar heroes Alha and

Udal. The fame of these two brothers, which is fully equal to that of

Prithi Raja himself, is still preserved in the songs and traditions of

the people amongst the Chandels of Mahoba and the Rdhtors an

Chandels of the Doab. (ter the fall of Delhi in January, 1193, A.

D., Muhammad Ghori marched against Kanoj. Raja Jaya Chandra

retired before him as far as Benares, where he made his last stand, but

was defeated with great slaughter. The Raja escaped from the field,

but was drowned. in attempting to cross the Ganges. When his body

was recovered by the conquerors it was found that he had false teeth

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 207

fixed with wires of gold. With Jaya Chandra ended the dynasty of

the Rdhtors of the Doab and the wealth and importance of the far-

famed Capital of Kanoj. Only one hundred and fifty years later it is

deseriped by Ibn Batuta as a “small town,” and from that time down

to the present this ancient city has gradually lessened in consequence ;

but as it was close to the high road of the Doab, it still continued to

be visited by numerous travellers who were attracted by its ancient fame.

The final blow to its prosperity has now been given by the diversion

of the Railroad to Etawa, which leaves Kanoj far away to the east,

to be visited for the future only by the curious antiquary and the Civil

Officials of the district.

256. In comparing Hwen Thsang’s description of ancient Kanoj

with the existing remains of the city, I am obliged to confess with

regret that I have not been able to identify even one solitary site with

any certainty ; so completely has almost every trace of Hindu occupa-

tion been obliterated by the Musalmans. According to the traditions

of the people, the ancient city extended from the shrine of Haji Har-

mayan on the north near the Raj Ghit, to the neighbourhood of

Miranka-Sara on the south, a distance of exactly three miles. Towards

the west it is said to have reached to Kapatya and Makarandnagar,

two villages on the high road, about three miles from Haji Harmdyan.

On the east the boundary was the old bed of the Ganges, or Chota

Ganga as the people call it, although it is recorded in our maps as the

Kéli Nadi. Their account is that the Kali, or Kdlindri Nadi, former-

ly joined the Ganges near Sangirémpur or Sangrdmpur ; but that

several hundred years ago the great river took a more northerly course

from that point, while the waters of the Kali Nadi continued to flow

down the deserted channel. As an open channel still exists between

Sangrémpur and the Kali Nadi, I am satisfied that the popular account

is correct, and that the stream which flows under Kanoj, from San-

grampur to Mhendi Ghat, although now chiefly filled with the waters

of the Kali Nadi, was originally the main channel of the Ganges.

The accounts of Fa Hian and Hwen Thsang, who place Kanoj on the

Ganges, are therefore confirmed, not only by the traditions of the

people, but also by the fact that the old channel still exists under the

name of the Chota Ganga, or Little Ganges.

257. The modern town-of Kanoj occupies only the north end of

208 Report of the Archeological Survey. ~ [No. 4,

the site of the old city, including the whole of what is now called the

Kilah or citadel. The boundaries are well defined by the shrine of

Héji Harméyan on the north, the tomb of 7’ Bay on the south-west,

and the Masjid and tomb of Makhdwm Jahdéniya on the south-east.

The houses are much scattered, especially inside the citadel, so that

though the city still covers nearly one square mile, yet the population

barely exceeds 16,000 in number. The citadel, which occupies all the

highest ground, is triangular in shape, its northern point being the

shrine of Hajx Harmdyan, its south-west point the temple of Ajoy

Pil, and its south-east point the large bastion called Kshem Kali Bairj.

Hach of the faces is about 4,000 feet in length, that to the north-west

being protected by the bed of the nameless dry Nala; that to the

north-east by the Chota Ganga; while that to the south must have

been covered by a ditch, which is now one of the main roads of the

city, running along the foot of the mound from the bridge below Ajoy

Pal’s temple to the Kshem Kali bastion. On the north-east face the

mound rises to 60 and 70 feet in height above the low ground on the

bank of the river ; and towards the Nala on the north-west, it still main-

tains a height of from 40 to 50 feet. On the southern side, however,

it is not more than 30 feet immediately below the temple of Ajoy Pal,

but it increases to 40 feet below the tomb of Buld Pir. The situation

is a commanding one; and before the use of cannon the height alone

must have made Kanoj a strong and important position. The people

point out the sites of two gates; the first to the north, near the shrine

of Haji Harmdyan, and the second to the south-east, close to the

Kshem Kali Bérj. But as both of these gates lead to the river it is

certain that there must have been a third gate on the land side towards

the south-west, and the most probable position seems to be immediate-

ly under the walls of the Rang Mahal, and close to the temple of Ajoy

Pal.

258. According to tradition, the ancient city contained 84 wards,

or Mahalas, of which 25 are still existing within the limits of the

present town. If we take the area of these 25 wards at three-quarters

of a square mile, the 84 wards of the ancient city would have covered

just 24 square miles. Now, this is the very size that is assigned to

the old city by Hwen Thsang, who makes its length 20 7, or 34 miles,

and its breadth 4 or 5 lx, or just three-quarters of a mile, which mul-

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 209

tiplied together give just 23 square miles. Almost the same limits

may be determined from the sites or the existing ruins, which are also

the chief /ind-spots of the old coins with which Kanoj abounds. Accord-

ing to the dealers, the old coins are found at Bala Pir and Rang

Mahal, inside the Fort ; at Makhdum Jahdniya, to the south-east of

the Fort; at Makarandnagar on the high road; and intermediately

at the small villages of Singh Bhawdni and Kitlipur. The only other

productive site is said to be Régir, an ancient mound covered with

brick ruins on the bank of Chota Ganga, three miles to the south-east

of Kanoj. Taking all these evidences into consideration, it appears to

me almost certain that the ancient city of Hwen Thsang’s time must

have extended from Haji Hurmdyan and the Kshem Kali Bij, on

the bank of the Ganges (now the Chota Ganga), in a south-west diree-

tion, to Makarandnagar, on the Grand Trunk Road, a length of just

three miles, with a general breadth of about one mile or somewhat

less. Within these limits are found all the ruins that still exist to

point out the position of the once famous city of Kanoj.

259. The only remains of any interest are, Ist, the ruins of the

old palace, now called the Rang Mahal ; 2nd, the Hindu pillars of the

Jima Masjid ; 3rd, the Hindu pillars of the Masjid of Makhdwm

Jdhaniya ; and 4th, the Hindu statues in the village of Singh Bha-

want. The other remains are simple mounds of all sizes, covered with

broken bricks, traces of brick walls, and broken figures. These are

found in several places inside the citadel, but more particularly at the

temple of Ajoy Pdi, a modern building on an ancient site. Outside

the citadel they are found chiefly about the shrine of Makhdum

Jahdniya on the south-east, and about Makrandnagar on the south-

west.

260. The ruins of the Rang Mahal, which are situated in the south-

_ west angle of the citadel, consist of a strong brick wall faced with

blocks of kankar, 240 feet in length, and 25 feet in height above the

sloping ruins, but more than 40 feet above the level of the bazar.

It is strengthened in front by four towers or buttresses, 14 feet broad

and 61 feet apart. The wall itself is 7 feet thick at top, and behind it,

at 10 feet distance, there is a second wall 5 feet thick, and at 92 feet

farther back a third wall 3} feet thick, anda fourth wall at 21 feet.

The distances between the walls most probably represent the width of

210 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

some of the rooms of the old Hindu palace, which would thus have a

breadth of 56 feet. But the block kankar walls can be traced for a ~

distance of 180 feet back from the south-east buttress to a wicket or

small door which would appear to have formed a side entrance to the

courtyard of the palace. As far as it can be now traced, the palace

covered an area of 240 feet in length by 180 feet in breadth. It is

said to have been built by Ajoy Pdl, to whom also is attributed a tem-

ple which once stood close by. <Ajoy Pal, and Mahi Pdl are said to

have reigned a short time before Jay Chand ; but the names of the

intervening Princes are not known. I think it highly probable that

Ajoy Pél is the Tomar Prince Joy Pdl, who was conquered by

Mahmud of Ghaznie, and afterwards defeated and killed, in A. D.

1021, by a confederate army under the leadership of the Chandal Raja

of Kajanjar. Just outside the south-east buttress of the palace, the

people point out a spot where they affirm that 29 golden ingots were

discovered in 1834, of which 9 were made over to Mr. Wemyss, the

Collector of Cawnpoor, and the remainder were secreted by the finders,

Accounts differ as to the weight of the ingots, but the general belief

is that they weighed about.1 ser or 2 Ibs each. The coin dealers,

however, affirm that the 9 ingots which were taken to the Cawnpoor |

Treasury weighed Rs. 13,500, that is Rs 1,500, or 182 sers, each.

261. The Jdéma, or Dina, Masjid of Kanoj is cited by Mr. ©

Fergusson as a specimen of Hindu cloisters, which has been re-arranged

to suit the purposes of Muhammadan worship; and in this opinion I ~

most fully concur. The inscription over the entrance doorway is now

much decayed, and several portions are quite obliterated, but a copy

has been fortunately preserved by Rajab Ali, a teacher of children, in the

court of the Masjid. According to this copy, the Masjid was built in the

Hijira year 809, or A. D. 1406, in the reign of Ibrahim Shah (of Jon-

pur). It is situated on a lofty mound in the very middle of the old

fort, and this commanding position alone would be sufficient to show

that it must originally have been the site of some Hindu building of |

considerable importance. This conclusion is partly confirmed by the

traditions of the people, who, however, most absurdly call the place

Sitaka Rasii, or ‘ Sita’s kitchen.’”’ We know also that it was the usual -

practice of the Muhammadan Kings of Jonpur to raise their Masjids on

the sites, and with the materials, of the Hindu temples which they

1865. ] Report of the Archeological Survey. 211

demolished. On comparing therefore this cloistered Masjid with

those of Jonpur, which are acknowledged re-arrangements of Hindu

materials, we see at once that the pillars are all Hindu,. and that the

domes formed of courses of overlapping stones, and decorated with

Hindu symbols, are certainly not Muhammadan. When I first visited

Kanoj in January, 1838, the arrangement of the pillars was somewhat

different from what I found it in November, 1862. The cloisters which

- originally extended all round the square, are now confined to the

Masjid itself, that is, to the west side only. This change is said to

have been made by a Muhammadan Tahsildar shortly before 1857.

The same individual is also accused of having destroyed all the remains

of figures that had been built into the walls of the Jama and Makh-

dum Jahdniya Masjids. It is certain that there are none visible now,

although in January 1838, as recorded in my Journal, I saw “ several

Hindu figures placed sideways and upside down” in the walls of the

Jdma Masjid and three broken figures lying outsidesthe doorway of

the Masjid of Makhdum Jahdniya. The inscription over the doorway

of the last, which I saw in its place in 1838, is said to have been

removed at the same time for the purpose of cutting off a Hindu figure

on the back of it. I recoverd this inscription by sending to the present

Tahsildar for it.

262. The Jdma Masjid, as it stands now, is a pillared room, 108

feet in length by 26 feet in width, supported on four rows of columns.

The roof is flat, excepting the centre and ends, which are covered with

domes formed by circles of stones gradually lessening until they meet.

Tn front of the Masjid there is a courtyard 95 feet in width, the whole

being surrounded by a stone wall 6 feet in thickness. The exterior

dimensions are 133 feet from west to east, by 1203 feet. In 1838 there

were still standing on the three sides of the courtyard portions of the

original cloisters formed of two rows of pillars. The Masjid itself was

then confined to the five openings in the middle of the west side, the

seven openings on each flank of it being formed of only two rows of

pillars the same as on the other three sides. The Masjid now consists

of asingle room supported on 60 pillars without any cloisters ; but

originally the Masjid itself was supported on 20 pillars with cloisters

on each flank, and also on the other three sides of the courtyard. The

whole number of pillars was then 128, To make up this number we

212 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

have the 60 pillars of the present Masjid, and no less than 58 spare

capitals still lying in the courtyard, which together make up 118, or

within 10 of the actual number required to complete the original design.

263. The pillars of the Jama Masjid may, I think, be seen in

their original Hindu form at the sides of the small doorways in the

north and south walls of the court. Each pillar is formed of five

pieces, viz., a base and capital, with a middle piece which divides the

shaft into two equal portions, and may be called the upper and lower

shafts. The shafts are 10 inches square and 3 feet 9 inches in height.

The base is 1 foot high, and the middle piece and the capital are each

3 inches, thus making the whole height 9 feet 10 inches. But the

pillars, as re-arranged by the Muhammadans, are 14 feet 2 inches high,

the extra height having been gained by adding a piece to each portion

of the shaft. These shorter pieces, which are 2 feet 1 inch in height,

are always placed above the original shafts of 3 feet 8 inches. As there

could have been no difficulty in purchasing a single shaft of the required

length of 5 feet 10 inches, it seems certain that the whole of these

made-up pillars must have been obtained after the usual cheap Muham-

madan manner—by the demolition of some Hindu buildings, either

Buddhist or Brahmanical.

264. The Masjid and tomb of Makhdwm Jahdniya are situated on

a lofty mound in the Sikhdna Mahalla to the south-east of the citadel,

overlooking the Chota Ganga. The mound is 40 feet in height above =

the fields, and is partly occupied by weavers’ houses. The tomb of the

Makhdum is a common-looking building, 35 feet square. Beside it,

there are two other plain square tombs holding the remains of his

descendants, both male and female. The tomb itself, as recorded in

the mutilated inscription which formerly existed over the doorway,

was'erected over Sayzd Jalal Makhdum Jahdniya by his son Raja in

the Hijira year 881, or A. D. 1476. The Masjid was built in the

same year, in the reign of Husen Shah of Jonpur, to whom Kanoj still

belonged, although some writers place his final defeat by Bahlol Lodi

of Delhi in this very year, A. H. 881, and others in A. H. 883. The

central dome of the Masjid has long ago fallen in, and all the pointed

arches are seriously cracked and propped up by unsightly masses of

masonry. There is nothing peculiar about the building, save the

decoration of the panels of the back wall, which have the name of

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 2138

Allah inscribed on a tablet suspended by a rope. The appearance of

the tablet and rope is so like that of the Hindu bell and chain that one

is almost tempted to believe that the Muhammadam architect must have

simply chiselled away the bolder points of the Hindu ornament to suit

his own design. But whether this may haye been the case or not, it is

impossible to miss seeing that the Hindu bell and chain must have

been directly suggestive of the Muhammadan tablet and cord. The

Masjid and tombs are surrounded by a wall with four small towers at

the corners, and an entrance gate on the south side. In the steps

leading up to this entrance I found in 1838 a broken figure of Shastz,

the goddess of fecundity, and a pedestal with a short inscription, dated

in Samvat 1193, or A. D. 1136. The people also affirm that a large

statue formerly stood under a tree close by. All of these are now gone,

but the fact that two of them were built into the entrance steps is

sufficient to show that the mound on which the Masjid stands must

once have been the site of some important Hindu building.

265. The two statues in the village of Singh Bhawani were dis-

covered about 100 years ago in a field close by the brick hovel in

which they are now placed. The people call them Rdm and Lakshman,

and the attendant Brahman does so too, although the figures have

eight arms each, and although the Fish, Tortoise, Boar and Lion

incarnations of Vishnu are represented round the head of one of them.

Hach of the figures is 3 feet in height, but the whole sculpture is

6 feet. Vishnu is also known by the discus (chakra), and club (gadd),

from which he derives his well known titles of chakradhar and gadddhar.

Along with these sculptures there are some other figures, of which the

most: important is a statue of the Tantrika Buddhist goddess, Vajré

Vardhi. The figure is 2} fect in height and has three heads, of

which one is porcine, and the usual number of seven hogs is represented

on the pedestal. Outside the building there are figures of Durga slay-

ing the Maheshaswr, or buffalo demon, and of Siva and Parbati sitting

on the bull Nandi. In the neighbouring village of Kwtlupur I found

the lintel of a temple doorway with a figure of Vishnu in the middle,

showing that the temple had been dedicated to that god. He is represent-

ed sitting on the Garuda, or eagle, and holding the club and discus,

266. The remaining place of any note is the Swraj-kund, or

“Tank of the Sun,” to the south-east of Makarandnagar. It is now

214 Report of the Archeological Survey. ‘TEN 4,

nearly dried up, and at the time of my visit its bed was planted with

potatoes. But it is one of the oldest places of worship in Kanoj, and an

annual fair is still held on its bank in the month of Bhadur, (August-

September). Close beside it there is a modern temple of Mahadeva,

which is said to have replaced a ruined one of some antiquity. To the

south-west of Makarandnagar there are three mounds covered with

broken bricks and pottery ; and under a tree, on the south mound, are

collected a number of fragments of sculpture at a spot dedicated to

Maordari Devi.

267. Most of the ancient monuments of Kanoj that are noticed by

the Chinese pilgrims are of course Buddhist; but numerous as they

were, I am unable to do more than offer conjectures more or less pro-

bable regarding their sites, as Muhammadan spoliation has not left a

single place standing to give even a faint clue towards identification.

The position of one of the most remarkable of the monuments is

rendered more than usually doubtful by the conflicting evidence of the

two pilgrims. According to Fa Hian, the great Stupa of Asoka, 200 feet

in height, which was built on the spot where Buddha had preached on

the instability of human existence, was situated at 6 or 7 li to the

west of the town, and on the north bank of the Ganges. But accord-

ing to Hwen Thsang, this great Stwpa was situated at 6 or 7 li to the

south-east of the capital, and on the south bank of the Ganges. Now, as

the ground to the north of the Ganges, as it existed during the first

centuries of the Christian era, was very low and therefore liable to

inundation, it seems highly improbable that any monument would

have been erected in such an insecure position. I conclude therefore

that Hwen Thsang’s account is most likely right, but I failed in my

search for any remains of this vast monument in the position indicated,

that is, at rather more than one mile to the south-east of the capital,

and on the south bank of the Chota Ganga.

268. To the north-west of the town Hwen Thsang places another

Stupa of Asoka, but as he gives no distance, the mere bearing is too —

vague to enable us to fix upon the site with any probability. Perhaps —

the small village of Kapatya, or Kapteswari, nearly opposite the burnt’ —

dak bungalow, is the most probable site; but although there are

the remains of brick buildings in its vicinity, there is nothing to

indicate the previous existence of any large Stwpa, A smaller Stupq —

all

h»

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 215

containing the hair and nails of Buddha has also disappeared, as well

as the memorial monument to the four Buddhas.

269. To the south of the town, and close to the Ganges, there

were three monasteries, with similar looking walls, but differing gate-

ways. In one of these monasteries there was a Vihdra, or chapel,

which possessed a tooth of Buddha preserved in a casket adorned with

precious stones raised on a high pedestal. This tooth was shown

daily to crowds of people, although the tax charged for its exhibition

was “a large piece of gold.” Perfumes were burned before it by

thousands of votaries, and flowers which were strewn in profusion over

it were devoutly believed never to conceal the casket. Right and left in

front of the monasteries there were two Vihdras, each about 100 feet

in height. Their foundations were of stone, but their walls of brick.

In front of each Vihdra there was a small monastery. The most pro-

bable site of the three monasteries and the Vihdra with the tooth of

Buddha, seems to me to be the large mound immediately to the south

of the Kshem Kali Béivj, to the south-east of the town, and on the

immediate bank of the river. This is now called the Mahalla of Ldla

Misr Tola. The mound is covered with broken bricks, but no remains

of any extensive buildings are now visible.

270. Ata short distance to the south-east of the three monasteries

there was a lofty Vehdra, 200 feet in height, which enshrined a statue

of Buddha 30 feet high. The foundations of the building were of

stone, but the walls of brick. On the surrounding walls of the Vihdra,

which were of stone, were sculptured all the acts of Buddha’s life until

he became a Bodhisatwa. The position of this lofty Vihdra was most pro-

bably on the large mound in the midst of the present Bhatpuri Mahalla,

which stands about 800 feet to the south-east of the mound in the Mahalla

of Lala Misr Tola. There are no remains now to be seen on this mound,

but it is probable that excavations would be attended with success, as

there can be little doubt that this was once the site of some important

buildings. Ata little distance from the Vihdra towards the south

there was a temple ; and a little farther to the south there was a second

temple dedicated to Siva. Both of these temples were of the same

form and size as the Vihdras of Buddha. They were built of a blue stone

which was highly polished, and adorned with admirable sculptures.

The probable position of these Brahmanical temples was on the high

216 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

mound of Makhdum Jahdniya, in the Sikhéna Mahalla, which is about

700 feet to the south of the last mentioned mound in the Bhatpuri

Mahalla. That this mound was the site of one or more Brahmanical

temples seems almost certain from my discovery of a figure of Shastz,

the goddess of fecundity, and of a pedestal bearing the date of Samvat

1193, or A. D. 1136, which is posterior to the extinction of Buddhism

in Kanoj. I think it probable that excavations in this mound would be ©

attended with success, as the two temples are said to have been built of

stone, which no doubt furnished the whole of the materials for the

Masjid and tomb of Makhdum Jahdniya.

XI.—A-YU-TO, OR AYODHYA.

271. From Kanoj the two Chinese pilgrims followed different

routes, Fa Hian having proceeded direct to Sha-chi (the modern

Ajudhya, near Fyzabad on the Ghaghra), while Hwen Thsang follow-

ed the course of the Ganges to Prayég, or Allahabad. The first stage

of both pilgrims would, however, appear to be the same. Fa Hian

states that he crossed the Ganges and proceeded 3 yojans, or 21 miles,

to the forest of Holi, where there were several Stupas erected on spots

where Buddda had “ passed, or walked, or sat.” Hwen Thsang re-

cords that he marched 100 lh, nearly 17 miles, to the town of Nava-

deva-kula, which was on the eastern bank of the Ganges, and that at

5 hi, or nearly 1 mile, to the south-east of the town there was a Stupa

of Asoka, which was still 100 feet in height, besides some other

monuments dedicated to the four previous Buddhas. I think it pro- .

bable that the two places are the same, and that the site wss some-

where near Nobatganj, just above the junction of the Zsan River and

opposite Nanamow Ghat. But as there are no existing remains any- _

where in that neighbourhood, the place has been most likely swept

away by the river. This is rendered almost certain by an examination —

of the Ganges below the junction of the Jsan. Formerly the river

continued its course almost due south from Nanamow for many miles,

but some centuries ago it changed its course first to the south-east for

4 or 5 miles, and then to the south-west for about the same distance,

where it rejoined its old bed, leaving an island, some 6 miles in length

by 4 in breadth, between the two channels. As Hwen Thsang’s ac-

count places Nava-deva-kula on the very site of this island, I conclude ;

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 217

that the town as well as the Buddhist monuments must all have been

swept away by the change in the river’s course.

272. On leaving Nava-deva-kula, Hwen Thsang proceeded 600

li, or 100 miles, to the south-east, and recrossing the Ganges he reach-

ed the capital city of A-yw-to, which was 20 /, or upwards of 3

miles, in circuit Both M. Julien and M. St. Martin have identi-

fied this place with Ayodhya, the once celebrated capital of Rama.

But though I agree with them as to the probable identification of the

name as that of the country, I differ with them altogether in looking

for the capital along the line of the Ghdghra River, which is due east

from Kanoj, whereas Hwen Thsang states that his route was to the

south-east. It is of course quite possible that the pilgrim may occa-

sionally use the generic name of Ganges as the appellation of any large

river, such for instance as the Ghdaghra, but in the present case, where

the recorded bearing of south-east agrees with the course of the Ganges,

I think it is almost certain that the Ganges itself was the river intend-

ed by the pilgrim. But by adopting the line of the Ganges we

encounter a difficulty of a different kind in the great excess of the

distance between two such well-known places as Kanoj and Praydg.

According to Hwen Thsang’s route, he first made 100 li to Nava-

deva-kula, then 600 lito Ayutho, then 300 li by water to Hayamukha,

and lastly 700 li to Praydga. All these distances added together

make a total of 1,700 i, or 283 miles, which is just 100 miles, or

600 li, in excess of the true distance. But as a part of the jonrney,

viz., 300 l, or 50 miles, was performed by water, the actual excess

may perhaps not be more than 85 or 90 miles; although it is doubt-

ful whether the distance of 300 li may not have been the road mea-

surement and not the river distance. It is sufficient for our purpose

to know that Hwen Thsang’s recorded measurement is somewhere about

100 miles in excess of the truth. The only explanation of this error

that suggests itself to me is, that there may have been an accidental

alteration of one set of figures, such as 60 lx for 600 Ui, or 700 li for

70%. Supposing that the former was the case, the distance would

be shortened by 540 lz, or 90 miles, and if the latter, by 630 li, or

105 miles. This mode of correction brings the pilgrim’s account. into

fair accordance with the actual distance of 180 miles between Kanoj

and Prayég.

218 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

273. By adopting the first supposition, Hwen Thsang’s distance

from Nava-deva-kula to the Capital of Ayutho will be only 60 li, or

10 miles, to the south-east, which would bring him to the site of an

ancient city named Kékiépur, just 1 mile to the north of Seorajpoor, —

and 20 miles to the north-west of Cawnpoor. If we adopt the latter

correction, the pilgrim’s distance to Ayutho of 600 li, or 100 miles,

will remain unchanged, and this would bring him vii Mdnikpur,

which ig also an ancient place. By the first supposition the sub-

sequent route would have been from Kdkipur to Daundiakhera by

boat, a distance of exactly 50 miles, or 300 li, and from thence to

Praydg, a distance of more than 100 miles, which agrees with the

700 Ul, or 116 miles, of the pilgrim. By the second supposition the

subsequent route would have been from Khara to Papamow by water,

about 50 miles, and thence to Prayég, about 8 miles of laud, which

agrees with the 70 li of the proposed correction. In favour of this

last supposition is the fact that the bearing from Khara to Papamow

of east by south is more in accordance with Hwen Thsang’s recorded

east direction than the south-east bearing of Daundiakhera from

Kaktpur. I confess, however, that I am more inclined to adopt the —

former correction, which places the chief city of Ayutho at Kakipur,

and the town of Hayamukha at Daundiakhera, as we know that the

last was the capital of the Bais Rajputs for a considerable period. I

am partly inclined to this opinion by a suspicion that the name of

Kakipur may be connected with that of Bagud, or Vagud, of the Ti-

betan books. According to this authority a Sdkya, named Shdémpaka,

on being banished from Kapila retired to Bagud, carrying with him

some of Buddha’s hairs and nail-parings, over which he built a chattya.

He was made King of Bagud, and the monument was named after

himself (? Shampaka Stupa). No clue is given as to the position of

Bagud, but as I know of no other name that resembles it, I am indue-

ed to think that it is probably the same place as the Ayutho of Hwen

Thsang, which was also possessed of a Stwpa containing some hairs —

and nail-parings of Buddha. Kdkupur is well known to the people

of Kanoj, who affirm that it was once a large city with a Raja of its

own. ‘The existing remains of Kdékipur consist of numerous founda-—

tions formed of large bricks, and more particularly of a connected set

of walls of some large building which the people call “the palace.” ;

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. : 219

I have not yet visited this place, which lay out of my line of route,

but I hope to have an opportunity of examining it hereafter.

XIIL—HAYAMUKHA OR AYOMUKHA.

274. From Ayutho the Chinese pilgrim proceeded a distance of

300 Ui, or 50 miles, down the Ganges by boat to O-ye-mu-khi, which

was situated on the north bank of the river, M. Julien reads this

name as Hayamukha, equivalent to ‘‘ Horse face,” or ‘ Iron face,”

which was the name of one of the Dénavas or Titans. Neither of

these names, however, gives any clue to the site of the old city; but

if I am right in my identification of Ayutho with Kdkipur, it is almost

certain that Ayomukha must be the same as Daundiakhera. Hwen

Thsang makes the circuit of the town 20 lv, or upwards of 3 miles,

but Daundiakhera presents no appearance of having ever been so

large. There still exist the ruins of an old fort or citadel, 385 feet

square, with the walls of two buildings which are called the Raja’s

and Rani’s palaces. The foundation of this citadel is attributed to

Raja Raghunath Singh, but he was apparently some comparatively

modern Thakur, or petty Chief, as Daundiakhera is universally allow-

ed to have been the capital of the Bais Rajputs, who claim descent

from the famous Salivihan. As there are no remains of any buildings

which can be identified with the monuments described by Hwen

Thsang, the actual site of Ayomukha must still remain doubtful.

XTIIT—PRAYAGA, OR ALLAHABAD.

275. From Ayomukha the pilgrim proceeded 700 ic, or 116 miles,

to the south-east, to Praydga, the well-kiiown place of pilgrimage at

the junction of the Ganges and Jumna, where Akbar some centuries

later built his fort of Z/déhabds, or Alldhdbdd, as it was afterwards call-

ed by Shahjahan. The distance and bearing given by Hwen Thsang

agree almost exactly with those of Prayiga from Daundiakhera. The

distance is 104 miles by the nearest road to the south of the Ganges ;

but as the pilgrim followed the north road, the distance must have

been increased to about 115 or 120 miles. According to him the city

was situated at the confluence of the two rivers, but to the west of a

large sandy plain. In the midst of the city there was a Brahmanical

temple, to which the presentation of a single piece of money procured

as much merit as that of one thousand pieces elsewhere. Before the

5 28

220 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

principal room of the temple there was a large tree with wide-spread-

ing branches, which was said to be the dwelling of an anthropopha-

gousdemon. The tree was surrounded with human bones, the remains

of pilgrims who had sacrificed their lives before the temple,—a custom

which had been observed from time immemorial.

276. I think there can be little doubt that the famous tree here

described by the Chinese pilgrim is the well-known Akshay Bat, or

“shadowless Banian tree,” which is still an object of worship at

Allahabad. This tree is now situated underground at one side of a

pillared court, which would appear to have been open formerly, and

which is, I believe, the remains of the temple described by Hwen

Thsang. The temple is situated inside the fort of Allahabad, to the

east of the Ellenborough Barracks, and due north from the stone pillar

of Asoka and Samudra Gupta. Originally both tree and temple must

have been on the natural ground level, but from the constant accu-

mulation of rubbish they have bean gradually earthed up, until the

whole of the lower portion of the temple has disappeared underground.

The upper portion has long ago been removed, and the only access to

the Akshay Bat now available is by a flight of steps which leads down

to a square pillared court-yard. This court has apparently once been

open to the sky, but it is now closed in, to secure darkness and mystery

for the holy Fig tree.

277. The Akshay Bat is next mentioned by Rashid-ud-din in the

Jdmiut-tawdrikh, in which he states that the “ tree of Prag” is situat-

ed at the confluence of the Jumna and Ganges. As most of his

information was derived from Abu Rihdn, the date of this notice may

with great probability be referred to the time of Mahmud of Ghazni.

In the 7th century a great sandy plain, 2 miles in circuit, lay between

the city and the confluence of the rivers, and as the tree was in the

midst of the city, it must have been at least one mile from the con-

fluence. But nine centuries later, in the beginning of Akbar’s reign,

Abdul Kadir speaks of the “tree from which people cast themselves

into the rivers.” From this statement, I infer that, during the long

period that intervened between the time of Hwen Thsang and that

of Akbar, the two rivers had gradually carried away the whole of the

great sandy plain, and had so far encroached upon the city as to place $ ‘

the holy tree on the very brink of the water. Long before this time =

the old city had no doubt been deserted, for we know that the fort of |

~ i eeaacae “>t

1865. ] Report of the Archeological Survey. 221

Iléhdbds was founded on its site in the 21st year of Akbar’s reign

that is in A. H. 982, or A. D. 1572. Indeed the way in which Abu

Rihan speaks of the “ tree” instead of the city of Prag, leads me to

believe that the city itself had already been deserted before his time.

As far as I am aware, it is not once mentioned in any Muhammadan

history, until it was refounded by Akbar.

278. Asthe old city of Praydy has totally disappeared, we can scarcely

expect to find any traces of the various Buddhist monuments which were

seen and described by the Chinese pilgrim in the 7th century. Indeed

from their position to the south-west of the city, it seems very probable

that they may have been washed away by the Jumna even before the final

abandonment of the city, as the course of that river for 3 miles above the

confluence has been due west and east for many centuries past. At any rate,

it is quite certain that no remains of these buildings are now to be seen ;

the only existing Hindu monument being the well known stone pillar

which bears the inscriptions of Asoka, Samudra Gupta aud J ahangir.

As Hwen Thsang makes no mention of this pillar, it is probable that

it was not standing in his day. Even its original position is not ex-

actly known, but it was probably not far from its present site. It was

first erected by King Asoka about B. C. 240 for the purpose of inscrib-

ing his edicts regarding the propagation of Buddhism. It was next .

made use of by Samudra Gupta, about the second century of the Chris-

tian era, for the record of his extensive sovereignty over the various

nations of India from Nepal to the Dakhan, and from Gujarat to

Assam. Lastly, it was re-erected by the Mogal Emperor Jahangir to

commemorate his accession to the throne in the year 1605 A. D.

These are the three principal inscriptions on the Allahabad Pillar, but

there are also a number of minor records of the names of travellers and

pilgrims of various dates, from about the beginning of the Christian

era down to the present century. Regarding these minor inscriptions,

James Prinsep remarks that “it is a singular fact that the periods

at which the pillar has been overthrown can be thus determined with

nearly as much certainty from this desultory writing, as can the epochs

of its being re-erected from the more formal inscriptions recording

the latter event. Thus, that it was overthrown some time after its

first erection by the great Asoka in the middle of the third century

before Christ, is proved by the longitudinal or random insertion of

several names in a character intermediate between No. 1 and No. 2, in

222 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

which the m, 6, &c., retain the old form.” Of one of these names

he remarks ‘‘ Now it would have been exceedingly difficult, if not

impossible, to have cut the name No. 10 up and down at right angles

to the other writing, while the pillar was erect, to say nothing of the

place being out of reach, unless a scaffold were erected on purpose,

which would hardly be the case, since the object of an ambitious visitor

would be defeated by placing his name out of sight and in an unread-

able position.” The pillar ‘ was erected as Samudra Gupta’s arm,

and there it probably remained until overthrown again by the idol-

breaking zeal of the Musalmans ; for we find no writings on it of the

Péla, or Sarnath type (¢.¢., of the tenth century), but a quantity

appears with plain legible dates from the Samvat year 1420, or A. D.

1363, down to 1660 odd, and it is remarkable that these occupy

one side of the shaft, or that which was uppermost when the pillar

was in a prostrate position. A few detached and ill executed Nagari

names with Samvat dates of 1800 odd, show that even since it was

laid on the ground again by General Garstin, the passion for recording

visits of piety or curiosity has been at work.” In this last passage

James Prinsep has made a mistake in the name of the Vandal Engineer

who overthrew the stone pillar, because it stood in the way of his new

line of rampart near the gateway. It was General Kyd, and not

General Garstin, who was employed to strengthen the Fort of Allaha-

bad, and his name is still preserved in the suburb of Kydganj, on the

Jumna, immediately below the city.

279. The pillar was again set up in 1838 by Captain Edward

Smith, of the Engineers, to whom the design of the present capital is

entirely due. At first it was intended to have placed a fancy flower as

an appropriate finish to the pillar, but as the people had a tradition

that the column was originally surmounted by the figure of a lion, it

was suggested by a Committee of the Asiatic Society that the design

of the new capital should be made as nearly as possible the same as the

original, of which the Bakra and Navandgarh or (Mathiya) pillars,

were cited as examples. The lion statues which crown the bell capitals

of these two pillars I have seen and admired, and I can affirm that

they are the figures of veritable lions. Both of them are represented

half couchant, with the head raised and the mouth open. The bell

capital swells out boldly towards the top to receive a massive abacus,

which forms the plinth of the statue. In these examples the broad

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 223

swelling capital is in harmony with the stout and massive column.

But the new capital designed by Captain Smith, is, in my opinion, a

signal failure. The capital lessens towards the top, and is surmounted

by an abacus of less diameter than that of the pillar itself. The animal

on the top is small and recumbent, and altogether the design is insig-

nificant. Indeed it looks to me not unlike a stuffed poodle stuck on

the top of an inverted flower pot.

280. According to the common tradition of the people, the name of

Pray4ga was derived from a Brahman, who lived during the reign of

Akbar. The story is that when the Emperor was building the fort,

the walls on the river face repeatedly fell down in spite of all the pre-

cautions taken by the architect. On consulting some wise men, Akbar

was informed that the foundations could only be seeured by being laid

in human blood. A proclamation was then made, when a Brahman,

called Prayiga, voluntarily offered his life, on the condition that the

fort should bear hisname. This idle story, which is diligently related

to the pilgrims who visit the Akshay Bat, may at least serve one useful

purpose, in warning us not to place too much faith in these local tra-

ditions. The name of Praydga is recorded by Hwen Thsang in the

7th century, and is in all probability as old as the reign of Asoka, who

set up the stone pillar about B. C. 240, while the fort was not built

until the end of the 16th century.

XIV.—KOSAM, OR KOSAMBI.

281. The city of Kosdémbi was one of the most celebrated places in

ancient India, and its name was famous amongst Brahmans as well as

Buddhists. The city is said to have been founded by Kusamba, the tenth

in descent from Pururavas; but its fame begins only with the reign of

Chakra, the eighth in descent from Arjun Pandu, who made Kosambi

his capital after Hastinapura had been swept away by the Ganges. If

the date of the great war (Mahdbhdrata) be fixed at 1426 B. C., which,

as I have already shown in my account of Dilli, is the most probable

period, then the date of Chakra will be about 1200 or 1150 B. C.

Twenty-two of his descendants are said to have reigned in the Kosimbi

down to Kshemaka, the last of the dynasty, but it seems almost certain

that some names must have been omitted, as the very longest period

of 30 years which can be assigned to a generation of eastern Kings

will place the close of the dynasty about B, C. 500, and make the

224 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

period of Uddyana about 630 to 600 B. C. If we take all the recorded

names of the different authorities, then the number of generations will

be 24, which will place the close of the dynasty in B. C. 440, and

fix the reign of Uddyana in 570 to 540 B. C. As Udayana is repre-

sented by the Buddhists to have been a contemporary of Buddha, this

date may be accepted as wonderfully accurate for so remote a period

of Indian History.

282. Kosdmbi is mentioned in the Ramayana, the earliest of the

Hindu Poems, which is generally allowed to have been composed

before the Christian era. The story of Uddyana, King of Kosambi, is

referred to by the poet Kali Dasa in his Megha-duta, or “‘ Cloud messen-

ger,’ when he says that Avanti (or Ujain) is great with the number of

those versed in the tale of Udayana,’’ Now K4li Dasa flourished shortly

after A.D. 500. In the Vrihat Katha, of Somadeva, the story of Udayana

is given at fulllength, but the author has made a mistake in the

genealogy between the two Satdnikas. Lastly, the kingdom of Kosdmbi,

or Kosémba Mandala, is mentioned in an inscription taken from the

gateway of the fort of Khara which is dated in Samvat 1092, or A. D.

1035, at which period it would appear to have been independent of

Kanoj. Kosambi, the capital of Vatsa Rajah, is the scene of the pleas-

ing drama of Ratndvali, or the “ Necklace,” which was composed in

the reign of King Harsha Deva, who is most probably the same as

Harsha Vardhana of Kanoj, as the opening prelude describes amongst

the assembled audience “ princes from various realms recumbent at his —

feet.” This we know from Hwen Thsang to have been true of the

Kanoj Prince, but which even a Brahman could scarcely have asserted

of Harsha Deva of Kashmir. The date of this notice will therefore lie _

between 607 and 650 A. D.

285. But the name of Uddéyana, King of Kosémbi, was perhaps

even more famous amongst the Buddhists. In the Mahdwanso, —

which was composed in the 5th century A. D., the venerable Yasa is —

said to have fled from “ Vaisalc to Kosimbi just before the assembly

of the second Buddhist Synod. In the Lalita Vistara, which was

translated into Chinese between 70 and 76 A. D., and which must —

therefore have been composed not later than the beginning of the Chris- —

tian era, Udayana Vatsa, son of Satanika, King of Kosaémbi, is said

to have been born on the same day as Buddha. In other Ceylonese

books, Kosaémbi is named as one of the 19 capital cities of ancient —

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 225

India. Udayana Vatsa, the son of Satanika, is also known to the

Tibetans as the King of Kosémbi. In the Ratnévali he is called Vatsa

Raja, or King of the Vatsas, and his capital Vatsa pattana, which is

therefore only another name for Kosimbi. In this celebrated city,

Buddha is said to have spent the 6th and 9th years of his Buddha-

hood. Lastly, Hwen Thsang relates that the famous statue of Buddha

in red sandal wood, which was made by King Udayana during the

life time of the Teacher, still existed under a stone dome in the ancient

palace of King Udayana.

284. The site of this great city, the capital of the later Pandu

Princes, and the shrine of the most sacred of all the statues of Buddha,

has long been sought in vain. The Brahmans generally asserted that

it stood either on the Ganges, or close to it, and the discovery of the

”

name of Kosdmbi mandala, or “ Kingdom of Kosimbi,” in an inserip-

tion over the gateway of the fort of Khara, seems to confirm the general

belief, although the south-west bearing from Prayaga, or Allahabad,

as recorded by Hwen Thsang, points unmistakably to the line of the

Jumna. In January 1861, Mr. Bayley informed me that he believed

the ancient Kosimbi would be found in the old village of Kosam, on

the Jumna, about 30 miles above Allahabad. In the following month

I met Babu Siva Prasid, of the Educational Department, who takes a

deep and intelligent interest in all archeological subjects, and from

him [ learned that Kosam is still known as Kosdémbi-nagar, that it is

even now a great resort of the Jains, and that only one century ago

it was a large and flourishing town. This information was quite suffi-

cient to satisfy me that Kosam was the actual site of the once famous

Kosimbi. Still, however, there was no direct evidence to show that

the city was situated on the Jumna; but this missing link in the chain

of evidence I shortly afterwards found in the curious legend of Bak-

kula, which is related at length in Hardy’s Manual of Buddhism.

The infant Bakkula was born at Kosémbi, and while his mother was

bathing in the Jumna, he accidentally fell into the river, and being

swallowed by a fish was carried to Benares. There the fish was caught

and sold to the wife of a nobleman, who on opening it found the young

child still alive inside, and at once adopted it as her own. The true

mother hearing of this wonderful escape of the infant, proceeded to

Benares, and demanded the return of the child, which was of course

refused. The matter was then referred to the King, who decided that

226 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

both of the claimants were mothers of the child—the one by maternity,

the other by purchase. The child was accordingly named Bakula ;

that is, of “two kulas, or races.” He reached the age of 90 years

without once having been ill, when he was converted by the preaching

of Buddha, who declared him to be ‘ the chief of that class of his

disciples who were free from disease.” After this he is said to have

lived 90 years more, when he became an arhat, or Buddhist saint.

285. But the negative kind of merit which Bakkula acquired, by

his freedom from disease, was not appreciated by Asoka, as we learn

from a very curious legend which is preserved in the Divya Avadana.

In the first ardour of his conversion to Buddhism the zealous Asoka

wished to do honour to all the places which the life and teaching of Bud-

dha had rendered famous, by the erection of stwpas, and the holy Upagup-

ta volunteered to point out the sacred spots. Accordingly the goddess of

the Sal tree, who witnessed Buddha’s birth, appeared to Asokaand vouch-

ed for the authenticity of the venerated tree, which had given support

to Maya-Devi, at the birth of the infant Sakya. Other holy sites are

also indicated, such as the Bodhi-drim, or sacred Pipal tree at Buddha

Gaya, under which Buddha sat for four years in meditation; and the

Sal trees at Kusinagara, beneath which he obtained Nirvdéna,—besides

various spots rendered famous by the acts of his principal disciples,

Sariputra, Maudgalyaéyana, Kasyapa, Ananda. To all these holy

places the pious King allotted large sums of money for the erection of —

Stupas. Upagupta then pointed out the holy place of Bakkula at

Kosémbi. “ And what was the merit of this sage?’ asked Asoka.

“He lived,” answered Upagupta, “to a great age without once —

having known disease.” ‘On him,” said the King, “I bestow one |

farthing (Kdkanz).”* In Burnouf’s version of this story, Bakula is

said to be the disciple who had encountered the fewest obstacles, from —

which Asoka rightly argued that the fewer the obstacles the less the —

merit. The same idea is even more tersely expressed by the old

author of the “Land of Cockaigne” in describing the sinlessness of

its inhabitants :—

«Very virtuous may they be =

** Who temptation never see.”

* The Kékani was the fourth part of the copper pana, and was therefore — ‘

worth only 20 cowrees. Its weight was 20 raktikas, or ratis of copper, or —

18229 x 20 = 375 grains nearly.

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 227

286. As this legend of Bakula is sufficient to prove that the fa-

mous city of Kausimbi was situated on the Jumna, it now only re-

mains to show that the distance of Kosam from Allahabad corresponds

with that between Prayig and Kosimbi, as recorded by Hwen Thsang.

Unfortunately this distance is differently stated in the life and in the

travels of the Chinese pilgrim. In the former, the distance is given

as 50 li, and in’ the latter as 500 i, whilst in the return journey to

China, the pilgrim states that between Praydig and Kosaimbi he travel-

led for seven days through a vast forest and over bare plains. Now, as

the village of Kosam is only 31 miles from the fort of Allahabad, the

last statement would seem to preclude all possibility of its identifica-

tion with the ancient Kosimbi. But strange to say, it affords the

most satisfactory proof of their identity ; for the subsequent route of the

pilgrim to Sankissa is said to have occupied one month, and as the

whole distance from Prayig to Sankissa is only 200 miles, the average

length of the pilgrim’s daily march was not more than 5} miles. This

slow progress is most satisfactorily accounted for, by the fact that the

march from Prayég to Sankissa was a religious procession, headed by

the great King Harsha Vardhana of Kanoj, with a train of no less

than 18 tributary Kings, besides many thousands of Buddhist monks,

and all the crowd of an Indian camp. According to this reckoning,

the distance from Prayig to Kosambi would be 38 miles, which cor-

responds very closely with the actual road distance as Ifound it. By

one route on going to Kosam, I made the distance 37 miles, and by

the return route 35 miles. The only probable explanation of Hwen

Thsang’s varying distances of 50 li and 500 Ui that occurs to me is,

that as he converted the Indian Yojanas into Chinese / at the rate of

40 k per Yojana, or of 10 lv per kos, he must have written 150 li,

the equivalent to 15 kos, which is the actual distance across the fields

for foot passengers from Kosam to the fort of Allahabad, according to

the reckoning of the people of Kosam itself. But whether this expla-

nation be correct or not, it is quite certain that the present Kosam

stands on the actual site of the ancient Kosdmbi ; for not only do the

people themselves put forward this claim, but it is also distinctly

stated in an inscription of the time of Akbar, which is recorded on the

great stone pillar, still standing in the midst of the ruins, that this is

Kausimbi pura.

287. The present ruins of Kosimbi consist of an immense fortress

228 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

formed of earthen ramparts and bastions, with a circuit of 23,100 feet,

or exactly 4 miles and 3 furlongs. The ramparts have a general

height of from 30 to 35 feet above the fields, but the bastions are con-

siderably higher ; those on the north face rising to upwards of 50 feet,

while those at the south-west and south-east angles are more than 60

feet. Originally there were ditches all round the fortress, but at

present there are only a few shallow hollows at the foot’of the rampart.

The parapets were of brick and stone, but although the remains of

these defences can be traced nearly all round, I could not find any

portion of the old wall with a facing sufficiently perfect to enable me

to determine its thickness. The large size of the bricks, which are

19 inches long by 124 by 23, shows that these are the ruins of very

old walls. In shape the fortress may be described as an irregular rect-

angle, with its longer sides running almost due north and south. The

length of the different faces is as follows :—

North Tonto; gse<s%n-< anne os. Atsausnneneveeetsalee>ye tynUU meek

Sonth 2. ¢.ssreheaweasas oe eee 6,000 ,,

WASt ip tiecioaptniasekatu die meede nema borer 7,500 ,,

Weeab:., cesnptaectteieosocesstbns wicssniehs et ‘veesay tt, AOE

Dota mua te 23,100 feet

The difference in length between the north and south fronts is due

to the original extension of the fortress on the river face; but the

difference between the east and west fronts is, I believe, chiefly, if not

wholly, due to the loss of the south-west angle of the ramparts by the

gradual encroachments of the Jumna. There are no tracesnow left of the

western half of the ramparts on the southern face, and the houses of the

village of Garhawd are standing on the very edge of the cliff overhang-

ing the river. The reach of the river also from the Pakka Burj at

the south-west angle of the fortress up to the hill of Prabhdsa, a

clear straight run of 4 miles, bears 12 degrees to the north of east,

whereas in the time of Hwen Thsang there were two stwpas and a

cave at a distance of 134 miles to the south-west of Kosémbi. From

all these concurring circumstances, I conclude that the west front of

the fortress was originally as nearly as possible of the same length as

the east front. This would add 2,400 feet, or nearly half a mile to

the length of the west front, and would increase the whole circuit

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 229

of the ramparts to 4 miles and 7 furlongs, which is within one furlong

of the measurement of 5 miles, or 30 li recorded by Hwen Thsang. In

the three main points therefore of name, size, and position, the present

Kosam corresponds most exactly with the ancient Kosimbi as it is

described by the Chinese pilgrim in the 7th century.

288. Viewed from the outside, thé ruins of Kosimbi present a

most striking appearance. My previous enquiries had led me to ex-

pect only a ruined mound some 20 or 30 feet in height covered with

broken bricks. What was my surprise therefore, when still at some

distance from the place on the north-east side, to behold extending for

about 2 miles a long line of lofty earthen mounds as high as most of

the trees. I felt at once that this was the celebrated Kosimbi, the

capital of the far-famed Raja Udayana. On reaching the place, I

mounted one of the huge earthen bastions, from whence I had a clear

view of the interior. This was very uneven, but free from jungle, the

whole surface being thickly covered with broken bricks. In many

places the bricks were partially cleared away to form fields, but in others

the broken bricks were so thickly strewn that the earth beneath was

scarcely discernable. But I was disappointed to find that there were

no prominent masses of ruin; the only object that caught the eye

being a modern Jain temple. I recognized the positions of six gates

by the deep depressions in the lines of rampart. There are two of

these openings on each of the three land faces of the fortress.

289. The present village of Kosam consists of two distinct portions,

named Kosam Indm and Kosam Khirdj, or ‘“‘ Rent-free’’ and ‘“ Rent-

paying” Kosam, the former being on the west, andthe latter on the east

side of the old fortress. Inside the ramparts, and on the bank of the Jumna,

there are two small villages called Garhawé Bard and Garhawé Chota,

their names being no doubt derived from their position within the

fort or garh. Beyond Kosam Inam is the large village of Pali, contain-

ing 100 houses, and beyond Kosam Khiraj on the bank of the Jumna

stands the hamlet of Gop-Sahasa. To the north there is another

hamlet called Ambd-Kua, because it possesses a large old well sur-

rounded by a grove of Mangotrees. All these villages together do not

contain more than 350 or 400 houses, with about 2,000 inhabitants.

290. The great object of veneration at Kosdmbi was the celebrated

statue of Buddha in red sandal wood, which was devoutly believed to

have been made during the lifetime of Buddha by a sculptor whom

230 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

King Udayana was permitted to send up to the Trayastrinsa heaven,

while the great Teacher was explaining his law to his mother Maya. The

statue was placed under a stone dome, within the precincts of the palace

of Udayana, which is described by Hwen Thsang as being situated in

the very middle of Kosimbi. This description shows that the place

must have occupied the position of the great central mass of ruin,

which is now covered by a small Jain temple. The temple is said to

have been built in 1834, and is dedicated to Pdrasndth. By the

‘people, however, it is generally called Deora, or the Temple, which

was the old name of the mound, and which, therefore, points unmis-

takably to the position of the ancient temple that once held the famous

statue of Buddha. The foundations of a large building are still

traceable both to the east and west of the temple; but there are no —

remains either of sculpture or of architectural ornament. But in the

village of Bara Garhawa, distant 1,500 feet to the south-west, I found

two sculptured pillars of a Buddhist railing, and the pedestal of a

statue inscribed with the well-known Buddhist profession of faith,

beginning with Ye dharmma hetu prabhava, &c., in characters of the

8th or 9th century. In the village of Chota Garhawa, distant half a

mile to the south-east, I found a small square pillar sculptured on three

faces with representations of stwpas. The discovery of these undoubted

Buddhist remains is alone sufficient to prove that some large Buddhist

establishment must once have existed inside the walls of Kosambi,

I would therefore assign the two pillars of the Buddhist railing and

the inscribed statue to the great Vzhar in the palace, which contained

the famous sandal wood statue of Buddha. The third pillar I would

assign to the stwpa which contained the hair and nails of Buddha,

as it was situated inside the south-east corner of the city, on the very

site of Chota Garhaw4, where the pillar itself was found. The two

railing pillars found at Bara Garhawa are sculptured with figures of a

male and female, and as both of these figures exhibit the very same

scanty clothing as is seen in those of the bas-reliefs of the Sanchi

Tope, near Bhilsa, I would refer the Kosambi pillars to the same age,

or somewhere about the beginning of the Christian era.

291. The only other existing relic of Buddhism inside the fort is a

large stone monolith similar to those of Allahabad and Delhi, excepting

only that it bears no ancient inscription. This column is now stand-

ing at an angle of 52°, about one-half of the shaft being buried in a

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 231

mound of brick ruins. The portion of the shaft above ground is 14

feet in length, and close by there are two broken pieces, measuring

respectively 4 feet 6 inches and 2 feet 3 inches. I made an excavation

completely round the pillar, to adepth of 7 feet 4 inches, without

reaching the end ofthe polished portion of the shaft. All these figures

added together give a total length of 28 feet; but the pillar was no

doubt several feet longer, as the shafts of all the five known monoliths

exceed 30 feet. The smallest diameter is 29} inches, or nearly the

same as that of the Lawriya-Ara-Raj pillar, and as the diameter

increases in nearly the same proportion, I presume that the Kosambi

pillar most probably had about the same height of 36 feet. According

to the villagers, this pillar was in one piece as late as 50 years ago; but

ib was leaning against a large Nimb tree. The tree was old and

hollow, and some cowherds having accidentally set fire to it, the top of

the pillar was broken by the heat. Several different persons affirmed

that the shaft was originally nearly double its present height. This

would make the height above ground somewhat less than twice 14

feet, or Say about 27 feet; which added to the ascertained smooth

portion of 7 feet 4 inches under ground, would make the original

height of the smooth shaft upwards of 34 feet. I found numerous

roots of the old tree in my excavation round the pillar. The state-

ment of the people that the Kosimbi pillar has been leaning in its

present position as long as they can remember, is curiously corroborated

by the fact that an inscription dated in the reign of Akbar is cut across

the face of the shaft at an angle of about 50° but parallel to the hori-

zon. It seems certain therefore that the pillar was in its present

leaning position as early as the reign of Akbar; and further, as this

inscription is within reach of the hand, and as there are also others

engraved beneath the present surface of the soil, I conclude that the

pillar must have been buried as we now see it for a long time previous

to the reign of Akbar.

292. The inscriptions recorded on the Kosimbi pillar range from

the age of the Guptas down to the present day. The only record of the

earliest period is the name of a pilgrim in six letters which I have not

succeeded in reading. At the top of the broken shaft there is an

incomplete record of three letters ending in prabhdra, which I would

ascribe to the 4th or 5th century. The letters, which are three inches

in length, are boldly cut, but the line which they form is not parallel

232 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

to the sides of the pillar. The next inscription in point of time con-

sists of six lines in characters of the 6th or 7th century. As this record

is placed on the lower part of the shaft, from 3 to 4 feet beneath the

present ground level, and as the lines are perpendicular to the sides of

the shaft, I infer that at the time when it was inscribed, the pillar was

still standing upright in its original position, and that the surrounding

buildings were still in perfect order. This inference is fully borne out

by Hwen Thsang’s account of the ancient palace of Udayana with its

great Vihara, 60 feet in height, and its stone dome forming a canopy

over the statue of Buddha, all of which would seem to have been in

good order at the date of his visit, as he carefully mentions that the

two different bath-houses of Buddha, as well as the dwelling house of

Asanga Bodhisatwa were in ruins. Just above this inscription there

are several records in the peculiar shell-shaped letters which James

Prinsep noticed on the Allahabad pillar, and which I have found on

most of the other pillars throughout northern India. The remaining

inscriptions, which are comparatively modern, are all recorded on the

upper part of the shaft. That of Akbar’s time, which has already

been referred to, is in Nagari as follows :—

Mogal Patisth Akbar Patiséh Gaji; or

Mogal Padshah Akbar Padshéh Ghazi.

This is followed by a short record of a sonz, or goldsmith, in three

lines, below which isa long inscription dated in Samvat 1621, or

A. D. 1564, in the early part of Alkbar’s reign, detailing the genealogy

of a whole family of goldsmiths. It is in this inscription that the name

of Kosdmbipura occurs, the founder of the family named Anand Ram

Das, having died at Kosam. The monolith is called Rém-ka-charri,

“‘ Ram’s walking stick,’ by some, and by others Bhim-sen-ka-Gada or

“Bhim-sen’s club.” Inside the fort also, about midway between

the two villages of Garhawa, I found a large lingam, bearing, four

heads, with three eyes each, and with the hair massed on the top of

each head. The discovery of this costly symbol of Mahadeva shows

that the worship of Siva must have been firmly established at Kosambi

at some former period; and as Hwen Thsang mentions the existence

of no less than 50 heretical (that is Brahmanical) temples at the time of

his visit, I think it probable that the large lingam may have a

to one of those early temples.

294, To the south-west of Kosambi, distant 8 or 9 I, or 14 wien

1865. ] Report of the Archeological Survey. 233

Hwen Thsang describes a lofty stwpa of Asoka, 200 feet in height,

and a stone cavern of a venomous dragon, in which it was devoutly

believed that Buddha had left his shadow. But the truthful pilgrim

candidly says that this shadow was not to be seen in his time. If

Hwen Thsang’s south-west bearing is correct, the holy cave must have

been carried away long ago by the encroachment of the Jumna, as the

clear reach of the river above Kosambi, as far as the hill of Prabhasa,

a distance of 4 miles, now bears 282° from the south-west of the old

city, or 12° to the north of west. The hill of Prabhasa, which is on

the left bank of the Jumna, is the only rock in the Antarved or Doab

of the Ganges and Jumna. Ina hollow between its two peaks stands a

modern Jain temple, but there is no cavern, and no trace of any

ancient buildings.

295. At ashort distance to the south-east of Kosambi, there was

an ancient monastery containing a stwpa of Asoka, 200 feet in height,

which was built on the spot where Buddha had explained the law for

many years. Beside the monastery, a householder named Kiw-shi-lo,

formerly had a garden. Fa Hian calls it the garden of Kiu-sse-lo ; but

by the Buddhists of Ceylon it is called the Ghosika garden. M. Julien

renders the name doubtfully by Goshira, but it appears to me that the

true name was most probably the Sanskrit Gosirsha, and the Pali

Gosisa, which I believe to be still preserved in Gopsahsa, the name of a

small village close to Chota Garhawd. This name is now written 7174-

Sat Gop-sahasa, but as the well known name of Janamejaya is written

Sra Jag-medau, and also BHATT Jalmedar, by the half educated

people of Kosam, I do not think that the slight difference of spelling

between the ancient Gosisa and the present Gopsahasa, forms any very

strong objection to their identification, more especially as the position

of the Gosisa garden must have been as nearly as possible on the site of

the Gopsahasa village. There are no ancient remains about this village ;

nor indeed could we expect to find many traces of the garden. But in

the neighbouring village of Kosam Khirdj, or Hisémdbdd, the vestiges

of ancient occupation are found everywhere, and this village I believe

to have been the site of the monastery with its lofty stupa of 200 feet,

built by Asoka, and its smaller stwpa containing the hair and nails of

Buddha. The position of this village, within one quarter ofa mile of

the south-east corner of the ancient fort, agrees precisely with the site

of the monastery as described by Hwen Thsang, “ @ wne petite distance

234 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

au sud-est de la ville.” In this village squared stones of all sizes

may be seen in the walls of most of the houses, and after a little search

I succeeded in finding four plain pillars of two different sizes which

had once belonged to two different Buddhist railings. Two of these

pillars are 4 feet 9 inches in height, with a section of 124 by 7 inches,

which are also the exact dimensions of the largest railing pillars that

have been found at Mathura. The other two pillars are 2 feet 9

inches in height, with a section of 7 by 34 inches, which are the exact

dimensions of the smallest sized railing pillars that have been found at

Mathura. The larger pillars I would assign to the Buddhist railing,

which in all probability once surrounded the lofty stwpa of Asoka, and

the smaller pillars I would assign to the smaller stupa, which contained

the hair and nails of Buddha.

296. I found also the fragment of a corner pillar with the mortice

holes for the reception of the rails on two adjacent sides at right angles

to each other. I conclude, therefore, that this pillar must have belong-

ed to the entrance doorway of one of the railings, although its face of

9 inches does not agree with the dimensions of either of the other

pillars.

XV.—KUSAPURA.

297. From Kosimbi the Chinese pilgrim travelled to the north

east, through a vast forest as far as the Ganges, after crossing which

his route lay to the north for a distance of 700 U, or 117 miles, to

the town of Kia-she-pu-lo, which M. Julien correctly renders by Kasa-

pura. In searching for the site of this place, the subsequent route of

the pilgrim to Visdkhd, a distance of 170 to 180 Ui, or from 28 to 30

miles, to the north is of equal importance with the bearing and dis-

tance from Kosémbi. For as the Visakha, of Hwen Thsang, as I will

presently show, is the same place as the Sha-chi of Fa Hian, and the

Sdketa or Ayodhya of the Hindus, we thus obtain two such well fixed

points as Kosaémbi and Ayodhya to guide us in our search. A single

glance at the map will be sufficient to show that the old town of |

Sultanpur on the Gomati (or Gumti) River is as nearly as possible

in the position indicated. Now the Hindu name of this town was

Kusabhavanapura, or simply Kusapura, which is almost the same name

as that of Hwen Thsang. Remembering Mr. Bayley’s note of informa- —

tion derived from Raja Man Sinh that there was “ a tope near Sultéin- s

pur,” I pitched my tent on one side of the now utterly desolate city, -

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 235

and searched the whole place through most carefully, but all in vain:

I could neither find the trace of any tope, nor could I even hear of

ancient remains of any kind. On the following day, however, after

I had left Sultanpur, I heard that the village of Mahmudpur, about 5

miles to the north-west, was situated on an ancient mound of somewhat

larger size than that of Sultanpur, and on my arrival at Faizabad, I

learned from Lieutenant Swetenham, of the Royal Engineers, that

there is an old tope to the north-west of Sultanpur, not far from this

village. I conclude, therefore, that Sulténpur, the ancient Kusapura,

is the same place as the Kasapura of Hwen Thsang ; and this identifi-

cation will be made even more certain on examination of the recorded

distances.

298. On leaving Kosimbi, the pilgrim proceeded first in a north-

east direction to the Ganges, after crossing which he turned to the

north to Kasapura, the whole distance being 117 miles. Now, the two

great ghats on the Ganges to the north-east of Kosam are at Mau-

Saraya and Pdpa-mau, the former being 40 miles, and the latter 43

miles distant. But as these two ghats are close together, and almost

immediately to the north of Allahabad, the total distance to Kasapura

will be the same, whichever place of crossing be taken. From

Papamau to Sultanpur the direction is due north, and the distance 66

miles; the whole line from Kosam to Sultanpur being 109 miles,

which is within 8 miles of the round number of 700 i, or 116% miles,

as given by Hwen Thsang; while both of the bearings are in exact

accordance with his statements. From Kasapura to Visdiha the direction

_ followed by the pilgrim was to the north, and the distance was from

170 to 180 k, or from 28 to 38 miles. Now the present city of Ajudhya,

the ancient Ayodhya or Saketa, is almost due north from Sulténpur,

the distance being 30 miles to the nearest point, or just six miles in

_ excess of the distance given by Hwen Thsang. As the former of these

distances is in default, while the latter is in excess, I would suggest,

as a possible alternative, that our measurements should be taken from

the village of Mahmtdpur, which would make the route from Kosam

to the Buddhist establishment near Kasapura up to 114 miles, or within

three miles of the number stated by Hwen Thsang, and lessen the sub-

sequent route to Ayodhya from 36 to 31 miles, which is within one

tile of the number given by the Chinese pilgrim. As all the bear-

236 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

ings are in perfect accordance, and as the names of the two places

agree almost exactly, I think that there can be little hesitation in

accepting the identification of Sultanpur or Kusapwra, with the Kasa-

pura of Hwen Thsang.

299. Kusapwra or Kusa-bhavana-pura, is said to have been named

after Rama’s son, Kusa. Shortly after the Muhammadan invasion it

belonged to a Bhar Raja Nand Kunwar, who was expelled by Sultan

Alauddin Ghori (read Khilji). The defences of the town were strength-

ened by the conqueror, who built a mosque and changed the name of

the place to Sulténpur. The site of Kusapura was, no doubt, selected

by its founder as a good military position, on account of its being sur-

rounded on three sides by the River Gomati or Gumti. The place is

now utterly desolate ; the whole population having been removed to

the new civil station on the opposite or south bank of the river. The

ruined fort of Sulténpur now forms a large mound, 750 feet square,

with brick towers at the four corners. On all sides it is surrounded by

the huts of the ruined town, the whole together covering a space of

about half a mile square, or about two miles in circuit. This estimate

of the size of Sultanpur agrees vey closely with that of Kusapura given

by Hwen Thsang, who describes the place as being 10 Wz, or 13 miles,

in circuit.

XVI.—DHOPAPAPURA.

300. Before accompanying the pilgrim to the ancient city of Sdketa

or Ayodhya, I will take the opportunity of describing the famous place ©

of Hindu pilgrimage called Dhopdpapura, which is situated on the

right or west bank of the Gomati River, 18 miles to the south-east of

Sultanpur, and immediately under the walls of the fort of Garhd, or

Shirka-Garhi. The legend of the place is as follows :—After Ram

Chandra had killed the giant Ravana, he wandered about trying to

obtain purification for his guilt in having thus extinguished a portion of

the spirit of Brahma (Brahma-ka-ans) ; but all his efforts were ineffec-_

tual, until he met with a white crow, when he was informed by the

Muni Vasishtha that the crow had become white from having bathed in

the Gomati River at a particular spot. Rama proceeded to bathe at the

- same spot, and was immediately purified or ‘‘ cleansed’’ from his sin.

The place was accordingly named Dho-pdpa, or “ cleanser of sins,” and

the town which soon sprang up beside it was called Dhopdpapura. In —

Sanskrit the form is Dhtitapdpa, which is given in the list of the Vishnu

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 237

Purana as the name of a river distinct from the Gomati; but as the

name immediately follows that of the Gomati, I think it probable that

the term may have been intended only as in epithet of the Gomatz, as

the Dhutapdpa, or “ Sin-cleanser’ in allusion to the legend of Rama’s

purification. An annual fair is held here on the 10th day on the wax-

ing moon of Jyesth, at which time it is said that about fifty thousand

people assemble to bathe in the far-renowned pool of Dhopdpa.

301. The site of Dhopdp is evidently one of very considerable anti-

quity, as the whole country for more than half a mile around it is

covered with broken bricks and pottery. The place is said to have be-

longed to the Bhar Rajas of Kusabhavanapura or Sulténpur, but the

only name that I could hear of as specially connected with Dhopdp,

was that of Raja Hel or Hela. The village of Dhopdép-pur is now a

very small one, containing less than 200 houses, but they are all built

of burnt brick, and numerous foundations are visible on all sides near

the Gomati River. Several carved stones have been collected by the

people from the ruined walls of the fort of Garhd. Amongst them I

observed the following :—1s¢, a broken pilaster with two human figures ;

2nd, a stone bracket ; 3rd, a square capital of pillar ; 4th, a four-bracket

capital of a pillar; 5¢h, two stones with socket holes for iron cramps.

All of these stones point unmistakably to the existence, at some

former period, of a large temple at Dhopip, which was probably situa-

ted immediately above the bathing ghat. It seems almost certain,

however, that there must once have been a considerable number of

temples at this place, for the whole of the eastern wall or river front of

the fort of Garhd has been built or faced with square stones, which,

by their carvings and cramp-holes, show that they belonged to Hindu

temples.

302. The fort of Garhd is situated to the north of the village, on a

lofty natural mound overhanging the river Gomati on the east. To

the north and south the place is defended by two deep ravines supplied

with running water, and to the west by a deep dry ravine. The posi-

tion is, therefore, a strong one ; for, although the neighbouring mounds

to the north and west rise to nearly the same height, yet they once

formed part of the city, which can only be approached over much low

and broken ground. The strength of the position would seem to _

have early attracted the notice of the Muhammadan Kings of Delhi,

a i i i ae

238 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

as the fort is stated to have been repaired by Salim Shah, whilst a very

old ruinous masjid stands on the west mound. The fort itself is a

small place, its northern face being only 550 feet long, its eastern and

western faces 550 feet each, whilst its south face is but 250 feet. The

greater part of the stone work of the south-east tower has fallen into

the river, where many of the stones are now lying, and much of the

eastern wall has also disappeared, the stones being very valuable, in a

stoneless country, for the sharpening of tools of all kinds. The en-

trance gate was on the south side, near the river bastion just mention-

ed. I obtained coins of many of the early Muhammadan Kings, from

Nasir-uddin Mahmud Ghori down to Akbar, but not a single specimen

of any Hindu coinage, although I was informed that coins bearing

figures are found every year during the rainy season.

303. I may here mention that I heard of another place of Hindu

pilgrimage on the north bank of the Gomati River, at a spot called

Set-Barah that is Sweta-Vardha, or ‘the white Boar,” 15 kos, or 30

miles, from Sultanpur towards Lucknow. Two annual fairs are held

there —the first on the 9th day of the waxing moon of Chaitra, and

the second on the L5th day of the waxing moon of Kartik, when it is

said that about fifty thousand people assemble to bathe. The former

period is connected with the history of Rama Chandra, as it is com- —

monly known as the Rdém-navami Tirath or “ Rama’s ninth (day)

place of pilgrimage.” I could not learn anything regarding the origin

of the name of Set Bardh.

XVITI—SAKETA, OR AJUDHYA.

804. Much difficulty has been felt regarding the position of Fa

Hian’s “great kingdom of Sha-chi, and of Hwen Thsang’s Visdkhd, —

with its enormous number of heretics,” or Brahmanists; but I hope

to show in the most satisfactory manner that these two places are

identical, and that they are also the same as the Sdketa and Ajudhya

of the Hindus. The difficulty has arisen chiefly from an erroneous —

bearing recorded by Fa Hian, who places Shewez, or Srdvasti, to the

south of Sha-chi, while Hwen Thsang locates it to the north-east, and

partly from his erroneous distance of 7 + 3 + 10 = 20 Yojans, instead

" of 80, from the well-known city of Sankisa. The bearing is shown

to be erroneous by the route of a Hindu pilgrim from the banks of —

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 239

the Godavery to Sewet, or Srdvasti, as recorded in the Ceylonese Bud-

dhist works. This pilgrim, after passing through Mahissati and Ujani,

or Maheshmati and Ujain, reaches Kosimbi, and from thence passes

through Sdketa to Sewet ; that is, along the very route followed by

Hwen Thsang. We have, therefore, two authorities in favour of Sewet

being to the north of Saket. With regard to the distance, I refer

again to the Buddhist books of Ceylon, in which it is recorded that

from Sakespura (or Sangkasyapura, now Sankisa) to Sewet was a jour-

ney of 30 Yojans. Now, Fa Hian makes the distance from Sankisa

to Kanoj 7 Yojans, thence to the forest of Holi, on the Ganges, 3

Yojans, and thence to Shachi 10 Yojans, or altogether only 20 Yojans,

or 10 less than the Ceylonese books. That Fa Hian’s statement is

erroneous, is quite clear from the fact that his distance would place

Shachi in the neighbourhood of Lucknow; whereas the other distance

would place it close to Ajudhya, or Faizabad, or in the very position

indicated by Hwen Thsang’s itinerary. Here, again, we have two

authorities in favour of the longer distance. I have no hesitation,

therefore, in declaring that Fa Hian’s recorded bearing of She-wer from

Sha-chi is wrong, and that “north” should be read instead of ‘ south.”

305. I have now to show that Fa Hian’s Sha-chi is the same as

Hwen Thsang’s Visdkha, and that both are identical with Sdketa or

Ajudhya. With respect to Sha-chi, Fa Hian relates that “ on leaving

the town by the southern gate you find to the east of the road the

place where Buddha bit a branch of the nettle tree and planted it in

the ground, where it grew to the height of seven feet, and never in-

creased or diminished in size.” Now, this is precisely the same legend

that is related of Visékha by Hwen Thsang, who says that “to the

south of the capital, and to the left of the road (that is to the east as

stated by Fa Hian), there was, amongst other holy objects, an extra-

ordinary tree 6 or 7 feet high, which always remained the same, neither

growing nor decreasing. This is the celebrated tooth-brush tree of Bud-

dha, to which I shall have occasion to refer presently. Here I need

only notice the very precise agreement in the two descriptions of this

famous tree, as to its origin, its height, and its position. The perfect

correspondence of these details appears to me to leave no doubt

of the identity of Fa Hian’s Sha-chv with the Visikha of Hwen

Thsang.

240 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

306. With respect to the identification of Visakha with the Saketa

of the Hindus, I rest my proofs chiefly on the following points: Ist,

that Visékha, the most celebrated of all females in Buddhist history,

was a resident of Saketa before her marriage with Puruna Varddhana,

son of Mrigara, the rich merchant of Srdvast ;—and 2nd, that Buddha

is recorded by Hwen Thsang to have spent 6 years at Visdkha, while

by the Pali annals of Turnour he is stated to have lived 16 years at

Sdaketa.

307. The story of the noble maiden Visikha is related at great

length in the Ceylonese books. According to Hardy, she erected a

Purvvdréma at Srdvasti, which is also mentioned by Hwen Thsang.

Now, there was also a Purvudrdma at Siketa, and it can hardly be

doubted that this monastery was likewise built by her. She was the

daughter of Dhananja, a rich merchant, who had emigrated from

Rajagriha to Sdketa. Now, amongst the oldest inscribed coins

which have been discovered only at Ajudhya, we find some bearing

the names of Dhana Deva and Visékha-Datta. I mention this because

it seems to me to show the probability that the family of Dhananja

and Visékhé was of great eminence in Saketa or Ayodhya; and I

infer from the recurrence of their names, as well as from the great

celebrity of the lady, that the city may possibly have been called

Visdkhé after her name.

808. The other proof which I derive from the years of Buddha’s

residence is direct and convincing. According to the Ceylonese annals,

Buddha was 35 years of age when he attained Buddhahood; he then

led a houseless life for 20 years, preaching in various places in Northern

India, all of which are detailed; and of the remaining 25 years of his

life he spent 9 in the Jetavana monastery at Sravasti, and 16 in the —

Pubhérdmo wonastery at Saketapura. Now, in the Burmese annals

these numbers are given as 19 years and 6 years, and in the last figure

we have the exact number recorded by Hwen Thsang. Nothing can —

be more complete than this proof. There were only two places at ~

which Buddha resided for any length of time, namely, Srdvasti, at

which he lived either 9 or 19 years, and Séketa, at which he lived

either 6 or 16 years; and as according to Hwen Thsang he lived for 6

years at Visikha, which is described as being at some distance to the

south of Srivasti, it follows of necessity that Visikha and Saketa were

one and the same place.

‘nh

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 241

309. The identity of Sdketa and Ayodhya has, I believe, always

been admitted ; but I am not aware that any proof has yet been offered

to establish the fact. Csoma-de-Koros in speaking of the place merely

says “‘Saketana or Ayodhya,” and H. H. Wilson, in his Sanskrit Diction-

ary, calls Sdketa “the city Ayodhya.” But the question would appear

to be set at rest by several passages of the Ramayana and Raghuvansa,

in which Séketnagara is distinctly called the Capital of Raja Dasaratha

and his sons. But the following verse of the Ramayana, which was

pointed out tome by a Brahman of Lucknow, will be sufficient to

establish the identity. Aswajita, father of Kaikeyi, offers to give his

daughter to Dasaratha, Rajah of Sdketanagara :—

SAketim Nagaram Raja Namna Dasaratho bali.

Tasmai dey’ Kay& Many& Kaikeyi Nimato jana.

310. The ancient city of Ayodhya or Siaketa is described in the

Ramayana as situated on the bank of the Sarayw or Sarju River. It

is said to have been 12 Yojans, or nearly 100 miles in circumference,

for which we should probably read 12 kos, or 24 miles—an extent

which the old city, with all its gardens, might once possibly have

covered. The distance from the Guptdér Ghat on the west, to the Ram

Ghat on the east, is just 6 miles in a direct line, and if we suppose

that the city with its suburbs and gardens formerly occupied the whole

intervening space to a depth of two miles, its circuit would have agreed

exactly with the smaller measurement of 12 kos. At the present

day the people point to Ram Ghat and Guptir Ghat as the eastern

and western boundaries of the old city, and the southern boundary

they extend to Bharat-Kund, near Bhadarsd, a distance of 6 kos. But

as these limits include all the places of pilgrimage, it would seem that

the people consider them to have been formerly inside the city, which

was certainly not the case. In the Ayin Akbari, the old city is said

to have measured 148 kos in length by 36 kos in breadth, or in other

words it covered the whole of the Province of Oudh to the south of the

Ghaghra River. The origin of the larger number is obvious. The 12

Yojans of the Ramayana, which are equal to 48 kos, being considered

too small for the great city of Rama, the Brahmans simply added 100

kos to make the size tally with their own extravagant notions. The

present city of Ajudhya, which is confined to the north-east corner of

the old site, is just two miles in length by about three-quarters of a

242 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

mile in breadth ; but not one-half of this extent is occupied by build-

ings, and the whole place wears a look of decay. There are no high

mounds of ruins, covered with broken statues and sculptured pillars,

such as mark the sites of other ancient cities, but only a low irregular

mass of rubbish heaps, from which all the bricks have been excavated

for the houses of the neighbouring city of Faizabad. This Muhamma-

dan city, which is two miles and a half in length, by one mile in

breadth, is built chiefly of materials extracted from the ruins of Ajudhya.

The two cities together occupy an area of nearly six square miles, or

just about one-half of the probable size of the ancient Capital of Rama.

In Faizabad the only building of any consequence is the stuccoed brick

tomb of the old Bhao Begam, whose story was dragged before the

public during the famous trial of Warren Hastings. Faizabad was the

capital of the first Nawabs of Oudh, but it was deserted by Asaf-ud-

daolah in A. D. 1775.

311. According to the RamAyana, the city of Ayodhya was found-

ed by Manu, the progenitor of all mankind. In the time of Dasara-

tha, the father of Rama, it was fortified with towers and gates, and sur-

rounded by a deep ditch. No traces of these works now remain, nor is it

likely indeed that any portion of the old city should still exist, as the

Ayodhya of Rama is said to have been destroyed after the death of

Vrihadbala in the great war about B. C. 1426, after which it lay

deserted until the time of Vikramaditya. According to popular tra-

dition this Vikramaditya was the famous Sakari Prince of Ujain, but

as the Hindus of the present day attribute the acts of all Vikramas to

this one only, their opinion on the subject is utterly worthless. We

learn, however, from Hwen Thsang that a powerful Prince of this

name was reigning in the neighbouring city of Sravasti, just one hun-

dred years after Kanishka, or close to 79 A. D., which was the initial

year of the Sdka era of Sdélivéhana. As this Vikramaditya is represented

as hostile to the Buddhists, he must have been a zealous Brahmanist,

and to him therefore I would ascribe the rebuilding of Ayodhya and

the restoration of all the holy places referring to the history of Rama.

Tradition says that when Vikramaditya came to Ayodhya, he found

it utterly desolate and overgrown with jungle, but he was able to —

discover all the famous spots of Raéma’s history by measurements made —

from Lakshman Ghat on the Sarju, according to the statements of —

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 243

ancient records. He is said to have erected 360 temples, on as many

different spots, sacred to Rdma and Sité his wife, to his brothers

Lakshmana, Bharata, and Satrughna, and to the monkey god Hanu-

man. ‘The number of 360 is also connected with Sdlvvdhana, as his

clansmen the Bais Rajputs assert that he had 360 wives.

312. There are several very holy Brahmanical temples about

Ajudhya, but they are all of modern date, and without any architec-

tural pretensions whatever. But there can be no doubt that most of

them occupy the sites of more ancient temples that were destroyed by

the Musalmans. Thus Rdmkot, or Hanuman Garhi, on the east side

of the city, is a small walled fort, surrounding a modern temple on the

top of an ancient mound. The name of Ramkot is certainly old, as

it is connected with the traditions of the Mani Parbat, which will be

hereafter mentioned ; but the temple of Hanuman is not older than

the time of Aurangzib. Ram Ghat, at the north-east corner of the

city, is said to be the spot where Rama bathed; and Swrgdwéari, or

Swargadwari, the “gate of Paradise,”’ on the north-west, is believed

to be the place where his body was burned. Within a few years ago

there was still standing here a very holy Banyan tree called Asok Bat,

or the “ griefless Banyan,’’ a name which was probably connected

with that of Swargadwéri, in the belief that people who died or were

burned at this spot were at once relieved from the necessity of future

births. Close by is the Lakshman Ghat, where his brother Lakshman

bathed, and about one-quarter of a mile distant, in the very heart of

the city, stands the Janam Asthdn, or “ Birth-place temple” of Rama.

Almost due west, and upwards of five miles distant is the Guptar Ghat,

with its group of modern white-washed temples. This is the place where

Lakshman is said to have disappeared, and hence its name of Guptdr

from Gupta, which means “hidden or concealed.” Some say that it

was Rama who disappeared at this place, but this is at variance with

the story of his cremation at Swargadwart.

313. The only remains at Ajudhya that appear to be of any anti-

quity, are three earthen mounds to the south of the city, and about a

quarter of a mile distant. These are called Wani-Parbat, Kuber-Parbat

and Sugrib-Parbat. The first, which is nearest to the city, is an artificial

mound, 65 feet in height, covered with broken bricks and blocks of

kankar, The old bricks are eleven inches square and three inches thick.

244 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

At 46 feet above the ground on the west side, there are the remains of

a curved wall faced with kankar blocks. The mass at this point is

about 40 feet thick, and this was probably somewhat less than the size

of the building which once crowned this-lofty mound. According to

the Brahmans the Mani-Parbat is one of the hills which the monkeys

made use of when assisting Rima. It was dropped here by Sugriva,

the monkey-king of Kishkindhya. But the common people, who

know nothing of this story, say that the mound was formed by the

labourers shaking their baskets on this spot every evening, on their

return home from the building of Ramkot. It is therefore best known

by the name of Jhowa-Jhdr or Ora Shar, both. of which mean “ basket-

shakings.” A similar story is told of the large mounds near Benares,

Nimsar, and other places.

314. Five hundred feet due south from the large mound stands the

second mound called Kuber-Parbat, which is only 28 feet in height-

The surface is an irregular heap of brick rubbish, with numerous holes

made by the people in digging for bricks, which are of large size, 11

inches by 74 by 2. It is crowned by two old tamarind trees, and is

covered with jungle. Close by on the south-west there is a small

tank, called Ganes-Kund by the Hindus, and Husen Kund, or Imém

Talao, by the Musalmans, because their Yazias are annually deposited

in it. Still nearer on the south-east there is a large oblong mound

called Sugrib-Parbat, which is not more than 8 or 10 feet above the

ground level. It is divided into two distinct portions ; that to the north

being upwards of 300 feet square at top, and the other to the south

upwards of 200 feet. In the centre of the larger enclosure there is a

ruined mound containing bricks 84 inches square, and in the centre of

the smaller mound there is a well.

315. Between the Jani and Kuber mounds there is a small

Muhammadan enclosure, 64 feet long from east to west and 47 feet

broad, containing two brick tombs, which are attributed to Sis Pav-

ghambar and Ayub Paighambar, or the “prophets Seth and Job.”

The first is 17 feet long, and the other 12 feet. These tombs are

mentioned by Abul Fazl, who says, “ Near this city are two sepulchral

monuments, one 7 and the other 6 cubits in length. The vulgar

pretend that they are the tombs of Seth and Job, and they relate

wonderful stories of them,’ This account shows that since the time

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 245

of Akbar, the tomb of Seth must have increased in length from 7

cubits, or 10% feet, to 17 feet through the frequent repairs of pious

Musalmans.

316. The mounds are surrounded by Musalman tombs, and as it is

the Muhammadan practice to bury the dead along the sides of the

high roads close to their cities, I infer that the road which now runs

close to the westward of the mounds, is one of the ancient highways

of the district. This is confirmed by the existence of an old masonry

bridge of three arches over the Zilahc nala, to the north-west of the

Mani-Parbat, as well as by the direction of the road itself, which leads

from the south-end of the city straight to the Bharat-kund, and on-

wards to Sultanpur or Kusapura, and Allahabad or Prayiga. I notice

this road thus minutely, because the identifications which I am about

to propose are based partly on its position and direction, as well as on

the general agreement of the existing remains with the holy places

described by. the Chinese pilgrims.

317. According to Fa Hian, the place where Buddha planted the

holy tree was to the east of the road, on issuing from the town by the

southern gate. Hwen Thsang’s account agrees with this exactly, in

placing the “extraordinary tree’’ to the south of the Capital and to

the left of the route. This tree was the celebrated “ tooth-brush” or

twig used in#cleaning the teeth, which having been cast away by

Buddha, took root and grew to between 6 and 7 feet in height. Now,

it will be observed that the ruined mounds that still exist, as well as

the tombs of Seth and Job, are tothe south of the city and to the east

or Jeft of the road. The position therefore is unmistakably the same

as that described by the Chinese pilgrims, and as the actual state of

the ruins agrees well with the details given by Hwen Thsang, I think

that there can be no reasonable doubt of their identity.

318. Hwen Thsang describes the city of Visékha as being 16 hi,

or 22 miles in circuit. In his time therefore the capital of Rama was

not more than half of its present size, although it probably contained

a greater population, as not above one-third, or even perhaps less, of

the present town is inhabited. The old city then possessed no less

than twenty monasteries, with three thousand monks, and about fifty

Brahmanical temples, with a very large Brahmanical population.

From this account we learn that, so early as the 7th century, more than

246 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

three hundred of the original temples of Vikramaditya had already

disappeared, and we may therefore reasonably infer that the city had

been gradually declining for some time previously. The Buddhist

monuments, however, would appear to have been in good order, and

the monks were just as numerous as in the eminently Buddhist city

of Benares.

319. The first monument described by Hwen Thsang is a great

monastery without name, but as it was the only notable monastery, it

was most probably either the Kdlakdrdma of Saketa, or the Purvvd-

vdma, both of which are mentioned in the Ceylonese Mahawanso.

The monks were of the school of the Sammateyas, and their monastery

was famous for having produced three of the most eminent Buddhist

controversialists. This monastery I would identify with the Sugrzb

Parbat, which I have already described as being about 500 feet long by

800 feet broad. The great size and rectangular form of this ruin are

sufficient to show that it must have been a monastery,. but this is

placed beyond all doubt by the existence of an interior well and by the

remains of cloistered rooms forming the four sides of the enclosure.

Its position to the south of the city, and to the east or left of the road,

has already been specially noticed as agreeing with the recorded posi-

tion of the monastery.

820. Beside the monastery there was a stwpa of Asoka, 200 feet

in height, built on the spot where Buddha preached the law during

his six years’ residence at Siketa. This monument I would identify

with the Mani-Parbat, which is still 65 feet in height, and which

with its masonry facing must once have been at least as high again,

and with the usual lofty pinnacle of metal may easily have reached a

height of 200 feet. wen Thsang ascribes the erection of this monu-

ment to Asoka, and I see no reason to question the accuracy of his

statement, as the mixed structure of half earth and half masonry must

undoubtedly be very ancient. The earliest stwpas, or topes, were

simple earthen mounds or barrows, similar to those that still exist in

England. There are many of these barrows still standing at Lawriya-

Navandgarh to the north of Bettiya, but this is the only place where

T have yet seen them. They are undoubtedly the most ancient monu-

ments of the Indian population, and I firmly believe that even the

very latest of them cannot be assigned to a lower date than the fifth

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 247

century before Christ. I base this belief on the known fact that all

the monuments of Asoka’s age, whether described by Hwen Thsang,

or actually opened by myself near Bhilsa, are either of stone or brick.

The earthen barrows are therefore of aff earlier age; but such as are

Buddhist cannot possibly be earlier than the beginning of the fifth

century before Christ. In the case of the Mani-Parbat at Ajudhya I

infer that the earthen barrow, or lower portion, may belong to the

earlier ages of Buddhism, and that the masonry or upper portion was

added by Asoka. At the foot of the mound I picked up a broken

brick with the letter sh, of the oldest form, stamped upon it; but as

this is almost certainly of later date than Asoka, it most probably did

not belong to the Mani-Parbat building.

321. Hwen Thsang next describes the sites of the tooth-brush tree

and of the monument where the four previous Buddhas used to sit and

to take exercise, as being close to the great stwpa. These places I

would identify with the court-yard containing the tombs of Seth and

Job, which touches the south side of the Mani-Parbat. The two

tombs I take to be the remains of the seats of the four previous Bud-

dhas, and the paved court-yard to be the scene of their daily walks,

although I was unable to trace their foot-marks, which were seen by

the Chinese pilgrim.

322. The last monument described by Hwen Thsang is a stupa

containing the hair and nails of Buddha. This was surrounded by a

number of smaller monuments which seemed to touch one another,

and by several tanks which reflected the sacred buildings in their

limpid waters. The stwpa I would identify with the Kuber-Parbat,

which touches the south side of the enclosure round the tombs of Seth

and Job, and is close to the west side of the ruined monastery. One

of the tanks described by the pilgrim may be the Ganes-Kund, which

has already been noticed; but all the smaller monuments have dis-

appeared long ago, as they afforded cheap and ready materials for the

construction of the numerous Muhammadan tombs, as well as of the

neighbouring bridge and mosque. Ii I am right in my identification

of this mound as the remains of the stwpa containing the hair and nails

of Buddha, I think that an excavation in the centre of the mound

might perhaps verily the aceuracy of my conclusions.

823. The people are unanimous in their assertion that the old city

248 Report of the Archeolugical Survey. [No. 4,

to the north of these mounds was called Bareta. Ayodhya, or Ajudhya,

they say, was the capital of Rama, but the later city was called Bareta.

As this name has no similarity either to Sdketa or Visdkha, I can only

set it down as another appellation of the old town, for which we have

no authority but tradition. I was disappointed, when at Ajudhya, in

not hearing even the most distant allusion to the legend of the tooth-

brush tree of Buddha, but the tradition still exists, as I heard of it

quite unexpectedly at two different places immediately afterwards,

first at Hatila, distant 15 miles, and next at Gonda, 29 miles to the

north of Ajudhya.

XIX.—HATILA, OR ASOKPUR.

324. The ancient territory of Ayodhya was divided by the Sarju

or Ghdghra River into two great provinces; that to the north being

called Uttara Kosala, and that to the south Banaodha. Hach of

these was again subdivided into two districts. In Banaodha these

are called Pachham-rdt and Purab-rdét, or the western and eastern

districts, with reference to their bearing from Ajudhya; and in Uttara

Kosala they are Gauda (vulgarly Gonda) to the south of the Rapti,

and Kosala to the north of the Rapti, or Rawati, as it is universally

called in Oudh. Some of these names are found in the Puranas; thus

in the Vayu Purana, Lava, the son of Rama, is said to have reigned

in Uttara Kosala; but in the Matsya, Singa, and Kurma Purans,

Srdvasti is stated to be in Gauda. These apparent discrepancies are

satisfactorily explained when we learn that Gauda is only a sub-divi-

sion of Uttara Kosala, and that the ruins of Sravasti have actually

been discovered in the district of Gauda, which is the Gonda of the

maps. The extent of Gauda is also proved by the old name of Bal-

rampur on the Rapti, which was formerly Ramyarh Gauda. I pre- —

sume therefore that both the Gauda Brahmans and the Gauda Tagas

must have belonged to this district originally, and not to the medieval

city of Gauda in Bengal. Brahmans of this name are still numerous

in Ajudhya and Jahangirabad, on the right bank of the Ghaghra River

in Gonda, Pakhapur, and Jaisni of the Gonda district, and in many

parts of the neighbouring province of Gorakhpur.

325. The small village of Hdtila derives its name from the sister’s

son of Sayid Salar. The old Hindu name was Asokpur, so called

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 249

from a large temple of Asoknath Mahadeo. Hatila was killed in an

assault on the temple, and his tomb, a low domed building only 20

feet square, is still much frequented as the shrine of a Ghazz, or martyr

for the faith. It is built entirely of large bricks from the ruins of the old

temple of Asokndth. The remains consist of a low mound, 700 feet long

by 500 feet broad, with three prominent masses of ruin on the north side.

I made an excavation in the north-west ruin near the base of a large

Malwa tree, but without any result, as a small Muhammadan tomb on

the top prevented me from digging in the centre. But the coolies 4

employed on the work voluntarily informed me that the Mahwa tree

had been the “tooth-brush” of a Raja who stuck it in the ground and

it grew to be a tree. From this tradition, which also exists at Gonda,

T infer that it was usual to make cuttings and to take seeds from the

famous danta-dhdwan or “ tooth-brush tree” of Saketa for distribution

to religious establishments, just as cuttings from the Bodhi tree at

Gaya were made for the same purpose. Both Fa Hian and Hwen

Thsang agree in stating that the Danta-dhdwan of Saketa was only

seven feet high, and that it never grew any higher, which would seem

to show that it was only a small tree or shrub; and this indeed is

actually the case with the Datton, or “tooth-brush tree’ of Gonda,

which is a Chilbi/, or shrub eaten by goats, that never exceeds 8 or 10

feet. I conclude therefore that the original tooth-brush tree of Hatila

has disappeared, and that the name has been applied to the Mahwa,

which is the only tree now remaining on the mound.

326. The north-east mound is a mere undistinguishable mass of

broken bricks, but the central mound is still covered with the ruins of

the temple of Asoknith Mahadeo, containing a large broken lingam.

Portions of the brick walls, which still remain, show that the temple

was only 12 feet square; but the whole has been lifted up by the

roots of a gigantic Pipal tree, which still hold the bricks together by

their interlacings. These remains attracted the attention of Buchanan

ee ee ee

Hamilton during his survey of Gorakhpur, who remarks that “a wild

fig tree having taken root on the linga will soon cover it.” This

actually took place, and the linga was almost completely hidden by

the matted roots of the Pipal, until the tree was cut down by the

Tahsildar of the neighbouring village of Vazirganj in A. D. 1862. As

the cut stem of the Pipal shows 849 annual rings, the tree must have

SPST ELL Pere NT am Le

250 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

been planted in A. D. 1013, during the reign of Mahmud of Ghazni.

This indeed is about the date of the temple itself, which is said to

have been built by Suhri-dal, Raja of Asokpur, and the antagonist

of Sayid Salar. The Raja is also called Suhal-dhar, Sohil-dal, and

Sohil Deo, and is variously said to have been a Thdéru, a Bhar, a Kéla-

hansa, or a Bais Rajput. The majority, however, is in favour of his

having been a Thdru. The mound with the Mahwa tree is called

Raja Sohil-dal-ka-khalanga or “ Sohil-dal’s seat.” His city of Asok-

pur is said to have extended to Dumariya-Dih, 2 kos to the north,

and to Sareya-Dth, half a kos to the south of the temple. At both of

these places there are old brick-covered mounds, in which several

hundreds of coins have been lately found. Most of the coins belong

to the early Musalman Kings of Delhi, the Ghoris and Khiljis; but

there were also a few Hindoo coins, in base silver and copper, with

the Boar incarnation of Vishnu on one side, and the legend of Sri-mad-

Adi-Vardha on the reverse in medieval characters. As these coins

are referred to by name, in an inscription of A. D. 920, as Sri-mad-

Adi-Varaha drammas, or “ Boar incarnation drachmas,” the mounds

in which they have been discovered must be of still earlier date.

Tradition gives the genealogy of the Tharu Rajas of Gauda as |

follows :—

A. D. 900 1 Mora-dhaj, or Mayura-dhwaja.

925 2 Hans-dhaj, or Hansa-dhwaja.

950 3 Makar-dhaj, or Makara-dhwaja.

975 4 Sudhanwa-dhaj.

1000 5 Suhridal-dhaj, contemporary of Mahmud.

I give this genealogy with the probable dates, as it may per-

haps be of use hereafter in fixing the age of other Princes and their

works.

XX.—SAHET-MAHET, OR SRAVASTI.

327. The position of the famous city of Srdvastz, one of the most

celebrated places in the annals of Buddhism, has long puzzled our best

scholars. This was owing partly to the contradictory statements of

the Chinese pilgrims themselves, and partly to the want of a good

map of the Province of Oudh. In para. 304 of this report I have —

compared the bearings and distances recorded by Fa Hian and Hwen

SOAS Rh Ng TOY ee eeaee ieee

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 251

Thsang with those preserved in the Buddhist annals of Ceylon, and I

have shown conclusively that Fa Hian’s distance from Sankisa and

his bearing from Shachi or Sdket are both erroneous. We know from

Hwen Thsang and the Buddhist books of Ceylon, that Srdvastv was

to the north of Sahet or Ayodhya, or in other words that it was in the

district of Gauda, or Uttara Kosala, which is confirmed by the state-

ments of no less than four of the Brahmanical Puranas. As Fa Lian

also says that Shewei or Sewet was in Kosala, there can be no doubt

whatever that Sravasti must be looked for within a few days’ journey

to the northward of Sdket or Ayodhya. According to Fa Hian the dis-

tance was 8 Yojanas, or 56 miles, which is increased by Hwen Thsang

to 500 li, or 83 miles. But as the latter pilgrim reduced the Indian

Yojana to Chinese measure at the rate of 40 per Yojana, we may

correct his distance by the nearest round number of 350 li or 58 miles,

to bring it into accordance with the other. Now, as this is the exact

distance from Ajudhya of the great ruined city on the south bank

of the Rapti, called Sdhel-Mdhet, in which I discovered a colossal

statue of Buddha, with an inscription containing the name of Sravasti

itself, I have no hesitation in correcting Hwen 'Thsang’s distance from

500 li to 350 li as proposed above.

828. The ruined city of Sahet-Mahetis situated between Akaona and

Balrémpur, at 5 miles from the former and 12 miles from the latter, and

at nearly equi-distances from Bahraich and Gonda. In shape it is an

almost semi-circular crescent, with its diameter of one mile and a third

in length curved inwards and facing the north-east, along the old bank

of the Rapti River. The western front, which runs due north and

south for three-quarters of a mile, is the only straight portion of the

enclosure. ‘he ramparts vary considerably in height; those to the

west being from 35 to 40 feet in height, while those on the south and

east are not more than 25 or 30 feet. The highest point is the great

north-west bastion, which is 50 feet above the fields. ‘The north-east

face, or shorter curve of the crescent was defended by the Rapti, which

still flows down its old bed during the annual floods. The Jand ram-

parts on the longer curve of the crescent must once have been defended

by a ditch, the remains of which yet exist as a swamp, nearly half a

mile in length, at the south-west corner. Everywhere the ramparts

are covered with fragments of brick, of the large size peculiar to very

252 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

ancient cities; and though I was unable to trace any remains of walls

except in one place, yet the very presence of the bricks is quite suffi-

cient to show that the earthen ramparts must once have been crowned

by brick parapets and battlements. The portion of the parapet wall,

which I discovered still standing in the middle of the river face, was

10 feet thick. The whole circuit of the old earthen ramparts, accord-

ing to my survey, is 17,300 feet, or upwards of 34 miles. Now this

is the exact size of 20 li or 34 miles which Hwen Thsang gives to the

palace alone ; but, as the city was then deserted and in ruins, he must

have mistaken the city itself for the palace. It is certain at least

that the suburbs outside the walls must have been very limited indeed,

as the place is almost entirely surrounded with the remains of large

religious buildings, which would have left but little room for any

private dwellings. I am therefore quite satisfied that the city has

been mistaken for the palace; and this mistake is sufficient to show

how utterly ruined this once famous city must have been at so distant

a period as the 7th century, when the place was visited by Hwen

Thsang. As Fa Hian describes the population as already very incon-

siderable in A. D. 400, while the Ceylonese annals speak of Khira-

dhara, King of Sawatthipura between A. D. 275 and 302, the great

decline of Sravasti must have taken place during the 4th century, and

we may perhaps not be far wrong in connecting it with the fall of the

Gupta Dynasty in A. D. 319.

329. Srdvasti is said to have been built by Raja Sravasta, the son

of Yuvandswa of the Solar race, and the tenth in descent from Surya

himself. Its foundation therefore reaches to the fabulous ages of

Indian history, long anterior to Rama. During this early period it

most probably formed part of the kingdom of Ayodhya, as the Vayu

Purana assigns it to Lava, the son of Rama. When Sravasti next

appears in history, in the time of Buddha, it was the Capital of

King Prasenajit, the son of Maha Kosala. The King became a con-

vert to the new faith, and during the rest of his life he was the firm

friend and protector of Buddha. But his son Virudhaka hated the

race of the Sakyas, and his invasion of their country and subsequent

massacre of 500 Sakya maidens, who had been selected for his harem,

brought forth the famous prediction of Buddha, that within seven days

the King would be consumed by fire. As the story has been preserved —

1865.] ' Report of the Archeological Survey. 253

by Buddhists, the prediction was of course fulfilled, and upwards of 11

centuries afterwards, the tank in which the King had sought to avoid

the flames was pointed out to the credulous Hwen Thsang.

330. We hear nothing more of Sravasti until one century after

Kanishka, or five centuries after Buddha, when, according to Hwen

Thsang, Vikramaditya, King of Sravasti, became a persecutor of Bud-

dhists, and the famous Manorhita, author of the Vibhdsha Sdstra, being

worsted in argument by the Brahmans, put himself to death. During

the reign of his successor, whose name is not given, the Brahmans

were overcome by Vasubandhu, the eminent disciple of Manorlita.

The probable date of these two Kings may be set down as ranging

from A. D. 79 to 120. For the next two centuries Srdvasti would

seem to have been under the rule of its own Kings, as we find Khira-

dhéra and his nephew mentioned as Rajas between A. D. 275 and 319.

But there can be little doubt that during the whole of this time Sra-

vasti was only a dependency of the powerful Gupta Dynasty of Ma-

gadha, as the neighbouring city of Saketa is specially said to have

belonged to them. ‘Princes of the Gupta race,” says the Vayu

Purana, “ will possess all those countries; the banks of the Ganges to

Prayiga, and Saketa, and Magadha.” From this time Srivasti

gradually declined. In A. D. 400 it contained only 200 families; in

A. D. 632 it was completely deserted: and at the present day the

whole area of the city, excepting only a few clearances near the gate-

ways, is a mass of almost impenetrable jungle.

331. Before attempting to identify the existing remains of Séhet-

Méhet with the famous monuments of Sravasti, it will be as well to

compare and reconcile the few discrepant statements of the Chinese

pilgrims, so that the description of the holy places may not be inter-

rupted by discussion. Of these discrepancies perhaps the most notable

is the difference in the name of the city itself, which Fa Hian gives as

She-wei, while Hwen Thsang writes it, as correctly as it is possible to

do in Chinese syllables, She-lo-/a-sité, or Sravasti. But this difference

is more apparent than real, as there can be little doubt that She-wez

is only a slight alteration of the abbreviated Pali form of Sewet for

Sdwatthi, which is found in most of the Ceylonese books. Similarly

the modern name of Séhet is evidently only a variation of the Pali Sdwet.

The other name of Mdhet I am unable to explain, but it is perhaps

254 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4

only the usual rhyming addition of which the Hindus are so fond, as

in ulta pulta, or “topsy-turvy,” which many of the people say is the

true meaning of Sdhet-Mdéhet, in allusion to the utter ruin of the whole

place. But some say that the name was originally Set-met, and as

this form seems to be only a corruption of Sewet, it is probable that

Sahet-mahet or Sdhet-mdhet, is simply a lengthened pronunciation of

Set-met. One man alone, and he, strange to say, was the Musalman

in charge of the tomb of Pir-Bardna close to the ruined city, affirmed

that the true name was Sdvitri, which is so close to the correct Pali

form of Sawatthi as to leave but little doubt that it preserves the

original name of the place.

332. The next point of difference is the distance of the celebrated

monastery of Jetavana from the south gate of the city. According to

Fa Hian this was 1,200 paces, or about half a mile, which is increased

by Hwen Thsang to 5 or 6 lx, or nearly one mile. But as the only

mass of ruins which can possibly be identified with the Jetavana is

exactly half a mile from the nearest opening in the south rampart of

the old city, there is clearly some mistake in the distance given by

Hwen Thsang, unless we may suppose him to have approached the

monastery by a somewhat longer route through the multitude of holy

places, of which the remains still exist to the east of the Jetavana

ruins. By this route the distance would be increased to three-quarters

of a mile, or 44 lv, which is sufficiently close to the number given by

Hwen Thsang.

333. A third discrepancy is contained in the statement of Fa Hian

that ‘the town has two gates, one facing the east and the other the

north,”’ when we know that it had a south gate by which both himself

and Hwen Thsang had issued from the city, when on their way to the

Jetavana monastery. Perhaps Fa Hian intended to say that “ besides

the south gate, the city had two other gates, one to the east and one

to the south.” But as it is scarcely credible that a city which was 34

miles in circuit should have possessed only three gates, I think that

we may understand that the statements refer only to the principal

entrances, and that there were at least as many more smaller gates, or

wickets, corresponding with the present openings in the ramparts.

334. Both pilgrims begin their account of Srdvasti at the old

palace of King Prasengjita, and as both, after describing the surround-

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 255

ing buildings, leave the city by the south gate, it is certain that the

palace was inside the city. Its exact position I was unable to deter-

mine, as the greater part of the interior is covered with dense jungle:

but as the east half is comparatively clear, and the jungle low, I was

able to satisfy myself that no large building had ever existed in this

part, and consequently that the palace must have been in the west half

of the city. This conclusion is confirmed by the position of the two

Stupas of Sudatta and the Anguli-malyas, which Hwen Thsang places

to the east of the palace, for as the only existing mounds that can be

indentified with these Stwpas are near the middle of the river face of

the city, the palace must have been to the west of them, and therefore

in the west half of the city.

335. ‘The two principal places inside the city which are mentioned

by both pilgrims as being to the east of the palace, were the dwelling-

house and Stwpa of Sudatta, the builder of the Jetavana, and the great

Stupa of the Anguli-malyas. These Stupas I have already identified with

the two existing mounds near the middle of the river face of the ram-

parts. The smaller one, which is about 25 feet in height, corresponds

with the Stwpa of Sudatta, and the larger one, which is 35 feet in

height, with the other Stwpa, which is particularly stated to have been

alarge one. The Anguli-mdlyas were the followers of a particular

sect which was established by a converted brigand who had received

the name of Anguli-mdla or “finger garland,” from his practice of

cutting off the fingers of his victims to form a garland which he wore

round his neck.

336. On leaving the city by the south gate, both pilgrims went at

once to the great monastery of Jeéavana, which was one of the eight

most celebrated Buddhist buildings in India. It was erected*during the

lifetime of Buddha by Sudatta, the minister of King Prasenajita, and

it received its name of Jetavana, or “ Jeta’s garden,”’ because the garden

in which it was built had been purchased from Prince Jeta. The story

of the building is given by Hardy from the Ceylonese annals. Accord-

ing to these, the prince, who was unwilling to part with his garden,

demanded as its price as many gold maswrans as would cover it, which

Sudatta at once promised. When the garden was cleared, and all the trees,

except Sandal and Mango, were cut down, the money was brought and

spread out over the ground until the whole was covered, when the sum

256 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

was found to be 18 Kotis, or 180 millions of maswrans. The garden

is said to have been 1,000 cubits in length and the same in breadth,

or 4,000 cubits in circuit. Extravagant as the sum may seem, it is

still too small to have covered the garden, if we are to take Mr. Hardy’s

cubits at 18 inches, as each maswran would be one inch and eight-

tenths in length and breadth, which is about three times the size of

the old Indian silver coins. Unfortunately the dimensions of the

Jetavana are not stated either by Fa Hian or Hwen Thsang; but the

ruined mound of the monastery still exists, and its dimensions do not

exceed 1,000 feet in length by 700 feet in breadth. Now, it is curious

that these numbers give an area which is only one-third of the size of

that recorded in the Ceylonese annals, and which therefore would be

exactly covered by 180 millions of old Indian silver coins, allowing

rather more than half an inch for the length and breadth of each coin.

The amount said to have been paid for the garden is of course only

the usual extravagant style of Indian exaggeration, for the sum of 18

kotis, even if taken at the lowest value of gold as ten times that

of silver, would be equal to 45 krors of Rupees or 45 millions

sterling.

337. The Jetavana is described in the Ceylonese annals as consist-

ing of a central vihdr, or temple, with surrounding houses for priests,

rooms for day and night, an ambulatory, tanks, and gardens of fruit

and flower trees, and around the whole a wall 18 cubits in height.

According to this description the Jetavana must have included not

only the great ruined mound now called Jogini-baria, but all the ruins

to the east and north of it, unless it extended to the westward, where

there are no remains at present existing. But as I can show that most

of the ruins to the east correspond with the descriptions which Fa

Hian and Hwen Thsang have given of many of the holy places out-

side the Jetavana, it is certain that the original monastery must have

been confined to the Jogini-Baria only, and that the other buildings,

with the tanks and gardens, were outside the walls of the Jetavana

itself, although it is most probable that many of thom were connected

together by different enclosing walls. When the Jetavana was com-

pleted by Sudatta, the Prince Jeta expended the whole of his purchase —

money in adding a palace, seven stories in height, to each of the four

sides of the garden, It is probably to these palaces that Fa Hian

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 257

refers when he states that “the temple of Shi-hwan (read Shi-to hwan,”

or Jetavana) “had originally seven stories. Canopies and streamers

were hung up, flowers were scattered, perfumes burned, lanterns sup-

plied the place of day, and even in day time were never extinguished.

A rat having taken into its mouth the wick of one of these lanterns,

set fire to the flags and to the drapery of the pavilions, and the seven

stories of the temple were utterly consumed.” ‘This occurred some

time before A. D. 400, as Fa Hian adds that “they reconstructed the

temple, and when they had completed the second story, they installed

the statue in its former place.” From this account I infer, though

somewhat doubtfully, that the new temple was not more than two

stories in height. I conclude also that the place_was already on the

decline, as a little more than two centuries later, when visited by Hwen

Thsang, it was found utterly ruined and deserted.

338. The great mound of ruins, which I propose to identify with

the Jetavana, is situated just halfa mile distant from the south-west

corner of the old city. It is rectangular in form, being 1,000 feet

léng from north-east to south-west, and 700 feet broad. It is worth

noting, as it is most probably not accidental, that the central line of the

rectangle falls upon a lofty mound, inside the south-west angle of the

city, called Sobhndth, which, according to some, is a name of Mahadeva.

The shape of the monastery is defined by a gentle rise all round the

edge of the mound, which I take to represent the ruins of the monks’

cells that once formed the surrounding walls of the enclosure. The

highest part, which is the south side, is not more than 12 feet above

the neighbouring ground, while the other sides are not more than eight

or ten feet. But the whole area was so thickly covered with jungle,

that I found it difficult to take even a few measurements. During

my stay at Sahet I cut pathways to all the ruined eminences within

the enclosure, and after clearing the jungle around them, I began an

excavation in each to ascertain the nature of the original building.

With the largest mound, which was near the south end of the central

line of the enclosure, I was unsuccessful. It was 15 feet in height,

and looked the most promising of all, but I found nothing but earth

and broken bricks, although I was assured by the people that numbers

of large bricks had been carried away from it at different times. Both

from its size and position, I am inclined to look upon this mound as

258 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

the remains of the original temple of the Jetavana. In a lower mound,

close by to the west, my excavations disclosed the walls of a small

temple, not quite 63 feet square inside, with a doorway to the north

and the remains of a semi-circular brick pedestal against the south

wall. The walls were upwards of three feet thick, but the whole

building was only a little more than 13 feet square, from which, taking

the altitude at three and a half times the side, I conclude that the

temple could not have exceeded 46 feet in height.

339. Near this temple there are three brick wells: the largest to

the north is octagonal above, with a side of 43 feet, and circular below

at a depth of 12 feet. The second, to the south, which is circular, is

only 33% feet in diameter; and the third, still farther to the south, is

also circular, with a diameter of 6$ feet. It is curious that all these

wells, which are the only ones known to the people, are in the south-

west corner of the enclosure,

840. A third mound, near the north end of the central line of the

enclosure, gave promise of a better result than the others, as a previous

excavation had disclosed the head and shoulders of a colossal figure,

which from its curly hair and long split ears I knew to be that of

Buddha. I was assured, however, that the Jains, who come annually

to Sahet in great nnmbers during the months of Magh and Baisakh

look upon the statue as belonging to themselves. But my experience

having taught me that Jains are no more particular than Brahmans as

to the figures that they worship, I began to dig in the certain expecta-

tion of finding a very old Buddhist statue, and with a strong hope of

discovering some inscription on its pedestal that might perhaps be of

value in determining the name and probable date of these long deserted

ruins. After a few hours’ work the four walls of the temple were

brought to light, and the figure was seen to be leaning against the

back wall. The interior was only 7? feet square, but the walls were

upwards of 4 feet thick, with a projection of 6 inches in the middle of

each face. The front wall to the east was thicker than the rest by one

foot, which was the breadth of the jamb of the doorway. The extreme

outside dimensions were 19 feet by 18 feet, which would give a pro-

bable height of between 60 and 70 feet. As the excavation proceeded,

it was seen that the statue was a standing figure which had been bro-

ken off a few inches above the ancles by the fall of the temple. After

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 259

the figure was removed with much difficulty, on account of its great —

weight, and the floor of the temple had been cleared, it was seen that

the pedestal of the statue was still standing erect in its original posi-

tion. The floor was paved with large stones, and immediately in front

of the pedestal there was a long flat slab 3? feet by 14 foot, with a

pair of hollow foot-marks in the centre and two sunken panels on each

side. At the back of the incised feet towards the pedestal there was a

rough hollow, 34 feet long by 4 inches broad, which, judging from

what I have seen in Barma, must once have held a long stone or metal

frame for the reception of lights in front of the statue. But all this

arrangement was certainly of later date than the statue itself, for on

opening up the floor it was found that the Buddha-pad slab concealed

the lower two lines of an inscription, which fortunately had been thus

preserved from injury, while the third or uppermost line had been al-

most entirely destroyed.

841. The statue is a colossal standing figure of Buddha the

Teacher, 7 feet 4 inches in height. His left hand rests on his hip, and

his right hand is raised in the act of teaching. The right shoulder is

bare as in all Buddhist figures, and there is the usual aureole or nimbus

round the head ; close to the neck there are two small holes cut through

the nimbus which, being larger in front than behind, were evidently

intended for metal cramps to fix the statue to the wall. Unfortu-

nately the head is broken, as well as both arms, but the body of the

figure is uninjured. The attitude is stiff and restrained, the two feet

being exactly in the same position and somewhat too far apart. The

statue is of spotted red sandstone, such as is found in the quarries near

Mathura and Fatehpur Sikri; and as we know from recent discoveries

that the sculptor’s art was in a very flourishing state at Mathura dur-

ing the first centuries of the Christian era, I feel satisfied that the

Srdvasti colossus must have been brought from that city. The inscrip-

tion is imperfect at the beginning, just where it must have contained

the date. It now opens with the figure 10 and some unit of the

- Gupta numerals, which must be the day of the month, and then fol-

low the words etaye purvvaye, which, as Professor Dowson has shown,

must mean “ on this happy occasion,” or some equivalent expression.

Then come the names of the donors of the statue, three mendicant

monks named Pushpa, Siddhya-Mihira, and Bala-Trepitaka. Next

260 Report of the Archeological Survey. — - [No. 4,

follow the title of Bodhisatwa, the name of the place, Sdvastz, and the

name of Buddha as Bhagavata. The inscription closes with the state-

ment that the statue is the ‘accepted gift of the Sarvastedina teachers

of the Kosamba hall.” Judging from the old shapes of some of the

letters in this record, the age of the statue may be fixed with some

certainty as not later than the first century of the Christian era. The

characters are exactly the same as those of the Mathura inscriptions,

which, without doubt, belong to the very beginning of the Christian era ;

and as the Sravasti statue was in all probability executed at Mathura,

the correspondence of the lapidary characters shows that the inscriptions

must belong to the same period. As there is no mention of this

statue in Fa Hian’s narrative, I conclude that the temple in which it

stood must have fallen down in the great conflagration which destroyed

the seven-storied pavilions. But the account of Fa Hian is not very

intelligible. He states that the original image of Buddha was “ the

head of an ox carved in sandal-wood ;’’ that on Buddha’s approach

the statue “rose and went to meet him” and that when Buddha said,

** Return and be seated,” the statue “returned and sat down.” The

origin of this rather puzzling account must, I believe, be traced to a

mistake, either of Fa Hian himself, or of his translator. In Sanskrit,

Gosirsha or “ Bull’s head,” is the name of the most fragrant kind of

sandal-wood, and as we know that the famous early statue of Buddha

at Kosambi was made of this very wood, it is natural to conclude that

the earliest statue at Sravasti may have been made of the same mate-

rial. As this is the only figure of Buddha noticed by Fa Hian, I infer

that the colossal stone figure which I discovered must have been buried

beneath the ruins of its own temple some time before A. D. 400, and

most probably therefore during the great fire which destroyed the

whole monastery. It was concealed also at the time of Hwen Thsang’s

visit, in A. D. 632, as he specially mentions that the only temple then

standing amidst the ruins of the monastery was a small brick house

containing a statue of Buddha in sandal-wood. The statue now dis-

covered was therefore not visible in his time.

342. Both pilgrims agree in stating that the gate of the monastery

was on the east side, and although I was unable to find any certain

trace of an opening, I am quite satisfied that the gate must have been —

on the east, as all the existing ruins are on that side. On issuing

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 261

from the gate the first monuments noticed by both pilgrims are two lofty

stone pillars, ene on each side of the road. Hwen Thsang says that

they had been erected by Asoka, that they were 70 feet high, and that

the left column was crowned by a cupola or dome, and the other by an

elephant. But Fa Hian, on the contrary, describes these figures as a

wheel and an ox. I feel satisfied that Fa Hian is right as to the first,

as the wheel is frequently represented in the Sanchi sculptures as

crowning the capitals of columns, and we know that it was also used

as a type of Buddha himself as the Chakravartti Raja, or King who

“turned the wheel” of the law, or in other words who made religion

advance. With regard to the animal that crownéd the other pillar I

am unable to offer any remark, except the obvious explanation that

the trunk of the elephant must have been broken off before the time

of Fa Hian, otherwise it is impossible to conceive how he could have

mistaken the figure for that of an ox. But this discrepancy in the

accounts of the two pilgrims is the best argument that I can offer for

the mistake which I believe them both to have made regarding the

animal that crowned the Sankisa pillar, as noticed in para. 247 of this

Report. There are no remains of these pillars, but there are two

slight eminences only 300 feet distant from the monastery which

may have been the basements on which the pillars stood, as the

pathway leading to the ruined mound on the east side runs between

them.

843. To the north-east of the monastery of Jetavana, and there-

fore to the north of the pillars, there was a Stwpa, built, on the spot

where Buddha had washed the hands and feet of a sick monk and

had cured his sickness. The remains of this Stwpa still exist in a

mass of solid brick-work, to the north of the presumed pillar base-

ments, and at a distance of 550 feet from the Jetavana monastery.

This ruined mass, which is 243 feet in height, is built entirely of

large bricks, 24 by 10 by 3} inches, which is a sufficient proof of its

antiquity. I made an excavation from the top, to a depth of 20 feet,

without any result save the verification of the fact that the ruin was a

mass of solid brick-work. e

344. To the east of the monastery, at a distance of 100 paces, or

250 feet, there was a large deep trench, which was said to be the spot

where the earth had opened and engulfed Devadatta, the cousin and

262 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

implacable enemy of Buddha. Fa Hian calls the distance only 70

paces, or less than 200 feet, in a northerly direction from the east gate

of the monastery. But as the two pillars and the Stwpa, which have

just been described, stood in the very position here indicated by Fa

Hian, it is certain that we must read “southerly.” The accuracy of

this correction is confirmed by the existence of a large deep tank with-

in 200 feet of the south-east corner of the ruined monastery, called

Bhuldnan. This tank is 600 feet long and 250 feet broad, and is now

filled with water. Close by, on the south side, there was another

great hollow, in which it was said that the mendicant monk Kukdli,

a disciple of Devadatta, had been swallowed up alive for calumniating

Buddha. This is represented by the Lambaha Tal, a long narrow

tank, only 200 feet to the south of the Devadatta gulf. The third great

fissure or hollow is described by Hwen Thsang as being at 800 paces,

or 2,000 feet, to the south of the second. According to the legend

this was the spot in which a Brahmani girl, named Chanehd, had been

engulfed alive for falsely accusing Buddha of incontinence. This

Chanché gulf is represented by a nameless deep tank, 600 feet long by

400 feet broad, which lies 2,200 feet to the south of the Kukali gulf.

The exact correspondence of position of these three tanks with the

three great fissures or gulfs of the Buddhist legends offers a very

strong confirmation of the correctness of identification of the Jogini-

baria mound with the great Jetavana monastery.

345. The pilgrims next describe a pair of temples of the same

dimensions, of which one was situated to the east and the other to the

west of the road, which should therefore be the main road that led

from the city towards the south. Hwen Thsang says that the first

temple was only 70 paces to the east of the monastery, while Fa Hian

places it at the same distance from the eastern gate, but towards the

north. The position of these temples is doubtful, as I was unable to

discover any remains in the immediate vicinity of the monastery that

corresponded with the description. There are, however, in another

position the remains of two temples, which answer the description so

accurately as to leave but little doubt that they must be the buildings

in question. The first, or west temple is described by both pilgrims

as containing a seated figure of Buddha, while the second or east —

temple belonged to the Brahmans. Both were 60 feet in height, and

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 263

“ shadow-covered,” because, as

the Brahmanical temple was called the

the credulous Buddhists asserted, it was covered by the shadow of

the Buddhist temple when the sun was in the west, while its own

shadow, when the sun was in the east, never covered the Buddhist

temple, but was always “‘ deflected to the north.” Now, the two ruins

which I would identify with these temples are situated to the east

and west of the road leading from the city, and due east and west

from each other. They correspond therefore exactly as to relative

position with each other; but instead of being only 70 paces, or 175

feet, from the monastery, the nearest is nearly 700 feet from the great

mound of ruins. It is highly probable, however, that the surrounding

walls of the monastery may have extended as far as the two stone

pillars on the east, in which case the nearest temple mound would be

within 250 feet of the walls, and the whole enclosure would then cor-

respond in size with the dimensions recorded in the Ceylonese annals.

As this increased size would also bring two tanks within the limits

of the monastery, which according to the Cingalese were actually

included within the walls, I feel inclined to adopt the larger measure-

ment of 1,000 cubits side, or 4,000 cubits circuit, as the true size of

the Great Jetavana Monastery.

346. To the north-west of the monastery Hwen Thsang placed a

well and a small Stwpa, which marked the spot where Maudgala-putra

tried in vain to unloose the girdle of Sdriputra. As the distance is

not mentioned, it may be inferred that the Stwpa was close by, and

therefore I would identify the site with that of the shrine of Pir-

Bardna in the small village of Husen Jot, which is within 700 feet

of the north-west corner of the monastery. Near the same place there

was also a Stupa of Asoka, and a stone pillar, which the King had

raised to note the spot where Buddha and his right-hand disciple

Sariputra had taken exercise and explained the law. I could find no

trace of any of these monuments, and I conclude that the Stwpas,

as usual, must have furnished materials for the erection of Pir-Bar-

dna’s shrine.

347. The situation of the next holy place, which Fa Hian calls

the “‘ Wood of the Recovered Hyes,” is fixed by both pilgrims at 4 li,

or two-thirds of a mile, to the north-west of the monastery. This

position is now represented exactly by the village of Rajgarh Gulariya,

~~~ pe sa . ‘ j

264 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

which is situated in the midst of a very large grove of trees. The

present grove is said to have been planted only two generations back,

but the trees about the village itself are of great age, and the name of

Gulariya points to some remarkable Gular tree as more ancient than

the village itself. The legend attached to this spot is sufficiently

marvellous. Five hundred brigands, having been blinded by order of

King Prasenajita, attracted the commiseration of Buddha, who re-

stored their sight. The five hundred men who had thus recovered

their eyesight, threw away their staves, or according to Fa Hian,

planted them in the ground, when they immediately took root, and

grew to be a large grove, which was called the ‘‘ Wood of the Recover-

ed Eyes.” The monks of Jefavana were in the habit of repairing to

this grove for exercise and meditation, and all the spots which holy

Buddhists had made famous by their meditations were marked by

inscriptions or by Stwpas. There is one small brick mound to the east

of the grove, but I could find no trace of any inscriptions, although

rewards were offered for even a single letter.

348. We now come to the second great monument of Srdvasti, the

celebrated Purvvdrdma, or “ Eastern Monastery,” which was built by

the lady Visdkhd, who has already been mentioned in my account of

Sahet. Fa Hian places this monument at 6 or 7 li, or rather more

than a mile, to the north-east of the Jetavana. But this bearing is cer-

tainly wrong, as it would carry us right into the middle of the old city.

I would therefore read “ south-east,” which is the direction of a very

large mound, called Ora-jhar, or “ Basket-shakings,” that is upwards

of a mile from the Jetavana. Hwen Thsang places the Vihdéra and

Stupa of Visdkha at more than 4 lz, or upwards of 3,500 feet, to the

east of the “‘ shadow-covered temple” of the Brahmans. Now, the

Ora-jhér mound is just 4,000 feet to the south-east of the ruined

mound, which I have already identified with the Brahmanical temple.

I am therefore quite satisfied that it is the remains of the great Vihdra

of the Purvudrdma, or Eastern Monastery. Hwen Thsang’s account

of this famous monastery is meagre; his whole description being

limited to the fact that “in this place Buddha overcame the Brahmans,

and received an invitation from a lady named Visékha.” Fa Hian’s

notice is equally brief. We must therefore turn to the Ceylonese

annals for an account of the lady and her works. According to them

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 265

Visikha was the daughter of Dhananja, a wealthy merchant of Sdket.

At 15 years of age she was married to Purnna-Vardhana, the son of

Migdra, a rich merchant of Srdvast:, and from that time her whole

life was spent in the observance of the religious rites of Buddhism.

She was the means of converting her father-in-law Migéra, and “ she

was called in consequence” Migdra-Mdatdwi, and became the mother

or chief of the Updsekawas, or female lay-disciples of Buddha. To-

wards the end of her career she determined to sell her wedding

ornaments to obtain funds for the erection of a Vihdra, “but there

was no one in Sewet who had wealth enough to purchase them. She

therefore bought a garden at the east side of the city, and expend-

ed iminense treasures in the erection of a Vihdra, which was called

Purvvdréma, or the Eastern Monastery, from the place in which it

stood.”

349. The great mound, now called Ora-jhdr, is a solid mass of

earth 70 feet in height, which was formerly crowned by a brick temple.

Within the last century a Musalman Fakir, who had lived under the

trees at the foot of the mound, was buried in a tomb on the very top

of it, which was built with the bricks of the ruin. Some years later

his successor was buried beside him, and their two tombs at present

preclude all hope of making any excavation from the top of the mound.

I cleared the north face completely, and the other three faces partially,

until I reached the paved brick flooring which surrounded the original

Buddhist temple, at a height of 55 feet above the ground. The wall

of the temple on the north face is only 20 feet long, and although I

failed to reach the other two corners of the building, I was satisfied

that it must have been square. Its height, at 3} times its side, would

not therefore have been more than 70 feet, but as its floor is 55 feet

above the ground, the total height of the temple would have been 125

feet. The wall ofthe north face is divided into four panels by pilasters

six inches thick. The bases of these pilasters, which are still very

perfect, are of the same style as those at Gaya and Baragaon in Bihar,

and of Manikyala and Shah Dheri in the Punjab. The style would

therefore seem to be one that was peculiar to early Buddhism. The

other faces of the temple I was unable to examine, as the foundations

of the Muhammadan tomb, which are only 24 feet above the broken

walls of the temple, project 16 feet beyond its east and west faces.

266 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

Unfortunately the doorway of the temple must have been towards the

east, as there are traces of steps at several places down the slope of

that side. There is an old well also amongst the trees on the east side

of the mound, but I could find no traces of cloisters for the resident

monks who ministered at the temple. The mound, however, is still

surrounded by fine trees, and there are two small tanks at the very

foot of it which would of course have been included within the limits

of the monastery.

350. The Stwpa mentioned by Hwen Thsang as belonging to the

Purvvarama may perhaps be represented by a small ruined mound

close to the north-east corner of the Ora-jhér. The mound is only 8

feet high, but an excavation which I made to the depth of 11 feet,

showed it to be made of solid bricks of large size, 12 by 9 by 3 inches.

It is 40 feet in diameter, and when complete, with its pinnacle, it must

have been about 50 or 60 feet in height. From its vicinity to the

Purvvarama I have little doubt that this is the Stwpa which Visdékha

built on the spot where Buddha had overcome the Brahmans in

argument.

351. The last place mentioned by the pilgrims is the spot where

King Virudhaka halted with his army to converse with Buddha, and

out of respect for the teacher gave up his expedition against the Sakyas,

and returned to his Capital. Hwen Thsang states that this famous

spot was close to the monastery of Visikha on the south side, while

Fa Hian says that it was 4 /, or two-thirds of a mile, to the south-

west of the city. The former is the more probable position, as it is

to the south-east and on the high road to Kapilanagara, the capital

of the Sakyas. Close by there was a Stwpa to ‘mark the spot where

500 Sakya maidens were afterwards massacred by Virudhaka for refus-

ing to enter his harem. Near the Stwpa there was a dry tank, or

gulf, in which Virudhaka had been swallowed up. According to the

legend, Buddha had predicted that Virudhaka would be destroyed

by fire within seven days after the massacre. When the seventh day

arrived, the King, accompanied by his women, proceeded gaily to a

large tank, where he entered a boat, and was rowed to the middlé of

the water. But flames burst forth from the waters and consumed the

boat, and the earth opened beneath the tank, and Virudhaka “ fell

alive into hell.” The only large piece of water that I could find is a

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. o6n™

nameless tank close to the south side of Visikha’s temple, and _there-

fore in the very position indicated by Hwen Thsang; but there are

no existing remains near it that could be identified with the Stupa of

the 500 Sakya maidens.

352. The monuments of Srdvasti hitherto described by the pilgrims

are directly connected with the personal history of Buddha. The

places where he sat and walked, where he taught his law, and where

he worsted the Brahmans in argument, were all specially holy in the

eyes of devout Buddhists. But these sacred monuments formed only

a small portion of the Buddhist buildings of the great city of Sravasti,

where, according to Hwen Thsang, the monuments were counted by

hundreds. Fa Hian, however, quotes a tradition which limited their

number to ninety-eight, at a period not remote from his own time, and

as he visited the place nearly two centuries and a half earlier than Hwen

Thsang, when most of the monasteries were in ruins, we may be gatis-

fied that their number never reached one hundred even at the most

flourishing period of Buddhism. I traced the ruins of nine monasteries

in the immediate neighbourhood of the old city, and there are pro-

bably as many more within a range of two miles, I found also the

foundations of at least ten temples of various sizes, but they were all

in too ruinous a state to be of any interest. But when I remember

that the Jetavana itself, as well as nearly the whole of the ninety-eight

monasteries of Srévasti were in complete ruin upwards of twelve

centuries ago, I think it is more wonderful that so much should still

be left for the use of the archeologist, than that so little should remain

of all the magnificent buildings of this once famous city.

XX.—TANDA, OR TADWA.

353. From Srdvasti both pilgrims proceeded to visit the birth-place

of Kasyapa Buddha, at Zu-wei, which Fa Hian places at 50 li, or 82

miles to the west. Hwen Thsang does not name the town, but he states

that it was about 60 l, or 10 miles, to the north-west of Sravasti. The

bearing and distance point to the village of Tadwa, which is just 9

miles to the west of Sahet-mahet. Some people refer this name to

Tanda, because for the last hundred years the Banjaras have been in the

habit of halting, or of making their tanda, at this place. But the

people themselves spell the name of their village Tadwa, and not Tanda,

268 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4

which properly means the whole venture of goods belonging to a party

of Banjaras, but which is also applied to the places at which they halt.

I think therefore that the name of Tadwa may possibly refer to the old

name of 7’u-wei as it is written by Fa Hian. There can, however, be no

doubt as to the identity of the two places, as Tadwa is a very old site,

which is still covered with brick ruins. According to tradition, the town

belonged to Raja Suhir dal, after whose death it was destroyed by the

Muhammadans, and remained uninhabited until about one hundred

years ago, when a Bairagi, named Ajudhya Das, established himself

under the banyan tree, and discovered the female figure which is now

worshipped as Sita Mai. The present village is situated amongst brick

ruins one quarter of a mile to the north of the road leading from

Akaona to Bahraich. All the fields aroundare strewn with broken bricks

and within 1,000 feet of the village to the north-west there is a mound

of brick ruins 800 feet long from east to west, and 300 feet broad.

Beyond the mound, and to the north of the village, there is a large

irregular shaped sheet of water, nearly half a mile in length, called

Sita-Deva Tal. But this name cannot be older than the discovery of

the statue which is attributed to Sita.

354. The west end of the mass of ruins is very low, but it is

covered with broken walls and fine trees, and was therefore most pro-

bably the site of the monastic establishment. The general height of the

east end is 16 feet above the fields, but rises to 20 feet at the south-

west corner. At this point the mound is formed of solid brick-work,

which after close examination I discovered to be the remains of a large

Stupa. As two different measurements gave a diameter of not less

than 70 feet, this Stwpa must have been one of*the largest and most

important in the famous province of Uttara Kosala. Hwen Thsang

mentions only two Stupas at this place, one to the south of the town,

being built on the spot where Kasyapa Buddha had performed his

meditations under a banyan tree, and the other to the north of the

town, containing the complete body of Kasyapa. This is also con-

firmed by its size, as Fa Hian calls this Stwpa agreat one. The Stupa

on the mound must certainly represent the latter monument, because

the tank precludes the possibility of any other having existed to the

northward of it. I wished very much to have made an excavation in

this mound, but the presence of a lingam of Mahadeo on the top of it,

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 269

which with Sita-Mai shares the devotions of the villagers, was an

effectual check against any excavations. This is the more to be re-

gretted, as the Stupa is said to have been built by Asoka, an at-

tribution which might have been verified by an exploration of its

interior.

355. The figure which the ignorant villagers worship as Stta is

in reality a statue of Maya Devi, the mother of Sakya Buddha. She

is represented standing under the Sd/ tree, with her right hand raised

and holding one of the branches, which is the well known position in

which she is said to have given birth to Sakya. Her left hand is

placed on her hip, and there is a parrot perched on her shoulder, The

statue is 3 feet 4 inches in height.

XXI.—NIMSAR, OR NIMKAR.

356. Nimsar is a famous place of pilgrimage on the left bank of

the Gumli (or Gomati) River, 45 miles to the north-west of Lucknow.

The Brahmans derive the name from Nimisha, a “twinkling of the

eye ;” hence Naimisha-saras, or Nimsar, means the pool where in the

twinkling of an eye the sage Gawra-Mukha destroyed the Asuras.

The place is also called Nimkhdr, which is formed from Naimisha,

pronounced Naimikha, and aranya a forest, which becomes Naimikhd-

ran, and Nimkhar, The Vishnu Purana declares that “he who bathes

in the Gomati at Naimisha expiates all his sins.” Its popularity is

therefore very great. It is noticed in the Ayin Akbari as ‘a famous

large fort, with a great number of idolatrous temples, and a reservoir.”

This reservoir is called the Chakra-tirtha, and is said to be the place

where the Chakra, or*“ discus,” of Vishnn fell during the contest with

the Asuras. The shape of the poolis nearly hexagonal with a

diameter of 120 feet. The water springs up from below and flows out

by the south side into a swampy rill about 20 feet broad called the

Godaveri Nala. The pool is surrounded with a number of shabby

brick temples and Dharmsdlas, and though the water is clear, yet the

place looks dirty and uninviting.

357. The fort of Nimsar is situated on a precipitous mound to the

north of the holy pool, about 1,100 feet long, from east to west,

between 300 and 400 feet broad, and 50 feet high. The west end is

a high cliff called the Shah Bij, or King’s Tower, which overhangs

270 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

the Gumti. The gate of the fort, which is at the east end, is arched

and therefore of Muhammadan construction. But it is built of Hindu

materials, partly brick and partly kankar blocks, which betray their

origin by their carvings and by the presence of the Swastika symbol, or

mystic cross. The walls were originally of brick, but they have long

ago disappeared, and the only parts of the old fort now standing are -

the gateway and the Shah Bij. The foundation of the latter is,

however, of Hindu construction, and as there are many carved bricks

lying about, I presume that it was a temple. The fort is provided with

a well 84 broad and 51} feet deep to the water level.

858. The tradition of the place is that the building of the fort was

finished on Friday, the 9th of the waxing moon of Chaitra, in the

Samvat year 1362, or A. D. 1305, by AHdhajal, a renegade Hindu,

who is said to have been the Vazir of Ala-ud-din Ghort. For Ghori

we must read Khzlji to bring the King’s name into agreement with the

date, and as the people are in the habit of styling all the Pathans as

Ghoris, the alteration is perfectly allowable. But who was Hahdjdl ? ©

As a renegade Hindu and the Vazir of Ala-ud-din, he might perhaps

be the same person as Ka/tér, who in A. D. 1305 was appointed as

Malik Naib to the command of the army for the conquest of the

Dakhan. I procured several of Ala-ud-din’s coins at Nimsar, and in

his reign I conclude that the fort passed from the hands of the Hindus

into those of the Musalmans. The original fort is said to have been

as old as the Pandus; and if the derivation of the name of the place

has been truly handed down, it must have been occupied even earlier

than the time of the Pandus.

XXIL—BARIKHAR, OR VAIRATKHERA.

359. Barikhar is the name of a village on the top of an extensive

old mound called Vairdtkhera which is situated on the high road

between Nimsar and Pilibhit, at 42 miles from the former, and 68 miles

from the latter place. Barikhar is said to be a corruption of Bariya-

khera or Vairdt-khera, and its foundation is attributed to Vairdt Raja

in the time of the Pandus. The ruined mound is 1,000 feet in length

at top from east to west, by 600 feet in breadth, and from 16 to 20

feet in height. But the dimensions at the base are much more, as the

slope is very gentle, being 200 feet in length on the north side, where

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 271

I measured it. This would make the base of the mound about 1,400

feet, which agrees with the size of 50 begahs, or 1,400,000 square feet,

which is popularly attributed to it by the villagers themselves. But

the fields are strewn with broken bricks for upwards of 1,000 feet to

the northward, and for 500 or 600 feet to the eastward, where there

are the remains of several temples. The area actually covered by

ruins is not less than 2,000 feet square, or upwards of 1} mile in

circuit, which shows that Barikhar must once have been a good sized

town, but I strongly doubt the story of the Brahmans which attributes

its foundation to Vairat Raja. The name is written by the people

themselves Badishar @S\9t , although it is pronounced Barikhar, and

I believe that similarity of sound alone has led to the identification of

Barikhar with Bariyakhera and Vairat Raja.

XXTIL.—DEORYIA AND DEWAL,

360. I couple these two places together, because they actually

form parts of the old nameless capital of the Bdchhal Rajas, who ruled

over Kastern Rohilkhand and Western Oudh before the time of the

Katehriyas. Dewal itself is a small village, which has received its

name from atemple in which is deposited a very perfect inscription

dated in Samvat 1049, or A. D. 992. The opposite village is called

Iléhabas by the Muhammadans, but this name is scarcely known to

the people, who usually call it Garh-Gdjana. The inscription is chiefly

remarkable for the clean and beautiful manner in which the letters

have been engraved ; and its perfect state makes it the more valuable

as it furnishes us with a complete specimen of the alphabet of the

Kutila character, in which it is said to be engraved. James Prinsep

gave aspecimen of the characters, along with a translation of the

inscription, in the Asiatie Society’s Journal for 1837, page 777. But

the copy from which he framed his alphabet was made by hand, and

although it is wonderfully accurate as a mere transcript of the words,

yet it is very faulty as a copy of the individual letters. This is the

more to be regretted, as the alphabet thus framed from an inaccurate

copy has become the standard specimen of the Kutela characters’

Now, the term Kutila means “ bent,’”’ and as all the letters of the

inscription have a bottom stroke or tail, which is turned, or “ bent,”

to the right, Tinfer that the alphabet was named Kuwiila from this

272 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

peculiarity in the formation of its letters. But this peculiarity was

unnoticed by the original transcriber, and consequently the print types

of the Kutila characters, which have been prepared both in Germany

and in England, are entirely wanting in this special characteristic

which gives its name to the alphabet. The letter 7 and the attached

vowels are perhaps the most faulty.

361. The village of Dewal is situated 16 miles to the 8. 8. EH. of

Pilibhit, on the west bank of the Kau, or Katni Nala. There are two

or three plain brick rooms which are called temples, and in one of

these the inscription is deposited ; but it is said to have been found

amongst the ruins of Garh-Gdjana, or Tlahibas, on the opposite bank

of the stream. Garh-Gadjana is a large ruined mound, about 800 feet

square, which includes two small tanks on the east side; but although

it is called a Garh, or fort, it was most probably only the country

residence of Raja Lalla, who founded it. The small modern village of

Tlahabas is situated close to the south-east corner of Garh-Gajana, and

near it on the south side are the ruins of a very large temple, amongst

which the inscription is said to have been discovered. The figure of

the Varaha Avatar of Vishnu, which is now in the Dewal temple, was

found in the same place. The mound of ruins is 200 feet square at

base, but the walls of the temple are no longer traceable, as the bricks

and kankar blocks have been carried away by the villagers. I traced

the remains of at least six other temples around the principal mass f

ruin, but there was nothing about them worth noting. To th®

south there are two larger mounds, which appear to be the remains of

an old village.

362. The Kau or Katni Nala continues its course to the south for

three miles, until opposite the large village of Deoriya, when it turns

sharply to the east for two miles, to the south end of a large ruined

fort which is now called Garha-Khera, or the “fort mound.” The

Katni Nala here turns to the north, and, after running round the three

other sides of the ruined fort, returns to within a few hundred yards

of the point from whence it took its northerly course. It thus forms

a natural ditch to the old stronghold of the Bachhal Rajas, which is —

only approachable on the southern side. The fort has been deserted

for many centuries, and is covered with dense jungle, in which several

tigers have been killed within the last few years. A single cart track

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 273

leads to the nearest portions of the ruins, which have afforded materials

for all the buildings in the large village of Deoriya. The exact extent

of the fort is not known, but the position enclosed by the Katni Nala

is about 6,000 feet in length from N. W.S., and 4,000 feet in breadth,

and the fort is said to be somewhat less than half a kos, or just

_about half a mile in length. The bricks are of large size, 13 by 9 by

2 inches, which shows considerable antiquity, but the statues of kan-

kar are all Brahmanical, such as the goddess Devi, Siva and his wife,

as Gawri-Sankar, and two arghas of lingams. These figures are said

to be discovered only in the foundations of the buildings, which, if true

would seem to show that the existing remains are the ruins of Muham-

madan works constructed of Hindu materials.

363. The Katni Nala is an artificial canal drawn from the Wala

yiver near Sohds, 10 miles to the south-east of Pilibhit, and 6 miles

to the north of Dewal. Its general course is from north to south,

excepting where it winds round the old fort of Garha-Khera, alter

which it resumes its southerly course and falls into the Kanhaut Nala,

about 3 miles to the south of the ruins. Its whole course is just 20

miles in length. All the maps are wrong in giving the name of Katni

Nala to the Méla river, instead of to the artificial canal which joins

the Mdla and Kanhaut rivers. The canal varies in width from 30 and

40 feet to 100 feet, and even more, at the places where it is usually

forded. Its very name of Katnz Nala, or the “cut stream,” is sufti-

cient to prove that it is artificial. But this fact is distinctly stated in

the inscription, which records that Raja Lalla “made the beautiful

and holy Katha-Nadi.” That this was the Katni Nala, which is

drawn from the Mala river, is proved by the previous verse, which

records that the Raja presented to the Brahmans certain villages

“shaded by pleasant trees, and watered by the Nirmala Nadi.” This

name is correctly translated by James Prinsep as “ pellucid stream,”

which though perfectly applicable to the limpid waters of the Mala

river, is evidently the name of the stream itself, and not a mere epithet

descriptive of the clearness of its waters. And as the canal was drawn

from the Nirmala River, so that villages on its banks are correctly

described as being watered by it.

364. The inscription goes on to say that Raja Lalla and his wife

Lakshmi “ made many groves, gardens, lakes, and temples,” Prinsep

274 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

has given the last as “ many other extensive works,” but the term in

the original is devalayataneshu cha, “and temples,” devalaya being

one of the commonest names for a temple of any kind. In the 27th

- verse the great temple to which the inscription was attached is said to

have been dedicated to Siva by the Raja, while the Queen built an-

other fane to Parvati. In the next verse they are described as “ two

divine temples” (. sura-griha) ; and in the 32nd verse it is stated that

the god and goddess were worshipped together under the title of °

Devapalli. This then must be the origin of the name of Dewal, and

the great temple mound to the south of Garh-Gdjana must be the re-

mains of the two temples dedicated to Devapallz.

365. In the inscription Raja Lalla calls himself the nephew of

Mins Chandra Pratépa, and the grandson of Vira Varmma, who is

said to be of the race of Chhindu and descended from the great Rishi

Chyavana. This holy sage is mentioned in the Vishnu’ Purana as

having married Sukanyd, the daughter of Saryati, the son of Manu.

He is also noticed in the Bhagavata and Padma Puranas, as appro-

priating ashare of the marriage offerings to the Aswini Kumiaras,

which entailed the quarrel with Indra, that is alluded to in verse 4 of

the inscription. The family therefore was reputed to be of ancient

descent ; but if Vira Varmma, the grandfather of Lalla, was the first

Raja, the establishment of the dynasty cannot be dated earlier than

A.D. 900. Now the Bdchhal Rajputs claim descent from Raja Vena,

whose son was Virdt, the reputed founder of Barikhar or Virat Khera,

and whom I believe to be the same as Vira Varmma of the inscription.

To Raja Vena, or Ben, is attributed the erection of the great forts of

Garha-khera, and Séhgarh ; and to his queen, Ketaki Réni, is assigned

the excavation of the Réni Tél at the old town of Kdbar. Garh

Gdjana and the temples of Dewal were built by Raja Lalla. The

town and fort of Maraori are attributed to Moradhwaj, and Barkhera

to Harmal Raja; but neither of these names appears in the very

imperfect and scanty list of their family which the Bdchhals now

possess.

366. It is admitted by every one that the Katehriyas sucosed ;

the Bdchhals, but the Katehriyas themselves state that they did not —

settle in Katehar until Samvat 1231, or A. D. 1174. Up to this date

therefore the Bdachhal Rajas may be supposed to have possessed the —

1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 275

dominant power in eastern Rohilkhand beyond the Ramganga, while

western Rohilkhand was held by the Bhidar, Gwéld, and other tribes,

from whom the Katehriyas profess to have wrested it. Gradually the

Béchhals must have retired before the Katehriyas, until they had lost

all their territory to the west of the Deoha or Pilibhit river. Here

they made a successful stand, and though frequently afterwards harried

by the Muhammadans, they still managed to hold their small territory

between the Deoha river and the primeval forests of Pilibhit. When

hard pressed, they escaped to the jungle, which still skirts their an-

cient possessions of Garh Gdjana and Garha Khera. But their resis-

tance was not always successful, as their descendants confess that about

300 or 400 years ago, when their capital Nigohé was taken by the King

of Delhi, the twelve sons of Raja Udarana, or Aorana, were all put to

death. The twelve cenotaphs of these princes are still shown at Nigohv.

Shortly after this catastrophe Chhavi Rana, the grandson of one of the

murdered Princes, fled to the Zakhi jungle, where he supported himself

by plundering ; but when orders were given to exterminate his band,

he presented himself before the King of Delhi, and obtained the district

of Nigohi as a jdghir. This place his descendant Tarsam Sing: still

holds, but the jaghir is reduced to the town of Nigohi with a few of

the surrounding villages.

367. The Gotrdchdrya of the Bachhal Rajputs declares them to be

Chandravansis, and their high social position is attested by their

daughters being taken in marriage by Chohans, Rahtors, and Kach-

wahas. According to Sir H. Elliot, Bachhal Zemindars are found in the

districts of Aligurh and Mathura, as well as in Budaon and Shahjahan-

pur of Rohilkhand. But the race is even more widely spread than the

Gangetic Bachhals are aware of, as Abul Faz records that ‘the port of

Aramray (in the Peninsula of Gujarat) is a very strong place inhabited

by the tribe of Bachhal.” Of the origin of the name nothing is known,

but it is probably. connected with bdchhnd, to select or choose. The

title of Chhindu, which is given in the inscription, is also utterly

unknown to the people, and I can only guess that it may be the name

of one of the early ancestors of the race.

XXV.—BALAI KHERA.

, 368. Baliya, or Balai Khera, is a large ruined mound about 1,200

feet square, or nearly one mile in circuit, and not less than 20 feet in

276 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

height at the southern end. The mound is situated close to the

Muhammadan town of Jahdndbdd, which is just 6 miles to the west-

ward of Pilibhit. It is covered with broken bricks of large size, and

from its square form I infer that it must once have been fortified, or

at least walled round. Near the south-east corner there is a very old

banyan tree, and the ruins of a brick temple. To the west there are

two tanks and six ruined heaps which are said to be the remains of

temples. There is nothing now standing that can give any clue to the

probable age of the town, as the bricks are removed to Jahdndbdd as

soon as they are discovered. But the large size of the bricks is a proof

of antiquity, which is supported by the traditions of the people, who

ascribe the foundation of Balpur or Baliya to the well known Daitya,

or demon, named Balt.

XXVI—PARASUA KOT.

369. Four miles to the westward of Balai-Khera there is a long

lofty mound lying east and west called Parasua-kot, which is said to

be the ruins of a temple and other edifices that Bali Raja built for his

Ahir servant, named Parasua. The mound is about 1,400 feet long,

and 300 feet broad at base, with a height of 35 feet at its loftiest point

near the eastern end. On this point there are the brick foundations

of a large temple, 42 feet square, with the remains of steps on the east

face, and astone lintel or door step, on the west face. I conclude

therefore that the temple had two doors, one to the east and the other

to the west, and as this is the common arrangement of lingam temples,

it is almost certain that the building must have been dedicated to Siva.

Towards the west, the mound gradually declines in height, until it is

lost in the fields. Forty feet to the west of the temple there are some

remains of a thick wall which would seem to have formed part of the

enclosure of the temple, which must have been not less than 130 feet

square. Five hundred feet further west there are the remains of

another enclosure, 100 feet square, which most probably once surrounded

a second temple, but the height of the ruins at this point is more than

16 feet above the ground. Although the Parasua mound is well known

to the people for many miles around, yet there are no traditions

attached to the place save the story of Paraswa, the Ahir, which has

already been noticed. When we consider that a temple 42 feet square

.1865.] Report of the Archeological Survey. 277

could not have been less than 34 times its base, or 147 feet in height,

and that its floor being 35 feet above the ground the whole height of

the building would have been 1582 feet, it is strange that no more

detailed traditions should exist regarding the builders of so magnificent

an edifice. I am of opinion that the temple must have been the work

of one of the earlier Bachhal Rajas, but unfortunately the records of this

race are too imperfect to afford any clue to the ancient history of the

country.

XXVIT—KABAR, OR SHIRGARH.

370. The old town of Kdbar is situated on a lofty mound, 20 miles

to the north of Bareli, and 26 miles to the west of Pilibhit. The ruins

consist of a circular mound, 900 feet in diameter and 25 feet in height,

which is still surrounded by a deep ditch from 50 to 100 feet in width.

This was the old fort of Kdbar in the time of the Hindus, and there are

still some remains of the walls of a large oblong building on the top of

the mound, which the people say was a temple. The old city, which

surrounded the fort on all sides, is now divided into four separate

villages, called Kdbar, Islémpur, Dongarpur, and Shirgarh. All these

are situated on old mounds which are nearly as lofty as the fort mound

itself. The place is usually called Kdbar by the Hindus, and Shirgarh

by the Musalmans. It is said to have been taken from the Hindu

Rajas 550 years ago, or in A. D. 1313, during the reign of Ala-ud-din

Khilji. Falling again into the hands of the Hindus after the death

of Firuz Tughlak, it was again captured by Shir Shah, who built the

fort of Shirgarh to the south of the old fort, for the purpose of keeping

the townspeople in check. To the south of Shirgarh there is a fine

tank, called Khawds-Tdl, which no doubt belongs to the same period,

as Khawas Khan was the name of Shir Shah’s most trusted General,

That portion of the town, called Islémpur, is said to have been built by

Islam Shah, the son of Shir Shah, but it was more probably only

re-named by Khawis Khan in honour of his master’s son, during the

lifetime of Shir Shah himself. On the north side there is a shallow

sheet of water called the Rim Sagar, and on the north-west there is

an old tank called Rani Tal, which is attributed to Ketaki Rani, the

queen of Raja Ben, the founder of the dynasty of Bdchhal Rajputs.

The extreme length of the whole mass of ruins from east to west is

3,500 fect, and the breadth 2,500 feet, the complete circuit being 9,800

278 Report of the Archeological Survey. [No. 4,

feet, or nearly 2 miles. The long continued Muhammadan occupation

of five centuries has most effectually swept away all traces of Hinduism ;

but old coins are occasionally found, of which a few belong to the later

Hindu dynasties of the ninth and tenth centuries. From the great

size of the place, as well as from its evident antiquity, I should have ex-

pected that very old Hindu coins would occasionally be found; but all

my enquiries were fruitless, and the only actual traces of Hindu occupa-

tion that I could hear of were two small stone figures, of which one

was a representation of Durga slaying the Mahisdsur, or “ Buffalo-

demon,” and the other a broken statue of some god which was too

much injured to be recognized,

es ee

Notes on Boodh Gya—By C. Hornu, Esq., C.S,

[Received 24th April, 1865. Read 7th June, 1865.]

During the holidays, October and November, 1864, I had an opportu-

nity of carefully studying the great Tope at Boodh Gya, relative to which

interesting remains of the past there would seem to have been consi-

derable discussion between modern archeologists.

The subject of the said discussions, whilst referring to the age of

the tope itself, relates more particularly to that of the arches, both

pointed and semicircular, found in and near the said tope.

These arches are some of them built of stone, but the greater part

are of brick ; and they are all constructed on the radiating principle

with external faces of truncated wedges or ‘ voussoirs’’—the bricks

used in their construction being set on edge and of the description

commonly termed Buddhist, their dimensions being either 13%” x 9”

x 22" or 153” & 102” X 3.

There are in all no less than nine (9) of these arches, of which 3 are

semicircular and 6 pointed.

But before proceeding farther with my account of them, it will be

well to describe as briefly as possible the interior construction of the

tope, offering at the same time a few remarks as to its antiquity, as

thereby we may be able to infer whether the art of arch-building

(radiating, not horizontal) was known to those who built the structure —

SS —— Oe

1865_] Notes on Boodh Gya. 279

in which the said arches occur, or whether they may not have been

subsequently inserted.

Genl. Cunningham, in his excellent Archeological Report for 1861-

62, assigns A. D. 500 as the date of the building of the present ‘tope

or temple, and names Amara Sinha as the builder.

He also works out the same date from a certain inscription once

said to have been therein found, and which he holds to be authentic.

His arguments from the latter source appear to me to have been

fully met and set aside by Baboo Réajendraléla Mitra in his

paper on Boodh Gya in 1864, which was read before a meeting

of the Bengal Asiatic Society, and in which he shews that Sir

Charles Wilkin’s* inscription, in which the virtues of a shraddh

performed here are much extolled—cannot be historically true, and

also that the partial silence of Fa Hian, the great Chinese traveller

in A. D. 400, does not prove the non-existence of the said tope at that

time—the more so as Fa Hian speaks in Chap. XXXI of a great

tower having been erected at the place where Foe (Buddha) obtained

the law, i. e. under the Bo tree at Boodh Gya.

Fergusson (p. 109, Vol. I) states the earliest authentic Hindu

building to date A. D. 657, and in allusion to the great tope of Boodh

Gya, which it is doubtful whether he ever visited, says to the effect

that “the temple of Boodh Gya is certainly Buddhist—was built in

the 14th century A. D. —is a square Hindu Vimana and a true

‘ stupa’ as it never possessed any relic.”

Montgomery Martin, in his account of Eastern India, alludes to

Asoka as being the reputed founder of the temple, and doubts the

authenticity of Amara’s inscription, as does also Buchanan Hamilton.

It will thus be seen that the age of the building and of the arches

are both open questions.

And now, a few words as to the age of Hindu or eBoodiied build-

ings :—

Fergusson says—pages 4-5, Introduction‘ It is of more impor-

tance to our present purpose that with this king (Asoka) B. C. 250,

the architectural history of India commences; not one building, nor

one sculptured stone having yet been found in the length and

* That above alluded to,

280 Notes on Boodh Gya. [No. 4,

breadth of the land, which can prove to date before his accession.

From his time, however, the series of monuments, some monolithic,

some rock cut, and others built, are tolerably complete during the 10

or 12 centuries in which Boodhism continued to be a prevalent

religion in the country of its birth.”’

Again p. 129, he says, “ Indian architecture began about 250 B. C.,

with a strong admixture of Grecian, or at least of Western art, as if

the Indian was then first learning from foreigners an art they had

not previously practised ; but this extraneous element soon died out,

and is not again to be traced, except perhaps in Cashmere where it

seems to have long remained in force.”

The inscriptions in the sculptured pillars or rather the carving on

the Boodhist railing posts, which these pillars really are, remind one

of Bhilsa. They are in fact, identical.

Genl. Cunningham, in describing them, says—“ A few of them

have an inscription in the ancient Pali character of Asoka’s pillars

HLLtEE “j we’, ‘Ayaya Kudrangiye danam’ ie. Gift of the

venerable Kudrangi.’”’ This is 5 or 6 times repeated.

Now these pillars are of granite and placed in the quadrangle of the

Mohunt’s residence, whilst those at the tope itself, discovered by Capt.

Mead subsequently to Genl. Cunningham’s report, are all of the same

character, so that his remark to the effect that the first named ‘ can-

not be of much later date than Asoka’s” will apply equally to those

last spoken of. They, moreover, appear “in siti’ and if so, argue the

existence of the tope and of a Bo tree when they were placed around

them.

It should also be borne in mind, that within a few miles we have

the rock cut temples of the Barabur, Nagarjuni Hills, relative to the

date of the excavation of which, the inscriptions borne by them leave

no doubt.

The dates of some of these vary from 250 to 230 B. C., or the time

of Asoka.

We might also argue from the bricks used, did I not hold this to be

a very uncertain test of age. Their bluish tinge remarked upon by

Fiwen Thsang is very remarkable, as such a tinge is not common, and

the bricks used in the great tope decidedly possess it.

I in yain sought for any mason marks; but their non-existence may

1865.] Notes on Boodh Gya. 281

be accounted for by the very small quantity of stone used in or about

the building.

From what has been before stated I am led to assign a far greater

antiquity to the great tope at Boodh Gya than has been hitherto

generally done.

I am of opinion that the temple existed from before the Christian

era, when the railing stood around it—say from 200 B. C.; but that

it has often been repaired, and once thoroughly renewed by Amara

Sinha, most probably about 500 A. D.

I, however, hold that the shell of the building has remained as at

first constructed, with alterations to be hereafter pointed out. If

this be the case, it would, together with perhaps the remains of some

Boodhist Monasteries, be one of the oldest buildings we have in India.

The general external form differs considerably from ordinary Hindu

Vimanas, being much more perpendicular; but the system under which

it was built allows of great variety of outline.

The tope is exteriorly about 50 feet square at the base, with an

original interior diameter of 20 ft. The walls are about 8 ft. thick to

a height of perhaps 60 feet, and the rest is made up by a masonry

terrace rising from 25 to 30 feet.

The thickness of the upper part, i. e. from the springing of the

curve to the crown, varies from 7 feet to much less at the top.

There has been an opening left at the top* apparently about 6 ft.

square, which is at present covered in with beams of Saul wood, and

upon this is built a tope-like pinnacle which in its entirety probably

reached to 25 feet, including the thickness of the pucka roof over

the beams.

The square basement walls have been stated to

Ceilings. rise about 60 ft., whilst the interior height of the

curved part may also be from 60 to 70 feet. The

whole interior I believe to have been originally

without intermediate ceilings.

This curved part is built on the system called in

Bengal “Lehra”’ i. e. of over-lapping bricks. In

this instance I counted 52 of these laps, each pro-

jecting from 3 to 4} inches.

13”

* Query, whether this was so originally ?

282 Notes on Boodh Gya. [No. 4,

The lowest 12 laps were made after the placing of 4 bricks perpen-

dicularly, making a height for each such set of bricks of 9 inches only.

Then there came 16 laps, over 5 inches similarly laid and measuring

13 inches in height, whilst again above them came 24 laps over courses

of 4 bricks as at first.

I had hoped to be able to calculate the height accurately in this

manner, having with me no means for measuring so great a height ;

but I imagine the laps got less at the top and the height assigned has

therefore only been approximately ascertained. This system of

“Lehra’” still exists in Orissa. Mr. Armstrong, the assistant to

Mr. Shore, Commissioner, has obligingly sent me a drawing of a long

draw-bridge of more modern construction at Jajipore near Balasore.

The openings thus covered are said to be

from 8 to 15 feet. The space at Boodh

Gya is about 20 feet. At the temple of

Kooch Behar, is an excellent example, and

it seems to have been universal through-

Part of an opening in Jajipur out Eastern Bengal.

drawbridge. Capt. Austen informs me that in Cash-

mere this “ Lehra’” is very neatly tied with a T stone.

Cashmere Lehra.

The arrangement above described holds good as regards the north,

south and west sides of the temple; but on the east, the front wall is

pierced with two large openings, the one over the other, and above

these in the curved part are two “ Lehras”’ or horizontal arches run-

ning east and west in the thickness of the said wall.

The upper one, which is closed outwardly, was doubtless made to

lighten the weight of masonry over the entrance, and both shew plainly

that when they were constructed, i. e. at the same time as the original

building, the architects of the same, did not know how to build a true

arch. The temple at Kooch is similarly constructed.

The lower one which runs through was probably arranged so as to

throw the eastern sun-light, at a particular hour, on the figure of

‘

1865.] Notes on Boodh Gya. 283

Boodha, which was on the “ Singhasun” or throne to the west, and

thus lighted the building dimly from over the entrance door-way,

as I have observed to be the case in other ancient Buddhist edifices

and which has also been remarked upon by Fergusson.

We now approach the arches and arched chambers which have led

me to put pen to paper.

In what must have originally been the thickness of the terrace, or

what was a projecting porch ere the terrace was raised, we find a

ruined pointed arched chamber built with bricks set on edge, the said

bricks having been carefully dressed. Their size 153” & 102” x 38”.

This must evidently have been built round a

3% centering of some kind. The diameter of the

arch is 13} feet and the marginal sketch shews

one of the bricks taken from the haunch of the

74. 15. broken arch.

This porch is at present entered by a square

door-way built of odd stones, with a long stone

o/4 serving as an architrave.

Immediately on entering, there are to the right

and left small door-ways covered with semicircular arches in stone,

under which there is a flight of steps leading to the terrace above.

These arches are built radiating and of regular “ voussoirs” or trun-

cated wedges, and are manifestly of far more recent date than the rest

of the building. In fact they would appear to have been built at the

same time as the structure called by Genl. Cunningham Amara

Sinha’s archway,

This archway is evidently the entry to the modern, courtyard

before the great tower, and runs east and west.

It is built of somewhat smaller bricks than are elsewhere used, set

on edge and without any special facing. Its depth, as far as my

memory serves, is about 12 feet, and it looks quite modern,

On the top of the flight of steps to the left (or south) is another

archway similar to the one below it, and

dating probably with the terrace to

which it leads.

In the base of the tower is an arched

room, approached from the ruined arched

284 Notes on Boodh Gya. [No. 4,

portico before described, by an arched door-way only 5 feet wide.

This is faced, as shewn on the preceding page, with Boodhist bricks

regularly cut, and is probably built internally of bricks on edge, and has

been constructed on a centering, as has the inner room to which it leads.

This arched room is 164 feet wide ; the difference between this and

20 feet, which I have stated to have been the original internal width,

being occupied with a lining of brick on which the arching rests.

For 12 feet in height the walls north and south are straight—at

this point there is a small cornice whence the arch springs, the said

arch being evidently built brick on edge.

The whole of the walls to the north and south, as well as the roof of

the arching, is plastered white with a chess board pattern, in each

square of which is painted in a reddish colour a sitting Boodh. There

must thus be many thousands of these figures, now however, much

obliterated by the hand of time.

The total height of this chamber may be 20 feet, and adding 4 or 5

feet for the thickness of the flooring of the upper room and of the arch,

the story may be allowed to count as 26 feet.

Before ascending to the terrace, I would observe that the “ Singha-

sun” or throne where the figure of Boodha was placed, is still left as

arranged at the last restoration (probably 500 A. D-) and there are

still the holes in the stones, which

were formerly filled by the rivet

affixing gilt copper plates.

Over the doorway and above the

arch of this basement chamber is

inserted in the wall a huge beam

of Saul wood, evidently of great

antiquity and to which allusion will be made hereafter.

Ascending to the room above, we find

a repetition of the lower arched chamber

without the end of semicircular arched

recess, and with no less than three arches

at the entrance within one another, and all of

the same character. The marginal sketch

taken from a photograph shews these, and

it is difficult to understand their object.

1865.] Notes on Boodh Gya. 285

This chamber, the floor of which is at about the level of the terrace,

may probably have had before it an open porch; but all traces of this

would have disappeared with the falling in of the arched roof below.

I have before alluded to the extraordinary opening—or horizontal

arch on the overlapping or Lehra principle as existing in the story

above this.

By the aid of ladders and bamboos obligingly furnished me by the

Mohunt, I with considerable difficulty got within this, and found the

floor to be about 55 feet from the ground, and that within it, on all

sides, there was a space of about 5 feet of upright wall before the

springing of the curve, and that this bit of wall was plastered !

This room might have been entered from the roof of the porch’

above suggested; but was evidently not used for

any purpose.

The open arch extends just half way in the

height. Another similar arch, but closed externally,

stands upon it as shewn marginally, and it is very

curious that the open arch above mentioned should

have been left in its singularly unfinished condition.

The temple at Kooch, however, displays the same

peculiarity.

I have now at some length described the arches

at Boodh Gya, relative to which Babu Rajendra-

lila Mitra notes, (p. 4,) that when he brought the

fact of their existence to the notice of Capt, Mead,

Executive Engineer, who was shewing him through

the ruins—‘ He readily acknowledged that the

builders of the temple, whoever they were,

certainly knew the art of constructing an arch,

and the one before them was a very good speci-

men of it.” '

The first thing that strikes an observer, when

looking at the great tower from a little distance,

Rough plan shewing and it is clearly seen in the photographs of Boodh

general elevation. 4 } ; 2

Gya kindly prepared for me by my companion,

Mr. Peppe of Gya, is, that the whole of the arch arrangements are a

subsequent insertion and formed uo part of the original building.

286 Notes on Boodh Gya. [No. 4,

In fact, together with the arched, plastered and painted chamber,

they may and probably were all erected by Amara Sinha, when he

thoroughly restored the temple.

The enormous thickness of the walls and the goodness of the mortar

would allow of large breaches being made with impunity; whilst the

insertion of the great beam over the lowest arch gives colour to this

theory. The two interior arched chambers, with the semicircular

recessed end of the lower, appear to me to have been subsequently

put in. The plaster of the upright wall on the inside above the flooring

of the upper room shews how the other work would seemingly have

been built on to it.

; The outer plastering also, when removed from

the capitals of the little columns in relief, shews

ornamental work below of a very primitive type:

es iee) whilst the original brick-work is substantial in the

extreme.

The entrance to the basement of the tower was

doubtless a somewhat narrow, but extremely lofty rectangular doorway

with stone jambs and a stone architrave. If this were the case, the

insertion of an arch were extremely easy, and this would correspond

with the—in many points similar—temple of Kooch.

The only difference is that the last named temple is smaller—hence

many inferences may be drawn therefrom as it was probably a copy of

the great tower.

I would, therefore in conclusion, with great deference suggest that

the arches are all of them of the date of Amara Sinha, or about 500

A. D., whilst the original building dates back perhaps to 200 B. C.

The country around Boodh Gya, as it is well known, is studded

with Boodhist remains of every age, which would well repay careful

study, and I shall be very glad if these notes provoke others, as those

of Babu Rajendralila Mitra did me, to make a pilgrimage to this

very ancient and interesting district which has never yet been explored,

except in the most partial manner,

April 20th, 1865.

1865.] Notes on Boodh Gya. 287

[Received 6th May, 1865.] [Read 7th June, 1865. ]

P. S.—The junction of the inserted work with the original is

clear every where. The floor of the upper chamber comes through

the wall of the building, i.e. the beaten pucka floor line shews

a white line, most plain in the photograph. At the sides too the

insertion is most plain. The use of different sized bricks in the

different arches, whereas those in the body of the building are all the

same, would indicate their having been built at a different date, which

most probably was long subsequent.

Nothing in the foregoing paper refers to other structures (excepting

to a few temples in Eastern India)—-and I am well aware that, as it

has been clearly shewn that the radiating arch was known to the

builders of the Pyramids, Nineveh, and other very ancient structures,

the art of building such arches may have been acquired by travelled

Indians; still I am decidedly of opinion that the builders of the origin-

al tower of Boodh Gya were not acquainted with the art of construct-

ing a radiating arch, however well they may have constructed them

on the horizontal principle.”

dé 0: Ue NAS §

or TILE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

YOU, XXXTY.

PART IL

Nos. I. to IV.—1865.

A *

EDITED BY

THE NATURAL HISTORY SECRETARY.

Anan ne

‘ AS will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men

of science in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing,

send them to the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such

munications shall be long intermitted: and it will die away, if they shall

entirely cease,” ”

Sim Wm. JonEs,

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED AT TIE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

1865.

CONTENTS.

OBO

No.l,

(Published 31st May, 1865.)

Notes of a tour made in 1863-64 in the Tributary Mehals

under the Commissioner of Chota-Nagpore, Bonai, Gang-

pore, Odeypore and Sirgooja—By Lt.-Col. T. Daxron,

Description of a supposed new Genus of the Gadidw, Arakan.—

By Lieut.-Col. S. R. Troxenn, Bengal Staff,................6-

On the degree of uncertainty which Local Attraction, if not

allowed for, occasions in the map of a country, and in the

Mean Figure of the Earth as determined by Geodesy; a

method of obtaining the Mean Figure free from ambiguity

by a comparison of the Anglo-Gallic, Russian and Indian

Ares; and Speculations on the constitution of the Earth’s

Pst —Dy ARCHDHACON PRATT, .onccececcopscgccasassacesnes

_ Notes to accompany a Geological map and section of the Lowa

Ghur or Sheen Ghur range in the district of Bunnoo,

Punjab: with analyses of the Lignites—By Ausrrr M.

Vercuers, Esq. M. D., litncideacan tal nicistTiceie Rares Since a

Scientific Intelligence, ......... ee eee

Abstract of the Results of the Ee Me ranenecal Obsert va-

tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for

the month of January, 1865,.............c2s0s000: deidsan etenwiti ve

Now EL.

(Published 22nd July, 1865.)

Remarks on the Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River.—

By J. H. T. Arrcnison, M. D., F.R.C.S.E., F.LS8., Extr.

Member, Royal Med. Soc., Edin., &ec., Asst. Surgeon,

ee MOP ATILY satan yates sivpievncieysiieacameaMeleaeatan dsc sas eh + ava d

Page

iv Contents.

Page

Observations on certain Strictures by Mr. H. F. Buanrorp, on ;

W. Tueosatpn’s Jr. Paper on the distribution of Indian

Gasteropoda in J.A.S., No. CCLXXXIX. Page 69.—By

W., DemoBArD, Ai, 2ostacesses'eaenceseeercne ore ees eee 60

Note relating to Sivalik Fauna.—By H. B. Meputcort,......... 63

Contributions to Indian Malacology, No. V., Descriptions of

new land shells from Arakan, Pegu, and Ava; with notes

on the distribution of described species—Ry Winuram T.

Buanworp, A.K.S:M., F.GS.5 a5, sge-steareen épocaaeey Ceeeeana OD

Notes on the Sandstone formation, &c., near Buxa Fort, ;

Bhootan Dooars.—By Captain H. H. Gopwin Avsten,

F.R.G.S., Surveyor, Topographical Survey. Plate IV.,... 106

Note on Lagomys Curzonie, Hodgson.—By Dr. F. Srorrezxa, 108

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa-

tions taken at the Surveryor General’s Office, Calcutta, for

the months of February and March, 1865,.............ce00.008 1X

No. III.

(Published 28rd October, 1865.)

Notes on Central Asia—By M. Semmnor (Communicated by

Tieut.-Colonel J. T, Watkur, BR. B., 25....tcssnss<cnccseeeen iis

Notes of a trip up the Salween.—By Rev. C. Parisn,............ 135

Notes of Observations on the Boksas of the Bijnour District.—

By DroS. Ge STEWART. ac. cesn twee aeenne cad atten ncaa teenie 147

Religion, &c., among the Karens.—By Rev. F. Mason, D. D.,

Missionary to the Karen people, .........0cqsccsscs-ancsseente 173

Notes and (Qwervesyy. 25,5 fr oscngs cer Conon yesnn oe ates aoa arene ee 189

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorologieal Observa-

tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for

the month of April, 1865, ............ asiaviene ovale shiageereeen xe

No. IV.

(Published 6th February, 1866.)

Religion, Mythology, and Astronomy among the Karens.—By

Reve Ra Masons) Dil t5e sagtay seein commer ee eemrnene ceelceete .* 10s

Contents. Vv

Page

On the Pendulum operations about to be undertaken by the

Great Trigonometrical Survey of India; with a sketch of

the theory of their application to the determination of the

earth’s figure, and an account of some of the principal

observations hitherto made.—By Capt. J. P. Basgv1,

R. E., 1st Assistant, Great Trigonometrical Survey of India, 251

Notes on a collection of Land and Freshwater Shells from the

Shan States.—Collected by F. Fepprn, Esq. 1864-65.—

SEC HROBAED, UT. BSG... casssecesesmnsreccscsess coerce armen 273

PMB MEE CULL ONOO, 1520 se <icnowisinbareoaseneracdssast cvancsci canine kas 279

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa-

tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for

the months.of May and June, 1865,..............c0+2-.seseees XXXlil

Meteorological Observations taken at Gangaroowa near Kandy,

Ceylon, for the months of March and April, 1864,... ....... xvii

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN PART ILI. 1865.

Plate. Page

I.—Asthenurus Atripinnis, ... coud. Tene

II.—Geological sketch map of the adi Give or Siicen

Ghur in Bunnoo, a... 0 re et, con

III.—Section across the above, ... mist sen ccn). mee

IV.—Section near Buxa, ... An Sas << LOG

V.—Map of the Yoonzalin District, “3 sia! ata APE

*VI.—Boulder Temple at Kyik-hteo,. Sas .. 146

VII.—Kyik-hteo-Galay boulder sie, be Ps

VIII.—Kyik-hteo boulder pagoda, cits zc. 4G

IX.—Paludine and Melanie, ... th ee tmee -Ue:

nt ren he

INDEX I.

— Gao

PART IL—NATURAL SCIENCE.

Page,

Aitchison, Dr. J. E. T., on the vegetation of the Islands of

Indus, 53

Analysis of Lowa Ghur Lignites, 42,

Avakan, description of new shells from, 66

Asia, notes on Central, 113

‘Asthenurus Atripinnis, a new Genus of Gadide “i 32

Astronomy among the Karens, 195

Attraction, on Local, . 34

Austen, Capt. Sua Godwin, on Fort Buxa Sandstone,.. 106

Ava, description of new land swells from,. 66

Basevi, Capt. J. P. Pendulum operations of Trigonometrical

Survey, 251

Barnes, R. H. "Meteorological observations at Gangaroowa,

Kandy, oe EY a. seq.

Bijnour District, Boks of, 147

Blanford, H. F., W. Theobald’s observations on strictures by,. 60

poe. W. T., Contributions to Indian aye Ro 66

" ” Note on Syepoorite, 194

Blyth, Edward, on Innus Assamensis, 192

s * On Indian Rats and Mice, 192

9 . Letter from, 48

” ” ” 279

Note on the Peura Partridges, 288

Boksas of the Bijnour District,.. 147

Buxa, Bhootan, Sandstone of, Ay 106

Calcutta, Meteorological observations, i, seq.

Central Asia, notes on, i x] 113

Contributions to Indian Malacology, ‘ 66

Dalton, Lt.-Col. T., Tour in 1863-64 in Tributary. Mehals, 1

“ ’ On discovery of lead at Tuppeh, Ram-

Kola, ace 48

Dorylus, Dr. T. 0. Jerdon on, 189

Karth’s Crust, Een anos on Constitution of, 34

Fire-flies, Flashing of,.. BAe 190

Gadide, Description of new Genus, 32

Gangaroowa, Kandy, Meteorological Observations at, i, seq.

Geological Map of Lowa Ghur range, notes on, 42

Indian Malacology, contributions to, ie 66

--— I rt EN NT

ii Index.

Page

Indus river, vegetation of Islands of the, ... ae oe 53

Tnnus Assamensis, os ae on poe) Oe

Jerdon, Dr. J. C., on Dorylus, he au Be SoG be

Lagomys Curzonie, 3 ae emacs es

Lead at Tuppeh Ramkola, Sir eooja, Bs ec 48

Local Attraction and its relation to mean fioure of earth, ae 34

Lowa Ghur, Geology and Analyses of Lignites, ae + 42

Malacology, contributions to Indian, - 66

Mason, D. D., Rev. F., Religion &e. Nee the Karens, 178, 195

Mean Figure of Earth, 18 34

Medlicott, H. B., Note on Siwalik Fauna, ses wee pee 63

Mehals, Notes of tour in 1865-66 in Tributar Y5-. Tas sf

Meteorological Observations at Gangaroowa, Kandy, Ceylon, i. seq.

v Calcutta, oes das BEG:

Mice, ces Rats and, mn she cP Meo" 02

Notes and queries, .. xe ae oe) 389

Ostrich, Artificial hatching of eggs of, te es 43,

Parish, "Rev. C., Notes of a trip in Yoonzalin District, ara Thee

Partridges, Note on Peura, 288

Pendulum operations of Government "Trigonometrical Survey, 251

Pegu, description of new shells from, ... Ae ee 66

Peura Partridges, note on, can ooo See oe

Pratt, Archdeacon, on Local Attraction, &e., a Pes 34

Rats, "Indian, ee are ae oa pees

Salween river; Trip down ‘the, . “fc Jets ae Soa

Sandstone, at Buxa fort, Bhootan, ie oie oo a OG

Scientific Intelligence, tee oe omnis Po

Semenof, M., Notes in Central Asia, 4c os, eels

Shan States, "Land and Freshwater shells of, & i Rise

Siwalik Fauna, Nototon =, Boa oa teeme as

Stewart, Dr. i L., on the Boksas of Bijnour, me .-. O47

Stoliczka, Drew, Note on Lagomys Curzoniz, 108

Theobald, Jnr., eT. W., Land and Freshwater shells ot “Shan

States)... : 273

" Observations on 1 certain. strictures by

H. F. Blanford, Blue ic 60

Tickell, Lt.-Col. 8. Ry. A New Coane of Gadide, * Oe 32

Trigonometrical Survey, Pendulum Operations of, cos eee a

Tuppeh Ramkola, Discovery of lead at, ... ate ihe 48

Vegetation of Islands of Indus river, 53

Verchere, Dr. A. M., on Geology, Map of Sheen Ghur range). 42

Yoonzalin District, notes ofa trip in) i ae

Pe Te er ae ee

Index.

INDEX II.

—= te

ili

New Genera and species described in this Volume.

Asthenurus,

Pterocyclos

Alyezus

Diplommatina

Helicina

Nanina

Helix

Pisces.

Order, Malacopterygii Subbrachiati.

Family, Gadide.

Atripinnis, (Tickell,) aoe sae 32

Mollusca,

Order, Prosobranchiata,

Section Holostomata.

Family, Paludinidae.

Paludina naticoides, W. Theobald, Jnr. ... 274

Bithinia nassa. is 4 - . 275

Family, Cyclophoride.

Feddeni, W. T. Blanford, 83

Insignis, W. Theobald, aes 278

Politus, ue “er 83

Glaber, A +e +e ae 84

Nana, .. cae 85

Arakanensis, Ww. T. Blanford, 85

Order, Pulmonifera.

Family, Helicide.

Compluvialis, W. T. Blanford, 66

INebullega esi. .e...0.02 3 Sect. Macrochlamys, 66

Hypoleuca, ees: 5 4 67

MUNosaesccvckces sles s 3 Hemiplecta, 68

Helieifera, ... .... ive G8

Mamillaris, ...... = ~ 5 Sesara, 69

Basseinensis, ...... rome ti)

Cons, «See's prin este we

Culmienm, Sans sss a ,, Trochomorpha, 72

Gratulator, .......+. a ORD,

@onulay: kgs ts nae 5 _ »- Maliella, .73

Karenorum, 13

Perareta, ..veseasctes f . A Plectopylis, 75

Beéddent,.sicsecades Hadid

Polypleurish f.u--: icy Oy ? 76

Ansorinus, W. Theobald, or 276

iy Index.

Page

Bulimus Scrobiculatus, A oe Bec eee

Plicifer,.., He oer a ee

Spiraxis _— Pusilla, oe Biss bare Boyar mem bd

Achatina Peguensis, Fak ob con see (3

Pertenuis, ... was ree)

Succinea _ Plicata, oe ar eee we £80

Clausilia Fusiformis, W. T. Blanford, ... sate eee bt

Streptaxis Burmanica, one os oes sae Oe.

ERRATA.

~e@ew

Page 135, seq. for ‘‘ Notes of a trip up the Salween” read “ Notes of

a trip in the Yoonzalin District.” .

»» 273, below M. variabilis for ‘ could” read ‘‘ would” for “ 3-1”

read “var. Ist.”

5, 274, for ‘ naticordes” read ‘“naticoides” for ‘ notest’”’ in last

line, read “‘ subest.”

» 276, for “it is not larger,” read “it is not only larger.”’

» 277, for “armed” read “wound.” For “cryptosonea” read

“eryptosoma.” For “in species with new” read ‘“ two

species, both new.”

» 278, “ Diplommatina 4” read “ Diplommatina 5.”

JOURNAL

OF THE

mouLATIC SOCIETY,

—o—

Part I1—PHYSICAL SCIENCE,

No. I.—1865.

Notes of a towr made in 1863-64 in the Tributary Mehals under the

Commissioner of Chota-Nagpore, Bonai, Gangpore, Odeypore and

Sirgooja.—By Ur.-Cou. T. Darron.

[Received 2nd September, 1864, |

Bonai is a small hilly district lying very snugly isolated from all

civilization, between Sarundah the wildest part of Singbhoom and the

Tributary Mehals of Keonjhur, Bamra, and Gangpore. It is 58 miles

in greatest length from east to west and 37 miles in greatest breadth

from north to south, with an area of 1,297 square miles. It is for

the most part a mass of uninhabited hills, only 13th of the whole

being under cultivation, but about its centre, on both banks of the

Brahmini river, which bisects it, there is a beautiful valley containing

the sites of upwards of twenty good, and for the most part cotermin-

ous villages, the houses well sheltered by very ancient mango and

tamarind trees, with a due proportion of graceful palms. The tal and

date appear to grow very luxuriantly in the valley, and sugar-cane

thrives there. Many of the villages lie close to the river and their

luxuriant groves meet and form long undulating lines of high and

well-wooded bank. On all sides, at the distance of a few miles, are

hills, some nearly three thousand feet above the level of the valley,

and thus a very pleasing and varied landscape is disclosed at every

turn of the broad and rapid rock-broken stream.

2 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

The Brahmini river in its progress from Gangpore has forced its

way through the barrier of hills separating the two districts, and

enters the valley I am describing, after a course of eight miles through

a beautiful glen, in a succession of rapids and loughs, the latter swarm-

ing with alligators. The shortest route from Gangpore to Bonai is by

a rugged path through this pass; but is only practicable in the dry

weather.

Bonaigurh, where the Rajah resides, is in the valley, occupying a

bend of the river in latitude 28° 49’ N. and longitude 85° H., being 508

feet above the sea level. It has the river on three sides, and is sur-

rounded by a mud wall and moat, within which are about 150 houses,

including those of the chief, his court-house, and jail: the village

altogether, inside and outside the gurh, contains about 300 houses,

but nothing that can be called a bazar. The inhabitants are the

Brahmins and other retainers of the Rajah; his own family, including

most of the collateral branches, legitimate and illegitimate; people

practising trades—workers in brass and pewter, potters, weavers,

smiths ; and people of low caste, Gonds, Pahans, Ghassees and Domes.

Ooriah is the language spoken, and the costume and customs followed

are those of the Orissa provinces. This includes a lavish use of

saffron in their ablutions, hair neatly dressed with silver ornaments,

and a general tidy appearance. They have good features and rather

fair complexion. The young girls, till they attain the age of puberty,

are very scantily dressed. The only garment usually worn by them

is a ‘‘ kopin’—a scarf, round the loins and between the legs. This is

national and classical, as we find from the images of the oldest temples,

that it was the favourite costume of the Hindu goddesses, who thus

enjoyed the full play of their limbs. The young people of both sexes

are fond of adorning themselves with wreaths of bright yellow flowers.

There are 217 inhabited villages in Bonai, and from the number of

houses returned by the topographical survey recently completed, the

population may be estimated at fifteen thousand six hundred souls.

About one half of the agricultural population is of the ‘ Bhooya”

caste or race. They are doubtless the earliest settlers, and it was from

their hands that the ancestor of the present Rajpoot Rajah first ob-

tained his insignia as chief. The Bamra and Gangpore Rajahs are

reported to have in the same manner derived their chieftainships from

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 3

the Bhooya aborigines, and when a succession to the Raj takes place

in any of these districts, the acknowledged head of tho Bhooya clan

goes. through a ceremony of making over to the new chief the country

and the people. The person who claims this prerogative in Bonai is

titularly called “ Sawunt.” He holds, at the very trifling quit-rent of

Rs. 18 a year, twelve villages with their hamlets, and claims to be the

hereditary Dewan of Bonai, but the chief neither employs nor acknow-

ledges him as such. There are two other similar tenures with the

titles of ‘ Dhunput’ and ‘ Mahapater,’ and subordinate to them are

certain privileged heads of villages called Naiks. Under the Sawunt,

Dhunput, or Mahapater, the subordinate officers of the Bhooya militia,

—all the able-bodied males of the tribe are bound at the requisition

of the chief or of the Government, to turn out for service fully

armed and equipped. There are no military tenures in the hands of

people of any other caste. The Bhooyas thus have great power in the

little state. Nor is it only in consequence of their being thus orga-

nized as a military body; I find they have also charge of the oldest

temples and shrines, and discharge the duties of Levites to the exclu-

sion of Brahmins. Yet the temples are dedicated to Hindu gods.

Whatever their origin may be, the Bhooyas are now completely Hin-

duized. They have no peculiar language or customs of their own.

In Bonai and the southern parts of Gangypore they speak Ooriah. In

the northern parts of Gangpore and Jushpore, Hindi, They are a

dark-complexioned race, with rather high cheek-bones, but with

nothing else in feature or form to distinguish them as of extraneous

origin. According to their own traditions, they were once a great peo-

ple in Hastern India and had a king of their own, but were dispersed

by invasion from the west. They are now found in all the districts

between Cuttack and Behar, but they are most numerous in this and

the adjoining estates, and here may be found the most civilized and

respectable and the most primitive of the family. While in the low-

lands, they dwell in villages, clothe themselves decently, and otherwise

follow the customs, adopt the manners, and, I may add, the intriguing

nature of the more civilized Brahminical races. In the hills of Bonai

they are found as naked, as simple, as truthful and unsophisticated as

the wildest of the Cole tribes. There are a great number of Bhooyas

in the Singbhoom district, and it is said that they were driven out of

the west portion of it, by the advance and spread of the Lurka Coles.

4 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

The Bhooyas call themselves ‘ children of the wind’ ‘ Pawun buns,’

this would establish their affinity to the Apes, as Hunooman is called

“ Pawun-ka-poot,” the son of the wind.*

The Bonai hills shelter some thousands of the race commonly called

Coles, who all represent themselves as having at some period emi-

grated from Singbhoom or Chota-Nagpore. They have not benefited

by the change. Their brethren on the Chota-Nagpore plateau and in

the plains of Singbhoom are better off and better looking. The emi-

grants must be the most unimprovable of the race, who, finding that

the old country is becoming too civilized for them, fly from the clear-

ances they have made, hide themselves in the hill forests, and relapse

into the condition of savages.

Amongst the races of Bonai yet to be noticed, are the Kolitas, a

very enterprising and respectable class of cultivators, that are found in

these regions, Sumbulpore, and strange to say, Assam.

A very large proportion of the purely Hindu part of the Assa-

mese population are Kolitas, and in accounting for the different races

that are found in that province, the antecedents of the Kolitas have

always been a difficulty. They have none of the peculiarities of the

Indo-Chinese stock. They are considered, in Assam, as of very pure

caste, next in dignity to Kaists, and are on this account much in re-

quest amongst the higher classes as house servants. Another difficulty

in Assam was to account for what was called the Bhooya dynasty, of

which traces are found all through the valley, and it is recorded in

their history, that the north bank of the Brahmapootra above Bish-

nath was known as the country of the Barra Bhooya, long subsequent

to the subjugation of the districts of the southern bank by the Ahoms.

It appears to me, that there is a strong reason for supposing that the

purely Hindu portion of the Assamese Sudra population was originally

from this part of India. There is, in idiom especially, a strong resem-

blance between the Assamese and Ooriah languages, and though the

Ooriah written character did not take root in Assam, this may be

owing to all the priestly families having been introduced from Bengal.t

* They very probably formed a division in Rama’s army, hence their adoption

of Hunooman’s pedigree, and their veneration for “* Mahabir.”’

+ In a paper in the Asiatic Society’s Journal for June 1848, the Assam

Kolitas are described by Col. Hannay as having the high and reeular features

of the Hindu, and many of them with the grey eye that is frequently found

amongst the Rajputs of Western India,

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 5

The appearance of the Bonai Kolitas reminded me very much of the

Assam Kolitas, and I may mention that Ram Chunder, the seventh

Avatar, is the favourite object of worship with both.

Of the mineral and other resources of Bonai, I have not much to

say. Iron is produced, but the hills are for the most part quite unex-

plored, and their riches, if they possess any, unknown. The popula-

tion, with so much room for expansion, does not increase. There are

83 deserted village sites, and what are now small hamlets appear to

have been at one time large villages. The cause is not apparent, as

the people of the more civilized class are well to do and content, and

rent is very low, and as in all the Tributary Mehals, fixed. It is

Rs. 2-8 for a hull of 17 khundees. Nevertheless the chief tells me

he is obliged to grant all manner of extraneous indulgences to his

ryots to induce them to remain.

Wild beasts are very numerous, and in their ravages lies one great

difficulty that villages bordering on or in the jungles have to contend

against—the ryots complain not of loss of life but of the destruction of

crops. They say they have to raise grain for the beasts of the forest

as well as for their own families. On this account very little cotton

is cultivated, though the soil is well adapted for it.

The store of Sal timber in Bonai is immense, but the isolated and

almost inaccessible position of the forests will prevent their being

utilized for years to come, except for the resin, to obtain which, so

many noble trees are girdled and killed. Together with the Sal, are

found vast quantities of the Asan tree on which the tusser silk-worm

feeds, and a considerable quantity of the wild tusser is exported from

Bonai, but it is not much cultivated as the mass of the population

look upon it as an impure or unorthodox occupation, and none but

people of the lowest castes, the Domes, Ghassees, Pahans and Gonds

practice it. (The Gonds are out of their element in Bonai and are

thus classed.)

We meet with no Rajpoot or Khettree family except that of the

chief. Nothing can be more absurd than the tradition handed down

to account for this possession of power by one Khettree family over

an alien population. The Nagbungsi family of Chota-Nagpore admit

that they are sprung froma child found by and brought up in a

“ Moondah’’* family, and that this child was made chief of the whole

* Kole,

6 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

Moondah race. It is I think highly probable that the chiefs of Bonai

and Gangpore were originally Bhooyas who becoming leaders of their

people and Rajahs, and allying themselves by marriages with other

Rajahs were gradually admitted into the fraternity of Rajpoots or

Khettrees. It may be said indeed of both of them, that the inter-

marriage with families of better certified Khettree descent has not yet

obliterated their Bhooya lineaments, for they bear a-very remarkable

likeness to that race in feature.

GANGPORE.

This is a very extensive estate lying between Chota-Nagpore, Jush-

pore, Oodeypore, Sumbulpore, Bamra, Bonai and Singbhoom. It is

kidney-shaped. Its greatest length from east to west is about 97

miles, and in breadth from north to south it varies from 15 to 50

miles. The topographical survey of the estate is not yet complete and

its area cannot therefore be computed with accuracy, but I estimate it

at double the size of Bonai or about 3000 square miles. Of this area

not more than a tenth is under cultivation.

The Sunkh and Koel rivers from the plateau of Chota-Nagpore,

unite near Gurjun in Gangpore and form the Brahmini. The Heb,

another river of some magnitude, flows through Gangpore south on its

way to the Mahanuddee. The ordinary level of Gangpore is about

700 feet above the sea; the highest hill yet noted by the topographical

surveyor is 2,240, not much above the general level of the Chota-Nag-

pore plateau. The descent, however, from the plateau to the ordinary

level of Gangpore is gradual, and there is a tolerable road. As in

Bonai, the majority of the population are Bhooya, and they were no

doubt the first settlers. All the zemindars under the Rajah are of that

race, and hold their estates as fiefs at low fixed rates and terms of ser-

vice. Consequently the Rajah is under the necessity of adopting a con-

ciliatory policy towards some of them at least. There are generally

one or two in opposition, but fortunately for the Lord Paramount, the

great vassals are too jealous of each other readily to combine. The

largest estate is held by the vassal who bears the title of Mahapater.

It borders on Singhbhoom, extends to the Brahmini river and com-

prises 100 villages for which the Mahapater pays only Rs. 200. This

part of Gangpore was at one time more densely populated than it is

at present, but all the more peaceably disposed of the old inhabitants

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 7

including, it is said, several colonies of Brahmins, were slaughtered or

driven out of the country by the Lurka Coles. To the south, another

great vassal, under the title of Gurhoutea, holds the Hemzeer estate,

consisting of 84 villages, and an unlimited run of hill and forest.

Gungadhur the Gurhoutea, boasts that he can travel twenty-four miles

in a direct line over his own ground without seeing a human habita-

tion, all through hill and forest, which, united to enormous tracts of

hill and forest of Raigurh and Sumbulpore, forms perhaps the most

extensive uninhabited region in all India. The third of these vassals

has his estate on the north-west of Gangpore and holds the passes into

the country from Jushpore and Chota-Nagpore. This estate is in

advance of the passes, and looks as if it had been filched from Jush-

pore, to which from the geographical features it ought to belong.

The chief is of the ‘ Seekur’ family and claims connectionship with

the Rajah of Pachete. His ancestor the first Rajah of Gangpore, was,

we are told, invited by the Bhooyas to take charge of their country ;

from which, it is said, they had just expelled a Rajpoot family called

the “ Kaiserbuns ;” but as I stated above, I think it more probable that

the ruling family are descended from the original Bhooya chiefs. The

traditions, assigning to them a nobler birth, are founded on the sup-

position that the Rajpoots or Cshetryas were the only class qualified

to rule, that where there was no one of this class over a nation or a

people, “the Guddee” was vacant, and a Cshetrya had only to step

in and take it. The Cshetryas must have wandered about like knights-

errant of old, in search of these vacant Guddees, as we do not find in

the country any descendants of the followers whom they must have

had, if they came in other fashion to oust the native chiefs and seize

the country.

It was admitted to me that until these Tributary Mehals came

under British rule, a human sacrifice was offered every third year

before the shrine of Kali at Suadeech, where the present Rajah resides.

The same triennial offering was made in Bonai and Bamra, Bhooya

priests officiating at all three shrines. This fact appears to me to be

confirmatory of the theory that the Hindus derived from the abori-

ginal races the practice of human sacrifices.

In the above named districts, the practice of widows going ‘ suttce’’

was also generally followed in the family of the chiefs and in Brah-

8 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

min families, up to a recent date; many of the grandmothers of the

present generation of chiefs and Brahmins having so distinguished

themselves. One man was pointed out to me as having lost his mother

by the rite of suttee. He would not say ‘lost ;’ he no doubt regards

her as canonized by the act.

A rather romantic story of a suttee that occurred some fifty years

ago in Gangpore is related.

A Brahmin took a dislike to a girl he had just married, and turned

her out of doors, a wedded maid. She took refuge with her parents

who were poor, and who soon after died, leaving her destitute; then

she wandered from village to village subsisting on alms and leading a

wretched widowed life. Her husband married a second time, and sons

and daughters were born to him and grew up about him, and in the

fullness of years he died. His second wife had preceded him, so his

corpse was placed alone on the funeral pile, and the torch was about

to be applied to it, when a poor emaciated and meanly clad female

stepped forward, and as the first, the faithful and only surviving wife

of the deceased, claimed the right of suttee. Her request was com-

plied with. Bathed, anointed, clothed, and adorned with flowers like

a bride, she ascended the pile and clinging to the corpse of the hus-

band who had so cruelly discarded her, and for the first time in her

life pressing her lips to his, the flames arose and their ashes were

mingled together !

There is no doubt still a strong sentiment in favour of suttee in the

Tributary Mehals, and States under native government. Its prohibition

has not been long enforced in the eastern parts of Rewa. Not long

ago, in that territory, on the death of a Brahmin, his widow, notwith-

standing the prohibition, was so vehement in her desire to join her

husband on the pyre, that her relatives as the only method of restrain-

ing her, locked her up. When the ceremony was over they proceeded

to release her, but found that her spirit too had fled. She had attained

her object, as my informant declared, by a special interposition of

Providence in her behalf.

Proceeding north-west from Nugra and the banks of the Brahmini

river, you enter the Nuagurh division of Gangpore and come to

Lainggurh, near the confluence of several streams, which was once the

capital and promises to be so again, as the present Rajah is just now

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehais. 9

building there. It is very prettily situated, and the gurh ow a little

hill in the centre of the valley has a commanding position, but I fear

it is not a healthy site, from the number of enlarged spleens and cases

of skin-disease I observed amongst the people. There are many fine

old village sites in Nuagurh, now occupied by impoverished squatters,

mostly Oraons from Chota-Nagpore.

The old inhabitants have died off or removed to more civilized and

securer regions further south. The shabby huts of the squatters hud-

died together under the shade of the grand old trees, the monuments

ef the more civilized race that preceded them, look as much out of

place as mud cabins in a street of palaces. The Rajah and other

zemindars give these new settlers, when they first come, three years of

absolute immunity from demands of every kind. In the fourth year

they are called on to pay a light assessment. It is difficult to describe

on what principle it is imposed, but in old settled villages of Oraons

it does not amount, including rent and contribution, to more thar

Rs. 1-8 per house or family. The soil in this part of Gangpore ap-

pears very fertile, and there is still available much of the slightly

swampy, rich looking land, that. gives the best crops of rice. TI find

“ Sirosha’”’ now in flower, growing in great luxuriance. It is sold here

at one maund for the rupee.

The Coles are evidently a good pioneering race, fond of new clear-

ings and the luxuriant and easily raised crops of the virgin soil, and _

have constitutions that thrive on malaria; so it is perhaps in the best

interest of humanity and cause of civilization that they be kept mov-

ing by continued Aryan propulsion. Ever armed with bow, arrows

and pole-axe, they are prepared to do battle with the beasts of the

forest, holding even the king of the forest, the “ Bun Rajah,” that is

the tiger, in little fear. Mixed up with them are numbers of the

Kherria tribe, who are as yet a mystery to me, and I will say nothing

more about them till I learn more. Jam assured that they have no

affinity with either Moondahs or Oraons, 7. e. with those who are

generally called Coles.

Borgaon, near the Mahabeer hill on the borders of Bamra, is the

largest village Gangpore possesses on this side. It contains 160 houses—

20 of Brahmins, 20 of ‘ Telis,’ oil-pressers, 22 of various Hindu

Ooriah castes, and the remainder Oraons and Kherriahs, The two

10 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

latter coming in contact with Brahmins, have at once succumbed and

become their farm labourers. It appears to make little difference in

the condition of Oraon emigrants, whether they are farm servants or

farmers on their own account : they have the same wretched huts, scanty

apparel, and generally uncared-for appearance, as if they had in despair

given up all ideas of rendering themselves attractive; but the wonder

is that they remain in this dependent position, when they can get land

on such easy terms and become farmers themselves.

The village pays direct to the Rajah a rent of Rs. 34, magun or

contribution Rs. 34!, and 64 maunds of rice. The price of rice is from

one maund to two maunds for the rupee. On births, deaths and mar-

riages in the Rajah’s family, the villagers are called on for additional

contributions, and when that family, as it is just now, is a large one,

the extra charge comes to from Rs. 30 to 40 a year. The total demand

is therefore about Rs. 160 a year, and from the extent of land under

cultivation, I do not think this would amount to more than 3 annas a

beegah on the cultivated area. It is evidently a very old village site,

surrounded by extensive groves of mangoes, and with several tanks of

very insalubrious water overgrown with water lillies. Hills are seen

on all sides, but the most remarkable feature in the landscape is the

great Mahabeer hill; a mass of rock tilted up, and shewing towards

Borgaon, an uneven wall of disrupted ends, forming a cliff of fantastic

outline, nearly 2000 feet high.

The tutelary deity of this hill is a favourite object of worship with

the Bhooyas, and is more or less revered by all the country. The top

of the hill or rock being difficult of access, Mahabeer has studied the

convenience of his votaries, and entered an appearance down below in

the form of a stone, in a sacred grove or ‘Surna’ at the foot of the

hill. The idea of a ‘ Surna’ is pretty and poetical. It is or ought to

be a fragment of the primitive forest left when the first clearance was

- made, as a refuge for the sylvan deities whom the clearing might have

disturbed. The best villages and most thriving portion of the popu-

lation in Gangpore are found on both banks of the Heb river, as we

approach the boundaries of Sumbulpore. Here the very industrious

and respectable looking caste called Agureahs are first met with. They

are found in Gangpore, Sumbulpore, Raegurh, Raipore and Rutten-

pore. They number about 5000 in the three first places named.

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. ll

According to their tradition, they are called Agureahs from having,

ages ago, come from Agra.

They were a proud Cshettrya or Khettree family, a stiff-necked

generation, and refusing, when making an obeisance, to bow their

heads, the Rajah lowered some of them summarily by cutting them

off. They therefore left Agra and wandered south through Central

India till they came to Sumbulpore, and eventually settled in these

regions. Acquiring lands, and determining to devote themselves

entirely to the tilling of the soil, they divested themselves of their

“‘paitas’” making them over to the Brahmins, and no longer styling

themselves or being styled Khettrees, they became known as Aguriahs.

They bwry their dead, and for this departure from the usual custom

of Hindus, they can assign no specific cause, but that they gave up

the practice of incremation when they resigned their pretensions to be

esteemed Khettrees. They nevertheless now profess to be Vishnoovis,

divided into two denominations, ‘ Ramanundyas’ and ‘ Kubeer pun-

thees.’ The Vishnoovi doctrines they have probably taken up, since

their migration to tracts bordering on Orissa and approximating the

great fane of Juggernath. They say they gave up the worship of

Kali when they resigned their ‘ paitas’ and took to the plough. It is

probable that they were Beodhists, obliged to leave the Gangetic pro-

vinces for refusing to conform to Brahminism.

Their physique decidedly supports the tradition of their Khettri

extraction: they are distinguished amongst the dark, coarse-featured

aborigines of this country, as a tall, fair, well-made and handsome race,

resembling the Rajpoots in every thing but swagger. That went with

the ‘ paitas,’ as a farewell offering to Kali. The women, who are not

very jealously secluded, have good features and figures, and a neat and

cleanly appearance.

The latter are subjected to no field labour, their sole business being to

look after the domestic arrangements, to gin cotton and to spin. They

do not weave. Their spun thread is made over to the weavers, who

are paid in kind for their labour. Their villages, laid out in streets, are

comparatively well kept, and their own houses in these villages sub-

stantial, clean, and comfortable. Munguspore, near the Sumbulpore

boundary, is, I think, the largest. It contains 200 houses, those of

the Aguriahs occupying the centre of the village, surrounded by hunts

12 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehats. [No. 1,

of Coles and others of the primitive races, whose services they have

secured as their farm labourers, and who are not allowed to hold lands,

but are paid for their labour at the rate of three seers of dhan per

diem, and a modicum of clothing doled out annually.

The soil in this part of Gangpore is exceedingly rich, producing

magnificent crops of sirosha, sugar-cane, and tobacco, besides the staple

rice. The plants of the country tobacco grown by the Aguriahs are

the finest I ever saw, and they grow more cotton than they require for

their own use, though they do not stint themselves in raiment. IJ am

certain the soil and climate is well suited for the finer kinds of cotton.

Proceeding north up the Heb from this, the Arabia Felix of Gang-

pore, we came again upon untidy Bhooya villages, and their patches of

cultivation, separated by miles of the monotonous Sal forests, and there

is no change in the features of the country or the population, till we

come to the estate of Bhugwan Manjee, which, as above mentioned,

does not appear as if it belonged to Gangpore, as it is separated by a

range of hills, and approached by a very narrow and difficult pass. We

are still amongst Bhooyas, but here they speak Hindi instead of

Ooriah, and the peculiarities of Ooriah costume and decoration are

rarely met with,

J USHPORE.

The small state of Jushpore, though specially mentioned as a cession

to the British in the agreement taken from Appa Sahib, after his

defeat at Setahbuldee in 1818, has hitherto found no place in any pub-

lished map. In the very latest issued from the Surveyor General’s

office, a few scattered villages of Jushpore are inserted as if contained

within the boundaries of Sirgoojah, but the name of the estate is not

given, and the chief town, where the Rajah now lives, is not down. It

is singular how old the information must be, from which some names

have been inserted on the maps of the unsurveyed parts of India.

Konkale appears in large letters in about the centre of the tract

which should be called Jushpore. It is now an insignificant hamlet,

but there is the trace of a fort, where resided an ancestor of the

present Rajah. The present capital, Jugdispore, is about two miles to

the north and west of it.

Jushpore is bounded on the north by Burway of Chota-Nagpore ;

south by Gangpore and Oodeypore ; east by Chota-Nagpore; and west

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals, 13

by Sirgoojah. It is about 50 miles in length from north to south, and

30 in greatest breadth from east to west, and may comprise about

1000 square miles. It contains upwards of 200 villages, exclusive of

the hamlets or detached huts of migratory hill savages; the population

is about 30,000, and the total income of the Rajah from all sources

may be estimated at about Rs. 6000. With this moderate income he

maintains a very becoming state, and so rules as to be greatly beloved

by all his people.

Jushpore is about equally divided into highlands and lowlands,

‘Oopur Ghat’ and ‘Heth Ghat.’ The highlands consist of a mag-

nificent plateau, a continuation of the great tableland of Chota-Nag-

pore, averaging upwards of 2000 feet above the level of the sea, and

fringed by hills, rising in places 1000 feet higher. The lowlands lie

in steppes descending towards the south, broken by low ranges of hills

isolated bluffs, and masses of granite, sometimes semi-globular in form,

and without vegetation, bare and round as an old man’s bald pate,

and hence the most conspicuous of them is called the ‘ Boora,’

The Heb river has its sources in the Jushpore highlands, and grows

so rapidly into a respectable stream, that when it reaches the brink of

the plateau, it bounds into the lowlands with a roar that is heard

for miles. It is, shortly after, joined by another stream, the Maini,

which also rises in the Jushpore heights. There is a story that, years

ago, an invisible spirit in a visible light canoe ascended the Keb, water-

fall and all, to its source, and there the boat is still waiting for the

spirit’s return. I did not see it.

- It is also called the ‘ Heera’ river, as diamonds are found in its bed,

and it is probably the source of the diamond stores of the Maha

Nuddee, as I understand that none have been found above the con-

fluence of the two streams. It is auriferous, and from time immemorial

its sands and deposits have been explored by hereditary gold-washers,

called ‘‘ Jhorahs.” These gold-washers do not, however, confine their

operations to the bed of the river. They find it more profitable to

penetrate the soil some distance from its banks, and on both sides you

find tracts honey-combed with shafts, sunk by successive generations

of gold seekers.

These shafts are from 10 to 30 feet in depth, and three in

diameter. The Jhorahs excavate till they cut through the upper

14 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals, “+[ Nomad

stratum of vegetable mould and the red soil beneath it, and come

to a layer of pebbles and fragments, chiefly of quartz, forming a

dirty damp gravel; this they remove and wash. I have watched

their operations close along the banks of the river, and at some

miles distant from the stream, and the process and result was much

the same in both places. Near the river, five pits or shafts had been

recently sunk by as many families of Jhorahs, for they work in

families, women and children assisting. They had one washing trough,

called a‘dooin,’ to each family, andthewashing commenced in my presence.

The stuff selected is either of a dirty drab or of a reddish colour, with

occasional small white spots, little balls of particles of decomposed

felspar, adhering together from moisture, and drying into powder.

The Jhorahs regard these white spots as the surest indication that the

gravel contains gold. The stratum of gravel which they were working

on this occasion was not more than a foot in depth. It rests on

decomposed granite, which crumbles when taken in the hand, and the

gold-washers assured me that this contained no gold, but I insisted on

having some of it washed, and found their statement not strictly cor-

rect. It contains gold, but is less rich in the mineral than the gravel

above. When the gravel immediately under the shaft is all removed,

they scoop out from the sides all round, as far as they dare venture to

penetrate laterally, and in this way sometimes connect the shafts, but

they take no precautions, and sometimes, going too far, have to be dug

out, not always alive! There appear to have been several accidents of

the kind, but with all this danger and labour, the pursuit does not

return sufficient to support them, and they are farmers as well as gold-

washers.

They are greedy and reckless in taking advances, trusting much, no

doubt, to the facilities their remote situation gives them, of evading

payment, and some of them are enormously in debt. One man was

pointed out to me as owing Rs. 1000! He grinned as the sum was

mentioned, as if exulting over his victim. The greed for gold and the

gambling nature of the pursuit is surely a great corrupter of human

nature, for in the midst of a population generally remarkable for

honesty, truthfulness and simplicity, these gold-washers are menda-

cious and unscrupulous rogues.

Some years ago, a trader came amongst them whilst they were at

1865.] Notes of « towr in the Tributary Mehals. 15

work, accompanied by his wife, hoping to obtain some return for the

advances he had made. He dunned and worried them, and to get rid

of his importunity, they knocked him on the head and popped him

into one of the 30 feet shafts, where he was told to seek gold for him-

self! The unfortunate woman was similarly disposed of. The crime

was, however, brought home to the delinquents, who were all transported.

The yield of these pits in gold is of course very uncertain. The

out-turn obtained in my presence from the five pits, in about four hours,

would not have given to the individuals employed, more than half an

anna a head, but they admitted that they sometimes obtained as much

as half a tolah of gold from one ‘ dooin’ in a day, and this would

give about Rs. 2 a head to the hands employed, and make up for many

blank days. From their mode of washing, there must be great waste.

I observed it is only very palpable particles of gold that are retained.

The grains are irregularly shaped, with sharp angles, and do not

appear to have undergone any disturbing process since they were

evolved from their original matrix. There is no indication of flatten-

ing or rolling out.

The northern portion of Jushpore, bordering on Burway and

Sirgoojah, is a wild mountainous region called Khooria, inhabited

chiefly by Korewahs ; some, utterly savage and almost nomadic ;

others, somewhat more civilized, living in villages; but all invariably

armed with bow and arrows and a battle-axe.

In 1818 when Sirgoojah and Jushpore were ceded to the British

Government by Appa Sahib, the chief of Khooria, himself a Kore-

wah, and claiming to be hereditary Dewan of Jushpore, was in rebel-

lion against his Rajah ; and for several years, by savage raids at the

head of his Korewahs, both on Sirgoojah and Jushpore, gave much

trouble. In one of these expeditions, his son Muniar Singh was cap-

tured and detained as a hostage by the British authorities till the

death of the old chief, when a reconciliation wasveffected, between the

Rajah and Muniar Singh, who was restored to his possessions and

hereditary office. The policy adopted on the occasion has proved very

successful : the dewans Korewahs have ever since conducted themselves

peaceably.

Having expressed a wish to see some of the wild hill Korewahs,

the present zemindar of Khooria, a nephew of Muniar Singh’s, ap-

16 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

peared in camp with forty warriors of the tribe. Their costume was

nothing in particular, except that they had very shaggy heads of hair, into

which their store of spare arrows were stuck by the barbs. They each

carried in one hand a very powerful bow and two or three arrows, and

in the other the gleaming long edged battle-axe of the country. The

arrows are carefully made with flat bright heads of iron, 9 inches long

and 23 in breadth, with long barbs, the edges and points all carefully

sharpened. These are attached to light reeds, the other ends of which

are neatly spirally feathered.

The men were mostly short of stature but with well knit muscular

frames, springy and energetic in action, better looking and of lighter

complexion than the Oraons of the plateau. There was no remark-

able protuberance of the maxillary processes nor lowness of forehead.

Those who were old enough had beards and moustaches. They evinced

no timidity, but immediately on seeing me, gruffly vociferated that

they had had nothing to eat all day, and they wanted immediately,

rations of rice, dal, oil, salt, tobacco and pig, and expected as they

had come so far to see me, that they were each to be presented with a

cap, a coat and a waist cloth.

I placed a small earthen pot on a peg, and offered it as a mark to

those amongst them who wished to shew their skill in archery. In

great excitement, all eagerly volunteered, bows were instantly strung,

and though they did not once hit the small target, they all planted

their arrows close to it, and aman in the same position would not

have escaped. I tried them afterwards at a tree at 40 yards, and almost

every arrow told. Their bows are very powerful, and arrow after

arrow was delivered with a force and rapidity that made one feel a

very profound respect for this, owr once national weapon. In bush

warfare it is more formidable than the matchlock, and I do not doubt

that the Korewahs could render a hostile entry into their country,

a difficult and dangerous task.

There is every point of resemblance between them and the wilder

section of the Lurka Coles, and so little do the languages of the two

tribes differ, that my slight acquaintance with that of the Coles, enabled

me to understand what the Korewahs, on first appearing, were demand-

ing; and a Cole chaprassee of mine kept up a conversation with them.

It is almost unnecessary to seek for further prools of affinity, but they’

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals, 17

are to be found in the identity of many of their customs. Their

sacrifices in cases of sickness, their songs, their dances, their mode of

disposing of the dead—all these shew them to be of kin to the ‘ Ho’

or Lurka of Singbhoom, the Moondahs of Chota-Nagpore, and to

the Sonthals. It is not possible to trace the similitude through all the

relations of life. The Singbhoom Coles live in large communities

and have an organization unattainable by the hill Korewahs, who prefer

to dwell apart. Except on great occasions, when there is a ‘ gathering

of the clan,’ the Korewah has only his own family to think of and

associate with. The head of the family is chief and priest—the god

to whom he sacrifices, the spirit of his father.

The Korewahs are found also in the wildest parts of Sirgoojah, and

in the ranges of hills between Sirgoojah and Palamow. Many of them

have abandoned their free mountain life, and have formed settlements on

the skirts of hills, near villages ; and where this is the case they appear

to be losing their own language and peculiar habits, and becoming

Hinduized.

The Hill Korewahs live in wretched little detached huts, in the

midst of the patch of hill forest they have partially cleared and are

then cultivating, shifting every three or four years as the ground be-

comes exhausted. They cultivate very little rice. Their crops con-

sist of pulses, millet, pumpkins, cucumbers,* melons, sweet potatoes,

and yams. They also grow and prepare arrow-root, and there is a wild

arrow-root which they use and sell. The grain they store for winter

use is secured in small parcels of the leaves of a plant called ‘ muhoo-

lain,’ sown together by fibres of the same, and these parcels they

bury. The grain thus preserved remains for years unimpaired. They

have no prejudices in regard to animal food, and they drink freely

of an intoxicating beverage prepared by themselves from millet.

They are as devoted to songs and dances as the Moondahs and Son-

thals, and have the same steps and melodies. They bury or burn their

dead, whichever they find most convenient, but the practice of mark-

ing the spot where the body or ashes are deposited, is common to both.

The Khooria Korewahs resort in large numbers to an annual fair

held at Muhree on the borders of Sirgoojah, and give in barter for salt

* They have a gigantic cucumber about a foot and a half in length and

ten inches in diameter !

18 Notes of a towr in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

and other necessaries, wax, arrow-root, resin, gums, honey and stick

lac, and excellent iron smelted by themselves. The Korewah iron,

roughly fashioned as battle-axes, is greatly prized by the inhabitants

of all the neighbouring States.

Whilst conversing with the Rajah about these savages, he men-

tioned to me that there existed a tribe called Birhores, whom he accused

of a sort of interfraternal anthropophagy, of feeding literally on their

blood relations.

They are alluded to by the late Col. Ouseley, in a paper that ap-

peared in the Journal of the Society for January 1848, but he relates

the story, as of the Korewahs, calling them inhabitants of Mynepat

in Sirgoojah. The Korewahs repudiate all affinity with the Birhores,

nor could I hear of either Korewahs or Birhores on the Mynepat: the

latter are found in some of the wildest parts of Chota-Nagpore and

Jushpore, but they are of rare occurrence. With much trouble some

were caught and brought to me. They were wretched looking objects,

but had more the appearance of the most abject of one of those

degraded castes of Hindu, the domes or pariahs, to whom most flesh

is food, than of hill people. Assuring me that they had themselves

given up the practice, they admitted that their fathers were in the

habit of disposing of their dead in the manner indicated ; viz. by feasting

on the bodies, but they declared they never shortened life to provide

such feasts, and shrunk with horror at the idea of any bodies but

those of their own blood relations being served up at them! The

Rajah said he had heard that, when a Birhore thought his end was

approaching, he himself invited his kindred to feast on his body. The

Birhores brought to me did not acknowledge this, but they spoke on

- the subject with a degree of reticence that. made me think it might be

true. I told the Rajah to enquire particularly about it, and gave out

that if the horrid rite was still practised, it must be discontinued. But,

query,—‘ would not Saturday reviewers regard my order as an injudi-

cious interference with a time-honoured custom, ona point that natives

were so peculiarly tenacious of the disposal of their dead 2?’

The Birhores speak a jargon of Hindi, which I found intelligible ; i

and have no other language.

Nine-tenths of the population of the remaining portion of the Jush-

pore highlands are “‘ Coles.” Chiefly Oraons, there are very few Moon-

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 19

dahs amongst them ; the Jushpore Oraons are the ugliest of the race,

and appear to me utterly destitute of all ambition to rise into respect-

ability of appearance. With foreheads “ villainous low,” flat noses

and projecting maxillaries, they approach the negro in physiognomy,

much closer than do their brethren in Chota-Nagpore.

Jushpore produces an excellent iron, much prized for making wea-

pons and implements of husbandry. Amongst its exports may be

included about ten thousand maunds of cotton.

The lowland villages of Jushpore have a sprinkling of the tribes

from all the surrounding districts. Of the Orissa type are “ Makoors”’

- from Keonjhur, the most thriving people in these parts, well dressed,

and occupying good houses. They have great herds of cattle, like the

Aheers and Gwallas. Then there are a few of the Gangpore Bhooyas,

intermingled with a good many Khairwars from Palamow, (of which

caste is the Rajah,) and Gours or Gonds from the south and west, and

as we approach Oodeypore, we come for the first time on the Kawrs.

The Kaurs form a considerable proportion of the population

of Oodeypore, Sirgoojah, Korea, Chang Bhukar, and Korbah of

Chutteesgurh, and there is this point of interest in them, that

they claim to be the descendants of the ‘‘ Kooroos” who fought the

Pandavas, who, when defeated and driven from the scenes of the war,

found a safe retreat in these mountainous and densely-wooded regions.

In appearance they more resemble the aborigines than the Hindu

tribes. They are, in fact, next to the Jushpore Oraons, the ugliest

race I have seen in the course of my tour: dark and coarse-featured,

broad noses, wide mouths and thick lips. They resemble the Khair-

wars of Palamow, especially that ill-favoured section of them called

Bhogtahs, in features, but in nothing else, as the Kaurs are an exceed-

ingly industrious and thriving people. Their houses are unusually neat

and commodious, built like bungalows, with verandahs on two or more

sides. Of these there is one to each married member of the family, who,

however, meet and eat together in the largest, belonging to the head. The

houses are placed so as to form a small court-yard, which is kept scru-

pulously clean. The Kaurs do not strictly conform to Hinduism: they

rear and eat fowls, and have no veneration for Brahmins. The ‘“ Nau,”’

the village barber, whom they sometimes call Thakoor, is their priest,

- and officiates as such at all marriages and other ceremonies. The

20 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

combination of priestly functions and operations with the easy shaving

line, is singular; but it arises from the fact that the great ceremonial

law of the Kaurs is all comprised in the act of shaving. At births,

deaths and marriages, the parties immediately interested, and all con-

nected with them, are clean shaven all round. In regard to the

disposal of the dead by this tribe, they tell me that they bury those

that die unmarried, while the bodies of married folk are burnt in

orthodox Hindu fashion! I wonder if matrimonial interests are ad-

vanced by this invidious custom. The tonsure of the males is pecu-

liar; the hair is allowed to grow long on the crown of the head and

collected in a knot, but the forehead-is shaven to the knot, and there

is a shaven ring round it as if to facilitate the operation of scalping ;

the back of the head is also shaven, but over the ears and temples the

hair is worn long.

They worship Shiva under the denomination of Mahadeva, and

Parvati as Gouree, and they have a festival in the year for each, at

which they dance and sing, men and women. In some villages there

is a Baiga who offers sacrifices at these festivals ; but this Baiga is

not a Kaur. He belongs to one of the aboriginal tribes, and it is a

remarkable feature in the religious ceremonies of the people of the

Tributary Mehals, that the aborigines should have a monopoly of such

offices. The new settlers dread the malignancy of the local spirits,

and to appease them, naturally rely on the aborigines, who have longest

known them. The zemindar of Korbah in Chutteesgurh is a Kaur,

and as far as I can learn is the most influential person of their caste

existing: there was a Kaur zemindar in Sirgoojah formerly, called

Kumol Singh, but he rebelled and came to grief.

Most of the “‘ Khalsa” villages in Oodeypore are held in farm by

‘ Kaurs’ and two-thirds of the population of these villages are Kaurs.

With one exception all the permanent service tenures of Oodeypore

are in the hands of Gours, and the people in those estates are for the

most part Gours. We find therefore, that the Gours have, in Oodey-

pore, a position similar to that held by the Bhooyas in Bamra, Gang-

pore and Bonai, and the right to the office of Dewan and to instal a

new Rajah, claimed in those districts by certain Bhooyas, is in Oodey-

pore claimed by one of the Gour zemindars, Bhowany Singh of

Kourajah. Thus we find the Gours or Gonds, who in Bonai were

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 21

classed amongst the most degraded of the people, (and in Gangpore

not held in much higher estimation,) holding a high position in

Oodeypore.

I have insensibly glided into Oodeypore. In no published map are

the boundaries of that district defined. It has to the north the gre&t

tableland of the Mynepat, as a massive barrier between it and Sirgoo-

jah, to the west Korbah of Chutteesgurh or the Belaspore district, to

the south Raigurh, and to the east Gangpore and Jushpore. It is

about 64 miles in length by 40 in breadth, and contains about 1800

square miles. There are 220 villages. The population may be roughly

estimated at 25,000. The only river of consequence is the Mand, an

affluent of the Mahanuddee. It rises near Girsa in Sirgoojah, and re-

ceives the streams that flow south from the Mynepat. Near Rabcope,

which, though not much of a place, we may call the chief town, it has

cut its way through a great mass of sandstone rock, and now flows

without obstruction through a narrow pass with perpendicular or

rather overhanging cliffs, on the highest portion of which the former

Rajahs of Oodeypore, like Barons of the Rhine, had their castle. The

site was occupied by the leader of the Oodeypore insurgents in 1857-

58, and had he not abandoned his position on the approach of a force

sent against him, he might have given us much trouble, as the rock is

or might easily be made as inaccessible from the land as from the river

side. The river has generally a deep cut channel, flows in alternate

rapids and pools, and is not navigable in any part of its course. The

country north of Rabcobe rises in steppes to the base of the Mynepat,

but the surface is everywhere undulated by masses of sandstone rock,

forming hills, dividing and enriching the culturable lands, as the rocks

have many springs, from which fertilizing streams are ever flowing

over the terraced plains. But with all these advantages the country

is sparsely populated, the villages small and ‘ far between,’ and there

appears little prospect of improvement, as the districts all round are in

much the same condition.

There is at present but one weekly market held in Oodeypore, at

Dukree, 24 miles due south of Rabcobe. This is attended by people

from Raigurh, Chutteesgurh, Sucktee, &e. The chief exports are lae,

cotton, resin, oil seeds, rice, wild arrow-root, iron, and a small quantity

of gold.

24 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

touch of Moses. The temperature of the water was, strange to say,

much higher than that of the air, but cooled in a soraz it was delicious.

A broad seam of coal is here seen underlying the sandstone. It burns

well, but I say no more about it,as the Sirgoojah coal from this

vicinity has been fully reported on by my predecessor Col. Ouseley.

To continue the ascent of the hill, you repass the gate, and proceed by

an easy path three parts round the hill to its southern face, and then

as best you can up, by an exceedingly difficult zig-zag path, some-

times a mere ledge cut out in the rock. Just at the commencement

of the difficult part of the ascent, you pass a large boulder of sand-

stone with nothing to distinguish it externally from many others that

are lying about, but which has been hollowed into a chamber of suffi-

cient capacity to allow of a man sitting in it at his ease, and with an

aperture just large enough for a slender man to creep in by. The open-

ing is not seen from the path ; so that an unconscious pilgrim might find

himself exhorted by a voice from the bowels of a rock in a manner

truly awe-striking. Crowning the most difficult part of the ascent,

so perched that you cannot obtain a good view of it without looking

right up to the sky, from a position that makes it unpleasant to throw

your head back to the necessary angle, isa second gateway, which is in

better preservation, and is the best executed and most beautiful architec-

tural antiquity of the entire region. Though its origin is equally

unknown, it is unquestionably a more modern work than the other

gateways and temples on the hill. It belongs to that description of

Hindu architecture which bears most resemblance to the Saracenic.

Instead of a flat lintel over the gate, we have an arch formed of three

voussoirs of stone. The soffit of this arch is cut into a wavy scroll,

terminating on the abutments, in heads of some animal not clearly

discernible. There is an exterior and interior arch of this description,

springing from fluted pilasters, and the space of about three feet be-

tween them is covered in by another loftier arch similarly formed.

Entering, you find yourself ina small court, at the bottom of a flight

of steps. A projection of the rock has been scarped to form this

resting place, and from it a most extensive view south and west is

obtained. The steps are to the right as you enter, to the left there is

a projection with stone breastwork used as a look-out. Opposite the

entrance, there was a covered colonnade, but this has fallen in.

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 25

In the thickness of the gateway wall, a niche four feet in depth and

about eight feet in height and breadth, is divided by a column still in

position, shewing how the fragments of the columns of the ruined

colonnade should be restored. The shaft and base are octagonal and the

bracket-like projections of the capital are erouching human figures, so

placed, that head, arms, hands and back all appear to support the

abacus. There is one well executed figure in this enclosure, of a man

kneeling on a coiled cobra, and with snake heads peering over each

shoulder.

A flight of 48 cut stone steps leads from this resting place to

another mass of ruins which appear to have been a temple and gateway

eombined. There is here an image of Durga with 20 arms, another

with eight, and a large figure of Hunooman, all more or less mutilated.

We are now on the ridge forming the top of the hill. Bare as are

the sides of the rock, there must be here a great depth of soil, as it

supports a variety of large forest trees and shrubs, which are growing

luxuriantly. On the highest part of the ridge and about the centre

of the hill, is the temple, which contained no doubt the principal object

of worship. It consisted of a small fane, the inner crust of which,

constructed of parallel courses of roughly cut stone, is still standing,

with a detached portico on columns. It is small and insignificant, but

no doubt immensely old ; it is impossible to say to what idol or object

of worship the temple was originally dedicated ; at present, on the old

“argha” or stand, there is a group of Vishnu with his wives, but the

/ group does not fit the pedestal, is of more elaborate workmanship than

the figures that are lying about, and whilst all the old figures are mu-

tilated, this one is perfect. I conclude that it was placed in the temple

after its partial destruction, and the mutilation of the original images.

I found the air on the hill keen and invigorating. There is space for

several houses on the saddle back ; and as it is an independent isolated

mountain, it commands an extensive view, shewing that all this part

of Sirgoojah, which the maps make out to be a mass of hills, from

the foot of the Mynepat, as far as the eye from this elevation can

penetrate westward, is, thus seen, a plain slightly undulating, but on

the whole well adapted for the Railroad, which, Iam confident, will some

day be made through it, connecting, by the most direct route, Calcutta,

Central India and Bombay.

26 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

The tableland called the Mynepat is 50 miles in length by 40 in

breadth, with an elevation of 3,700 feet above the sea level. Its soil,

like that on the Ramgurh hill, is deep and rich, and it possesses numer-

ous springs and streams. It abounds in game; gaur, buffalo, tigers,

leopards, and deer, and some of the streams are large enough to give

the angler gentler sport. The day must surely come for the fructifi-

cation of all these natural advantages, and the tract now occupied by

a few herdsmen and savages, may become the head-quarters of a divi-

sion, or the seat of a Government.

Not far from the summit of the Ramgurh hill, an attempt has been

made to construct a tank, but it probably was not a success, and it is

now nearly filled up with light vegetable mould, of not less than three

feet in depth and quite dry. In another direction, a descent of a few

hundred feet brings you to a pool of good water percolating a

seam of white calcareous clay. A party defending themselves on the

rock could not be cut off from this supply, as it is perfectly inaccessible

from below, but it would not be adequate to the supply of a large

party, and the next nearest source is the spring near the first gateway.

But the great curiosity of the Ramgurh hill has yet to be described.

Two of the spurs of the great rock, themselves rocky and precipitous,

forming buttresses on the northern face, instead of gently blending

with the plain like others, have their bases truncated, and then united

by a vast natural wall of sandstone rock, 150 yards thick and 100 to

150 in height. A semi-circular or rather horse shoe shaped nook is

thus formed, which, from the height and precipitous nature of the

sandstone rock enclosing it, would be almost inaccessible, had not na-

ture provided an entrance by a natural tunnel through the subtending

wall. This is called the ‘ Hathphor.” The waters collected from

springs in the nook form a little stream that flows out through the

tunnel. At its mouth it is about twenty feet in height by thirty in ©

breadth, but at the inner extremity of its course of 150 yards, it is

not more than eight feet by twelve. A man on horseback could ride

through it. The sand of the stream in the tunnel was impressed with —

old and recent foot-prints of a whole family of tigers, who had taken

up their abode in this pleasant and secure retreat, but we did not find

them at home. The horse shoe embraces an acre or two of ground, —

well wooded and undulating, so that a considerable body of men could

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 27

conveniently encamp there. In the face of the great rock opposite the

entrance, two large caves have been excavated by human labour, the

largest of the two, sufficient to afford accommodation for forty or fifty

people. The entrance, about 30 feet wide, opens into a gallery of double

that length, with recesses at the extremities, intended for more private

apartments, probably for females. The excavation is made so as to

leave a platform of stone, extending through its whole length, and also

in the recesses, for the occupants of the cave to sit and sleep on. The

floor is some fifteen feet above the ground, but is accessible by steps

cut in the rock. In both caves I found inscriptions. carved on the rock

in ancient ‘ Pali’ character, and I made the best transcript of them I

could : this is now in the hands of Babu Rajendra Lal Mitra, and it

will, I trust, throw some light on the history of the retreat.

Since writing the above, I have seen Col. Ouseley’s brief notice of

the Ramgurh hill in the Asiatic Society’s Journal No. CLXXXVI. for

January 1848. He does not appear to have observed the inscriptions,

and I do not recollect having seen in the caves any of the stone figures

that he noticed there. They may have been since removed. Col. Ouseley

calls these antiquities cave temples, but there is nothing now to indi-

cate that they were intended as places of worship.

There are many other interesting collections of ruins in Sirgoojah.

Those to the west, in the Pal Pergunnahs, noticed by Col. Ouseley, I

have not seen, but he found there a stone with an inscription on it,

which I think must be in the Society’s museum. On the banks of the

Kunhur river in Tuppah Chulgalee, there is a large collection of

temple ruins. Three distinct heaps of fragments were at my request

opened out, till the foundations of three large temples dedicated to

Shiva and Durga were disclosed. The object of worship in the largest,

was a huge Lingum, five feet in length, which we found divorced from

its appropriate “ Yoni” as if it had been blown up. The latter was

smashed into several pieces by the destroying force, whatever it may

have been, and the numerous sadly maimed gods and goddesses that

were found in the debris, are further memorials of the barbarous zeal

of some uncompromising iconoclast. I observed a Shib’s bull in good

‘preservation, as large as life, a well executed figure of ‘ Parvati’

three feet high, and a grand, colossal, four armed figure with one foot

resting on a broad-edged axe, not unlike what is still the national

28 Notes of a towr in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

weapon of the tributary mehals. Close to the temples there is a stone-

faced tank.

Six miles to the west of the above ruins at Sirnidee there is another

small temple which appears to have been overlooked by the destroyer.

The dome over the fane is still standing, and part of the vestibule,

the latter a pyramidal roof supported on columns. The stones forming

the lintels and uprights of the entrance to the fane are elaborately

carved with minute representations of all the principal Hindu gods.

Shiva.and his wife on Nandi occupying the place of honour in the

centre of the lintel.

The Ruksale Rajpoot family who now hold Sirgoojah, have no

tradition regarding the antiquities I am describing, but they tell me

that under the Mahratta rule, their ancestors often availed themselves

of tlie retreat of the Hathphor to save their property from pillage and

their women from dishonour.

The ruins of an ancient castle of the Ruksale Rajahs of Sirgoojah

are to be seen on a hill near Bisrampore, and this appears to be the

Sirgoojah, marked as the chief town on the map, shewing again the

antiquity of the information from which the maps of these unsuryeyed

tracts had been filled in. '

According to the tradition preserved in the family, the first Ruksale

was called into existence by a ‘Muni’ or sage, to destroy a demon

that troubled the holy man in his devotions. The hero thus created

was the ancestor of the lovely Rukmini carried off by Krishna. In

about Samvat 251, a lineal descendant of Rukmini’s brother, Ruk-

man, entered Sirgoojah and fought with and killed the Rajah of the

place called ‘ Balind,’ and became Rajah in his room, The present

Maharajah Inderjeet Singh has a family tree to shew that he is the

111th in descent from the conqueror of Balind ! but I have been told

there is a popular tradition assigning to the family a local origin, and

considering there are no Ruksales in any other country, it is not un-

likely that it is the most truthful of the two. If so, it is probable

that the family are derived from the same stock as the ‘ Gours,’ the

most influential and numerous of the races now inhabiting Sirgoojah. ,

In A. D. 1758, a Mahratta army in progress to the Ganges

overran the district of Sirgoojah, and the chief was compelled

to acknowledge himself a tributary of the Berar government, but

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals, 29

beyond a fine imposed at the time, and engagements taken for the

security of the roads from Mirzapore, Benares and Gya to the capital

of Nagpore, no proofs of submission were exacted,

In the year 1792, Sirgoojah first engaged the attention of the British

Government, in consequence of its Rajah Ajeet Singh having invaded

and taken possession of Burway, a Pergunnah of Chota-Nagpore. At

the requisition of the Governor-General, the Rajah of Berar interposed;

but ineffectually, as about this time, on the death of Ajeet Singh, his

third brother Lall Sungram Singh usurped the chieftainship, murdered

Ajeet Singh’s widow, and not only retained possession of Burway, but

assisted a rebellion in Palamow against the British Government. This

led to an expedition into Sirgoojah under Col. Jones by order of

Marquis Wellesley, which resulted in the restoration of Burway to

Chota-Nagpore, and Sirgoojah itself became a dependency of the

British empire by treaty with Appa Sahib in 1818.

Sirgoojah has not been surveyed, and it is therefore impossible

to give its area with any degree of accuracy. It is about 90

miles from east to west and 80 from north to south; is divided into 26

tuppahs and contains 1197 villages, and according to a return of

houses made some years ago, a population of 1,30,000, one hundred

and thirty thousand souls. About one-sixth of the whole are of

the Gour tribe: the Khairwars, Kawrs, Kisan Rajwars, Kore-

wahs and Coles number from 5000 to 7000 each: there are about 2000

Bhooyas, and about as many of the hill tribe found in greater numbers

further west, called Boyars : the remainder of the population are for the

most part Sudras. The ruling race, Rajpoots, number only 5065 souls,

and there are only 369 Brahmins.

Of the Gours, I have already observed that they are the same as the

Gonds of the south. Of this there can be no doubt, as we find amongst

the Gours of Oodeypore and Sirgoojah, blood relations of the Gonds

down south; and they intermarry. It is only a different way of pro-

nouncing the name of the tribe. They have always I believe been

considered as amongst the aboriginal races of India, but in Sirgoojah

and Oodeypore they are completely Hinduised, retaining neither the

language nor any other characteristic of their own race.

The Kaurs and Korewahs have already been disposed of; the

| Coles must have a chapter to themselves; the characteristics of

30 Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. [No. 1,

the Rajwars and Kisans I have not yet had an opportunity of study-

ing, and shall conclude with a few words about the Khairwars. They

are found in many parts of this province but are most numerous and

have been longest resident in Palamow. They are said to have

migrated from the hills west of Rhotas ; there is a place there, called

Kyra, supposed to be named after them, and they are found about the

Kymoor hills. The Rajah of Turki in that vicinity is a Khairwar.

In this division several of our great men are said to be of Khairwar

extraction, but they are all now undergoing that process of being

refined into Rajpoots which I have described as likely to have occurred

in other families, by intermarriage with Rajpoot maidens. They have

to pay very high for the honour, but by giving large dowries with their

daughters, they sometimes obtain for them also the distinction of

Rajpoot alliances.

The two races appear to blend well; a handsomer and more ener-

getic stock is the result; so the aspiring families I allude to, have

gained something by their outlay in marriages, as the ordinary or pure

Khairwars are generally a dark, ill-favoured race, with coarse features

and of lazy unimprovable habits.

The people called Bhogtahs are a Khairwar tribe. There was a

small clan of them in Palamow, who long defied the power of the

British Government. They lived on a narrow plateau, with the Sir-

goojah mountains behind them, and a range of hills with difficult

passes in front of them; and with the cattle and property of their

neighbours, they did very much as they pleased; and as they had

wonderfully contrived retreats amongst the hills and rocks for them-

selves and their plunder, they defied all efforts to capture them. At

last the wild country they occupied was given to them at a nominal

rent, on condition of their living honest and peaceful lives. This kept

them quiet for many years, but when the mutinies broke out in 1857,

the two chiefs, Lilumber and Pitumber, headed an insurrection in Pala-

mow and came to unmitigated grief.. One was hanged and the other

was transported for life and died in the Andamans.

The actual income of the Rajah of Sirgoojah from all sources is not

more than Rs. 30,000 a year: the estates held by members of his

family are worth in addition about Rs. 23,000, and other vassals hold

estates worth annually about Rs. 20,000. A fixity of tenure is the

1865.] Notes of a tour in the Tributary Mehals. 31

predominating feature in the revenue system of all the Tributary

Mehals, and will no doubt be found to prevail in all parts of Hindu-

stan where ancient landmarks have not been swept away by the tide

of conquest. In these mehals, the great mass of the cultivators are

the descendants of those who first occupied and tilled the soil, and to

them, (says Malcolm in his Central India,) according to the most

revered texts of the sacred writers, the soil in the first instance belongs ;

and where a monarchy or chieftainship is by some process eliminated,

the peasant proprietor contributes for the support of the sovereign a

moderate share of the produce of his land. This accounts for the

lowness of rates of rents that prevail in these districts. The actual

rent does not exceed 2 annas a beegah in Sirgoojah, and this is un-

changeable. It probably represents the proportion of the produce first

assigned to the chief, and both the cultivating classes and heads of

villages in this province are exceedingly tenacious of their right to

pay no more than one fixed rate of rent. The hereditary village head-

man pays no more on this account, and collects no more than the old

fixed rate, but it does not now suffice for the requirements of the chief,

and as noticed before in treating of Gangpore, a practice has arisen of

giving as an ordinary contribution, a sum equal to the amount paid as

rent, whilst extraordinary contributions are often exacted, and demands’

made for unpaid labour, which must greatly hamper the productive

industry of the cultivators. In Sirgoojah I asked the Rajah and

zemindars if all these irregular demands could not be done away with

and a fair fixed rent taken in lieu. They expressed their willingness

to abide by any arrangement of the kind that I could make, but refer-

red me to the rent-payers and village headmen. They, with one con-

sent, refused to acquiesce in any enhancement of rent.

32 On a New Genus of the Gadide. [No. 1,

Description of a supposed new Genus of the Gadide, Arakan.—By

Lneut.-Col. 8. R. Trcxetn, Bengal Staff. Plate I.

[Author’s date, October, 1862. ] [Received 8th June, 1864. ]

Order. Ma acoprery@Il SUBBRACHIATI.

Family. Gapipz.

Genus. AstHENnuRvS (mihi).

(acGevys feeble and Ovpa Tail).

Body rounded—very little compressed—head small, muzzle short,

mouth wide with a single row of minute teeth in each jaw, and a

band across the anteal part of the palate. Scales of a medium size.

No lateral line visible. Fins; two dorsals and two anals, joined by

intermediate detached rays, which are partially membraned. The

anterior dorsal and anal, quadruple the height of their posterior

fellows. Ventrals jugular and filiform. Caudal bilobed and very small.

Brancheostegous rays 7.

Astumnurvs Atripinnis. Tickell.

Specimen 52” long. The largest of 4 or 5 observed, Akyab harbour.

Arakan. October 15th, 1862.

Structure. See above for Genus. Body lengthened in the portion

of the tail behind the Ist dorsal. Head small; snout short and blunt.

Gill plates smooth and smooth-edged, their divisions not very distinct :

but suboperculum large: scales medium-sized, semitransparent and —

deciduous. Along the back, from occiput to Ist D, a mesial groove,

with a ridge along each side for the whole length of the fish to caudal.

A deeper groove along mesial belly, in which the ventrals can lie

encased. Intermaxillary long and narrow, and set with a row of

minute pointed teeth jammed close together. Mandibles with a similar

row, smaller still. Rest of mouth smooth. Tongue short, round, tied

down to floor of mouth. Scales round at free edge, concentrically

furrowed; about 67 from gill cover to base of C and 14 tiers. Air

bladder large. Its shape and that of the intestines could not be ascer-

tained, as the specimen examined had been a long time in spirits.

Fins. Ast D 20, detached rays 15—2nd D 20.—P, 21.—V 5.—

A 20, detached rays 12—2nd A 26.—C 6-18-6.

1865.] On a New Genus of the Gadide. 33

- 1st D and 1st A have their 5th and 6th rays as long as the greatest

depth of the body, the fins decreasing rapidly to the first and last

rays. The 2nd D and A are much shorter rayed and close to OC, and

the space between them and their preceding fins is occupied by a row

of short rays each with a basal membrane. Pectoral, small, broad, and

pointed. C very small, and bilobed, the lower lobe blunter and

shorter than the upper. Ventral, 3 first rays filiform, the 2nd

reaching to the space between the two anals; Ist and 3rd a little

shorter; 4th and 5th ordinary and membranous.

Colour.* Pale ochreous grey, or horn colour, blackish along back,

from minute dots powdered along edges of scales. Snout and head, red

earneous. Iris, greenish silver. Fins black, with whitish bases,

except Vs which are fleshy white. A rectangular patch of black

above gill plates. Gill plates nacreous.

The specimen here figured is the largest of 4 or 5 obtained in the

fish market of Akyab. The fish is not described by Cantor in his

ichthyological catalogue of the Straits, and Cuvier and Valenciennes’

great work, which is incomplete, does not include the Malacopterygii

Subbrachiati. None of the Gadide (Cod family) have as yet been

noticed in India, and the present subject is one of peculiar interest on

that account: that is, if my allocation of it should prove correct, of

which I think there can be little doubt, on an examination of the

structure of the fish. In the synopsis of Cuvier’s Regne Animal there

is no genus amongst the Gadidw which resembles it : but it may rank

next to Phycis (Artedi.)

It does not appear uncommon. In October 1862 I procured four

or five specimens from the estuary of the Koladyn at Akyab, and from

Kyoukphyoo. Two of these I do myself the pleasure of forwarding

to the Museum of the Asiatic Society. The alcohol in which they

are preserved, has very little affected their natural colour,

* Fresh specimen,

34 On Local Attraction. [No. 1,

“ On the degree of uncertainty which Local Attraction, if not allowed

for, occasions in the Map of a Country, and in the Mean Figure of

the Earth as determined by Geodesy ; a Method of obtaining the

Mean Figure free from ambiguity by a comparison of the Anglo-

Gallic, Russian, and Indian Arcs; and Speculations on the

_ Constitution of the Earth's Crust.”—By Arcuvgeacon Pratt.

[Received 4th August, 1864. |

To the Secretary of the Asiatic Society.

Srr,—I beg to forward to you a copy of a Paper lately printed in the

Proceedings of the Royal Society (No. 64) on the topics notified at

the head of this letter. Two years ago you accepted from me a

“Series of Papers on Mountain and other Local Attraction in India,”

and published in your Journal a memorandum, regarding the effect

of local attraction upon the operations of the Great Trigonometrical

Survey of this country. The present Paper is not confined to India ;

but appertains to the globe in general. But as the results of the

Indian Survey occupy an important position in the calculations, you

may deem it to be not irrelevant to the objects of your Journal to

publish some account of it.

The state in which the question of local attraction was left in my

former communications to the Royal Society was this :—That in India

the deviation of instruments of observation from the true vertical —

caused by the Mountains and by the Ocean is very great, far greater

than had ever been supposed; that this deviation might be much

increased or diminished by the effect of variations of density in the

solid crust of the earth, but that of the amount of this we have no

means of judging, as we are entirely ignorant of the constitution of the

crust: and that the effect of local attraction on the Map of India

constructed from the Survey would fortunately disappear as far as

regards.the relative position of places laid down, but that the precise

position of the Map on the terrestrial spheroid could not be discovered,

as it would depend upon the unknown total resultant local attraction

arising from all causes at the station from which the Survey operations

commence.

1865.] On Local Attraction. 35:

M. Otto Struve has lately called attention to similarly important

deflections caused by local attraction in Russia—and especially to a

remarkable difference of deflection at two stations near Moscow, only

about eighteen miles apart, which is attributed to an invisible

unknown cause in the strata below.

It has become, therefore, an important inquiry :—What degree of

uncertainty does Local Attraction, if not allowed for, introduce into

the two problems of geodesy, viz. (1) obtaining correct Maps of any

country, and (2) determining the Mean Figure of the Earth.

These matters are discussed in the present Paper; and I would

here observe, that the paper is complete in itself, and does not require

a study of the previous communications.

2. With regard to the construction of Maps from Survey operations

I show, as before in India, that no map in any other part of the

world will be affected except in the way already stated, if the length

of every measured arc of latitude is not greater than twelve degrees.

and a half, and of every measured are of longitude not greater than

fifteen. Now in point of fact, however long the great ares (such as

the Anglo-Gallic, the Russian, and the Indian) may be, they are

always broken up into much smaller portions, so as to bring them

very far within the above-mentioned limits. Hence the maps

constructed from geodetic operations will always be relatively correct

in themselves ; but the precise position of the map on the terrestrial

spheroid will be unknown by the amount of the unknown deflection

of the plumb-line in latitude and longitude at the place which fixes

the map.

In India the effect of the Himalaya Mountains and the Ocean,

taken alone, would throw out the map by nearly half a mile. And,

as already stated, there is no way of discovering with certainty how

much this is increased or diminished by the effect of variations of

density in the crust. If, however, the calculations which I give in

the third section of this Paper are accepted, they show that the effect

of variations in the density of the crust below almost entirely

counteracts that of the mountains and ocean at Damargida in

latitude 18° 3’ 15”, and the displacement of the map is almost

insensible if fixed by that station. If fixed by the observed latitude

of any other station, the map will be out of its place by the local

36 On Local Attraction. [No. 1,

deflection of the plumb-line at that station. This, in the Indian

Great Arc, will not exceed (supposing my reasoning as described

below is accepted) one-thirteenth of a mile at any of the stations

where the latitude has been observed. It appears also from these

calculations, that, except in places evidently situated in most dis-

advantageous positions, the local attraction is rarely of any consider-

able amount.

3. In the second section of the Paper I proceed to ascertain the

degree of uncertainty introduced, by our ignorance of the amount of

local attraction, into the great problem of the Mean Figure of the

Earth.

Bessel was the inventor of the method now in use for solving this

problem. His method enables us to bring all the arcs which have

been measured in any part of the world to bear simultaneously upon

the solution. He made use of arcs measured in eight parts of the

earth’s surface ; called the Anglo-Gallic, Russian, Indian II, (or Great

Arc), Indian I, Prussian, Peruvian, Hanoverian, and Danish Arcs,

the first three of which are very long. For each of these arcs he

made use of an algebraical symbol to represent the unknown error of

the precise position of the are on the meridian. In his method he

treats these eight quantities as independent variables; which is

tantamount to ignoring local attraction altogether. The calculations,

therefore, of the Mean Figure of the Earth hitherto made have left

this most important element out of consideration. To remedy this

has been my object. By a change, I venture to call it a correction,

of Bessel’s method I have succeeded in obtaining formule for the

semiaxes and ellipticity of the Mean Figure, which involve expressions

for the unknown local deflections of the plumb-line at the standard or

reference-stations of the several arcs.

If a and b represent the semiaxes and e the ellipticity, the following

are the results arrived at :—

a=20928627 + 1057°8¢, + 342:9¢, + 152°3t, + 27°3¢, + 93:6¢,

+ 8°84, + 63°7t, + 62:9¢, feet.

b=20849309—3762:6¢, — 334-3¢, —661°3¢, —101-5¢, —372:6¢,

—14:0t, —249°3t, —249°1t, feet.

From these we may easily deduce the ellipticity

1865.) On Local Attraction. 37

=r55 { 1-40-0608, +-0:0085¢, -+-0:0103,--0-0016/ ,4+0:0059¢,

+ 0:0003¢, + 0:0039¢, + 0:001639¢, }.

where t, t, ... t, are the eight unknown deviations of the plumb-line

from the true vertical at the standard stations of the eight arcs arising

from local attraction.

These formule for the semiaxes and ellipticity of the mean figure

of the earth show us, that the effect of local attraction upon the final

numerical results may be very considerable : for example, a deflection

of the plumb-line of only 5’ at the standard station (St. Agnes) of the

Anglo-Gallic are would introduce a correction of about one mile to the

length of the semi-major-axis, and more than three miles to the semi-

minor-axis. If the deflection at the standard station (Damargida) of

the Indian Great Arc be what the mountains and ocean make it

(without allowing any compensating effect from variations in density

in the crust below, which no doubt exist, but which are altogether

unknown) viz. about 17”24, the semiaxes will be subject to a

correction, arising from this cause alone, of half a mile and two miles.

This is sufficient to show how great a degree of uncertainty local

attraction, if not allowed for, introduces into the determination of the

mean figure. As long as we have no means of ascertaining the

amount of local attraction at the several standard-stations of the arcs

employed in the calculation, this uncertainty regarding the mean

figure, as determined by geodesy, must remain. The effect of our

ignorance in this case is far more serious than that already noticed in

mapping a country with minute precision.

4, The third section of the Paper is occupied in devising means

for removing this ambiguity. Although it has been necessary to

assume one step in the argument, I think that the sequel shows that a

very high degree of probability exists that the process is a correct one.

Each of the three great arcs—the Anglo-Gallic, the Russian, and

‘the Indian—is divided into a number of subordinate ares. I therefore

take each of these three great arcs and apply the method described in

the last section to find the semiaxes of the ellipse which best

represents that arc. The expressions for the semiaxes involve one

/ unknown quantity, viz. the amount of deflection at the standard

_ station of the arc. In this way I obtain the semiaxes of three ellipses,

38 On Local Attraction. [No. I,

involving three unknown quantities. The asswmplion which I then

make is, that the Mean Figure of the Earth is a spheroid; that is,

that these three ellipses are all the same. The effect of this is to give

me four equations of condition, involving the three unknown

quantities. These I solve by the method of least squares. The result

is that the unknown deflections all come out very small; and the

semiaxes of the three ellipses come out remarkably near each other in

value. The first part of this result shows, what I have intimated in

para, 2, that the local attraction arising from invisible causes hidden

in the solid erust of the earth must be such, as very nearly to

compensate for the effect produced by visible causes at the surface

existing in mountains and oceans. And the second part of the result

gives a very satisfactory solution of the problem of the Mean Figure

taking local attraction into account, making the semiaxes

20926189 and 20855316 feet

295°3

5. In the fourth or last section of the Paper I enter into specu-

and the ellipticity =

lations regarding the Constitution of the Earth’s Crust, suggested by

the result of the preceding section. The following extract will best

represent my views on this interesting subject :—

“The first thing I observe in the results given in the last paragraph is —

the very small amount of the resultant deflections at the two extremities of

the Indian Are—Punne close to Cape Comorin, and Kaliana the nearest

station to the Himalaya Mountains; whereas the effect of the Ocean and

the Mountains has been shown to be very large. This shows that the effect

of variations of density in the crust must be very great, in order to bring ~

about this near compensation. In fact the density of the crust beneath the

mountains must be less than that below the plains, and still less than that

below the ocean-bed. If solidification from the fluid state commenced at

the surface, the amount of contraction in the solid parts beneath the

mountain-region has been less than in the parts beneath the sea. In fact,

it is this unequal contraction which appears to have caused the hollows in

the external surface which have become the basins into which the waters

have flowed to form the ocean. As the waters flowed into the hollows thus

created, the pressure on the ocean-bed would be increased, and the crust, so

long as it was sufficiently thin to be influenced by hydrostatic principles of

floatation, would so adjust itself that the pressure on any couche de niveaw

1865.] On Local Attraction. 39

of the fluid should remain the same. At the time that the crust first

became sufficiently thick to resist fracture under the strain produced by a

change in its density—that is, when it first ceased to depend for the

elevation or depression of its several parts upon the principles of floatation—

the total amount of matter in any vertical prism, drawn down into the

fluid below to a given distance from the earth’s centre, had been the same

through all the previous changes. After this, any further contraction or

any expansion in the solid crust would not alter the amount of matter in

the vertical prism, except where there was an ocean; in the case of greater

contraction under an ocean than elsewhere, the ocean would become deeper

and the amount of matter greater, and in case of a less contraction or of an

expansion of the crust under an ocean, the ocean would become shallower,

or the amount of matter in the vertical prism less than before. It is not

likely that expansion and contraction in the solid crust would affect the

arrangement of matter in any other way. That changes of level do take

place, by the rising and sinking of the surface, is a well-established fact,

which rather favours these theoretical considerations. But they receive,

I think, great support from the other fact, that the large effects of the ocean

at Punne and of the mountains at Kaliana almost entirely disappear from

the resultant deflections brought out by the calculation.

_ This theory, that the wide ocean has been collected on parts of the earth’s

surface where hollows have been made by the contraction and therefore

increased density of the crust below, is well illustrated by the existence of a

whole hemisphere of water, of which New Zealand is the pole, in stable

equilibrium. Were the crust beneath only of the same density as that

beneath the surrounding continents, the water would be drawn off by

attraction and not allowed to stand in the undisturbed position it now

occupies.

“I have, in what goes before, supposed that, in solidifying, the crust

contracts and grows denser, as this appears to be most natural, though,

after the solid mass is formed, it may either expand or contract, according

as an accession or diminution of heat may take place. If, however, in the

process of solidifying, the mass becomes lighter, the same conclusion will

follow—the mountains being formed by a greater degree of expansion of

the crust beneath them, and not by a less contraction, than in the other

parts of the crust. It may seem at first difficult to conceive how a crust

could be formed at all, if in the act of solidification it becomes heavier

than the fluid on which it rests; for the equilibrium of the heavy crust

floating on a lighter fluid would be unstable, and the crust would sooner or

later be broken through, and would sink down into the fluid, which would

overflow it’ If, however, this process went on perpetually, the descending

40 On Local Attraction. [No. 1,

crust, which was originally formed by a loss of heat radiated from the

surface into space, would reduce the heat of the fluid into which it sank,

and after a time a thicker crust would be formed than before, and the

difficulty of its being broken through would become greater every time a

new one was formed. Perhaps the tremendous dislocation of stratified

rocks in huge masses with which a traveller in the mountains, especially

in the interior of the Himalaya region, is familiar, may have been brought

about in this way. The catastrophes, too, which geology seems to teach

have at certain epochs destroyed whole species of living creatures, may

have been thus caused, at the same time breaking up the strata in which

these species had for ages before been deposited as the strata were formed.

These phenomena must now long have ceased to occur, at any rate on a

very extensive scale, as Mr. Hopkins’s investigations on Precession appear

to prove that the crust is very thick, at least 800 or 1,090 miles ; and this

result has been recently confirmed by Professor W. Thomson in a paper on

the ‘ Rigidity of the Earth.’””

These results meet with some confirmation from an examination of

the direction of the deflection of the plumb-line at several coast-

stations where it is drawn towards the sea. The amounts of deflection

are, however, so small that much cannot be built upon this. This,

at any rate, may be said, that they present no obstacle to the theory

so remarkably suggested by the facts brought to light in India, viz.

that mountain-regions and oceans on a large scale have been produced

by the contraction of the materials, as the surface of the earth has

passed from a fluid state to a condition of solidity—the amount of

contraction beneath the mountain-region having been less than that

beneath the ordinary surface, and still less than that beneath the

ocean-bed, by which process the hollows have been produced into

which the ocean has flowed. These coast-stations do in fact in several

instances tend directly to favour the theory, as they seem to indicate,

by excess of attraction towards the sea, that the contraction of the

crust beneath the ocean has gone on increasing in some instances still

further since the crust became too thick to be influenced by the

principles of floatation, and that an additional flow of water into the

increasing hollow has increased the amount of attraction upon stations

on its shores.

Tam, your’s faithfully,

Calcutta, August 2, 1864. Joun H. Prarz,

1865.] On Local Attraction, 41

Postscript,

[Received 29th April, 1865. |

If the raw or uncorrected results of the Surveys in India and

Europe (I mean uncorrected for local attraction) are made use of,

they bring out meridians of a slightly different curvature in these

different parts of the earth. If these were the true forms of the seve-

ral meridians the result would be that the equator could not be a circle

and the figure of the earth not a spheroid of revolution. A few years.

ago, General T. F. de Schubert calculated the form of an ellipsoid of

three unequal axes which would best suit the observations. Captain

Alexander Clarke, R. E. (Memoirs Roy. As. Soc’ Vol. XXIX, for

1860,) went through the same calculation, following Bessel’s method.

His result was that the equatorial radius in longitude 14° or there-

abouts is one mile longer than that in longitude 104°. He speaks

with hesitation regarding the result, on the ground that the data are

far too scanty to lead to a conclusion to be relied upon. He appears,

however, not to shrink from the hypothesis on which he works, from

the true grounds of distrust, viz. (1) the @ prior? improbability

that the earth’s mean figure is not one of revolution, as the evidence of

the fluid-origin of that figure is overwhelming* and (2) that the effect

of local attraction is altogether overlooked by him. General de Schubert

indeed in a subsequent paper (See Monthly Notices of Royal Astrono-

mical Soc. for 1860, p. 264, where it is noticed) does anticipate that

local attraction may modify and altogether destroy the data on which

he rested the argument of an ellipsoidal figure. The Paper which I

have sent to the Society and have noticed in this letter gives, for the

first time, a method for estimating the effect of local attraction and

proves (in the third section) that so very moderate an allowance as 1”

or 2” for local attraction will altogether destroy the disparity between

the curvature of the different meridians. When the arguments in this

paper are impartially weighed I feel convinced that the improbable

ellipsoidal theory will be abandoned altogether.

* The evidence, with full details, is given in the third edition of my treatise

on the “ Figure of the Harth” now passing through the press at Cambridge

and a copy of which when published I purpose sending to the Society.

49, On Local Attraction. [No, 1,

From the above letter it will be seen, that I come to the conclusion

that the earth’s crust below the mountains is somewhat less dense than

below the plains; and still less than below the ocean-bed. Mr. Airy

(Plul. Trans. for 1854, p. 101) came to the former part of this conclu-

sion. But his argument requires that the crust should be thin—and

so thin as to be influenced for its position by the principles of floata-

tion. But Mr. Hopkins’ and Prof. W. Thomson’s results show that

the crust cannot be thin. Moreover Mr. Airy’s line of reasoning does

not lead to the latter part of the result, in that the crust is more dense

below the ocean-bed. For these reasons I have not alluded to Mr.

Airy’s hypothesis in my Paper. The argument therein explains both

these phenomena without requiring that the crust should be thin, but

rather the contrary.

Notes to accompany a Geological map and section of the Lowa Ghur or

Sheen Ghur range in the district of Bunnoo, Punjab ; with analyses

of the Lignites—By Ausert M. Vercuere, Ese., M. D.

[Received 10th June, 1864. ]

Description of the Section, Pl. ITI.

1. Hillocks or morraines formed by the pebbles and boulders of

miocene conglomerates and sandstones which have been removed by

the effect of the rains: the sand is carried away to the plain, but the

boulders and pebbles are left behind and form a morraine. The

stones have arranged themselves in layers resting against the miocene

beds, with an inclination towards the plain (W) of 20°.

2. Miocene (?) sandstone, very friable, grey or rather salt and

pepper ; calcareous and often so soft that it can be crumbled in the

hand. It contains boulders and pebbles, well rounded and worn,

generally arranged in bands. It is these boulders and pebbles which

form No. 1, as No. 2 is being destroyed. The pebbles and boulders

are greenstone, quartzite, quartzose porphyry, gypsose agglomerate,

carboniferous and nummulitic limestone, etc.

3. Similar to 2, but a little harder, and contains occasionally bands

of slate in a state of disintegration. Carbonized wood found here,

(seldom,) in an iron-stained sandstone.

% 4 a ——— -—-. ee _ Re Deas ee _—— a

; aL As. Soc: Beigal. : : , Vol XXNIV. Part I PL.

| : ; Y NAY

)

As = =| =

I —_->—

Geological

Shetch Map Hs

THE LOWA GHUR on SHEEN GHUR,

inthe district of

BUNNOO

=] Dilwvial Talus

ST Miocene (?) San

Numrnulitic Limestone

arbonaceons Shales, with ||

tone

beds of “Rol” and Lipmite

AM. Varchere

wif

7 |

Seale: Iwo English Miles ts One inch. ]

é fe © oH

Journ: Suc: Bengal.

Section across the Lowa Ghur or Sheen Ghur

(also called locally Snuva, Mandar, Meslakd er Miltah Reh or Puhar}

From Snusen to near Seoltankel. Nirretions WNW—BSE (True Section)

SCALE 2000 FEET

1 INCH

hao ar tee

4357 FE above the Sea

fim of Bunmoo Valley

B80 ff uke the Sea

Vol soony-Fart Tl. Plate 3.

The Nummutilie) farmatisn és here’

well displayed: ih has a total thickness of? 4500 Ath

The Veco? Sandstone ani. Canglimarate. ured much

Faulbpi, che fruslts being parallel @ the Strike:

AMI?

Thull E.S.E.

Snuwa Maidan

Highest

Summit of Range

Mormecradaeest LTH: BY MoM SatiTH, SURV CEMES OFFICE CALCUTTA WAY 186s

Datum Line the Bank of the Indus

782 feet above the Sca

{

== wpe aoe

‘

1865.] Notes to accompany a Geological map. 45

4. Harder and greyer sandstone. The bed has been broken up

and re-cemented by a coarser, more salt-and-pepper-like sand. The

pieces of the original bed are seen sticking out at all angles like

drifted ice. On the east side of the valley of Maidani, this breaking

up is not observed.

5. Conglomerate composed of yellow limestone pebbles cemented

by a very hard calcareous cement. The cement appears first to have

coated the pebbles with two or three coats of various shades of yellow

or brown, like a calculus of the bladder. This bed is seen always

(west of the Indus) on the top of the nummulitic or bottom of the

miocene beds. It is striking in appearance, especially when polished

by a running torrent.

6. Flesh-coloured, hard, nummulitic limestone, weathering rough,

pitted and grey. It contains a few nummulites of small size and a

few small bivalves.

7. Limestone, argillaceous and yellow ; it is arranged in concentric

masses cemented by an earthy marly limestone. Both the rounded

masses and the intervening earthy rocks are full of fossils ;

N. Levigata and N. Pushi are abundant ; also a small flat species and

two species extremely gibbose and always very abundant in muddy

nummulitic limestone. Bivalves very numerous. Casts of Trochus

very abundant. A large Spatanchus, 6 inches across, found here also.

8. Limestone, glaring-white like chalk and not much harder than

chalk. It contains the same fossils as the preceding layer, but no

Spatanchus. It is of very: great thickness and forms a high white

cliff facing the east and remarkable from a great distance.

9. Slate in a state of decomposition. It is interbedded with

limestone and occasionally contains small nummulites; but it is

generally without fossils. ‘

10. Carbonaceous shale with beds of ‘‘ Rol” or alum shale and

of lignite. The Rol and the lignite beds are generally in contact

with the nummulitic limestone above.

11. Shales of all colours, white, red, yellow, grey, olive, nearly

black ; very calcareous, with thin beds of muddy limestone (very soft)

containing debris of shells, rootlets and stems of plants. No

nummulites in these beds. Some of these shales are a good fire-clay

and are used to make crucibles, These shales are generally more or

less wavy.

44 Notes to accompany a Geological map. [No. 1

Examination of the Lignites.

The following samples were given to me by Lieut. Lane, District

Superintendent of Police, Bunnoo,

No. 1.—From a seam newly discovered near Chushmea, north of

Moolakhel, 8 miles from the Indus.

Best quality, with a resinous fracture and lustre ; jet black in colour;

Sp. gravity 1.25.

Volatile inflammable substances, . - : : . 50

Fixed carbon, . : : = : : - - 35

Ash, : - ; : - : - : m5

100

There is a partial caking when the lignite is burnt in a close vessel.

The ash is a mixture of a reddish earthy powder, of hardened pieces

of slaty shale (holding a little unreduced lignite) and of a fluffy

white ash like wood-ash. The red earth and the pieces of shale are

mechanical impurities. The white fluffy ash is the proper ash of the

lignite.

No. 2.—Best quality, as No. 1. Apparently a very little yellowish

white clay adhering to the lignite which is 14 inch bedded.

From the same locality as No. 1.

Volatile inflammable substances, . wren 4 ‘. . 50

Fixed carbon, . ; : , . ‘ . 40

Ash, . : : ~ . . . - 10

100

Same remarks as for No. 1.

No. 3.—Middling quality, the usual quality of the bed. The

lignite is in thin plates like leaf bed; each thin plate is sometimes

resinous in appearancé, but more frequently has the appearance and

lustre of charcoal. It contains a considerable amount of yellow clay

between the plates. It crepitates in water like salt deflagrating on

fire. Its Sp. gravity is 1.28,

}

——————

1865.] Notes to accompany a Geological map.

From the same locality. Given by Mr. Lane.

Volatile inflammable substances, . ; ‘ ' . 25

Fixed carbon, . ; , : ‘ : -

Ash, “ - - : . . - ron

100

N. B.—Some of the volatile substances were unreduced in the

experiment, and consequently increased the percentage of fixed coal

above its proper figure. The ash is mostly a reddish powdery earth

with pieces of shale ; very little fluffy ash.

No. 4.—Middling quality like No. 3. Structure woody.

Same locality. Given by Mr. Lane.

Volatile inflammable substances,

Fixed carbon, a ‘

a ° . .

> * . *. 46.66

- . ‘ . . 20.83

. : . Beale 32.50

99.99

Ash, like No. 3.

No. 5. Picked specimen, having the appearance of fine jet.

Heavier than the preceding ‘specimens and very resinous

appearance.

Obtained from a native who said that it came from a seam near

Sooltan Khel.

Volatile inflammable substances,

rae Me Ts

Fixed carbon, : : i. lat AB

Ach, . . - : - - A » _ 833

99.99

The ash was nearly entirely composed of white fluffy ash, like wood-

ash. This lignite cakes a good deal in the close vessel.

Average of four analysis of the Chushmea mine.

Volatile inflammable substances, . : : . 42.91

: . » 33.95

Fixed carbon, : ° .

ASB, : ‘ ; “ - ; : . 238.10

99.96

46 Notes to accompany a Geological map. [No. 1,

I copy here Dr. A. Fleming’s analysis of the lignite of Kottree

near the Chichalee Pass as it is evidently a continuation of the beds

seen a few. miles south of the Pass at Chushmea.

Volatile inflammable hatter, " * - |) eo :

Carbon, . : , : " . . . 83.579

ae ee mn

100.000

The coal or lignite from Sooltan Khel (see No. 5) comes nearer to

the Baganwallah lignite as analyzed by Dr. A. Fleming. Compare

my No. 5 with the following analyses copied from Dr. A. Fleming’s

report :—

Baganwallah, No. 1. ° ' Baganwallah, No. 2.

Volatile, . Je ah) AG) “eo Volatile? 4 0) isnt

Carbon, . : . 41.36 Carbon, . : oe 593705

Ashes, a : Sh L800 Ashesii - a 1.840

100.00 100.000

Average.

Volatile, . < “ : ; a : +, Soa

Carbon, . : : : : : F - 50.5382

Ashes, seca Nii idan t= ; ‘ : . teZ0

" 99°999

To conclude, I enter here a table of the composition of the lignites

of the Lowa Ghur, of Baganwallah, and of the coal of Raneegunj and

Sirsol in Bengal and of some coal in the British Islands,

Notes to accompany a Geological map.

1865.]

5 ‘TUMHOUGA W LUaatv

16% o'L r69 OL'0L ogg OTL WFOt 026°6 £88 TSG 3 es mee Gsy

SEs 0'9L os'79 8 OL LP €'69 fog, 11S 6&S'0G 00'S? co'es* =i ** fgoqrey pexid

68'FT os2e 89686 OOTP 81 cs Gos G'8s LES'6E 99°99 Tesp ‘"f4o};VUL e[qeuureBur 7172] A

aes ee eS Se eee = tees a

“HOITIV AL "SHIVA “GNVILOOG “SATIVA "IVONGG “AONVY LIV “OONNND

‘spunjsy ysinng oyp fo pun pobuag fo jooo ayy fo puv qolung ayy fo apubrT ay fo uoypsodumoo ay? fo 2190) aaryounduiog

48. Sceintific Intelligence. [No. 1,

Sorentiric IyTELLIGENCE.

Mr. T. Tomlinson, late Superintendent of the Barrackpore Park, has

recently succeeded in hatching an Ostrich by placing the fresh-laid egg

in a box lined with straw and exposing it to the sun by day for some

weeks, keeping it under a domestic fowl during the night. To

prevent one side of the egg being more exposed than the other, it

was occasionally turned over. The new born bird is doing well.

Col. Dalton from Chota-Nagpur announces the discovery of a vein

of lead in a hill named Puttia near the village of Pelowa, Tuppeh

Ramkola, in Sirgooja.

From an analysis of the specimen forwarded by Col. Dalton, it

appears to be pure galena with a small trace of silver and the ore is

tractable. When fairly cleared, its value would be in England from 12£

to 13£ per ton. An attempt to work the mine was made, but the

outturn not proving profitable, it was abandoned.

The following is from our late Curator :-—

Belmont, St. Briavel’s,

W. Gloucestershire, Dec. 2, 1864.

My pear Grote,—In the Reader for November 19th, you will read

that a paper was read by me at the Zoological Society on November

8th; but I was not there, having left a short paper with Sclater. In

the Proceedings, p. 335 of our Journal, I observe ‘ Felis Jacquemontii’

mentioned. This I consider to be merely the longer-furred mountain

variety of F’. chaus ; F’. ornata too, I now refer to F. torquata, F. Cuv. ;

and celidogaster turns out to be African, and distinct from viverrina,

F. torquata of Sykes being a striped domestic Indian cat,—at least

identical with the latter, whether or not descended from domestic

stock. A dead Tiger from Barrackpore is mentioned in the same page

of the Journal. I hope this was skeletonized, because I could get

you a Megaceros skeleton in exchange for it! Lastly, about the “ new

species of Varranus” in the same page, I presume this to be the

Hydrosaurus noticed by me from the Andamans and Nicobars, which

I could not perceive to differ structurally from H. Salvator. I suppose

1865.] Scientific Intelligence. 49

you have received Giinther’s work on Indian reptiles, which will

materially assist the study of them. I do not, however, agree with

him in all cases; for instance, his identification of the Bengal Emys

ocellata with the Tenasserim EZ. Berdmorei.—He has certainly not

seen specimens of the former, and I wish that some could be sent to

him. The species is not very commonly brought to the Calcutta

bazar, but by offering a slight reward to one of the museum servants

a few might be obtained, and there is a good series of both races in

the Society’s museum. I have written pretty regularly to Jerdon,

communicating to him what I learn; but he has not largely availed

himself of my notes in his Appendix, and I seldom hear from him.

He never was a good correspondent. I certainly told him in good

time for publication that the common Indian Curlew is not Numenius

arquata, but N. major, Schlegel, figured in the Fauna Japonica ; and

I sent British specimens of the former to the museum. He is quite

wrong, too, in placing the Burmese Peafowl in Asim! The Indian

species occurring so far round as Chittagong. The Gallus Tem-

minckii, Gray (p. 541,) which he mentions as a peculiar species, is a

most obvious hybrid between bankivus and furcatus, though differently

coloured from the so-called G. aneus. In p. 481, he is quite wrong

in identifying Turtwr chinensis with 7’. tigrinus : the former is much

larger, with quite plain plumage on the back, and is correctly figured

by Sonnerat. Both are in the Society’s museum. I cannot make out

the middle-sized Indian Cormorant erroneously referred to sinensis in

p. 862. P.870,1.3. For “ poliogenys,” read pyrrhogenys. P. 597.

T. ocellatus, the Philippine species (/uzoniensis, Gm.,) is quite distinct

from the Indian 7’. pugnae, to which Jerdon’s other synonyms

belong. Arboricola rufogularis, (p. 598) was sent by Tickell from

Tenasserim, as noticed in one of my Reports. Another time I will

annotate Jerdon’s work for you in detail. About the Darjeeling Kalij

Pheasant (melanotus), these breed at the Gardens, and are distributed,

but not any have died, to be promoted to the British Museum. A good

pair of skins would accordingly be acceptable. Bruce has sent from

China a noble pair of skins of Crossoptilon Bougolicum, Swinhoe,

(auritum, Pallas, apud Sclater,) and ditto of a new species of

Puerasia, P. canthospila, KH. R. Gray, from the mountains N. W. of

Pekin. The sexes of the former only differ in the male being larger

50 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 1,

and spurred. Hodgson’s Cr. tibetanum still remains unique, I believe.

The localities assigned to many specimens in the British Museum are

unreliable. Thus the Burmese lineated or pencilled Kalij is assigned to

Bootan, and various Tenasserim squirrels, also to Bootan, all doubtless

from the same collection, but received with the erroneous locality from

the old India-house, The distinctions we recognise between Indian,

Indo-Chinese and Malayan fawne are little understood by naturalists

here who will have all alike, to be Indian. Giinther’s Indian reptiles,

for example. About Sikhim and Asim monkeys. I look upon

assamensis (original specimen in India museum,) as a mere variety

(not unlikely an individual, var.) of rhesus, wanting the fulvous hue

of the hair on the hind-parts. JZ. pelops I know little of, but Jerdon

should get this at Masuri. Of the Lungoors, I know nothing of more

than one Himalayan species, which is Hodgson’s schistaceus. Does

true entellus range, into Asém, and is it not the Hunumén of the

table-land of 8. India? Is not priamus peculiar to the ghats and

mountainous country, as Johnii (verus) is certainly peculiar to the

W. ghits? Ido not remember who wrote the Review of Jerdon’s

work in the Annals, and cannot refer to it here. Smythe has yet to

shoot the Shau, and perhaps the Tibetan Lynx. Is it the wild yak

he thinks of sending home alive? The tame breed here as regularly as

domestic cattle. A young bull was calved last year, and a cow this year,

at the Zoological Gardens; both females hornless. Pallas refers to wild

two-humped camels in the Mongolian deserts; and not many years

ago the existence of wild yaks was doubted by Hutton and others,

In the long stretch of desert country between the Red Sea and the

valley of the Nile wild one-humped camels are numerous; and I see

no reason why these should not be aboriginally wild, like genuine Asinus

vulgaris in Africa (the a, toeenispus, Henglin). There is a fine male of the

latter now in the Zoological Gardens, a most decided and unmistakeable

true donkey or Onager ; and the series of wild asinine animals (includ-

ing zebras) is complete, every known race or species being

represented. All of the animals brought by Thompson were alive

when I left London and the Hornbills in first rate condition. The

Aceros nipalensis would be a grand prize; have not both sexes

the rufous plumage in the nest? Reversing the usual arrange-—

ment, in Rhynchea and in Turnia pugnaa, the adult females are the

1865.] Scientific Intelligence. 51

more ornamented, end the young resemble the old males! The old

she-rhinoceros soon made friends with the young ones, but is kept

separate from them. Bos sondaicus did not die from the injury to the

foot. That was a very slight affair and soon over; there wasa

‘gathering,’ when the animal walked lame, and he recovered as

soon as it was lanced. He grew much, and became in fine condition,

and when he died the mass of thickened cuticle had begun to form

between the bases of the horns; but the colour of the coat had not

begun to blacken. Poor fellow, he is now admirably stuffed, in the

B. M. He died of inflammation of the bowels. In the Zoological Gardens,

are one pair Arboricola torqueola, two pairs Ortygornis gularis, and one

pair of each Indian species of Galloperdiz, all in first-rate health and

condition. The ‘blood-pheasant’ (Jthaginis cruentus) from interior

of Sikhim, is a great desideratum. A young African wild boar

(S. Seropha vera) has been put to S. Andamanensis, but I believe

with no result as yet. I suppose there isno chance now of getting a

boar of the Andamdn race. Thanks for the Darjeeling Shrews and

Bats, which I look forward with interest to see. F. More, when

I last saw him, was mainly interested in insects of economical value,

as honey-bees, &c. Has the hive bee of Kashmir ever been scientifi-

cally examined? It is likely enough to prove as distinct as the

Ligurian Bee. Just before I left London I saw, with Wolf, in spirit,

a most curious new mammal, sent by Du Chaillu from Fernando Po.

It is an Otter-like modification of the order Insectivora, and the most

distinct new genus of mammal that has turned up for a long time.

It will be figured and described in the forthcoming Number of the

Tr. Z. 8. Size of a large stoat, but more bulky, with tail exceedingly

tumid at base, laterally flattened for the remainder. Whiskers very

copious, thick and coarse, as in Cynogale Bennettti. Eyes small.

Two of the hind toes connected, as in so many marsupials. General

appearance, colour and fur, very otter-like. Front teeth hooked,

approaching to Sorex. Alphonse Milne Edwards has published a

monograph on the Chevrotains, upon which part of my note

bears. I have sent the particulars to Jerdon, and by the way

I wish Jerdon would contribute to the Journal a selection from

the many notes that I have sent him. There are two groups of

Chevrotains (united by A. Milne Hdwards,) viz. Meminna of India

52 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 1,

and Ceylon, and Tragulus of the Indo-Chinese and Malayan countries,

—for M. malaccensis, Gray = IW. indica. Of Tragulus, there are

3 ee races and 3 small, as follow :—

Tr. napu, F. Cuv. = javanicus apud Gray and Cantor. One

specimen in Calcutta museum.

Tr. Stanleyanus. -

Tr. (like last, but with black sides of neck and ee marks?

in Calcutta museum 6 ¢, and unknown here.)

Large.

oo bo

(4. Tr. javanicus (verus) = pelandoc, nobis, from Java only, I

“th | suspect, and one 6 only in Calcutta museum. Numerous

specimens in Liverpool museum.

5. Tr. kanchil. Extends to S. Tenasserim.

6. Tr. affinis, Gray, placed as asynonym of Kanchil by Edwards,

and the original specimen so named by Gray, from Malacca, is just a

Kanchil wanting the medial breast-stripe ; but others sent by Mouhat

from Cambodia appear to be a distinct race, whatever name it may

Small.

bear. The Society's museum has all but the last, and the specimens

should be re-labelled according to this present determination of them.

JOURNAL

melaATiIC SOCTET Y.

Part I1.—PHYSICAL SCIENCE.

eee

No. I1.—1865.

yer

Remarks on the Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River.—By

J. HE. T. Arrcnison, M.D., F.R.C.S.E., F.L.S., Eetr. Member,

Royal Med. Soc., Edin., &c., Asst. Surgeon, Bengal Army.

[ Received, 18th March, 1864. |.

As much interest is being attached to the local production of fire-

wood for the use of the steamers that ply on the Indus river, I have

_ the honor to forward the accompanying notes taken during a passage

made up that river and its tributary, from Kotree to Mooltan, on

board the steamer ‘ Havelock,’ Capt. Davis, Commander, which left

Kotree on the 29th of August and reached Mooltan on the 16th of

Se pLember.

The river at the time of starting was at its highest, inundating

much of the country and causing an immense number of islands to

be formed in its course.

It is the vegetation of these islands I would describe. It is not very

extensive, but what there is of it is turned to much account and

might be to more.

The following is a list of the Flora met with, viz. :—

Acacia Arabica, L.

A. Arabica, var Cupressina,

Prosopis spicigera, L.

Populus Euphratica, Oliy.

54 The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. [No. 2,

Tamarix Indica (= T. Gallica, L.)

T. Dioica, Roxb.

T. Orientalis.

Phenix Dactylifera, L.

Saccharum Munja, Roxb.

S. spontaneum, L.

8. cylindricum, Lam.

Typha (angustifolia ?)

Creeping amongst the above, climbing to the top of all, shewing off

its lovely flowers, was Asclepias rosea, Roxb. in great beauty.

Acacia Arabica, ‘ Bubber’ (Scindee,) ‘Babool’ (Hind.) ‘ Kekur’

(Punjabee). A. A. var Cupressus, ‘ Caublee-bubber’ (Scindee).

This tree with its variety grows in very great luxuriance and

tolerably rapidly, and within 60 miles of Kotree it is in much greater

abundance than further up the river; it here forms dense jungles

and yields very fair timber. The tree itself is too valuable to be

directly used for firewood, its chief timber being used for railway

sleepers; the rest of the wood and branches only are converted into

firewood or charcoal, and the bark and fruit reserved for tanning

purposes.

A tree (as it stands) that can yield from two to three sleepers,

costs one Rupee, the buyer felling and carrying it away. White ants

do not injure the felled logs much, and the old wood is tolerably

proof to their attacks.

The timber of the Cupressiform variety is considered the bet er,

being closer in grain, and harder than that of the common outspread-

ing tree: being also of greater length, and thus generally giving

an additional sleeper.

Prosopis spicigera, ‘ Kunda’ (Scindee,) ‘ Jand’ (Punjabee).

This tree is not common on the Balaas ; indeed it is scarcely to be

seen in any quantity until we get above Sukker, and then chiefly on

the mainland, where it is obtained largely, especially at one of the

river wood stations called Jummalee.

Its wood is good for fuel, but alas, too readily attacked by white

ants. These insects seem to relish it more than any other of the

woods, and from the great loss it suffers from these destructive insects —

1865.] The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. 5d

whilst stacked, its collection for the supply of the steamers is

prohibited,

For the reasons given against its being stored for fuel, its timber

is likewise not used by the natives for any purpose whatever, when

other can be obtained.

The fruit, however, called in Scindee “Singhar,” is considered an

excellent vegetable, and is largely eaten by the natives in their thur-

karies,

Populus Euphratica, ‘ Bahn’ (Scindee and Punjabee,) grows in great

abundance on the Balaas, but more especially about a hundred miles

above Kotree. It is a rapidly growing tree, producing very fair

timber, with a white light wood, very useful for furniture and house-

hold-work of a light nature, but which does not stand much strain.

It is a very dangerous article as fuel in steamers, or when used for

the railway, as the wood, owing to its lightness, flies up through the

flue when only half burnt. The officers commanding the steamers

are very careful that none is ever taken on board, even by mistake,

from the danger attendant on its use.

The timber for furniture costs about 5 annas a cubic foot.

Tamaria Indica, ‘ Laee’ (Scindee,) ‘ Shao’ (Hind.) ‘ Furash’ (Pun-

jabee).

This may be considered as the chief source of firewood from

Mooltan to Kotree. It grows in immense quantities, but above

the union of the five rivers with the Indus, it becomes gradually

replaced on the Balaa land by the Z. dioica and it becomes more

abundant on the mainland, where we find the 7. orientalis also

occurring, but as a very much larger tree. These were all in

blossom in September, presenting a very heath-like appearance just

before the flowers expanded. The ZY. Indica like all its congeners,

grows very rapidly, producing in three or four years a deep red

wood, very much like the Beef wood of Australia. At this age

it is best for fuel: the white and young wood makes but poor fuel, and

is also rapidly destroyed by the white ant; whereas the red wood

may lie for nearly four years without injury; but as it becomes

completely dried and aged, it becomes more liable to the attacks of

these insects. The cost of this wood at the river stations is

15 Rupees for 100 maunds.

56 The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. [No. 2,

Tamaria diorca, * Pilchee,’ (Scindee and Punjabee,) first met with in

any abundance on the Balaas near Bukree; above that station it

gradually takes the place of 7. Indica. It is greatly used for all

thatching purposes, basket-work, &e.

Tamarix orientalis, ‘ Asree-loua’ (Scindee,) is an unknown tree on

the Balaas, but on the mainland it not unfrequently forms a prominent

object in the landscape, generally near villages. The tree lives best

in a dry and salt soil, where it very rapidly produces large timber,

but this does not make such good fuel as the 7’. Indica.

The native names of these Tamarisks are much confounded even by

the natives themselves. The name ‘ Furas’ in the Punjab is applied

to all, but chiefly to 7. Orientalis. They are so very much like each

other that this is not to be wondered at. Edgeworth, in his Flora

Mallica, calls 7. dioica, ‘ Lai,’ and 7. Gallica (= T. Indica) ‘ Pilchi.’

I would consider the Scindee names as typical, from their being

connected with something further than simply the tree as it grows,

viz. in the one case the value of the wood for fuel, 7. Indica, ‘ Laee,’

‘ Jhao ;’ in another the use of the shrub for thatching purposes and the

known fact of this kind never producing wood, 7. dioica, ‘ Pilchee ;’

and lastly with the fact that it forms a large tree, the wood of which

is not so good for fuel, 7’. Orzentalis, ‘ Asree-loua.’

Phenix dactylifera, is occasionally to be seen on the Balaa land

between Sukker and Mooltan, where it is very common on the main-

land also. A splendid grove of these trees, surrounding Sukker, is

seen from a long distance off. After leaving Kotree some forty miles,

we see none of this tree until Sukker comes in sight, whereas round

Kotree it is very abundant, and at and near Mooltan it is also very

abundant.

Saccharum Munji, ‘ Moonj,’ (Scindee and Punjabee). Thousands

of acres of river land are covered with this useful grass, the value of ©

which might be greatly raised by the introduction of machinery

for converting it into pulp for the Paper Maker. And Sukker would

be the place for starting such an establishment, as it grows chiefly

above Sukker, to which place it could be floated down the river at

little or no cost. This very floating down would aid in the treatment —

required by all fibres to bring them into a fit condition for working. b

The surrounding country yields immense quantities of an Alkali

1865.] The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. 57

(Sugee-muttee) with which the material could be cheaply bleached,

then to be forwarded to England, to be converted there into finer pulp

and paper.

The great outcry at home since the commencement of the cotton

famine has been for material, capable of being converted at a cheap

rate, into paper of a fine quality. Coloured materials require much

bleaching, and this in England is the expensive part of the process.

Now if such a material as Moonj, which costs at the place of

growth little more than the labour of cutting, could be bleached

thoroughly with the alkali produced on the banks of the river, this

would supply the great desideratum of the paper-makers.

Esparto (Stipa tenacissima) has been very largely used in England

within the last three years, but its great drawback is the expense

of bleaching it.

The Moonj is largely employed by the native boatmen in making

ropes for their boats, which they manufucture for themselves.

Saccharum spontaneum, ‘ Khaus’ (Scindee.) This grass grows in

great luxuriance. It is chiefly used for thatching purposes, and

makes tolerably good grazing for cattle, although as it ages it

becomes a very rough coarse grass, when the cattle seem to leave it

alone. It begins to flower early in September, and its flowering has

just ceased, when the S. Moonja commences to flower, which is about

the beginning of October.

Typha (angustifolia?) ‘Pun’ (Scindee,) is very common in the

back waters, but more especially above Sukker. I cannot say it is

even common below Sukker. The leaves are largely used for making

matting (chuttie) and the soft down attached to the ripe fruit is used

for stuffing pillows. The pollen is said by Lindley to be converted

into bread in Scind. Although I made many enquiries relative to it,

I could get no information about it.

On examining the wood brought on board the steamer, (about which

Capt. Davis gave me every information and assistance in his power,)

IT found that nearly the whole of it consisted of the wood of the

Tamarix Indica, and the wood was called Jhao. We occasionally

took on board that of the Acacia Arabica called ‘Bubber.’ But I had

to procure specimens of that of the Prosopis Spicigera called ‘ Kunda,’

and of the Populus Euphratica called ‘ Bahn,’

58 The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. [No. 2,

The Captain considered the billets that were large enough to be

split into two, of the Jhao, when it was ‘“‘as red as beef” as the best

wood on the river. But his heart used to long for the wood he once

got when up the Jhelum river. “ Cows, that’s the thing for driving

the engines.”’ Olea Europea, ‘Cow’ (Punjabee. )

Immense injury is done to the wood after it is collected at the

wood stations, by white ants, which will, ina very few days, if not

carefully looked after, destroy a stack, leaving a mass of mud in place

of the original wood. White ants will not attack the Jhao, if the

wood is red, to the same extent that they do the other kinds of wood.

The soil of the Islands varies very much. It consists nearly

altogether of a rich alluvial deposit at Kotree, gradually becoming

more sandy as we ascend the river. This change to a sandy soil is

very much more marked above Sukker, after which the soil really

seems to be all sand with no earthy matter. Owing to this change

in its composition as we gradually get above Kotree and approach

Sukker those massings of the Acacia Arabica that we had down

the river become less numerous and thinner: until at last by the

time we have reached the junction of the five rivers with the

Indus, we lose them altogether, as well as the Tamaria Indica, which

is now replaced by the Z. dioica. Moonj gets abundant above

Sukker and the Islands are very much less wooded, being more

covered with grasses.

I have no doubt that much of this river land which at present really

lies waste, might be, with a little care and management, covered with

trees capable of yielding both timber and firewood. We should look

to timber as the ultimate object ; in doing so, we obtain firewood as a

collateral result. In covering these islands with vegetation we aid

in rendering them somewhat more permanent than they are at present,

by the roots grasping and keeping together the soil.

The following may be considered the history of one of these islands

that may have remained permanent.

In the month of September as the river falls, a mound of sand

gradually appears, enlarging daily as the river becomes lower, and

bare and barren. Butas the September winds blow, they carry clouds

of the seed of the Saccharwm spontaneum from other islands; these

fall on the:soil and then readily germinate. Ina couple of months the

1865.] The Vegetation of the Islands of the Indus River. 59

S. spontaneum has sprung up, and its leaves now aid in catching the

seeds of the Tamariw and S. Munja, which having ripened, are flying

about at the mercy of the winds. The two latter lie dormant until

the next year. In the meanwhile the S. spontanewm for a short time

kept down by the cold season and eaten over by the cattle, has its

growth stopped until March or April, when it springs up, and by

September is in its full growth and blossom. The Tamarix and S.

Munja being now, on the rising of the river in August, placed under

favourable circumstances, begin to grow rapidly, and by the end of the

second year cover the Balaa, killing out S. spontaneum to a great

degree. Upon the island being flooded at the end of the second year,

the vegetation on it catches the seeds floated down by the river, and

these in their turn germinate and gradually develope a jungle. At

very little expense, indeed, many of these Balaas might be sown

broadcast with the seeds of timber trees, (Acacia or ‘ Sissoo’ are

undoubtedly the best) about the beginning of August. When the river

rose it would cover the islands and deposit sufficient alluvial soil to

permit their germinating and taking root. The seeds would not be

carried off by the currents, as they become entangled in the grass,

which after an inundation is generally seen pressed flat to the surface

with a large amount of alluvial deposit keeping it down.

Developing jungles on these islands, would not only supply timber,

firewood, &c., but by making the islands permanent, would to a

great extent assist in forming a permanent channel for the river, the

absence of which is one of the great difficulties to be overcome at

present by the navigator.

60 Indian Gasteropoda, [ No. 2,

Observations on certain strictures by Mr. H. F. Buanrorp, on my

Paper on the distribution of Indian Gasteropoda in J. A. S., No.

CCLXXXIX. Page 69.—By W. Tuxozanp, Jr.

(Received 21st May, 1864.) (Read 1st June, 1865.)

My friend Mr. Blanford, loc. cit., after reading the above paper;

among other remarks, expresses himself as follows :—“ The sporadic

origin of species is not held by any eminent naturalist of the present

day, and Mr. Theobald had advanced no instance in its favour.”

Now the peculiar distribution of a few species over an enormous

area, was the reason for my preferring the supposition of a sporadic

origin for them at least as the only intelligible one, and if for the

majority of species, this view is not so imperatively requisite, yet for

such species as Bulimus pullus, B. punctatus, B. gracilis, B. cenopictus,

and others, it naturally suggests itself, though I doubtless must have

expressed myself so badly as to warrant Mr. Blanford in denying my

having ‘‘advanced any instance in its favour.” Rejecting however,

the obvious view, as I hold it to be, of sporadic origin, it yet remains

to be seen what explanation consonant with the Darwinian hypothesis,

can be offered, and I shall eagerly listen to Mr. Blanford’s suggestions

on this point.

I see of course, that in terming the origin of any species ‘‘ sporadic,”

I explain nothing, and that it amounts to a confession of ignorance,

still this is a negative evil and leaves the ground clear for any

superstructure which fresh light may enable us to add, but not so a

positive assertion of a law, which, however, applicable in some cases

and true to some extent, does not meet all, and appears contradicted

by some. I will now advert to the first portion of Mr. Blanford’s

stricture to the effect that I held views which no eminent naturalist

did, and certainly such a statement was not encouraging, but on

returning to station within the last month, I accidentally came

across a work which considerably reassured me; though how far

Mr. Blanford will admit the names of A. A. Gould and Louis

Agassiz to be eminent in their department, after the quotation

I shall presently make, I cannot say. Any how I find in the

“Principles of Zoology” by those Professors, my identical theory

1865. ] Indian Gasteropoda, 61

laid down, on precisely the same grounds of certain: peculiarities in

the distribution of Fish, which appeared to me (though unhappily

not to Mr. Blanford) so convincing in the case of the Land Shells. of

India.

So-identical are the results and the proofs in either case, that I

think it necessary to say, that till the present month, I had never seen

the work I am about to quote from, or any writings whatever of either

Gould or Agassiz, and that my views of the sporadic origin of certain

species of shells were deduced from considerations touching their

distribution, and in ignorance of similar arguments, derivable from the

study of an entirely different class.

The following quotation from page 211 of the Principles of Zoology

will prove how closely the estimate I formed of the practical effects

of accidental distribution, corresponds with that. held by Gould and

Agassiz.

“448, Other causes may also contribute towards dispersing animals.

Thus the sea-weeds are carried about by marine currents and are

frequently met with far from shore, thronged with little crustaceans

which are in this manner transported to great distances from the

place of their birth. The drift wood which the Gulf Stream floats

from the Gulf of Mexico even to the western shores of Europe is

frequently perforated by the Larve of insects, and may probably serve

as depositories for the eggs of fishes, crustacea and mollusks. It is

possible also that aquatic birds may contribute in some measure to

the diffusion of some species of fishes and mollusks, either by the

eggs becoming attached to their feet or by means of those which they

evacuate undigested after having transported them to considerable

distances. Still all these circwmstances exercise but a very feeble

influence upon the distribution of species in general, and each country

none the less preserves its peculiar physiognomy so far as its animals

are concerned,

“449, There is only one way to account for the distribution of

animals as we find them, namely to suppose they are autochthonoi,

that is to say that they originated like plants, on the soil where they

are found. In order to explain the particular distribution of many

animals, we are even led to admit that they must have been created at

several points of the same zone, an inference which we must make from

62 Indian Gasteropoda. [No. 2,

the distribution of aquatic animals, especially that of fishes. Ti we

examine the fishes of the rivers of the United States, peculiar species

will be found im each basin, associated with others which are common

to several basins. Thus the Delaware river contains species not found

in the Hudson. But on the other hand, the pickerel is found in both.

Now, if all animals originated at one point and from a single stock,

the pickerel must have passed from the Delaware to the Hudson or

vice versd, which it could only have done by passing along the

sea shore or by leaping over large spaces of terra firma; that is to say,

in both cases it would be necessary to do violence to its organisation.”

This last argument must of course stand for what it is worth, and

were it alone, would not be worth much, but we have here, with fish,

as I have shown to be the case with Gasteropods in India, the grand

fact of certain few species of enormous range, compared with the

limited extent of their more numerous congeners and the absurdity of

supposing that they have been thus widely distributed by any physical

agency, which has left the great majority wnaffected by its operation.

Hence my reasons for leaning towards the ‘sporadic’ theory, for

some species at least, not singly at all events, I am glad to see, if

however, in company with no other physiologist than Louis Agassiz.

I cannot conclude these observations without quoting a passage from

the vitriolic pen of Dr. Knox, in his work on Race, where, though

he holds that “‘ Time and developement change all things” (page 94, )

yet is very bitter on the absurdity of supposing that accipEenT has

anything to do with such changes. Knox on Race, page 90, ‘“‘ When

T am told that there is a short-legged race of sheep somewhere in

America, the product of accident, my reply is simply; I do not

believe it, even although to make the story look better, it has been

added that from among the few short-legged sheep accidentally

produced in the flock, the owner was careful to extrude the long-

legged ones, and so at last his whole flock became short-legged, and

he had no more trouble with i.—It is the old fable of Hippocrates

and the Macrocephali reduced to something like a scientific formula.

Transferred from sheep, it has been made the basis of a theory of

race of mankind, reducing all to accedent. By accident a child darker

than the rest of the family is born; when this happens in the present

day, it is also by courtesy called an accident, but its nature is well —

1865. ] Note relating to Sivalik Fauna. 63

understood—not so in former times. This dark child a little darker

than the others separates with a few more from the rest of the family

and sojourns in a land where a hot sun embrowns them with a still

deeper hue. In time they become blacker and blacker or browner and

browner. Should they travel north instead of south, it is all the same ;

for extreme cold produces the same effect as extreme heat! This is

ancient and modern physiology !”

PPALILLPP PL ALLA LD DDD PDD PDD DDD,

Note relating to Sivalik Fauna.—By 1. B. Meputcorr.

[Received 7th September, 1864. ] {Read 7th September, 1864. ]

The notice I have to bring before the Society may be considered a

continuation of a series of brief but important communications, com-

menced more than thirty years ago, and continued during some twenty

years, as recorded in the volumes of the Journal of the Asiatic Society

for that period. Those communications formed a current chronicle of

the discovery of the Fauna Sivalensis. Had the account of those

discoveries ever assumed a more connected and complete form, the

correction I have now to make, would never have been needed, as it is

but the statement of a fact, of which the evidence was in hand and in

mind, although never expressed. Indeed, for the same reason, this

fact can now be only indicated, its value being still unknown. This fact

is—the existence of two vertebrate faune, possibly quite distinct,

among the fossils hitherto collected from the so-called Sivalik rocks.

In a recently published number of the ‘Memoirs of the Geological

Survey of India, Vol. III. Part 2, I have given a somewhat detailed

account of the geology of the Sub-Himalayan region in North-West

India. I therein established a threefold division of the great series of

deposits coming under the general title of Sub-Himalayan. Concerning

the lowest of these groups (Subathu, etc.) little or no conflict-

ing evidence presented itself. The two upper groups I described

as in all respects more akin to each other, although still most

clearly separable along a well marked boundary, at which the younger

strata overlap the steeply denuded edges of the older, besides being

64 . Note relating to Sivalik Fauna. [No. 2,

largely made up of their debris. Such evidence is so immutable to the

geologist, and, when on so grand a scale, entails such grave consider-

ations of time, that I presumed to call in question the one published

statement (in Vol. III. p. 527 of the J. A. S. B. for 1834) of

vertebrate Sivalik fossils having been found within the area of the

older groups, not having myself succeeded in re-discovering fossils at

the locality indicated. My scepticism was of course based upon the

a prior? consideration of geological time ; and because, as I state at

p- 105 of my Memoir, no corresponding distinction has as yet been

suspected by the authors of the Mauna Sivalensis. I made due

attempts to authenticate the observation which I had called in question

by referring to the original discoverers; as, however, in every reply

I received, there was some trace of ambiguity, not wishing to give

further trouble to my correspondents, I published the whole case in

its unsettled form, giving full directions for the application of the

verdict on either side (see pp. 15, 16, 104—6, of my Memoir).

I have now-the pleasure to announce this verdict ; and, notwithstand-

ing the precaution I took to provide for its application, the fact cannot

well be stated without a few words of explanation.

Ina letter dated the 16th July, 1864, Sir Proby Cautley tells me that .

he has himself collected fossils on the north side of Nahan 7. e. in the

rocks of my middle group, the same in every respect as those he

had found more abundantly at the south base of the Sivalik hills, east

of the Jumna. The peculiar mode of occurrence of these fossils in

the nodular clays (‘ clay-conglemerate’ of Cautley), as compared with

those found in the coarse gravel deposits, could not escape observation.

The former were all small and fragmentary. Large masses of the clay

had to be carted from the hills and broken up at leisure in search of

the fossil remains. I need scarcely, however, state that the Sivalik

fossils have hitherto been given and received as one undivided fauna,

Every one interested in these subjects will join in the regret expressed

by Sir Proby Cautley that it is now impossible to work the question out,

unless upon fresh materials. He informs me that the large collection

of these smaller fossils, sent by him with the others to the British —

Museum, is now not to be found, if

To paleontologists then, we may now announce that a most interest-

ing case awaits their investigation, namely, the comparison of well

1865.] Note velating to Sivalik Fauna. 65

represented vertebrate faune, occurring in a series of beds, closely

related in point of geological conditions of deposit, ete., and yet

distinctly separated (broken) in time.

The application of the fact to stratigraphical geology may now

take shape. The strata at the base of the sections visible in parts of

the Sivalik hills are representations of the Nahun group—the middle

group of the Sub-Himalayan series. The expression of this on a map

must still be arbitrary : for the true Sivalik strata (though so strongly

unconformable with the ‘ Nahun’ strata along their junction with the

inner zone of these Nahun rocks,) appear to pass conformably and

even by gradation into the representatives of the Nahun strata in the

outer zone. It is of course to be expected that a very close study

will reveal traces of this unconformability in the sections of the

Sivalik hills also; but in such massive, banked strata, from twenty to

two hundred feet thick, the determination of such a feature will be

very dubious.

In physical geology this feature will be only another example, on a

larger scale than those given in my Memoir, of the supposition I have

offered in explanation of the mode of disturbance of all these Sub-

Himalayan rocks—slow contortion and upheaval along narrow zones

synchronously, with more or less. uninterrupted deposition in the ad-

joining exterior area.

66 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

Contributions to Indian Malacology, No. V. Descriptions of new land

shells from Arakan, Pegu, and Ava ; with notes on the distribution

of described species.—By Wi11am T. Buanrorp, A. &. S. I,

FGA.

[Received 11th March, 1865.]

Orper,—PULMONIFERA.

Family Helicide.

Genus NANINA.

Section Macrochlamys.

1. N. compiuviatis, n. sp.

Shell perforated, subglobosely depressed, thin, light-coloured, horny,

smooth, polished, diaphanous, very minutely striated. Spire convex ;

suture in a deep and rather broad groove, which becomes obsolete at

the apex. Whorls 43, convex, sharply angulate above at the edge of

the sutural groove; the last not descending near the mouth. Aperture,

oblique, irregularly lunate, of the same form as the whorls, nearly

equal in height and breadth; peristome thin, in one plane, simple ;

margins distant, columellar briefly reflexed at the perforation.

Millem. inch,

Maori diameter, ep seisncacnueme ass 10 0.4

Maimeri itto; mites. «teense 9 0.36

Sas». aeos) Sauehen ee ere 63 0.26

Aperture 5 millem. broad.

Habitat —Arakan hills.

This shell is closely allied to N. convallata, Bens. of the Tenasserim

provinces, and replaces that shell in Arakan. It is distinguished by

the smaller number of whorls, while the singular sutural channel is

even more developed, but it varies slightly in size.

2. N. NEBULOSA, n. sp.

Shell minutely perforated, conoidly depressed, thin, light horny,

not polished, minutely striated, and possessing a dull greasy lustre.

Spire conoidal ; apex rather acute ; suture impressed. Whorls 6, convex

above; the last rather broader, subangulate above the periphery

rounded beneath. Aperture slightly oblique, lunate, the breadth

greater than the height ; peristome simple, thin; columellar margin

vertical, slightly reflexed,

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 67

Millem. inch.

Major diameter, ............... 11} 0.46

J G8 TG 10 0.40

OO Ne Lees 6 0.24

Aperture 6 millem. broad, 43 high.

Habitat—Akoutoung on the Irawady, below Prome, Pegu.

This species may be distinguished from its numerous allies of the

Macrochlamys section by its blunt angulation at the periphery and its

dull lustre. Its nearly vertical mouth amply serves to shew its dis-

tinction from N. honesta, Gould, which shell moreover is more polished,

and differs in several other particulars.

3. N. HypoLEvca, n. sp.

Shell openly perforated, depressed, very thin, smooth, polished,

horny; dark brown above; lighter, frequently white below; faintly

striated, obliquely above, radiately below, with extremely fine con-

centric microscopic markings, which are frequently obsolete. Spire

very little raised; apex rather obtuse; suture impressed, sometimes

sub-marginate. Whorls 5, rather convex above; the last rather

broader, rounded beneath, not descending. Aperture lunate, the

breadth exceeding the height, nearly vertical; peristome acute,

straight ; columellar margin descending with an oblique curve, scarcely

reflexed.

Millem. inch.

Major diameter,................++ 12 0.48

0G 2 LOR 0.42

a ae 6 0.25

Habitat—Akoutoung, Pegu. Scarce.

Near NV. causia, Bs., but larger, more depressed, and with far finer

microscopic spiral sculpture ; so fine indeed that it is difficult of detec-

tion even under a powerful microscope. H. hypoleuca may be re-

cognised by its pale base, and dark horny colour above, and by its open

perforation.

A small form, perhaps identical with the above, but only 5 or 6

millemetres in diameter, is common in northern Pegu. I had con-

founded it with N. causia, Bens., but Mr. Benson informs me that

68 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

that species is very different. This small form differs from NV. hypoleuca

in its more marked spiral sculpture, which, however, is still microscopic.

Section Hemiplecta.

4, N. unposa, n. sp,

Shell narrowly umbilicated, depressed, rather solid, white (? horny

when fresh,) peculiarly marked with irregularly sinuous close spiral

sculpture resembling scratches, and crossed by oblique lines of growth.

Spire very depressly conoid ; apex obtuse ; suture impressed. Whorls

5, rather rapidly increasing, somewhat convex; the last broader,

rounded at the periphery and below; the spiral sculpture passing

over the periphery and gradually dying out on the lower surface,

which is marked by radiating striz. Mouth diagonal, broadly lunate,

equally broad and high; peristome simple, acute; margins distant,

united by a callus ; columellar margin oblique, shortly reflexed above.

Millem. inch.

Major diameter,.........s....000 36 1.45

WMIMOF GHG, oF eee nasesinmenss ands 31 1.24

aagwompes yonlyh * sentdo 21 0.84

Aperture 18 millem. broad.

Habitat—Shan Hills, east of Ava. Distinguished by its peculiar

sculpture ; which somewhat recalls that of Nanina Humphreysiana,

Lea. All the specimens found were dead and bleached ; fresh speci-

mens possibly possess a coloured epidermis.

Section Sesara.

5. N. WELICIFERA, Nn. sp.

Shell imperforate when adult, but with a deep umbilical hollow ;

young specimens deeply perforate ; conoidly trochiform, subeampanulate,

thin, horny, sharply and arcuately costulated above, the costulation

continuing over the periphery; smooth, polished and finely striated

beneath. Spire conoid, sides convex ; apex rather obtuse; suture im-

pressed. Whorls 7—73, closely wound, convex, increasing very

slowly ; the last angulate at the periphery in adults, sharply keeled in

immature specimens, flattened beneath, more convex near the mouth,

with one or two small, irregularly shaped indentations, (which are

mostly opaque from a coating of white callus within the shell), on the

lower surface, generally at a distance of about 4 a whorl from the

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 69

mouth. Aperture oblique, lunate, the breadth double the height,

columella furnished with a spiral lamina which runs throughout the

whorls, and renders the shell opaque around the umbilical excavation.

Peristome simple, very slightly thickened inside, arcuate at the base

of the right margin ; margins distant, the columellar oblique.

Millem. inch,

Major diameter,............s0cse 10 0.4

(MiiniGriditifo;. ; siyetelsos. dsmeces vl 9 0.36

es Cnr 3 nets 7 0.28

Aperture 4 millem. broad, 2 high.

Animal small with a very narrow foot, a very small mucus pore at

the end, and a small lobe above.

Habitat—Arakan hills near Prome; more abundant on the Arakan

than on the Pegu side.

This very pretty little snail, which is nowhere common, is re-

markable for the screw like lamina on the columella, running up

throughout the whorls. The indentation on the base of the lowest

whorl is also peculiar; it varies considerably in position and form,

being sometimes double, but it is almost always present. The animal

bears a great resemblance to that of Nanina pylaica, Bs.

The subgenus Sesara was founded by Albers for Nanina infrendens,

Gould, (supposed at first to be a Helvx, ) a peculiar little Molmein shell

with teeth inside the peristome. I have no hesitation in uniting to

this species, besides the closely allied N. capessens, Bens., the T’ridopsis-

like N. pylaica, Bs, and the present species, as well as the two fol-

lowing. N. pylaica, N. capessens, N. imfrendens, and the present

species are all distinguished by peculiar additions to the peristome,

and form together a well marked group, all being more or less

depressly trochiform, horny, with closely wound narrow whorls,

arcuately costulate above, and smooth beneath.

N. helicifera was found rarely on the road between Prome and

Tongoop, and somewhat further south. In the Bassein district it

appears to be replaced by N. Basseznensis.

6. N. MAMILLaRIs, n. sp.

Shell minutely perforated, very depressly trochiform, suborbicular,

thin, horny; finely, closely and arcuately costulated above, the costu-

lations passing over the periphery ; smooth, shining, and radiately

70 Contributions to Indian Malacoloqy. [No. 2,

striated beneath. Spire depressly conoid, with convex sides, the

apex slightly acuminate and papillar; suture but little impressed.

Whorls 74, convex, closely wound, slowly increasing ; the last sharply

keeled, flatly convex beneath, marked in nearly adult and sometimes

in full grown specimens, with two or three small pits of variable

form, opaque from corresponding internal calli, and generally arranged

in an oblique line opposite to the mouth, Aperture oblique, sub-

thomboidally lunate, 3 times as broad as high ; columella furnished in

young specimens with a more or less rudimentary spiral lamina

running up the whorls, which is obsolete in adult shells. Peristome

thin, slightly curved forwards at the base ; margins distant, columellar

margin very oblique.

Millem. inch.

Major diameter,.........s0ss00e« TE 0.44

Minion Gatto) wr stcssisinncroseeeh joae 10 0.4

Axisiiewonlin. wat aa. cms! 6} 0.26

Aperture 5} millem, broad, scarcely 2 high.

Animal similar to that of N. helicifera.

Habitat—Akoutoung, Pegu—not rare.

The close relation of this species to the last is unquestionable ;

besides resembling it in general form, texture, and sculpture, and in

the characters of the animal, young specimens possess a similar

columellar fold, and indentations on the lower surface somewhat

resembling those of NV. heliczfera, though less deep and more opaque.

Both these characters, however, appear to become obsolete in adult

specimens of the present form. The two species are easily distin-

guished by the absence of the columellar lamina in adults of WN.

mamillaris, which may also be recognised by its acuminate apex,

lower spire and flatter base.

7. N. Bassrrvensis, n. sp.

Shell minutely perforated, globosely trochiform, subcampanulate,

thin, horny, closely, sharply and arcuately costulated above, the costu-

‘lations passing over the periphery to the under surface, which is

smooth, shining, and radiately striated. Spire obtusely conoid, with

convex sides; apex obtuse ;. suture slightly impressed. Whorls 7,

slightly convex, closely wound, slowly increasing; the last not de-

scending, flatly convex beneath, more tumid near the mouth, keeled

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 71

at the periphery, the keel vanishing near the mouth. Aperture lunate,

oblique, breadth more than double the height ; peristome thin, curved

forwards at the base ; margins distant, columellar oblique.

Millem. inch.

Major diameter,.............. weld 11 0.44

bpliMOn ditto: 2. odeccai feveise. swe 10 0.4

Becta, tvs stint. er dash ‘ 74 0.3

Aperture 5} millem. broad, 2 high.

Habitat—Southern portion of the Arakan range. of hills near

Bassein and Cape Negrais.

This shell is distinguished from N. mamillaris by its non-acuminate

apex, higher spire and more conyex base, and from N. helici/era by

the absence of the columellar lamina, of which no trace appears in

the present species. It appears to replace the last named shell in the

southern portion of the Arakan hills. It is scarce, and I have met

with but few specimens in good condition. Ihave never seen the

animal, which, however, is doubtless similar to those of the two preced-

ing species,

Section T'rochomorpha,

8. N. coNFINIS, n. sp.

Shell minutely perforated, trochiform, very thin, whitish horny,

smooth, shining. Spire conical, apex slightly obtuse, suture scarcely

impressed. Whorls 7, flatly convex, marked above with 4 or 5 spiral

ribs and fine oblique lines of growth; the last sharply keeled, flatly

convex beneath, and very finely radiately striated. Aperture oblique»

subrhomboidal, twice as broad as high; peristome thin, acute, straight ;

margins distant, columellar subvertical, briefly and triangularly reflexed,

Millem, inch,

Major diameter,...........0... Ls 103 0,42

Minor Gittoy sc Tete eee 94 0.88

BSISP WII) LI QRE. a fl 0.28

Aperture 5 millem. broad, 23 high.

Habitat—near Thayet Myo, on the borders of British Burma; also

near Ava.

A near ally of N. arx, Bens., from Tenasserim, which, however,

may easily be recognised by the concave sides of its spire. From other

72 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

related species, as N. infula, Bens., N. cacwminifera, Bens., and N.

attegia, Bens., N. confinis is distinguished by its sculpture.

9. N. cuLMEN, n. sp.

Shell very minutely perforated, trochiform, very thin, horny, trans-

lucent. Spire conical, apex obtuse, suture impressed. Whorls 6, convex

above and ornamented with fine raised spiral lines, and oblique strie ;

the last whorl sharply keeled at the periphery, not descending,

swollen and minutely decussately striated beneath. Aperture but

hittle oblique, subquadrately lunate; height less than the breadth;

peristome simple, thin; margins distant, columellar vertical, slightly

reflexed above.

Millem. inch.

Major diameter,..........se:0--++ 5z 0.23

Minor ditto |. sd J. suimderevanck = 54 0.21

INS ABs poaptpec nance deh» Phvecgteldich= ‘ 54 0.22

Aperture 3 millem. broad, 2 high.

Habitat—Akoutoung and banks of the Tsanda Khyoung, “Henzada

district, Pegu.

Kasily distinguished from N. confinis and N. attegia by its smaller

size and higher spire; from NV. ara, by the sides of the spire being

straight and not concave, and from the Bengal N. infula, Bens., by

its sculpture, and its sharper keel.

10. N. GRaruLator, n. sp.

Shell perforated, turbinate, thin, whitish horny. Spire conical ;

apex obtuse ; suture impressed. Whorls 5, slowly and regularly in-

creasing, convex, spirally lirate and marked with oblique strie of

growth above; the last whorl keeled at the periphery, convex and

decussately marked with concentrfe and radiating strie below, not

excavated around the perforation. Aperture diagonal, subtrapezoidal,

breadth exceeding the height; peristome thin ; margins distant, united

by a callus; basal deeply sinuate ; columellar vertical, forming a right

angle with the basal, and briefly triangularly reflexed above; reflexed

portion thickened and passing half round the perforation.

Millem. inch.

Major diameter,. .c-<c-ses<sooatee 5 0.2

WE Or, CBO, cic cthh geen oe 43 0.18

add, dep teal diase anes 4 0.16

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacoloqy. 73

Aperture 3 millem. broad, 2 high.

Animal with a small mucus pore, and very small lobe above.

Habitat—Irawaddy valley, Pegu.

This pretty little species abounds near Thayet Myo, and occurs

throughout the Trawaddy valley in British Burmah. I do not re-

member meeting with it in Arakan. It is easily distinguished from

all others of similar form among Indian shells, by its very oblique

mouth, by the peculiar columellar margin of the peristome, and by

the strong lirate sculpture. I have much doubt as to whether it

should be assigned to Z’rochomorpha, the species of which group are

larger, and the animals somewhat different.

Section Kaliella ?

11. N. convza, n. sp.

Shell subperforate, turreted, white, horny, thin, translucent, marked

with oblique sinuous subfiliform costulate striation, and, below the

centre of the whorl, with very fine spiral lines, only visible under a

powerful lens. Spire conical, apex rather obtuse, suture deeply sunk.

Whorls 6, very convex, keeled in the centre, the keel very fine, raised,

thread-like, opaque and white; the last whorl bicarinate, the second

raised spiral line being below the periphery ; flatly convex beneath, and

marked by radiating striz and concentric impressed lines. Aperture

oblique, tumidly and subangulately lunate, about equally broad and

high ; peristome thin ; margins distant ; columellar nearly vertical, very

briefly reflexed at the penultimate whorl.

Millem. inch.

aM Cte a Wa. Aledcniacsck. apd es 1? 0.07

Height, ..... Codie ethabta sees P 2. 0.08

Habitat—Phoung ditto. Arakan.

A minute species remarkable for its keeled and convex whorls.

Only 4 specimens were found. J

Genus HELIX.

Section Plectopylis.

12. H. Karznorvum, n. sp.

Shell sinistrorse, very widely umbilicated, discoid, flat above, solid,

white, with rather irregular oblique pale chesnut. streaks crossing the

whorls, transversely and sinuously striated with decussating spiral

74 Contributious to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

lines above and below; epidermis thin, horny. Apex minutely

granulate or sub-granulate, almost imperceptibly raised above the flat

spire; suture not impressed, very narrowly marginate. Whorls 6,

narrow and closely wound, flat above; the last angulate above the

periphery, rounded beneath, descending close to the mouth, very

slightly compressed behind the same. Umbilicus very shallow,

exposing all the whorls. Aperture, diagonal, truncately subcircular ;

peristome white, reflexed throughout, margins joined by a raised bar,

from the centre of which a lamina passes up the parietal side of the

whorl to the plication, which lies at about + the circumference of the

whorl from the mouth, and resembles that of Helix achatina, Gray ;

the parietal transverse lamina being simple and oblique above, then

bifureating, giving off the lamina which runs to the mouth, and two

short basal supports. A thread-like lamina also runs along the

extreme base of the parietal side of the whorl, and joins the aperture.

Palatal teeth 5; the upper 3 and the lowest longitudinal, the upper-

most very long and thin, the 4th vertical, corresponding to the fork

in the parietal lamina.

Millem. inch,

Moajondiameteny:. 44. ibtacs os 13 0.52

Minoridathoyre stu esetedast if 0.44

IASI 6s he. SPORT? ADE och, aba : 4 0.16

Habitat—Banks of Tsanda Khyoung, near Kaintha village, in

Henzada district, Pegu. Larger variety ; major diameter 18 millem.

minor diameter 15, height 5. A very few specimens were found on

the banks of the Nungatho Khyoung, Henzada district.

This shell combines the external form of H. lecophis, Bens., and

H. refuga, Gould, with the internal plication of H. achatina, Gray.

From both the first named species, however, the present may be easily

distinguished by its more perfectly discoid shape, by its smaller

height, and more open umbilicus, as well as by its colouring. Exter-

nally, it is a very different shell from H. achatina, being of not more

than half the thickness of that species. The internal plication,

however, is absolutely undistinguishable.

Like many other shells in Pegu, this species has evidently a very

local distribution. In the spot where it was found first, among some

limestone rocks forming a low ridge skirting the right bank of the

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 75

Tsanda Khyoung, it was abundant, but it was not met with again

until 3 or 4 specimens of the larger variety were found nearly 50

miles further south.

The locality given by Mr. Benson for Helix leiophis is Kwadouk

near Thayet Myo. The shell also abounds at Akoutoung, on the

Trawady, below Prome.

13. H. perarcra, n. sp.

Shell sinistral, widely umbilicated, discoid, rather thin, white,

transversely sinuously striated, with faintly marked decussating spiral

lines above and below. Apex minutely granulate, slightly raised

above the flat spire, suture rather deeply impressed. Whorls 6,

convex above and at the periphery, the last a little compressed behind

the mouth, descending suddenly to the aperture, which is oblique and

roundly lunate ; peristome white, expanded all round; margins joined

by a somewhat’ curved ridge, from the centre of which a lamella runs

up the whorl towards the parietal plication, which, however, it does

not join. The parietal vertical lamina is single, simple, rather short,

slightly curved, with a rudimentary transverse plait at the top. Two

free horizontal lamella occur beneath that running to the aperture, the

lowest being the longest and thinnest, and running back beneath the

base of the vertical lamina. Palatal teeth 6, all horizontal except the

4th and 5th, which are slightly oblique. Umbilicus open, deep,

exposing all the whorls.

Millem. inch.

Major diameter,......s00.0..0.008 11 0.44

Emon IG ttOy LY. 0k UE 9 0.36

Efoieiht picts Reged eas: 4 0.16

Habitat—Mya Leit Doung, near Ava.

Distinguished from its allies, H. refuga, H. leiophis, and H. Kareno-

rum, by its deeper suture and rounded whorls, and internally by the

shorter parietal lamina, and by the 5th palatal plait being less oblique

than in leiophis, and not backed by a second plait as in refuga. This

species is the smallest known amongst those belonging to the Burmese

types of Plectopylis.

14. H. Feppeni, n. sp.

Shell sinistrorse, very widely umbilicated, discoid, flat above, thin,

dull white, marked by rather irregular oblique sculpture both above

76 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

and below. Spire quite flat, apex not rising above the surface, suture

impressed. Whorls 6}—7, narrow and closely wound, slightly convex

above ; the last much broader, rounded at the periphery and beneath,

descending abruptly close to the mouth. Umbilicus shallow, exposing

all the whorls. Aperture more nearly horizontal than vertical, sub-

circularly lunate. Peristome slightly thickened, expanded throughout,

margins joined by a rib, from the centre of which a lamina sometimes

runs up to the parietal plication, but is frequently interrupted a short

distance within the aperture, and is always thicker and higher near

the mouth than further back. Parietal plication consisting of a verti-

cal lamina in front, and a second, slightly oblique, just behind the

first, giving out the interrupted lamina running to the aperture from

the top, and a shorter horizontal lamella from the bottom; the hinder

with small re-entering supports above and below. Beneath both is a

narrow free thread-like horizontal lamella. Palatal teeth 5: Ist, 2nd,

3rd and 5th horizontal, 4th vertical and stouter than the others; Ist

and 2nd longer than the remainder.

Millem. inch.

Major diameter, ......0.0-c000.+s« 16 0.65

Minor ditto ucts oct. .decceielh 13 0.52

Height erat ths. dbase Sedat 5 44 0.18

Habitat —Prome : rare.

Of this unquestionably distinct species but 3 or 4 specimens were

found by Mr. Fedden and myself. Both the external form and _plica-

tion differ from those of all allied species. It is especially distinguish-

ed by its rounded periphery, wider last whorl, and its irregular

non-decussated sculpture externally, and internally by the double

parietal lamina.

Section ?

15. H. po.ypLevris, n. sp.

Shell openly umbilicated, trochiform, rather solid, white, (probably

horny in living specimens,) obliquely and closely costulated. Spire

conoid; apex rather obtuse; suture impressed. Whorls 6, convex,

slowly increasing ; the last not descending, surrounded by a raised

thread-like keel, convex beneath, and somewhat sinuously radiately

costulated around the deep and pervious umbilicus, Aperture oblique,

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 77

roundly lunate, almost circular; peristome thin; margins distant,

columellar slightly expanded.

Millem. inch.

Major diameter,......... Maviaii 4 0.16

Minor dittoy cis cvisieees.cres vee 3F 0.15

PSUS i farsi ase fa oa sisaw nen’ a siilse 3 0.12

Habitat—Arakan hills: rare.

A prettily marked little species near H. Bascauda, Bens., from

which it is distinguished by its finer and closer sculpture, more open

umbilicus, and less conical spire. It is very probably a Nanina, but

the animal was not met with.

Genus BULIMUS.

16. B. scrostcunatus, n. sp.

Shell subobtectly perforated, turritedly ovate, thin, horny, yellowish

white, marked with vertical, subarcuate, rather irregular, closely set,

raised lines. Spire turrited, apex obtuse, suture simple, impressed.

Whorls 6, convex, the last rounded beneath. Aperture vertical,

truncately ovate: peristome simple, thin; right margin considerably

curved forwards ; columellar vertical, curving to the left near the base,

frequently straight, rather broadly reflexed.

Millem. inch.

PRM re Ae du ahawacee deter cas t 0.28

BICC eas a celoncined ven a ce 3h 0.14

Length of aperture, +..........: 34 0.14

Habitat—Pegu, west of the Irawady.

The nearest ally of this species is its congener B. putus, Bens.,

which inhabits the same localities, and differs in its greater tumidity

and less marked sculpture. There is, however, much variation in the

first named character, and despite the great difference between the two

forms in general, there is some appearance of a passage. T'wo speci-

mens of B. putus which I possess, measuring respectively 7 and 84

millem. in length, are both 5 millem. in diameter.

Both these species shew a tendency to a passage to Spirawis,

17. B. pricier, n. sp.

Shell obtectly perforated, ovately conical, rather thin, horny, finely

striated. Spire conical, apex obtuse ; suture marginate, scarcely

78 Contributions to Indian Malacoloyy. [No. 2,

impressed, Whorls 5, planulately convex above, the last longer than

the spire, somewhat tumid, rounded at the base. Aperture vertical,

truncately oval, subpyriform; peristome simple; right margin curved

forwards ; columellar callous, subvertical, slightly curved, rather broadly

reflexed ; margins united by a callus bearing a small re-entering lamella

about the centre.

Millem, inch.

Wenethitred.e.s....2. eee Re é 9 0.36

Digmetetsi.2.cvta Lewes 5s 0.22

Aperture 5 millem. high, 24 broad.

Habitat—Thayet Myo, Pegu: rare.

A more tumid shell than B. putus, Bens., and easily distinguished

from all other Indian and Burmese forms of the genus by the re-enter-

ing parietal plait.

Grenus SPIRAXIS.

18. S. pusiuta, n. sp,

Shell imperforate, ovate, thin, horny, yellowish white, costulately

striated. Spire conically pyramidal ; sides straight ; apex rather acute ;

suture impressed. Whorls 5, convex; the last longer than the spire

(ratio = 4 : 3) and rounded beneath. Aperture rather oblique, subpy-

riform ; peristome simple, acute, much curved forwards on the right

margin; columella scarcely twisted, reflexed, appressed on the whorl.

Millem. inch.

Wemeihy, sii. ange cadens eee 6 0.24

Ae MET ER oe msc ceiitebae 34 0.14

Length of aperture, ............ 33 0.14

Habitat—Prome district, Pegu : rare.

IT am not quite sure if all of the few specimens I possess of this

peculiar small form came from Akoutoung, or whether some may not

be from Thayet Myo. The shell resembles young specimens of

Bulimus putus, Bens., so closely, that it can only be distinguished by

the absence of any perforation.

Genus ACHATINA.

19. <A. Prevensis, n. sp.

Shell oblong ovate, rather solid, dark reddish brown, horny, marked

with distinct and regular impressed lines, Spire convexly conical ;

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology: 79

apex obtuse; suture impressed, subcrenulate. Whorls 63, slightly

convex ; the last ascending a little towards the mouth, and exceeding

4 of the shell in length. Aperture vertical, truncately semicircular ;

peristome obtuse, slightly thiekened; margins joined by a callus;

columella very much curved, projecting forwards at the base, subver-

tically truncated within the peristome.

Millem. inch,

CHUN RSS Re een get Pt i 0.28

MENGE OTIC sc chic dicaidla as acdene 34 0.14

Length of aperture, ............ 2} 0.11

Habitat—Irawady valley, Pegu : common:

A pretty little species, darker in colour than any of its allies, except

perhaps A. gemma, Bens., and easily distinguished from all, by the

columella being more arcuate,.also by its more acuminate spire and

blunter apex, and its much stronger sculpture.

20.. A. PERTENUIS, 0. sp:

Shell very slender, turrited, thin, light horny, polished, closely,

minutely, and rather irregularly striated. Spire subulate; somewhat

acuminate towards the blunt apex; suture impressed, subcrenulate.

Whorls 11—12, convex, the last about + the length of the spire.

Aperture oblique, ovately pyriform, peristome thin, margins united. by

a thin. callus, columella moderately curved, obliquely truncated,

Millem. inch.

MON BEN, .. see versqnethiwesonisav st 20 0.8

Bram GET) ts. bo- ckigiecl wcinilet owleled ei 4} 0.18

Length of aperture, .........00 4 0.16

Habitat—Tongoop, Arakan.

Var major, length 264 millem.; diameter 6 ; length of aperture 6.

Of another specimen; length 23 millem.; diameter 5%; length of aper-

ture 54. P

Habitat—Pyema Khyoung, Bassein district, Pegu.

A much more slender species than A. tenwispira, Bens., (a variety of

which also abounds in parts of Pegu,) though there are signs of a

passage. The present.appears to replace A. tenuispira in Arakan and

Bassein. Mr. Benson, to whom I sent a specimen, observes that it is

intermediate between A.. tenwisprra and A. hastula, Bens.

80 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

Genus SUCCINEA.

21. S. puicata, n. sp.

Shell depressly subovate, very thin, irregularly, obliquely and more

or less coarsely plaited, pale amber in colour, horny. Spire short ;

apex minutely papillary. Whorls 24; the last about 4 of the entire

length. Aperture oblique, curved backwards at the base, nearly oval,

openly angulate above ; peristome simple ; columellar margin regularly

bow-shaped ; right margin rather straighter.

Millem. inch.

Meio this wicBaredinescaegeree oe ae 17 0.68

Diameters 2.22. .gelbayy) Manes 94 0.38

Height, when laid upon the mouth, 6 millem. Aperture 14 millem.

long, 8 broad.

Habitat—Tongoop, Arakan: one or two specimens, ratlier less

coarsely sculptured, occurred also south of Bassein in Pegu.

This species approaches S. semiserica, Gould, but is distinguished

from that and from all other Indian species by its coarse sculpture.

It has also a larger spire than S. semiserica. Ht is not common : indeed

species of the genus Succinea are generally but very locally distributed

in India and Burma.

Gunus CLAUSILIA.

22. ©. FUSIFORMIS, n. sp.

Shell not rimate, fusiform, horny, thin, white; obliquely, very

closely and finely costulately striated throughout. . Spire diminishing

slowly at first above the middle, then rapidly attenuate towards the

acute apex ; suture simple, scarcely.impressed, deeper towards the apex.

Whaorls 9, convex above, flattened below, the last very little narrower

than the penultimate. Aperture semioval, (nearly semicircular) ; upper

parietal plait very fine; internal palatal teeth 7, the uppermost by far

the longest. Peristome thin, expanded, not continuous, the margins

being distant, and united by a thin callus ; columellar margin straight

and very long posteriorly.

Millem. inch.

Venieths cesiiniet.. fa. See ek 23 0.92

Milamnetben ss Be a.esasc. heues eee 6 0.24

Habitat—Arakan hills, west of Henzada. Very rare.

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 81

But a solitary specimen was met with belonging to this form, which

is more tumid in the centre than any of its allies, C. insignis, Gould,

&e. The non-continuity of the peristome may be due to immaturity

in the specimen found. The shape of the mouth may also possibly be

slightly modified in older examples, but the general form doubtless

remains the same, and is alone sufficient to distinguish the species.

A solitary specimen of another new form, much smaller than the

above, being only 17 millem. long, occurred at Moditoung Tekan, on

the road from Prome to Tongoop. It is unfortunately bleached and

worn, though perfect.

Genus STREPTAXIS.

23. S. Burmantca, n. sp.

Shell ovately subglobose, umbilicated, thin, horny, white, marked

throughout with fine and closely set sinuate costulation. Spire

convex; sutures scarcely impressed. Whorls 6, the last 2 widely

excentric, rounded at the periphery ; the penultimate broader than the

last whorl; last flattened beneath, and angulately compressed around

the umbilicus. Aperture oblique, irregularly semioval, with a single

re-entering lamellar parietal ; peristome white, thin, expanded through-

out, deeply sinuate above, at the junction with the penultimate whorl,

compressed and curved forwards on the upper right margin, and some-

times furnished with a very small internal tooth-like callous projection ;

the two margins subparallel, distant, united by a thin callus.

Millem. inch,

Major diameter,...... eared Re 10 0.4

etaY ity WAGs ores Peed 7 0.28

MMU IEEL Sextus 1 cpibie ak SuldeealeseeNes 6 0.24

Habitat—Tongoop, Arakan.

This is a very near ally of the Molmein S. Petiti, Gould, but it is

distinguished from that shell and from S. exacuta, Gould, by the

rounded periphery and more globose form. It is larger and less

slender than S. Andamanica, Bens., and is distinguished from all the

above species, and also from the Nilgiri S. Perrotteti, by the greater

size of the penultimate whorl in comparison with that of the antepenul-

timate, a character to which my attention was called by Mr. Benson.

_ In Dr. Gould’s original description (an imperfect one) of S. Petiti,

82 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

as republished in Otia Conchologica, p. 183, no mention is made of

the angulation of the periphery, which, however, is referred to by

Pfeiffer, (Mon. Helic. I. 8). The character is certainly variable: in

specimens in my own collection there is a considerable difference.

Orper,—PROSOBRANCHIATA.

Family Cyclophoride.

Genus CYCLOPHORUS.

24. C. (Lagocheilus) LEPoRINes.

Shell narrowly umbilicated, conically turbinate, thin, dark horny,

and ornamented throughout with oblique striz and with raised spiral

lines, closer together at the periphery and within the umbilicus than

elsewhere. Spire conical ; apex rather acute. Whorls 53, rounded ;

the last cylindrical, not descending. Aperture oblique, subcircular,

angulate above ; peristome simple, thickened, subexpanded, incised at

the upper angle; columellar margin curved backwards. Operculum

horny, greyish white, multispiral.

Millem. inch.

Major diameter, .......+ babes 4 0.16

Minor, ditto, (2) tc. ce encactble ent 34 0.14

AA 9: uct bean ago Sie tate. 3 ows 4 0.16

Habitat—Akoutoung, Pegu.

This form is allied to Cyclophorus scissimargo, Bens., and C. tomo-

trema, Bens., forming with them the group for which Mr. Theobald

has proposed the name of Lagocheilus. There appears good reason for

associating these shells as a distinct subgenus, which perhaps repre-

sents, in Burma, the group of Cyclophori comprising C. halophilus and

its allies in Southern India and Ceylon. The present species is

smaller and higher in the spire than either of the others. The animal .

of C. leporinus is short, dark in colour, with small black tentacles, and —

resembles ordinary Cyclophort in most characters. The only specimen

obtained living and examined, possessed, however, the peculiarity of a

groove down the middle of the caudal portion of the foot above.

The peristome is simple in the only perfect adult specimen which I

possess, but in a broken barely adult shell, there is a rudimentary

duplication, The two lips are probably united in the full grown shell.

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 83

I also met with a shell apparently belonging to this species, but

not full grown, at Pyema Khyoung, south of Bassein.

An immature specimen of probably a 4th species of Lagocheilus,

with very fine and rather close equidistant spiral sculpture, was found

by me in the neighbourhood of Ava.

Gxxus PTEROCYCLOS.

25. Pr. Feppent, n. sp.

Shell widely umbilicated, convexly depressed, smooth, finely striated

rather thin, elegantly marked with alternating transverse zigzag stripes

of white and chesnut, and with a moderately broad submedian band of

darker colour. Spire nearly flat; apex but very slightly protruded ;

suture deep. Whorls 44, convex ; the last rounded, descending towards

the mouth. Aperture circular, slightly oblique ; peristome double; the

two portions separated by a shallow groove, the inner cut away into a

moderate sinus above, and the outer turned up into a small vertical

wing, free from the penultimate whorl. Operculum concave within,

the centre flat ; flatly concave without, with lamellar free edges to the

whorls, thickest at the circumference.

Millem, inch.

Major diameter,................04 11 0.44

MEMOR GUL,” 52.-.:capdcnincoodenere 9 0.36

POI Nee. . walistasssahtore auadecontd 5 0.2

Habitat—-Thayet Myo, Pegu—rare.

A smaller and more convex shell than Pt. cetra, Bens. from

Molmein. Itis one of the most beautifully marked species of the

genus; it resembles Pt. pullatus, Bens., in form, and in the peculiar

characters of the operculum, and equals the handsomest specimens of

Pt. rupestris, Bens., in its colouring.

Named after the discoverer, Mr. Fedden, of the Geological Survey.

Genus ALYCANUS.

26. <A. POoLITUS, n. sp.

Shell moderately umbilicated, turbinately depressed, smooth, polish-

ed, shining, amber-coloured. Spire depressly conoidal ; suture deep ;

apex obtuse, rather redder than the remainder of the shell. Whorls

33, convex; the last round, scarcely descending towards the mouth,

very little swollen at the side, and ornamented on the inflated portion

84 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

for a short distance with close fine costulation, which extends beneath

to the umbilicus and renders the shell opaque in that spot. Constric-

tion long, smooth, swelling considerably in front towards the mouth.

Sutural tube short, about + to 4 of the periphery of the penultimate

whorl. Aperture oblique, circular, deeply sinuate at the junction

with the penultimate whorl, and at the lower right margin; peristome

double, the inner lip projecting and continuous, outer lip retrorelict.

Operculum horny, multispiral, externally concave.

Millem. inch.

MiajOr CIAMELET, uese-ncmearse-cs 3 0.12

OE CUEEG wees ae ss dar sinan em 21 0.09

SRS 5 tera Rie cen pes Siete 1i 0.05

Habitat—Phoung do, near Cape Negrais, Arakan.

Very near A. humilis, W. Blanf., from Pegu, but distinguished by

its lower spire, wider umbilicus, more sinuous mouth, and especially by

its high polish, in which it is only equalled by A. mtidus, W. Blantf.

27. <A. GLABER, n. sp.

Shell broadly umbilicated, conoidly depressed, solid, reddish white,

the upper whorls darker, rather dull in lustre, smooth, except at the

swollen portion of the last whorl, which is very finely and closely

costulated. Spire depressly conoid; apex rather obtuse; suture im-

pressed. Whorls 4, convex, the last obsoletely subangulate at the

periphery, moderately swollen at the side, then constricted, descending

a little near the mouth. Constriction of moderate length, smooth,

slightly swollen in the middle. Sutural tube of moderate length.

Aperture diagonal, circular ; peristome more or less distinctly duplex,

thickened, moderately expanded. Operculum dark coloured, horny,

externally concave, internally convex, with a prominent central nucleus.

Millem. inch.

Major diameter..3.-...<ceorss-6 7 0.30

D1 Te Voy a FH ae 6 0 24

MTT ce ied 4h 0.18

Habitat—Akyab, Arakan; the hills south of the harbour.

This species closely resembles A. Ingrami, W. Blant., for which I

for some time mistook it, but it is distinguished by the absence of any

sculpture on the upper whorls, and also by the more oblique mouth,

1865. ] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 85

Gunus DIPLOMMATINA.

28. D. NANA, n. sp.

Shell not rimate, dextrorse, subovate, rather solid, amber-coloured,

very finely and closely filiformly costulated on the lower whorls, less

closely on the upper, or, frequently, subdistantly costulated through-

out. Spire conical, with sides scarcely convex above; apex rather

obtuse, sometimes reddish, suture impressed. Whorls 6—63, rounded,

antepenultimate the largest, the last rising considerably upon the

penultimate. Aperture vertical, ear-shaped, nearly circular, columellar

margin straight for a short distance and vertical, with an internal

tooth. Peristome double, both portions expanded and appressed, the

inner forming a thin callus upon the penultimate whorl. Operculum ?

Millem. inch.

11 ULE ee 2} 0.09

Diameter, ........ Seba Ny cei ee 1 0.04

Aperture with peristome about 2 millem. in diameter.

Habitat—Akoutoung, Thondoung and Yenandoung in Henzada

district, Pegu.

This species approaches D. polyplewris, Bens., more nearly than

any other. It is distinguished by its more regularly ovate form,

blunter apex, less swollen penultimate whorl, and more marked and

distant sculpture. The latter character, however, varies. The

specimens from Thondoung, a hill about 20 miles south of Akoutoung,

being either closely costulate throughout, or subdistantly sculptured

above, closely below; while in Akoutoung specimens, the costulation

is subdistant throughout. As, however, I can trace no other distinc-

tion between the shells, and the costulation varies in different indivi-

duals from each place, I do not think there is any specific distinction.

A still more minute species than the present exists in Pegu, and

I found two dead specimens at the base of the Arakan hills in the

Henzada district. As these specimens were not very well preserved,

LT abstain from describing them for the present.

Family Helicinide.

Genus HELICINA.

29. H. ARAKANENSIS.

Shell depressly turbinate, sublenticular, rather thin, obliquely striated

above, radiately and very minutely beneath, polished, flesh-coloured,

86 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

with a darker red band in the centre of the whorls above, and another

on the last whorl, just below the periphery ; apex yellow. Spire con-

vexly conoid ; apex acute. Whorls 4, the last compressed and sharply

keeled, moderately convex at the base, furnished with a polished sub-

granulate central callus; columella very short. Aperture diagonal,

triangular; peristome white, slightly expanded. Operculum light

grey, shelly.

Millem. inch.

Major*diametér, “sie 6 0.24

Binor eect .cs. ee ee es 5 0.2

NGS, Oe Ue: Me: 34 0.15

Habitat—Ramri Island, coast of Arakan. Rare.

A smaller variety, measuring—major diameter 5, minor 44, axis 3

millem., was abundant in the southern portion of the Bassein district.

Near H. Merguwiensis, Pir. and H. Andamanica, Bens., but smaller

than either. It is mainly distinguished from the former by the

absence of the close spiral striation, so marked in that species, and

from the latter by different colouring, higher spire and closer sculpture.

The preceding pages contain descriptions of the greater portion of

the previously unpublished species of land shells in my collections

from Ava, Pegu, and Arakan; I have still a few remaining, the dis-

tinctness of which is probable, but they belong, for the most part, to

critical groups, and require comparison with the original types of

species, described by Mr. Benson and others. The following addition-

al notes, on the distribution of previously described species, may serve

to supplement the papers on the subject, by Mr. Theobald, in Jour.

As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. XXVI. p. 245, and Vol. XXVILI. p. 313.

Nanina.

Nanna petasus, Bens., is common about Thayet Myo and in the

Avakan hills. My largest specimen measures 12 millemetres by 11

in its two diameters. A smaller, closely allied shell, measuring 8 by 7

millem., I was inclined to refer to Mr. Benson’s Helix aspides, on

account of the arcuate and labiate basal margin of the aperture, but

T learn from the describer that it presents differences, although not

sufficient to prove it a distinct species. A third still smaller form,

with the thickening and curvature of the peristome exaggerated, and

1865. ] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 87

a somewhat flatter spire, measures only 5 to 5} millem. in its largest

diameter, and may be a distinct shell. It, also, is from the Arakan

hills.

Nanina honesta, Gould, originally described from Tavoy, is found

throughout western Pegu and Arakan, as well as at Molmein, where

it was collected by Mr. Theobald. Dr. Gould’s description is very

imperfect ; he does not even note the great obliquity of the mouth,

which is the most striking character of the species. In the Arakan

hills near Prome, and about Thayet Myo, a larger variety occurs, in

which the angulation of the periphery entirely disappears in the adult,

although the other characters are the same. The sutural margination

is sometimes, though rarely, obsolete. Large specimens measure 14

by 114 millem., and about 7 in height.

N. levicula, Bens., also first found by Mr. Theobald in the Tenas-

serim provinces, is very common about Thayet Myo, Prome, and

Akoutoung, and occurs also as far south as the Bassein district. It is

frequently whitish in colour, It is allied to N. honesta, but easily

distinguished, besides by its smaller size, by the fewer whorls and their

more rapid rate of increase, and also by the total absence of sculpture,

There is much variation in size : my largest specimen measures 8} and

7 millem. in its two diameters. The animal has a very small lobe

above the mucus pore in the tail, which is truncated. The mantle is

rather large. A single specimen of a shell, apparently identical, was

found by me, some years ago, near Balasore in Orissa.

N. textrina was evidently described by Mr. Benson, (in the Annals

and Mag. Nat. Hist. 1856, Ser. 2, Vol. XVIII. p. 252,) from an

immature specimen. When adult, the peristome is white and slightly

thickened within, and the body whorl internally of a milky white

colour. This handsome species is found west of the Irawady, from

Thayet Myo to Bassein, and varies considerably in size, in the height

of the spire, and in the degree of angulation above the periphery,

The greatest change takes place in the latter character ; specimens

from the district of Bassein being sharply angled, and even subcarinate,

the angulation diminishing, however, close to the aperture; while, in

specimens from Thayet Myo and Prome, the periphery is round. In

height of spire, the shell varies from depressed to subturbinate ; in

two specimens before me, one has a major diameter of 30 millem., and

height of 13 ; the other with a major diameter of only 27, measures

88 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

15 millem. in the axis, and this variation is seen in both rounded and

subcarinate specimens. The largest specimen I possess, measures in

its two diameters, 36 and 31 millemetres, and in height 18.

N. pansa, Bens., was found near Akoutoung and Thayet Myo; and

also, more abundantly, in the neighbourhood of Ava.

N. (Lrochomorpha) attegia, Bens., abounds at Akoutoung below

Prome. It is not common elsewhere, except about Prome. The

animal has a mucus pore at the end of a truncated foot, and a lobe

above, as in N. witrinoides, Desh. A shell which Mr. Benson considers

as probably identical with Helix diplodon, Bens., (a Khasi hill species)

occurs rarely in the Arakan hills. It is a Nanina with a small lobe

above the mucus pore near the end of the tail, which, however, is more

flattened and less truncated than in species of the Z’rochomorpha section

generally,

No species of the Ariophanta section, so. largely represented in

India, has as yet been found in Pegu or Arakan ;* WN. retrorsa, Gould,

being hitherto unknown N. or W. of Molmein. Macrochlamys and

Trochomorpha (unless N. textrina and N. pansa belong rather to

Hemiplecta than to the former,) comprise the great majority of the

Nanine. The forms belonging to the first named section are so

numerous, and distinguished by such minute differences, that their

study is one of great difficulty.

Helix.

Amongst the true Helzces in Northern Pegu, several forms assigned

to the section Dorcasia, Gray, are conspicuous. They appear to re-

present in Burma, H. fallaciosa, Fer., H. asperella, Pfr., and their

allies of the Indian peninsula, and they might all perhaps with greater

correctness be classed together in the same section. Amongst these

forms is H. similaris, Fer., of which H, scalpturita, Bens, and

H. Zoroaster, Theobald, appear to be varieties. These shells occur in

the drier portions of the Irawady valley, and are not found below

Prome, but they extend northwards to beyond Ava. The variety

named by Mr. Benson H. scalpturita sometimes wants the coloured

* Nor is this section, so far as I know, represented in the Himalayas.

N. Himualayana, Lea, being almost certainly N. interruwpta, Bens., and the

assigned locality due to an error; while H. cyclotrema, Bens., lately described

from the hills N. of Tirhoot, is a sinistrorse member of the asperella group, and

closely allied to that species, as may be seen from its expanded lip and granu- .

jate surface. The animal is doubtless a true Helow, and not a Nantina.

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 89

bands, and passes into a shell closely resembling H. Peguensis, Bens.,

a more solid form, shells approaching which closely in every character

except in being less solid, were found on the Shan hills, east of Ava.

Mr. Benson considers these shells distinct from H. Peguensis, but there

can be little doubt of their forming a link. The typical variety of

H., scalpturita abounds near Mandélé. H. Zoroaster, Theobald, is a

large H. similaris, and occurs abundantly at Thayet Myo and less so

at Prome. J. bolus, Bens., abundant near Thayet Myo and Prome,

is sometimes marked by a coloured band like that of H. s¢milaris, and

varies greatly in the height of the spire. The type is a well marked

form, far more globose than the others, but yet it passes, by impercep-

tible gradations, into similaris. H. delibrata, Bens. is also allied to

similaris although classed in a different section or subgenus by both

Albers and Pfeiffer; it unites Dorcasia with the Trachea group,

(H. asperella and its allies). H. delibrata is not rare throughout

Arakan; it oceurs at Akyab, and in Pegu it is found at Akoutoung

and other places ; when fresh it has a subhispid epidermis, and fre-

quently a rufous band above the periphery, like s¢mclaris and asperella.

Somewhat allied to the simzlaris group, but yet forming a distinct

and well marked section, are H. tapeina, Bens., and its allies H. rota-

toria, v. d. Busch, H. Oldhami, Bens., and H. Hutton’, Pir. To

these, two other species have been added by Mr. Theobald, viz. :

A. Phayret and H. Akoutongensis. The type appears almost peculiar

to the Malay countries, one species only, H. Huttoni, occurring upon

the Himalayas and other Indian mountains, and none in the plains of

India.

H. Oldhami, Bens. is a well marked and easily distinguished form,

with almost flat spire, very wide umbilicus, and the last whorl sub-

angulate above the periphery and swollen beneath. The epidermis,

when in good order, is subhispid, as in several other species of the

group. This form was first found by Dr. Oldham at Mya Leit Doung,

‘a few miles south-east of Ava, and I afterwards met with it in the

Arakan hills, on the road between Prome and Tongoop.

The other species pass into each other in the most perplexing

manner, and there scarcely appears any choice between increasing their

number indefinitely, and classing all together as varieties of one species>

The little form known as H. Huttoni, Pir., is perhaps more easily

distinguished than most of the others, as it is singularly constant in

90 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

form. It is usually smaller than tapeina or rotatoria, and may gener-

ally be recognised by its blunt periphery and the convexity both of

the spire and base. Still, forms of H. tapeina approach it so closely

that they may be said to pass into it. I found specimens of H. Huttoni

in only one spot in Burma, viz. on Puppa hill, an isolated peak,

nearly 5,000 feet high, in Upper Burma. The occurrence of a Hima-

layan shell which is found as high as 6,000 and 7,000 feet in Sikkim,

upon this solitary hill, where it is accompanied by peculiar species, as

Alyceus Vulcani, W. Blanf. and Diplommatina Puppensis, W. Blant.,

and with a flora comprising plants, such as Pteris aquilina, belonging

to a temperate climate, is very remarkable; especially as the same

species was found by myself on the Nilgiri hills of Southern India, at

an elevation of above 6,000 feet, and by Mr. F. Layard on the moun-

tains of Ceylon. It is found both in the eastern and western Hima.

layas, and has probably once enjoyed a far more general range in India

than at present. Its occurrence, with so little variation, in isolated

situations, is in favour of its being a distinct and natural species, a

rank to which, morphologically considered, its claims are small.

At Mya Leit Doung, the high limestone peak 15 miles south-east

of Amarapoora, already referred to, and the locality whence Cyclopho-

rus cryptomphalus, Bens., C. hispidulus, W. Blanf., Diplommatina

exilis, W. Blanf., Georissa frustrillum, Bens. sp., Hypselostoma Benso-

nianum, W. Blanf., Helix perarcta, W. Blanf., and other peculiar

species have been obtained, I found Mr. Theobald’s Heliw Phayrez,

which appears to have some claims to be considered a distinct species.

Mr. Theobald’s description (J. A. S. B., 1859, Vol. XXVIII. p. 306)

is very imperfect, and the following may serve to give a better idea of

the shell.

H. Puayret, Theobald.

Shell moderately umbilicated, orbiculately conoid, rather solid,

white, with a horny shining epidermis ; obliquely, coarsely and flex«

uously plicately striated beneath the epidermis, bluntly angulate at

the periphery. Spire depressly conoid; apex obtuse ; suture scarcely

impressed. Whorls 6, slightly convex, slowly increasing; the last

descending towards the aperture, where the angulation of the peri-

phery dies out; convex beneath, compressed around the deep umbili-

cus, which exposes all the whorls. Aperture subcircularly lunate,

diagonal; peristome white, slightly expanded throughout; margins

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 91

approaching each other, and united by a callus, Major diameter 18,

minor 153, axis 8 millemetres.

Habitat—Mya Leit Doung, Ava.

This differs from all allied forms in its much coarser flexuous sculp-

ture, and from most of them by its blunt angulation at the periphery.

It is also, so far as I know, the largest form, belonging to this group,

which occurs in Burma.*

H. tapeina is said by Mr. Benson to be distinguished from rotatoria,

amongst other characters, by the greater regularity of the sculpture in

the former shell, which contrasts with the irregularly flexuous stria-

tion of the latter.t I have never seen a typical specimen of H. rota-

toria, which was originally described from Java, but Mr. Benson has

identified with it a shell which abounds at Thayet Myo, Prome and

Akoutoung, and a variety of which, with a flat spire, Mr. Theobald

has called H. Akoutongensis. Of H. tapeina I possess specimens collected

by Mr. Theobald at the original locality, the Khasi hills. These

have a slightly more regular sculpture, an angulate periphery instead

of the sharp compressed keel of the Pegu form, and a rounder mouth,

but the spire is sometimes higher, sometimes not, and I can see no

distinction in the umbilicus. In all the distinctive characters, varieties

shewing gradation, occur in Burma.

Leaving the question of specific distinction, the distribution of

varieties of these shells in the Irawady valley, so far as I have searched,

is the following.

On the Shan hills, east of the valley in which lie Mandélé, the pre-

sent capital of Ava, and the older capitals, Amarapoora and Ava itself,

I found a lenticular sharply keeled form, less swollen beneath, and, in

general, higher in the spire than the Akoutoung form of rotatoria,

with the sides of the spire straight, not convex. The epidermis,

when in good order, and especially in young specimens, is hispid ; the

sculpture rather variable, but flexuous. This latter is also the case

with the Akoutoung and Thayet Myo form of rotatoria.

*Tn a letter received since the above was written, Mr. Benson informs me

that H. Phayrei only differs from his type of H. tapeina in its coarser sculpture,

My specimens of the latter shell have a more angulate periphery.

~+ In Pfeiffer’s Monogr. Helic. Viv., however, H. tapeina (Vol. III. p. 254) is

said to be “ Subtiliter granulato-striata,” while H. rotatoria (Vol. I. p. 203) is

described simply as “oblique striata.” The former is said to differ from the

latter in sculpture, higher spire, narrower umbilicus and rounder aperture.

92 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

In the Tsagain hills, west of the Irawady, opposite Ava, I obtained

two forms, one bluntly angled at the periphery and approaching H.

Oldhami, in which however the spire is lower and the umbilicus more

open. The sculpture, form of the whorls and of the mouth, (which is

rounded with connivent margins and expanded throughout,) and the

angulation of the periphery, are precisely similar to the same characters

in my specimens of H. tapeina : the umbilicus is slightly broader, and

the spire lower, sometimes as flat as in Akoutongensis. The dimensions

are 154 and 14 millem. in the two diameters; height 6. The other

form is extremely sharply keeled and lenticular, with an angulate

lunate mouth, and a narrower umbilicus than the last, or even than the

Cherra tapeina, but it has the same simple sculpture, differing in this

from the Shan hills form, which it otherwise resembles. It mea-

sures 174 millem. by 16, and 9 in height.

The next locality to the south in the Irawady valley at which I

obtained forms of this type was at Thayet Myo. I have already re-

ferred to the variety prevailing there, as well as at Prome and Akou-

toung. Asa rule, the shells are small, thin, horny, and more or less

hispid, very variable in the height of the spire, sharply keeled and

with very fine, flexous striation. The major diameter is about 10 to

12 millem. on an average.

At Henzada, and in its neighbourhood, another form prevails. It

is also met with at Akoutoung, but is rare, and it passes into the

flatter form there prevailing. The Henzada shell has a much higher

spire with very convex sides, and is, in fact, subcampanulate, the

base, on the other hand, being flattened. It is sharply keeled, quite

as sharply as the Akoutoung form, but it has the sculpture rather of

H. tapeina than of rotatorza, and the epidermis, instead of being sub-

hispid as in the latter shell, is merely granulate. A form, interme-

diate both in height of spire and in sculpture between the Henzada

and Akoutoung varieties, was found in the Arakan hills, between

Prome and Tongoop.

In the Bassein district, all the shells of this type are much the

same. They have a sharp keel, moderate spire with convex sides,

obtuse apex, and but little convexity beneath. They possess a granu-

late epidermis and the sculpture of H. tapeina,

The specimens with the highest spires, from Henzada, approximate

1865. Contributions to Indian Malacoloqy: 93

in form to the Cambodia H. repanda, Pir., and may perhaps be

identical.

It will be seen how variable the forms are. The spire varies from

flat to almost bell-shaped, the periphery from sharply keeled to angu-

late, the whorls from subconvex to flat or nearly so; nor is there great-

er constancy in the form of the mouth, the sculpture, the epidermis,

or the breadth of the umbilicus. Distinct as many of the varieties

appear to be, they all pass gradually into each other, and with the

exceptions already described, I believe all the forms are most safely

classed as varieties of one species. Whether this should be called

rotatoria or tapeina is difficult to say, without more precise acquaint-

ance with the types of those shells.*

Not far from the tapeina group must be classed H. castra, Bens.,

which, despite its thin horny shell and sharp peristome, is not a

Nanina, but a true Helix. It occurs throughout the Arakan hills,

wherever I have searched, but is everywhere scarce. It has the

widest range in the Indian area of any known Helix, being found in

the Himalayas, in Orissa, in Ceylon, and throughout Burma as far

south as the Tenasserim provinces.

Hf, climacterica, Bens. is very probably a Nanina, but I have not

had an opportunity of observing the animal. The shell was found by

Captain Ingram on the road from Prome to Tongoop, and I found it

again in the hills, at the southern extremity of the Henzada district,

and in Bassein. It occurred also in Long island, in the Bassein river.

Tt is much smaller in general than the typical Khasi hill shell; I

possess specimens, apparently fully grown, but measuring only 13 or

14 millemetres in their major diameter.

H. hariola, Bens. is a true Helix, and is found chiefly on trees near

Thayet Myo and Prome. It isa rare shell. Near Ava it is replaced

by a large sharply carinate form, which I found abundant at Thinga-

dan, on the Irawady, about 80 miles north of Mandélé. This shell so

closely resembles H. capitiwm, Bens., that I am much disposed to

consider them identical, a view in which Mr. Benson, however, does

| not agree. At Puppa hill, near Pagan, already referred to as the

* Mr. Benson, to whom I sent specimens, considers all the forms above men-

tioned to be varieties of rotatoria, but some, especially that from the Tsagain

hills, appear to me to be at least as nearly allied to tuwpeina,

94 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

locality where H. Huttoni, Pir., is found, I met with an intermediate

variety, between the carinate form and the typical H. hariola.

The Plectopylis group is represented near Ava by H. perarcta, de-

scribed above, and further south by H. leiophis, Bens. This shell

occurs near Thayet Myo, but I found it abundantly only at Akou-

toung. Another form, which may be a small variety of lecophis, but

which shews some differences in the internal pligation, also occurs

near Thayet Myo. At Prome, close to the Pagoda, I found H. Fed-

deni, (described above) which, however, appeared very rare, as I only

obtained two perfect specimens, despite much search. 20 or 30 miles

south of Akoutoung, I found H. Karenorum in abundance, and 2 or 3

specimens of the large variety of the same shell still further south in

the Arakan hills, nearly due west of Henzada. Elsewhere in the

Henzada district and throughout Bassein, no species of the Burmese

form of Plectopylis was met with, but the Himalayan and Khasi

H. plectostoma, Bens. abounded south of the town of Bassein in sever-

al places, Pyema Khyoung, Long Island, &c. It was also found by

Captain Ingram in Arakan, near Tongoop.

Bulinus.

A variety of the sinistrorse Bulimus Sinensis, Bens., measuring 26

millem. inlength and 15 in diameter, occurs near Prome. It has

generally two dark stripes round the body whorl, but some specimens

have other stripes, usually 3, above the periphery. Occasional speci-

mens were met with further south. At Tongoop in Arakan, I found

a much smaller variety, measuring only 20 millem. in length, and 124

in diameter. At Akyab [I also found this small variety ; some shells

being entirely yellow without any stripes, like Mr. Theobald’s Mergui

specimens.

B. putus, Bens. is rather common at Akoutoung, less so at Thayet

Myo, and scarce to the south: I found it, however, occasionally, in the

Bassein district.

B. pullus, Gray, occurs near Ava; but not, so far as I am aware, in

Pegu. Specimens of B. cenopictus, Hutton, were also met with in

Upper Burma. JB. gracilis, Hutton, occurs throughout Burma appa-

rently. I have found a rather dwarf variety in Ava, Pegu and

Arakan, and have received it from Molmein.

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 95

Achatina.

Achatina tenwispira, Bens., of small size, is common at Akoutoung

and further south. A small variety of A. crassilabris, Bens., occurs

in Arakan, and another form, perhaps distinct, but closely allied, was

found in the Shan hills near Ava. The species of Achatina do not

appear to be numerous in Burma; they attain their maximum in the

Indian area in the Western Ghats, and the hills of South India and

Ceylon, and their numbers diminish to the eastward.

Vitrina,

Vitrina prestans, Gould, differing in no respect from the Molmein

shell, and V. gigas, Bens., equally identical with the Khasi form, are

both met with throughout the Arakan hills, though sparingly. A

smaller species, which I had looked upon as the young of V. gigas,

has been correctly separated by Mr. Theobald, and will doubtless be

described by him,

Ennea and Pupa,

Ennea bicolor was met with near Tongoop in Arakan, and at one or

two places in Pegu. Asin many other localities throughout its wide

range, it is a scarce shell.

Pupa Avanica, Bens. occurs near Ava, I found it abundantly on a

small hill, a few miles north of Mandélé.

Streptaxis,

Besides the species above described from Arakan, a smaller form

occurs in Pegu, which I consider a variety of S. Andamanica, Bens.,

the only difference I can detect being in the sculpture, which is some-

what finer in the Pegu shells.

Hypselostoma.

I have nothing to add to the particulars of the distribution of the

two species of Hypselostoma beyond those given in a preceding number

of these contributions,

CycLostoMAcEA,

Cyclophorus.

In the Shan hills east of Ava, I found two forms of large turbinate

Cyclophori, one apparently a variety of C. speciosus, Phil., the other

so closely allied that I doubt if it is wise to describe it as distinct.

C. speciosus does not appear to occur in Northern Pegu, but I found

96 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No, 2,

it at Rangoon, close to the Pagoda, abundantly south of Bassein, and

at Tongoop in Arakan. At Akyab I found some dead specimens,

which may possibly belong to this species, but they are thinner, with

a rather narrower umbilicus, and less broadly expanded peristome, and

one specimen is subangulate at the periphery. In these characters

they appear to be intermediate between the Burmese C. speciosus,

Phil., and the Khasi hill C. Pearsom, Bens.

At the base of the Shan hills, and also at Mya Leit Doung, I found

the small species referred by Mr. Benson to C. cornu venatorium, Sow.

Some living specimens at the former locality shewed the operculum to

be normal.

At Mya Leit Doung occurs also C. eryptomphalus, Bens. of which

I obtained fresh specimens, with the colour and epidermis perfect.

When in this state, it is the handsomest of the Burmese Cyclophori,

and equal in beauty of colouring to C. Siamensis, Sow., the dark

blackish brown colour of the upper surface of the shell contrasting

finely with the irregular zigzag white lines. The mouth, in my

specimens, shews no distinct duplication: it is much thickened and

expanded, as in C. speciosus or C. Siamensis.

C. fulguratus, Pfr., I did not find further north than Puppa hill.

At Thayet Myo and Prome it is very abundant, and it occurs more

sparingly throughout the Prome and Henzada districts, together with

C. Theobaldianus, Bens. and C. patens, W. Blanf. C fulguratus is a

handsome shell, varying greatly in size, my largest specimens from

Thondoung, south of Thayet Myo, measuring 38 millem. by 30, the

smallest, a dwarf specimen, also from Thayet Myo, only 20 millem., —

by 153. a

Mr. Theobald, in a paper published in this Journal for 1863, —

(XXXIII. p. 376,) classes my C. patens as a variety of C. fulguratus.

The types of both species occur together at Thayet Myo, and are very

distinct, C. patens having a broad, rather thin disk-like expanded

peristome, while the lip of C. fulguratus is much thicker but only

moderately expanded. C. patens also is much smoother. However, —

intermediate forms may possibly occur, as they do between many other .

Burmese species.

At Tongoop in Arakan, and on Ramri island, I found a variety of

the large C. aurantiacus, Schum. It approaches C. Theobaldianus

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 97

Bens., but has flatter whorls, a sharper keel, a more acute apex, and

rather less strongly marked sculpture.

A small turbinate species of Cyclophorus, which I found at a con-

siderable height on the Arakan hills between Prome and Tongoop,

with a rounded periphery and very narrow umbilicus, requires compa-

rison with C. scurra, Bens. Another form, with a subangulate peri-

phery, was met with in Bassein district, and a third, rather larger, but

otherwise identical, in Ramri island. All of these may be varieties of

the same shell. All possess a very narrow umbilicus, a thin white

expanded lip, and minute sculpture.

None of the small discoid Cyclophori, so far as I am aware, occur in

Pegu. C. hispidulus, W. Blanf., I described in a previous paper as

occurring at Mya Leit Doung, Ava. C. calyx, Bens. is stated by

Mr. Theobald to occur at Akoutoung, Pegu, and that locality has been

quoted for it by Mr. Benson in describing the shell, and repeated by

Pfeiffer in Suppl. Mon. Pneum. p. 56. I think some mistake must

have been made by Mr. Theobald in arranging and labelling the very

extensive collections which he made in 1854-55, for the shell abounds

in Molmein, while, although I have repeatedly searched all round the

Akoutoung hills, I have not met with it.

Leptopoma.

In a previous paper (J’ A. 8. B. for 1862) reference was made to

the occurrence of the Tenasserim L. aspivans, Bens., in Arakan, near

Tongoop, and in the Bassein district of Pegu. It was found in great

abundance in Long Island in the Bassein river. I also found speci-

mens close to Akyab, in the hills on the opposite (south) side of the

harbour. Some of these last are rather larger than the typical form,

and measure 14 by 103 millemetres in the two diameters and 12 in

height ; they are also smoother, wanting the raised spiral lines, and

the last whorl is rounded or subangulate near the mouth : but other

specimens are scarcely distinguishable from typical shells from Tenas-

serim, among which also some of the above characters, and especially

the sculpture, are variable.

Pterocyclos.

Pt. pullatus, Bens., has only been found near Akoutoung. In

Arakan, near Tongoop, and again at Akyab, I found a species closely

allied to Pt. parvus, Pearson. The Akyab specimens possess their

98 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

opercula, which is flat like that of Pt. pullatus, and not convex as in

Pt. rupestris, &c. These shells also closely resemble a species collected

by Mr. Theobald at Cherra Poonjee, and referred by Mr. Benson to

Pt. Albersi, Pir., which has a convex operculum, and a peculiarly

shaped wing. The specimens from Tongoop and its neighbourhood

had a much thicker epidermis than those from Akyab, and were

larger, but otherwise similar.*

No form of Cyclotus is known from Burma. I have shewn, in a

paper published in the Annals and Magazine of Natural History for

June, 1864, that the Cyclophorus calyx group approaches very closely

to the true Cyclot?, and represents them; while the Cyclotc of India

(e. g. C. subdiscoideus, Sow.) are allied to Cyclostoma, having the

peculiar cleft foot and mode of reptation of that genus. I have pro-

posed to place them in a new genus, Cyclotopsis.

Alyceus.

Much concerning the distribution of the numerous species of this

genus has been communicated in previous papers. A brief recapitula-

tion may be useful.

A. Ave, W. Blanf., is the only form as yet found on the Shan hills,

east of Ava. A. Vulcani, W. Blanf., occurs at Puppa hill, Pagan.

About Thayet Myo, A. sculptilis, Bens., is abundant, especially on

the hills a few miles south of the town, where also A. armuillatus,

Bens., was found in very small numbers, its minute size doubtless

rendering the search for it difficult. A few specimens of a small

variety of A. wmbonalis, Bens., first appeared here. They have a

“retro-relict” outer peristome, and coarse sculpture on the upper

whorls. The typical variety is rather common at Akoutoung, the

original locality. I found this species again at one spot, a little north

of Bassein, near the village of Kani. The older specimens obtained

there, and others from the base of the Arakan hills, west of Prome,

had the outer peristome retro-relict as in the Thayet Myo variety, a

peculiarity I never observed in the typical Akoutoung form.

%* Since the above was written, I have heard from Mr. Benson, who has kind-

ly compared the species with Pt. parvus. In the latter, the wing runs up the

penultimate whorl, while the wing and sinus of the Akyab and Tongoop species

resemble those of Pt. pullatus. In other respects the form resembles Pt, pavvus.

Tt may be distinguished as Pt. Arakamensis, n. sp. I have not specimens at

hand, so cannot add a complete description.

]

1865. ] Contributions to Indian Malacology 99

At Akoutoung [ also found A. hwmilis, W. Blanf., and at the same

place, at Thondoung and at Yenandoung, two hills about 20 miles

further south, I found a variety of A. Ingrami, W. Blanf., rather

larger than the type from Tongoop in Arakan, and measuring 7

millem. in the larger diameter.

Another form of the same shell, with a less distinct subangulation

of the periphery, and rather closer sculpture on the upper whorls,

occurred at Moditoung, on the Prome and Tongoop road, with

A. graphicus, W. Blanf, A. succinews, W. Blanf., neither of which

has been found elsewhere, and one form of A. vestitus, W. Blanf. :

A, nitidus, W. Blanf. and A. polygonoma, W. Blanf., were first found

on the same road, but nearer to Tongoop. The latter I afterwards

obtained in two or three places south of Bassein, the specimens being

a little larger (6 and 5 millem. in their two diameters) than those first

found. A. vestitus has only been found in the Arakan hills on the

confines of the Henzada and Prome districts.

Adding to these the two new species above described, A. politus

from near Cape Negrais, and A. glaber from Akyab, we have 14

species described from Ava, Pegu, and Arakan, besides 3 more from

Molmein and Tenasserim, altogether nearly half the known species of

the genus,

Pupina,

A species of Pupina occurs at Thayet Myo, Prome, Akoutoung, &c.,

closely resembling P. artata, Bens. from Molmein, but rather stouter

in form and with a somewhat thicker peristome, which is frequently

but not always orange in colour, instead of white. These differences

do not appear, however, to warrant specific distinction, especially as

there is much variation in the form of typical specimens of P. artata.

A variety from Ava is closer to the type. A small form, probably

another variety, occurred upon the Arakan hills near Prome. It igs

only 43 millem. long, but the specimens are unfortunately not quite

fresh. My own specimens of P. artata from Molmein are but 6

millem. long. The operculum in fresh specimens is horny, not

testaceous, the white appearance being produced by weathering, and

I suspect the apparently paucispiral character to be due to the rapid

| increase of the interior whorls, which rest one upon the other, as in

100 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

Cataulus. Near the’ periphery, the whorls are more numerous, but

their boundaries are indistinct.

I have in this and {other papers, already given all the details con-

nected with the occurrence of the four species of Diplommatina as yet

described from Burma. The only known Helicina from Northern

Burma is also described above.

Georissa.

I have described (Ann. and Mag. Nat. Hist. for June 1864) as a

distinct genus, under this name, the species of Burmese and Khasi

‘shells referred to Hydrocena by Mr. Benson, both the animal and

operculum differing from those in that genus. But one species is

known to exist in Pegu, G. pyxis, Bens., and I have met with that

in many places west of the Irawady, from Thayet Myo to south of

Bassein. G. Frustrillum, Bens., I only met with at the original local-

ity, Mya Leit Doung, Ava.

It is evident that two very distinct zoological provinces exist in

Burma, exclusive of Martaban and Tenasserim, which form a third,

characterized by the appearance of several Malayan generic types, such

as Raphaulus, Hybocystis and Rhiostoma, and others apparently pecu-

liar, as Sophina. The two northern provinces are: 1st, Arakan, with

the southern part of Pegu near the sea, enjoying a very humid climate.

2nd, Upper Burma, with, in many parts, a very dry climate. The

boundary in the Irawady valley may be drawn roughly above

Henzada, although species belonging to each fauna, as is usually the

case, pass over the border. The first province, besides a considerable

number of peculiar species, is especially characterized by forms

common, on the one hand, to the Khasi hills, and even to the Hima-

layas, and, on the other hand, to Tenasserim. Examples of the first

are Helix plectostoma, Bens., H. delibrata, Bens., H. castra, Bens., &. 5

of the second, Cyclophorus awrantiacus, Schum., C. speciosus, Phil.,

Leptopoma aspirans, Bens., Nanina honesta, Gould, &e. In the Ava

province, on the other hand, the forms which have also been found in

India are mostly inhabitants of the plains, such as Helxw similaris,

Fer., Bulimus pullus, Gray, and B. ceenopictus, Hutt. The genus

Hypselostoma has as yet only been found within this province, or close

to its borders. It isrich in species of Plectopylis, and in varieties or

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 101

allies of Hf. similaris. The Arakan Yoma north of Henzada separates

the two provinces; the southern portion of the range, which is very

low, rarely exceeding 1000 feet, is solely occupied by species belong-

ing to the Arakan fauna. These provinces are also characterized by

distinct forms of mammals and birds, and there is a great difference in

their vegetation.

In a list of Burmese shells, published by Mr. Theobald in

J. A. 8. B. for 1857, (Vol. XXVI. p. 251) occur the names of

I. petila, Bens., and H, mensula, Bens., from Thayet Myo, and

H. precaria, Bens. from Tenasserim. These shells have never been

described, and Mr. Theobald in this, as in other instances, has publish-

ed lists of manuscript names communicated to him, some of which

have subsequently proved to have been given in error. It is, I think,

to be regretted, that in a recent paper J. A. 8. B. for 1863, Vol.

XXXII. p. 374, Mr. Theobald has again included one of these aban-

doned names, viz. H. petila, and he has also published the names of

several of the species described above, and similarly communicated to

him in manuscript. One of those thus published, Alyceus scepticus,

has proved, on more careful comparison, and when additional speci-

mens from other localities were procured, to be only a variety of

A. Ingrami, and not a distinct species. Several of the names in

Mr. Theobald’s paper are incorrectly given, e. g. Helix helicofera for

H, helicifera, H. caussia for H. causia, H. pausa for H. pansa but

these are probably errors of printing. The practice of including,

amongst lists of species, manuscript names, without any reference

to the fact of their being unpublished, and consequently of no

authority, is much to be deprecated, as tending to confusion and the

multiplication of synonyms.*

Postscript—Since the above paper was penned, now nearly 6 months

ago, I have received Mr. Theobald’s “ Notes on some Indian and

Burmese Helicide, &c,” published in this Journal for last year, pp.

* Besides the shells above mentioned in the Burmese list, the names of many

other undescribed species occur in the paper, while many described species are

omitted, :

14 ‘

102 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

238, &e., which calls for a few remarks. Although I differ in many

points from Mr. Theobald’s views as put forward in this paper and in

the earlier one of 1863, especially those on the origin, migration, and

distribution of specific forms, I see no object to be attained in answer-

ing at length opinions long since refuted, as I believe, by far more

competent authorities and far abler writers. The works of Edward

Forbes, Owen, Lyell and a host of others besides Darwin, will serve to

shew the arguments relied upon by the great majority of living natur-

alists, to prove the doctrine of “ specific centres,’ that is the theory

that all members of the same species, whether existing or dead, have

descended, not necessarily from one pair, but from one parent stock,

living in one spot. To call this, however, the Darwinian theory, as

Mr, Theobald appears to do, would be paralleled by calling the

earth’s rotation round the sun the Newtonian theory. In each case

the earlier theory is only a necessary step in the line of argument, and

the hypothesis of the origin of species by means of Natural Selection

is no more involved in the doctrine of specific centres, than was the

theory of universal gravitation in that of the rotation of the planets

around the sun.

Ii I refer briefly to one remark of Mr. Theobald’s, (that in his first

paper, J. A. S. B. for 1863, Vol. XXXII. p. 376) it is because it

appears to me the only argument of any importance which he has —

advanced in favour of his opinions. The question of the distribution

of fresh water shells and especially of the bivalves, with their limited

powers of progression, is a well worn argument in favor of the

sporadic origin of species; that is, of the descent of each species from

many parent stocks, existing in distinct and separate localities. But

if all the facts of the case are fairly stated, there appears much, even

in this instance, in favour of the doctrine of specific centres. The .

facts are briefly these. Many species of Unio, e. g. U. marginalis,

Lam. exist throughout a large tract of country, in almost every river

and stream, and even in many ponds and marshes, although these

rivers, &c. have no fresh water communication with each other what-

ever, and the animal is incapable of living in the sea, or of traversing ’

the land. On the other hand, the area. inhabited by this species is

continuous ; that is to say, the same species does not occur in tropical

Asia and tropical America, for instance. Other species are restricted

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 103

to a single river and its feeders, as is the case, so far as is known, with

U. olivarius, Lea. In other cases again, as in U. ce@ruleus, Lea, and

its allies, one form is found over a considerable area, as Bengal, and in

separate rivers, and is replaced at a distance, as in Scind and

Western India, by forms which may either be considered as distinct

species, or as local varieties, according to the value attached to specific

rank. In the intermediate country of Central India, we find interme-

diate forms. Now it is surely more philosophical to assume that we

are only partially acquainted with the phenomena attending the means

of distribution enjoyed by animals of low organisation, especially in

the young state,* than to arrogate to ourselves complete knowledge of

the subject, and to assert that no means of passage exist. If we sup-

pose that facilities for migration exist, or have existed, with which we

are unacquainted, all the facts above detailed are at once accounted for

in the simplest manner, whereas on the theory that the species were

originally created throughout the whole area, no explanation whatever

is afforded of the limitation of that area, no cause shewn why the

same species does not exist in other areas where the conditions are

equally favourable for its existence, and still less is any explanation

afforded of the gradual divergence of varieties at a distance from the

typical form. Let it be distinctly noted that the case of mollusks

and of other animals inhabiting fresh water is an exceptional one; in

the vast majority of the members of the animal and vegetable king-

doin, the phenomena are far more strongly in favour of the theory

of specific centres.

On another question, more especially treated in Mr. Theobald’s

‘second paper, viz.: the impracticability of drawing a line between

species and varieties in many cases, I entirely coincide ; indeed in the

preceding pages will be found remarks upon the varieties of H. s¢mi-

laris and its allies, and of H. rotatoria and its allies, similar in pur-

pose to those of Mr. Theobald. I must, however, object to the

practice of publishing names, whether of varieties or species, without

any description, or with such extremely inadequate details, as in the

case of Helix Arakanensis and H. geiton. I can only say that,

* It should not be forgotten that the ciliated fry of the Unionide have very

considerable power of locomotion, aud that even the adulis are amongst the

most vagrant of bivalve shells,

104 Contributions to Indian Malacology. [No. 2,

although I probably possess the former, I am totally unable to tell,

from Mr. Theobald’s account, to which of the numerous varieties of

H. rotatoria he has applied the name. Again, in this paper as in

former ones, manuscript names are introduced without any reference

to the fact of their being unpublished ; and, in two cases at least, I

believe I can shew that these names would never have appeared, had

they not been cited by Mr. Theobald.

Ist. A. wnicincta was a manuscript name of Mr. Benson’s for a shell

from Western India, described by Pfeiffer as H. propinqua. Mr. Ben-

son’s name of course was never published, nor would it have seen the

light but for Mr. Theobald, who, in his paper in 1863, gave H. uni-

cincta as a species excluded from his list, without referring to the fact

that no such name existed except in manuscript. In the present

paper, H. propinqua, Pfr, is first given as a distinct species, and a

few lines further on quoted as a synonym of H. unicincta ; thus

giving precedence to the manuscript name, in opposition to the laws

of scientific nomenclature.

2nd. H. anoplewris was a manuscript name given by Mr. Benson to

some shells sent by Mr. Theobald to England, I believe in 1860 or

1861. Mr. Theobald having kindly furnished me with specimens of

the same shell, I found, on comparing them with the types of H. orna-

tissima, Bens., of which I had a good series, (the shell was first col-

lected by my brother and myself and described from our specimens)

that the species were identical in every respect. I wrote to Mr. Ben-

son to tell him my opinion and on recomparing the forms, he found

that he had been misled by an abnormal peculiarity in the solitary

specimen of H. ornatissima which he had retained.

Another name mentioned by Mr. Theobald, Heliw submissa, Bens.,

is equally, so far as [ am aware, undescribed.

In the group placed by Mr. Theobald next after that in which the —

above shells are included, there is evidently a misprint, in the five

shells from H. infrendens, Gould, to H. sanis, Bens., being classed

together. I have no doubt Mr. Theobald’s intention was to class —

together the three first, and, as a separate species, the two last.*

* J am authorized by Mr. Theobald to notify that this error was due to a

misinterpretation of his manuscript. His intention was that suggested in the

text. Hp,

1865.] Contributions to Indian Malacology. 105

As regards the new species described, Limax viridis, if it has no

internal shell, and none is mentioned, can scarcely be a Limax. The

characters given are mostly unimportant, while essential characters,

such as the position of the mantle and breathing pore, surface of the

mantle and body, carination or roundness of the back, form of the

jaw and lingual teeth, are omitted. What advantage is gained by

publishing names for a genus and two species of slugs, of which

Mr. Theobald has unfortunately no notes, is not clear. Vitrina Pegu-

ensis is the shell referred to above as undoubtedly a well marked

and distinct species. Streptawis Blanfordi and Pupina Blanfordi are

also mentioned above, they being, I believe, varieties of S. Andama-

nica, Bens., and P. artata, Bens., respectively. Streptaxis Burmanica

I have described above, and as my description is more detailed, and

taken from a better and more typical specimen than Mr. Theobald’s,

T have retained it. On the other species I have nothing to add.

In Mr. Theobald’s 1863 paper, he referred my Cyclophorus patens,

as I have before stated, to C. fulguratus. I can scarcely believe that

he is now serious in proposing to unite these shells, because one is

scarce and the other abundant, although that is the sole reason assign-

ed. Even in this point, however, Mr. Theobald is not quite correct.

IT have found C. patens in some places the more common shell of the

two.

On the question of the restriction of the genus Nanina, I can only

say that Mr. Theobald’s ideas are totally at variance with those of

Pieiffer, Adams, Gray, Albers, and other authorities. On the other

hand he is probably correct in his opinion that H. pansa and some

other shells do not belong to the section Macrochlamys of Benson,

with which I had classed them,

1865.] Notes on the Sandstone formation, ke. 107

The specimens had just the resemblance of drift wood imbedded in the

sandstone. The dip was at a very high angle to the north, so that the

beds were passed in succession going up the ravine, and had there been

any thick seams, they must have been seen. Three hundred yards up

the bed of the nulla, the softer sandstone was succeeded by one much

harder, of a light colour and coarse texture. The lignite was found in

' this also, and the longest and thickest string yet seen was at this point.

Yet, from the appearances of it and from so little lying in the water-

courses, I did not think anything approaching to a seam was likely to

be found; and, not having time to spare, I did not follow the ravine

any higher. An inspection of th ines to the east or west might

bring to light larger masses of this lignite. The dip at this furthest

point was N. H. by N. 70°. Inthe cliffs on the west, a very good section

was obtained, and the highest beds, that appear upon the surface to be

an unstratified talus, I now saw were horizontally bedded and resting

quite unconformably on the sandstones below. These horizontal beds,

of which about 150 feet was exposed, are composed of sandy clay and

semi-angular gravel, with scattered large, partly water-worn masses of

rock, some of large size. I append a section (Plate IV.) to illustrate the

Buxa formations, which, I trust, will make my description plainer. I did

not succeed in finding any fossils :—a longer search would perhaps have-

ended successfully,—so that it is impossible to say in what formation

this isolated mass of sandstone will find a place.* The plateau of the

Buxa position is probably the highest level of the horizontally strati-

fied gravels. I believe some specimens of the lignite have already

‘been forwarded to the Superintendent of the Geological Survey.

Some specimens in which the woody texture is well displayed shall

be sent by first opportunity.

* See a remark on this head in the Proc. As. Soc. for May, 1865, p. 91.

108 Note on Lagomys Curzonie, Hodgson. [No. 2,

Note on Lagomys Curzonie, Hodgson.—By Dr. ¥. SrourczKa.

[Received 7th December, 1864.—Read 7th December, 1864, |

In the catalogue of the Mammalia of the Asiatic Museum, Mr. Blyth

mentions Lagomys Curzonie, Hodgs. as a desideratum.* Mr. Adams

quotes a ‘“ Lagomys, sp.?’”’ as occurring plentifully in Ladak, (Proce.

Zool. Soc. Lond. 1858, p. 520) and Major Cunningham also speaks

of a “smaller species of hare, or Lagomys” as extremely common all —

over Tibet. (Cunningham’s Ladak, p. 204.)

On my visit this year to the eastern provinces of Ladak I was

fortunate enough to procure several specimens of what I believe to be

Lagomys Curzone, Hodgs. (Vide Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng. 1857,

Vol. XXVI, p. 207 and Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. 1858, I. p. 80.) but

Mr. Hodgson’s description of this animal is very brief, so that it is

hardly possible to recognise the species among the numerous members

of this genus. The following description is founded on four specimens,

of three of which the exact measurements are given below.

General hue of the upper body pale buff fulvous, with very slight

rufous tint and tipped with dark brown; below whitish, with translu-

cent dusky blue. The larger hairs of the fur measure about {th of an

inch ; the lower part, for more than half their length, of a dark, slaty

blue colour, with silky lustre; the next portion pale fulvous and

the tip dark brown or black. The fur is full and very soft, as _

Hodgson remarks, and can be readily distinguished from that of

L. rufescens, Gray. Chiefly in old specimens, there are, on the sides

of the upper portion of the body, a few long hairs intermingled, which

measure up to one and a quarter inches ; these are almost or entirely

of a black colour.

On the lower part of the body the hairs are, for two-thirds of their

length, dark slaty blue, and the rest pale.

The head measures nearly always one-fifth of the total length of the

animal. The hairs on it are much shorter, and tinged with a dark

rufous tint above; on the sides of the snout they are pale grey, in

front of the eyes and below, pale white, while on the sides of the head

itself there is a slight rufous tint marked, which is a little stronger all

round the neck, and extends somewhat farther back on the upper body. i

The haivs round the neck ave rather longer, but only half their length *

* 1863, p. 133, foot note.

oer

1865.] Note on Lagomys Curzonia, Hodgson. 109

of a slaty colour, the rest being pale ruious; but a few of them are

dipped with black.

The end of the snout, and of the upper and lower lips are dark

blackish. The hairs of the moustaches are very long; some of them

measuring three inches: the upper ones are chiefly black, the lower

white, or half black, half white. The ears are comparatively rather

large, oval, terminating with a very obtuse point; they are well

covered with hair, thickest on the outside: the hairs on the inner

surface being pale yellow, those on the outer much longer and softer,

and distinctly rufous. The feet and soles are in accordance with the

general hue, of a pale fulvous colour, only still lighter, and slightly,

and only partially tinged with a rusty tint ; the toes are black, claws

long and dark brown.

The young animal does not differ in colour very much from the

old one. It is usually much paler and the difference between the hue

on the upper and lower portion of the body is far less distinctly

marked, The slaty hue of the inner fur is also more translucent and

the rufous tint on the head and the hinder part of the ears not so

strong.

The measurements of three specimens from Rupshu, the eastern

province of Ladak, are as follow :—

a. b. a

~ Total length of the animal, ... ... 7,50 9.00 9.50 inches.

Length of the skull, ... LRP SH A3F °y

Proportion of the length of the seul to

the total length, oS ER FSGS eos

- Width of the skull; ... cM gala Oo ala ot 1? La

_ Proportion of width to read of the

skull, a EO VES -"'0:52

Length from the snout to the eyey OTS: "L.00" “P00

* Length from the eye-to the ear, eae Ae ee eee

Length of the ear, ... ma hom» 186 *O1N08

» Width of the ear,. rer noe COO OS) Com

~ Proportion of width to length of the

ear, 2. Ly 2 Selgo. 08a 0:81

Length of fore foot and nails, viotgsonls wad AON ks Lo

/Lerigth of hind foot and nails, ... ...- 1.25 1.50 1.43

110 Note on Lagomys Curzonie, Hodgson. [No. 2,

(a.) Young specimen from above the Gyagar lake in Rupshu.

(d.) An old, full grown specimen from near Kozak on the Chomo-

riri lake in Rupshu.

(c.) Judging from the teeth, this seems to be a very old specimen,

from the east side of the Lanak pass, west of Haule.

This latter specimen has the fur considerably worn off and injured.

I found in the skin of this and some other specimens, which I shot in

the Puga valley, a great number of larve of an @strus, which causes

the injury and a sort of roughness of the fur. As the tips of the hair

get worn off, the hue becomes in some places dark spotted, which is

caused by the slaty colour of the interior portions.

It will be seen from the given measurements, that the skull of the

young animal is in proportion to the entire body, a little longer and

broader than that of the adult, and the ears are also somewhat larger.

These proportions may be often observed in Mammalia of different ages,

Lagomys Curzonié is one of the largest known species of the genus.

Our largest specimen measures 93 inches, which is only one line less,

than the greatest measurement of Lagomys alpinus, Pallas. (Vide

Waterhouse Mammalia, Vol. IL., Rodentia, p. 16.) Mr. Hodgson’s

specimens were much smaller and probably younger. I observed

several which were not longer than seven inches, but most of them

were about nine inches long. :

The people of Korzok called ZL. Curzonie, Phise-karin, which

means as I was informed, tail-less Phise. Phise or Pheese is the

name of Phaiomys Cucurus, Schreber, which lives here associated

with the Lagomys and Arctomys. The name Phise-karin, I was

told, is Tibetan, and the Ladak name for LZ. Curzome is Sabra.

Hodgson gives the name abra ; it is, however, well known, that the

letter s before many words is in some parts of Tibet pronounced, in

others not so- |

The first place, where I met with DL. Curzonie, was a little above

the junction of the Chomoriri with the Para valley at a height of

about 15,500 feet above the level of the sea. It does not live usually

at a lower elevation than this; and if otherwise, as in the lower parts

of the Puga valley (14,500 feet,) it is always scarce. Round the

Chomoriri lake, where there is comparatively plenty of vegetation, it r

is associated with Phaiomys Cucwrus, Blyth, and Arctomys bobac, =

1865.] Note on Lagonys Curzoniea, Hodgson, 111

Schreber.* The first never frequents a great elevation above the

bottom of the valleys and is especially numerous in the neighbourhood

of streams. Arctomys bobac (called by the Tibetans Phya) makes its

very deep burrows mostly on the sides of the valleys and near their

bottom; it ascends, however, the slopes of the hills in this portion of

Ladak to a height of 17,800 feet. This greatest elevation, at which I

observed it, was near the Samunda-la, south-east of the Chomoriri ;

while the lowest was in the Para valley about 15,400 feet. It lives

probably lower than this.

L. Curzonie ranges, however, somewhat higher. I noticed it on

the top of the Lanak pass at an eleyation of 18,672 feet, where only

two minute plants existed, Stracheya Tibetica, Bth. and Capsella Thom-

soni, Hf. both flowering in August.t It is found associated with

Corcus tibetanus, Hodgs., Gyps fulvus, Gmel. and a new species of

Procarduelis, among birds; an Argynnis, among butterflies and some

common flies, forming the highest observed animal life in these

hills. In fact it is difficult to design a limit to the height up to which

L. Curzonie lives. I believe, it ranges as high as any trace of

vegetation exists, which would be here about 19,000 feet, or very

near it. Between the two given limits of the Para valley and

19,000 feet, it is seen in great abundance all over the eastern portion

of Ladak. It is certainly the species of Adams and Cunningham, as

there is to my knowledge, no other Lagomys here, at least none so

common. Its geographical range must extend farther to the east and

south-east, as Mr. Hodgson obtained his specimens from the district

of Chumbi, (north-west of Sikkim ?). I have not observed it Soura

of the Bara-latse range, either in Spiti or in the south-eastern part

of Lahoul, the Ohandra valley; although Phaiomys Cucurus does

occur in both provinces and even in Kulu. In Spiti, Lagomys Curzo-

ni@ is represented by the smaller L. Royle:, Ogilby, which there lives

between 12,500 (above Lari) and 16,000 feet, but usually about

13,000 feet.

* Mr. Blyth (Cat. of the Mammalia of the Asiatic Museum, 1863, p. 109) unites

and, I think, with good reason, Mr. Hodgson’s Arctomys tibetanwus and hemachas

‘lanus, [Himalayanus was not used by the first author] as well as Arct, fulvus,

Evers., with the species, which became first known through the travels of

Pallas in Northern Asia, and which Schreber named A. bobac.

+ Dr. Thomson (Travels, p. 144) mentions three plants on the Lanak pass, a

little Arenaria or Stellaria and two Cruciferz,

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASTATIC SOCIETY.

Part I1—PHYSICAL SCIENCE.

No, III.—1865.

Notes on Central Asia.—By M. Sumenor. (Communicated by Lieut.-

Colonel J. T. Water, 2. EL.)

[Received 15th April, 1865.]

[In the year 1856, M. Seménof was deputed by the Imperial

Geographical Society of Russia, on a mission of exploration into

Central Asia.—On his return to St. Petersburg, he published a trans-

lation of Ritter’s ‘‘ Erdkunde von Asien” into Russian, and gave in

the preface to the 2nd volume, an account of the results of his own

explorations.—The following notes are taken from this preface. At

my request they were translated from Russian into English by Mr. R,

Michel, F. R. G.8., whose name will be familiar to all who are ac-

quainted with the numerous papers on the geography and trade of

Central Asia, which have appeared of late years in the Journal of the

Royal Geographical Society of London. J.T. W.]

The second volume of the Russian translation of Ritter’s ‘ Asia”

comprises a description of the North Western portion of the tableland

of Asia, 2. e. that extensive region which stretches between the Altai

and the Celestial mountains, from the Hastern extremity of the latter

at Hami (Komul), to the Watershed of lake Balkhash.

The range of country under consideration embraces the whole of

| the extinct kingdom of Djungaria, or the Chinese Province of Tian-

114 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3, &

Shan-bey-Lu (the region to the northward of the Celestial mountains, |

consisting of the districts of Tli, Tarbagatai, Gobdo, &e.) and like-

wise the Russian districts of Alatavsk, Kopal and Ayaguz, which

now constitute the new Semipalatinsk region. The whole of this

country, including, both Chinese and Russian Djungaria, forms

that most obscure and unknown portion of the interior of Asia

which contains within it the very centre of the Asiatic continent,

namely the gigantic mountain group of the Tengri-Tag, (a part of

the Celestial mountains) situated at equal distances from the Black

Sea, on the West, and the Yellow Sea on the Kast, the Obi Bight on

the North and the Bay of Bengal on the South, and lying in the

centre of the straight line connecting Cape Severovostochui in Siberia

with Cape Comorin in India.

This region offers, moreover, special interest in physical as well as

in ethnographical and historical aspects. Physically, it forms a dis-

tinct limit between the highland and the depressed portions of Asia,

and is remarkable for the contrast it presents between its gigantic

mountain groups of the Bogdo and Tengri-Tag in the Celestial range,

which tower far above the limits of eternal snows and are crowned

with large alpine glaciers, and the low sandy and sterile steppe of the

Bedpak-Dala, on the South West of lake Balkhash, which, in common

with all the other sandy wastes of the Aralo-Caspian depression, bears

the character of a bed of an inland sea, dried up during a very recent

geological period. In ethnographical respects this region offers a

contrast no less marked, between two numerically preponderating

central Asiatic races—the Mongolian and Turkish,—whose rulers are

Chinese and Russians, strangers from the far Hast and West, occupy-

ing, in the same alluvial plain of the Balkhash, small populated oases

in the midst of an indigenous population alien to themselves in speech

and habits, and who are powerful not by reason of their numerical

superiority, but by the weight of their civilisation, and the magnitude

of their respective Empires, the most colossal on the face of the globe,

Lastly, from an historical point of view this country presents features

of a no less interesting character. It has served from time immemo-

rial as the point of departure for migrating races from the highlands

of Asia, the cradle whence they sprang, to the low arid steppes

of the Aralo-Caspian depression, and to the still more distant and

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 115

better favoured regions of the West. It was here, namely, in Djun-

garia, and on the fertile and smiling banks of the Ili and Irtysh, that

the migrating hordes lingered for some time, both, as it were, to

venture out into the unknown plain stretching before them far away

into the sandy ocean that separates Europe from Asia, until a new

tide of popular migration forced them at last to strike their tents,

and depart westwards from their mountainous halting grounds. It is

also in the valleys of Djungaria that a few existing rude monuments,

crude traditions, geographical names, and remnants of tribes who, in

many cases, have lost their native dialect by intermixture with other

races (the result of which appears in the name of Kassak or Kerghiz

Kaisak), serve the scientific explorer as the only links for identifying

the obscure and fragmentary allusions concerning these migrated

hordes, which occur in Chinese and Russian chronicles.

Although the physical and ethnographical characteristics of Central

Asia have attracted the constant attention of some of the most learned

men, such as Humboldt, Ritter, Abel Remusat, and Klaproth, the

researches of these leaders of science could only be based on the

most meagre data, namely on the dry and one-sided Chinese narratives

which found a place in Chinese literature, from the period of the

dismemberment of the Djungarian kingdom in the middle of the last

century, and also on the inaccurate, brief and conflicting accounts and

‘itineraries of a few Asiatics, who succeeded in visiting Djungaria and

Little Bokhara with caravans. All these materials were collected

‘and carefully collated by Ritter and Humboldt; nevertheless this

region remained up to the most recent period, like the interior

of Africa, completely inaccessible to Huropean science.

_ Even Marco Polo, the most enterprising and reliable traveller of

the middle ages, did not visit this region, but proceeded eastwards to

‘China by a route that lay southward of the Celestial range. A few

other travellers, it is true, passed through Djungaria; these were

‘Plano Carpini (1246), Andre Songjumel (1249) and Wilhelm

Rubriquis (1252) ; and they probably journeyed by way of lake Faisan

to Karakorum the capital of the Mongol Khans.

The same route was traversed by some of the subjugated Western

princes, such as Yaroslof and Alexander Nevski of Russia and Getum of

Armenia (likewise in the middle of the thirteenth century) for the pur-

116 é Noles on Central Asia. [No. 3,

pose of paying homage to the great Khan; they, however, either left no

description of their journey, or else their accounts are so meagre and

confused, as for instance, the narrative of Prince Getum, that very few

of the places mentioned in them can be identified. Much later, in

1654, Fedor Isakonitch Baikof, the envoy of the Russian Tsar Aleksei

Fedorovitch, proceeded past lake Faisan, and the upper course of the

Black Ivtysh, and traversed the whole of Djungaria, reaching the

Chinese wall at Huhu-Hoton from whence he advanced to Pekin.

Although Baikof’s marche-route (of course not in the form it is

inserted in Wilson’s work from which it was derived by Ritter, but

in the shape we find it in Spasskis’ “ Sibirski Vestnik’”) can, in

the present state of our knowledge of the geography of Central Asia,

be pretty readily applied to certain localities, still the information it

contains is of a meagre character, and is greatly inferior to native

Chinese accounts.

The Southern border of the country now under consideration,

2. e. the gigantic Celestial range, has not been explored by any

Kuropean traveller up to the present day. The destruction, how-

ever, of the kingdom of Djungaria, by the Chinese, led to its. being

surveyed under the superintendence of the European missionaries

Felix d’Arocha and Hallerstein, by whom astronomical points were

determined, not alone in the towns of Djungaria and Little Bukhara,

but also at the very foot of the Celestial range, as at Hongor Olen

the modern Konur-Ulen, and on the Southern shore of lake Issyk-

Kul. As the Jesuits have left no record whatever of their having

visited any part of the Celestial range, it must be naturally concluded

that they themselves did not diverge from the highroads of Central

Asia, but detached a party of Chinese topographers, instructed by

themselves, to the base of the Celestial mountains.

The first learned Russian traveller who penetrated into the part

of Inner Asia described in the present volume, was the botanist Sivers, —

who in his hazardous and venturesome journey to the Tarbagatai, in

1793, advanced as far as 47° N. Latitude. During the succeeding forty

years, not one of the scientific explorers of Western Siberia succeeded

in passing beyond the point previously reached by Sivers.

The journey of K. A. Meyer in 1826, did not extend beyond the

Arvkat mountains, Chingiz-tan, and the Karkara district of the Kirghiz

Steppe. The travels of Humboldt, and his associates, in 1828, did

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 117

not embrace even Djungaria. Their extreme limit was the Chinese

picket of Baty, on the Irtysh, in 49° N. Latitude, and Humboldt’s

greatest service in connexion with the geography of the interior of

Asia consists in the critical elaboration of the materials relating to this

subject in his classical “ Asie Centrale.”’

Some of these materials, namely the itineraries of Asiatic traders,

who had visited different parts of Asia with caravans, were diligently

collected at Semipalatinsk by Humboldt, and another portion of his

materials was derived from Chinese sources that had been elaborated by

the European Sinologists, Abel Remusat, Klaproth, Schott, Neuemann,

St. Julien, Father Hyacinth, and others.

Among the few unscientific eye-witnesses who,in the pursuit of

trade, penetrated into Inner Asia, were some Russians, and among

these in point of lucidity, and accuracy of information, the first place

is undoubtedly occupied by the interpreter Putinsef, who, in 1811,

visited Kuldja and Chuguchak, the most flourishing towns of Djun-

garia. The narrative of this journey was published in the “ Siberski

Vestnik” translated by Klaproth, and served Ritter as one of the

most valuable sources in elucidating the geography of this region. In

addition to Putinsef, we may mention the miner Snegiref, who, towards

the end of the last century, proceeded from the Altai to the neighbour-

hood of Chuguchak, in search of gold; also the noble Madatof, who,

in the early part of the present century, successfully reached India,

starting from Semipalatinsk, and traversing lake Issyk-Kul, the Celestial

mountains and Little Bokhara. A short account of Snegiref’s journey

was printed in the ‘‘Siberski Vestnik,”’ but with Madatof’s expedition

I am acquainted only through official documents preserved in the

archives at Omsk, and as no original narrative was discovered by me,

it must be presumed that none ever existed. I also found a short

marche-route at Semipalatinsk, drawn up by the merchant Bubeninof,

who, in 1821, proceeded from Semipalatinsk to Kashgar. This

itinerary will be printed in due season, but from its brevity and

scantiness of information, it isin no respect more valuable than the

itineraries already printed and digested by Humboldt and Ritter.

Such was the unsatisfactory condition of our knowledge of the

geography of Central Asia in 1831, at the time of the appearance

of that part of Ritter’s work which relates to it. It was only in

118 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

the fourth decade of the present century that we became more

familiar with Central Asia, from the side of the Djungarian and

Kirghiz steppes, after the foundation of the Russian town Ayaguz,

on the upper course of one of the rivers of the Balkhash basin, and

after the submission of a portion of the great Hordes under Sultan

Stik, son of Ablai Khan. These events gradually rendered not only

Jake Balkhash, but also the mountainous districts of Djungaria, more

accessible to travellers.

In 1834 the astronomer Fedorof was enabled to reach the embou-

chure of the Lepsa, and determine its geographical position, under

46° 22’ North Latitude. He also succeeded in visiting the southern

shore of lake Faisan and in making a trigonometrical measurement of

Tarbagatai. A little later, the relations of Russia with the Kirghiz

Hordes became more satisfactory, and in 1840, 1841 and 1842 the

learned travellers Karelin and Schrenk, penetrated into the moun-

tainous portions of Djungaria or the Snow-clad Djungarian Alatau.

Karelin explored the wild valleys of the upper courses of the Lepsa,

Sarkan and Baskan rivers, as high as the snow-line.

Alexander Schrenk visited, and it may be said discovered to science, .

the lake Ala-Kul, crossed over the Djungarian Alatau to the Chinese

side, attained the upper course of the Tentek, and reached the snow

line on several occasions. The extreme limits of his journey on

the plain bordering lake Alakul, were the Chinese town of Chu-

guchak, in Alpine Djungaria,—the hills skirting the banks of the

Koksu river, and the river Chu (or Tzu) in the hungry Betpak-

-Dalor desert, South West of lake Balkhash. Subsequently the |

voluntary submission of the remaining portion of the so-called Great

Kirghiz Horde, in 1844, led to the Russian occupation of that rich

and fertile portion of Djungaria, which is known under ‘the name of

the Semipalatinsk region, from the seven tributaries of the Balkhash

that water it. The Russian town of Kopal was founded by Governor

General Prince Gorchakof, in 1846, on a fertile plateau at the base

of a snow-capped spur of the Djungarian Alatau. The establishment

of this town ensured the development of the already existing relations

of Russia with the neighbouring Chinese province of Ih. Although

rapidly increasing, the trade with the Western Chinese region, through

the towns of Kuldja, and more especially Chuguchak, encountered

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 119

obstacles in its legitimate development from its transitive and contra-

band character, as the Chinese of the Western region (Si-yui) were

only able to have secret dealings with the Russians under a semblance

of trafficing with the Kirghizes. It was this disadvantageous state

of things, that led to the mission, with objects partly diplomatic and

partly geological, of E. P. Kovalefski accompanied by Vlangagli, an

officer of mining Engineers.

This expedition started from Kuldja, and skirting the Russian side

of the Djungarian Alatau, traversed the valley of the Koksu, as far

as the upper sources of this river, while, on the Chinese side, it reach-

ed the town of Kuldja, on the Ili. The most important results of

this mission in commercial, as well as in scientific respects, were the

establishment of Russian trading factories at Kuldja and Chuguchak.

The opening up of the Western Chinese region contributed largely to

the increase of our knowledge of the geography of Asia, inasmuch as

it threw two learned Chinese scholars into the commercial centres

of Djungaria in the capacity of consuls. The local researches of these

sinologists has opened a wide field to science. Mr. Fakharof, one of

the consuls, has already collected materials of great value relating to

the physical geography and cartography of Inner Asia; these mate-

rials he has obtained during his stay at Pekin, from rare geographical

works (namely the reports of the Survey made during the reign of

Tsian-Sun) and from information supplied him by natives of the

Western region. The foundation of the town of Kopal, which was

in a satisfactory and flourishing condition, owing to the rapid develop-

ment of agriculture aided by artificial irrigation, could not, however,

secure the great Hordes, now under Russian dominion, against the

bold attacks of the Buruts, or the so-called Black or Dikokamenni

Kirghizes, who infested the valley of lake Issyk-Kul, and the

neighbourhood of Tekes on one of the sources of the Ili. This was

naturally to be expected from the position of Kopal which stood on

the northern confines of the Hordes, whose southern boundary, beyond

the Ili, remained completely unprotected. The unguarded condition

of the frontier of the Russian Empire on this quarter induced Governor

General Hasford to oceupy the so-called Trans-Ili country extending

between the river Ili, and the snow-line of the gigantic Trans-Tli

Alatau, with a view of securing the left flank of the Kirghiz Steppe

120 . Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

which was under Russian protection, by making it conterminous with

the peaceful frontier of China and the natural snowy mountain boun-

dary. This well conceived plan was carried out with complete success.

In 1853 the first Russian detachment, under the command of Colonel

Gulkofski, was despatched beyond the Ili; it, however, met with

serious opposition from a strong body of Kirghizes belonging to the

hostile tribes of the great horde who supported themselves on Fort

Trichubek on the river Kesen. But in the following year the whole

of the region was occupied by a force under Lieut.-Colonel Peremy-

shelski, who razed the Kirghiz fort to the ground; after this some

of the tribes submitted to Russia, while the most inimical fled

into Kokanian territory, and to the banks of the Talas and Syr-

Darya.

The Russian detachment passed the winter in the sheltered valley

of the Talgar, and in the ensuing year of 1855, General Hasford

founded Fort Vernoé, at the base of the Trans-Ili Alatau, at the

head of the Almatynka valley, which is picturesquely wooded with

apple and apricot trees.

The occupation of the fertile Trans-Ili region, well adapted for

agricultural and gardening purposes, and in all respects bountifully

endowed by nature, had the effect of protecting the great Hordes from

the attacks of the Buruts, but placed its nearest tribes in the same

position as that occupied ten years previously by the Great Kirghiz

Horde. The powerful and numerous tribe of the Bogus, who occupied

the picturesque valleys and table-land between the Celestial mountains

and the Trans-Ili Alatau, received neither countenance nor support

from the Chinese, to whom they were nominally dependent, in resis-

ting the fierce attacks of the Sary Bogish tribe; they had at the same

time to repel, on another quarter, the depredatory incursions of some

of their neighbours of the great horde. Consequently; soon after the

occupation of the Trans-Ili region by the Russians, the High Manap

of the Bogu tribe, the old Burambai, claimed the assistance of General

Hasford against the attacks of the neighbouring tribes, and volun-

tarily tendered the submission of himself and his tribe to the Russian

government. This led to the despatch of the first Russian detachment

from Vernoé to lake Issyk-Kul, for the purpose of pacifying the two

contending tribes, and making a reconnaissance of the hitherto unex-

1865.] Notes. on Central Asia. 121

plored valley of lake Issyk-Kul. Colonel. Khomentofski, the officer

in command of this force, and General Siverhelm who was in charge

of the Survey of the newly organized Semipalatinsk region, were the

first educated Russians who beheld this extensive lake and the snowy

summits of the Celestial range. Unfortunately this detachment in

consequence of its critical position amidst the wandering mountain

tribes, the animosity of one of which against the Russians was decided,

while the friendliness of the other was open to much suspicion, was

soon recalled, and the surveying parties were unable to penetrate into

the interior of the Celestial mountains. The southernmost. point

attained at the foot of the Tian Shan, by Ensign Yayooski the topo-

grapher attached to the expedition, was where the Faiki rushes out

if its narrow defile on the Issyk-kul plateau.

In the same year of 1856 I was sent by the Imperial Russian Geo-

graphical Society on an expedition to explore those more accessible

portions of Central Asia, which had previously been but little visited.

Naturally the great object of attraction for me on this journey was the

Tian-Shan or the Celestial range. The signification of this stupendous

chain in position the most retired in the whole continent of Asia, had

already been pointed out by Ritter and Humboldt ; but the labyrinth of

the Celestial mountains had not as yet been penetrated by any scientific

trayeller.* All the learned and critical researches of Ritter and

* Atkinson, the English artist, in his travels, which were published in 1858,

"gives an account of his journey from the river Kurchum, in the Southern Altai,

across the Black Irtysh to lake Ubsa-noor, thence southwards, past Ulusutai, to

‘the neighbourhood of the Chinese town of Barkul, at the base of the Tian-Shan;

_ travelling then parallel with this chain, though at a considerable distance from

‘it, as far as the meridian of Bogdo O’la mountain, and finally proceeding in a

North Westerly direction, past lake Kyzyl-bash, until he reached lake Ala-kul

in Russian territory. Unfortunately so extraordinary a journey, unprecedented

in the history of the exploration of the Asiatic Continent, has had no beneficial

: ‘Scientific results. The narrative, which occupies 115 pages of text, so little

_ characterises the explored region, that it might with equal fitness be applied

any portion of the Kirghiz Steppe. The critical enquirer finds nothing

throughout the whole narrative, to satisfy him of the genuineness of the

described journey, which extends over no less a distance than 3,000 miles of

Chinese territory. This is the more striking as undoubted proofs of the actual

performance of journeys of which descriptions have been given, may easily be

found in the short itineraries and accounts of travellers of different ages and

nations; as for instance in the travels of Hue and Gabet, in the marche-routes

of Tartar traders, collected by Humboldt, and in the more ancient accounts of

Baikof, Marco Polo, the Armenian prince Getum, in the marche-ronte of the

army of Gulagu Khan, (compiled by one of his officers in the 13th century)

and lastly in the narrative of the travels of the Buddhist Missionaries Fa-Hian

122 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

Humboldt respecting this range partook, even by the admission of

the latter, of the character of conjectural geography, founded on a

comparison of the obscure and confused narratives and descriptions

and Huan-Tsan, in the 4th and 7th centuries. Concise though these accounts

doubtless are, the learned critic soon discovers in them such local peculiarities

as can only be descriptive of particular spots and localities, and as we become

more intimate with the geography of the country to which such accounts

apply, the more readily and clearly do we identify the points given in these

marche-routes. To our great regret we do not find this to be the case in that

part of Atkinson’s work which relates to Chinese Djungaria. From the com-

mencement, in calling the Tian-Shan Sayan-Shan, he confounds, in name at

least, the two principal mountain systems of Inner Asia; and in all the other

portions of his narrative, where he does not confine himself to descriptions of

the Steppes, the chase of wild animals, and the social customs of the nomads

(descriptions which would apply with equal force and truth to the whole of

Central Asia) but wishes to communicate something more definite and locally —

characteristic, he falls into numerous incongruities, Thus, to cite some exam-

ples, he speaks of the Kara-Tyn snowy range, at the upper course of the Black

Irtysh, as of a level steppe intersected by low ridges; again, from the Tannu

mountains, situated at a distance of 120 milesto the N, H. of Ubsa-noor, he

sees the Bogdo-Ola in the Tian-Shan, which is about 750 miles away from

this point. Lastly from the plain at the base of the Celestial range, he simul-

taneously sees not only the Bogdo mountain, but also the Baishan or Pé— ~

Shan (emitting smoke by Atkinson’s account), which is about 300 miles beyond ~

to the westward, notwithstanding that the snowy Bogdo-Ola group stands ©

out as is well known, considerably in advance of the main chain of the Celestial —

mountains, and the Baishan mountains rise on their southern slope, that is to

say beyond its gigantic snowy ridge, in the neighbourhood of the Little Buk- |

harian town of Kucha. Similarly as little confidence do those inconsistencies —

inspire which occur in his account of the time occupied in performing the —

various journeys, and in his description of the distribution of the nomad Kirghiz —

population, throughout Chinese Djungaria. As regards ourselves personally, —

the involuntary doubts respecting the abovementioned portion of Atkinson’s —

travels are still further strengthened from information we gathered on the spot |

regarding his journeys, from the Cossacks who accompanied him, and from the ©

commanders who provided him with escorts. Atkinson, during his many years’ |

residence in Siberia, visited the neighbourhood of Kopal, that had then just —

‘been founded, many valleys of the Djungarian Alatau, the lake Ala-Kul,

Tarbagatai, the rivers Narym and Kurchum in the Southern Altai, the Teletsk |

Lake, Tunkinsk mountains of the Sayan range, Irkutsk Kiakhta, &. but as

regards his travels over an extent of more than 4000 verts in Chinese territory,

accompanied by three Narym or Kurchum Cossacks, I regret to say that I |

not only could not gather anything to confirm this fact, but 1 was con-

vinced of its utter impossibility, from existing local conditions on the Russian

as well as on the Chinese side. On the Russian, because the protracted

detachment of these Cossacks, or their voluntary absence from the corps, is a

fact that would leave behind it some record in the official archives, while on

the Chinese side, the journey lasting more than six months, of a party unac-

quainted with the local dialect, and passing through inhabited districts, along

established routes, and across the picket and frontier lines, could scarcely escape

the vigilant eyes of the Chinese authorities. Under all these circumstances,

and in the absence in Atkinson’s narrative of any new data relating to Chinese

Djungaria, this work cannot be considered as an acquisition to science, until

the author adduces more definite information and stronger proofs, in corrobora-

tion of his accounts which involuntarily inspire certain mistrust.

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 123

of Chinese and other Asiatic travellers, commencing from the Buddhist

Missionaries Fa-Hyan and Huyan-Tsan of the 4th and 7th centuries,

to the brief itineraries of the Semipalatinsk Tartar traders of the

present century. Numerous questions, replete with interest to the

science of geography, could only be possibly solved by actual investi-

gation on the spot. The configuration of the country, the direction

of the upheaval of the mountain chain, its mean height, the altitude

of its mountain passes, the height of the snow-line, the distribution

of animal and vegetable organisms, the existence of Alpine glaciers or

of volcanic action,—points all requiring either investigation, or

confirmation. So far back as 1851 and 1852, during my stay at Berlin,

IT acquainted Humboldt and Ritter of my intention of proceeding into

the interior of Asia as far as the Tian-Shan range. They both

encouraged me in my difficult enterprise, but did not conceal their

doubts as to the possibility of penetrating so far into the interior of

the Asiatic Continent. The result of my deliberations with these

leaders of science, strengthened me in my determination of attempting

to reach the eternal snow-line of the Tian-Shan at all hazards. Hum-

boldt attached so much importance to the investigation, even a cursory

one, of this range, that I could not look at the undertaking but in the

light of a holy mission, marked out for me by the Nestor of European

savans.

By the end of the summer of 1856 under the auspices, and with

_ the co-operation of the Russian Geographical Society, I was already in

Vernoé. Unfortunately, however, I arrived two months after the visit

of a Russian detachment to lake Issyk-Kul.

With a small escort of twelve cossacks, I succeeded, on the 9;

September, in reaching the eastern extremity of the lake, and had an

opportunity of surveying from point Kuké-Kul-usun, the imposing

range of the Tian-Shan, from the Djirgalau to the opposite extremity

of the lake. To visit the chain itself was that moment impossible.

My escort being so small, I was obliged to proceed very carefully, and

passed the night among inaccessible defiles, anticipating every moment

to be attacked by hostile bands of Kara-Kirghizes.

_ Returning to Vernoé, and procuring a larger escort (40 cossacks) I

proceeded through the wild Buam defile, at the upper course of the

Chi, and emerged on the base of the Celestial range, near the Western

124 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

extremity of the lake Issyk-Kul. Here I came upon numerous

encampments of the hostile Sary-Bagysh tribe, who shortly before

my arrival, had had a fierce engagement with a Russian detachment ;

which had been sent out from Vernoé, to punish these mountaineers,

for acts of violence and plunder. Notwithstanding that, I met with

a hospitable reception from the Sary-Bagyshes who were comme-

morating the death of many of their kinsmen who had fallen in the

recent conflict, I was not able to penetrate beyond the first exposed

rocky spurs of the Celestial range, nor to visit its wild defiles, being

apprehensive of treachery from the revengeful mountaineers, who had

lately been so severely punished by the Russians.

However, in the spring of 1857, thanks to the escort kindly fur-

nished me by Governor-General Hasford, who displayed great zeal and

energy in furthering the organisation and exploration of the newly

acquired region, I was enabled to realise all my plans. The deadly

strife between the two Kara-Kirghiz tribes was then at its height,

and the valleys of the Tian-Shan seemed quite inaccessible. A

happy combination of circumstances, however, removed this apparently

insurmountable obstacle to my journey.

A rumour, that had spread with extraordinary rapidity, through

almost the whole of the Mustag (the Turk name for the western

portion of the Tian-Shan) of the approach of a strong Russian detach-

ment, armed with terrible instruments of destruction,* for the purpose

of assisting the Manap Burambai, produced a sudden panic among

the Sary-Bagysh tribe, inducing them to relinquish, not only the

camping grounds they had seized from the Bogus, but even their own

native pasturages, from the upper course of the Djirgalan, along the

whole border of Issyk-Kul, for an extent of more than 200 versts

and to migrate to the upper course of the Syr-Daria (Marym). The

Bogu tribe who had been previously attacked by the Bagyshes in the

spring of 1857, and driven into Chinese limits, expected their complete

destruction; the sudden flight of their enemies dispelled their fears

and enabled them to re-occupy their former camping grounds, and

* The exaggerated accounts respecting the strength of my escort were owing

to my having really reached Burambaisadls accompanied by 800 horsemen ;

but these consisted of a body of Kirghizes of the Great Horde under the Sultan of

Tezek who had voluntarily joined my detachment. My own personal escort

consisted of only 25 cossacks.

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 125

even to reap the harvest that had been left standing in the fields by

the Sary-Bagyshes. Attributing this favourable turn in their affairs

to my approach, they rendered me every assistance for my journey.

With such material assistance, I was able in July of 1857 to wind

round Issyk-Kul from the south side and to reach the summit of

the imposing and terrible Faaki-Davan mountain pass; I also

succeeded in gaining the sources of the Narym, which forms the

system of the Syr-Daria or Jaxartes. Shortly after, I penetrated in a

more easterly meridian, much farther into the heart of the Celestial

range, and ascended one of the most elevated mountain groups of

Inner Asia, that of the Tengri-Tag, which is crowned with a circle

of alpine glaciers, and covered with a dazzling mantle of eternal

snows. In the glaciers of the Tengri-Tag I discovered the source

of the Sary-Djaza, which belongs to the system of the Tarym-

gol or Ergei the most remote of the considerable rivers of the Asiatic

Continent.

On my return to St. Petersburg in 1858, the Imperial Russian Geogra-

phical Society, taking into consideration the great scarcity of astronomi_

cal points in the region I visited, organised at my recommendation, and

with the co-operation of the Military Topographical Depot, a new ex-

pedition, under Captain Golubef, for the purpose of determining astro-

nomical points in Russian Djungaria, and on the Lake Issyk-Kul. By

last accounts, Golubef had ascertained the position of three points in the

valley of Issyk-Kul lake (on the Tekes river, and at the eastern and

western extremities of the lake respectively), but he had not succeeded

in penetrating into the interior of the Tian-Shan, owing to adverse

circumstances, as the southern shore of the lake of Issyk-Kul was

at that time occupied by the hostile Sary-Bagysh tribe; under such

a state of things it would of course have been extremely rash to

advance into the mountains, leaving hostile tribes in his rear.

All the journeys and researches, since the year 1834, enumerated

above, have considerably advanced our knowledge of the portion of

Asia which we are now considering, and have removed it from the

region of hypothetical speculation, to a certain basis of scientific

investigation. On this account, therefore, the 2nd volume of the

Russian version of Ritter’s Asia ought to be accompanied by copious

and well established addenda. Unfortunately all the materials that

126 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

might be used for such an amplification are as yet but little digested.

The travels of Fédorof, Kardin, Schrenk, my own, the observations

of Golubef, the data collected and elaborated by Fakharof, have not

yet appeared in print, and only short notices of them have been

presented. I am consequently necessarily obliged to withhold the

supplementary matter to the 2nd volume, at all events until the

publication of my travels which is now delayed by all my time and

attention being engaged on questions of pressing and vital importance

to Russia.

With regard to the 3rd volume of the Russian edition of Ritter’s

Asia, containing a description of the Russian Altai, the not unim-

portant materials relating to these mountains, which were collected

by me on my journey, have been partly digested since my return, and

I am therefore in a position to proceed at once with the publication

of this volume with its supplementary portion. I think it necessary

to allude briefly in this place to some of the general results of my

visits to the Celestial mountains. They embrace three questions of

the utmost importance to the geography of Asia, namely the height

of the snow-line in the Celestial range, the existence of alpine glaciers,

and the existence of volcanic phenomena in this region.

On the first of these points I consider it incumbent on myself to

dwell at length in reply to the doubts expressed by Humboldt as to

the correctness of the elevation of the snow-line in the Celestial range,

as determined by me. The height I fixed it at, namely 11,000 to

11,500 feet, was ascertained by Humboldt from a letter I wrote to

Ritter, which attracted his particular notice. This letter was pub-

lished in the “ Zeitschrift fix Hrdkunde” with some explanatory

remarks hy Humboldt. The method I adopted for ascertaining the

height of the snow-line was not known to Humboldt, who grounded

his supposition of an over-estimation of the elevation of the snow-line

on certain theoretical and analogical considerations.

Tnaccuracies in the determination of the height of the snow-

line may arise from two sources first from what is taken to be the

snow-line, and secondly from an imperfect method of measuring

heights.

In the first instance the observer may be deceived either by taking

dissolvable for eternal snows, or by fixing their limit of height in

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 127

sheltered ravines or defiles which are hardly reached by the rays of

the sun. Had I fallen into these errors in my determination the

results-would have been to lower instead of to raise the height of the

snow-line, as compared to its true limits. But these sources of error

were fully anticipated and averted; my observations were made at

points where regular layers of eternal snow occurred, and moreover on

mountain-ridges and not in hollow depressions, in some of which

I really did find eternal snows in some cases several hundred feet

below the limit of 11,000.

With regard to the other point, I must observe that the method of

determining heights by the temperature of boiling water, is certainly

one which is far from being perfect ; and leads only to approximate

results ; but the inaccuracy of these results becomes more inappreci-

able, the greater the height which is being measured. For inconsi-

derable elevations this method of measurement cannot be adopted. I

may, however, observe that the other method, namely that of commer-

cial determination, can scarcely be expected to give more accurate re-

sults when the conditions are unfavourable, as for instance on a journey

through an extremely wild and dangerous region, where the traveller

is obliged to form his own track, and stands every moment in danger

of an attack; under such circumstances all simultaneous observations

of the barometer, at the base and summit of mountains, or a series of

observations at any one point, are quite out of the question. Experi-

ence has also shewn me the complete impossibility of keeping the

barometers (I had two with me) from breaking, in a country so

mountainous as that I traversed, where, on each expedition, the pack

horses and camels stumbled repeatedly, and were occasionally dashed

to pieces by falling over precipices. Hence travellers (Humboldt

amongst the rest on his famous journey in the Andes and the

Cordilleras) have invariably had recourse to the method of determining

heights by the temperature of boiling water. The results obtained in

this manner are regarded by science merely as approximations, until

they are superseded by more accurate data, obtained when the region

is more accessible to scientific exploration.

Although incomplete, these results are nevertheless of undoubted

value to science, as the magnitude of probable errors even under such

an imperfect method, cannot exceed certain limits.

128 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

But Humboldt could not have taken exception to the method used

in measuring the height of the snow-line, in the Tian-Shan, because

he at that time did not know what means were used for this purpose,

and also because he himself adopted the same method on his journey

in the New World, which was so prolific of scientific results. Hum-

boldt’s doubts respecting the probability of the height of the Tian-

Shan snow-line (as fixed by me), being considerable, were based on

considerations of comparative geography, and their soundness or other-

wise may be easily tested, for they were founded on a comparison

of their height of snow-line, 11,000 to 11,500 feet, with its well

ascertained limits in nearly the same meridian (in the Altai, 6,600

feet) or in the same parallel, (the Pyrennees, 8,400 feet and the

Caucasus, 10,170 feet).

In examining the observations made by any traveller respecting

the elevations of the snow-line, the most accurate scientific criticism

must test their correctness, by the following theoretical investiga-

tions.

The height of the snow-line in a given range, must be calculated

theoretically on the basis of a comparison with other ranges, on the

same meridian, and the same parallel; the obtained results should

then be compared with the figures arrived at by actual observation,

and it must then be carefully considered whether the discrepancy that

may occur can be at all attributed to considerations of climate, and

local peculiarities.

Humboldt, in his classical work “ Asie Centrale,” supplies us with

the requisite figures for arriving at a definite conclusion.

In the same meridian with the Celestial mountains we find that the

height of the snow-line is as follows,

In the Altai (Tigerski Belki)

Tigitin Sl IN ORB oer en i dee rce aes 6,600 feet.

On the Northern slope of the Himalayan range,

Daa, So. INO TEE so cn etnn «canis ik aan ... 15,600 feet.

The Celestial mountains extend at the part visited by me, between

Lat. 41° and 42° North which is consequently mid-way between the

Altai and Himalayas. Taking the mean of the figures given above

we shall get 11,100 feet for the height of the snow-line of the Celestial

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 129

range. Inthe same zone, parallel with the Celestial mountains the

height of the snow-line is as follows :

In the Pyrennees ; (between Lat. 422° and 43° North), ... 8,400 ft.

On mounts Elburuz and Kazbek in the Caucasus (43° N,

MAE NE eee Seatac iiss Lanse! URRY Ch spices dali sen ves 10,170 ft.

Onmoncy Ararat) (uat. 39° North), oi. i0.c06. 00s... esecedenwe 13,300 ft.

In the Rocky mountains of N. America (Lat. 43° N.)...... 11,700 ft.

Humboldt, in his observations on my letter to Ritter, refers exclusively

to the Pyrennees and to the Elburuz mountains. With regard to the

first they cannot be taken at all into account in determining the height

of the snow-line in the Celestial range, as they are situated in a moist

sea atmosphere, where the snow-line must be considerably lower than

in the continental climate of the interior of Asia. The Caucasus,

however, supplies a better point of comparison, if treated with proper

discrimination. The height of the snow-line of the Kazbek and

Elburuz occurs at 10,170 feet, under a latitude of more than 1}° to

the northward that that of the Tian-Shan, and with a climate consi-

derably more humid. On mount Ararat, where the surrounding

atmosphere is drier, and the latitude 24° more to the south, we find

that the height of the snow-line is 13,300 feet above the level of the

sea. Ifa range of mountains existed between the Elburuz and mount

Ararat, under climatic conditions of an intermediate character as

compared to those characterising mounts Ararat and Elburuz, and

situated under the same parallel as the Celestial range, the height

of the snow-line of these mountains would be determinable at 11,300

feet. All these figures, computed theoretically by comparing the

heights of the snow-line on different parallels of the same meridian with

the Celestial mountains, and on different meridians of the same parallel,

coincide very nearly with my determinations. The considerable

elevation of the snow-line of the Celestial mountains is to be explained

by the peculiarity of their geographical position, and the character

of the surrounding atmosphere. It is generally admitted as a fact

that a dry atmosphere has the effect of elevating the line of eternal

snow very considerably. Thus for instance the snow-line on the

southern slope of the Himalayas occurs at 12,180 feet, while on the

northern side it rises to 15,600 feet. This anomaly is only to be

accounted for by the southern side of the range being exposed to winds

130 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

charged with the humid vapours of the Indian Ocean, which settle on

the cold mountain slopes in the form of snow, while the winds on the

northern slopes of Thibet are completely free from moisture. The

extraordinary dryness of the atmosphere of the Celestial mountains,

compared to the Altai and Caucasus, is strikingly exemplified by the

following instances. In the neighbourhood of Riddersk, in the Altai

mountains, the dew falls so heavily that the horseman is completely

drenched, when riding through the high grass, while in the sombre

forests of the North-Western Altai, called locally Taigi, the atmos-

phere is still more humid, and rain, during some summers, falls inces-

santly. Now during the two years I spent in the Celestial mountains

and Trans-Ili-Altai I positively saw no dew; notwithstanding that

the summer of 1857 was remarkably wet, and the Altai was rendered

impassable from this cause, the fall of rain was very small. In addi-

tion, the very vegetation of the Tian-Shan bears evidence to the

dryness of the surrounding air.

While the slopes of the Caucasus are clothed with dark and impene-

trable forests, which proved so troublesome in the military operations

of the Russians, the wooded surfaces of the Tian-Shan are of limited

extent, and rhododendrons, which are so widely spread in the moist

climates of the southern slope of the Himalayas and of the Caucasus,

do not grow at all in the Celestial range.

If to this extraordinary dryness of the air inthe Celestial mountains,

be added the intense heating of the broad plateau by the scorching

rays of the sun, accompanied by cloudless skies and a rare atmosphere,

a natural explanation will then be found for the height of the snow-

line being at 11,000—11,500 feet. The few measurements of heights

made by other travellers in Djungaria, and moreover by other methods,

serve to confirm the accuracy of my figures. Fédorof determined

trigonometrically, that is by the most accurate process, the altitude of

the highest point in the Tarbagatai at about 9,900 feet. The Tarbagatai

range extends under Lat. 47° N. and is consequently nearer by 1° of

latitude to the Tigeretski Belki, than to the Celestial range. Com-

puting the elevation of the snow-line of the Tarbagatai theoretically,

by a comparison of the heights in the Altai and Tian-Shan, we should

obtain a result of about 8,600 feet, while in reality the true elevation

is considerably greater, as throughout the Tarbagatai range the existing

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 131

snows with the exception of two patches, are only sporadic, and the

snow-line is not below 9,500 feet. This case proves that the snow-

line rises rapidly from the Altai to the Tarbagatai, owing to the

greater dryness of a continental atmosphere. Lastly, the barometrical

observations of Schrenck, in the Djungarian Alatat, in Lat. 45° N., fixed

the limits of eternal snows at 10,700 feet. Calculating then the height

of the snow-line in the Tian-Shan by a comparison of that of the

northern slope of the Himalayan, and of the Tarbagatai ranges, we

obtain 11,700 feet and 11,950 feet, if we take in the Djungarian

Alatai.

In this manner all the facts of the case, not alone those supplied us

by comparative geography and climatology, but likewise those derived

from the exact observations of other travellers, tend to confirm my

figures, and prove them to be rather understated than magnified ;

Humboldt’s doubts therefore as to the possibility of the snow-line of

the Tian-Shan exceeding 11,000 feet elevation, are disposed of not only

on theoretical considerations, but also by ocular demonstration. The

interesting questions relating to the existence of fine alpine glaciers

in the Tian-Shan, which is in intimate connection with that of the

height of the snow-line, I solved in complete accordance with the

previously expressed opinions of Humboldt and Ritter. I set out

without any foregone conclusions on this point, but having experienced

the remarkable dryness of the air in the Tian-Shan mountains, and

having ascertained, on ascending the Fatiki Davan, that the height of

the snow-line was higher than 11,000 feet, involuntary doubts entered

my mind as to the possibility of the existence of real glaciers in the

Tian-Shan. These doubts were, however, soon dispelled. At the

sources of the river system of the Sary-Djaza, I came across five

magnificent alpine glaciers and a ‘“‘ Mer de glace” exceeding in size that

of Chamounix. Notwithstanding some of the peculiarities of the

Tian-Shan glaciers, owing principally to their prevalence at not more

than about 2,500 feet below the limit of the snow-line, while in

| Switzerland they descend as low as 5,000 feet, their existence in the

| form anticipated by Ritter and Humboldt, on the strength of Chinese

accounts, was fully confirmed.

It now remained for me to prove, by actual observation on the spot,

| the existence or otherwise of volcanic phenomena in Djungaria, and

132 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

in the Celestial mountains, to which Humboldt in his works so often

alludes. I started on my journey firmly persuaded that I should find

the conjectured volcanoes, or at all events some volcanic forms, and I

sought diligently (as Schrenck did on lake Ala-kul) to establish the

correctness of Humboldt’s surmises, with respect to the existence of

volcanic phenomena in Central Asia, by which confirmation I knew a

traveller would gain greater credit than by an incomplete refutation

of the hypothesis. I was even aware that Humboldt was rather

displeased with the researches of Schrenk who clearly showed that the

island of Aral-Tibe on lake Ala-kul was not of volcanic origin.

The opinions entertained by Humboldt on the subject of the existence

of volcanoes in Djungaria were favourite ones with him, and I regret

that I was not able to confirm his cherished theory. Kullok peak,

another of Humboldt’s mistaken volcanoes, was found to have no

voleanic origin whatever. The hot springs, and the non-congelation

of the waters of lake Issyk-Kul, were not accompanied by any

volcanic forms in the Tian-Shan, and furthermore all the native

accounts of phenomena which from their descriptions might be supposed

to be volcanic, proved unfounded, and were at once disposed of on my

examination of the localities where they were declared to occur. The

result therefore of my researches on this point was that I became

convinced of the complete absence of volcanoes, distinct volcanic

phenomena, or even volcanic forms throughout the Celestial mountains.

It is true that there existed in Djungaria at one period some

“ Solfaters” or smoking cavities from which there was a discharge and

deposit of sulphur, and that some of these fissures, out of which the —

Chinese obtain sulphur, emit smoke even at the present day. But a

careful inspection of one of the extinguished pits satisfied me, that at

all events in that case, there was no volcanic affinity.

In the neighbourhood of the pits which I discovered in the Kati

mountains, and in the Ili valley, I could trace no volcanic forms, but |

ironstone occurred, and owed its formation, as far as I could judge, to

the pyrites that were widely spread in the vicinity; there was at the

same time a discharge of sulphur emitted in the form of vapour out of

numerous fissures and which left a deposit on the sides. It is to be

taken into consideration that I found a coal formation largely developed

throughout the Ili basin, and that coal is obtained by the Chinese in

1865.] Notes on Central Asia. 133

the neighbourhood of Kuldja, in large quantities, from very deep

seams. The whole process of the formation of sulphur can then in my

opinion be reasonably explained by the combustion of some coal seams

in this basin, which would at once set at rest the question of supposed

volcanic agency.

I cannot positively affirm that the origin of the other smoking pits

of Djungaria, and particularly Humboldt’s famous “ Solfater’ of

Urumchi, is susceptible of the same explanation, although the analogy

between all the Djungarian ‘“ Solfaters’ would appear to be confirmed,

native accounts excepted, by the circumstance that the Chinese, who

are very expert in recognising such sulphur formations, procure sulphur

from the “ Solfaters” of Kati which I visited.

With still less certainty can I deny the existence of volcanic pheno-

mena or volcanic forms farther eastwards in the Celestial mountains.

Humboldt in his observations on the letter I addressed to Ritter,

which was published in the “‘ Zeitschrift fir Erdkunde” says that the

Sangai, rising in the centre of the Ando-Cordilleras range, the most

active of all the volcanoes in the world, forms around itself an island

of trachyte, not more than two geographical miles in diameter. From

this I must of course conclude that the observation of a single portion

of the Tian-Shan visited by me cannot serve as a positive evidence of

the absence of volcanoes and volcanic forms in other parts of this

mountain system. My conclusions on this question generally have

already been made public, in the letter here referred to, but I must

likewise observe in addition, that all Asiatic accounts of phenomena

which might be volcanic in appearance, should be treated by men of

science with great circumspection, as many of these accounts have

already proved fallacious. I would here also remark that the impres-

sion produced on me personally by Djungaria and the Tian-Shan

leaves great doubts in my mind as to the existence of volcanoes in this

part of Asia, and as I am the only traveller who has visited the

Tian-Shan, I cannot accept the belief in their existence, as an axiom

requiring no proof or confirmation.

My conclusion on this point, though negative, is one of the most

important results of my journey.

If, in aspiring after the truth, I have been compelled to express

opinions on two points of such vast importance to the geography of

134 Notes on Central Asia. [No. 3,

Asia, which differ completely from those entertained by Humboldt;

whose faith in the existence of volcanoes in the Celestial mountains

was as firm as that of Columbus in the existence of the New World, it

does not necessarily follow that I cast a shade (in itself impossible) on

the spirit of the great scientific genius of the age. Science is the

eternal aspiration of the whole human race towards truth, and truth

can only be grasped at out of a multitude of errors and misconceptions.

No one moreover is more liable to fall into such errors than the

pioneers of thought, who marshal their fellow creatures to the great

goal of truth, and call into existence words of new thoughts and

conceptions.

These giant minds are followed by a train of disciples, for whom

the path of investigation, and the final solution of great scientific

problems, is rendered comparatively easy. Thus there are the men of

genius in science, or the master minds, who conceive great thoughts,

and the workmen who follow up such of these thoughts as are sus-

ceptible of elaboration. ach has his separate functions, but on the

most humble labourer in the field of science devolves the sacred duty

of pointing out and rectifying any error into which the eminent master

may have fallen. And in such a case, the obscure advocate of truth

should not be crushed by all the height and authority of genius, science

being a problem open to solution to all humanity, and recognising

no individuality or oligarchical superiority. The science of geography

has lately been deprived of two of its most brilliant leaders—Humboldt

and Ritter. To follow in their footsteps, to extend the circle of their

researches, to strive after that eternal truth which they eagerly sought

during their mortal careers, to correct the few errors which are inter-

spersed through the wide field of their enquiries, these are the duties

of every votary of science, even of the most humble grade, and will

serve as the best testimony of admiration and respect to our great

masters. May the present effort be taken as such an expression, and

as one of the many proofs, that dying, Humboldt and Ritter have

bequeathed to humanity a living record of their great genius.

1865.] Notes of a trip up the Salween. 135

Notes of a trip up the Salween—By Rev. C. Parisu.

[Received 30th June, 1865.]

In March last, as I had never travelled on the Martaban side of the

Salween, and as I had been promised by Captain Harrison, the Deputy

Commissioner of Shway-gyeen, that, if I would pay him a visit, he

would accompany me through the Fir forests of the Yoonzalin, which

I have long wished to see; I availed myself of a month’s privilege

leave to take a trip northwards. Col. Fytche was going, at the same

time, on his official tour to Shway-gyeen. His company was an

additional inducement to go in that direction.

The road to Shway-gyeen lies through Beling and Sittoung, and

affords good riding ground all the way in the dry season, as it keeps

to the plain, leaving the mountains on the right hand, that is, on the

east. These mountains, which, N. E. of Shway-gyeen, cover a great

breadth of country, divide themselves towards the south into two

narrow ranges, one of which separates the Yoonzalin and Salween

rivers, terminating at their point of confluence : the other and longer

range terminates at Martaban, and is the watershed between the

Sittoung and Beling rivers on the. west, and the lower Salween on

the east. Westward of the latter range stretches a vast plain; and it

is along this plain, parallel with the mountains, though at some

little distance from them, that the road from Martaban to Shway-gyeen

lies. .

While at Beling, on the way, I rode out in company with Col.

Fytche and Capt. Harrison to a place called Kothanaiong, about 7

miles off, to see the Amherstia trees there. This place had often been

mentioned as one where the Amherstia was to be seen in great

perfection, and where, indeed, it might perhaps he wild. I was well

rewarded, for a prettier little spot I never visited. The Amherstias,

‘growing in a well-shaded place and watered by a perennial stream

which tumbles down a steep granite hill, and is ingeniously directed

hither and thither in large bamboo troughs, were, indeed, to be seen

E the wildest luxuriance of growth. But Kothanaiong is a sacred

spot. Here are Pagodas, Pongyee-houses, Zayats all around. A flight

of stone steps leads from the bottom to the top of the overhanging

a ——— — ws _ - A A EI _— ee

136 Notes of a trip up the Salween. [No. 3,

hill, which is about 600 feet high, and on which are more sacred

buildings. The Ambherstias, seen only round the principal Pagoda,

were undoubtedly planted, although they are left now to take care of

themselves, and have a wild appearance. Evidently, this is not a

native habitat of the tree.

From Beling we went on to a place called Kyik-hto, Eastward of

this place and distant about 14 miles, is a remarkable mountain, called

Kyik-hteo. Capt. Harrison, one of the very few Europeans who had

been there, assured me that it was well worth a visit, as there was,

on the summit, a very singular hanging rock, surmounted by a

Pagoda. We went accordingly, riding the 14 miles to the foot of the

mountain in the morning, and walking up it in the middle of the day.

We reached the top 3,650 feet at 3.30 p. m. The view from the

sumuinit is very fine, as all views from great heights are; but the many

granite boulders which are scattered about, some of them perched and

balanced in the strangest manner on the most prominent peaks,

constitute the most remarkable feature of this mountain. On all the

most striking of these boulders small Pagodas have been built; in

several instances, I should say, at the extreme risk of life to the ©

builders. As the only way of conveying a true idea of the appearance |

of these rocks, I send a rough sketch of two or three of them. .

There are two principal ones——The one at the very summit is

called Kyik-hteo “par excellence ;” the other, some little way down

the hill is, Kyik-hteo galay, or, ‘little Kyik-hteo.’ We could not

ascertain for certain what their names signify, further than that

““Kyik” is “rock” or “ mountain-peak.” I have observed that the —

Burmese never know the weaning of the names which the mountains 4

and prominent rocks in the country bear; the names being older than d

the Burman occupation of it. They are, I believe, generally Talaing, —

but sometimes Karen. The chief rock of all, which gives the name to —

the mountain, is simply a wonder. It is a huge rounded granite

boulder perched on a projecting and shelving tabular rock at the very

summit. This tabular rock is itself reached by a small foot-bridge, |

for it is separated by several feet from the mountain by a rent or

chasm; and on the farther side it drops down perpendicularly, I do

not know how many hundred feet, into a valley below. On the

extreme verge of this flat sloping rock-table, and actually over-

rom

1865.] _ Notes of a trip up the Salween. 137

hanging it by nearly half, is perched this wonderful boulder, which is

about 30 feet high, and is surmounted by a small Pagoda about 15

feet high. A rude bamboo ladder is leant against it on the inside,

which enables an adventurous person to ascend. Every native will do

this, but we, being both heavier and more awkward, preferred to

remain at the bottom.

Viewed on one side, it is difficult to understand why this rock does

not slide off its shelving support into the valley below! As one looks at it,

it appears as if, assisted with a little grease and a slight push, it must go !

But there it hangs, as it had hung, and I suppose, will hang yet,—one

might indeed almost say, there it s/zdes and will s/¢de,—for many an age :

*Labitur et labetur in omne volubilis evum;” unless some earth-

quake (and a very slight one surely would do it) should rudely shake

it from its precarious foundation. This place is annually visited for the

purpose of worship by people from all parts of the country round ;

many, I am informed, going to it even from Moulmein. Many were

already there, and very many more shortly expected, as was shewn by

the temporary booths of grass which had been erected, and were

calculated to hold several thousand people. Altogether, this is a

remarkable place, very little known, and well worthy of the trouble of

visiting it from a long distance.

I was disappointed, however, here, in a botanical point of view.

I expected great things from a high mountain in a totally new part of

the country; but I gathered scarcely anything. There were no

Orchids at all. The Ferns, if any, were dried up; one or two new

Acanthaceous plants alone rewarded my search. At this season the

mountain is arid, and vegetation on it scanty, On the top there is

little else besides long grass.

We passed the night on the top; and descended on the opposite, or

north side the next morning. Our ponies had been sent round, and

were found waiting for us at the appointed place; and a ride of 18 miles

: brought us by evening into Sittoung. From Sittoung to Shway-

gyeen the distance is about 40 miles. After two or three days spent at

Shway-gyeen in making preparation, Capt. Harrison and I started

upon our walking trip to the Yoonzalin district.

The Yoonzalin river is a tributary of the Salween and takes its rise

in (about) Lat. 18° 30’ and flows in a very tortuous course, but in

138 Notes of a trip up the Salween. [No. 3,

a general southerly direction until it joins the Salween at Kankareet,

a little below the Hat-gyee. It drains a very mountainous district,

and during the rainy season, rolls down a considerable body of water, but

during the dry weather, it is a shallow rocky stream, full of rapids and

scours. It takes small boats 15 or 20 days to ascend from Kankareet

to Pahpoon, about two-thirds of its course. It took us 5 days to

descend that distance.

The valley of the Yoonzalin is an extremely wild and almost

uninhabited district. All the way from Bangatah in the valley of the

Sittoung to Paapoon we did not meet with a single village. The

Karens, the only inhabitants, are very few and scattered; and they

have been so harried during the last few years, by the incursions of

the Shan Pretender who styled himself Ming-loung, on the one side ;

and by us, in our attempts to drive him out, on the other, that they

have hidden themselves away in the most inaccessible places. Occa-

sionally only we saw a stray house or two perched up on the top of

some distant mountain, or on its almost perpendicular side, with no

visible way of approach from the spot where we stood. When the

inhabitants become reassured and gain confidence in the permanency of

peace, they will no doubt increase, and settle down in more accessible

places.

I will not attempt any description of the scenery of this district,

because mountain scenery in one place is very like mountain scenery

in another place; and because I have rarely found that attempted

descriptions of the kind convey any definite picture tothe mind. All

that needs be said is, that it was extremely wild and beautiful, and

afforded all that endless variety of view which a chaos of mountains

rudely thrown together, might be expected to afford. Neither shall I

give the length of the stages which we performed, nor the names of —

the places where we halted ; for these places were not villages, only well

known spots conveniently chosen for the purpose, as combining the

advantages of level ground and water. And the stages, if measured f

by miles, might appear small; though measured by labour, by no —

means so. A more laborious, at the same time thoroughly enjoyable,

walking tour I never took. It is ceaseless ascent and descent, to the

extent of several thousand feet a day, all the way. There are two

words in Burmese for hill: Zowng, and Kén. A Towng, hereabouts, is

1865.] Notes of a trip up the Salween. 139

a good stiff hill, in fact, a regular mountain. The word Kon seemed

to be applied to any thing under 1000 feet. Two or three Kons

go for nothing, no account is taken of them in the prospective march,

if you should ask what it is like. After two or three days, one learnt

oneself to despise a mound of 1000 feet. In this sort of travelling,

one counts hours not miles; and, beginning to walk at 5.30 or6 a. M.,.

a man has generally had enough of it by 11 or 12 o'clock, and

rejoices to hear that the “tszkan” or halting-place is near at hand.

And this is the country through which some enterprising person has,

I believe, proposed to make a Railroad to China !

The extremely low temperature of the upper part of the Yoonzalin

district is remarkable. Immediately you get in among the moun-

tains, even before crossing the watershed which divides the Sittoung

and Yoonzalin, it becomes very much colder. It was the beginning

of March; yet, at a place called Thayet-penkindat, on the west of

the watershed, the nights and mornings were uncomfortably cold, and

the water in the stream excessively so. Before reaching this place, an

elevation of at least 4,000 feet, has to be made from Bangatah.

Thayet-penkindat is the name given to a stockade which we have

placed here. It is beautifully situated at the head of a fine valley,

and is 2206 feet above the sea, and closely surrounded by mountains

2000 or 3000 feet higher. The stockade is guarded by a Police force,

and the site appears to be well chosen, as it is situated at the entrance

of the Pass into this part of the Yoonzalin. This Pass is called Kyouk-

taga or Rock-gate, and is a narrow defile, two or three miles long.

The head of this pass is 3343 feet above the sea.* A small stream

runs through it,;and the vegetation consequently is very rank. I was

told that I should probably find some new ferns here, but though

there were many species, there was nothing which I had not seen

before. Near the head of the pass, however, I discovered a new

species of Bulbophyllum, and one or two other orchids.

Through this pass, we were in the Yoonzalin, district, and, to my

great delight, the next day, among the Fir trees. The sight and the

fragrance of a Fir forest to me, who had not seen one for a long time,

was most refreshing. The trees are all of one kind, Pinus longifolia,

* The heights given have been furnished by Col. Blake, and are from his

own measurements by an aneroid.

140 Notes of a trip up the Salween. [No. 3,

and cover the mountains from top to bottom. In many places it is

the only tree visible. It attains a considerable height, 80 to 100 feet,

and are, (the full grown ones) 8 to 9 feet in girth. The temperature

of the tract or belt of country where the Fir grows, as I said just now,

is extremely low. In the month of January, Capt. Harrison informs

me, (for he had been here in that month) there is hoar frost, and a

thin covering of ice forms on a basin of water by the morning. Even

in March we found the nights and mornings so cold, that we were glad

of thick over-coats and a blazing fire of Pine logs. At 11 and 12

o’clock in the day, and while walking in the sun, the heat was not

unpleasant. The vegetation gave indications of low temperature. I

gathered violets in the valleys. Rubus was met with ; and instead of

the Acanthacee and Zingiberacee, which cover the hills to the south

but which were not seen here at all, Composite (among them a large

Carduus) abounded ; many of them attaining to the dimension of large

shrubs. The Composite, however, were not confined to the Fir tract.

Of Epiphytic Orchidee, there were none: though I dare say that, in

the rainy season, the terrestrial kinds would be numerous. As the

forests were dry, ferns were scarce, though I was gratified at finding

that singular little tree fern “‘ Brainea insignis” in large quantities. I

had never met with it before. I gathered also Adiantum flabellulatum

and Lindsea tenucfolra.

Immediately we crossed the watershed to the eastward, though still

among the mountains, the Fir trees ceased, and it became very hot; |

and so it continued when we turned southward and crossed again into

the Yoonzalin valley. It is only in the upper Yoonzalin that the tem-

perature is so remarkably low, and that the Fir forests exist. Strange, —

however, to say, the Fir reappears in the Tenasserim provinces at

Myawaddee, on the Thoung-yeen, some 50 miles due east of Moulmein, ©

and thence stretches southwards for several miles, as I have myself ~

seen. The tree there does not form forests, but is sparsely scattered —

among other trees; nor does it grow so large. But, and this is most

*emarkable, in the Thoung-yeen valley, it is found on hills only about

1000 or 1500 feet high, and descends nearly to the river; therefore in |}

many places, cannot be more than 300 or 400 feet above the level of

the sea; and this in N. Lat. 16.°!

Shortly after passing out of the Fir forests I was delighted to come

1865.] Notes of a trip up the Salween. 141

upon a truly splendid Bauhinia, which I discovered for the first time

last year in the Thoung-yeen valley. Then, however, I met with but

one tree—here now I found many, and all in flower. The flowers are

very large, about 4 inches in diameter, of the purest white, save the

single coloured petal which is streaked with purple and gold. It far

surpasses B. Richardiana in beauty, for the petals of that plant are very

narrow, consequently the flower looks poor, whereas, those of the

species I am describing, are broad and meet at their margins, and this

adds immensely to its beauty. The flowers also are of the sweetest

fragrance, and are produced in profuse abundance all over the tree. I

hope to get seedsof it. I left particular instructions with the head-

man of that part of the district, to gather some when ripe and forward

them to Capt. Harrison, who kindly promised to remember me in the

matter.

The most northerly point to which we went was Kanlado, another

police station, and our frontier out-post. It is but some 15 miles

from our boundary on the North, and not far from the Salween.

There is a strong block-house here besides a stockade. It is situated

on the top of a small cleared hill, and 1881 feet above the sea; it is

surrounded on all sides by higher hills. This is the lively abode of

the officer who has the honour of serving Her Majesty in the capacity

of Assistant Commissioner of the Yoonzalin district. He, at least, if

no one else, will rejoice at the completion of the projected Railway ;

but he is likely to be the only passenger !

The vegetation of the hills round Kanlado is very different from

that which is seen in the Tenasserim Provinces. The forests consist

almost wholly of what the Burmese call Engyen a species of Shorea, a

middle-sized tree, at this season of the year in flower and without a

leaf. The forests consequently have a bare wintry look, a condition

of jungle never seen in the Tenasserim Provinces, where the whole

country is densely green throughout the year. There are, of course, a

few other trees mixed with the Shorea, such as Careya, Dillema,

Eugenia, and Anneslea fragrans ; but not in sufficient quantities to

alter the character of the jungle which is given by the prevailing

Shorea. Orchids grow sparingly on the trees here, but some good

kinds; Dendrobium Dalhousianum, formosum, and eburneum. The

only other locality known for the last plant is the valley of the Shoung-

142 Notes of a trip up the Sulween, [No. 3,

yeen. Besides these, I collected two or three other species familiar to

me, but not yet described or named, There was nothing absolutely

new to me here; indeed, the whole expedition only yielded two new

Orchidee ; the Bulbophyllum already mentioned as found in the

Kyouk-taga ; and a Dendrobium with the flowers of D. aggregatum,

but with short, erect cylindrical pseudo-bulbs.

From Kanlado, after a day’s halt, we bent our steps southwards and

homewards ; as my limited time would not allow me to go further,

not even to visit the banks of the Salween which is within an easy

day’s march of Kanlado on the east. About half way between

Kanlado and Pahpoon, we turned aside from our path to visit a water-

fall on the Yoonzalin river, I had often noticed on a map made by a

local surveyor, professing to be a map of this district, high up on this

river, the words, ‘“‘ Waterfall, 400 feet ;” but I could never find any

one who had seen the waterfall. Now, a waterfall of 400 feet is a

very unusual feature in the scenery of any country and a grand sight ;

and I had long formed a secret resolution to find out this waterfall

some day, and verify the statement as to its height. We were now at

the very part of the country whence, if visited at all, it must be

visited. I determined, therefore, not to return home without seeing

it. Capt. Harrison, happily, was of the same mind; so, notwith-

standing the assurance of the natives that the place was very difficult

of access, and the mountain side very steep and slippery, we sent on a

party in advance to find out a way forus and toclear the jungle sufficient-

ly to make it passable. Arrived at the point of our road whence it was

necessary to diverge from it to go in search of the waterfall, we struck

off, and had certainly as hard a morning’s work before we reached the

object of our search, as any man could desire: but we reached it about

noon, and that was enough.

On arrival we were at once gratified and disappointed : gratified at

finding ourselves in a most romantic spot, and at the preparation

made for us: disappointed at seeing no waterfall, although we were

told that all that was to be seen lay before us.

We had come prepared to rough it and sleep on the ground; we

were, therefore, agreeably surprised at finding a very capacious and

exceedingly pretty structure built, and all ready for us. The site was

selected with great taste, for on stepping up out of the thick jungle

1865.] Notes of a trip up the Salween. 143

by a small ladder on to our house, and on going to the front of a

broad balcony or verandah ornamented with a balustrade, the whole

made of bamboo, we found that the boughs of the trees had been cut

away in front, and that we stood over a large circular pool of water

into which the Yoonzalin poured itself on one side, and out of which

it flowed on the other, and we had the best view that it was possible

to have. We were in a perfect punch-bowl, shut in by almost perpen-

dicular mountains on all sides. Before us lay the still pool, 60 feet

deep and about 150 yards across: we heard the roar of the water

rushing in and rushing out, but, so hemmed in with rocks is the spot

that we could neither see the course of the river above or below. As

I said, we were charmed with the place, but where was the waterfall

of 400 feet? The reply was, that this was the “ Yaytagon’” (so the

Burmese call a waterfall) and that there was nothing more to be seen

than this! A raft of bamboos was made for us, and on it we went

close up to the “ embouchwre’ of the stream, the mouth of the passage

through which the water from above pours into the pool. It was a

singular sight. The whole of the waters of the Yoonzalin at this

point are poured through a long, straight, and very narrow street of

rock. The passage, or street as I call it, through the rock is perfectly

straight, about 14 feet wide only, and having exactly the same width

throughout its whole length, which is about 20 or 30 yards. The rock,

granite, rises on either side of this passage to the height, in the centre,

of about 50 feet in perpendicular walls with smooth faces, as straight

and smooth as if measured with a plumb line, and cut with a hay-

knife. As the water enters the upper end of this passage at a right

angle, we could see no more of the river than the length of the

passage, but we could hear the roar of the water as it boiled and

bubbled in its tortuous and bouldered channel above. But though

lashed into foam above, so smooth and polished is the narrow passage

that the water glides through it with a surface like glass, and sinks at

once to the bottom of the pool, causing little or no commotion init. I

climbed to the top of the overhanging rock on one side to get a sight

of the river above, but it takes so many short and sudden turns and

the gorge in the mountains is so narrow, that I could see but a few

yards upwards. Thinking that we had seen all that was to be seen, and

having already spent a day and a half here, we determined to set out

144 Notes of a trip up the Salween. [No. 3,

on our return the next morning; but towards evening, some of our

party, who had been exploring, came and informed us that they had

discovered a way to get up the rocks on the opposite side, and that

having ascended that way they had come upon a waterfall. As we

wished not to leave the place without being able to speak positively

on the subject of the fall, and thinking that there might yet be one

higher up the stream but hid from our view, we resolved to stop

another day, and explore on the morrow. We did so, and climbed

the way pointed out to us; and thus, taking the passage before

mentioned in the rear, we got a good view of the river for a mile or

so above it. As far asthe eye could see, the course of the river lay

through an extremely narrow valley and was impeded the whole way

by huge granite boulders. The fall of level also was considerable ;

and near the spot where we stood, it took a sudden perpendicular leap

of some 30 feet, into a deep and very confined square hole, which at

once turned the water at a right angle, whence it rushed on, and after

2 or 3 similar sharp turns within the length of a hundred yards, dashed

through the beforementioned passage into the pool. We had now

seen all certainly and could positively assert that the greatest perpen-

dicular fall the Yoonzalin makes here, is not more than 30 feet.

Though disappointed of a grand sight, we yet considered ourselves

well repaid for our toil by the general beauty of the spot and by the

very remarkable character of that natural feature in the scenery which

I have attempted to describe; the narrow street with perpendicular

walls through which the whole river, as well when at its height in the

rainy season, as in dry weather, has to make its way. Several persons

have thought that Pine logs might, in the rains, be floated down this

river to Moulmein : but no one who had visited the Yay-tagon would

allow it to be possible. No log could, I am convinced, pass this part

of the river’s course without being broken to pieces. It is unfortunate |

that all the Pine forests should be above the fall.

There was one drawback to our full enjoyment at this place. There

is a pest here in the shape of a very small fly, met with happily no

where else, which attacks every exposed part of the body most viru-

lently. Its puncture immediately raises a blood pustule and causes

considerable irritation for several days afterwards. I could scarcely

sketch for these tormentors ; and when we bathed, especially, their

1865.] Notes of a trip up the Salween. 145

attacks were so vigorous, that we wasted no unnecessary time in

putting off and in resuming our garments. On the third day after

our arrival we started for “‘ Pahpoon.” It was not far from “‘ Pahpoon”’

that, for the first time in the whole journey, we heard the cry of the

Gibbon. Its cry was totally different from that of the Gibbon of the

Tenasserim Provinces. The latter is a wailing, plaintive, and, to me,

not disagreeable cry: but the cries of the Gibbon here were most

discordant, and not unlike that of a pack of jackals. They can hardly

be the same species.

From Pahpoon, an obscure village on the Yoonzalin, we dropped

down to Moulmein in boats. Onthe second day after leaving Pahpoon

I noticed unexpectedly on the bank of the river, in one of the wildest

spots, a fine Amherstia in full flower, about 30 feet high. I saw but

one; for it was the middle of the day and hot; I had been, therefore

lying down in the boat under cover, heedless of what I passed. I

looked out of the boat casually, and saw this tree; so there may have

been others which I did not see, both on the bank and in the adjacent

jungle. I am sorry to say that my companion Capt. Harrison was a

long way behind in another boat, so that I could not point it out

to him; and he did not notice it, because, not caring for the character

of the vegetation, he did not look out from his boat at all.

Now, my reasons for saying that this was a bona fide wild tree are

these: in all this district, the valley of the Yoonzalin,—there are no

Pagodas or Pon-gyee houses, or spots sacred to the Burmese where

they have erected buildings. The inhabitants of the district, in fact,

are Karens and not Burmese; and these Karens are exceedingly few

and scattered. After leaving Pahpoon, we did not see a single village

on the banks all the way until we came to the junction of the Yoonza-

lin with the Salween. There are, indeed, no doubt, a few villages a

little way from the bank, here and there hidden among the trees, but

these generally consist of but 2 or 3 houses: neither are they settled

villages, for the custom of the Karens is to change the site of their

houses continually. Besides the regular Karens, not being Buddhists,

do not build Pagodas, nor do they ever trouble themselves to plant

ornamental trees, as the Burmese always do in their sacred places.

Besides, the spot where this Amherstia was seen, was not at all a

likely place for an Ambherstia to have been planted by any one; but

ps ‘

nen Se Rr ene

4 em Lew wr <p nde yes 4

146 Notes of a trip up the Salween. [No. 3,

one of the wildest places imaginable. Had it been on a rising ground

on a high bank alone, or on any prominent point on the river, I

should have suspected that a hand had planted it : but it was on a low

and sloping part of the bank, struggling for life with Calamus, Bauhi-

nia and tall grasses and such other tangled stuff as forms the common

vegetation of our river banks in the wildest places; and behind again ~

was dense jungle of the tallest trees. However, notwithstanding all

this, had it been seen in a fairly peopled district, I should have

doubted; but in such a wild uninhabited country as the Yoonzalin

is, I see no reason for suspecting that it was not a genuine native.*

Had Wallich’s first tree been here, I am satisfied that the idea of its

not being wild would never for a moment have occurred to him. I

am perfectly satisfied that the tree seen by me was a wild one. That

the Amherstia in a wild state may be very scarce is not improbable,

but that it should not exist any longer in that state, though possible,

is, to say the least, very unlikely. Probably it is confined to a small

area; and I am inclined to think still, as I always have thought, that

its habitat is the banks of the Salween, and of the Yoonzalin, which

runs nearly parallel with the Salween in about the latitude where I

suppose it grows. Very few Europeans, who would care to notice

the vegetation of the country, have ascended either the Yoonzalin, or

the Salween above the Great Rapid, that is to say, have been conti-

nuously along its banks, so that a rare tree may, not improbably,

exist there, although it has not been seen on the latter river at all,

nor on the former, except by myself, as I have described.

IT append a rough but tolerably accurate map of the country.

* The Amherstia has never been found wild before. Wallich discovered it,

i. e, first saw it, at a place called Pagdt, some twenty or thirty miles up the

Salween. The trees which he saw are still there, at least some of them, and

are manifestly planted trees, being near an artificial tank, at the entrance to

some sacred caves,

I have long had an idea that the native habitat of the Amherstia would be

found to be somewhere high up the Salween, This is not at all unlikely, be-

cause very little, indeed almost nothing, is known of the banks of this river

above the Hat-gyce, or Great Rapid, which is about 100 miles up the river.

III een

Sketched by C. Parish.

BOULDER

TEMPEE

AT.

KYIK-HTEO

KITH: BY HOM. SMITH ®.0.0. CALCUTTA, OCT, 1868

Vol. XXXIV. Part. I. Pl. 6.

On stone by Kristohurry Dos:

——

539) “L190 “VJLNOFVI 0 9 °S “HLIWS WOH Ad SHLIT

“Ya0OWVd YAQINOG AV 1VI-OALH-AIAN

--g50(y Kxamyoystxy Aq attojs uw) ystaed 9 Sy parpyays

“AUX XX TOA jedidecy 90g

90 Wi und qo (0-97

WS WoW ABH LIT

VWOOSVd YAGINOY OALH-YIAY

sso Aninqoysiacy Aq

Ysmed 9 Aq peynays

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour, 147

Notes of Observations on the Boksas of the Bijnouwr District—By

Dr, J. Li. Stewart.

[Received 10th January, 1865. ]

Travellers in Central America tell us that the phrase quien sabe

(“ who knows ?”’) stops them at every step, when they seek to inquire

into the past history of the natives, and some analogous expression is

probably in frequent use, in similar circumstances, among all barbarous

or half-civilized races who have no literature. In this country quien

sabe is fully represented by khabar nahin and Khuda jane, and of these

T have had much more than was pleasant, in trying to discover some-

thing of the past history of the Boksas of the Bijnour district. My

attention was first directed to the existence and peculiarities of these peo-

ple, while making some investigations as to the food of the inhabitants

of the district, and various circumstances subsequently led me to be some-

what curious about them. And although I have miserably failed in

making out anything definite as to whence the Boksas came or from

whom they sprung, a few facts have been elicited regarding the habits,

mode of life and health of those who inhabit the Bijnour Forest and

the Patli Doon, which may have some interest as relating to a section

of this tribe, the last of which, it seems not unlikely, will be seen by a

few more generations.

This information was only acquired by a good deal of patient digging

among these Boksas themselves, during several weeks of the cold

season of 1862-63 when I visited a considerable number of their villages,

and conversed with many of their inhabitants, including some of the

most intelligent headmen among them.

No detailed description of the Boksas, or of any section of them,

has hitherto been published, but there are many scattered notices

of those who inhabit the eastern portion of the Rohilkhund forests,

in the reports and papers of Traill, Batten, Jones and Madden ;

and Sir H. M. Elliot, in his supplement to the Glossary, gives some

interesting traditions as to their origin. Frequent reference will be

made to these notices hereafter, but, meantime, a few general facts

gleaned from these and other sources may be given regarding the distri-

bution and characteristics of the eastern Boksas. Since our occupation of

148 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

Rohilkhund they would appear not to have extended in any numbers

to the eastward of Kilpoory, beyond which the Tharoos, a similar race

begin to prevail, and their chief settlements were near Guddurpoor

and Roodurpoor. On the rearrangement of the canal system of that

part of the Rohilkhund Tarai, the Boksas were concentrated to the

north of Guddurpoor, where their settlement is now known by the

name of Boksdr. Nearly 300 years ago this term was applied to a tract

a little further to the eastward, in which, at that time, probably the

greater number of the tribe resided. Captain Jones, about 1845, gave

the number of inhabitants of (the present) Boksaér as 2,293, and I

have no information, subsequent to that date, shewing what proportion

of the Boksas of the neighbourhood may still inhabit scattered

villages.

The Boksas inhabiting the forest to the east of the Ramgunga,

who are called by those of Bijnour Purbid Boksas, and sometimes

Khalsé, are described as mild, inoffensive and truthful, but indolent,

fickle and unthrifty, and extremely ignorant; and, ere they were

taken in hand by British officers, they are said to have been kept

in grinding poverty by the usurers and their own Pudhan. They

are stated also to have shewn an invincible disinclination to settle

down for more than two years on one spot, yet never to emigrate

outside of the Forest and Tarai, to be excessively partial to the flesh

of game, especially wild pigs, and to exhibit a “wonderful immunity

from the effects of malaria.”

The Tharoos or Tharwi above alluded to, present many points

of resemblance to the Boksas, though neither will acknowledge

any connection with the other. But the former cover a much greater

extent of country than the latter, as from the point a little west of

the Sardah where the two tribes dovetail, the settlements of the —

Tharoos stretch eastward through the forests of northern Oudh and ~

Goruckpore to the river Gunduck.

I can find no evidence that on the east the Tharoos meet the

Meches, who are called by Dr. Hooker “ decidedly Indo-Chinese,”

and who occupy a similar position abreast of Darjeeling, to that held

by Tharoos and Boksas to the west, and to whom they appear to

possess a considerable resemblance.

The fact of different segments of the Sub-Siwalik forest being =

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 149

inhabited by three tribes which acknowledge no relationship, and

which, at the same time, have many peculiarities in common, is deserv-

ing of more attention than it appears to have hitherto attracted.

To the westward of the Ganges, there are some Boksa villages

inside the Siwaliks, in the Dehra Doon, but I can discover nothing

certain regarding their numbers, nor as to whether any of the

tribe inhabit the forest outside the Siwaliks in the Saharunpore

district. These western Boksas are called by those of Bijnour,

Mehras or Meri, and are acknowledged by them as in every respect

of the same caste with themselves, But isolated statements by

members of such ignorant tribes can hardly be accepted without

check, for the Patli Doon Boksas repudiated all bardddré with the

Meri, as well as with the Pirbid, whom they asserted to be nothing

but Tharwi, and to eat frogs and lizards.

We need not, however, suppose their ignorance to be strikingly

exceptional, for, at an early period of my inquiries, I was informed,

upon what would ordinarily be called “good authority” in the

Bijnour district, that the Boksas were chiefly remarkable for living

in houses built on poles, for the indifference of their women to decent

clothing, and for mainly earning a livelihood by gold-washing. As

will be seen by and bye, there is some little truth in the last state-

ment, while the two first are baseless. But this is beaten by the

characteristics attributed to the Boksas of Dehra Doon by the other

inhabitants of the district, who say that the former are famous for

dealings in witchcraft, for successful treatment of insanity and syphilis,

and for their pot-bellies, all which peculiarities probably originate in

the imagination of the narrators.

The number of inhabited Boksa villages in the Bijnour district

outside the Siwdliks, including two in the Patli Doon within

the outer hills, is fifteen, of which the thirteen outside are pretty

equally distributed over the Forest, but are rather more numerous

towards its western end. Of these, four are situated near the base

of the Siwaliks on the inner edge of the Forest, five on canals at

some distance from either border of the latter, and four—all in

the eastern part—on or near its outer edge in the Taréi proper.

It is out of my power to give aught like a correct census of

these, but the number of inhabitants in single villages, ranges

150 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

from twenty to at least two or three hundred in one or two of

them. Having found out the exact number of persons in a few

families, and made a good many inquiries, about most of the villages,

bearing on the point of population, I should put down the total

number of Boksas in this tract as at least two thousand, and possibly

nearer three thousand.

Of the fifteen villages, eleven were visited. All are built on

the same plan of one straight street generally of considerable width

(in some cases as much as forty to fifty feet) and kept very clean,

in both respects, differing remarkably from the ordinary villages

of the plains. The huts are placed end to end with intervals after

every group of three or four, and the walls are, for the most part, built

of wattle (of split bamboo) and dab, but sometimes of chhuppar, of

which latter the roofs also are constructed. The houses are window-

less, but each has a door in front and another behind, the latter

affording access to the sheds for cattle, &c. The doorways and roofs

are very low, and the floors of beaten earth are considerably raised

above the general level of the ground, and are kept scrupulously clean.

The only “ furniture’ in the houses, besides an occasional charpdi, or

more frequently small chhappars (which are often used to sleep on, as

cheaper than the former), consists of a few cooking vessels and one or two

barrel-shaped utensils three or four feet high and fully as much round,

made of wattle and dab, and used for storing grain.

There is no change made in the houses or household arrangements

during the rains, so that these western Boksas do not at any time

“live in houses built on poles,” as is stated to be the case with those

opposite Kumaon. ¥

The members of the tribe are of short stature and very spare

in habit, in both respects, somewhat exceeding the ordinary Hindoo

peasant of the district, from whom, however, they do not differ

much in general build or in complexion. No measurements of

their crania were made, but so far as ordinary inspection goes, their

features are marked by several of the Turanian peculiarities. Thus, —

the eyes are small, the opening of the eyelids being narrow, linear and —

horizontal (the inner angle not inclined downwards so far as I observ-

ed), the face is very broad across the cheekbones, and the nose is

depressed, thus increasing the apparent flatness of the face, the jaw is ;

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 151

prognathous and the lower lip thick, and the moustache and beard are

very scanty. Some of these peculiarities are much more marked

in certain individuals than in others, but most of them were notice-

able in almost every man’s face I saw, and it seems certain that a

Boksa will at once recognize another to belong to his tribe even if

he never saw him before, although some persons (Kumaonis) said

they could not recognize one of the tribe until he spoke.

The features of the few women that I had an opportunity of seeing

closely, were comely enough and of the same general character as

those of the men; but, as might be expected, in the children of both

sexes and even in a descendant the above peculiarities were

but little noticeable. Indeed, some lads were remarked in whose

features could be discovered no difference from those of the ordinary

peasant of the district. I cannot say, whether or not, it was owing to

the Boksa peculiarities of feature striking one less after a time, but

in the western part of the forest, which was visited last, “ features

hardly so marked here” are noted more than once.

As will be seen presently, I am inclined to lay considerable stress

on the fact of the Boksas having features with so many points of

resemblance to the Turanian type so well-marked, that they have in a

general way been commented on by all previous observers.

The dress of the men is the same as that of the ordinary native of the

North West Provinces, but, except in one or two cases where the Pudhan

may be presumed to have put on his “‘ Sunday clothes’ for inspection,

none of them wore turbans over the thin cotton cap which generally

covers the head. The little boys run about in puris, or nearly so, the

girls wear a scanty rag. The women’s dress consists of a petticoat,

generally blue or of an orange-red, with a dirty-white or orange-red

chaddar.

The proper names, in use by the Boksas, are almost always the

same as those of Hindoos generally, with a few exceptions such

as Pili, Dhanni, Mangt and Kakha, which may be supposed to have

been corrupted from Hindoo names. All of those, who were questioned

on the subject, were quite positive that their language is quite the

same as that of the other inhabitants of the district, and I heard of

no words peculiar to these people, with the exception of some names

of trees. The most remarkable of these is Kanddr for the Sai tree,

152 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

which, however, was only heard locally. Singular enough, the Tharoos

as Madden mentions, apply a special name Koron, to that tree. But

little stress, however, can be laid on any, specially in the names of

plants, which, with the natives of other parts of India, are often found

to alter within a few miles, even among the same or closely allied

tribes.

There are some peculiarities in the boli of the Boksas by which one

of them is at once recognized by members of their own or other tribes.

Thus nis constantly substituted for 7, as sdén for sdl and nath for

lath, and less frequently changed into 7, and n into /, as dari for ddl

and thalela for thanela. Two of these changes are often met together,

as Baglana, which is very often substituted for Bagnala, the name of

their chief village. One is struck also by a dialectic manner of

pronunciation, which alters the short a, and occasionally the long a of

Hindustani, into a sound approaching that of the French eu. Thus,

Boksa is called Boksuh, and achha stikha rahté hai is pronounced

achhuh sikhuh rahtuh hac.

The earliest historical indication of the existence of the Boksas

consists in the circumstance of a certain division of the Chourassi

Mull in Rohilkhund, nearly 300 years ago, having been called

Boksér, a term which is now, as then, applied to a tract of country

thickly inhabited by them (as well as to the tribe, and sometimes

to a single village of the Boksas). With regard to the traditional

origin of the race, the clear and connected statements given by

Elliot and Batten on this head are by no means borne out by the

discrepant and, in some cases, absurd scraps of information which only

these western Boksas, and the three purohits who are their spiritual

guides, can impart. The writers mentioned, state that the traditions

of the Boksas make them out to be Powar Rajputs descended from

Oodya Jeet, (or his relative Jug Deo) and his followers, who in the 12th

century left his native place in Rajputdna on account of family quarrels

and came, either mediately or directly, to settle here.

In reply to the inquiries I made on these points, instead of

frequently, or at all getting a connected account like the above,

the only assertions that most of these Boksas agreed in, were two,

viz., that they are of Rajput origin, although they confess that the

Rajputs of the plains hold them impure on account of their less cleanly

1865.J On the Boksas of Bijnour. 153

habits, &ec., and that they had come from the Dakkan, but even in this

they were not unanimous. When they came to details, and many

professed to know none, their statements were more varied than

satisfactory. Thus, several of them agreed that they came from

Dharanaggari, which, however, one man declared was close to Kangra

Devi. One stated that they came from Delhi, and another that they

had been driven from their original home in the Dakkan by the

Marhattas; one pudhdn stated that they came from Chittorgurh,

“beyond Delhi” in the wars of the old Rajas, and the most intelligent

pudhdn of all, the only man among them that I met who could read,

affirmed that they originally came from ‘‘ Boondee Kolah’’ having been

exiled thence “ by the king.” On this subject I found the three puro-

hits quite as ignorant as the members of their flocks.

A still more curious statement, than any of these was made by an

intelligent old Bengali Baboo, who has held a village in the Boksa

district for many years. He solemnly affirmed that, before the com-

mencement of British rule, the Boksas were Mussulmans in faith and

ceremonials, and that, im his time, they had Hosseini Brahmins as pwro-

hits, and used verses of the Koran in their pwa. This is a very

suspicious story, at the same time it is difficult to see what motive the

man could have had in narrating it.

It is not easy to reconcile the clear statements made to Elliot,

especially regarding the origin of the tribe, with the above discordant

_ and fragmentary information which alone is current among the western

Boksas, and the explanation of the difficulty may be the following.

Ii the story about Oodya Jeet is the true one, it would be more likely

to be retained by the numerous and concentrated Boksas to the east

of the Ramganga, than by the few and scattered members of the tribe

to the west. Or, if that tradition is, as there seems reason to suspect,

a@ mere concretion, resulting possibly from the original conversion of

“the tribe by. Rajputs, and their centuries of contact with Hindoo castes

and traditions, it may, ina similar way, have more readily assumed a

definite form, where the tribe was most numerous and united,

Still less than my inclination to theorize definitely, are my quali-

fications to dogmatize on such a subject, but the suspicion has

grown on me, since commencing inquiries regarding these people,

that their origin may be very different from what has ordinarily

154 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

been supposed. It seems exceedingly unlikely that, had they been

a tribe of Rajput extraction whom mere accident had driven to take

refuge in this inhospitable tract six or seven hundred years ago, they

would have, for such a length of time, remained so isolated as they

undoubtedly have been, from other sections of Rajputs. But thisis a

minor difficulty, compared with the necessity to account for the very

decided Turanian characteristics of feature which have been mentioned

in detail, and which appear to be quite incompatible with a descent

from any Indo-European race.

It may be objected that the language of the Boksas, barring slight

dialectic differences, is identical with that of the ordinary inhabitants

of this part of ‘ this country. But, not to lay too much stress on the

circumstance that, in a case of this kind, positive is much more valuable

than negative evidence, it is a recognized principle in ethnology, that

the physical structure of a tribe, and the nature of their language, may

change at very different rates, the possible alterations, in each, depend-

ing on very different conditions, and supposing that the Boksa

originally sprang from a source different from that of the ordinary

Hindustani, and that the physical circumstances in which he is placed

are not such as, even in the course of centuries, greatly to alter the

peculiarities of feature, &c., by which he was at first distinguished, it

is difficult to conceive any position in which his language would be

more likely to be rapidly and, at last, completely changed, than that

in which he is now placed. Scattered in scanty colonies, over a very

narrow strip of country, the language of the inhabitants, on both sides

of which (we assume), differs wholly from that in use by him,—

when each successive political or social convulsion in the neighbouring

tracts, and, for hundreds of years, we know that these were neither

few nor slight, was seen to be followed by an influx of these outsiders,

what more likely than that his language should, at last, become

completely assimilated to that of the latter ? ‘ .

The fact of the Boksas holding the Hindoo faith, and performing

its rites, seems to me to present no stumbling-block in the way of

adopting the view that they are of non-Aryan derivation. A race so

few in number, and occupying so circumscribed a position, surrounded

by Hindoos, and brought into close and frequent contact with them,

would be likely to adopt the dominant religion alnrost as readily as

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 155

the dominant tongue. It is evident that, if my supposition is correct,

all the traditions which assign to the Boksas a Rajput origin are

baseless, but precedent are not wanting of tribes, assuming traditions

in accordance with the history of their new co-religionists. Indeed,

such traditions sometimes arise even where the smaller tribe has

not adopted the religion of those who surround it. This is the case

of the Nilgiri Todas whose ancestors are now represented to have

been the palanquin-bearers of Kunya-Swami, a Hindoo deity, though

the Todas, far from being Hindoos, .seem to have no religious belieis

or ceremonies whateyer.

To the question, whence the Boksas came, and, if they are of

Turanian origin, to which of the great tribes of that race are they

nearly allied, the information at my disposal does not enable me to offer

any definite answer. It may be, that they sprang from the same

source as the Bheels, Gonds, Coles, and other so-called “ hill tribes”

of Peninsular India, relics of the original Tamulian inhabitants of the

country, still subsisting in the out-of-the-way corners into which they

were driven by the Aryan influx. But it appears to be indicated by

the fact of a series of analogous tribes oceupying segments of the

Sub-Himalayan forest-belt from Assam to the Jumna, and seems on the

whole more probable, that the Boksas are the furthest authors of the

stock whence sprung the aborigines of the northern part of the

_ Malayan peninsula. In any case, if they are really non-Aryan, the

complete substitution of Hindustani for their original language, and

the thorough assimilation of their faith and customs to those of the

surrounding race may form insuperable obstacles to their true relation-

ships ever being found out. Here, however, I shall leave this: subject

to be discussed by those who are better qualified to handle it, in order

to revert to less theoretical matters.

The Boksas conform to the Hindoo religion in an ignorant, un-

meaning way, and the usual rites of that faith are performed on the

occasion of births, marriages, and deaths. Marriage, as among the Hin-

doos, takes place at 8to 10 years, and at this ceremony the purohit receives

afeeof about four annas. After a birth, he gets from four annas to one

rupee four annas. The bodies of the dead are burned at the Ram-

gunga, or other neighbouring large stream, and the phdl (ashes) are

carried to Hurdwar, there to be consigned to Gunga ji, by a Brahmin

156 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

who gets a rupee or two for his trouble. Besides his special fees,

each purohit receives a general contribution from every village in his

beat, apparently amounting to about 5 maunds of grain each crop, which

is allocated among families according to their means.

In small matters also the Boksas adhere to Hindoo customs. Thus,

they do not wear their shoes (when they have any to wear) during’

cooking, and they kill animals to be used as food, by jhatka a blow

or cut on the back of theneck, and not by the throat-cutting haldl-

karna of the Mussulmans.

A good many of the tribe are said to profess special devotion

to particular deities, the only ones named to me being the spouse

of Siva; under her designations Bhowani and Devi, with Baba

Kalu and Surwar Sakhi. Of the personality of the last, I could learn

nothing. Kalu Saiyid is a local saint, who, curious enough, they state

to have been a Mussulman, as indeed the appellation Saiyid, if it be

not a corruption, would indicate, Some traditions about his life and

death are current, and before his shrine, at the entrance to the main

pass through the Siwaliks into the Patli Doon, Hindoos of all sects

make offerings, and his name “‘ Kalu Saiyid ki jac” is invoked in the

neighbourhood of the tomb on entering upon an undertaking, or when

engaged in severe exertion such as heaving up a load, &e.

The Boksas only marry among their own tribe, but there does not

appear to be any restriction within its limits. In this tract they will

have nothing to say to intermarriage with the Tharoos (who, they

declare, “eat frogs and lizards’), and there is some authority for

believing that Elliot must have been misinformed, when told that

some of the eastern Boksas, “in Kilpoory and Subna, occasionally

intermarry with the Tharoos.” The wife always follows the path of

her husband, and the children that of their father, in regard to a

difference to be presently mentioned.

Their puwrohits are Gour Brahmins who hold the office here-

ditarily. They do not live among their flock, but outside the

forest tract, one residing at Afzulghur, towards the eastern end, and

two in Nujeebabad towards the western end of the hathi. One of

those of Nujeebabad has the six most westerly villages in his charge,

the other has the three in the centre, and the Afzulghur man has the

four easternmost with the Patli Doon villages. I conversed with all

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 157

of these puwrohits, and found two of them apparently most ignorant

and stupid, while the third was fairly intelligent, sensible and com-

municative.

A considerable proportion of the tribe follow Ndnak Mathd, 7. e.

have adopted the Guru of the Sikhs as theirs, indeed they are

called Sikh by their brethren, and not Nénak shdhis as followers of

Nanak are in Hindustan generally. The ordinary Boksa does not

“take Nanak’s name” at all. In some of the villages, including

Bugnalli which is by far the largest of all, the proportion of Sikhs to

the others is very nearly or quite equal, but in some especially of the

western villages, there are few or no Sikhs.

Among so rude a people as the Boksas, it would be vain to expect

to find any elaborate set of religious tenets either held or understood by

such a sect as these Sikhs, and accordingly their one distinctive mark is

avoidance of spirituous liquor, opium and charras, which the Boksas

in general use freely. The Sikhs will not even smell spirits vo'urtarily,

nor will they use the hookah or eat in the house of one who has

smoked on the same day. It is said that the purohits also adhere to

the latter rule. Tobacco is lawful to the followers of Naénak, and

they, and the rest of the tribe intermarry without restriction, the

wife and children as above mentioned invariably following the man’s

sect.

The Boksas bear an excellent moral character. I have no definite

information as to their intimate domestic and social relations, but

for three years at least, not one of the tribe had been a party

in either a civil or criminal suit in the district courts. Any

disputes that occur are referred to the village elders, and in extra-

ordinary cases, it would appear that the pudhdn of one of the more

important villages (Bagnulli or Chuttroowali) is called to adjudicate,

but such quarrels of any moment are extremely rare.

Their indolence and ignorance are fully as remarkable as their

inoffensiveness. They have a strong objection to all labour which is

not absolutely essential to provide means for subsistence ; for example,

near some villages immense quantities of manure, of which they well

know the value, were lying unused, the trouble of taking it to their

fields being too much for them; and they assigned as the reason for

not collecting Kino (Mrakkigond) in the forest that it would be

barri mehnat, although it is really very light work,

158 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

They seem to have no spirit of inquisitiveness whatever, even in

regard to points in which one would naturally suppose they might be

interested. Thus it was frequently found, that they did not know

who was the purohit of villages within half-a-dozen miles of their

own: and several said that there were no Boksas beyond Nawab-

poora, which is the most easterly village of this section of the

tribe. As a specimen of their combined ignorance and credulity,

I may mention, that a pudhdn of one of the largest villages having

brought up his sick child, for some time declined to answer any

questions, believing that by merely feeling its pulse the details of the

disease would be discovered, and that any information from him would

be superfluous.

They have among them no arts or manufactures whatever, all clothes,

leather, &c., being imported ; nor do they, so far as could be learned,

use a single medicinal substance. I only met one Boksa who could

read, and heard of one other.

They are much more frank in manner than the villager of the

plains of the North West Provinces, speaking their mind pretty

freely, and they appear to have some sense of humour, which if the

latter possesses, it never comes out in his intercourse with Europeans.

One of the Boksas when asked what remuneration he got for being pu-

dhdn, answered with a grin ‘“ Nothing but dikkat ;” the question, “ What

will you get, for having guided me, if you do not wait till my servants

come up?” elicited “ Plenty of kdéntd on my way back ;” an old fellow

on seeing me examining under the ribs of some of the others for

spleen, complacently patting his lank abdomen said with a droll

expression such as is often seen to accompany some stroke of ‘ Scotch —

wut,” “ Do you think I’ve got spleen?’ And I had a hearty laugh,

one intensely cold morning, when on my suddenly stopping to ask the

old guide who, with chattering teeth, was panting up an acclivity

after me, some question about their traditions, he replied “ I may

remember by and bye, but its so bara jéara just now, I can recollect

nothing.”

Their only amusement seems to be the pursuit of game, terrestrial

and aquatic, and they complained bitterly that the recent carrying out

of the Disarming Act had deprived them of a chief means of

ivelihood. They are excessively greedy after animal food, and

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 159

Mr. Batten informs me Boksas have told him, that without wild pigs

a Boksa would die. This statement has probably something to do

with their fondness for sporting, but, independent of this, wild pig is

said to be almost a passion with them.

The Boksas are undoubtedly restless in their habits, and there

are more migrations from village to village than would appear to

be absolutely necessary. Still, this propensity doubtless shows more

strongly when contrasted with the generally extreme adhesiveness

of the Hindustani agriculturist to his native village. Here, among

the western Boksas, there is nothing like the “ Never stay in a

place more than two years’? which Jones and others state to be

the case with their eastern confreres. On the contrary, most of the

former appear never to shift their village at all, and the most exten-

sive changes going on of late years among them, seem to arise from the

Government orders to clear the Patli Doon.

With the minor development of the nomadic instinct, shown by their

restlessness, they evince unconquerable adhesiveness to their natale

solum among the swamps and jungles. I could not hear of a single

instance of a Boksa having emigrated from the forest belt, and they

mentioned the existence of a tradition that no Boksa had ever gone

abroad for service.

Although they are so fond of flesh, they keep no goats or sheep,

and in only one instance did I find that a few fowls were kept.

Agriculture may be said to be almost their sole employment, but one

_ or two others, which are followed by a few of them at times, may be

here noted.

A very small number of them ever engage in cutting bamboos

or timber for export, and the collection of drugs and gums, which

are largely produced and gathered in the foreSt, affords employment

to almost none of the tribe. In some parts, however, they collect

a few of these- (viz..gum of gingan, Odina wodier, .and sohanjan,

LHyperanthera pterygosperma, kamela powder from the Rottlera

tinctoria, aorila, fruit of Emblica officinalis, and harra immature

fruit of Terminalia chebula) for sale to the bunyas, who come-hither to

buy such things. I have already here mentioned, that the collection

of the kino of the dhak they object to as being too laborious, and

probably we must attribute to sheer laziness the fact, that they do so

160 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3;

little in availing themselves of the natural products, which are literally

scattered around them.

But the most important and interesting of the extra-agricul-

tural avocations the Boksas ever engage in, is gold-washing, and

it deserves a somewhat more extended notice. Within the last 25

or 830 years, the first part of the course of the Ganges, outside the

Himalaya, furnished gold from its sands, but at present the Sona

naddi in the Patli Doon, and the Ramgunga, below the junction of the

former, are the only streams in this neighbourhood, whose sands are

regularly or frequently washed. Little is done on the Ramgunga

outside the Siwaliks, but there appeared every indication that the

gold-washing was a regular employment of the Boksas on the Sona

naddi, and there is reason to believe, that the proceeds derived

from that minor Eldorado had a good deal to do with the

manifest reluctance of these people to leave the Patli Doon, on the

occasion of its being shut up for the preservation of the timber. In

the aggregate, however, the amount annually collected does not seem

to have been very large, for some years ago, the sum paid to Govern-

ment by the contractor of the Doon as gold-dues was only 25 rupees

yearly. 7

The Boksas say that there is nothing in the appearance, of the

gold-bearing sand to let them know if it will be productive or not, |

and only “prospecting” by a trial will shew this. The sand itself is

dug from the bed of the stream at many places extending over several

miles, and the superficial layer generally contains much less gold than

some of those a few inches below. In the sand, there seems to be a

good deal of ferruginous matter, and there are iron-markings along

many parts of the borders of the little stream, which here runs down

an intra-Siwalik valley similar to, but very much smaller than the

Dehra Doon. The soil, in and near the bed of the stream, is mostly —

gravel, and soft gray sandstone, similar to that of the Siwaliks,

frequently crops out.

Three or four people, often members of one family, work in a gang,

each having a separate part of the process assigned to him. A shovelful.

of the sand is first put upon a little close-set bamboo screen or sieve, -

placed over the upper hinder part of a flat toon-wood cradle (sand),

the lower end of which is open, and which has handles by which its

1865.) On the Boksas of Bijnour. 161

upper end can be tilted. Water is then poured on the sand from the

mouth and lateral hole of a handled téimré (pumpkin), the operator

stirring the sand with his left hand while he sits alongsidg the cradle,

which is raised a foot or two from the ground.

The sand having been washed through, the gravel left on the screen

is tossed off, but the screen itself is left on, so as to soften and equalize

the fall of the water from the pumpkin passing through it on to the

sand, which the left hand keeps stirring about, and raking backwards

toward the upper end of the cradle. After all the lightest of the sand

has thus been washed out, small quantities of the remainder are placed

on around, slightly hollowed plate of toon (phari) which is dexterously

twirled and made to oscillate on the fingers of the left hand, while

the washing is very gently continued. When as little as possible, and

that consisting mostly of dark particles apparently of hornblende,—

except gold, is left, mercury is rubbed with it by hand, to take up

the gold, and the mercury is afterwards-dissipated from the amalgam by

heat. This finishes the process, which agrees almost entirely with that

followed on the Bias, as described by Col. Abbott (J. A. 8. March,

1847), the chief difference being, the trough used by the Boksas is consi-

derably smaller.

The mercury is supplied to the Boksas at two annas a manswré

puisa weight by the same bunyas who purchase the gold from them,

sometimes giving them advances on the possible future production, at

sixteen rupees atola. Several of the tribe, who could have had no

possible collusion, stated that a gang of three or four people will

_ average two annas worth of gold a day, and one man, of fair intelli-

. gence, said that into his village of under one hundred people, old and

_ young, from one to two hundred rupees a year might come from gold-

~ washing.

_ The gold is here invariably in minute particles, and the Boksas

cannot conceive of the metal as ever being found in large pieces or

‘imbedded in solid rocks; and a theory I have heard of the manner

‘of its production has the quality of being as simple as are the peo-

ple who credit it. Thus, it is said that the sdl leaves which are

burned by the forest-fires, act on any iron or copper which the

soil or sand contains, so as to turn it into gold!

162 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

The agricultural operations and implements of the Boksas are the

same as elsewhere in the N. W. Provinces. The chief crops of the

hot weather (kharif) are rice, of several varieties, and mandei (Mandua,

Eleusine coracana), and of the cold weather (rabi) wheat with some

barley, but besides these, most of the cereals grown in the open plain

are also cultivated to some extent. Maize (makkz) is but rarely grown,

as it is said to be very subject to be eaten by wild animals (elephants,

pigs and jackals!) So great is the damage to the crops by these, that

the inhabitants of one village said, that smce most of their guns were

taken away, they had been obliged to give up cultivating a number

of their outlying fields in consequence of not being able to protect

the crops.

The pulses are very seldom cultivated, as the leaves are stated

to be peculiarly liable to the attacks of gindar, a kind of worm

which injures the plants so much as to prevent their maturing their

fruit. For this reason, almost all the pulse used is bought from the

bunyas. Another insect, swndi a sort of weevil, commits great

damages among their stored grain, especially,-they say, during the

plowing of the purwa (east wind).

Nor are the pumpkin tribe cultivated, the reason given for this

being that they do not ripen their fruit. This, if really true, is a very

eurious circumstance, the Forest tract being so moist that one would

have supposed this class of plants would grow well.

A good deal of sarson (Brassica campestris, mustard) and lahi (B.

eruca, rocket) are grown, chiefly for their oil, that of the former being

ased as food, that of the latter for burning. The young plant of the

lahi is also consumed as greens,—as in France and other parts of Conti-

nental Europe,—and this is the only green vegetable they raise, such a

thing as a garden being unknown among them.

Their agriculture is probably very slovenly, if one may judge

from the large piles of manure near some of the villages, whick

they will not take the trouble to remove to, and spread upon, thei

fields. A still stronger evidence of laziness in this respect is, that

they do not, so far as could be learned, raise a single stalk of tobacco.

(which all use), although large quantities are grown in each village every

year by Santis. The latter are men of the plains and almost all :

them reside in the forest for a few months only of each year, specially

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnowr, 163

for the tobacco-crop. A very few ef them remain all the year in the

forest (I met with one), and take two crops off the ground. The Sanis’

houses are almost invariably in a little cluster apart from the Boksa

village. I could not clearly discover what terms as regards land-rent

are made with the Boksas. The facilities for getting excellent

manure render tobacco a very luxuriant and lucrative crop, but men

of the plains say, its quality is not so good as that grown outside the

forest. The Boksas give as the reason why they de not grow tobacco,

that it is unlawful for them to break off the top of the plant (as is

done to prevent its running to stalk and flower) ; but this appears

absurd enough, and the cause assigned for their allowing the Sanis to

cultivate their village-land on any terms, viz. that the Boksas have

too few men, seems to me almost equally so. It is to be found that

laziness is the chief cause ef both circumstances.

I can only give details, as to the area of land cultivated in propor-

tion to the number of inhabitants, in regard to one village, and that

the most comfortable-looking of all those visited. It contained less

than ene hundred inhabitants of all ages, and the extent of land under

eultivation, for one or other or both crops, was about fifty acres. The

Government land-rent paid by the Boksas appears to be in general

exceedingly light.

After what has been said of the agriculture of the Boksas, it

will be apparent that their food is of the simplest. It consist of

bread made of the flour of wheat, barley, or some of the millets, or of

rice with a small proportion of dal, and more rarely some /ahi or

wild herbs cooked as greens with a little oil. They also, as above

indicated, consume a large amount of the flesh of wild animals com-

pared with the ordinary inhabitant of the plains. And, were they

always able to procure such food as the above, they would be, to say

the least, no worse off than millions of the inhabitants of India. But,

" Desides that the disarming process has affected their supply of meat,

it will be at once evident, that if the proportion of land to popu-

lation throughout is similar to that in the village instanced above,

even were it cultivated in the highest perfection, sufficient food could

not be grown for the inhabitants. We accordingly find that, even in

ordinary years, most of the Boksas live for months on a wild yam,

ealled githi, which, fortunately for them, is found in abundance in

164 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

these forests. The plant of which this is the root is the Dioscorea

bulbifera, L. (D. versicolor Wall; Helmia, Kunth) which is common

in the Sub-Siwalik belt as well as in the Himalaya to some distance

inward. It is of the same genus as the West Indian yam, and as the

ratdlu which is cultivated for its tubers in most parts of India. The

tubers of various other wild Dioscoreas are eaten in different parts

of this country, and Buchanan Hamilton mentions one, with a similar

native name gength, as being largely consumed by the savage Bhars

(Tharoos?) of the Goruckpore jungles. The plant is a graceful

climber having large handsome, heart-shaped leaves, and with little

bulbs (whence the specific name) in the axils of the leaf stalks. The

- Boksas say the plant is always produced from these bulbs rather than

from seed, and as the tubers examined had exactly the same kind of

markings on them as the former, this is probably for the most: part

the case. The tubers themselves are found at varying distances, from —

a few inches to several feet, under the surface of the ground. The

plant is luxuriant from the commencement of the rains in June, till

about March, after which, as the stem dies away, there is no clue by

which to find the tubers, so that, for at least three months of the year,

they are seldom if at all dug. The Boksas declare that the githa

will not keep for more than a few days, after which it dries up or gets

rotten, but,-from various circumstances, it seems not unlikely that this

was merely given as an excuse for their having none stored up.

These tubers weigh from an ounce to (it is stated) five or six

pounds, averaging perhaps a pound. For cooking, they are peeled and

cut into phanks (slices), which are put into an earthen vessel with

water and ashes, the latter being added in order to remove the excessive

bitterness of the rawtuber. They are then cooked over a slow fire for

from six to ten hours, generally in the night-time, and are afterwards

washed before being eaten. An adult, it is said, will get through from

two or four pounds at a sitting, using as a relish flesh (kahya) or

pulse. r

The Boksas themselves assert that they always prefer the cereals

as food when they can get them, and that it is only necessity which

drives them to eat the githi. They say the latter merely acts as

pet-boja and has no strength (kwwat) in it, and in the more prosperous

villages it is never consumed except in time of famine. In some of

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 165

the worst villages, again, they affirmed that during the two years of

the late famine they had no vegetable food whatever, except the githi.

Still, with the usual tendency of mankind to make the best of a bad

bargain in such a case, they attribute various virtues to this kind of

food. Thus, they state that it does not cause thirst or flatulence,

and that their freedom from spleen is attributable partly to eating it.

Their estimate of it, as tending but little to strengthen the body, is

much nearer the truth, as like the other yams, it is mostly composed

of starchy non-nitrogenous matter, and long-continued subsistence on

any such diet will tend to debility of body, This must be kept in

mind when we come to consider the general questions as to the

health of these people.

The Boksas are fond of tobacco, which, when they have no hookah

by them, they smoke in a twisted-up leaf (patwiri) ; and they took

kindly to Cavendish, which, however, they found very strong after the

light unfermented tobacco they use.

All the men except those who follow Nanak, indulge in spirit

drinking. Some of them denied that their women drink, or said

that they never do so until past the child-bearing age; and one

man indignantly asked ‘‘ What need have they for spirits, since they do

not have to go out into the jungle, or sit for a whole night up in atdnd

(=machdn) among the musquitoes, crying, hoo-hoo (to frighten wild

animals from the crops?)’’ But it seems certain that many of the women

also drink. Boys begin to consume spirits at the age of ten or eleven,

and the adults confess that they all drink whenever they can get liquor.

Yet, it would appear, they very seldom carry it to intoxication or so far

as to unfit them for work, but are generally contented with two or

three glasses. The liquor, here as elsewhere in the district, is manu-

factured from shiva, and as it is sold at one anna and two annas a

seer, this does not imply a very large consumption of alcohol. In one

village, the abkdr informed me that his customers comprized about

fifty adult males, and his sales per month were equal to 80 seers of

two anna spirits, which indicates a not very considerable average con-

sumption of the liquor such as it is.

The best of their pwrohits often lectures them on their drinking

habits, declaring that when they get a few annas they invariably run

off to the bhatt: to invest them, but he confessed with some sadness

ee - - a 2 —

166 On the Boksas of Bijnowr. [No. 3,

that his admonitions de no good, while the Boksas standing round

half-laughing denied the charge of drinking more than is good for

them. They affirmthat the spirits help, with githz and flesh to save

them from spleen and badz.

I now come to what is practically perhaps the most in-

teresting question connected with the Boksas, viz., their general

state of health and the diseases to which they are liable. And, in

palliation of the meagreness of what I have been able to discover under

this head, it must be remembered that, among savages like these, each

little fact must be expiscated separately, and the information derived

from one man checked by repeated cross-questioning of him and

others.

It may be premised that inoculation is quite unknown among

them, and all denied that they use any medicinal substance whatever.

As one man put it “ What medicine do we know except Bhagwén

ki ndém 2?”

The only diseases unconnected with malaria regarding which parti-

cular inquiries were made, were urinary calculus, leprosy, cholera and

small-pox. Cases of the two first have occurred among the Boksas, but

the aggregate number of the tribe is so small, that no generalization of

value could be made as to the rareness or frequency of these diseases

among them, as compared with the inhabitants of the district generally.

Only one epidemic of cholera was mentioned to me. This occurred

in 1862, and carried off nineteen people out of one middle-sized

village. Qne sporadic case appeared in another village apparently

about the same time. é

The people were able to furnish some particulars of epidemic small-

pox in five different villages, four of them apparently in the same

year. The details indicate very varying intensity, as in two of the

epidemics, although a good many children had the disease, no deaths”

occurred, while in each of the other three, ten to twenty, mostly young

persons, died. ;

Ordinary intermittent fever is not unknown amongst the Boksas,

but it is by no means common, and a number of those examined had

had no attack for many years. Deaths occasionally occur from a form

of fever which seems from their description to be a typhus with

bilious complication, and which proves fatal in five or six days, if at all,

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 167

In a proverbiably malarious district like that inhabited by

these people, one might have been prepared to find the “ Spleen-

test,” of some importance, and I was somewhat surprised to dis-

cover that in not one of the numerous adults examined, was the

spleen notably enlarged. Indeed most of them lad never heard of

such a thing as pilaé, while those who had, generally attributed their

freedom from it to—as usual the githt and alcohol they consume.

The percentage of enlarged spleens among the inhabitants of a district,

as a test of the intensity of malaria in it, was first proposed by Dr.

Dempster, when on the ‘“ Canal Committee” in 1847, and, since that

time, it has been held as a dogma by probably the bulk of the profes-

sion in India, that a large number of “ ague cakes” shew increased

malarious activity in a district, while a blank return as to enlarged

spleens would indicate absence or weakness of the miasm. Indeed, a

report is on record, by a member of our service, who, when acting on o

committee appointed to select a sanatarium, having in the course

of a few minutes examined some of the residents of the village,

and found few or no enlarged spleens, immediately pronounced the

site “free from fever influences.” But the almost total absence of

spleen affection among this tribe, who inhabit from year to year, and all

the year long, a tract whereall the elements generally considered

necessary, for the development of malaria are in full perfection for

several months each season, and where it is but too certain that the

miasm itself exists in the greatest activity at that time,—would induce

us to believe, that there is still some datum to be discovered ere the

“ spleen-test”’ theory can be formalized.

Nor are we by any means at the bottom of the question

of acclimatization so-called, in regard to a case apparently so

simple as that of the Boksa living in comparative health throughout

the year, in a tract twenty-four hours of many parts of which, at

certain seasons, would be deadly to the newcomer. The Boksas’

comparative immunity from malarious fevers has frequently been

attributed especially to two causes; Ist, their not going out of doors

after sunset in the fever-season, and 2nd, their houses being raised on

poles at that time. Unfortunately, among our Boksas, neither of these

habits has any existence,—houses on poles are unknown, and although

in the rains, the Boksas naturally are not inclined to go out after dark

168 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

if it is avoidable, yet they make no special difference on account of

the risk of fever. Thus those whose turn it is to go out and spend a

night up in the tdénd, in order to drive away wild beasts from the

crops, do so in the rains as at other times. Nor are the Boksas the

only people who may become “ acclimatized.” I met at least one Sdné

who had spent two complete years in a Boksa clearing and had no

fever. Again, some others do not so easily undergo the “ acclimatiz-

ing” process. I inspected one gote of herdsmen from near Almora, of

whom a certain number had that season (as in other years) remained

down to tend their herds throughout the rains, a very large propor-

tion of them had had fever severely and at least one had very bad

spleen. Very many of these gotvyas suffer severely in the forests during

the unhealthy season.

If we cannot as yet explain fully the cause of this difference, I may at

least state in what respects the habitations of the Boksas and of the

gotiyas ordinarily differ from each other, more especially as the differ-

ences observed tend to confirm the truth of modern views as to —

sanitary improvements. The Boksa villages are generally situated at

some distance from forest and jungle, in or near the centre of the wide —

open space comprising their fields; they consist of one very wide,

roomy, clean street, unencumbered by out-houses, &e., the floors of the

houses are raised a foot or more above the surface of the ground, and

are kept beautifully clean; the cattle are almost never lodged under

the same roof with the human residents, except when there is great

fear of tigers, and then they are in a separate chamber divided off by

a well-lipped wattle and dab partition; nor is their dung allowed to

accumulate close to, far less in the house.

In almost all these respects, a gote shews a very marked difference

from a Boksa village. The former consists of immense quadrangular

sheds, which are not necessarily or often pitched in an open space, but,

as more frequently happens, are surrounded close up to their doors by —

forest and brushwood. In these sheds the herdsmen and their herds

live in common, the former occupying the inner, the latter the outer

end of a shed. The floors of these are not raised above the level of

the ground outside, and the dung of the animals is not, so far as I

could learn, removed for many weeks or months at a time, or at most

only to just outside the doors, so that the whole place is one vast

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 169

dunghill and affords by no means a pleasant promenade even in the

cold weather. With our modern views as to the effect that filth and

close, foul air have on health, we need hardly wonder that the Gotiya

is more subject to sickness than the Boksa, or that the latter attri-

butes the greater liability of his neighbour to fever to the state of

uncleanliness in which he lives. 8

In the course of my inquiries among the Boksas, it became evident

that there is a very strong scorbutic tendency amongst them, of which

the state of the gums affords a fair indication. In this pre-eminently

statistical age, it would have been more satisfactory had I been able

to give a good many figures bearing upon this point, but my attention

became directed to it so late that I can speak positively as to the state

of the gumsin ten men only. These were taken promiscuously, and

the gums of nine were more or less livid, spongy and hemorrhagic,

the one exception, with sound gums, being a robust young lad. In

order to have some ground for comparison, the gums of several scores

of prisoners in the Bbijnour jail were subsequently examined on

admission and at the time of discharge, and, with the exception of 2

(or 3) old thin-blooded men, and one lad who had been subject to

considerable privation ere admission, the gums of all were healthy.

These were sound even in the case of several who had been for some

months on the havaldé diet, which consists of only 16 oz., of flour

with 4 oz., of pulse or 10 oz, of fresh vegetables,

The hemorrhagic tendency of the Boksas appears to be shewn also

by the great frequency and fatality of dysenteric affections among

them. Of seven deaths, the causes of which were at various times, and

without special design, detailed to me, five were from simple dysentery

or diarrhoea, and two from dysenteric complications of lever and small-

pox (respectively).

It may bea question whether the malaria, though it does not

cause fever among the Boksas to anything like the extent which

might be expected, has not.something to do with the lowering of the

system indicated by these purpuric or scorbutic symptoms, but I do

not think we have any cause for it beyond the wretched food on which

many of these people live. It has been seen, that the area of land

tilled in a village is generally much less than would provide a suffi-

cient quantity of cereals for the inhabitants under any system of culti-

170 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

vation however energetic, and that consequently, except in one or

two favoured villages in good seasons, the mass of these people mostly

subsist for a great part of the year on the wild yam, which does not

contain all the elements for properly replenishing the blood,—that

their supply of pulse which might supplement this want is not large,

and that they grow almost no vegetables. Doubtless the flesh they

eat, when it can be got, tends to lessen the detrimental consequences

of their monotonous and miserable diet, but with the Disarming Act

even partially enforced, they do not get the full benefit of that

palliative. They are, at the best, but spare small men, and become

prematurely old and feeble. Men of forty I have noted as “thin, grey,

and breathless,” and they themselves attribute their ailments to scanty

food.

It would appear that the state of system induced among the Boksas,

by the circumstances of their diet, is similar to that arising among

some classes of the Inish fram continued subsistence upon the potato

alone, as detailed in a paper read to the Dublin Royal Society by a :

medical member in the course of last year. It is also analogous to that

condition which is noted by Dr. Mouat as leading to the fearful mortali-

ty among the Sontals, and members of other wild tribes in the jails of

Bengal, and which has also at times been obseryed among prisoners

in Great Britain, in consequence of ill-advised changes in the dietary,

Within the last few months, the existence of a similar state of consti-

tution caused by poor diet has been suggested, by an experienced

medical officer, as predisposing to the fatality of epidemic fever among

the prisoners in the Punjab jails. This state of system, as existing

among the Boksas, is perhaps more nearly allied to scurvy than to any

other disorder, and although they or other people, in a condition of

freedom, in whom it exists, probably seldom die dmmediately from it,

yet it renders them infinitely more liable to succumb to attacks of

epidemic or other disorders.

Tt is likely that the debility so evident in the adults likewise

exists in the children of this tribe. Besides the numbers of young —

persons alluded to above, as carried off by epidemics; of 14 instances

in which the age at which death occurred was incidentally mentioned, §

eight occurred before puberty, only six afterwards; and in almost all

the families whose circumstances happened to be detailed, the minority

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour, 171

only were then alive, and in only one of these, had so many as three

persons reached manhood.

The statements given above, however, though significant enough as

indications, may not be very definite or on a sufficiently large scale to

convince ; the following facts do not labour under the latter defect.

Seven Boksa villagas have become extinct, and no new Boksa settle-

ments have been formed within our limits, in the memory of living

men, and as the Boksa does not emigrate from the forest, the question

arises ‘‘ What has become of their former inhabitants ?’”’ There is no

trace of any of them having migrated to the villages of the eastern

Boksas beyond the Ramgunga, and only a very few from the western-

most extinct village Lullutpore, appear to have crossed the Ganges

into the Doon Boksa settlements, so that naturally one might expect

the existing villages to have increased. But the fact is that of seven

of the villages, where special inquiries were made as to increase or

decrease of the population of late years, the largest of all (Bugnulli)

had slightly increased, two others had remained stationary, while the

remaining four had decreased from 50 to 90 per cent., and either figure

will leave a margin, even for the irrepressible inexactness of the

oriental.

While trying not to exaggerate the importance of these facts and

indications, I cannot resist the impression that these western Boksas,

the far outliers, as I presume, of one of the aboriginal races, are surely

and not slowly, dying out. Several causes seem to contribute to this

process. First among these may be put the unhealthy climate of the

forest-tract, although it is impossible to say how, or to what extent,

it acts in impairing the health of the race, or to separate its effects

from those of the other agents in operation. Second, and most

palpable, is the miserable diet on which most of the tribe habitually

subsist ; and third, the effect of epidemics is most fatal among a

people whose blood is impoverished, and their strength impaired by the

preceding causes. It has been seen that epidemics of small-pox, im

particular, are frequent, and often fatal among the younger Boksas,

and, had I remained longer in the district, I meant to have taken

steps for sending vaccinators amongst them, so that the severity of this

scourge might be lessened in its future visitations. It is possible,

however, that ere this time the Boksas have come within the range

of the general vaccine operations for Rohillkhund,

172 On the Boksas of Bijnour. [No. 3,

It might be supposed that Boksas are frequently killed by tigers

and other wild animals, but I only heard of one man who had _perish-

ed thus, having been killed by an elephant. JI was subsequently

informed, on doubtful authority, of three of them having been killed

by one tiger, in 1863.° In all likelihood, the frequency of wild beasts

near their villages at certain seasons, renders these people peculiarly

wary. At the sametime they have the reputation of being very

daring with tigers. I met one man who had been seized and mangled

by a tiger a good many years before. The brute having been driven

off by the other Boksas, who had no fire-arms, was shot by the

wounded man as soon as he let him go, although he was laid up with

his wounds for many weeks afterwards.

In bringing to a close these obervations on the western Boksas,

attention may be directed to three special points which have come out

more or less strongly in the course of them.

The first of these is a fact, which may possibly be of some practical

moment, viz., the certainty that, among the inhabitants of a striking-

ly malarious tract, the proportion of enlarged spleens is not necessarily

great, as the prevailing opinion would have us to believe.

The second point is also of some importance, not only as bearing on

the inquiry, as to how, and to what extent the Boksas resist the

influence of the funereal tract in which they live, but as related to the

great sanitary questions which are agitated in the present day: it

relates also to the nature of some of the circumstances in the sites and —

construction &., of the Boksa villages, which apparently have some

effect in warding off the deleterious effects of the climate, during and

after the rains.

The third point is a mere hypothesis, and consists in the suggestion

that so far from the Boksas being Rajputs, who migrated hither many

generations since from Rajputana, as the traditions of the eastern

Boksas say, they are probably either the relics of one of those waves —

of aborigines which the advancing tide of Aryan immigration drove

from the Gangetic plain into the wilder recesses of the country, or, as

is more likely, they constitute one of the extreme branchlets of that

stem of the Turanian tree, which, rooted beyond the Kuenlun, has, at

various times, sent its boughs far and wide towards the south, The

materials available to me, under this head, are so scanty that the case

1865.] On the Boksas of Bijnour. 78

has necessarily been left “not proven.” Some other enquirer may be

able to throw fresh light on this subject.

But, even should these observations answer no very definite practical

purpose, still, if my belief that the western Boksas are gradually

vanishing be correct, it may be of some interest to have on record

their peculiarities while they are still numerous and united enough to

deserve and repay attention, and I shall not consider my labour lost,

if, in the opinion of those whose views are worth having on such a

subject, this end has here been at all adequately fulfilled.

Religion, Mythology, and Astronomy among the Karens.**—By the

Reverend F. Mason, D. D., Missionary to the Karen people.

[Received 7th September, 1864. |

Rerieron.

The Karens pray more, and make more offerings than the Burmese ;

but their only object in these observances is to obtain benefits in the

present existence, principally health and prolonged life, so they cannot

be regarded as religious; while the Burmese make them to procure

benefits in a future state, and are therefore a religious people, though

by no means so moral as the Karens.

The Karens believe in the existence of one eternal God, the Creator

of heaven and earth, and have traditions of God, and the creation that

must have been derived from the Old Testament Scripture. The follow-

ing affords a specimen :—

“ Anciently, God commanded, but Satan appeared bringing destruc-

tion.

Formerly, God commanded, but Satan appeared deceiving unto

death.

_ The woman E-u and the man Tha-nai pleased not the eye of the

dragon,

The persons of E-u and Tha-nai pleased not the mind of the dragon,

* The following pages have been prepared in reply to “Queries respecting

the human race addressed to travellers, by a Committee of the British Associa-

tion for the advancement of science.”

174 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 3,

_ The dragon looked on them,—the dragon beguiled the woman and

Tha-nai.

How is this said to have happened ?

The great dragon succeeded in deceiving—deceiving unto death.

How do they say it was done?

A yellow fruit took the great dragon, and gave to the children of God ;

A white fruit took the great dragon, and gave to the daughter and

son of God.

They transgressed the commands of God, and God turned his face

from them.

They transgressed the commands of God, and God turned away

from them.

They kept not all the words of God—were deceived, deceived unto

sickness ;

They kept not all the law of God—were deceived, deceived unto

death.”

Other traditions may be found in the appendix to a little book pub-

lished by the London Religious Tract Society called “ The Karen

Apostle.”

The names Tha-nai, and H-w in the above verses are sufficiently

near the Biblical names of Adam and Kve to show a common origin ;

while they are so diverse from any mode of rendering those names

adopted by either Roman Catholic or Protestant Missionaries as to

prove they have not been derived from modern names.

The scriptural traditions have been found principally among the

Sgaus, and as we leave the Sgau tribes, we meet with others that

seem to me to have had a Hindu origin. Such are some of the trad1-

tions among the Red Karens. They say: ‘“‘ Anciently God created

the heavens and the earth, and he formed two persons. One was

called ‘the female Tha-lu,’ and the other ‘the male Tha-lu.’ God

placed these two persons to superintend the whole world. And God

created trees, and animals of every kind, and he wrote their names in

a golden book, and gave it to the two persons whom he created, and

according to the names found in the book, they called every thing.

God created all things by his word and his power. He created every

thing with a body, with seed, and with fruit.” Thus far the tradition

preserves a Biblical character, but they go on to say: ‘God did not

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 175

create all things at once. When God created the earth at first it was

not as large as a cotton spindle. There was not as much in it as

there is in a butterfly. And God commanded that the male Tha-lu

should rule over the sky, and the female Tha-lu should rule over the

earth, and all the animals on it. And that which made the earth

increase was the earth-worm, and that which made it firm was iron,

and that which sewed the earth together was silk. And before the

iron and the silk had united the ground, the whole earth was covered

with water. God was not pleased with the look of it, and he separ;

ated it by pressing the earth together with iron and silk, when the

water flowed out and became rivers and seas, and the dry land appear-

ed with its mountains and hills. And the three things that helped

the earth, were the earth-worm, iron and silk. There was a spider in

the sky, and he was able to pass to and fro between heaven and earth.

“The first mountain that was created was Lwie-nya ; and the first

rivers formed were La-ko-meu,

Lie-la-sho, and

Mai-e.

* And the river Lie-la-sho had its sources among the mountains of

Rako-sho. :

“ And God created a precious stone, and it became a great tree, and

the first tree was Than-du, and the first grass was the Chrysopogon

acicularis. And the first bird he formed was the Night-jar, and the

first fish was Tai-pai-men-bu, and the first snake was Die-lo-to.

“God created two suns, one was the husband and the other the

wife, and they were shut within a palace with stone gates, and gave

no light. God therefore gave the Pangolin to eat a hole through the

gates which it did, and broke out all its teeth, and then the suns came

forth, but the heat was so great that neither man nor beast could

endure it. Therefore man entreated God to destroy one of them.

And God told man to make a bow, and to shoot an arrow into the

face of one of the suns. So the man went up into the valley of mount

Ra-ko-sho, and shot an arrow into the face of one of the suns, and it

ceased to give light and became the moon, which God appointed to

tule over the night.”

Another version of these myths is given as follows: ‘‘ The Red

Karens say : Where, or how God came into existence, they know not ;

176 Religion &e. among the Karens. [No. 3, :

but they know that there is a God who has power over all things; and

that this God existed before the creation of the heavens and the earth. —

He was like the air, and lived in the sky, like the wind ; and like the

wind he went about everywhere. This he did through his inherent

power. :

‘“And God prepared himself to create the inhabitants of heaven,

and the inhabitants of earth ; but before he created heaven and earth,

he created two persons. The one a male, called the ‘male Tha-lu,’

and the other a female, called ‘the female Tha-lu.’ The signification

of Tha-lu is to float about like the wind. They do not fall to the

ground like a man from a tree top, but remain in the air.

“‘God put into the hands of these two persons the work of superin-

tending the heavens and the earth. He appointed ‘the male Tha-luw’

to take care of heaven, and ‘the female Tha-lu’ to take care of the

earth. Then when these people saw any deficiency, they asked God

for what they required, and he gave them seeds and the elements of

things, in order that they might make the earth complete.

“Some say that he who created all things under the direction of

God, was Ie-a-pai; but the greater part say they were created by ‘the

male Tha-lu,’ and ‘the female Tha-lu,’ and that the person who

shot the sun’s wife in the face was called Thye-kha. These four

persons are regarded by the Red Karens as working for God continu-

ally. They also speak of another super-human personage that they

call Pai-ie-pai-bya.”

All the Karen tribes have traditions of God having once dwelt

among them, but as having forsaken them. ‘The tradition is varied.

Sometimes he is represented as dying and rising to life again ; and

sometimes simply as departing. We have in verse the following :

“ Ywah, about to return, commanded, commanded ;

Ywah, about to depart, commanded, commanded ;

He commanded the sun to come and weep for him,

He commanded the moon to come and weep for him,

He commanded birds to come and weep for him,

He commanded squirrels to come and weep for him,

Worldly people set themselves up ;

Worldly people came not.”

A Sgau story says: “ Anciently God dwelt with the Karens, and

they said to him: ‘Thou art very old.’ He replied: ‘I will kill

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 177

myself by a leap;’ and he called all his children to come and receive

his dying commands. They came, and after each had been charged,

he leaped into the sea. MTheiKarens ran away into the jungles, but

the white foreigners could not run, and they said to the Karens:

‘Elder brother, I will go to where father commanded me.’ The

Karen replied: ‘I will not go.’ But the white foreigner went to his

home, and leaping into the sea, brought up the body of his father.

His father said to him, ‘I am not dead;’ and he gave orders to his

children to come and receive his commands again, as he was about to

go away. But the Karens had run away afar off, so he said to the

white foreigners: ‘Do not stay here.’ And he washed them over

with sandal wood, and said: ‘If you stay here, the Karens will perse-

eute you.’ So they followed their father, and he gave them another

country.

“The Red Karens say that anciently, after the transgression, God

called all the different races of men together to learn to read, and all

went, and every one studied zealously except the Karen, who did not

study in earnest like the White Foreigner, the Chinese, and the Bur-

mese. He went to and fro, and played, and did not understand books

like the others. After a while, God ‘dismissed the people and all

returned home, but the Karen was not skilled in books, like the other

nations. Still God had given him a book, but when he would study

it at home, his wife scolded him, and drove him off to work. He

therefore forgot what he had learned, and did not take care of his

book,

“One day, while he was absent, his book fell into the fire, and was

burned, and being unable to write, the Karens have had no books from

that time to the present. However, they observed the variegated

marks left by the letters of their books in the ashes where it was burn-

ed, and they made diligent efforts to embroider those forms on their

dresses. Hence it is that the Karens are able to embroider different

forms on their dresses. Had they not looked, and imitated the letters

of the book that was burned, the Karens would not be skilled in any

thing.”

The above is from a Bghai assistant that spent two years among the

Red Karens.

178 Religion &c. among the Karens. [Ne. 3,

Ta-ywa.

The Sgau and Pwo name of God is Ywa, but the Bghais use a pre-

fix and say Ta-ywa. To this name Ta-ywa, they attach long fabulous

legends of which the following is one; and appears to be of Hindu

origin.

The Elders relate concerning Ta-ywa and say: There was a woman

who was pregnant, and when it was hot, she went and spread a gar-

ment out to dry in the sun, but so soon as it was spread out, it ceased

to be hot, and clouds came up. Then she cursed the sun, and asked :

“ At first thou madest it hot, but now thou hast made it cloudy:

Why is it so? The sun cursed her back in return, and said: “I wish

thou mayst be pregnant three years, and when the child is born, may

it be no larger than a jujube !”

After this, the woman remained pregnant three years, and at the

end of that time, she was delivered of a son not larger than a jujube.

The child eat, at first, as much rice at a meal, as can be put in the

cover of a rice chutty; and after a little while, he eat a wash-bason

full, and could wrestle with an ordinary man. After another short

period, he eat as much rice as would cover a small table, and could

wrestle with a strong man.

He asked his mother why he was so small, and she repeated the

circumstances as related above. Then he said: “I will go and compel

the sun to make me grow larger.” Every morning and every even-

ing, he worked hard to make himself a bow; and when he had finished

it, he went up to the sky, to the place of drawing water of the sun

and moon, and there he met the children of the sun and moon coming —

to draw water.

He bent his bow, and placed his arrow on the string, which was an

Areca Nut tree as long as the height of a small mountain. Then he

said to the children of the sun and moon, “ Go tell your father to come

here, and make me larger.”

The children of the sun and moon were afraid, and said to their

parents : ‘‘ This man is very bold, and he said to us: ‘ Tell your father

to come here and make me larger.’ And he was about to shoot us

with his bow.”

The sun said: “Tf that be the case, let a cock go down and pick

him to death.” Ta-ywa drew his bow, laid on his gigantic Areca

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 179

tree arrow, and took aim at the cock, saying: “‘ Tell your master to

come down and make me great.” The cock flew away screaming with

fright, and told his master that Ta-ywa was very fierce.

In like manner, the sun sent a hog, and the hog was afraid. He

sent a horse, and the horse was afraid. He sent an elephant, and the

elephant was afraid. Every thing was afraid of him.

Then the sun said: “If it be thus, then make the waters rise, and

he will be drowned.”’ So he made the waters rise, but Ta-ywa made

a boat, and remained quietly in it. When the waters fell, the sun

said to his children : ‘‘ Now that fellow is dedd, go draw water.” So

they went to draw water.

Ta-ywa said to them again as before : ‘‘ Go tell your father to make

me great.” The children were afraid, and returning to their parents

said : “ That fellow is not dead.”

Then the sun said: “If it be so, we must make it burning hot.”

So he made it so hot that no one could endure it ; but Ta-ywa created.

a banyan tree, and dwelt under its shadow.

After the heat had passed away, the sun said to his children : ‘‘ Now

that fellow is dead, go draw water.” They were met again as before,

and sent back with the former message ; and they went and told their

parents that they did not dare to go again to draw water. On hearing

this, the sun made a bamboo tube, and went to Ta-ywa, who said to

him; ‘‘ Make me great.”’ The sun took the bamboo tube, inserted it

in him and blew him up larger, and larger, and asked: “ Large

enough?” Ta-ywa replied: ‘Not yet large enough.” He blew

again, asked the same question, and received the same reply two or

three times, till Ta-ywa was satisfied, but when he rose up, his head

hit against the heavens. The sun then flattened it down with his

hand till it was low enough, and then departed.

When Ta-ywa returned home, the people said: “ He is very great.”

And they envied him, and determined to kill him by stratagem. So

they said to him: “ Thy mother has no stones, on which to place her

rice pot on the fire, let us go and bring her some stones.” Then they

went, and sought out the largest stone they could find, and all the

village went to work to dig it up, and in order that it might roll over

him and kill him; they said: ‘‘ Go watch below, and carry it.” So

he went below on the side of the hill where they were digging, and

180 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 3,

waited in the road to intercept it. When the stone came rolling down,

he ran and took it up, and carrying it to the house said: ‘ Where

shall I put it?’ They replied, “The house will break down.” So

he put it on the ground.

Then they devised again to kill him, and said: “ Thy mother has

got fever, and there is no large wood to make a great fire for her, go

and bring some.” So they sought out a large wood-oil tree, and went

and cut it down, and told him he must receive it on his shoulder.

He therefore caught it when it fell on his shoulder, and carrying it to

the house asked : “Shall I put it in the house?” The people re-

plied: ‘‘ The house will break down.” So he threw it on the ground.

Then the people said: “ Ah, the rock rolling on this man did not

kill him; the wood-oil tree falling on him did not kill him; but were

a tiger to seize him, perhaps he might die.’ They therefore said :

“Thy mother’s fever continues, though we have offered fowls and

hogs to the spirits, but were we to offer a tiger, she would recover.”

So the people made him go. seek a tiger, in the hope that a tiger

would seize him. He, however, had no fear, but went in search of a

tiger’s track ; and after finding a very old one, he followed it up till

he found the tiger, which he seized and carried alive to the house,

when the people said: ‘‘ We are very much afraid. Go turn it loose.”

So he took it back, and let it go free.

While his concubine was seeking vermin in his head, she was moved

with compassion for him, and the tears dropped on his thigh. He

said: “ My faithful girl, what is it? It does not rain. Why is it

that water drops on my thigh?” His concubine replied: “‘ Ah, my

dear boy, people are envious of thee and laying snares to kill thee.”

“ Tndeed!”’ he answered, “‘ Is it really so? If people do not love me,

then I will go away.”

Every morning and evening, he worked on a bugle to give it a plea-

sant sound. When he had finished it, it blew out of itself, “ Father

and mother do not love me. Brethren two go abroad.”

He said: ‘‘ That is pleasant,” and he prepared food for his journey.

A hog of five spans round the body, five bundles of salt, five rolls of

fish, and five baskets of rice. With this he started, and blew his”

horn as before, till he met with “ Long-legs” planting, who had a

silk-cotton tree stuck in his hair, whose shadow covered seven coun-

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 181

tries. While he made holes for the rice, his thirty concubines chopped

in the seed. He said: “ Ah, the hardest thing is planting. Who is

this that comes blowing a bugle? Let us wrestle.”

Ta-ywa said: “ Ah, thy father and mother loved thee, so you can

work and prosper; but my parents did not love me. They said I had

grown exceedingly great, so I came away.”

Though Long-legs planted rice with thirty concubines to sow the

seed for him, he said: “Ah, it was so with me. Because my legs

were long, they did not love me.” He therefore prepared a hog of

five hand-breadths, five baskets of rice, five bundles of salt, and five

rolls of fish ; and when his thirty concubines came weeping after them,

he spit on them, and they turned to stone. Then the two went on

their way.

Thus they travelled together, and the same scenes were enacted

when they met in turn with Long-arms, Three-toothed, Broad-ears

and Hollow-breast.

Having become six in company, they travelled together till they

came to a fork in the Sitang river, made by an island ; and there, they

exhausted the water. Long-legs laid his legs across for a dam, Long-

arms stuck his arms down perpendicularly for posts, and Broad-ears

put his ear down on the interstices. Three-toothed bit up the fish,

and Hollow-breast received them into his bosom.

When they came to divide the fish, Long-legs wished for all he

could hold on his legs; Long-arms for all he could hold in his arms,

Three-toothed for what he could take up with his teeth; Broad-ears

for what he could hold on his ear; and they asked Hollow-breast :

“How much do you want?” He replied: “TI want all I can hold in

my breast.’’ His associates answered: “ All the fish put together will

not fill thy bosom. Why do you want so much?” And they quar-

relled.

Then Ta-ywa, Long-legs, and Long-arms went in one direction ;

while Three-toothed, Broad-ears, and Hollow-breast went in another.

Ta-ywa and his associates met with Shie-oo, and they said: “ We

will cook rice.” They went and asked Shie-oo to give them some

fire, but he said: “I will not give to you. You must wrestle. If

you throw me, I will carry the earth, but if you fall, you must bear

up the earth,”

182 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 3,

This Shie-oo had a spur, like a cock, and when Ta-ywa wrestled

with him, Long-legs came behind, and tripped up Shie-oo, but. his

spur entered the leg of Long-legs, and the blood flowed out like a

river. When Shie-oo fell, Ta-ywa trod him down into the earth till

he was immersed in it; and Long-arms thrust him down as far as his

arms would reach ; and then Long-legs trod him down as far as his

legs would go; and he went down below the earth, and has to carry

the earth to the present time. When the earth quakes, people say:

“ Shie-oo is raising himself.”

Ta-ywa and his associates pursued their journey, and met with an

empty house. After they had sat down, and drank water from a

spout that brought down water from the brook above, they went up

into the house, where they found a guitar. After Ta-ywa had tuned

it, he played and sung:

‘The house is pleasant, is fair ;

The owner is where? Is where? ”

The place where he sat was on the head of a very beautiful girl,

who was hidden in the crevice of the floor, and she pinched him. He

thought an insect had bitten him, and taking a cleaver he opened out

the crevice of the bamboo floor, when he came on the head of the girl.

She said to them: “ Ah, my dear boys, how is it that you are here ?

The great eagle has eaten my father and mother, my friends, and my

brothers. My parents had compassion on me and hid me. How have

you appeared? The great eagle will come and devour you.”

They replied to her: “ My dear girl, do not be afraid. Go beat

out paddy and cook rice for us. So she went and beat out paddy, and

cooked rice, and eat with them.

They asked the girl: “‘ At what time does the great eagle come ?””

She answered: “‘ When the sun passes the meridian, when it is half

way down, and at sun-set.” Then they said: “put up a split bamboo

roof to the house, of seven layers; and below them a layer of iron.”

This was done, and then they made a tin bow, and an iron bow. The

tin bow, they called the silver bow ; and the iron bow, they called the

old bamboo bow. Then they called out to the eagle singing :

“Every thing has the Eagle devoured,

Father, mother, and a wide land.

Has eaten father and mother,

But me in compassion they hid,”

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens, 183

“ Aha,” the eagle exclaimed, ‘‘ we said all were dead, and now we

have found another quite unexpectedly.” The oldest eagle came, and

the sky became full of clouds. It became dark, it thundered, and

the sun set. The eagle perched on the branch of a large wood-oil

tree, but the branch broke, and it then flew up to the top of the tree

and perched there, where it broke off a branch and picked its teeth

with it, when the arm and leg bones of men fell out between its teeth.

Then it laughed, and said: ‘‘ Aha! I said: can there be any thing

more left? and here is the veriest trifle. Shall I dirty my teeth

with it ?”

Ta-ywa said: ‘Grandfather, you can devour me as a matter of

course, but we try a bamboo, we try a tree. Let us try each other

once.”

The great eagle replied: ‘Why should we try? Be quiet, you

cannot do any thing.” ‘Ta-ywa answered: “ Nevertheless, things are

tried ; let us try.”

The great eagle said: ‘ Well then, how do you wish to try me?”

He replied: “If you can strike through my roof then eat me; but if

you cannot, you shall not eat me.

Then the eagle pulled a feather out of his wing, and with it struck

through the seven layers of bamboo, but it did not go through the

iron.

Ta-ywa immediately took the tin bow, and said to the eagle :

“Where is thy heart?”’” He pointed to a spot on his side. Then

Ta-ywa shot at the spot, but the arrow did not enter; so the eagle

said: “ Ah, you cannot overcome. Wait, let me eat you.”

Ta-ywa said: ‘‘ Grandfather, thou wilt eat me of course, but let me

try a shot with this old bamboo bow.” The eagle answered: “ Eh,

with the bow of glittering white if thou couldst not pierce me, how

wilt thou pierce me with the rusty old bamboo one?”

Ta-ywa said: “I will try a shot. Where is thy heart?” He

replied: ‘‘ My heart is at this variegated spot.” Then Ta-ywa shot,

and the eagle fell dead.

When he had killed one bird, he repaired the roof and made it

stronger than it was at first. Then he called and sung again, and a

second eagle came, with which a similar course was pursued, and it

was killed like the first, and so again with the third and last.

184 Religion de. among the Karens. [No. 3,

Then Ta-ywa ripped open the eagles, and took out the bones he

found in them. The bones of men he placed in one pile, the bones of

women in another, and the bones of the girl’s father and mother in a

third. Elephant bones, he placed by themselves; horses’ bones, he

placed by themselves; oxen’s bones, he placed by themselves ; buffa-

loes’ bones, he placed by themselves; hogs’ bones, he placed by them-

selves; dogs’ bones, he placed by themselves ; fowls’ bones he placed

by themselves. All kinds of animals, he placed their bones in separ-

ate piles.

This done, Ta-ywa made a strap, such as is used in holding a Karen

basket borne on the back, on the head, and with it he struck the fowls’

bones, when the fowls rose to life, and flew crowing away. In like

manner, he struck the bones of each animal, and the animals came to

life again. Last of all, he struck the bones of man, and the men came

to life again. Then Ta-ywa said: “ What has happened to you?”

And they replied: ‘‘ We have been asleep.”

Ta-ywa planted two herbaceous plants, and left Long-legs in charge

of the place, saying, If the plants wither, follow on quickly after me,

and then departed.

He passed on and came to another empty house, where the hall was

full of spiritous liquor. Here the same scenes were enacted as before, —

excepting that the girl was found in a spirit jar, and the destroyers

were tigers. Before leaving, he planted the herbaceous plants, as

before, and left Long-arms in charge.

Again he continued his travels, and met with another house with-

out inhabitant, but he found rice spread out on the verandah to dry,

and a number of pots of spiritous liquor. He sought a bamboo tube

with which to suck it up, and having found one, he notched it at the

bottom and drank. Here he found a handsome girl as before, and

learned that three large Pythons had produced the desolation.

He dug a gallery under ground with seven bends, and put her at

the end. Then he made two swords, and killed two of the serpents as

before; but when he struck the third, the blade of the sword flew out

of the handle, and Ta-ywa ran into the handle which the snak

swallowed. :

Immediately, the plants left behind withered, and Long-legs, and

- Long-arms followed on to the assistance of Ta-ywa. Long-legs went

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens, 185

kicking down the trees and bamboos as he went along, and the way

being too narrow for Long-arms, he smashed down the trees and bam-

boos with the swing of his arms ; but when they arrived, the Python

had gone away.

Then they called it seven times, and the seventh time it came again.

After the usual discussion, the two attack it, slashing at its head and

tail, and finally killed it. When it was slain, they ripped it open, and

found Ta-ywa in it dead. He was restored to life as others had been

before ; and then he separated from his friends and returned home.

He returned to his grandmother and younger brother, and told the

latter to cook rice, while he went himself to the forks of the river,

where he and his companions had at first dammed up the stream.

When he returned, his brother was boiling fish, and the tail of one

moved up and down by the bubbling of the boiling water as if alive.

He said to his brother : ‘“‘ Why, it is alive! I went to look at the

fish traps at the forks of the river, and have come back ; and why art

thou cooking a live fish?” Then he took his bow, and shot his

brother dead.

He afterwards thought to himself: I ought not to have shot my

brother. Then he set fire to a tuft of reed and ran round the edge of

the horizon three times, and when he got back, the tuft had not done

burning. He said: “I am very quick. I ought not to have killed

my brother,” and he repented.

After this, he was not happy, and he said: “T will kill myself.”

He made a bow, cocked the string, and laid on an arrow, and went to

sleep beneath the arrow as he had set it, aimed at his head. A dove

flying by, hit the cock, and the bow went off. He caught the arrow

flying with his hand; and this was repeated ten times; but at last he

forgot himself, and the arrow hit him.

For three years and three months, he grew very feeble, and at the

end of this period, he called the monkey-tiger; and he sent him to

call the Karens; and he called the Tupaia, and he sent him to call the

Burmans. He loved the Karens more than the Burmans, therefore

he gave the monkey-tiger a crayfish for food, that he might arrive

quickly, because a crayfish is cooked in a short time, and he gave him

a flint that he might get fire readily,

186 Religion &e. among the Karens. [No. 3)

He had not much love for the Burmans, and that they might be

slow in coming, he gave the Tupaia two bits of bamboo to rub

together to obtain fire, and a bit of skin to eat, for it was difficult to

cook, and the bamboos difficult to take fire.

When they departed, the monkey-tiger went up round all the

crooks of the gigantic bean creeper, and slept one night by the way.

When he cooked his crayfish, he said: ‘‘ Why, it is blood red!” And

it was long before he arrived.

But the Tupaia went rapidly. He was very hungry, so he roasted

his skin a little, and eat it; and reached his destination in a short

time. Hence the Burmans reached Ta-ywa first before he expired.

They asked of him, and obtained horses, and elephants, and oxen, and

buffaloes, and their dog asked for ears of paddy as large as the end of

his bushy tail, and three crops a year.

The Karens did not arrive till after Ta-ywa was dead, and burned

to ashes. His mats, and fanning baskets and carrying baskets were

burned up and just their form and variegated patterns left in the ashes,

which the Karens looked upon, and imitated.

Not satisfied, they followed on after the elephants, and tried to get

on to their necks, but could not. Then he commenced driving bam-

boo steps into their legs, as when ascending trees; but this made

them run away. Failing with the elephants, they tried to drag along

the buffaloes with ropes tied to their legs, but could not make them

go; and they tried the oxen with no better success ; but the hog they

succeeded in dragging along ; so the Karens have hogs to this day.

The latter part of this story is versified, as follows :-—

Go poison fish at Po, at Yau,

Go to angle at Po, at Yan.

Great frogs die, thou stayest to cook them,

Great fish die, thou stayest to cook them:

Thou remainest to cook them with thy brother,

To prepare them, thou remainest with thy brother.

Thou doest whatever cometh into thy mind.

Thou cockest the bow, layest on a red arrow,

Thou shootest dead thy younger brother :

Then thou repentest, sorrowfully.

Thou lightest the reed blossom, and boundest away

Three times thou runnest round the horizon,

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 187

Three times thou scamperest round the horizon,

Thon returnest, and the rice is not hot,

Thon returnest, and the fish is not hot.

Thou doest whatever cometh into thy mind :

Thou cockest the bow, layest on a red arrow.

One arrow flies, thou arresteth it in its flight,

Two arrows fly, thou arresteth them in their flight :

Thou forgettest that the arrow is flying,

The arrow hits thy heart.

Three years, three months, thou failest.

Thou sendest the Tupaia to Bamo

Thou sendest the monkey-tiger into the country :

But the monkey-tiger went slowly ;

When the crayfish was cooked, he said: Why, it is red!

The Tupaia went trotting along :

He reached T'a-ywa before he died.

Received extraordinary power to variegate cloth,

To weave beautiful as the Python’s skin,

And have rice crops three times a year ;

Became great and returned to Bamo,

But back went the poor to the hill of Kukoo,

Tponarry.

Though the Karens can tolerate all sorts of absurd legends about

God, yet they cannot endure idolatry. They seem to have no more

sympathy with it than Christian nations. One of the commands of

the elders says: “O children and grandchildren! do not worship

idols or priests. If you worship them, you obtain no advantage there-

by, while you increase your sins exceedingly.”

They regard the Buddhistic religion of their neighbours with con-

siderable contempt. One of the couplets that they sing, referring to

the sleepy looks of the images says :

* Gandama is drowsy,

He cannot save us,”

Far off on the mountains, I have often noticed one and another of

the wild Karens wrapped up in a flashy yellow and tinselled robe,

which he had abstracted from some pagoda; an act that the Burmese

regard as the greatest sacrilege,

ts -

188 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 3,

Some of the Karen stories seem to have been composed to turn the

worship of pagodas into ridicule; as in the following where the

worshippers are represented as taking the language of a rat for that

of their god.

“ There was a lazy dirty Karen young man called Sanken, and he

one day caught a white rat and was about to kill and eat it ; but the

rat spoke up, and said: ‘Do not kill me. I will get you a wife from

among the king’s daughters.’ So he let the rat go, and it ran into a

hole in the royal pagoda.

“When the king came and prayed to the pagoda, he said: ‘ May my

power and glory increase. May my subjects become more numerous.’

Then the white rat in the pagoda replied : ‘ If you will make Sanken

your son-in-law, your power and glory will increase. Your subjects

will become more numerous, your people will multiply.’ The king

supposed it was the image in the niche of the pagoda that spoke to

him, and was astonished. He returned to the palace and told the

Queen what had happened, but she would not believe it ; so they both

went to the pagoda, and the king prayed as before, and received the

same answer in the hearing of the Queen who was then convinced ; and

they gave the lazy dirty Karen, one of their daughters in marriage.”

1865.] Notes and Queries, 189

Notes and Queries.

Zoouoey.

Reliable information has at last been supplied by Dr. Jerdon regard-

ing the workers of one of the Indian species of Dorylus, an Hyme-

nopterous genus, which, as F’. Smith observes in his British Museum

Catalogue, ‘at present (1859) consists of males only.’ The following

extract from the Proceedings of the Entomological Society at their

May meeting will perhaps induce others to carry on Dr. Jerdon’s

observations should opportunity offer.

Mr. F. Smith read the following letter from Mr, T. C. Jerdon :—

“ Lahore, March 16th, 1865.”

“T have at last got hold again, after a long absence, of the speci-

mens of workers of Dorylus, and they are, as you suggested, evidently,

I think, Typhlopone. It is, however, strange to say, quite a Termes

in its habits, working under ground entirely, and never coming outside

except when the males are coming forth winged, when they accom-

pany them in swarms to the holes by which they make their exit,

I first observed the workers at Mhow, in Central India, where they

had undermined a house so completely that the foundation had to be

dug up, and I there saw the winged males (Dorylus) issuing out of

the same holes as the workers. I afterwards saw them twice again ;

the last time in a green-house of the Botanical Garden at Saharunpore,

N. W. Provinces. They were issuing every morning and evening in

great numbers from a hole in the flooring (lime), and several winged

individuals were with them, and these entered houses at night : this

was in February. I have met with Dorylus in every station where I

have been, and it is certainly curious that the workers are so little

known, as they must have been observed occasionally by hundreds of

Europeans. I have a lot in spirits and enclose you three or four in

this letter, enough, I dare say, to show if it is the same species men-

tioned in your ‘ Catalogue,’ T. Curtisii, or not. Dr. Jameson laughed

me to scorn when I talked of digging up the flooring of his pet green-

house, but if I ever get an opportunity of another nest in a get-at-able

situation I will try and get at the mystery of the female. Surely,

however, some of the winged individuals must be females; if not, then

190 Notes and Queries. [No. 3;

the only other conclusion is that the female always remains apterous,

and is impregnated in the nest ; or, if winged, that she is kept a forci-

ble prisoner till her wings drop off. I would have written long ago,

but was separated from the bottle containing the workers.”

Mr. F. Smith thought there was now little doubt that Typhlopone

was the worker of Dorylus, as had been suggested years ago by

Shuckard. The female, however, was still unknown.

Prof. Westwood enquired whether Mr. Smith was acquainted with

the insect which Gerstiicker represented to be the female of Dorylus ;

it was very different from Typhlopone. Mr. Smith replied that he

had never seen the large female in question, but he believed its con-

nexion with Dorylus to be purely conjectural. j

The following discussion took place at the same meeting in regard

to the flashing of fire-flies. Observation, we apprehend, will establish

the irregularity of these flashings, as testified to by Mr. Bates and

Mr. Saunders :—

The Rev. H. Clark read from ‘The Reader’ of the 1st of April,

1865, the following extract from a review of Cameron’s recent work

on ‘ Our Possessions in Malayan India :’—

“ The following account of that very common tropical phenomenon,

the light of the fire-flies, is altogether new to us, and not quite intelligi-

ble.—Does the author mean that the little insects actually keep time

with each other so accurately, that thousands of them scattered over

a shrub or tree all put out their lights at the same instant, and rekin-

dle them with equal punctuality? If so, here is a new insect-wond-

er, before which the economy of bees and ants will sink into insignifi-

cance :—‘ The bushes literally swarm with fire-flies, which flash out

their intermittent light almost contemporaneously ; the effect being

that for an instant the exact outline of all the bushes stands prominent-

ly forward, as if lit up with electric sparks, and next moment all is

jetty dark—darker from.the momentary illumination that preceded,

These flashes succeed one another every three or four seconds for about

ten minutes, when an interval of similar duration takes place, as if

to allow the insects to regain their electric or phosphoric vigour.’

We commend this as a subject of investigation for those naturalists

who are so fortunate as to live among fire-flies.”’

1865.]' Notes and Queries: 191

Mr. Clark added that, though he was utterly unable to give any

explanation of the phenomenon, he could so far corroborate Mr. Ca-

meron as to say that he had himself observed this simultaneous flash-

ing; he had a vivid recollection of a particular glen in the Organ

Mountains, where he had on several occasions noticed the contempora-

neous exhibition and extinction of their light by numerous indivi-

duals, as if they were acting in concert.

Mr. McLachlan suggested that this might be caused by currents of

wind, which, by inducing a number of the insects simultaneously to

change the direction of their flight, might occasion a momentary con-

cealment of their light.

Mr. Bates had never in his experience received the impression of

any simultaneous flashing ; on the contrary, he thought there was the

greatest possible irregularity in giving and extinguishing the light,

and that no concert or connexion existed between different individuals ;

he regarded the contemporaneous flashing as an illusion, produced pro-

bably by the swarms of the insects flying amongst foliage, and being

continually, but only momentarily, hidden behind the leaves. Mr.

Bates further remarked that the light-emitting insects were Lampy-

ride, not Elateride (Pyrophori), which rarely flew by night; the

Lampyride had a weak vacillating flight, the number of species was

very large, and he had himself found eighty or ninety species ; several

species would flit about together, and in the squares of Para he had

captured three distinct species; it would be curious if there were any

concert or action in unison between individuals of different species.

Mr. Clark remarked that the lights of the Lampyride and Elateride

were perfectly distinguishable; it was the former which gave the

intermittent flashing light.

Mr. W. W. Saunders had frequently observed the fire-flies in Ben-

gal, at Pondicherry and at Madras; they usually flew at a height of

ten to fifteen or twenty feet, amongst the foliage; he had never noticed

any flashing or regularity of intermission, and thought that each indi-

vidual was perfectly irregular, and independent in the exhibition or

extinction of its light.

_ M. Sallé (who was present as a visitor) had never observed any

flashing or regular intermittency, or simultaneous emission or extinc-

tion of the light.

192 Notes and Queries. [No. 3,

Prof. Westwood was unable to recall any analogous phenomenon ;

the simultaneity of the flight of Hmpis over standing water seemed

to be the nearest in point.

The following is from our late Curator.

The Inuwus assamensis.

In the Notes and Queries published in the last page of the Society’s

Journal for 1864, Capt. T. Hutton remarks that in my Catalogue of

the species of mammalia in the Society’s museum, I “ make Inuus

assamensis of Maclelland and Inwus pelops of Hodgson to be one and

also, that I “never saw a specimen of Pithex (Inuus)

pelops of Hodgson.”

Referring to my Catalogue, I find that I placed Pithex pelops,

Hodgson, as a synonyme of J. assamensis on the authority of the late

Dr. Horsfield. Vide his Catalogue of the species of mammalia in the

old India-house museum, now at Fyfe House.

the same;”

Capt. Hutton may remember that he brought two living individuals

of what he considered to be JI. pelops to Calcutta, many years ago,

from Mussoorie, which I saw repeatedly in his presence, though not to

much advantage in the small cage in which they were confined.

When his family proceeded to England, those monkeys were shipped 3

but what afterwards became of them, I am unaware.

Did Capt. Hutton ever see a specimen of I, assamensis, that he is

enabled to pronounce so confidently on its specifical distinctness from

I. pelops ?

Not long ago, I examined the original specimen of J. assamensis

procured by McClelland, which still remains unique; and I could not

perceive that it differs in any respect from the common J. rhesus,

excepting that the hind part of the body is not, as usual, strongly

tinged with bright ferruginous or tawny, being uniformly coloured

with the rest ; and my present impression (liable to correction) is, that.

it is merely an individual variety of colour of the common animal of

Lower Bengal.

Indian Rats and Mice.

With reference to my paper on these animals (J. A. 8. XXXII,

327 et seq.), I hoped to have been able to reduce the number of nomi-

nal species considerably, on examination of the specimens in the

British museum and the India museum ; but the less known of them

1865.] Notes and Queries. 193

are generally illustrated by such exceedingly bad and imperfect skins,

that little can be satisfactorily made out from them.

The Mus Hardwickii, Gray, (noticed in p. 330,) rests on a single

specimen in the British museum. It is certainly distinct from Nesokia

indica, having a much shorter tail, measuring (vertebra) but 2} inch ;

the fur dense, shortish, and of uniform length.

M. (?) hydrophilus, Hodgson, (p. 331,) has very soft fur, much

finer than that of NV. indica.

Nesokia Grifithii, Horsfield, (p. 332,) is founded on a young speci-

men of N. indica.

Mus setifer, Horsfield, (p. 334,) is founded on a bad and imperfect

specimen of M. bandicota, (p. 333); but M. setifer apud Cantor, from

Pinang, is very different, being identical with my I. andamanensis

(p. 340.) The small specimen from Malacca in the Society’s museum,

doubtiully referred to M. setifer (in p. 355), is probably the young of

M. andamanensis.

M. brunneus, Hodgson, (p. 335,) as illustrated by a good specimen

in the India museum, is identical with IZ. nemoralis, nobis, (p. 340,)

and Mr. Hodgson’s name holds precedence ; the species being nearly

akin to MZ. alexandrinus.

M plurimammis, Hodgson, (p. 336,) in India museum, is a well

marked species.

“ M. decumanoides, Tem. (nec Hodgson,)” apud Horsfield, (p. 338,)

is the common M. rufescens, (p. 340); and the M. asiaticus, Gray,

(p. 341,) appears to me to be no other.

M. caudatior, Hodgson, and IM. cinnamomeus, nobis, (p. 341,) are,

I think, identical ; but the Nipalese specimens are much less brightly

coloured than those from Burma,

M. peguensis, nobis (p. 845.) I found a specimen of this strongly

marked species, unnamed, from the Philippines, in the Derby museum

of Liverpool.

M. bactrianus, gerbillinus, and Theobaldi, (p. 347,) are identical, as

I suggested ; and I have seen what appears to be the very same mouse

from Syria and N. Africa. The specimen of JZ. bactrianus, originally

described by me, is now in the British museum.

M. Darjeelingensis, Horsfield, (p. 348,) comes exceedingly close to

M. strophiatus, H. (p. 349); and M. terricolor, nobis, to I. minutoides

of 8. Africa,

194 Notes and Queries.

M. rama, Cantor; Syn. M. musculus apud Cantor, from Pinang.

Akin to JJ. musculus, but more deeply coloured; the tail (vertebra)

2? inch, with about 24 distinguishable vertebre. A miniature of

WM. concolor, ( . 344).

This is a small further contribution towards the elucidation of the

difficult group of Indian mwide ; and little or no progress can be

made in the investigation of the series until much better specimens

are available for examination.

E. Buytu.

Mineratoey.

Syepoorite. In all works on Mineralogy, a simple sulphide of

Cobalt, Co. 8, is said to occur in Rajpootana and to be used by Indian

jewellers for giving a red colour to gold. In a recent paper in the

Journal by Col. J. C. Brooke, mention is made of a cobalt ore, a sul-

phuret, occurring with Copper ore at Khetree. Is this Syepoorite ?

There is not a specimen in any of the principal museums of Europe,

or at least there was not a few years since, and should a careful ana-

lysis confirm the chemical composition assigned to the mineral, it is

very desirable that specimens should be distributed.

W. T. Buanrorp.

JOURNAL

OF THE

=PrATIG SOCIETY.

——<e-—

Part IL—PHYSICAL SCIENCE.

eee

No. 1V.—1865.

Religion, Mythology, and Astronomy among the Karens.—

By Rev. F. Mason, D. D.

[Continued from page 188, Part II. No. 3.]

MYTHOLOGY.

Fourure Srate.

Karen ideas of a future state are confused, indefinite, and contra-

dictory. They seem to be a melee of different systems. That

which appears to me indigenous Karen, corresponds to the notions of

the American Indians. It represents the future world as a counter-

part of this, located under the earth, where the inhabitants are

“employed precisely as they are here. When the sun sets on earth, it

‘rises in the Karen Hades; and when it sets in Hades, it rises on this

‘world. The following story is.adduced by the Karens as proof of the

accuracy of this cosmology. ‘

“The elders say: There was a man who had a wife that he loved;

‘and she loved him in return. His wife died, which distressed him

beyond measure, and he said. ‘If there be any one that will raise

her up to life again, I will give him whatever he may ask.’

“A prophet or necromancer was found, who raised his wife from the

grave, and restored her alive to her home in the night. She pursued

her usual daily avocations throughout the night, but as soon as day-

light appeared she died again, and remained dead all day, but revived

at eve and went to work as people usually do inthe morning. This

course she pursued constantly. Hence it is manifest, that people in

the next world work just as they do in this.”

196 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4, ©

To these ideas are appended others that appear to have been

originally derived from the Hindus. They say that Hades has a king,

or judge, who stands at the door to admit or reject those who apply

for admission into his kingdom. He decides the future of each.

Those who have performed meritorious works are sent to the regions of

happiness above; but those that have done wickedness, such as

“striking father or mother,” are delivered over to the king of hell

who is in waiting, and who casts them down into hell; while those

who have neither performed deeds of merit, nor are guilty of great

crimes, are allotted a place in Hades. The Sgaus call this personage

Yu, or Tha-mie-Yu and the Bghais Tha-ma. Both are probably derived

from the Hindu Ya-ma; and his office and duties are as old as the

earliest records we have of the Egyptian religion.

Tue Sprrrr Wortp.

To a Karen, the world is more thickly peopled with spirits, than it

is with men, and the occasions on which his faith requires him to make

sacrifices and offerings to these unseen beings are interminable.

Every human being has his guardian spirit walking by his side,

or wandering away in search of dreamy adventures; and if too long

absent, he must be called back with offerings.

Then the spirits of the departed dead crowd around him, whom he

has to appease by varied and unceasing offerings, to preserve his life

and health.

Again there are all the conspicuous objects of the material world

—the lofty mountain, the wide river; the shady tree and the inac-

cessible pricipice, every one of which, by the awe they inspire,

demands reverence and respect from human beings, and punishes each

breach of etiquette with sickness or death. These too must be

propitiated.

Thus, though the Karens haye no cumbrous written ritual of ser-

vices and ceremonies, like the Mahommedans, the Brahmins and the

Buddhists ; they have yet an oral liturgy of observances, as burden

some as the services of the ancient Egyptians or the Mosaic ritual.

Guarpian SprRits.

The word in Karen that designates the heart is also used for the

mind and soul. The seat of all moral qualities is in the heart, an

death is designated as the departure of the heart from the body,

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 197

Some German critics say, that “ Psyche, in Homer, signifies only the

breath and the life; never, as in the language of later times, the spirit

or soul. Yet it goes to Hades and continues to live there.” There is

something like Psyche, as thus defined, in Karen Psychology ; yet m

many points more like the genius of the Latins; but differing as it

does from both, it will be better in this paper to designate it by its

native name; and explain it by its attributes. The Pwas call it La,

the Bghais Lai, the Sgaus Ka-li, and the Red Karens Yo.

This La existed before man was born, comes into the world with

him, remains with him until death, lives after death, and for aught

that appears to the contrary, is immortal. Yet no moral qualites are

predicated of it. It is neither good nor bad, but is merely that which

gives life to mortality.

The Las of a part of the dead remain on earth and become mischiev-

ous spirits ; others go to Hades, where they are employed as on earth ;

others goto hell, where they suffer punishment; while others go to

the Deva heavens, where they enjoy happiness.

Although in this state, the La and the man himself, the Ego, are

said to be distinct ; yet in nearly all the representations of the future

_ state, the man seems to be absorbed in the La; and inconsistent as it

_ is with previous representations, it then appears equivalent to the soul.

: _ Sometimes it is spoken of as the man, before being united with the

body. Thus a Bghai writes :

“The elders say: ‘The God of the whole human race resides at

the foot of the sun, at the foot of the moon; anid people who are born

are sent by God, and people who die are called back by God.’

“Men at the beginning are in the presence of God, and he sends

them forth; but before sending them, he tries their courage. He

es a sword and lays it across an abyss asa bridge, with the edge

uppermost, and orders them to walk over it. Those who dare to

walk across it, are bold; and God sends them into the world men,

hose who, after being urged two or three times, dare not go, God

- into the world women.

_ “ When God sends them forth, he gives commands in relation to the

times and the seasons of their return. It is related that a prophet, or

necromancer, looking into the world of spirits, on one occasion saw

seven men and two women coming into the world, and he heard them

talking with each other, The first man said, ‘God has ordered me to

198 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

go and return.’ The second said: ‘God has ordered me to return,

alter Tam able to draw water.’ The third said: ‘ God has ordered

me to return,-after I am able to weed.’ The fourth said: ‘ God has

ordered me to return, after [am able to make it easy for my father

and mother.’ The fifth said: ‘‘ God has commanded me to return,

after I am able to go to the Burman and Shan country.’ The sixth

said: ‘God has commanded me to return, after I am able to cultivate

paddy for my father and mother.’ The seventh said: ‘God has com-

manded me to return, after I have married.’

“The prophet said that after this he saw them all born on earth,

all boys, and he noted that they all died one after another, as he heard

them say in his vision.

“ Of the two women, he said one carried two Kyee-zees, and the

other a basket on her back, and a spinning wheel and distaff in her

hand. The first one he heard say: ‘ God has commanded me to stay

with my Kyee-zees, till I am white-headed.’ The other one said:

‘God has commanded me to spin thread and prepare cotton, till I am

white-headed.’ The prophet said he saw both born in this world

females; and the one came in possession of two Kyee-zees, and the

other spun thread and carded cotton, in accordance with his vision.”

According to a Sgau authority, the La promises God, before it comes —

into the world, that it will die by one or other of seven things it says .

‘* T will die in the mouth ofa tiger. IfIdo not die in the mouth of

a tiger, I will die of some kind of sickness. I I donot die of disease,

I will die by drowning. If I am not drowned, I will die by the hand

of man. If I am not killed by man, I will die by a fall. If I am not

killed by a fall, I will die by a blow. If I am not struck dead, I will

die of old age.” ‘

The La sometimes appears after death, and cannot then be distin-

guished from the person himself. One story says :

‘“« After a certain woman’s husband had gone to the city, she died.

On his return home, he met her La in the road, and taking it for his

wife in the body, he said: ‘Where art thou going?’ She replied:

‘T am going to see my father and mother.’ He was not at all awar

that it was her La, and she said to him, ‘ Thou hast a long way to

go, let us spend the night together here:’ He consented, and t

obtain food for their supper, she went and asked it of her children,

but they did not see her,

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. » 199

“ Though they did not see her, they still had some indications of

her presence. While her daughter was beating out paddy, all the

paddy suddenly leaped out of the mortar, and a fowl suddenly dropped

down dead.

“ The man and his wife eat and drank together, and in the morning

separated, to pursue their several journeys.

“ When the husband got back to his house, he found his wife dead,

and his children and neighbours preparing for the funeral. Then the

truth rushed on his mind, and he said: ‘ Children, I met your mother

last evening in the road, and we spent the night together. She was

going on a visit, but alas it was her La. Had I but knownit, I would

have called her back.”

Although the body and the La are represented as matter and

spirit, yet in the following story, materiality seems to be possessed by

the La.

“ A certain woman sickened and died, while her husband was absent

ona journey. While he was returning home, he met her La on the

way and asked: Where art thou going? She replied: ‘Iam going

to visit my parents.’ He then slapped her on the face with his hand, and

she came to herself again and returned with her husband home.

“ When they arrived at their house, they found the people mourning

over her body ; but she immediately entered the body, and it came to

life again as before.”

: The La may be separated from the person to which it belongs during

life. In sleep it wanders away to the ends of the earth, and our

~ dreams are what the La sees and experiences in his perambulations.

~ When absent in our waking hours, we become weak, fearful, sick, and

_ if absence be protracted, death ensues. Hence it is a matter of the

deepest interest with a Karen to keep his La with him ; and he is ever

~ and anon making offerings of food to it, beating a bamboo to gain its

. attention, calling it back, and tying his wrist with a bit of thread,

f which is supposed to have the power to retain it.

: _ The forms differ in different tribes, though the thing is substantially

the same. A Bghai writes :

“Should a person be often sick; if he cannot walk without being

weary, or work without feeling exhausted ; if he has no appetite for

his food; if he pines away, and has a sallow countenance ; it is said

that his La has left him,”

200 . Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

Then his friends take a fowl and a garment of the invalid’s, and

they spread a mat down at the top of the steps. The garment they

place at the top of the steps, and taking a stick with which they stir

the boiling rice, they strike the steps, saying :

“ Mr, A. B., thy La has left thee, thy La has gone away. It is

going to and fro; going to the Shans, going to the Burmese; and

hence thou art afraid. Thy La has gone away, and thou art startled,

thou art not strong, thou art not vigorous, thou art depressed, thon

art heartless, thou hast a sallow countenance, thou hast a cough,

thou hast difficulty in breathing, thou art weak, thou art weary, thy

head is bald.

‘ Now Ia, I call thee, beat for thee. Here is the great hen-bird,

here the great male fowl. Come, come, come. Come and dwell in

thy dry place, in thy pleasant location, in thy house, as water tight as

the bottle gourd, to thy divan, to thy bedstead. Come and eat the

flesh of the female bird, the flesh of the male fowl.’

After the fowl is cooked, the fowl and rice are set out, and the sick

man is made to take hold of the fowl’s head, when his wrist is tied

with a thread, and then the above prayer is repeated. The string

is then cut off, the end unravelled, and the cotton pulled from it

and scattered on the head of the sick man, with the following

blessing :

‘ Mayest thou live till thy head is white, and thy teeth broken,

like this string !’

At the Sgau funerals, the presence of the La is said to be manifested

thus. One end of a slender erect bamboo is attached to the bone of

the deceased that has been taken from the funeral pyre. A small

thread with alternate tufts of cotton and bits of charcoal, with a metal

ring, or bangle, at the extremity is tied to the other end, which makes

the bamboo bend down in a curve; and under the bangle, nearly

touching it, is a brass bason containing a boiled egg.

The closing ceremony of the bone feast, is calling the La of the

deceased, which is supposed to be hovering around till the funeral

rites are completed ; when, should it respond to the call, it is bidden-

to depart in peace to Hades. :

When the apparatus has been put in order, the relatives of the dead |

approach in succession and strike the edge of the brass cup with a bit

of bamboo ; and when the one that was most beloved touches the cup,

1865.] Religion de. among the Karens. 201

the La responds by twisting and stretching the string till it breaks,

and falls into the cup; or at least shakes and rings against it,

A hundred witnesses could be produced, who have seen it done.

Indeed the thread is of such slender material that a very little legerde-

main would be required to break it under the weight of the bangle,

and the bamboo is so slender, that still less would be necessary to

make it spring up and down, and hit against the sides of the cup.

But I have watched the whole ceremony, kept the crowd away from

the machinery, and there was no more answer to the calls, than there

was to the cries of the priests of Baal before Elijah.

Prophets, or Necromancers, are said to have the power of going into

the invisible world, and bringing back the La, when it has wandered

away ; but the Elders warn their children against unrighteous prophets,

who for the sake of gain, when they cannot find the La of the sick

person, will bring the La of some other person in its place ; by which

the disease is aggravated.

Thus it would appear that a person may have another one’s La.

The La is sometimes supposed to take the form or to inhabit insects.

Thus when insects are flying around a light at night, the wish is often

expressed that the Lis of beasts and demons may be burnt to death,

while the Las of human beings may avoid the fire and escape. Here

when an insect flies into the fire, it is said to be the La of a beast, but

when it hovers around and flies away, it is regarded as the La of

a human being.

_ According to the representations of some, but the idea does not

_ prevail extensively, each person has seven Las that are constantly

‘devising his death; which is only prevented by a guardian spirit

that sits on his head. When that spirit jumps down, the man is lost,

for then one or other of the Las rushes on him and kills him. These

Lis seem to be the personifications of evils, natural or moral.

_ They are madness, epilepsy, lechery, wrath, the exhibition of dreams,

the bearer of diseases andlanguor. ‘ If our mad Li comes, we become

insane ; if our epileptic La comes, we are seized with epilepsy ; if our

Techerous La comes, we become lost to shame; if our wrathful La

comes, we are filled with anger, malice, and commit murder ; if the

shower of dreams comes, we are overwhelmed with dreams; if the

bearer of sickness comes, we are prostrated by disease ; and if languor

comes, we feel unable to do anything,

202 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

The La is not confined to human beings; as has been previously

intimated, every living thing has its La. When sitting by the fire at

night, and an insect flies into it and is burnt to death, a Karen will

say: ‘ There the La of some animal has leaped into the fire and

burnt itself to death. We shall have meat curry to-morrow. The

snares and traps have caught something.”

Plants too have their Las; and when the paddy appears sickly, it

is said that its La has been devoured or led away, and it is called

back in the following form : z

“ La of large grained paddy, full grained paddy, come! [If at the

forks of the Salween and Sitang, come! Tif in the west, come! If in

the east, come! If in the mouth of the bird, come! If in the mouth

of the squirrel, come! If in the mouth of the monkey, come! If in

the mouth of the hog, come! If in the mouth of the rat, come! If

in the mouth of the elephant, come! If in the mouth of the dove,

come! Ifin the mouth of the sparrow, come! If in the mouth of

the porcupine, come! If at the sources of the streams, come! Ti at

the mouths of the streams, come! If in Siam, come! If at Ava, —

come! If at the corner of the kingdom, at the corner of the land,

come! Come, come, comE, and dwell in the barn, come and reside in —

the granary.”

Even inanimate things that can be put to useful objects, such as

instruments, are supposed to have their Las. So if a man drops his

axe while up a tree, he looks below and calls out: ‘‘ La of the axe,

come, come.”

Looking then at La in all its usages, it seems to be the personifica-

tion of the life, or efficiency of a person, or thing.

Departed Spirits.

The spirits of the dead resolve themselves into two great classes.

Those who are not permitted to go to Hades, corresponding very

nearly to the European notions of ghosts; and the spirits of the ances-

tors of the Karens, who, on going to Hades, were awarded, on account

of their good deeds, a place in the heavenly world, where they exercise

a kind watch-care over their descendants on earth. The offerings an

prayers made to these beings seem to correspond to the Chinese worshi

of ancestors.

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens, 203

Guosts.

The unburied dead.

The Greeks. and Romans believed that those who were deprived of

funeral rites, wandered about, and were not allowed to enter Hades ;

80 it is no marvel to find this now to be the popular faith in Europe ;

but it is not a little remarkable to find precisely the same rites preva-

lent among the Karens.

The Las of those who have been deprived of funeral rites, the Ka-

rens suppose, wander about on earth, and occasionally show themselves

to men as ghosts.

The following story illustrates the character of these ghosts :—

“Tt is related that a man was travelling and lost his way. When

night overtook him, he made a fire at the foot of a large tree, and

then ascending it, he built himself a little booth among its branches

in which to spend the night. Before he got to sleep, he heard the

ghosts calling to each other, and, thinking they were the voices of

men, he replied to them.

“So soon as the ghosts heard him, one came upon him, and wrestled

with him, and was repeatedly on the point of throwing him down, but

he had a comb in his hair which in the struggle fell down into the

fire below, and the stick-lac in the comb burnt with a very strong

smell. This smell made the ghost cough and sneeze, cough and

sneeze, till he could endure it no longer, when it ran away, and left

him. Had it not been for the smell of the stick-lac, the man would

have lost his life, and by this incident we know that ghosts are afraid

of the smell of stick-lac.”

_ The sight of a ghost may be obtained by the possession of a skull,

or part of one.

_ “Formerly,” say the Karens, ‘there was a Burman killed by light-

“ning, and a Burman picked up a bit of his skull, and bringing it

home put it in the ashes in the fireplace. In the night it became

a man, came out of the ashes, and walked about the house, making a

‘noise like the treading of a man, and the wife and children of the man

were greatly afraid. In the morning it entered the ashes again, and

became a bit of skull bone as before.’

Some persons, we are told, breed ghosts. ‘If a person goes and

takes the skull of a corpse, it becomes a ghost, and the possessor can

204 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

use the ghost to kill any one with whom he is angry. In the day

time, it is a skull, or a bit of a one; but in the night, it is a man.

None raise ghosts but wicked men and murderers.”

Spirits of those who died by violence.

Another class of ghosts, with a distinctive name, are those who

have died violent deaths; ‘“‘ who have been shot, died by the sword,

died by falls or drowning ; have been killed by elephants or devoured

by tigers.’ The Las of these people do not go to Hades, but remain

on earth preying on the Las of men. Hence they are propitiated with

offerings, to induce them to free the Las they may have seized. To

the previous class of ghosts no offerings are made.

Nearly related to the preceding are the ghosts of wicked men who

have been unjust rulers, or who have suffered death at the hands of

justice for their crimes. They are regarded as taking the forms of

birds and beasts; and when persons dream of elephants, horses, dogs,

vultures, Burmans, or Burmese priests, they are said to see these

ghosts. Unaccountable sounds and sights in the jungles are also attri-

buted to them.

Varied offerings are made to these last classes of ghosts, of which

the following is a specimen :—

After food has been set out for an oblation, the sick is sprinkled

with powdered charcoal, and the following prayer is made :—

“‘ Here is property, receive the property, Talaing ghost, Burman

ghost, horse ghost, elephant ghost, wild dog ghost, felis ghost, wood-

pecker ghost, you call re re, ro ro at the foot of the paddy mortar, by

the pile of chaff, at the brook, at the place of drawing water. This

person going to the bank, going to draw water, going to the new field,

going to the old field, you have speared him, you have shot him, you

have struck him, you have beat him, you have switched him, you have

whipped him, you have beset him. Pluck out the head of your arrow,

pluck out the blade of your spear, pot up the wound, heal the gash,

Let him be cool as water; let him sleep and be comfortable.”

Guosts’ Doa.

The wood-pecker is said to be the ghosts’ dog, and employed to

hunt up game for them.

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 205

“Tt is related that formerly two men travelling were overtaken by

night in a mountain gorge, where they built up a little booth in

which to sleep. After dark, the wood-pecker screamed, and the men

heard the ghosts saying to each other : ‘ The dog barks.’

“Thinking it was other men speaking, the travellers hallooed in

reply, when the ghosts said: ‘ The monkeys are leaping, let us shoot,’

and immediately the snap of a bow was heard. Instantly one of the

men was seized with a severe fit of shivering ; and he went home in

the morning and died.”

Hence the wood-pecker is a bird of omen, and when a Karen hears

it scream, he cries out: “ Wood-pecker, shun me afar off. Shun my

house, shun my road, shun my way, shun my field, shun my garden,

shun the roof of my house, shun my place, shun my stream, shun my

brook, shun the place where I draw water. Shun me, keep afar off,

go thine own way, thine own road.”

Spratts of ANCESTORS.

The Karens suppose that their parents who have performed merito-

rious acts go to a place of happiness above, which seems to correspond

to the Deva heavens of the Buddhists. The existence of God the

original Creator of all things is quite ignored, and he appears to have

no place in it. It has its rulers and its subjects; and one of the names

applied to them is the Burmese designation of Indra, the king of the

Deva heavens.

These beings are supposed to preside over births and marriages, and

to exercise a general watch care over their children on earth; and the

Karens make offerings to them, as their deified ancestors.

There are different classes of worshippers or sects, as they may be

denominated, who make different kinds of offerings. One set of wor-

‘ shippers offers only rice and vegetables ; another offers fowls, another

hogs, and another oxen or buffaloes. Those who sacrifice animals,

“sometimes offer all three as different rites, but those who offer rice

and vegetables never offer sacrifices.

These different rites are hereditary in different families of the same

or of different tribes. Those whose ancestors offered bloodless offerings,

offer bloodless offerings; and those whose progenitors sacrificed ani-

mals, sacrifice animals.

206 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

In the Tenasserim provinces, none are found who sacrifice oxen or

buffaloes. At Toungoo, I have not met with those that offer only rice

and vegetables; and among the Red Karens, the Bghai rite in which

a hog alone is sacrificed is unknown.

There is much confusion in the minds of the Karens in relation to

the character of the beings addressed, and contradictory statements are

made by different tribes, and by different individuals of the same

tribe, and much diversity prevails in the forms and prayers.

The following is a Sgau prayer, when offering a fowl :—

“‘ Mothers and fathers, The-klu, I will offer you a great cock with

a spur fit to stick a rice mortar upon. Take away sickness, take away

disease, take away laziness, take away inefficiency, take away sleepi-

ness, take away drowsiness, take away inability to obtain, take away

inability to make a living, take away unsuccessfulness, take away

want of success, take away debasedness, take away wretchedness, take

away the whole.”

The Bghai forms, given below, are used when the sacrifice is a hog,

but the Bghais do not seem to have any definite ideas of the Beings

to whom the offerings are made; much less so than the Sgaus. They

require that the officiating priest shall be a woman, the oldest of the

family. The husband has nothing to do in the matter; the woman ~

and her relatives are the only parties concerned. If the husband is

rich, he has to look to his own relatives to make the necessary offer-

ings for him, in which he joins. A Bghai writes:

“The first thing is to brew or distil spirits for three days. Then a

little table is made with four bamboo posts. Leaves of a plant of the

ginger tribe are next rolled up in a sugar loaf form, and three joints

of bamboos are cut off even. Spirits are then poured into these three

bamboos, and the conical rolls of leaves with bamboo bottles of drink

are all set upright on the table. Then a living hog is put on a fan-

ning basket.

“The head of the offering, or priest, is a woman, and she takes one of

the conically rolled leaves, and, turning to the table, she prays to Yau,

as if he were present there. She prays thus:

“OQ, Yau-peu, thou dost now devour the whole family. We feed

hee with old spirits, and a great hog. Heal us, watch over us, de

fend us. When we fall, raise us up; when we slip down, set us u

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 207

again. Make us strong, make us vigorous; all of us. When we fall

on the wood, hew it through; when we fall into the coffin, split it

open, [%. e. raise us up from the point of death]. Establish us, make

us immoveable. Let not plots, let not devices against us succeed.

Let us have large crops, let us have good paddy. Let us have little

grass, let us have few weeds. Let our labour be light, let us eat

whatever we want. Let us succeed in our works; let us eat with

little work. Let the effects of our labours increase, let our produce

swell up, like rice in boiling. Let us ascend to the tops of the moun-

tains, let us descend to the depths of the valleys. Let us spear hogs,

let us seize captives. Let us purchase kyee-zees, let us dig out the

pangolin, [7. e. let us accomplish difficult things]. In the water, let

us be great rocks; on land, let us be large wood-oil trees. Let not the

tiger seize us, let not the tiger kill us. When the tiger would leap on

us, may he growl; when man would seize us, may he cough. When

tigers would leap on us, may they wait for each other; when men

would seize us, may they feel abashed. Let us devour a stream to its

source, let us eat a creek to its mouth, [¢. e. get possession of the

whole valley]. Let us eat up the rock to atoms, let us eat the sand

to dust, [7. e. overcome every difficulty].”

The priestess next lays her left hand on the neck of the hog, and

with her right, she grasps the hand of the oldest person in the com-

pany, and shaking it slowly up and down, she repeats the above

prayer. In this way, she goes round the whole company from the

~ oldest to the youngest, repeating the prayer with each.

_ The hog is killed next, but it is not killed with a knife or spear ;

_ but a sharpened bamboo is forced into it on the right side, under the

fore leg. When the bristles have been singed off, a part of the flesh

‘ is cooked with rice flour in a chatty, and a part in joints of bamboo ;

: but the head is hung up whole on the posts of the table.

When the rice and meat is spread out, the priestess shakes hands

again with each one, and prays as before. She then tastes the food,

and after her the others taste it in succession, from the oldest to the

youngest.

This done, they rise up, and the priestess tastes the spirits; and, as

before, all the rest follow her example according to seniority. After

this they all return to the food again.

208 Religion &e. among the Karens. | [No. 4,

At evening, the stomach of the hog is roasted, and all taste of it, in

the manner described above.

Next morning at dawn, they take the posts of the table, and throw-

ing them away endwise, as they would throw a javelin, into the earth

without the village, they say: ‘ Now it is done, it is finished. Go

thy way, return to thy place.”

After it is light, they cook the head of the hog, and eat it with any

meat that may be left. On that day the people do not go away from

the house.

Witcures and WIzARDs.

Next in order to the spirits of the departed dead, in Karen mytho-

logy are their witches and wizards; but witches, among the Karens,

are not persons who have made a compact with Satan, as European

believers in witchcraft suppose, but persons possessed with a demon

which they call Na, and the Red Karens Ne. The name does not

correspond to the Burmese Nat, as some have thought, which denotes

an entirely different being, but is equivalent to the Burmese Sung.

According to one myth, the Na is an animal that God commanded

man to eat at the beginning, with other animals, but neglecting to do

so, it became invisible and now eats him.

According to another legend, it is a human stomach ; those possessed

of Nas having stomachs, while others are destitute of that organ.

One story represents a woman, who had incontinently married a man

possessed of a Na, as saying: “I saw his stomach under his finger

nail, but thought it was an insect.”

One man, with a Na, was observed when asleep to be without a

head, and to eat and breathe from the top of his neck. These are

headless demons in the Hindoo mythology.

A person possessed of a Na is said to devour people, but it is the

La, or vital principle that it devours, not the body. When it eats the

eyes of another, the eyes remain, but they are blind; the matter is

left, but the life has gone.

Sometimes the stomach is represented as going about devouring

men, but more often the act is attributed to the person. One possess-

ed by a Na sees men as beasts, and their eyes as fruit.

In one story, a young man had married a woman with a Na, and

1865. ] Religion &c. among the Karens. 209

soon after marriage, she was seized with an intense longing for glitter-

ing fruit.’ He brought her all the fruits he could find, but none

were of the right kind; and she sent him off to her mother, who

lived in another village to ask her for some. Her mother said she

knew what her daughter wanted, and told her son-in-law to go and

visit the neighbours till she procured some for her. The old woman

then went to pounding rice in a mortar before the house, when the

children, who were playing around, came up, peered down into the

mortar and said: ‘“ Grandmother, what are you pounding here?” and

as each one looked down into the mortar, an eye dropped in, and the

children were suddenly struck blind. After she had thus obtained a

sufficient quantity, she gathered them up, put them into a hollow

bamboo, and sent them to her daughter by her son-in-law, with the

charge that he should not. unstopper it and look in by the way. He

did, however, when half way home, pull out the cork and look in,

when he saw the eyes rolling about, and some of them jumped out,

of the bamboo; and the eyes of the children that escaped were

restored to sight again. Those that remained he carried to his wife,

who devoured them with great: relish.

Human beings often appear to a person possessed of a Na as rats,

and are devoured as such. In one story a man is represented as

going to the field, followed by his child, and on reaching the foot of a

large tree, the power of the Na came upon him and he devoured his

little boy, thinking him to be arat. He then returned to his house,

and brought back with him his other child, which he devoured in the

same place that he had eaten up its brother. He next went and

brought the mother to the scene of his former barbarities, but left her

there a little while to look for a club to kill her, In the interval, a

lizard in the tree that had witnessed the death of the children, told

- her what had occurred, and drew her up the tree out of her husband’s

reach. When he returned, and could not get at his wife, he was so

enraged that he began to devour his own flesh, and eat up his arms

and legs close to the body.

A person possessed of a Na has the power to take the form of

~ another. In one story, an old man asks his nephew in the morning,

why he came and shampooed him so severely during the night. The

nephew declared he had not been near him, and gave his uncle a sword

210 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

to smite the visitor if he came again. The next night, the supposed

nephew was at the old man’s bedside again, and his uncle looked at

him from head to foot, and he seemed to be his nephew so accurately

in every part, that he could not use the sword against him. In the

morning the nephew called, and asked if he had cut down his visitor.

“No,” he replied, ‘‘ he was from one end to the other so exactly like

thee, that I did not dare to strike him.” The young man sharpened

up his sword and made his uncle promise to cut down the man when

he came again without hesitation. This he did, and struck off his

head at a single blow, when he immediately disappeared. Next

morning it was reported that a man had died in the village during

the night, and when the nephew went to look at the body, behold it

was headless ;° ‘‘ so he then knew that a Na had attempted to devour

his uncle.”

The interchange of persons is sometimes represented as a change

of skins. It is related that—

“ Anciently there was a woman possessed of a N&a whose name was

Po-kla, and she was as black as a crow. She would exchange skins

with other people; and when she met with a woman with a white

skin, she would put on the white skin and clothe its owner with her

own black skin.”

In one story she is said to be the black slave of a young man of

property that went abroad and brought home a handsome white wife.

Soon after his return, Po-kla succeeded in exchanging skins with her

mistress, and took her place as her master’s wife, without her master

suspecting the change. The mistress was now beaten and cruelly

used by her former slave.

At the time of early paddy, she was sent into the field to drive

away the birds; when all the doves and little birds came around her

daily. She charged the birds not to eat the paddy, and she had no

occasion to run after them, for they remained with her in the booth all

day long. She ordered the dove to go and bring her fragrant oil

from her grandmother’s house ; but when the dove reached there, she

broke her wings, and for a long time she was unable to return. So

soon, however, as the wings healed, she picked up the bamboo joint,

which contained the fragrant oil, unobserved, and flew away with it

to her mistress. Her mistress anointed herself with the oil, and be-

came herself again, and even more beautiful.

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. Pak

She then went and told her husband that she was his true wife and

the other woman his slave, as he might know by looking at her tongue,

which he would find to be black. It was found difficult, however, to

obtain a sight of her tongue, for she was aware of the consequences.

All attempts to make her laugh failed, but they struck her suddenly,

when she screamed and exposed her tongue, which was seen a jet black.

Her master then slew her with the sword.

Then he wished to live with his true wife again, but she said he

had defiled himself by his connection with the black slave, and she

would have nothing to do with him, till he had steeped himself in

water seven days and seven nights. He agreed to do the prescribed

penance; but after he had been in the water one day and one night,

he was almost dead with cold, and could scarcely speak, so his wife

had compassion on him, took him out of the water, warmed him by

the fire, and lived with him happily ever afterwards.

The sensation in sleep, called “night mare,” is produced, the

Karens say, by a Na being seated on the region of the stomach; an

idea very analogous to that received anciently in Europe of its origin.

Such an evil influence is supposed to emanate from persons possessed

of Nas, that their praise is deemed injurious to the person or thing

possessed. If one looks on a piece of grain and says: “This is a

very fine field ;” the grain withers, and becomes sickly. If he says

to a parent: “ You have nice children ;” the children become sick

and perhaps die.

Hence it is not always safe to praise the Karens or their possessions ;

for if any accident happens to them subsequently, there is great

‘danger that the person who praised them will be reputed a Na.

The belief in the existence of these Nas is still very strong, and

the persons ‘who possess them are deemed worthy of death.

_ A few years ago, two young men appeared before a Karen Goung-

Khyruk in Mergui with a charge against a man of having a Na. The

Magistrate’s reply was of such acharacter, that they immediately went

and killed the man in open day.

Lorps.

In Karen mythology, every natural object has its lord or god in

the signification of its possessor or presiding spirit. There is not only

212 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

a lord of the earth, but there is also a lord to every country and

land and district.

Lorp or tue Harts.

The lord of the earth appears to be confounded with the king of

Hades, and clearly comes from the Hindu pantheon, but probably

through the Buddhists. The Sgaus furnish the following account of

him :—

“The lord of the earth existed at the creation of the world, and

the elders say, he rules over the whole world. If we go to a distant

region, and swear or use foul language, he makes the tigers devour

us, or the serpents bite us, or brings sickness upon us. Hence, if we

go to another district, or into the jungle, we are afraid’ to speak

unadvisedly, or to use bad language. We fear the lord of the earth —

will hate us. Therefore before we eat, we offer him a little of our

food, and pray : ‘ Lord of the earth, eat first and preserve us, O lord!’

“Tf we transgress in our language, while in a distant land, the :

lord of the earth will kill us before dark; but if we are in our own

country, and are guilty of swearing or using indecent words, we make

him an offering and pray: ‘ We are dark ignorant people. Whatever

transgressions we may have been guilty of in our words by swearing

or obscenity, do not, O lord, set against us. We will make offerings

to thee annually, every year. If we do not die, your lordship shall _

eat of our food continually and of our children’s food, generation on

generation.’ ”’

The spirits which are denied admittance into Hades and are con-

demned to become evil spirits on earth, are regarded as the servants

of the god of the earth, and employed to execute his orders.

Among the Sgaus in the south, an annual festival» usually in

January, is observed, for making offerings to this god and his followers.

The Bghais observe a similar custom, but it is varied a little.

Once in three years is the usual period for its performance; but in

calamitous times once in two years, while a succession of good crops

and general prosperity will delay it to four or five years. The Bghai

festival is held, when the paddy is well up, about the month of July.

As the rite has been described to me, the first thing done is to.

take a hog to a central position in the village lands, and placing it

1865.] Religion dc. among the Karens. 213

under a Eugenia tree, there erect a booth. The Eugenia is chosen

because regarded as a more holy tree than any other. The booth is

for the “ four heads of the sacrifice,” or priests, and elders to occupy.

When the booth is built, every man cuts three bamboos, one long

one to represent a post in his barn, and two short ones which he ties

to the long one, to represent the height to which he wishes his crop

of paddy to reach when it is gathered into his barn. Then he makes

in miniature, a paddy bin, a long pen, a hen coop, a trap, and a

snare.

‘When these preparatory measures have been taken, one of the

heads of the sacrifice calls the people together, and all the men

assemble about the booth. The most wealthy elders sit together with

“the heads of the sacrifice’ in the booth, but the young people and

the poor stay without. No women are allowed to be present.

The ceremonies are introduced by “ the head of the sacrifice” taking

a small branch of the Eugenia tree in his hand, when all present

imitate him and take a leafy sprig of the tree. The leader lifts his

clasped hands to heaven with the sprig between them, and prays;

when all follow his example, each asking in his prayers for whatever

he most desires.

After the prayers, the head of the sacrifice rises up, and taking a

spear, spears the hog to death. So soon as the blood begins to flow,

all the people jump up, and each one seizes his bamboo which had

been set against the tree, and calls out with a loud voice: ‘“ May my

barn be filled with paddy as high as my bamboo!” Some cry out,

“T have caught many rats in my trap;” and others: “I have snared

many wild fowls in my snare.’”’ Some dance with shields that they

have prepared for the purpose, and others beat drums, and blow pipes.

They next take the hog to the village, and every man, young and

old who is able, kills a fowl; and after they have cooked the hog and

fowls, and prepared the food and drink properly, they carry the whole

tothe booth. There they place the food on a raised platform pre-

pared for the purpose, and taking again sprigs of the Eugenia tree

between their clasped hands, they all pray, saying :

“Lord of the seven heavens and seven earths, lord of the water,

lord of the land, Thie-kho-mu-kha, all of you, eat our property, eat

our pork, eat our fowls, make our paddy good, our rice good, make

a a

214 Religion &e. among the Karens. [No. 4,

our daughters handsome, our sons skilful; give us food, give us drink,

give us to become governors, give us to become elders ; enable us to

buy kyee-zees, to spear with fatal effect; make our names famous,

heard above and below; make us joyous and happy with our wives

and children.”

After praying, they rise up and dance again. When the dancing is

done, they set the food in order in the booth, to remain there all night,

as not a bit of it is to be eaten before the next day, and then return

to their houses, dancing all the way home. The remainder of the

day is spent in their houses, drinking, dancing, and beating kyee-zees

and gongs.

The next morning they all repair again to the foot of the Eugenia

tree, when the heads of the sacrifice and the elders commence eating

the food and drinking the spirits that have been prepared and placed

in the booth. All are allowed to partake that choose, but the food is

considered holy, and none but the holy, clean, and upright persons are

considered as proper persons to partake of it. The question of fitness

is left, however, for every one to decide for himself. If a man feels

persuaded in his own mind that he is guilty of no transgression, but

is upright and holy, he goes forward and partakes of the food ; but if

his conscience reproves him for some wrong deed or word, he joins

the throng outside the booth and occupies the time with others in

dancing. Nor is unfitness to partake of this holy food confined to

immoral acts. There are certain ceremonial uncleannesses which are

regarded as unfitting a man to partake. Tor instance, if a man’s wife

is pregnant, he is deemed unclean, and unfitted to eat of this holy

food.

After the feast is finished, the company returns to the village, dane-

ing all the way as before; and on arriving at the houses, one or two

of ‘‘the heads of the sacrifice,” go to the brook and draw two bamboos

of water for every family in the village. After the water has been

drawn, ‘‘the heads of the sacrifice” call all the members of each

family to the hall or verandah; men, women, and children, and then

he sprinkles or throws the water from one bamboo upon them,

Those who get wet are said to be free from evil, because the water i

“holy water.’ One bamboo full remains in the house till next morn-

ing, when the owners go to the fields, and sprinkle it on their growin

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 215

paddy; and they say, because it is ‘‘ holy water,” the paddy being

wet by it will be good and abundant.

In all these ceremonies women are carefully excluded, except in

participating of the “ holy water.”

The four elders that are called “ the heads of the sacrifice”’ or priests,

have special names or titles given them to distinguish their office.

The first is called Deu-sai, 7. e. Lord of the village.

» second ,, ,, Pghai-sen, ,, The Messenger.

» third ,, ,, Ywa-san, ,, Keeper of the village.

» fourth ,, ,, Sa-kai, », Signification uncertain.

These offices are strictly hereditary. The fathers of the present

occupants held them, and their places, when they die, will be held by

their sons.

When the priests officiate, they have embroidered tunics given them

by the people. Sometimes they are embroidered with silk, and often

with red silk, and are made longer than ordinary garments. The

people give them also ear knobs and beads, and think that it is very

meritorious to do so.

Some villages offer a cow or bullock instead of a hog, and one of

the Mopaha villages near Toungoo were always in the habit of seek-

ing a black bullock for sacrifice. Their desire was for one perfectly

black, without a single white or red hair on it; and for such an

animal they would give almost any price.

Gopprss or tHE Harvest.

Another distinguished character is an old woman called grandmother

Bie-yau, who presides over the paddy. She seems, from the account

given of her first appearance, to have been originally a serpent, and is

now a widow. :

“Tt is said, that in former times, a certain person cultivated paddy,

and grandmother Bie-yau with her husband took the form of two

pythons and wound themselves around his pile of paddy, when the

paddy increased enormously. The owner of the paddy ignorantly

killed the male snake and the female ran away, but she cursed him

saying: ‘We came in compassion and helped thee with so much

paddy, and thou hast killed us! May thy three barns of paddy last

only three months!’ His paddy was done in three months, and the

216 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

owner had to borrow money to buy more, that he might live; and he

finally became a slave.”

Offerings are made to her in a little house built in the paddy field

for her residence, in which two strings are put for her to bind the La

of any person that may enter the field. The following prayer accom-

panies the offerings :—

“ Grandmother, thou guardest my field, thou watchest over my

plantation. Look out for men entering; look sharp for people

coming in. If they come, bind them with this string, tie them with

this rope, do not let them go. If they will pay fines of money, do not

let them go; if they will pay fines of silver, do not let them go; but

if they will pay fines in piles of paddy, barns of paddy, dismiss them.

Kat, grandmother, guard my field, watch over my plantation. Pour

down thy children’s rice and paddy, grandmother, or thy children’s

fields will come to nought, sweep it off with thy hand, bring it down

continually.”

At the threshing out of the paddy another form of prayer is used

as below.

“ Shake thyself, grandmother, shake thyself. Let the paddy ascend

till it equals a hill, equals a mountain ; ascend as high as Mount Than-

thie, as high as Mount Pshan-ghau ; ascend and become a conspicuous

object, ascend and become a distinguished object ; ascend and look at

the sun; ascend and look at the moon; ascend and look at the

heavens, ascend and look below the earth. Let my paddy pile, grand-

mother, be as large as a mountain. Shake thyself, grandmother, shake

thyself.”

GoppEss oF Fortune.

There is a divine female who dwells on the summit of Than-thie,

the highest mountain known in Burmah, who spends all her time in

blessing and cursing. The elders said: “‘ If she curses the leaves that

they may fall, they fall; if she blesses the young leaves, they sprout.

Tf she curses the trees to die, they die; if she blesses them to live,

they live. Every thing, the elders say, takes place according to her

imprecations.”

When the long-armed apes are heard screaming at night, it is said

they scream on account of having heard the imprecations of the goddess

Ta-la, the name given to this lady. The apes on Than-thie, at the

1865.] Religion de. among the Karens. 217

south-east corner of Toungoo, hear her words and cry, and the lan-

guage is taken up by all the other apes within hearing, and is thus

passed on from one to another throughout the whole land.

THUNDER AND Liautrnina.

The tliunderbolt is regarded as a living being. It has been seen

and described by the elders as tearing up trees in the form of a hog,

and about the same size, but with bat-like wings. When it utters its

voice, it thunders, and when it flaps its wings, fire is produced, and it

lightens.

When it lightens in the evening near the horizon, and no sound is

heard, it is said that the young thunderbolts are flapping their wings,

but they are not old enough to make a noise so as to be heard far.

Rarsow.

The Rainbow is deemed to be a spirit or demon, but the people

are not united in regard to its true character. Some say it is a woman

who died in pregnancy ; others, that it is a demon which devours the

spirits of human beings, and then they appear to die by accidental or

violent deaths ; and other theories are propounded.

“The Rainbow can devour men,” says one. ‘‘ When it devours a

person, he dies a sudden or violent death. All persons that die badly,

by falls, by drowning, or by wild beasts, die because the Rainbow

has devoured their ka-la, or spirit. On devouring persons it becomes

thirsty, and comes down to drink, when it is seen in the sky drinking

water.

‘Therefore when people see the Rainbow, they say: ‘The Rain-

bow has come to drink water. Look out, some one or another will

die violently by an evil death.” If children are playing, their parents

will say to them: ‘The Rainbow has come down to drink. Play no

more, lest some accident should happen to you.’ And after the Rain-

Dow has been seen, if any fatal accident happens to any one, it is said

the Rainbow has devoured him.

Naraps.

The waters are inhabited by beings whose proper form is that of

dragons, but that occasionally appear as men, and who take wives of

218 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

the children of men, Unlike the Naiads of classic antiquity, they

never take the forms of females, but always appear as men.

One girl, who had been deceived and had taken an inhabitant of the

water for her husband, was told that she might ascertain his true cha-

racter by watching him privately when he bathed. She did so, and

saw him in the water change to a monster dragon, with a crest as

large as seven wide mats. He threw up the waters to the heavens,

which descended in heavy rain.

A water spirit called Mau-lau-kwie figures largely in the Karen

myths. A girl is represented as having formed an acquaintance with

this personage, and as holding clandestine meetings with him, when

she went down to the stream to draw water. Standing on the bank

she sung :

“ Mau-lau-kwie, come, let us bathe together.

Mau-lau-kwie, come, let us wash our faces together.

Mau-lau-kwie, come with beads and rings ;

Come, come, as thou art wont.”

“ Mau-lau-kwie came, and they washed their faces together, and

combed their heads together.”

% 4

This occurred frequently, and the girl’s parents wondered at her

long absence, when she went to draw water ; so they sent the younger

children to see, and they came back with the report that their sister

had a meeting with Mau-lau-kwie. Her father then sent her-off to

help her grandmother, and in the interval he went down to the water

and called Mau-lau-kwie, as his daughter had done. He came at the

eall, when his father-in-law cut off his head with a sword, and split

open his head with an axe.

When the girl returned from her grandmother’s, she went down to

the banks of the stream, and called her lover as usual ; but instead of

Mau-lau-kwie, there came a long procession of tadpoles, crabs, cray-

fish, shrimps, prawn, fish and crocodiles. She asked : ‘‘ What do

all this mean? Where are you going?

‘A crocodile replied ; ‘ Mistress, we are going to weep at the fu-

neral of Mau-lau-kwie,

His father-in-law cut off his head,

Split open his skull ;

Mau-lau-kwie is dead, is dead.”

“She answered : ‘I will go with you.’

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 219

“The crocodile said: ‘Thou canst not go;’ but she replied: ‘I

will go.’

“« Tae crocodile then said : ‘If thou wilt go with me, prepare seven

cakes of bread, seven chatties of steamed rice, seven hams, and seven

white cloths.’ She made the requisite preparations, and started off with

the crogdile. The crocodile said to her : ‘ When I wriggle my body

about, throw down a cake, a chatty of steamed rice, and a ham.’ She

went along, and fed the crocodile as he directed ; and they reached the

body of Mau-lau-kwie, where she wept and sung :

‘ There is no one to build the house,

There is no one to build the dwelling ;

The flying squirrel’s wings are split unequal.

Would that I had died with my husband.’

At this juncture Mau-lau-kwie rose to life again ; and, on uttering

a word, the tortoise said Yd-law ; when Mau-lau-kwie, exhausted, fell

down, and hit against the breast of the tortoise.

Again they wept for Mau-lau-kwie, and when his wife sung, again

he rose to life, and spoke a word ; but the flying squirrel said Ya-lau,

and Mau-lau-kwie fell against the flying squirrel, and tore his wings

unevenly. Again they wept, and again his wife sung, and Mau-lau-

kwie rose to life again ; and now to die no more.

After Mau-lau-kwie’s wife had born a child, the family went to

visit her parents; and one day she went out to visit the neighbours,

and left the child in charge of its grandmother; saying to her:

“ Mother, if the babe awakes, do not bathe it in the brass bason.”’

After the mother had gone out, the child awoke, and its grand-

mother put it into the brass bason to bathe it, when it turned into a

little yellow-tailed carp. The old woman broiled it, and when her

daughter returned, told her what had happened, and what she had

done. The mother took the fish, went down to the stream, and threw

‘it into the water. Hier sister followed to weep with her for the loss

of the child, but the mother ran down the bank on the crooks of the

gigantic bean creeper, and she did not dare to follow, but stood weep-

ing at the top of the steep bank. Her father came and asked her,

what she was crying for; and on hearing, he cut off the vine in anger ;

and it fell down into his son-in-law’s great hall and filled it up.

220 Religion &e. among the Karens. [No. 4,

His daughter called out: ‘ Father, thou hast given me up now.

Thou hast cut off the gigantic creeper, and I can no more visit thee.”

Her father heard these words, and he also heard his grandchild

“T visited grandmother, I visited grandmother; grandmother gave

me an egg to eat: I visited grandfather, visited grandfather ; grand-

father gave me a fowl to eat.” 5 .

He heard the voice of his daughter and the voice of his grandchild,

and he dived down into the water time after time all day, but found

nothing, and returned home at eve sorrowing.

Dryaps AND OREADES.

The elders relate that Mount Kie-ku, in the Bghai country,

and the peepul Tha-ka-u beyond the seas engaged in war.

It arose on this wise. The peepul had a daughter whose name was

Bu-ban, and the mountain had a son whose name was Phai-thau-o ;

and the two were married. After the marriage, she came and lived

with her husband’s family.

She was possessed of miraculous powers, and did not pound paddy.

She would take a single kernel of rice, and split it in two, and then ~

throw one half into the rice bin when it was filled with rice immedi-

ately, and the other half she threw into the rice chatty which became

filled with rice in the same manner,

Her neighbours were envious, and mount Bai-tha-lu seized her, and

gave her to mount Po-phau ; and mount Po-phau gave her to mount

De-pha-ho ; and mount De-pha-ho put her in the stocks, which still

remain. There she sat, and wept, and blew her nose; and the marks

of her finger nails, where she wiped her hand on the rocks, are yet

visible.

The peepul, Tha-ka-u, became very angry with mount Kie-ku on

account of treatment his daughter had received, and made war with

him.

The peepul being in the sea, made the crocodiles his soldiers, and

mount Kie-ku’s soldiers were thunderbolts. When they fought, the

peepul made the waters rise, and soften the earth, and the crocodiles

thrust their tails into the ground, so that the sides of the mountains

slipped down, At each land slide, they would say : ‘‘ There dies an

officer.”

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 221

When mount Kie-ku attacked, he made it so hot that the sea was

dried up, and the crocodiles could not live in it; and he threw his

thunderbolts at the peepul, and when a branch was struck off, they

said; “‘ There dies an officer.”

The peepul came and fought the mountain several days, but getting

the worst of it, he said: “TI will retreat.’ In his retreat Phai-thau-o,

his daughter’s husband, intercepted his path, and hid himself in a

gorge by the way, watching for his father-in-law to come along. He

had a sword, and a gold comb that shone like the sun, and to keep

himself from being seen, he put his comb under his foot and trod on

it. There he stood in the interstice of two rocks, and when one of

the peepul’s officers came along, he smote him with his sword and

killed him ; and so on, one after another, till he had nearly killed off

the whole. There wag only one leit. He said to himself: ‘ They are

all ended, and took up his comb, and put it in his hair again, which

made him visible.

The remaining officer said, as he came along: “‘A great many

people have gone before, and yet the sound of horse or elephant is not

heard ;”’ and starting on, he saw Phai-thau-o, whom he eut down and

killed with his sword.

Until this day, people say the matter is not finished. They have

a saying: “‘ Mau-khe’s contention is not settled : Mau’s contention is

not settled.”

Browntgs.

Now and then, we find a good natured spirit appearing in Karen

"stories that comes for some one’s benefit. Here is a specimen:

“The elders say that there was once a poor orphan boy, that owned

nothing but a dog with seven tails. Qn one occasion, he noticed his

dog go and bark on a hillock in the field near his house ; but when he

went there, he found nothing, so he came away. Still the dog remain-

ed barking, and he went again and dug into the hillock, when he

found a cavity with an egg in it. He took the egg, intending to eat

it, put it ina basket, and went to work in his field. During his

absence, the spirit in the egg cooked the poor youth’s rice and

eurry for him; and when he came home, he found his meal ready

prepared for him, but he was afraid to eat it, and he went to

the neighbours to inquire if they could explain the matter. They

222 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

replied to him roughly: ‘ Thou art an orphan, thy house is nasty and

dirty, who dost thou think would go up into it?’ He returned to

his house, and being very hungry, he said to himself: ‘If I die I die,

I will eat.’ So he ate, and nothing happened to him.

“The same thing occurred next day. His food was cooked and ready

for him on returning from his labour. The following day, he deter-

mined to watch; so after going away, he returned cautiously, and he

saw a young woman come out of the basket. She went to the brook

and brought water, and then cooked the rice. He showed himself to

her, and she no more took the form of an egg, but became his wife.

She said to him: ‘ My name is Miss Ege, but never speak my name.

If thou dost, I shall disappear, and thou wilt see me no more.’

“ People frequently asked him for his wife’s name, but he never told,

till they.induced him to drink arrack to intoxication. Then he reveal-

ed her name. When he came to himself his wife was gone, and he

wept bitterly.

“ His dog said to him: ‘ Master, don’t cry.’ We will go to where

Mistress is.’ He answered: ‘If we go, shall we find her?’ The dog

said: ‘ Follow me.’ So away they went together, till they reached the

banks of the Salwen, when the dog said: ‘I will swim across. Take

fast hold of my tail, and on reaching the other side, do not say: ‘ Good.’

Tf thou dost, my tail will drop off.’ He failed, however, to do as he

was commanded, and on getting on shore he exclaimed: ‘ Good!’

when one of the dog’s tails dropped off.

“They kept on their way, till they reached another large river, where

the same scene was enacted; and so on, till they had crossed seven

large rivers and all the dog’s seven tails had dropped off. On losing

the last, the dog said to his master: ‘I shall die, and there are many

cross-roads on the way. If master goes on, let him take my body

with him. On reaching the first crossings, cut off my head, and try

on which road the blood drops. Follow the road on which my blood

drops; and on coming to a multitude of houses, try the foot of the

steps of each house till my blood drops down on one. The house in

which my Mistress lives, is the one on which my blood drops upon

the steps.’ The dog ceased speaking, and immediately expired. This

time the man followed his dog’s directions, and found his wife.”

1865.] Religion &e. among the Karens. 223

Frricism.

The Karens, in some of their observances, come very near to the

worship of “stocks and stones.’ Many keep stones in their houses

that they suppose possess miraculous powers, and which seem to re-

present the household gods of the ancients.

A Bghai writes :

“The elders say : Some stones are possessed of superhuman powers,

and if we possess them, we shall succeed in our undertakings, and

obtain a sufficiency of food. If we possess but a little, that little will

not be expended by using, but will always be enough to supply our

wants.

“ Some stones are called paddy stones, because those who possess

them, obtain good crops of paddy. Some stones are said to make us

invulnerable; so that when javelins are thrown at us, spears thrust

against us, or blows aimed at us with swords, we shall not be hit; or

if hit, they will not enter our flesh.

“These stones crave blood. If we do not give them blood to eat,

they will sometimes eat us. So people kill hogs and fowls, and then

pour the blood into a vessel, and put the stones into the blood.

“Tf the stones are thrown away, after a considerable time, they

will be sometimes found to have come back again to their old accus-

tomed places.

“Tn a village of thirty families, perhaps ten will have these stones ;

but in some villages nearly every family will have them. They are

sometimes bought and sold, and those that are reputed good ones,

will sell at from thirty to fifty rupees. Some that have been in a

family a long time, the owners dare not sell. Ii a stone is sold at

less than its real value, or is stolen, it will return to its former owner.

“We have heard that the inhabitants of the village of Deu-mu-kha

had a number of stones, the principal one of which they called

Lwai. No one dared to touch or even look on these stones, excepting

the officiating priests in the sacrifices to the lord of the earth. They

had charge of the stones, and were called their lords or masters ; and

when a black builock was sacrificed to the lord of the earth, a fowl

was sacrificed to these stones in the same place.

“Tt is said that the Burmese on one occasion made an attack on

224 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

this village and carried away all their stones; but afterwards all the

stones came back to their old places.

‘“‘ When the teacher arrived, they carried away all their stones into

the jungle, and built a chapel, and said; ‘Ifthe stones come back, we

will not worship God, but if they do not come back, as formerly, we |

will worship God.’ The stones have never returned, so the people

worship God to this day. The inhabitants of that village stand in

great fear of stones, more than ordinary.

“We have also heard that the Pakus have stones, like a man’s fist,

and when they have any hatred against any one, they will strike the

impressions of his foot on the ground with one of these stones, and —

the man dies.”

I have seen many of their stones, but there is nothing remarkable

in them, and they possess nothing incommon. They are most usually

bits of rock crystal, or jasper, or some variety of chalcedony, but

never of any value, or in any way curious. Occasionally they are mere

lumps of stratified rock, remarkable for nothing but the numerous

thin lines of strata displayed on their edges,

The possession of one of these miraculous stones had much to do

in dividing the Red Karens into two tribes, eastern and western, as

they are now found. The story has been related to me thus; “ There

was a Sgau called Shapau, who possessed an exceedingly good stone.

He set himself up as a kind of political teacher, and travelled about

from village to village among the Sgaus and Pakus. They said to

him, ‘ We cannot receive thee. If we receive thee, should the king

at Ava hear of it, the Burmans will kill us all.’

“ As he could not succeed among his own countrymen, he took his

wife and wife’s sister, and went away to the Red Karens. They

received him and built him a house, and it was not long before he

began to work miracles with his stone. The stone was remarkable,

it is said, for having the power to change its colour. It could chang}

from black to yellow or white at pleasure. The result was that all

the Red Karens believed in him. They believed in him so fully tha

they were discussing the question of making him king. {

“ At this juncture, a son of the king of Ava rebelled against hi

father, but his father overcame him and he fled to Toungoo. He did

not dare to remain long there, however, for fear of his father, so he

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens, 225

went into the Red Karen country, where he met with Shapau, and

married his wife’s sister. In the end, the Burman succeeded in

establishing himself in the eastern part of Karenee, killed his brother-

in-law Shapau, stole his stone, and became king or chief of all the

eastern part of the Red Karen country, where his descendants rule to

this day.”

Maatc.

Karens believe in the magical properties of things, as illustrated in

the following story :—

Tue Maato Rina.

“The Elders say, there was an orphan child brought up by his

grandmother, who was so lazy that he would not open the skins of the

wild plantains when he wanted to eat them, but made his grandmo-

ther do it for him. He would do nothing but play, so he got the

name of Mr. Laziness.

“ His grandmother, finding a trading boat going down the river,

persuaded the boatmen to take him along. When on board, he

would not do anything. If the boatmen gave him food, he ate; if they

gave him none, he fasted. They found him good for nothing but to

watch their boat when they left it; and for this they gave him an

occasional two annas or a quarter of a rupee.

“‘ One morning, when all the men had gone up into the town, and

he was left alone in the boat, he heard that one of the citizens was

about to kill a cat, and he asked permission to buy it, and it was sold

to him. :

“ Again, about noon, he heard that another one was going to kill

a rat, that had done some mischief, and he bought off that also for

three pice.

_ “Towards evening, several of the citizens came along with a crocodile,

that they had just taken, and were about to kill, for having devoured

several men. This, with a dog, he bought for a quarter of a rupee,

He put the crocodile into the boat, when it spoke and said to him:

‘Master, thou hast had mercy on me and bought me, and I shall not

die. The reason I devour men is, that there is a gold ring in my

head. The ring is under the flesh in my head, and whatsoever I

desire, I obtain. Chisel it out, take it for thyself, and let me go into

the water.’ So he took a chisel belonging to one of the boatmen,

226 Religion de. among the Karens. [No. 4,

cut the gold ring out of the crocodile’s head, and let it go free in the

water.

“He put the gold ring on his finger, and when he desired silver,

silver came into his box; and when he desired gold, gold came into

his box. The boatmen came back to the boat at night, but knew

nothing of what had happened; and he returned with them to his

home.

“He told his grandmother to go to the king of the country, and

ask his daughter in marriage for him. She said: ‘ Dost thou want to

be killed by the king’s sword ?’—and refused to go. He replied:

‘If thou dost not go, let thy arm come out of the back,’ and imme-

diately her arm come out of her back. Being unable to withstand

her grandson, she finally went to the king, and asked his daughter for

him.

“The king said: ‘ Let thy grandson build a bridge of silver, and a

bridge of gold from the foot of the steps of your house, to the foot of

the steps of my palace, and then he shall have my daughter in mar-—

riage; but if he does not, then you shall die.’ The old woman returned

weeping, but when she told the king’s terms, he bid her cheer up, for

he could easily comply with them.

“During the night, he desired a silver bridge and a golden bridge —

to stretch itself between his house and the palace, and it was done.

So in the morning the king led his daughter over the golden bridge, —

and gave her in marriage to Mr. Laziness.

“There was a Brahmin at court, who came to the princess, and

said: ‘Thy husband wears a gold ring, and he will not allow thee to

put it on thy finger.’ She replied: ‘If I ask him, he will.’ So she

asked her husband to allow her to wear the gold ring, and he at once

granted her request. ;

‘“‘ When the Brahmin saw the ring on her finger, he asked to see

it; and she handed it to him. Immediately he put it on his finger,

and exclaimed : ‘ Fly away, fly away palace ;’

flew away to the other side of the ocean with the Brahmin and the

and the king’s palace

princess in it.

“The king said to his servants : ‘Because I received Mr. Laziness,

I have lost my palace, go put him in prison, and to-morrow go and

kill him.’ The king’s servants went and put him in prison.

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 227

“He was accompanied to the jail by his dog, his cat, and his rat ;

and he ordered them to go and fetch his gold ring from the Brahmin

that night, and to be sure to be back before morning. Away they

went at once. The dog swam across the sea, and the cat and rat rode

on his back.

“When they arrived at the Brahmin’s, they found-him asleep under

wire musquito curtains. The cat told the rat to gnaw a hole through

the curtain, which it did large enough for the cat to get in. They

both went in, and the cat said ; ‘ Rat, smell about, and tell me where

my master’s ring is.’ The rat replied: ‘ I smell the ring in his mouth.’

The cat then said: ‘I will bite him in the throat, and if he vomits

up the ring seize it quickly.’ The rat replied : ‘ Perhaps our master

will think we killed the Brahmin, and then he will kill us. To make

him throw the ring out of his mouth, I will put my tail up his nostril

and tickle him till he sneezes, and then he will throw the ring out of

his mouth ; and then you must snatch it up immediately.’

“The plan succeeded. They obtained the ring and both ran out of

the house to the dog, that was waiting for them outside. He asked, if

they had gotten the ring ; and on being told they had, he said: ‘ Give

it to me, you cannot carry it safely,’ So they gave it to him, and he

- put it in his mouth,

“The whole three returned then across the sea, as they came; but

when half way back, the dog saw a pack of otters in the water and he

barked at them, when the ring was thrown out of his mouth into the

sea, where it was swallowed by a fish.

“ The cat said: ‘ This is hard. The ring is lost, and our master will

be killed in the morning.’ The rat said: ‘The otters were the cause

of this misfortune. Dog, go bite them on the rocks.’ The dog leap-

ed on the rocks, and bit an old otter, saying: ‘It is on your account

that we have lost the gold ring into the sea, and our master will be

killed in the morning.’ The otter replied: ‘ Do not kill me, I will

get the fish for you.’ So he plunged into the water, brought up the

fish that had swallowed the ring; and the cat ripped it up and took

the ring out of its belly. They then continued their journey, and

arrived with the ring without further accident, which they delivered

to their master ; who then delivered himself from prison, and brought

228 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

back the palace with the Brahmin in it. He slew the Brahmin with

all his relatives, and exterminated the whole race.”

GIANTS.

Men-eating giants are among the supernatural beings with which

a Karen has to contend; and their exploits are heard as often in

Karen nursery tales, as they formerly were in Europe. Here is a

specimen :

“ The elders say that a little girl went down to the brook to draw

water in the usual Karen bucket, made of a joint of a large bamboo.

When she laid it on the surface of the stream to fill with water, it

escaped from her hands, and floated away. She ran after it down the

bank, till she reached a dam, which proved to be the dam of a giant.

Soon after her arrival, the giant came down to fish, and was about

to devour her; but she told her artless tale, and the giant spared her,

and took her up to his house. Here they were met by the giantess

who congratulated her husband on having picked up so nice a morsel

for their dinner. However, the old giant protected the child, and she

became their adopted daughter.

“On one occasion, when the old people went out, as they said, to

search for greens, they left the little girl in the house, and charged

her not to look into two baskets that were in one corner of the room.

Her curiosity being excited, no sooner was she left alone, than she

peeped into the baskets. One was found filled with gold and silver,

and the other with nothing but dead men’s skulls. :

“Bver after making this discovery, she importuned the giants to

allow her to return home; and they finally consented, but the old

giantess required before her departure to look over her head once and

pick out the vermin; an act of courtesy often performed by Karens

for their friends. On looking into her hair, the little girl was

astonished to find it filled with green snakes and centipedes. She

called for an axe, and chipped away in the head of the old giantess

till she could endure it no longer, and then permission was given the

little girl to depart.

“Before going, the giants told her she might take one of th

baskets with her; whichever one she chose. She said; As you a

getting into years, and cannot well weave baskets, I will take the ole

1865.] Religion dc. among the Karens. 229

one. This she knew contained the gold and silver; and she was

permitted to take it.

“When about to start, the giantess said : ‘ When thou reachest black

water, comb thy hair and wipe thy teeth. When thou reachest red

water, wipe thy lips; but when thou comest to white water bathe

thyself.’ She observed the directions given her, and reached home in

safety, where the fame of her gold and silver brought together all her

friends and relatives; to each of whom she gave a bow! full.

“ Among those who received a bowl full’ of silver and gold, was one

dissatisfied young man, who coveted more; so he determined to try his

future with the giant, and endeavour to obtain a whole basket full for

himself. He succeeded in being adopted into the family, in being

allowed to return, and in having the offer of a basket to take with

him. He had not looked into the baskets, but like his predecessor he

chose the old one. The same charge was given him in regard to

crossing the streams, but he paid no attention to his instructions, but

dashed across them and got home as quick as possible. On reaching

his house, he opened the basket, when to his horror and disappoint-

ment, he found the basket full of dead men’s skulls. Little time,

however, was given him to brood over his misfortunes, for the giant

followed rapidly after him, and devoured him on the spot.”

Omens.

~ The Karens, like other nations in their ignorance, believe in omens;

and desist from a journey or an undertaking, when they occur. Like

the Romans, a snake crossing the path, or a woodpecker tapping,

stops a man by the way ; as does the falling of a branch of a tree, or

the bleating of the barking deer. Sickness is supposed to be the

"consequence of non-observance, and a sacrifice is offered for an atone-

ment.

> Among the Bghais an elder is called, and all the family assembled

‘together: male and female, young and old. The elder then leads

‘a dog round the assembled family three times, praying as he goes:

“When we work, or labour; when we go, or return; at the bleat of

the barking deer, at the voice of the otter, at the crash of a falling

tree, at the sight of a snake, at the sight of a scorpion, at the sight

of a large serpent, at the sight of a python, we ought to pause, or

230 Religion &c. among the Karens, [No. 4,

we become sick, we suffer and die. Now we offer thee food to eat, a

great dog. Heal this man, let disease leave him.”

The dog is then killed, and the elder sits down facing the whole

family, with a green bamboo raised two or three feet, and stretched

horizontally between them, over which he throws the dead dog, taking

it by the legs; and the family catches it and throws it back at him.

This ceremony is repeated three times, and then the dog is cooked

and eaten.

SoorHsaYING.

Subjected, as a Karen is, to the multifarious dangers proceeding from

the wrath of unseen spirits ; he tries, when he has come under the ban

of one, and is prostrated by sickness thereby, to ascertain which, it is,

that he may propitiate it by suitable offerings.

To make the discovery, he resorts to prophets or necromancers, per-

sons that have eyes to see into the unseen world, and to fowl’s bones.

Omens too fall within the same category, as giving indications of the

future.

NECROMANCERS.

There are persons among the Karens who profess to have eyes to

see unseen spirits, to tell what they are doing, and even to go to Hades

and converse with the spirits of the dead there. When a person is

sick, these people, for a fee, will tell what spirit has produced the sick-

ness, and the necessary offering to conciliate it. They will sometimes

go to Hades and bring back the La that has gone thither, and resusci-

tate the dead body. This is proven by the following story :—

“The elders relate that there was a woman who had two daughters;

and her husband died and left her a widow.

“ After their father’s death, their mother treated them very cruelly,

- beating them continually, so that both died and left her alone. Then

she grieved, and wept unceasingly, and refused to be comforted. In

her distress, she went to a necromancer, and induced him to visit her

children in Hades. He found the La of the youngest, and said to her:

‘Thy mother on earth weeps for thee exceedingly. Go comfort her.’

The younger then sang to her elder sister.

‘Return sister, mother requests,

She weeps for us in deep distress.’

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 231

“ The elder sister responded :

‘ Return not to her, sister dear,

"Twas mother beat and sent us here.’

“The elder sister positively refused to return to the earth, but the La

of the younger one came back with the necromancer, and on her arrival

at home, the body came to life again.”

Fowu’s Bonss.

In the beginning, say the elders, God gave to the Chinese a book of

paper, to the Burmese a book of palm leaf, and to the Karens a book

of skin. The Chinese and the Burmese studied their books, and

taught them to their children; but the Karens were indolent, did not

value their book and laid it on the end of their house, where it was

thrown down on the ground, and a hog came and tore it up. After

the hog had gone, a fowl came and picked up all the fragments,

It soon became apparent even to the Karens that the Chinese and

Burmese greatly excelled them in knowledge through their acquaintance

with books ; and they then regretted the loss of their own book.

They concluded, however, that the fowl which had eaten up the book

must possess all the knowledge that the book contained. They

resolved therefore to consult its thigh bones, and note the marks and

indentations made by the tendons on them as letters, and pray to it to

reveal its knowledge.

There is no superstition so commonly practised among the Karens as

this. No measure of importance is undertaken, till a favourable response

has been obtained from the fowl’s bones.

The thigh bones of a chicken are taken out, and after prayer, and

making a condition that the bones may exactly correspond, or they

may differ in some particular; that the indentations for the ten-

dons, may be alike or unlike, that the bones may be even or un-

even; the two bones are held up abreast of each other, between the

thumb and finger and carefully examined. It requires a practised eye

to read the result accurately, and there are many nice distinctions,

known only to the elders, who do not always agree in their readings.

From my house in Karenee, I looked down into the court-yard of

the Saubwa, where he was in consultation with some of his chiefs over

the chicken bones. They were passed round from hand to hand, each

232 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

giving his opinion, and the conclusion reached was, as I afterwards learn-

ed, that the omens were favourable for a contemplated attack on a

village in eastern Karenee. The fowl, however, deceived them that time ;

for some half a dozen wounded men of the village were brought in next

day, and no plunder.

The Bghais seem to regard the fowl as the bird of Indra, the king

of the Deva heavens. Once a year, in February or March, every

Bghai family holds a festival, in which every person’s wrist is tied

with a thread, and prayers are addressed both to the fowl offered, and

to Thie-keu, Mo-khie, or Indra. The rite is called: ‘ The good to

do;” but of its origin and object, the natives can give no account

beyond what is found in the forms themselves. An intelligent Bghai —

assistant furnishes the following statement :

“‘When the time approaches, the people prepare beforehand ardent

spirits, and buy hogs and fowls, and get every thing ready. When

the time actually comes, the villagers perform the ceremony, two or

three or four families a day, till it has gone through the whole village.

“The first thing done is to bring up two jars of arrack, and secure

them by tying them to a bamboo, and the next is to bring up a hog —

and fowls. Then an eating dish is washed and filled with water, and

set by the side of the jars with spirits.

“ An elder is now called on, any one skilled in interpreting fowl’s

bones, and a fowl is put into his hands. He cuts off the bill of the

fowl, dips its head and feet in the water, and then drops the blood

from the bleeding head on the forehead of the oldest man of the family

that is performing the ceremony.

“The master of ceremonies then addresses the elder, and says:

‘The hand-tier devours thee. Thou hast the jaundice, thou art

shrivelled up, thou art not strong, thou art weakly. Now we give

food and drink to the hand-tier. Mayest thou be strong, mayest thou

be vigorous. Mayest thou be established as the rock, indestructible

as the hearth stones. Mayest thou have long life, mayest thou have a

protracted existence.’ ”

After besmearing the elder’s forehead with the fowl’s blood, the

master of ceremonies pinches a few feathers and a little down from the

fowl’s neck, and sticks them on the blood, where they adhere, per-

haps for the whole day.

1865.] Religion &c. among the Karens. 233

He next addresses the fowl, and says: ‘“ Arouse, arouse, Thie-

keu’s fowl, Mo-khie’s fowl, we give thee food, we afford thee sustenance.

Thou drinkest in a knowledge of the future, thou eatest superhuman

power. In the morning, thou seest the hawk, in the evening thou

seest man. The seven heavens, thou ascendest to the top; the seven

earths, thou descendest to the bottom. ‘Thou arrivest at Khu-the ;

thou goest unto Tha-ma [7. e. Yu-ma, the judge of the dead]. Thou

goest through the crevices of rocks, thou goest through the crevices of

precipices. At the opening and shutting of the western gates of rock,

thou goest in between ; thou goest below the earth where the sun travels,

ITemploy thee, I exhort thee. I make thee a messenger, I make thee

an angel. Good, thou revealest; evil, thou revealest. Arouse thee

fowl, arouse ; reveal what is in thee. Now I exhort theé, I entreat

thee, if this man is to live to an old age, if his head is not to be bent

down, if he is not to come down crash, like a falling tree, let the

right hand bone come uneven, let the bones be short and long. Thou

art skilled in the words of the elders, thou knowest the language of

old men. The good, thou fully knowest; with the evil thou art

perfectly acquainted. Fowl, I exhort thee, I entreat thee; reveal

whatever is in thee. And now, if this man’s head is to bend*down, if

he is to come down crash, like a falling tree, if he is to be unable to

rest himself from incessant trouble; if unable to overcome obstacles

which shall meet him on every hand ; if unable to rise up or lie down,

if his life is not to be prolonged, if he cannot live, then, fowl, come up

unpropitious, come up with the tendon short on the right side, come

wrong end foremost. If he be able to obtain sufficient to support life,

if he be not overcome by feuds, fowl, come up even, Thie-keu’s fowl,

Mo-khie’s fowl, I pull out thy feathers, I pull at thy skin, I dip thy

head, I dip thy feet. Arouse fowl, reveal what is in thee.”’

Every one in succession is then besmeared on his forehead with the

Dlood of a separate fowl; and then every one marks his own fowl by

tying a string to it that he may recognise it after being cooked.

Some tie a string on the neck, others on the leg, others on the wing,

and others elsewhere. They next scorch off the feathers, and boil

them.

The hog is taken if the gall bladder be deemed a good one, otherwise

it is rejected. When the rice and meat is cooked, they bring the rice,

234 Religion &c. among the Karens. [No. 4,

and the pork, and the fowls, and the threads, and the bamboo tubes to

suck up the drink and the spirits; and all are placed together.

The master of ceremonies then goes and puts two bamboo tubes

into the left hand of one, and the gall bladder of the hog and the

head of the fowl into his right hand; and then the elder of the family

takes the thread and ties his wrist. Hach one in succession takes the

articles in his or her hands mentioned above, and the elder ties every

one’s wrist, at the same time praying with each: ‘ Mo-khe, the hand-

tier, the good-to-do, we offer thee food and drink, spirits well prepared,

a great hog. Defend us; when we go to and fro, look after us. If we

fall, raise us up. When we go or return, when we walk on a branch

or a beam, when the branches or creepers break down, when we

go among the Burmese or other tribes, when we climb trees or descend

into the waters, when we go up into the house, or return to the paddy

field, may no accident befal us! Stretch forth thy hand, and help

us; put forth thy foot and assist us. Go before us, follow behind us.

Deliver us from demons, deliver us from ghosts.”

After this the person whose wrist is tied, changes the things in

his hands from right to left and left to right. Then each one tastes

the spirits ; after which each one tastes the fowl; and when this is

done, an elder is called upon to pray, who prays thus :

“‘ Mo-khe of mountain Kie-ku, Mo-khe of the seven heavens, Mo-khe

of the seven earths, assemble together, even the blind, the deaf and

the lame; and eat and drink the valuables.”

A libation of spirits is then poured out; and after this the drama

closes with spirits being served out for all to drink.

ASTRONOMY.

CosmoLoey.

“There are seven heavens and seven earths.’’ This expression

occurs frequently in Karen stories, but the people have no definite

ideas on the subject. The sun is supposed to go round the earth. In

the west are two massive strata of rocks which are continually opening

and shutting. Between these strata the sun descends at sunset, but

how the upper stratum is supported, no one can describe. j

1865.] Astronomy among the Karens, 235

In the western ocean is an immense volcanic mountain, which is

continually fighting with the water. They have a story which must

be of common origin with Sinbad the Sailor.

The Elders say there are fish in the sea as large as mountains, with

trees and bamboos growing on them as on land. Voyagers have to be

careful where they land to cook. They carry axes, and cut into the

ground to try it. If juice springs up where it is cut, they know that

they are on a fish ; but if the ground seems dry, they are on land, and

go to cooking.

It is related that a man landing-on an island, went to cooking with-

out trying his ground, and it proved to be a fish which sunk with him

into the sea, and then swallowed him. When the man was in the

fish’s belly, he said to the fish: ‘‘ When males acquire large game,

they shout, and cry out in exultation, but you are silent. Are you not

amale? On hearing this, the fish opened his mouth to scream, when

the man leaped out and escaped.”

The Elders say that when people kill one of these fish, it is impos-

sible for them to eat it all up, and they burn its fat, With its bones

they can make beams and rafters for houses.

CoNnsTELLATIONS.

The Karens have names for a few of the most prominent constella-

tions. The great Bear they call an elephant, and so do the Burmese

and Hindus, The pole star is a mouse crawling into the elephant’s

trunk.

The southern cross they call Mai-la-ka, a name whose derivation is

not obvious, but they regard it as some kind of animal ; for they say

that Mai-la-ka and the elephant once dwelt together in the middle of

the heavens, but they quarrelled and fought. Mai-la-ka seized the

elephant by his tail, and the elephant took Mai-la-ka by his thigh,

and in the struggle which ensued the two were thrown to the opposite

extremities of the heavens, where they remain to this day.

The Pleiades is called “‘the great house,” and is regarded as a family

of persons, consisting originally of seven persons, but one has been

lost, and there are only six now. Two men, one of their myths states,

married here two sisters, The names of the men were Lan-to, and

To-phau ; and of the women Tha-bgheu-mu, and Tha-bgheu-bghai.

236 Astronomy among the Karens. [No. 4,

While the men were out fishing, “the wife bearer,” or Orion, came

and carried them off on his shoulder. The women cried out to their

husbands :

“ Lau-to, oh, Lau-to dear,

Snatch up thy bow and spear.

To-phau, oh, To-phau come,

We're carried away from home.”

After calling a long time, their husbands heard their cries, and

returned home, when they discovered that their wives had been carried

away. They seized their bows and spears and followed on after “the

wife bearer.’”’ When they came within a spear’s throw of him, Lau-to

poised his spear or javelin to throw it at “ the wife bearer ;’’ but his

younger brother came behind Lau-to unobserved, and struck the

handle of the javelin, so that it flew against his father-in-law’s house,

and knocked a part of it down. ‘To encourage their wives, the men

sung :

“ Tha-bgheu-mu, suffering dear,

Tha-bgheu-bghai, have no fear.

The bow’s bent, the string tight,

Arrows ready, you in sight.”

Then they followed on silently, and “ the wife bearer” thinking he

was not pursued, stopped and set down his burden to rest ; but while

he was gone down into the water to bathe, the husbands arrived and

carried their wives back home, and repaired their father-in-law’s

house. ‘

Though the resemblance is remote, yet this story must have had a

common origin with the Greek myth of Orion and the daughters of

Oenopion.

Some of the Karen constellations, to judge from their names, are of

Karen origin. One is called the ‘“ Burmese yoke,” from the resem-

blance the stars are supposed to bear to the yoke a Burman carries on

his shoulder,

Some names are local and vary in different places. For instance,

the Karens in the south call the Milky way the “Paddy Bin;”

while the Bghais denominate it the “ Bazar street,” because the

streets in the bazar are usually an undistinguishable mass of people.

1865.] Astronomy among the Karens. 237

Comets.

Comets are sometimes called ‘“ Tailed-Stars,” sometimes “ Fire-

Stars,” and sometimes “ Smoke-Stars.”” In common with all other

unenlightened nations, the Karens regard their appearance as indi-

cating approaching war, famine, pestilence, or other public calamities.

PLANETS.

The Karens do not seem to recognize any planet, excepting Venus.

They know the evening and morning star to be one and the same, and

by some process not clearly understood, she is sometimes before, and

sometimes after the sun. Whena morning star, she is called the

“Star receiving the morning ;”’ and when an evening star, the ‘“ Star

receiving the evening.”

Suootmve Stars.

Shooting Stars are said to be “ Youth Stars,” going to visit the

“ Maiden Stars.” When a Karen girl sees one she exclaims, ‘‘ May

my hair grow as long as the path thou fliest !”

Mernrors.:

Meteors, the Karens say, are the animals that produce gold and

silver, and when seen in the heavens descending to the earth, are sup-

posed to be returning home. When a report is heard, as the Karens

say there often is, it is the roar the animal makes on entering the

earth. Wherever they fall, gold or silver is certainly to be found in

_ the neighbourhood.

‘ Drviston oF THE YEAR.

The Karens divide the year into twelve lunar months, and, like

occidental nations, they begin it with January, and end it with De-

-eember. This is contrary to the usage of all the nations that surround

{ them; the Burmese, the Talaings, and the Shans commencing the

year in March. ‘ The civil year,” says the Journal of the Asiatic

Society of Bengal, ‘‘ commences differently in different parts of Thibet,

q varying from December to February. At Asadakh, it begins in De-

-cember. The months have several names expressive of the seasons,

&e., but they are usually denominated numerically ; first, second, &c.”

The Karens would seem then to have derived their calender from

Thibet, for while they make now the year to begin in January, yet

238 Astronomy among the Karens. [No. 4,

the months corresponding to June and July are designated numeri-

cally “‘ the seventh,” and “ the eighth’? months, which must have

originated from a system that made December the first month ; as our

September and October must have been named, when the year was

made to commence in March.

The names of many of the months show that they were given when

the Karens had the same habits that they have now. Thus January

is “the searching month,” from the habit of going about in search of

a suitable locality to clear a field. And February is “the hewing

month,”’ because in this month the trees are cut down. Other names

show that the seasons were the same when and where the names were

given as they are now. Thus April is “the seed month,” because in

this month the seed is sown; and August is “the month of gladness,”

because the corn is then in the ear; like the month of Abib among

the Hebrews; but that corresponded to April, indicating a different

climate from the Karen. May is “the Crinum” or holy month, be-

cause the Crinums, popularly called lilies, are then im flower ; while

December is denominated “the month of the shades,” because in this

month the Karens make their annual offerings to the shades of the

dead.

The Red Karen names are usually coincident, but a few of the

months have different names. July is not with them “ the eighth

month,” though June is the seventh ; and August is not “the month

of gladness,” but is named from a feast that is made this month, and

which is peculiar to themselves.

A correspondent writes: “ In the month of Ai-du, the Red Karens

kill hogs, and fowls, and oxen all at once, and make a feast in which

the whole village eat and drink together. They beat drums, and fire

off muskets, and have sham fights, firing at each other with nothing

but powder in their guns. Accidents often happen, and houses are

frequently set on fire. The feast is kept up for three days, and during

their feasting the people send food and drink to their friends and

relatives in other villages. The origin of the feast is not known.’

Karen Vocabulary. 239

1865.]

‘aUny-D J, “DIT

‘aN “ULIng

"S07

‘Dg “PALL

"nay “ard

‘yamy pure ‘yny “uty

"qos! “uRYg

B SOYLUSIS yo{dnoo sty,

“ART FL “ung

PUL PUL

‘ony, “Wang

‘oruinbs & soytusis av7

‘ng “Muy

‘wag ueyg

‘DIV “aUl00yy

unybury, *SU210S]

‘DT TRL

‘hoy “wing

‘UorT “WIRIg

OI} FT

vyuezg

noyd

ook

Bu-vg

40S]

Orn,

eny

Suni

pal |

at Fr

OTA FL

noN

BA-VG

ynoyd

Avy

eu-tq

JIOMSFT

ney

ot yy

n&-w9yy

Be ite

sysouay ‘nyjbunoy 0 hoy

OTM} FT

BAS-BG

ned

NVZ-ITI

eu-ery

ory

PUA

TOMS

ary

no,

ui]

Aery

aA |

‘pybdopy

oTATS eed a A OIA

orn oN

ey Avi-neg

Nes] re rae

eAU-BUl-00} 77

nef{-U19 Tl ‘0077

eu-vq vue Avu-vg

oIMY OIA]

Suneyzy Avd-vy,

oy app eyy

ora, OIA,

ovy ey

0} 0H ny

Bd Bid

Suni nd],

Suey

avy edT-Av yy

‘NOT, ‘Ong ‘uawwy pey

amy FT oIM 4 FT

8IN ern

BM-0G vyyVaneg

nag pue nepy

ned-orpyned-olul-ey J,

Akeu-egq eueg

Cray ory

Avd-e yy Ov

Tt TL DE

pessoa gto |

on on

eq-0y Fy oH

Avid "Id

nay, nay,

viqy-Av AA Deysneyy,

SES EAE

wmybg “noby

‘SHWANONAQ ‘02 ‘IVHDG ‘OVOg ‘HSITONG HII ‘SduOM NOUV OLLSHWOd 0 GADOTVLVY) VY

80g,

keg

MOIO

MOK)

de)

oreynug

ouog

‘dnog “

yeog

pool

‘dnog “

pag.

MOLLY

‘dnog “

‘ysypbug

iNo. 4,

Karen Vocabulary.

240

‘UarTT “UByS

‘UaryT “ULI

uoUy “WeYg

“DUnye) “EY

aL, SOG

Peto aI

‘off “ueyg

“‘bunoyy “wuing

“mht “Ort

‘DT “uURys

“buy “oan,

‘mY “Yourry,

‘ey “enOg

“DOT “aeys

“yom “ULY)

“bumeg uryp)

‘bupsy, ueyg

"DN “oysurg

"By.LDUWAYT

“ny jpbuno 7,

eyyy od-vy-xy, ory suey : ory avy ned-v yy

ey ey ery ra | Kery ery ery

SIE ISSR EL CIAL eH Avqy-or ila a sii dal

o1L ie! ung == surey) oT isl Sl

YOUT oys-ery Chie se ee elt h Cn “Mies

nN ney suny BU0 Ny nen nen non

ynojFT OvT noyyT or BFL neyyy OT

NVMY-OFT nog ooyyy OY NviLy-0oFT noyy-ooyy ouyy

wg yoog eg ng ng ng ng

goal ab aaa Le]-OOyy, OOTi-oyyy «= BAT-OYYT -OOT-Ney YZ ~—dOOY]}-O

okYq -00¥-01g og ke ghey-oy-Aeg Avp-heq-Av

ny-ny ey URT Suey ey] vay ney yy

oud oof sueyq suvyg oud ney ney

eT yno-op ep, sun-ep{ OW OW 00-0],

ed td ed ed Aeqd %] @ ‘ed ed

oT Avy Avy OW Avy oop-e]-nopy Ae

Suvsyzy osy-er'y Sunesp] Sunesy-ey eYs-Vy, eBys-ey —- uesy|-e yy

nyy-AvPY Noj-nvypoyy-sueppoyy-sueyy nyy-AvpT noyy-vry oyy-nexy

nN sunoy ney-Aen ny °

Aeyerpy-neky-0 yy

O-ON CIN eN ey = ‘Aey-eyyy «=: OoY-AU NT @N

BGK,

wohony ‘wybdopg ‘nun ‘Ong “Uawoy pay “yh *nobyl

qysvy

yeory

wor]

asnoyy

asIOT]

W10 FT

Sof

proy

pueH

ley

yRory

WOOT

TOMOL

Oty

TOY Ie

oki

queydoroy

dnoy. “

7 Bie f

“ysybugy

Lar Avy3-9 J,

N eyy-ey, Avyy-eg-8y-ylog vl-onFyT so ‘Keqy-oy = Av}-aT vy}-eT(unou) ye

ey :

uvy-Avyy Avy ey-neg vyy-Ssung vty -ood-<epyy Aepy peoy :

ney ooryT ory OTM ney = opy ‘rT IOANT |

nedd-vuy ‘ung U7, eh 9 Cx Pie

‘DnyT “weyg vy) OIMY OLA I-ry Buy) OIMy-vyp, Oo, Y-o1g VA OIMY-vyy, « Urequelg

Bky

NVUI-B Ny nog noq-Aeyy ou, 10 eee nou, o"uL LO

eH tH vi ey RIED ATT Avy vy] Surmoeagy

: e@N @N @N AGN ken eN JUSTIN

> ‘A ORTH ae eUL key, Avy, ey “dnog “

= ‘buy eyoyg Suyy eNO EON wy = sunokyy Suey orl aly orl aule NT

= )

S VIYY-vp-e}-0od-ey —nas-ery os-eq — olys-nyg OS-tq os-eq oymbsnyy

S Ssunoig ey Ney-eyy Ss -vany ON oo-ey yy = Neue ON-eI QUOP

S "D]-WDY YT “UIBIG ‘ DV-VryT o[-Sun0} Fy BATT ne[-neyy o[-eyy ‘dnog “

‘noyy Uy Sunoy neayy nos-ery Sunvyy sunvp-oyy oyg nu-neypy nes-Vyy UreyUNO[,

‘phup ueyg ney noA-y ‘nT uy ) OW ney nop OW LOY IOP|!

‘nary “ueyg wy ery wy wy ery Aery Aery eT MOOT

oul

nod = oru-ery -VMU-NOTFT ou-ey, = OLB BANY-U YT,

eyd Aeyqd

Apyuout Joy w1194 od-v[-noz -nof-vyy ny-nex -ey-nex vyd-nk-vy

‘oLIaUGS OU SI oIOYY, nex eZ, 00-nos FT nex nox . n-ey, Aayuopy

rm Sunody-vg neg nod

oS ‘bunoyy “ueyg suok nez-07 SuoTy-no xT ned-o1g -eyy-eysg ‘dnog “

eer ‘ooT “wing ney = -vy-vig ‘op-1ag nqsuoydney vk-vey-Aerg _—vd-oigneAuy-vy Sq Uv yA

“UD AT “WRT

ns’ “UG

‘ayy, “WING

‘why “ULI

Karen Vocabulary.

‘bun'T nquiy

‘buoy “eqpodary

bury “ary

‘uareyy UL Ays 1Oy

PIOM O]SUIS OU ST O.10TL J,

el IND

242

“sysowuaay

GANT Av NY

nA = -neyg

my Ae

our,

nowy,

SeMN

APA

nod.

vns-v J, oq -BY LL YloyY- BMG

vy oy op-ed-ey,

nA nod ney

Suny ynoy ynory

esyT eSFT UsET

Dit OO 1 ARE:

oyd-oyde

eY}-Noy-eg -oAY-nepy

omd a a hs

Suny ney

ORES

‘nyybunoy, ohvy ‘vybdopy

OMNI

nosyT

Sura,

sunkyy

suv]

SEL

‘NDT,

Ke MNY nolyy AOMNT Sean ue

Sunoyy neu-e yy ‘on “dnog “

ony oq on MH 8 = WM

SUeA-8 I, ue. Noy AVM-RY, «= OHTA,

Suyy, neq, noyy, ouL aol],

Av = ey-oyyy Avu-noyy, Avy Y}00F,

ar-ood-Aey, 0-eY}-0gf

ony my so‘oyy 10 yy SLY,

DAL «cower NI DA ung

suory ney nery nery auoyg

eyes keyg keyg est IVC

oo) oof 00 A nip ayeug

SUu0y O]-ouL ey-ned Oy

-od-ooff -8py-neyy §=--e y-nepy -od-ey-ooy AG

ud ard kal od URS

sueyy Avy Aeyy nep, (qaoa) “

‘omg “uawoy pay ‘wybg ‘moby —-yspbugr

1865.]

Karen Vocabulary.

243

The following table exhibits the pronouns in all their forms, in the

various dialects.

Case Absolute. Nominative.

Sgau

Pwo

Bghai

Mopgha

Toungthu

Red Karen

Kay or Gai-

kho

Taru

Sgau

_ Pwo

Bghai

Mopgha

Toungthu

Red Karen

Kay, or Gai-

kho

Taru

Sgau

Pwo

Bghai

Mopgha

Toungthu

Red Karen

Kay, or Gai-

kho

Taru

Ya, yeu seu

Yeu, or yawe Ya, or yeu

Thou.

Na, or neu

Neu, or nawe Na, or neu

He, she, it,

they.

A, or way

A, or we

Seu

O, or wo

Objective.

me.

Ya or yay

Yeu

Khye

Poss. Pron.

my.

As nominative, —

As nominative.

Thy.

As nominative.

”

Him, her, it, His, her, tts,

them.

Say

their.

A S

244 Karen Vocabulary. [No. 4,

Case Absolute. Nominative Objectwwe. Poss. Pron.

We, as re- |

gards us. so ies Us. Our.

Sgau Pa way Pa, or peu Pgha As, Nomin.

Pwo Pa we Pa, or peu Peu ie

Bghai Kay Ka, or wa Kay -

Mopgha Kay Ka Wau Oo, or Hi.

Toungthu Ne

Red Karen Pay As nominative.

Kay, or Gai-

kho Pa, or ka

Taru Pa

You, as re- You. You.

gards you.

Sgau Thu way Thu Thu

Pwo Nathie Nathie Nathie

Bghai Thie Thie Thie

Mopgha Nay Nay Nay

Toungthu Nathie Nathie Nathie

Red Karen Thie

Kay, or Gai-

kho Thu

Tara

—

“nod “

“asy &

30"

“DY “URS

1865 ]

noys-19

noys

-OIM/T

noys

“net,

nou-neyg

nevzq-By,

vodTey, ef-@y,

@ISOIN NYS-Na yy

VIOISUT, -Noys-vy,

“9U0 ST JOOL4SIT

UL ys “UY esey noys-vy,

noy Qnoy uryg yooy eary

nayoy eqodery yey, neyg

ysnu “nquUtiry = 4OMNT Aes Ny

Un ous

pub mg yeuy Tux)

Ce | ON ie 14 & Saari

wns “yeqty, Suny, ney y,

bunosjy ‘weyg ely non

D-NUb *] BT, BI, BI,

Uy. OUTED

“syspwmaw -hunor a0 ‘how

orys

-£vuw

alys-oM¢

orys-nY,

nayyos

“ogg

o7qe'T

ZIT ely

orys

-nayyog

aryse'y nosyy

oIAT YT aM

ouyy oosyT

my) Kem

ny yy OSH

key, Kew

Olay OLAVT

nay, ny, i

neyyog nant

BT Ne]

‘nubdom “min Tr

arsy-Ae ii

orsty-OrT

aIsty

-SUNTY,

Oru

-o10Y-W'T

oIPy Suneyyqey

edvry

o1statNy

epoisyery

oIsyeT

ei |

o”uy

OMNI

oo"us,

Aex

aA:

Ssunyy,

SEN

eyy-eyy orys-vAyy oms-Av Xx

"ip int

aisy-Aex Aa

PYLON, OLYS-OravyT oTys-orry otsy-atary Ayo

BIP]-CYT, OM|S-NoY, orys-noyy,

aru or arty

a ee SS oreo

OLI-B, ouley, NepYeyey,

kek-ey, Avdkey, Avkvyey,

04-RUL4) OYSIN TYSOLyy

-eyy-ey, «Byoysuy, vporgsey,

eY-ey, oysey, olysey,

vy v4

NVY[ -O|OIM'T -oyJorArT

ekd-vy, oyjotmry ory

By vy

eg -oYJNoyy, -ojnoyy,

OF, OUNeyy, oyory,

ey ehny eK

0V-eL, oIM'T OL

ne}

eu, heyy, 10 ‘neyy,

OU“L oN pl

@L, @L BL,

oIst

“noyL AWG,

oLy

-OISY-B J, OATOM I,

pues

oyyeyey, -noyy,

eae

ekeyey, -unzy

dISYOIY YT -Wo yf,

GYoISYR], WOAH

oIsy ey, OL,

OMY OUT

ou SIG

SIM\T UWeAeg

nyy = xg

AvK PAL

oIMT «MOY

ney, IY,

my = (OMY,

GL oud

joes)

Karen Vocabulary.

246

‘tuorpt ue fq

pessardxnp = “Wa.le yy

ur prom sodoid on

‘syunUlaay

ort orku or kur

“By-VyYy-N. «=» ~B}-ov-y - AvYS-e

BR]

-SuNe TY Sep-oq

~kepy-V ko -V

09-01hq

Bune -Avyy-v nay,

sueyq nody,

-e[-neu = noypdd-vy ed

-suney}y ~nodu-neAy, -e4-nu-ey,

oA-SUL

no&

-vu-suog ov-v{u-oy yy -neu-neyy

OY-Suey_ ooyy-nepy noyy-neq

now or-olu

“Byesyy-N]T = -B-B

eul-no(y

Key-Avyd

ny -8qy{-V

ney ‘ny,

Aeyq ney d-vy

-8}-NU-Ny, -Nu-ne} Fy

ar-Avu

of-KYSE —_-neY yy

noyy-nogE = oj-uexq

oy 00g

neg ‘ea ney

neq nary

, es nog

BM(T nary

V V

OYsO 4)

‘nypbunoy sohny ‘wybdopy

sunyg ooyy 00g

keg ney Aery

Avg.

nory ney Avry

sureyg neg nag

eT,

Avy ney

ney nog neg

Vv Vi Vv

DT, ON “wdoyy poay mybg

ore}

~844Y-B INT

Kep-Avyd

Sees Vy

ne]q

8}-NU-N J,

Tou

~ey-Aoy yy

oyyf-neyd

00g

neq

neq ‘nory

oosy]

nory

“moby

kep-o¥,

¢ WOT AA

ust

MON

MOI AL

TEAL

mor

PAB)

‘yso buggy

247

Karen Vocabulary.

1865.]

VUL-VY «OT -9T7,

nes-e yy ar-o17,

Bul-ayog lo] -86g

Vv esq

ays ays

ny nog

nox ary

ood

ooy-negy = -e-noryT

OF-NVIpy

neyy neg “no'T

nosyq-noqy nesy-neg

wT vy-O7

noyy-neqY = oj-neq

BUl-noy

‘eu-vg Avy-Avpg

eus-nog nu-Aeg

oA-oF

noX-ea(y

neA-og¢

‘ok-ag at-Avrg

neu = otu-vy

-24-BY-P]Y BU ery

OA oys

-e-os-Aep] -RUl-oFf

Avy-og,

Avy-oyy-Avg epoyq Avj-ex

of-og nodu-ong

of-AUg ev-oyg nof-ex

Av]-e-o1spL arg Avy-oysq

Vv Ay Ay

Ae qoy-vy-o1q-eq arqg

og oo" og

Sure x ax ax

Sunyd

-8-ld'T ooy ood-xv-nary

SUNVIPT noyy

nary DVS] -Beypj-neryT

Sunasy

-suog ooy-neg nas-neq

ep-suvyg Avpnepy = Avyp-ney

oYy-suryg oowpyp-nepy neyy-neq

Avy

-SunNe} FT sporkg = Avp-neq

neu nou-neqy

-sunv}yT neku-atdg nou-ag

noA-neg

of-SuneyyT ss ov-atkgy = ‘nad-ag

aru ardu olu-ey

-ey-eys-nyy vy-Avys-eyy -Avy-oopy

oy-neys

atku-e} atu-ey-ney,

Avy-o1g,

‘Avp-ne x 6 Moy]

‘oI-ne X sn,

Avl-R-aIsFFYONU MOF,

Ne ony

oIsyL IVT

, 004 WON

Eg. IR

ood-e-nery = UY ITAA

oyy-ney yop,

Nasy-neg uweoajogy

veury MOOT

CMe © SAO,

Avy-Avg 3 oto, Ah

eu-Avg e190 J,

or-Avy a10 FT

ort

-8Y-RBY-RIT £eproqso XK

aru-v4

-nu-fvy -o1-nd-oryg -oow-ney-neys-Avyy Mox10ur-o 7,

[No. 4,

Karen Vocabulary.

248

SEOTRE

ue Aq possoidxe st

q[. «4 ‘UeIeyy «UL 40

10} pIOM OW SI oO],

‘ay “wang

“SYMDUAT

~ Suneqy neu

Sur, -nekyy -os-nyg

sud TW AW

BMV ‘omy, 00

4y ny

To]-vIpS

vid-vid-ey = -B[-10]

-eid-vd-oyy = -ed -ayq

la[-BIL9-eT

00¥4-00¥ TT

Bj-BUl-noqT -SUIe} FT

vus-nog nu-V

Aery

nog ‘vad oft

00x

-emui-neg = Av-o

ou-oTf[

BI-OMY. 04-27

ny ng

Tou

VI-Ry-Vg — -CUl-eg

OYywD~)

“nypbunoz = 4o hwy “wy bdopy

et}-B-SUe Ny

8 ie eT

Suy

Aey-eys

-v]-neyg

Avy-ey.s

-CY.0-e'T

NeU-V

keg

9-AV MTA

a-AR IN

ynof

-AU MT

ynod-AvyAr

Suny

Ley

-neu-Avg

‘NLD T, “ONT

kvu -

“OI }- 004d

ak orm-neyg

O ny

co Ce

neu-Avysd

-B New

-ey.od-ayy

neu

oy-Avid -Avysd-vy

-ey-oy-o1hq -Av]-neg,

Aead

-ey-neAU-W nou-V

ne A Bey

0}-R], NVU-oUI-v 7,

‘OL, ne N

ney-e] eq-O]]

BiG F ai |

neu

oy-ary-Avg -eul-Avg

‘Udo yy poy wy

‘Neu

“oy NY

orn

Avy-eys

“B}-87- 8

Aey-eys

-Avy-Aeyg

ou-'V

neq

2-0]

"eq-oUl-B I,

nod-oy

Key

-NU-BU-e

~noby

und

4°UM

é YOM

UT,

IQ) ’

osye ‘puy

you ‘ony ®

SOX

é4UM

ysy busy

S ‘400.1 OuIRS naf-nog _—os-ar'T osy-Surey yy ny-nig eS-OF nes-oyy Aeme oye y,

Nay} Wo1, opvut oe

AVMB Ov} pue Surg naX-nyjt —«-Os-ary osy-Av.1 Aevi-neg es-ey = nes- Av FT Sung

“ymop ayom AyeiowyT = OFT NY YOY Oye oryp-epy «= ody T-opE oTyp-Aep — or y-vY TS

‘Dy, “WI

ne = ay AVM, dy & | neg Ue A og ny neg ney, Eb ijaatel

ard

noyy ou-a1g Zag -sunoyg ou-oyg = ou-o1g” au-dI fT oe

‘pp “surg

hog “wing

: “nD “URYg ed ad oH od od oT yf oH dATY)

= SUIR]

3 “nosy, “IYO ney eMg ag -B4-SUIRG ea dyy Aeug aIg uniy

= ‘hoy “wing Avy esx eH Surrg ‘ey ATT Avy eH AIR.

Ss be UL bar ah Denil; UL Beit

3 Ne[-sup) =: Sueu-ay neu-nespT Sneu-asfy viu-Q BU-eyg = neu-aspY WMOP IG

> neq, suny

hg Sunjzy-suy) neyy-neyy, = -neyg “unesH] «=—-s MV} Y-9gG No4-YNeyg noyzy-neszT dn pueyg

‘no'T “Teaeung Avy ary ay Aery ay neig ary Aery ox)

*AyQ00aTpur 4

Ajuo = paysinSurystp

aie S}ooTeIp oy} Jo

eULOS UL OS puv auloy uory oy Avy key = ey “Key ary Av au0/)

ats ‘atk

OIMS-V gy og -suny Surppy Avq-oyy ‘ory ‘ody og ‘o}-ey yeadg

“Burahb xy ung SUISNT —_-OOS-OT NT neg Suvw-Suery neg neysg yuoyis og

al ‘OSN “uLINg eon on Suvyy) nowy) ey neyy daa

3 ‘adid 10 SN VSN oN euy aIN adn alg aN = ysnery

S sades @ yuuq YT -BMV -OMET -00 oul-ny efu-Q ny ou-ny eyoug

+ “buo'T sv oureg

S ng nid

&: oy nue

JRO RE

buy “weyg BAUR, eH

CNC s § og

“huwT “ueyg woly ng

noy-vsN ay

nog neg

“aULOSpULT, JO AAT}VSONT

> “noyy “wry

rs “py y “WIng RYT

3 “0syT “URYg vASTT neyg

S non nesy{

ie “oUaT “WLI eulEy ol

a nary “UByg Ssunyy-evq J,

S ooyy

‘wy ueyg CMTS ney

“Dvy-DY 399.1) Avy BY -oryy

ord

DE ROM muae tS

Uo], SULOY}-e Ny

unex ny-eN

“burpuas

-s0-hasoo ‘ATRIA WT, vAyy Suvyq-neg

S OULD

al ‘sylnweay “nyjbunoy 0 hoy

vu-vs-nyg ned-ey-vry

eq-Og

weu-W

OOY-eN

ney4-0g

“ny bdoyy

jst a aud

neyyy neyyy 007,

Avex nodyy, ‘opt

ee Dat oH

ood eM og

orca,

sunody Ssuneyy, ney ‘nodty,

BY Ssureyy ey

SN Sunory neg

04-07,

ers vay Avqyy

ylosp] = SuresypT akyg

SunosfT néyg

ar SUlO, oA

esy-suroy,y, neAYy-oA YT,

OFF Oud oot

sunvyy Oy

sung Avy-vozy

one oT) gota

Avq-orf]

eq-ney ‘oys-vAy

ooy-Avy

oy-eN -vyy-noAyy

OY-BN Sunoy-eyy na Y-aNT

suvqy-eszy eAqy-noAy Fy

‘NDT,

“Ong * UWalO ST Pe

nod ital

vi neq yy

OPT ELL OEE

At BES)

eyy-0g BM

ere er,

‘Kery oo",

EDI ay

BN ory

Avy yy eT

aus ual!

ers Das

PW ov

noyy-oryy, Avs-ey-ony y,

nay oy

Ne AA oyy

Avy-aryy ny

oM ot)

Aaq-neq Bq-91g

-00y-A% NT ned-v yy

Avu-neyg ooy-®N

By-Rg = neyq-neg

yh ‘moby

OV’

pexoo1p

HSw.yg

48)

“oulospuvyy

amog

qOOMG

odny

MEY

JOH

PID

Pee

poo

A) LEA Wy

purys

-lepuf)

WO,

dn v7

"ysy bug

1865.1] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 251

On the Pendulum operations about to be undertaken by the Great Trigo-

nometrical Survey of India ; with a sketch of the theory of their

application to the determination of the earth’s figure, and an account

of some of the principal observations hitherto made.—By Capt. J: P.

Basevi, 2. E., 1st Assistant, Great Trigonometrical Survey of India.

[Received 29th July, 1865.]

Whilst Lieut.-Colonel Walker, R. E., the Superintendent of the

Trigonometrical Survey, was in England last year, General Sabine, the

President of the Royal Society, solicited his attention to the importance

of making a series of Pendulum observations at the stations of the

Great Indian are, of a similar nature to those made by Captain Kater

at the stations of the English arc, and by himself, Captain Henry

Foster and others in various parts of both the Northern and Southern

hemispheres. Pendulum observations were made on the French are

by Arago, Biot and Mathieu early in this century ; it is also the inten-

tion of the Russian Government to have them made at the principal

stations of the Russian arc: moreover there is hardly an instance of

the measure of an arc which has not been accompanied by such observ-

ations.

General Sabine offered to assist by placing at the disposal of the

India Board the pendulums, clocks,,and apparatus which he had

employed in his own operations; and he added that, should the India

Board desire any opinion from the Royal Society on the subject, he

would assemble a Committee for the purpose.

Colonel Walker drew up a scheme and estimate of the probable

expense, and submitted it with General Sabine’s letter for the approval

of the Secretary of State for India, who, acting on General Sabine’s

suggestion, requested the Royal Society to report on the plan of oper-

ations proposed by Colonel Walker.

The President accordingly called for opinions from several distin-

guished Fellows, viz. Professors Challis, W. H. Miller, Stokes, H J. S.

Smith, Dr. Robinson, Sir G. Everest, and Sir John Herschel; all in

their replies were agreed on the scientific value of the operations, and

33.

252 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4

all, with the exception of Sir George Everest,* approved of the

proposed plan of carrying them out; several made very valuable

suggestions.

The Secretary of State in Council consequently sanctioned the

experiments, and on Colonel Walker’s recommendation he directed

Captain Basevi, R. E., who was then in England on furlough, to

proceed to Kew to learn the use of the Pendulum and apparatus, with

the view of his conducting the experiments in India.

Before detailing the proposed operations, a sketch of the theory, and

of what has hitherto been done in the way of Pendulum experiments,

may be interesting. The application of Pendulum experiments to

determine the figure of the earth, is based upon a theorem demonstrated

by Clairaut, which may be stated thus, that the sum of the ellipticityt

of the earth, and the fraction expressing the ratio of the whole increase of

gravity to the equatorial gravity is a constant quantity, and is equal to

& of the ratio of the centrifugal force to the force of gravity at the

equator. Hence by ascertaining the difference between the polar and

equatorial gravity, or, which is the same thing, the progressive increase

in the force of gravity in going from the equator towards the pole, the

ellipticity of the earth is at once determined.

It is proved in mechanics that the forces of gravity, at any two

stations on the earth’s surface, are proportional to the lengths of the

seconds Pendulum at those stations, orto the squares of the number

of vibrations made by the same pendulum in any given time, one

solar day for instance. Here is at once an easy means of determining

the variations in the force of gravity, and the solution of the problem

of the earth’s ellipticity is reduced to the measure of the length of the

seconds pendulum at a number of points on the earth’s surface, or, as

has been most generally done, to the observation of the number of

oscillations made by the same pendulum ina mean solar day.

This theory, however, supposes the pendulum to bea ‘simple pen-

dulum” that is, to consist of a material point suspended by a string

without weight, which is, of course a practical impossibility ; but as

* Sir G. Everest proposed to employ only the Pendulum of an astronomical

clock, but this method is objectionable, as the Pendulum cannot be said to be

acted on solely by gravity.

+ The ellipticity or compression, as it is sometimes called, is the fraction whose —

numerator is the difference between the polar and equatorial semi-diameters,

and the denominator is the equatorial semi-diameter. ‘

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India, 253

it is always possible to calculate the length of the simple: pendulum

which would vibrate in the same time as a given compound pendulum,

the latter may be used for precisely the same purpose as the former.

Besides this, there are several other conditions supposed to hold

good, which in practice are never attained, viz. the are of vibration

has been assumed to be indefinitely small, the length of the pendulum

to be constant, 2. e. unaffected by temperature, and the oscillations

made in vacuo and at the level of the sea. Corrections have therefore

to be computed and applied to the observations, for each of these

assumptions.

The time of vibration* in a circular are is expressed in terms of the

length of the pendulum, the force of gravity, and a series of ascending

powers of the are of vibration. The are is always small, but still not

so small that the terms depending on it can be wholly neglected; the

first term, however, of the series is all that is ever appreciable in

practice. Again, the observations are generally continued for a con-

siderable time, and the change in the are of vibration has to be taken

into account. It has been shewn mathematically, on a certain sup-

position regarding the resistance of the air, and found to be the case

practically, that the arc decreases in a geometric ratio, whilst the times

increase in an arithmetic ratio, and on this principle the correction}

to the observed time of oscillation is computed.

Secondly, a correction must be applied for the temperature of the

pendulum : a change of temperature will, of course, by altering the

length of the pendulum, affect the time of its vibration. This cor-

star JEfia G) e+ (2) (wa) +

GHEY

in which t = time of one oscillation.

a = semi-circumference of a circle whose radius is unity.

‘ t = length of the Pendulum,

g = force of gravity.

a = arc of semi-vibration.

+ The formula for this correction is iy

M Sin (A+a) Sin sin (A —a)

* 32 Log Sin A—Loe Sina Sin a

n= numberof oscillations made in a day ; M = logarithmic modulus =0.43842945 ;

A the initiul, and u the final semi-ares of vibration, Correction always additive.

in which

254 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

rection* must be determined experimentally. Captain Kater immersed

his pendulum in fluids of different temperatures, and measured with

a micrometric arrangement the alterations in its length. Captain (now

General) Sabine observed the change in the number of vibrations

made by a penduluin in different temperatures. This is the most

direct method of obtaining the correction undoubtedly, but everything

depends on the perfect compensation of the clock pendulum with

which it is compared.

Thirdly, the formula is only true for observations in a vacuum,

and as observations have generally been made in air, or at all events

only in a partial vacuum, the effect of the air hasto be taken into -

account. This effect is to diminish the weight of the pendulum by

the weight of the air displaced, or to diminish the apparent force of

gravity inthe same proportion. In the very large majority of ob-

servations, the correction has been computed on this consideration

solely ; but Bessel demonstrated in 1828+ that this correction was

insufficient, inasmuch as a portion of the surrounding air was set in

motion by, and moved with, the pendulum so as to become part of the

moving mass. The correction for this can only be determined prac-

tically, as by swinging the pendulum in “ media” of different

densities. It depends chiefly on the form of the pendulum. As this

correction, ‘‘ reduction to a vacuum” or “ buoyancy correction” as it is

* According to Kater’s method—if 7 be the standard temperature which is

generally taken as 62° Fahrenheit ; ¢ the observed temperature of the pendulum ;

fits factor of expansion for 1° Fahrenheit, then correction = } n. f. (t—7)

positive when t > 7.

+ This circumstance was most clearly pointed out by the Chevalier du Buat

in 1786, who made a number of experiments with pendnlums formed of different

substances, but his researches, which created a great sensation at the time,

appear to have been completely lost sight of, and to have been unknown even

to Borda, who was conducting his experiments, little more than ten years after

the publication of Du Buat’s results.

The true correction for buoyancy Mr, Baily has shown to be (Phil. Trans. 1832)

B ; ‘

C+ i 0023 ($32) where 6 is the height of Barometer, and ¢ the tem-

perature during the interval of observation. C is a constant for the same

pendulum and is determined from the formula

NIN F

C— [1"+- .0023 (t°—32°) ] in which WN’ is the number of

p’—p”

vibrations in a mean solar day, 6’ and ¢’ the barometer and thermometer read-

ings, in wir; and N,” B,” t’ the same quantities in a highly rarijied medium

ne = a (t° + ti )

1865.] The Proposel Pendulum Operations for India. 255

called, depends also on the state of the atmosphere, it is necessary for

its calculation, to record the readings of the barometer, when the

observations are taken in air,

The last correction is for the height of the station of observation

above the mean sea level. The force of gravity varying inversely as

the square of the distance from the earth's centre, a pendulum swung

at a certain elevation above the sea, will make fewer oscillations in a

day than at the level of the sea, and acorrection has to be added on

this account. Dr. Young, however, demonstrated that the correction

computed on tis consideration alone, was too large, as it neglected

the attraction of the elevated mass itself, and he showed how this

might be approximately allowed for.*

The general principle followed in determining the length of the

seconds pendulum, is to observe the number of vibrations made by a

pendulum of known length, in a mean solar day; then the length of

the seconds pendulum is found by multiplying the length of the given

pendulum, by the square of the numher of its vibrations in a day, and

dividing by the square of the number of seconds in a day.

The number of vibrations is generally determined by the method of

coincidences. The detached pendulum is placed in front of a good

clock, and adjusted to such a length as to gain or lose, (the latter

generally) two beats upon the clock in some convenient time, 5 to 10

minutes. Suppose the pendulums to be started together, then the

longer one of the two will be left behind by the other, the distance

between them continually increasing, until at length they will be at

opposite extremities of their arcs of vibration at the same moment :

_ the lenger pendulum has now lost one oscillation on the shorter one,

and both are apparently going at the same rate, but in opposite direc-

tions ; after a short time they will begin to approach each other, the

distance between them gradually diminishing, until they both appear

to coincide. It is clear that between two consecutive coincidences the

_ * This correction is given by the formula (-) h w, where m denotes the

number of oscillations in a mean solar day, 7 the radius of the earth at the given

station, h the height of the station above the mean level of the sea: wis an

unknown quantity determinable from theory ; on the assumption that the mean

density of the earth is 5.5 and that of the surface 2.6 Dr. Young (Phil. Trans-

actions 1819) showed that the correction for a station on a tract of table land

would be reduced by $rd or that the correction = 3 7 h.

256 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

longer pendulum will have lost two oscillations on the shorter one.

Hence all that is requisite in practice, is to observe as accurately as

possible the intervals between the successive coincidences ; the number

of vibrations made by the clock pendulum is determined by observ-

ations of the sun or stars, and then the number made by the detached

pendulum is computed by simple proportion.*

The first pendulum observations of which any account is preserved

are those made by Picard at Paris and Uranienburg (Tycho Brahe’s

observatory) and those by Richer at Cayenne in 1672. These last

observations are said to have attracted Newton’s attention, as they

proved the variation in the length of the seconds pendulum in different

latitudes, and it is generally stated that Richer made the discovery by

accident. But it appears from Picard’s address to the French academy

in 1671, that a variation had been already observed, and it is probable

that Richer’s mission was undertaken partly with a view to throw

light on the subject. Picard stated that “‘ from observations made at

London, Paris and Bologna, it would seem as if the seconds pendulum

required to be shortened in approaching the equator, but that on the

other hand, he is not sufficiently convinced of the accuracy of those

measurements, because, at the Hague, the length of the seconds

pendulum was found to be quite the same as at Paris, notwithstand- —

ing the difference of latitude.” +

Near the end of the 18th century, Borda made his celebrated expe-

riments for determining the length of the seconds pendulum at Paris.

His apparatus, which is named after him, consisted of a spherical ball of

platinum attached by grease to a brass cap which had been truly ground,

so as to fit it perfectly. The object of this attachment was to enable

the observer to turn the ball round in the cap at pleasure, so as to

destroy the effects of unequal density in different parts of it. A. fine

wire carrying the cap was fastened to the lower end of a small

cylinder, passing through the knife edge, which carried on its upper

end a small moveable weight, by adjusting which the knife edge

and cylinder could be made to vibrate independently in the same

* If r = daily rate of the clock and I the mean interval of the coincidences,

then the number of oscillations made by the pendulum in a day = n

I—2 ‘

n = — (86400 + 7) the lower sign is to be ussd when the

clock is losing.

7 Cosmos Vol. LV. page 25, Sabine’s translation,

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 257

time as the pendulum, so that their effect might be neglected in com-

puting the length of the simple pendulum. When in use, the knife

edge rested upon a steel plate. The number of vibrations per diem

was ascertained by means of a clock, but Borda made a great improve-

ment on the old method of counting the coincidences. He fixed a

straight edge vertically, so as to coincide with the pendulum wire at

rest, when seen through a teleseope placed opposite. A cross was

made on the bob of the clock pendulum, and the observation consisted

in noting the times when the wire and cross disappeared together

behind the edge. After a series of coincidences had been observed,

the length of the pendulum was measured by means of a horizontal

steel plate, which was screwed up from below, so as just to touch® the

ball : then the pendulum was removed, and a bar, whose length had

been carefully compared with a standard, inserted in its place. The

bar had a T head, of which the lower surface rested on the upper steel

plate, and a graduated rod, sliding on the bar, was adjusted to contact

with the lower plate. The diameter of the platinum ball was then

measured by means of the same slider, by placing it on the steel plate

for the purpose; the brass cap and wire were then weighed. The

apparatus was enclosed in a glass case, and the temperature was care-

fully recorded. All necessary corrections were applied, excepting the

true one for buoyancy. The whole process, which required very great

delicacy, had to be repeated, and the length of the corresponding

simple pendulum computed after each series of observations. Borda’a

pendulum was about 12 feet in length.

His method was followed by M. M. Arago, Biot, and Chaix, at

Formentera, the southernmost station of the French arc, with this

exception that they used a pendulum of only 3 feet in length. These

observations were extended by Biot in 1817 to Leith, and Unst in the

Shetlands, and in conjunction with M. Mathieu, he observed at

Dunkirk, Paris, Clermont, Bordeaux, and Figeac. From these opera-

tions, Biot deduced an ellipticity of 53;.

Tn about 1809, Captain Warren made some observations at the

Madras observatory with a pendulum formed of a leaden ball suspended

by a fibre made from the plantain leaf. The vibrations were counted

and an assistant noted the times, from an astronomical clock. In order

to measure its length, he attached some glass plates to a wall, and set

258 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

off on them a scale, transferred from Colonel Lambton’s scale ; the

length was then measured by a pair of beam compasses. The length

of the seconds pendulum was found to be 39.0263 inches of this

scale in air.

In 1818, Captain Kater published his determination of the length

of the seconds pendulum in London at Mr. Browne’s house, Portland

Place, taken for the purpose of fixing the standard of English

measures. His method was founded on the dynamical theorem due to

Huyghens, that the centre of oscillation, and axis of guspension, are

reciprocal in the same body ; that is, if the body be suspended at its

centre of oscillation, the former axis of suspension will pass through

the Rew centre of oscillation, and the body will vibrate in the same

time as before. The distance from the axis of suspension to the point

called centre of oscillation, is equal to the length of the simple

pendulum.

Captain Kater’s pendulum consisted of a bar of plate brass 1.6

inches broad and 4th of an inch thick : two knife edges of the hardest

steel, attached to solid pieces of brass, were fixed to the bar at a dis-

tance of rather more than 39 inches from each other; when the pen-

dulum was in use, these knife edges rested on horizontal planes of agate.

At one end of the bar, immediately below the knife edge, was a large

flat brass bob firmly soldered to it ; and on the bar, between the knife

edges, were two sliding weights. The plan of operations was to

observe the number of vibrations per diem, made by the pendulum

when suspended, first, by one knife edge, and then by the other;

and if these numbers were not identical, to make them so, by means

of the sliding weights. The distance between the knife edges, that is,

the length of the corresponding simple pendulum, was then measured

by a micrometric arrangement. The method of observing the number

of vibrations was as follows; to each extremity of the pendulum, a

light deal tail-piece, well blackened, was attached ; and on the bob of

the clock pendulum a white paper disc, equal in diameter to the

breadth of the tail-piece, was fastened; the detached pendulum was

now placed in front of the clock, and both pendulums being at rest,

a telescope was alined, so that the blackened tail-piece exactly covered

the paper disc. The telescope was also fitted with a diaphragm, con-

sisting of two perpendicular cheeks, which could be adjusted so as t

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 259

become tangents to the disc. Now, if both pendulums be set in motion,

the detached pendulum vibrating slower than the clock one, the tail-

piece will be seen to pass across the diaphragm, followed by the

white disc; at each succeeding vibration the disc follows closer and

closer, first touching it, and at last becoming completely eclipsed by

it. The exact time of this event, called a “ disappearance,” is noted ;

after a few more vibrations, the disc will reappear preceding the tail-

piece; the time of this event, called the “‘ reappearance,” is also noted ;

and the mean of the disappearance and reappearance is taken as the

true time of coincidence. It is immaterial in this method of observ-

ation, whether the detached pendulum vibrates faster or slower than

the clock pendulum, but it is a sine gud non that its are of vibration

be less. The result, introducing all corrections, except the true one

for buoyancy, was 39.13929 inches, which is still the received length,

although General Sabine, in 1831, showed, by swinging the pen-

dulum in air and in vacuo, that the buoyancy correction was different,

according as the heavy weight was above, or below, the plane of

suspension.

Captain Kater, in the following year, 1818, made a series of expe-

riments at the principal stations of the English Survey, from Shanklin

in the Isle of Wight, to Unst in the Shetlands. He used in these

observations a pendulum of a different pattern, known as “ Kater’s

invariable pendulum.” With it, it is not possible, nor was it intended,

to determine the length of the seconds’ pendulum, but it is essentially

a differential instrument, and is used for measuring the differences

in the number of vibrations at different stations. With these dif-

ferences, if at any one station the length of the seconds’ pendulum

has been already determined, the corresponding lengths at the other

stations can be ascertained. The invariable pendulum is of the same

dimensions as the convertible one, but is without the second knife

edge, and tail-piece, and the sliding weights. The mode of observation

is exactly the same. Captain Kater deduced values of the ellipticity,

from consecutive pairs of stations; he considered $7 as a probable

value (the same as M. Biot’s); but he remarks on the difficulty of

deriving a satisfactory determination, unless the extreme stations

comprise an arc of sufficient extent to render the effects of irregular

local attraction insensible.

Bes

260 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

In 1821-22, some very good observations were made by Mr.

Goldinghom, at Madras, and afterwards at a small island called Pulo

Gaunsah Lout, lying nearly on the equator in Hast Longitude 98° 50’.

The pendulum used was an invariable one, and observations were first

taken with it in London, by Captain Kater. From the observations

at Madras and London, Mr. Goldingham deduced an ellipticity of =4,.

- Captain Basil Hall, assisted by Captain (then Lieutenant) Henry

Foster, made a’ series of experiments with an invariable pendulum in

1820-23, at Galapagos, San Blas (Mexico), Rio Janeiro, and London

(Mr. Browne’s house). Comparing the results at each of his own

stations, with each of Captain Kater’s, he deduced ellipticities of =4,,

sia, and 353.

In 1822, Sir Thomas Brisbane took with him to Paramatta (near

Sydney,) an invariable pendulum that had previously been swung in

London, at Mr. Browne’s house. He deduced ellipticities of 54, and

giz, comparing his observations with those of Kater in London and

at Unst.

In 1817, the French Government fitted out a scientific expedition

under the command of Captain Freycinet, who was furnished with

three invariable brass pendulums, one of which was similar to Captain

Kater’s pattern, and the other two had solid cylindrical rods instead

of a flat bar. He had also a fourth pendulum, with a wooden rod

formed of two plates of deal firmly clamped together. Instead of a

clock he used an astronomical counter, (‘‘compteur astronomique”’)

whose beats could be adjusted to synchronism with those of the pen-

dulum. The counter had a dial, which showed hours, minutes, and

seconds, so that by comparing the time shown by this “ compteur”

with that of a chronometer, he obtained the number of vibrations

made by the pendulum in a certain interval, generally an hour or 40

minutes. The pendulums were first swung at Paris, and afterwards

at Rio Janeiro, Mauritius, Guam (one of the Ladrone Islands), Mowi

(one of the Sandwich Isles), Cape of Good Hope, Port Jackson,

Ravak (an island under the line, north of New Guinea), and Malouine

or Falkland Isles. Rejecting the determinations at the Mauritius,

Guam and Mowi, as they appeared affected to a remarkable degree by

local influences, Captain Freycinet deduced an ellipticity of z4, from

all four pendulums.

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 261

On the return of Captain Freycinet, the French government sent

out another expedition under Captain Duperrey. He was supplied

with two of Captain Freycinet’s brass pendulums, viz. one with a

eylindrical rod, and the one on Kater’s principal. He observed at six

stations, viz. Ascension, Mauritius, Port Jackson, Falkland Isles,

Toulon, and Paris. In deducing the ellipticity, he combined his

results with those of Freycinet only, and obtained values varying from

360 10 395:

During Ross’s voyage to Baffin’s Bay in 1818, some observations

were taken at Brassa, in the Shetlands, and at Hare Island, with a clock

fitted with an invariable pendulum vibrating on a knife edge, which

rested on hollow agate cylinders. Observations were repeated at these

stations, and a further set taken at Melville Island, on Captain Parry’s

first voyage to the North Pole in 1819-20. Captain Sabine conducted

both these experiments, using the same instruments.

In 1822, the English Government sent out an expedition under

Captain, now General, Sabine, for the purpose of extending the

enquiry commenced by Captain Kater; for both Kater and Biot had

come to the conclusion, from a discussion of the experiments, that

no decisive result of the earth’s ellipticity could be obtained from

them, on account of the smallness of the comprised arc, and the

variations of local density. Captain Sabine visited thirteen stations

between Bahia, S. Lat. 12° 59’ to Spitzbergen N. Lat. 79° 50’.

He had with him three pendulums of Kater’s invariable pattern,

which were all swung at each station, Besides these he had the two

clocks and attached pendulums which he had already used on his

arctic voyages. His method of observation was similar to Captain

Kater’s; all the pendulums were swung in London at Mr. Browne’s

house, both before and after the expedition.

The ellipticity deduced from the experiments at Captain Sabine’s -

stations was =4,-z, from the same combined with Kater’s 51,.;, and

combined again with Biot’s sis-p, and from’a general combination of

all of these, 535-7. The observations of the detached pendulums only

were used in these determinations; for though the clock pendulums gave

closely coinciding values of ellipticity, still being acted on by other forces

than gravity, their results are less reliable, and are only valuable in so

far as they afford an independent corroboration of the other results.

262 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

Captain Sabine was not at first aware of the strict expression for the

reduction to a vacuum, but after the publication of Bessel’s observ-

ations in 1828, he had an apparatus specially constructed, and ascer-

tained the proper correction practically, by swinging his pendulums

in air, and in vacuo.

The error from this cause, however, proved to be trifling, owing to

his observations being strictly differential, so that only the differences

between the corrections by the old and new formule entered.

The most widely differing buoyancy corrections at any of his or

Captain Kater’s stations of observation, computed by the old formula

were + 5.75 vibrations at Sierra Leone, and + 6.27 vibrations at

Spitzbergen, in amean solar day. These corrections, multiplied by

the proper factor, 1.65, to reduce them to the new formula, became ++

9.52 and + 10.38 vibrations, so that the number of vibrations in a

mean solar day at Sierra Leone required to be increased by (9.52—5.75)

3.77, and at Spitzbergen by (10.88—6.27) 4.11 vibrations. But the

acceleration between the stations would only be wcreased by the —

difference between these numbers, or by 0.44 vibrations. It so happened,

however, that even this difference was too large, for in the deduction

of the temperature correction, the old buoyancy formula had of course

been used; on applying a correction on this account, the above dif-

ference required to be reduced by 0.36 vibrations, so that the whole

error on the acceleration of the pendulum between Sierra Leone and

Spitzbergen was only -++ .08 vibrations.

Captain Sabine subsequently determined the difference in the

number of vibrations made by an invariable pendulum between London

and Paris, London and Greenwich, and London and Altona. He also

detormined the true buoyancy correction for Kater’s convertible

pendulum.

In 1825 M. Bessel made his experiments for determining the length

of the seconds’ pendulum at Kénigsberg, with an apparatus constructed

and partly designed by Repsold, the celebrated artist of Hamburg.

The apparatus was contrived so as to avoid any uncertainty in the

centre of oscillation of the pendulum, as well as any error in the

measure of its length, by observing the times of vibration of a pen-

dulum ball suspended alternately by two wires, whose difference in

length was known.

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 263

A toise was set upright on a narrow horizontal plane firmly fixed to

a perpendicular iron bar, and the contrivance by which the pendulums

were suspended could be placed either on the horizontal plane, or on

the top of the toise itself, so that the effective lengths of the wires

differed in the two cases by an amount exactly equal to the length of

the toise. The wires, which were of steel, were attached to a thin

strip of brass which unwound itself over a small cylinder. The pen-

dulum, thus suspended, described the curve called the evolute of the

circle. Atthe lower end of the iron bar there was a micrometer

screw, for measuring small differences in the height of the ball.

The system ‘of observation was as follows. At the commencement

of a series of coincidences with the longer pendulum, the thermometers

attached to the toise were recorded, and the reading of the lower

surface of the ball was taken with the micrometer screw; the pendulum

was then set in motion, and after a sufficient number of coincidences

had been observed, the readings of the ball and thermometers were

again taken. Exactly the same process was then gone through with

the shorter pendulum: then, from the times of vibration of the two

pendulums, whose absolute lengths were unknown, but whose difference

in length was accurately known, the length of the seconds’ pendulum

was easily computed.* There were a great many minute details to b®

attended to, all of which were carried out with the greatest ingenuity

and nicety, and all conceivable sources of error were considered, and

their effects computed and allowed for.

The coincidences were observed in a slightly different way from any

preceding method. The pendulum was enclosed in a wooden case,

faced with glass to keep out currents of air, as well as to preserve as

constant a temperature as possible; the clock was placed about 83

* Let t, & 1, be times of vibration and Jength of longer pendulum,

ty ly ” ” ” shorter %

l, — 1, = difference in length = a

L =length of seconds’ pendulum.

Then ¢, ? = 7? a to? 7? 25 l= 7? —

g gy

ees Bak Uns 1, —l, l, a

ne bsg temitys Ly ta2 st, 7)

Again [= =-orL=?3,= =

264 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

feet in front of the pendulum, and between the two, the object glass

of a telescope was adjusted to form an image of the detached pendulum

in the plane of the clock pendulum, to enable them both to be seen

simultaneously through the observing telescope, which was set up at a

distance of about 15 feet. On the wire of the detached pendulum

was fixed a small brass cylinder, painted black and called the coinci-

dence cylinder; it weighed something under 4 grains, and could be

brought exactly opposite the scale for measuring the are of vibration.

On this scale a black streak was painted, in the middle of which a

space was left white, equal to the diameter of the coincidence cylinder,

so that when the pendulum was at rest, the cylinder exactly covered it.

Again, to the bottom of the clock pendulum a piece of blackened

paper was attached, in which a hole had been cut of such a size that

when both pendulums were at rest, it exactly coincided with the image

of the white space on the black streak: hence when the pendulums

were moving in coincidence, the coincidence cylinder was visible

through the hole, and completely eclipsed the white space. Bessel’s

result was expressed in lines of the toise of Peru, the standard used in

the measurement of the Peruvian are.

In publishing these experiments, M. Bessel pointed out the true

correction for buoyancy, which he had investigated by swinging in air

two spheres of equal diameters, but of different densities, one being of

brass and the other of ivory, suspended by a fine steel wire; and again

by swinging the same brass sphere first in air and then in water.

These experiments showed that the old formula for reducing observ-

ations in air to a vacuum gave too small a correction, and that it should

be multiplied by a factor.

Mr. Francis Baily made a long series of experiments on the cor-

rection for buoyancy, which were published in the Philosophical

Transactions for 1832. He used about 80 pendulums, all differing in

form, weight, and mode of suspension. From these experiments he

deduced factors for pendulums of almost every description that have —

ever been used, and computed also the weight of the air adhering to

each, in other words deduced the vibrating specific* gravity of the —

* “The vibrating specific gravity of a compound pendulum is ordinarily found

“as follows; Let d’, d’ d’”’ ...denote the distance of the centre of gravity of each —

“body respectively from the axis of suspension: w’, w”, w’”, ...the weight (in air) —

“of each body: s’, s’, s’’, ...the specific gravity of each body determined in the

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 265

pendulum. He concluded from all his results, that even if a pendulum

is formed of materials having the same specific gravity, yet if it be

not of an uniform shape throughout, each distinct portion must be

-made the subject of a separate computation, in order to determine the

correct vibrating specific gravity of the whole body, since each part

will be differently affected by the surrounding air.

The last extensive series of experiments were those taken in

1828-31 by Captain Henry Foster, who was sent out on a scientific

mission by the Board of Admiralty. He took out with him four

invariable pendulums of different metals, two of Captain Kater’s

pattern, and two of Baily’s convertible pattern. These last consisted

of a plain straight bar, 2 inches wide, $ inch thick, and 5 feet 24

inches long, having two knife edges 39.4 inches apart, but no heavy

bob or sliding weights, as in Captain Kater’s pattern ; the synchronism

was adjusted by filing away at one end of the bar. Baily’s intention

was, that the pendulum should either be used as two different invari-

able pendulums, or applied as a single convertible one for absolute

determinations at any station. The objection to the form is, that both

the knife edges must be exactly perpendicular to the bar, or error is

entailed, as the bar is not flexible like Kater’s. Captain Foster

swung pendulums at all his stations, 14 in number, which were chiefly

in the southern hemisphere. He made a set of observations at Mr.

Browne’s house before the voyage; on the return of the pendulums

to England, they were again swung at the same place, but by Mr.

Baily, Captain Foster having been most unfortunately drowned in the

River Chagres, in February 1831, just as his mission was completed.

His observations were reduced by Mr. Baily, who obtained from them

an ellipticity of 515.5.

About this time the Russian government sent out an expedition

under Captain Liitke, who used an invariable pendulum, formerly used

by Captain Basil Hall. He swung it first at Greenwich, and after-

wards at Ualan, in the Caroline islands, Guam, Bonin island (to the

“usual manner. Then will the required vibrating specific gravity of the pen-

* dulum be aie

aw’ a’ + w" dt + w” gq’ ate an,

= 1 a’ we a” we a! ‘

p+ tt

Sal

(Philosophicab Transactions, 1832.)

266 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4;

south-east of Japan), at Sitka in Russian North America, at Petro-

paulowski, Valparaiso, St. Helena, and St. Petersburg. He deduced

an ellipticity of 54, from his observations.

Schumacher, the celebrated astronomer of Altona, conducted in

1829-30 a series of experiments with Bessel’s apparatus, at the castle

of Guldenstein, in order to determine the Danish standard, which was

to be a certain fractional part of the length of the seconds’ pendulum,

at the level of the sea, in latitude 45.° In order to estimate the in-

fluence of the air, he used, instead of a ball, a hollow cylinder of-

platinum, made by Repsold, inside which a second solid cylinder,

also of platinum, fitted perfectly true, The outer cylinder was closed

by covers of the same diameter screwing on to it, which were both

perforated; the clamp holding the wire was fastened on to the top,

and into the bottom was screwed a point with which the contact was

made in measuring the height of the cylinder by the micrometer

screw.

The pendulum was swung under four different circumstances, viz.

the long pendulum, with and without the inner cylinder, and the short

pendulum, also with and without it; and as exactly the same surface

was exposed to the air in each case, the influence of it could be

computed, which was done by a formula deduced by Bessel. The

reduction of the observations was made by Professor Peters. One

novelty was introduced, viz. that of computing out the attraction of

the ground on which the observations were taken. A square space

having a side of 600 toises (1279 yards), in the middle of which the

observatory was situated, was subdivided again into 36 squares of 100

toises (213 yards) a side; in each of these borings were made, and

specimens of the earth removed and their specific gravities determined ; _

as these were very nearly the same, a mean of the whole was taken.

The height of the floor of the pendulum room was 343 toises (220.6

feet) above the mean sea level, and the attraction of this plateau of

the earth’s crust introduced a change in the length of the second’s

pendulum of 0.000215 English inches.

Carlini, whilst measuring the Piedmontese are in 1821-23, took a

series of pendulum experiments at the Hospice on Mount Cenis, with

the view of determining the density of the earth. His pendulum was

formed of a heavy sphere suspended by a wire, which was attached to

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 267

a kind of inverted stirrup ; in the part corresponding to the foot plate

there was fixed a wheel with a sharp edge turning on its axis, This

wheel was placed on a grooved plate and formed the knife edge for

suspension ; the arrangements for observing were similar to Bessel’s.

Corresponding observations, though not with the same apparatus, were

taken by Biot and Mathien at Bordeaux. The result was a density

of 4.95.

One more attempt to determine the density of the earth, by means

of the pendulum,.was made in 1854, by the Astronomer Royal, Professor

Airy, at the Harton Colliery pit. Two invariable pendulums were set

up in the same vertical line, one at the top, the other at the bottom of

the pit ; and their coincidences with the pendulums of two clocks were

simultaneously observed, the relative rates of the clocks being deter-

mined by a galvanic apparatus. After each series of coincidences the

pendulums were interchanged. The distance between the upper and

lower pendulums was 1256 feet ; a careful description of the interven-

ing strata was prepared and specimens submitted to Professor W. H.

_ Miller who determined their specific gravities. The acceleration of

the seconds’ pendulums below was 2.24 seconds per diem, and the

resulting mean density of the earth was 6.565:

The best value of the earth’s ellipticity as yet deduced from pendu-

lum observations is undoubtedly that of Mr. Baily’s. He combined

all the observations taken with invariable pendulums, and after apply-

ing to them all corrections, obtained a mean ellipticity of st;.5. The

latest value of the same, from geodetic observations, is Captain

Clarke’s R. E. which includes the new Russian are and is 547.35.

The ellipticity obtained from observations of precession and nutation is

gigs (Aizy’s tracts).

The apparatus for the Indian experiments consists of two invariable

pendulums on Kater’s principle, a vacuum apparatus with air pump

for exhausting, an astronomical clock by Shelton, a good battery of

thermometers, and 4 transit instrument. Both pendulums have already

done good service: one having been used by General Sabine in his

extensive range of experiments, the other by Professor Airy in his

Harton pit experiments ; they cannot be considered, however, to have

retained their original length, as their knife edges have been reground.

Each is composed of a bar of plate brass 1.6 inches wide and rather less

268 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

than an ith of an inch thick; a strong cross piece of brass is rivetted

and soldered to the top to hold the knife edge, which consists of a

prism of very hard steel, passing through the bar and adjusted at right

angles to its surface, The prism is equilateral in section, but the edge

on which it vibrates is ground to an angle of about 120°; the length

of the bar from knife edge to the extremity is about 5 feet 14 inches.

At 3’ 22” from the knife edge, a flat circular bob, also of brass

nicely turned and pierced in the direction of its diameter, is firmly

soldered on; the part of the bar beneath the weight, called the tail-

piece, which is about 17” in length, is reduced to a breadth of 0.7 of —

an inch and is varnished black, in order to contrast better with the

white disc on the clock pendulum, in the observation of the coinci-

dences.

The knife edges rest on agate planes set in a solid brass frame,

which is provided with three levelling screws. On the outer side of

each plane are Y¥’s, which are moveable in a vertical direction by

means of an eccentric ; the knife edges rest in them when the pendu-

lum is not in use, and by their means the observer is enabled to lower

the pendulum down gently so as to bear always on the same parts of

the agate planes. Hach pendulum has its own set of planes, and will

give different results, if swung on any others.

It has been decided to swing the Indian pendulums in vacuo, in

order to secure the following advantages. When the pendulum has

been set in motion, it will vibrate for a whole day ; its temperature

will be more equable; it will not be disturbed by currents of air ;

and errors in the formula for the correction for buoyancy are unimpor-

tant. The vacuum apparatus consists of a cylinder of sheet copper

about 1 foot in diameter and rather more than 5 feet long, with

hemispherical caps, the upper one of glass and moveable, the lower

one of sheet copper and soldered to the cylinder. The upper end of

the cylinder carries a strong brass. plate, to which are attached the

frames containing the agate planes and a bar of the same metal and

shape as the pendulums ; placed side by side with a pendulum inside the

apparatus, the bar and pendulum will be of the same temperature, and

it is evident that thermometers attached to the former will give the

required temperature of the latter. Two delicate thermometers are

attached to the bar, their bulbs being sunk in the metal at points

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 269

equidistant from each other and the ends of the bar. The stem of the

upper thermometer is inverted, and placed side by side with that of

the lower thermometer, in order that they may both be viewed

through a moderate sized glass plate let into the cylinder. In the

lower part of the cylinder there are four other windows, two on the

line of the pendulums, to enable their coincidences to be observed ;

the other two at right angles to these, to give additional light and

enable the observer to ascertain whether the detached pendulum is

vibrating truly without wabble. There are two scales fixed at right

angles to each other, inside the cylinder, on a level with these windows,

one of which is used for measuring the arc of vibration of the pen-

dulum, and the other to measure the distance of the pendulum from

the former scale, which is necessary to furnish the correction for

parallax in the readings of the are of vibration: it is useful also in

placing the pendulum at a constant distance from the clock, which is

found convenient in practice.

The upper 4” of the cylinder is made of greater thickness than the

rest, and at the top is a strong projecting flange which is intended to

rest on a strong cast iron frame made in two pieces, so as to grip the

cylinder round the thicker part just below the flange ; the halves of

the frame are then firmly bolted together with nuts and screws. The

upper surface of the flange is ground perfectly true to receive a bell

glass, the cap already mentioned, which is like the receiver of an

ordinary air-pump. The eccentric for raising and lowering the pen-

dulum on to the agate planes passes through a stuffing box in the

upper part of the cylinder. Motion is imparted to the pendulums by

means of a fork and crutch turned by a spindle which passes through

another stuffing box.

The clock with which the vibrations are compared is firmly secured

to a wall, and the vacuum apparatus is erected in front, at a distance

of about 2 feet from it. The diaphragm for limiting the view of the

disc is fitted inside the clock case.

The telescope, for observing the coincidences, is placed on a small

masonry pier, at a distance of about 8 feet from the vacuum apparatus,

and is mounted so as to slide laterally on a graduated horizontal bar ;

it has also a slight vertical motion. The thermometers and barometers

are read from alongside of this pillar by means of a cathetometer, viz.

270 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

a telescope sliding up and down on a vertical rod. The object of this

is to obviate the ill effects of any defect in the isolation of the appara-

tus, as well as the influence of the observer’s person on the thermo-

meters.

As the disc on the bob of the clock and the tail-piece of the de-

tached pendulum are too far apart to be viewed simultaneously by the

telescope, a lens is placed between them, so as to throw the image of

the white disc upon ‘the tail-piece of the pendulum. The vacuum

cylinder and all its adjuncts, air-pump, &c. were made by Adie, and

are the only new portions of the apparatus.

The method of operation is as follows. After setting up the clock,

the vacuum apparatus is inserted in the iron frame and suspended

either on wooden trestles or masonry piers; the frame is roughly

levelled ; the t>mperature bar is fixed in position; the agate planes

are screwed on firmly to their bed plate, and are very carefully levelled

by means of delicate spirit levels provided for the purpose. A pen-

dulum is now inserted and let down upen its planes, but the clock

must not yet be set in motion. The telescope is next set up on the

prolongation of the line which passes through the two pendulums,

when both are at rest. For this purpose it is moved laterally on its

graduated support, until a very small portion of the paper disc, on the

bob of the clock pendulum, is visible on one side of the tail-piece of

the detached pendulum. The reading is noted, and the telescope is then

moved in the opposite direction, until an equal portion of the dise is

visible on the other side of the tail-piece; the reading is again noted

and the telescope is set to the mean position. The pendulum is then

removed, and the diaphragm in the clock case adjusted, until its cheeks

are tangents to the disc. The pendulum may now be replaced, and

nothing remains to be done but to exhaust the air out of the apparatus

and to set the pendulum in motion.

The observations are made in exactly the same way as already de-

scribed in the account of Captain Kater’s apparatus; the times of the

disappearance and reappearance are both noted, and the mean taken as

the true time of coincidence. The arc of vibration is then determined

by noting the reading of the arc, when it is cut by the same edge of

the tail-piece on each side of the vertical line. The thermometers and

barometer are read by means of the cathetometer. It is usual to

1865.] The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. 271

observe not every coincidence, but the first three consecutive coin-

cidences, and than the 11th, 12th, 13th, then the 21st, 22nd, 23rd, and

so on; after observing the first two or three, the times of the after

coincidences can be easily computed with sufficient accuracy to intimate

when the observer should be ready to note them.

It is intended to have observations made generally along the Great

Are at stations 2’’ apart in latitude, and at other points where it may

be desirable to obtain data regarding local variations in the intensity

of gravity.

The pendulum experiments in this country will afford an indepen-

dent value of the ellipticity of the Indian are, It is also hoped that

they will throw some light on the existing discordances between the

astronomical and geodetic latitudes of the Indian survey.

The amount of the deflections of the plumb line, due to the Hima-

layas and elevated table lands to the north of India, have been computed

by Archdeacon Pratt for the different terminal stations of the Indian

arcs; but these determinations are so much in excess of the results of

the survey, that it is evident that the effects of the mountain attraction

must be in a considerable degree compensated, either by a deficiency

of density in the strata to the north, or by an excess of density in the

strata to the south of the survey stations,

Now, the pendulum can undoubtedly be made the means of showing

whether the compensation is to be attributed to either of these causes ;

for, whilst the effect of a distant range of mountains on the vibrations

would be quite inappreciable, any local variation in the density of the

underlying strata would show itself most unmistakably ; so that by

taking observations both at a normal station, and at a few points in

its vicinity symmetrically situated around it, should there be any con-

siderable excess or defect in the density of the strata to counteract .

the disturbance due to the mountain mass, the pendulum observations

would not fail to point it out.*

* Professer Stokes remarks in his letter on these operations: “The pendu-

“Tam no doubt indicates only the vertical component of the disturbing force,

“whereas it is the horizontal component in the plane of the meridian that affects

“the measures of arcs ; at any one station, of course, a horizontal disturbance

“may exist without a vertical disturbance, and vice versi; but in a system of

“stations disturbances of the one kind must necessarily be accompanied by dis-

“turbances of the other kind. Indeed, it is theoretically possible, from the ver-

“tical disturbances, supposed to be known, actually to calculate the horizontal

* diturbances, and that without assuming anything beyond the law of universal

272 The Proposed Pendulum Operations for India. [No. 4,

The Indian operations will eventually be combined with those taken

previously with similar instruments in other parts of the world, to

deduce the ellipticity of the earth’s mean figure. Both Sir John

Herschel and Professor Stokes have remarked, in their letters on the

proposed Indian operations, that almost all observations hitherto made

have been taken at stations either on islands or coasts, so that a series

along the centre of a continent is very much needed. A complete set

of observations has been already taken at the Kew observatory by

Mr. B. Loewy, with the Indian apparatus; and on the completion of

the experiments in this country it will be returned to Kew, in order

that final observations may be taken, to show whether the pendulums

have undergone any change in the interim.

It is to be hoped, however, that so good an opportunity will not be

lost of extending these observations to stations easily accessible from

India, though not included within its limits. On this head Professor

Miller’s opinion may be quoted at length, ‘“‘ Much would be added to

the value of the observations made at the stations of the Indian

survey, if, before the pendulums were brought back to England,

observations could to be made with them at some other points, especially

points nearer tothe equator, such, for instance, as the south coast of

Ceylon, Singapore, or on the coast of Borneo. Another accessible

point, interesting from being in a long line of depression, where a

large gravitation might be expected, is Aden.”

The intention of the Russian government, to have similar obser-

vations made along the Russian arc, has already been alluded to.

If, after the return of the pendulums to England, they were to be

swung at one of the Russian stations, it will be possible to combine

the Russian with the Indian operations, and deduce a value of the

earth’s ellipticity from exclusively Continental observations, extending

from cape Comorin to the northernmost part of Finmark.

“gravitation, Actually to carry this out, would probably require observations

“to be made at stations more numerous than can be thought of, but the fact of

“its possibility shows how severe a check pendulum observations are capable of

“ exercising on the results of geodetic observations.”

1865.] Land and Freshwater Shells from the Shan States, 273

Notes on a collection of Land and Freshwater Shells from the Shan

States —OCollected by F. Fuvpnn, Lsq., 1864-65.—By W. Tuxosarn,

Junor, Esq.

[Received 17th July, 1865.]

Mr. Fedden having kindly placed in my hands for examination a

small collection of shells from the Shan states, I am led to offer the

following brief remarks, though I have not the requisite time at

my disposal at present, to describe the many novelties which the

cqllection contains, most of which, however, Mr. Benson will shortly

describe in the Annals of Natural History. Although the condition

of many of the specimens is very poor, for purposes of describing

specific characters, and many species are represented by a single

individual, still the collection affords conclusive evidence of the great

richness in terrestrial mollusca of the region where it was made, and

interesting proof of the distribution of some shells, hitherto rather

searce in Indian collections.

Fam. Menanrap.

‘s 1 Melania tuberculata, Mull. Species.

Large and fine ... 1.90 0.60.

2. 2 M. variabilis ... ‘Cees Melania, 2.

Of this melania there are five marked varieties, some of which

could doubtless be separated specifically by many systematists.

3. 1 Glabra. A smooth var. from the tepid springs of Nam-moo.

This var., in common with all the others, has the apex but

little eroded, and differs but little from the ordinary smooth

var. found in Pegu and Bengal.

An average specimen measures 2.00 X 0.75, the measurement being

taken along the long axis of the shell, and the transverse diameter of

the last whorl.

Qnd. Vittata. This var. is also smooth, but with more convex whorls

than the last. The shell too is paler, with a dark median stripe becoming

obsolete on the last whorls, but well marked on the earlier ones.

Average size 2.00 0.75.

. 8rd. Turrita. A black turrited var. sometimes slightly eroded at the

extreme apex, and with the whorls ornamented with two or more,

274 ° Land and Freshwater Shells from the Shan States. [No. 4,

usually three, series of prominent tubercles, ranged in symmetrical spiral

order with four non-tubercular spiral keels on the last whorl towards the

mouth. The tubercles form oblique transverse ribs, but the ribs are

a subordinate feature to the spiral ornamentation. 2.00 0.75.

4th. Pyramidalis. Ornamentation like the last var. but form very

squat, with rapidly increasing whorls. The shell is slightly corulescent,

with four dark brown stripes visible in the interior, corresponding with

the spiral keels outside. Columella slightly yellowish, apex but little

eroded. 1.90 * 0.85.

Grotto in Nam-mah stream.

Qnd. Baccifera. This var. is intermediate in its character between

vars. 2 and 8. Its whorls are ornamented with four or five rows of

beaded keels, the transverse ribbing being often well marked likewise.

Most of the specimens were dead shells. 1.90 & 0.75.

It is noteworthy that the ordinary type of JZ. variabilis, or the huge

specimens of the race met with in the Arakan hills, are not represented

in the collection, though the abundance of calcareous rocks and eale tuff

would, primé facie, lead us to expect shells of similar, if not greater,

dimensions. Climate and a lower average temperature of the streams

in the Shan country may possibly explain the small size W. variabilis

there attains, since I have a Maulmein shell which measures 4.00

X 1.30, and Arakan specimens not rarely attain (decollated shells).

3.00 x 1.30.

3. 1 Paludomus.

A single specimen of a large paludomus, which I have not

yet identified, occurred in the collection.

Fam. Patoupinipz,

4. 1 Paludina naticordes, un. s.

Two marked varieties of this shell occur. A smooth one with one,

two or three filiform keels, and a strongly keeled var. with prominent,

rugose keels. The species is probably undescribed and may be thus

characterised.

P. naticordes, Th.—Testa turbinata, sub-polita, solida, pallide flaves-

cente cornea ad peripheriam carinaé munita; marginibus callo junctis,

callo columellari non raro valde incrassato, umbilicum obtegente,

Varietas fasciata, fasciis duabus castaneis ornatur, hac superperipheri- —

ali, illé juxta suturam posité. Anfractu ultimo tertia notest a carina

As: Soc: Bengal. Vol: XXXIV, Pt: WH. Pl: IX

Hi, Paludina naticoides mn. s. var fasctata.

d° d? var. carinata.

4. MNelamia. variabihs, Benson var vitlata

aN rie a var

6 a? ac van

7. a? a® Var,

DRAWN BY TY. W. TURNER AND ON STONE BY KRISTOHUPRY DOSS sov' SCHOO” OF AR

LITH: BY H.M. SMITH, S.@. Q. CALCUTTA NOV. 1865,

1865.] Land and Freshwater Shells from the Shan States, 275

paulum remota. Callo flavescente, ore interiori ccerulescente. Anfrac-

tibus 64. 1.45 « 1.10 !

Var. carinata, Cavinis quatuor fortissimis supra munitur, et infra

peripheriam sex vel quinque levioribus; colore albido; epidermide

flavescente ; fasciis nonnullis castaneis interdum ornata. 1.40 % 1.00.

These two varieties pass into each other, but the peculiar columellar

callus is pretty constant inall specimens. But for this character, some

of the smooth variety might be referred to P. Bengalensis, which

is an extremely variable species.

The strongly corded var. is well marked, but I have preferred taking

the smooth shell as the type of the species, and have regarded the

keeled individuals as hypertrophied, placing the greatest value, as a

specific character, on the columellar callus, occurring in both varieties.

2. P. melanostoma. Paludina...... 2.

1. Bithinia nassa, n. s.

Testi elongata, turbinaté, polita, diaphana, solidiusculé. Labio

expansiusculo, plicdé callos’ externd munita. Anfractibus quinque,

0.45 & 0.25.

This is the only species of Bithinia in the collection, and it is well

characterised by the strong rib-like fold strengthening the lip outside,

somewhat as in “ nassa.”’

1. Ampullaria, sp.

A small species similar to that found at Maulmein, but distinct

from the smaller species met with in the Arakan hills.

An ordinary specimen measures, 1.75. Aperture 1.25. A very large

specimen of the Arakan species. 1.45. Aperture 0.95.

Fam. Hettciws.

Of Helices of all sections, the collection comprises twenty-three

species, nearly one half of which seem undescribed.

1 Hehe, n. s.

A large dextral species of six whorls partaking the characters of H,

interrupta and H. semidecussata, but very distinct from either. All

the specimens are unfortunately dead shells. Lat. 1.55 % Alt. 0.75.

2. H. Blanfordi, Th.

This species was originally founded on a single shell from Darjiling

in my cabinet, which, from its sculpture, I had no hesitation in separat-

276 Land and Freshwater Shells from the Shan States. [No. 4,

ing from its nearest ally H. cyeloplax. It appears to be a common —

shell in ths Shan states, though not so in the Hastern Himalayas, but

all the specimens are dead shells. They agree well with the type,

though a trifle larger and more convex.

3. Helix ansorinus, n. s. (MSS.)

A very marked form, but all the shells dead ones.

The sculpture is very ornate and well marked. Shape somewhat as —

in H. Peguensis. 1.20 x 0.60.

4. H. delibrata, B.

te MACS PRR

8. H....... (approaches H. Guerinz).

9. H. sanis, B.

Though a trifle larger than the type, I can see no sufficient reason

for separating this from the Andaman shell. A few dead specimens

only are contained in the collection.

10. 4. infula, B. one or two specimens,

11. #&. attegia, B. one specimen.

sR = (Aa

Ea: Apres oe

WAS. rcs

15. 4. similaris, Fer. var.

This shell is somewhat variable. It is usually banded, but occasion-

ally the band is obsolete. It tends to unite H. Zoroaster, Th. and

H, bolus, B., closely approaching the former, but being less depressed

and more tumid, though not so globose as the smaller sized H. bolus,

B. 0.75 X 0.40. Another variety occurs which might be ranked as a

large H. Zoroaster, Th., but it is not larger than the type of that shell,

bnt shows a tendency to approach H, delibrata, B. in form and expend

peristome. 0.80 x 0.40.

16. H. Oldhami, B.

A little larger than the type which was from near Ava. »

17. H. Hutton, Pi.

A single specimen of this widely spread species was in the collection.

18. . Arakanensis, Th. A single specimen of this shell c

accompanied the last, a trifle flatter that the type.

1865.] Land and Freshwater Shells from the Shan States. 277

| Helix, ..... aaa wn 1D

1, Plectopylas,..)... sp. Plectopylis, ...... 1

A described species, but not identified with certainty.

1. Nanina vitrinoides.

Abundant.

2. N. consepta, B. TUTOR, Aon n< cotirein cacere megs ee Ok

Closer armed and one more whorl than the type, which was from

near Maulmein.

I Me sciowesas

1. Streptaxis Birmanica, Th,

The variety wanting the marginal tooth.

2. SS. Blanfordi, Th. Three specimens, ............ 2

1. Vitrina (Cryptosonea, Th.) prestans, Gould,

Tolerably common.

Si a4 Re ee

Type as the last. A small species of the same, ............ eet ae

1. Bulimus Sinensis.

A single specimen of this species which is tolerably common in the

Pegu forests.

2. By cecrccssscesees Of the “ Gracilis” type, common, with deciduous

epidermis.

SUPE E Totes oia's os aietaied ditto, common.

EEE OTACUAS, » oss onee common.

6. B. Niligiricus.

The occurrence of this shell is very interesting. It has eight

whorls and differs slightly from the type, but not to a greater degree

than Nilghiri specimens do from one another, Bulimus, ...... 6

Achatina,..four species,

SA es +

All of the ordinary Indian type.. Achatina, ..i...60. 4

Pupa.........In species with new.

Beets cance N. 8. 8 5 i Re cr

1. Clausilia, a large species, not rare.

2. C....... a small species, rather rare,

278 Land and Freshwater Shells from the Shan States. [No. 4

3. C....... a larger species, common,

All three seem new species. Clausilia, ....... 3

Fam. Limyz1pe.

Lymnea, a small species, LY WEG, ae ae

Planorbis Coromandelianus, Fab.

Very common, rather small Plamorbis, ....2.... 1

Fam. Drrtommatinip2.

Diplommatina, five species.

As far as a cursory examination enables me to judge, all five seem

undescribed : two are sinistral, the others dextral shells.

Diplommatina,... 4

Fam. CycLostomipa.

1. Pterocyclos.

Probably a new species. Of the type of P. pullatus, B., but three-

fourths larger.

2. P. insignis, n. 8.

Forma typica. Testa albida; epidermide flavescente sive castanea,

decidua vestité, castaneo-fasciaté. Peristomate duplici, antice valde

expanso. Operculo intus concavo, extra planiusculo, margine valde

radiate hirsuto. Lat. 1.20. Lat. oris intus 0.65,

This handsome shell seems tolerably abundant.

Pierocyclos,, ~e-essue 2

1. Cyclophorus speciosus, Phil.

A common species, specimens of medium size.

2. C. cornu-venatorium, Sow.

A single specimen occurs in the collection, rather more tumid than

Ava specimens.

Se Ofer i

A distinct but not very well defined species, approaching near to

C. excellens, but wanting the funiculate keel of that species. — Only a

few dead shells were collected.

A, 1G) pease ‘

A single broken specimen, but evidently a new species, recalling in

form C. involvulus, only larger, and for its size a lighter shell. ‘

5. C. n.s. a very minute shell, smaller than C. Scissimargo.

Cyclophorus, ... 5

1865.] Land and Freshwater shells from the Shan States. 279

1. Pupina arula, B. Two specimens.

2. P. artata, B. Two specimens. Pupina, ...crssee 2

1. Alyceus, n.s. type of A. Ingram, BI.

2. A. n.s. type of plectocheilus, B.

3.) A:

BA:

5. A. amphora, B. Two small specimens.

6. A. Alyce; ia. “6

1. Pomatias, n.s.

2. P. n.s. near P. Peguense, but with more convex whorls.

Pomatias, ...... 2

CONCHIFERA,

Fam. Untonipz,

1. Unio czruleus. Very fine.

2. U.marginalis. Fine.

3. Sp. fine. BION * Kate vanei ds oe

One specimen occurs of a unio, remarkable for having two rounded

osculating teeth, one in each valve, very near the anterior end. These

teeth are smooth and apposed without interlocking. The species is

also found in the Pegu Yoma hill streams.

Fam. Cyctapmz,

A small species with yellowish epidermis. Corbicula, cree L

Genera 24, species 77.

Screntiric [yteLrigEnce.

London, Sept. 17, 1865.

My pear Grore,

As you will doubtless print much of my last letter, I will add a

few more items of intelligence concerning matters ornithological, as

T have still been steadily engaged in my commentary on Jerdon’s work.

This has now grown so extensive that I have divided it into four

parts, which will probably spread over the Zbvs for next year. The

first three, treating respectively of Jerdon’s three volumes, and the

fourth, of Ceylon birds, not included by him, and a final tabular expo-

280 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 4,

sition of the Ornis of the Indian special province of the Indian region.

This I divide into 24 districts, and give one to four asterisks to each

square, according to the amount of commonness of the species, and a

cross where I regard it only as a casual straggler. So that consider-

able information is conveyed at a glance. I next take up the Indo-

Chinese or Ultra-Indian province, for which I have a fair amount of

material. You will have received from Col. Phayre a short note from

me respecting the middle-sized Indian Cormorant and one of the

Ring-plovers. I now tell you about them more in detail. No. 1006

of Jerdon will stand as G. fuscicollis, Stephens: Syn. swlezrostris,

Brandt (figured in Gould’s B. Austr.), sulcirostris et stictocephalus,

Bonap., leucogaster, Meyer (apud Jerdon), lewcotis, Blyth, albiventer,

Tickell and purpuragula, Peale,—Sinensis (apud Jerdon), G. K. Gray,

cat. of Nipalese birds, Jerdon,—a somewhat formidable array” of

synonyms. Also, one common small Cormorant is the true pygmeus of

Pallas. Next, about the Ring-plovers. No. 849. This is, as I mentioned,

4G. cwronicus, (Beseke), minor, Meyer, and Jndicus, Latham : distinct

from 2. philippensis, (Scop.), which is a species intermediate to —

ZL. cwronicus and Zi. cantianus, obtained by Wallace in Borneo, 4.

philippensis in nuptial dress, has the usual white forehead surmounted

by a black band, also a black loral streak and auriculars in part ;

crown rufescent-brown with a more rufous periphery; some black

behind the nuchal collar above ; the black pectoral streak narrow or

interrupted in front ; and the tail unbanded, with the outermost three

feathers white ; legs pale in the dry specimens: length of wing 4 inch;

of tarse 14 inch. It should be looked for in 8. India. Of No. 850,

there are two specimens in the India museum, one of which is the

philippensis of Sykes’s list. After learning of the distinctness of phi-

lippensis from cwronicus, I re-examined Horsfield’s type specimen of

his puszllus ; and though in bad condition, especially about the nape,

I now recognise it as distinct. It is in winter dress, and has not the

white collar seen at all seasons in others of the present group. As

compared with cwronicus, the tail is more cuneated, with the dark

band considerably less developed, shewing only as a narrow cross”

stripe on the outermost feathers. Perhaps it is Ch. Peronii, Sanys, the

description of which I have not yet seen. It should also be looked

for in S. India. Jerdon omits to include the Ch. nigri/rons, (Cuv.), v.

1865.] Scientific Intelligence. 281

melanops, (Vt.), his russatus, an Australian species, of which he obtain-

ed a single specimen near Madras in the month of June (7. e. during

the southern winter), and which is now in the Society’s museum :

of course an exceedingly rare and accidental straggler. The Indian

Neophron turns out to be distinct and new, N. orientalis, nobis. It is

not the Vultur meleagris of Pallas, which he describes as a rarity in

the Taurian Chersonesus, and which is the black-billed N. percnop-

terus. Four of our rarest Falconide I have made out to be Japanese

species, all priorly named by us ‘insulars.’ 1. Accipiter nisoides,

nobis (gularis, Schl., of which he notes a specimen from Nipal !)—2.

Buteo aquilinus (v. leucocephala), Hodgson (hemilasius, Schl.),—3.

B. plumipes, H. (Japonicus, Schl.),—and 4. Poliornis pygmaeus

(Buteo pygmeus, nobis, B. pyrrhogmys, Schl.), of which Helfer obtain-

ed a specimen in the Tenasserim provinces. Athene castanotus, nobis,

of Ceylon, is recognised as distinct, from castanopterus of Java by

Schlegel. Jerdon’s No. 145 is not Tockus gingalensis (verus), but

7. griseus (Buceros griseus, Latham, B. cineraceus, Sem.), as distin-

guished from 7. gingalensis of Ceylon, which, together with the other,

inhabits that island. The two were discriminated by Layard (Ann.

Mag. N. H. 1854, XIII, 260), though he describes both under cinga-

lensis ; and he also indicates a second Hydrocissa (akin to H. albiros-

tris and H. conoisus) as inhabiting the mountains of Ceylon. Spilor-

nis bacha inhabits Ceylon in addition to Sp. cheela ; and the Parda-

lotus pipra of Lesson is a second Cinghalese Prionochilus (seu

Piprisoma) unknown to Layard. The large crimson Chrysocolaptes of

Ceylon will rank as C. Strickland: (Layard, v. carlotta, Malherbe),

erroneously figured by Jerdon in his Jl/. Ind. Orn. as Brachypternus

Ceylonus !_ No. 197 should be Megalaima Hodgsoni, Bonap, of N. E.

India and the whole Indo-Chinese provinces, as far at least as Cambo-

jia; where the species is mistaken by Schlegel for the Javanese

corvina, which is wholly unknown in those parts: and J. viridis

(apud Schlegel), of Java is quite distinct from JZ. viridis (verus) o

S. India, and is probably the true lineata, Vt., as Schlegel himself

suggests. He also recognises the identity of No. 42 with the leuco-

rypha of Pallas. The latter holds just the same relationship to

H. rustica, which H. hyperythra (of Ceylon) holds to H. Daurica ;

also Falco rulen apud Schlegel (the Shdhia) to F. peregrinus,

282 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 4,

Hypotriorchis severus to H. Subbuteo, Tinnunculus rupicolus (of

Africa) to 7’. Alaudarius, and <Athene castanotus (of Ceylon) to A.

vadiatus. In all these cases the deeper coloured bird is more subtro-

pical, less migratory (or even permanently resident), and does not visit

temperate latitudes. Schlegel, with much probability, refers F. pert-

grinator, Sundevall, to IF. macropus, Swainson (vy. melanogenys,

Gould), the Australian Falcon which occurs in the Malayan province.

I think I mentioned that I found a fine female Falco Babylonicus in

the Worcester Museum; and this is probably the ‘ Red-naped Fal-

con,’ LF. peregrinoides apud G. K. Gray, of his Catalogue of the Birds

of Nepal. The specimen in Worcester is like an adult female Pere-

grine, only much paler, with all the markings considerably less developed ;

nape light cinnamon-rufous marked with dusky; the moustachial

streak small; the upper parts cross-banded as in adult Peregrines :

this rare Falcon belonging to the Peregrine subgroup, as distinguished

from that of the Sakir, Lanan, and Lugger. About Ywurnix, I stated

(in Ibis, 1865, p. 33) that Ortygis luzoniensis of Horsfield’s list of

Javanese birds was the species I now recognise as 7’. tanki (B. Ham.,

vy. goudera, Hodgson) ; and such a distribution rather puzzled me, as I

knew no instance of 7’. tanki out of India proper. It is, however, of

a nearly allied but smaller species proper to the Malayan province, de-

scribed by Wallace from Timor as 7’. rufescens. Thus are here three

allied species, Z’. maculosus in the Indo-Chinese province with China,

T. tankc in the Indian special province, and Z. rufescens in the Ma-

layan province. The proper name for the Indian Curlew will be

Numenius lineatus, Cuv.: Syn. N. Major, Schlegel.

D. G. Elliot of New York was here the other day, and picked up a

few new Polyplectrons from Cochin China at Paris. He is about to

bring out the Phasianide in grand style, from drawings by Wolf, —

some already made, and which you would most heartily admire.

Now for some intelligence about what is doing in the Zoological

Gardens, Regent’s Park. There are two small female African ele-

phants now in London, one of which is safe in the Zoological

Gardens. Also a pair of the superb Gazella Dama. A fine healthy

Buceros Abyssinicus (Abba Gumba of Appendix to Bruce’s Travels),

the long-legged ground Hornbill, a most curious kind, which stalks

about in a style that would puzzle you altogether to make out —

1865.J Setentific Intelligence: 283

what it was, if you were to see it stepping about at a distance. Em-

phatically a snake-devourer. Two young Wapitis came to light this

week, the daughters of the fine Californian buck! A lot of Ammoperdix

Heyi; and different species of Pterocles. Pt. alchata (I may have told

you) has bred, and I saw the newly hatched chick, precox of course,

but inactive, from the shortness of its legs. The Felis macroceles and.

two Ursus Malayanus which I brought doing well. A pair of common

house Mainas at last ; and I wish I could see a pair of common Indian

crows, and the two common Indian vultures, Gyps indicus and G@.

bengalensis. Although the temperature has been extraordinarily high

all this September, and people are panting and languishing as if they

were in Sierra Leone, I observe with interest and considerable surprise

that the Arctic Foxes are rapidly re-assuming their white winter coat !

I hear of some extraordinary discoveries up one of the great tributaries

of the Amazons, where the few scattered human inhabitants had never

before been visited, and were unacquainted with the use of metal,

using stone implements; and the animals quite tame and unscared

by man—herds of Tapirs, which would allow their coats to be rubbed

by a stick and enjoyed the titillation. I just lost a fine thing the

other day atStephens’s auction, a splendid skull of Bubalus brachyceros

had been knocked down for eight shillings; and the purchaser would

not part with it. You would otherwise have had it.

P. S.—I have been thinking that you would do well to re-publish

my commentary on Jerdon’s Birds of India, if you could get Jerdon

himself to annotate it, and thus afford him a convenient opportunity,

of making known all that he may have to add, in order to complete

our information on the subject up to the date of publication in the

J.A.S. I much wish to know how his book has sold, and also what

progress he is making with the other classes of vertebrata. NV. B.

Felis rubiyginosa of the Coromandel Coast extends to Ceylon (Cingha-

lese specimen in Belfast Museum); and my Cinghalese Sevwrus Lay-

ardi is in the Worcester Museum from Malabar, sent (with Presbytis

Johnii, verus, &c.) by R. Cole of Madras. Also, in the Worcester

Museum, a fine adult female of the rare Falco Babylonicus, alleged to

be from Java, which I do not believe. Ihave seen a kitten of my

Felis Jerdoni from Malabar, and I have little doubt that this jungle-

cat there takes the place of /. rubiginosa of the Coromandel side of

284 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 4,

the Peninsula. I adda list of desiderata for the Zoological Gardens.

You may smile at my enumerating common Vultures, Kites and

Crows, Frogs and Toads; but these are just what are wanted—

what nobody thinks of sending. The Batrachia might be sent in

damp jars, and would endure the voyage without food, though

cockroaches might be given to them if available. N. B. There are

Australian Rallide and Pelicans in the Zoological Gardens; also

Varanide, Scincide, and Snakes. Why not also Indian? and

operculated Shells (sent with opercle closed) as Ampullaria and Ceri-

thium telescopium ; even our big Achatina with its pseud-opercle

closed.

Mammarta. Gibbons—Hunumain Monkey and other species of

Presbytis—Wild Dog—Indian Woli—common Bengal Fox, one in

Dublin Zoological Gardens, labelled—Jackal, C. aureus !—Viverra

Zibetha—Arctonyx—Jungle-cats—4-horned Antelope—Gaydls and

common Buffaloes (fine, as those of Burma)—Tapir—Riinoceros

Sondaicus (from Sunderbéns or Burma) and Lh. Sumatranus—any of

the Himalayan ruminants— Z’upaca—Melogale—Pteromys—Atherura

—Porcupine from Chittagong or Tippera.

Avzs. Lories (any),—common Kites, 2 or 3 (not Brahmini)—

Limnaétus niveus (of Jerdon’s work)—Pontoaétus icthyaétus—Spilornis

cheela (especially, to contrast with Sp. Hlgini)—Poliornis teesa—

Aquila fulvescens (2 or 8 to contrast with the allied African species)

—Aq. hastata—Ketupa Ceylonensis—Urrua bengalensis—U. Coro-

manda—Ninox scutellatus—Gyps Indicus and G. Bengalensis (not Oto-

gyps calvus. With the exceptions of the two common Bengal species”

of Gyps, the series of Old World Vultures is complete. N.B. Neo-

phron percnopterus of Africa has a black bill, in India a flesh-eolowred

bill !)—Barbets—Centropus rufipennis (very desirable. N.B. The

two Indian Coéls are doing well)—Corvus splendens and C. culminatus

(pair of each, especially the former)—Dendrocitta rufa (very accept-

able—Bhimraj—Shdma—Sdt Bhai (Malacocircus)—Bdyas (Ploceus, 2

or 8 pairs of each, which would doubtless breed)—Mainas of each

species, Sturnopastor, and especially Temenuchus, pagodarum (2 or 3

pairs of each) —Bengal Jungle-fowls, with white ear-lappet—A djutants,

bothspecies—Ciconia lewcocephala—Geronticus papillosus—Threskiornis

melanocephalus; one already from Siam!—Gallicrex cristatus—Gallinula

1865.] Scientific Intelligence. 285

phenicura—Sarkidiornis melanonotus—A nas pecilorhyncha—A. caryo-

phyllacea—Fuliqula rufina-—Pelicanus Philippiensis (small Indian

Pelican, common in South India). If Pelicans can be sent from

Australia, why not from India? I have mentioned that we have

Australian Rallide alive, and also Gidicnemus grallarius. By the

way, the middle-sized Indian Cormorant still remains an enigma. I

have seen.no specimen in England, nor is any such species recognised

in Schlegel’s elaborate notice of the genus. Specimens (skins) of

this bird would be most acceptable! It appears to be common in

Kashmir.

Tickell’s supposed new Gadidous fish is precisely what I told you it

would be. There should be a plentiful supply in the museum, several

dozens, which I procured in the Akyab bazar. It was described and

figured by Richardson, and since by McClelland (who associated it

with the Gadide). I cannot refer just now, but the synonyms in my

hand-writing should be on the label attached to the bottle ; and that

bottle I left near the specimens of Polynemus, which Jerdon agreed

with me in considering the nearest ally. It just holds that sort of

relationship to some of the Gadide, which the Scopelide do to the

Salmonide ; only the latter are really more nearly allied, I think.

There is a most interesting Australian Seal on exhibition at Cremorne,

which I am anxious to see, and will do so soon. Vide a notice of it,

in a letter from Bartlett to Gray, in a late No. of the Annals. So

high a price is wanted for it that the Zoological Secretary has declined

to purchase hitherto; but I fear that the exhibition of it brings in

some £11 or 12 per week to its proprietor! Of course I have been

to see the African Elephant, which differs very much from the Asiatic.

It is equally docile, but much more energetic and active, and Bartlett

considers it the more intelligent of the two! Moreover it is very

salacious, which the Asiatic is not (unless when regularly must). It

was rather in bad case when it arrived, but is now in capital condition. A

small African female Elephant is expected immediately ; and with it one

of the long-legged African ground Hornbills, Bucorvus Abyssinicus, or

Abba Gumba of Bruce. The other Hornbills are doing admirably, vzz.

8 Homrai, one B. rhinoceros, 1 albirostris, and one small African

Tockus. Two or three more of albirostris would be acceptable, and as

many more species as possible, especially the large kinds; for they

286 Scientific Intelligence, [No. 4,

shew well in the spacious aviaries allotted to them. The yellow-

quilled Porcupine (Malabaricus, Sclater,) turns out to be my H. Ben-

galensis, the yellow colour of the quills being only temporary. The

3 handed Armadillo is a most interesting form, very different from

Dasypus, and considerably akin to Glyptodon. There are a fine

healthy pair of Chimpanzees, and female Orang-utan ; but no Gibbons,

which are particularly wanted; especially as there seems every pros-

pect now of these Apes living, as they are so very much better accom-

modated. The Gazella dama lately added to the Garden is a fine

acquisition ; and Burchell’s Zebra has bred. The Eagle you sent has

assumed the mature plumage ; and I think I may say that all, which

you have sent, are doing well, the 2 Mycterie, 2 Tantali, also pair of

Hematornis Elgini, and pair of Hudynamys orientalis &e. Gallo-

phasis Uineatus has bred; and there is a young hen } Swinhoer; also a

half-bred Ocellated Turkey. Males of Phanicura Reeves and Diar-

digallus. Also the Heliornis or ‘ Sun Bittern’ (a very curious form) ; and

the black-necked Swans. Bengal Floriken in first-rate summer dress.

It was sent by Babu Rajendro Mullick in 1857. How is he getting on,

and his store of live-stock ? Three living Apteryx / Sturgeon still doing

well. Garrulax Sinensis from China, quite lively and well: the same

as the Tenasserim species. The new Cassowary which I described

turns out to be the finest of them all. A living female at Amsterdam ;

and its egg quite different from that of common Cassowary, or of

Mooruk. I have seen the magnificent fossil head in the British Museum

of Elephas primigenius lately dug up near Iford in Essex, with superb

tusks in socket—not curled up as in the Siberian specimens so often

figured. Head very different from that of . Indicus, more like Afri-

canus, but the grinders are of the same type as the former. Another fine

accession to the B. M. is an enormous aérolite from Australia,

I must now tell you a few results of interest at which I have arrived

concerning Indian birds. The paper is a very long one, and will probably

spread over the Jbzs for all next year. When I have quite finished

it, I contemplate working out the birds of the Indo-Chinese province

or sub-region, and then those of the Malayan Peninsula. You may

begin by expunging from your list Cotyle sub-soccata (identical with

Sinensis), Ruticilla phenicura (as distinct from pheenicwroides), Phyl-

loscopus trochilus (disavowed now as Indian by Gould), and I suspect

1865.} Scientific Intelligence. 287

also Sturnus unicolor (for which I believe old spotless specimens of

8. vulgaris have been mistaken); Rhodophila melanoleuca, Genus

quite identical with Oreicola, Bonap., as founded on two Timor

species, melanoleuca and luctuosa ; and therefore I now call the Indian

one O. Jerdoni, and do not agree that Pratincola ferrea should range

with it. (Vide Jerdon’s Appendix). The Horornis and Horeites

series puzzled us much. Horornis fulviventer = Phylloscopus fusca-

tus, nobis |—H. fuliginiventro, also a Phylloscopus, akin to last—H,

flaviventris a true Dumeticola ; and H. fortipes, I suspect, another

Dumeticola, (to judge from my description of Hodgson’s specimen in

J. A. S. XIV, 585, for I cannot find a specimen in the museums

here.) This disposes of the four species admitted by Jerdon; but

both in the British and India museums, I find numerous specimens

marked Horornis assimilis, Hodg., and these are identical with the

bird I formerly described as Drymoica brevicaudata, Afterwards I

thought that this was the adult of Neornis flavolivocea, Hodg., of

which I had only seen the young ; and this view is accepted by Jerdon.

It turns out that the two are allied species, and Horsfield’s Sylvia

montana constitutes a third; so I bring these three together under

Neornis, and sink Horornis altogether. As for Horeites, I know but

of two species, the large H. major, and the small H. brunnetfrons,

(v. schistilatus), of which pollicaris is the young! Jerdon sends me a

new Dumeticola ; making 3 (if not 4) of this form, which I think

might be very well merged under Locustella. Jerdon tells me that

my Accipiter nisoides is common in the interior of the Himalaya; I

can find no specimens, and two that he has sent me (as I presume for

this) are decidedly A. Virgatus, which he should know well. His new

swallow, Hirwndo Tytleri (mn Appendix), I cannot distinguish from

HI. cahirica of Palestine and Egypt; but Adam’s species (referred to

by Jerdon and H. fluvicola) is distinct, and Gould has named it

empusa. Two species of Woodpecker are confounded under Chryso-

colaptes sultaneus, viz. true sullaneus, H. (strenwus, Gould), which is

considerably larger, rare, and known only from Nipaél; and C. Deles-

serti, Malherbe, from all India, Indo-China, and Malayan Peninsula.

Zoothera imbricata, Layard—Oreocincla Nilgiriensis, nobis. Of Cuc-

koos, our Himalayanus is the canoroides, Muller, and optatus,

Gould; and this species is accepted as striatus, Drapeiz, by Schlegel.

288 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 4,

It would seem to be the commonest species of the archipelago.

Wallace has also C. poliocephalus from Java. In the British Museum

there is a Nipal specimen of what seems to me a small race of H.

sparverioides, which I have named nisoides: wing 74 in.—Of H.

misicolor I have now seen several specimens. J. strenuus, Gould

(B. As.), I think doubtfully separable from sparveroides ; and his

hyperythrus is just the adult of Horsfield’s fugax, which I consider to

be distinct from the Indian varius. The fugax I now recognise as

H, flaviventris, (Scopoli. Syn. C. radiatus, Gm. ; H. pectoralis, Caba-

nis, and A. hyperythrus, Gould,—the adult; and C. fugaxz, Horsf.,

sparveroides apud von Schrenck,—the young.)—From China, Philip-

pines, Borneo, and Java. My Geocichla dissimilis is Turdus chrysolaus,

Temm., nec cardis (Jerd. No. 358). The Tragopan Duvaucelit, Temm.,

is Pucrasia castanea, Gould; and its true habitat probably Kashmir

(Kdfiristan being altogether out of the question). I suspect that

nipalensis, Gould, is merely a hybrid between it and the common

Himalayan species, Arboricola, I have made out a list of 12 species

of this group! Zurniw Dussumieria (vERUS) = Sykesi; and 7. Dussu-

miert apud Jerdon must stand as tanckz, B. Ham. (v. joudera, Hodg-

son). Gasarca leucoptera, nobis, is Anas scutulata, Miller.

This must do forthe present. I may add that the large striped

Derbian Eland has a very different form of ear-conch from the common

Eland, broad like that of the Kandoa, instead of lanceolate as in the

humped cattle. This is a notable distinction.

Nors on tue Prvra Patrivexrs (Arboricola, Hodgson). This groud

of hill Partridges, with long (or moderately long) straight claws and

spurless, is greatly developed in the jungle-clad hills of 8S. EH. Asia

and its islands, where probably several species yet remain to be

discovered. I think we can already enumerate—

a. With the throat well feathered.

1. A rorgunoxa. (Tem., p. c. 462-3.) The only species known to

me in which the sexes present a marked difference of plumage.

Himalaya. F

2. a. RuFoguLARIS, nobis. S. E. Himalaya (at a lower altitude

than the preceding race,) and also the Tenasserim mountains. (J. A.

S. XXIV, 276.)

1865.] Scientific Intelligence. 289

- 3. A. BRUNNEOPECTUS, Tickell. (J. A. S. XXIV, 276.) Tenas-

serim mountains.

4. a, gavanica. (Brown, J. A. Zool. pl. XVII; Temm., p. c.

1488 : but quere—the red surrounding the eye?) Java. ;

5. A. (?) Aiguernosa. (Eyton. P. Z. 8. 1839, p. 106.) Malayan

peninsula.

b. With the throat thinly clad with feathers, shewing

the crimson skin beneath.

6. a. PeRsonata. (Horsfield, Zool. Pes.in Java, fig.; Tr. Lim.

Soc. XIII, 184.) Sumatra (?) and Java.

7. A. ATRoauLARIS, nobis. (J. A. S. XVIII, 819; Perdix oliva-

cea of Buchanan Hamilton’s drawings, not of Gray, Hardw. Jil.

Ind, Zool.) Hills bordering the valley of the Brahmaputra south-

ward.

8. A. INTERMEDIA, nobis. (J. A. S. XXIV, 277.) Probably from

Arakan.

9. a. omaritoni. (Hyton. Ann, Mag. M. H. 1845, XVI, p. 235.)

Malayan peninsula : not uncommon about Pinang and Province Wel-

lesley. (Type of Tropicoperdix, nobis, passim ?)

10. a. cutoropus. (Tickell. J. A. S. XXVIII, 415, 453,)

Tenasserim mountains.

c. With large bare space in front of neck.

11. a. punorutata. (Hardw. Jil. Ind. Zool.) Hab. ?

12. a. crupiguLaris. (Swinhoe, Lbs, 1864, p. 426.) Formosa,

Type of oreoperdix, Swinhoe.

N.B. The Perdix oculea, Tem. (Pig. e¢ Gall. III, 408; TZetrao

ocellatus, Rafiles, Zr. Lin. Soc. XIII, 332; Hardw. Jil. Ind.

Zool. ;) of Mergui province and Sumatra, is the type of my Caloper-

dix ; and P. thoracica, Tem. (Peg. et Gall. HI, 335, P. and Arbori-

cola sphenurus, Gray,) is the type of Bambusicola, Gould, to which a

second species has been added by Mr. Swinhoe from Formosa, B. So-

norivox, Gould. (B. As. pt. XVI.)

The Partridges of the Pewra group are best obtained from natives

of the country who understand netting them, Comparatively tew fall

“290 Scientific Intelligence. [No. 4,

to the gun. They rise singly in such difficult places, in steep bam-

boo-clad hills, that even if occasionally hit by a snap-shot, they are

oftener lost than picked up, in localities where a trained dog is an

impracticable desideratum: but there are ways of netting them, for I

have received from Sylhet several dozens at a time of live A. atrogu-

laris ; and a lot of A, torqueola is similarly now and then obtainable

at different hill stations. A pair of A. torqueola are now doing well

in the Zoological Gardens, Regent’s Park, London.

Ep. Buytu.

Erratum in Mr. Parish’s paper in Part II. No. ILI. of the

Journal.

Page 139 Line 35, for Pinus longifolia read Pinus Massoniana.

’

Meteorological Observations. i

Abstrac of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of January, 1865.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.

Feet

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.

Daily Means, &c, of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

4 = 3 Range of the Barometer a 2 |Range of the Tempera-

) § S during the day. > # ture during the day.

o s

Dat, | #28 (2a

3 4x Max Min Diff. FA = Max, | Min, | Diff.

= =

Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. Cy) 0 ° rt)

1 | Sunday

2 30.083 | 30.159 | 30,044 0.115 68.0 774 59.2 | 18.2

3 .090 .158 046 112 68.4 77.8 59.2 | 18.6

4 151 .222 105 alla 69.4; 78.8 61.2 | 17.6

5 150 238 .099 139 68.8 77.8 60.4 | 17.4

6 113 .209 .047 162 68.2 77.8 60.5 | 17.3

7 055 137 | 29.997 140 68.7 77.5 59.8 | 17.7

8 | Sunday.

9 075 -156 | 30.017 139 68.6 76.8 62.0 | 14.8

10 075 148 019 129 65.7 73.4 59.0 | 14.4

11 .058 132 | 29.992 14.0 64.6 73.2 57.0 | 16.2

12 .058 -120 | 30.010 .110 66.4 75.7 58.6 | 17.1

13 .073 136 .026 .110 67.2 76.4 59.2 | 17.2

14 105 178 051 127 69.7 79.6 60.6 | 19.0

15 | Sunday.

16 119 191 .065 126 68.8 78.0 61.4 | 16.6

17 .089 165 .040 125 69.0 78.4 60.8 | 17.6

18 110 181 .062 cual) 70.0 81.0 60.8 | 20,2

19 102 185 .035 150 70.7 81.0 60.8 | 20.2

20 .089 169 .030 139 70.1 80.9 61.0 | 19.9

21 073 146 006 140 70.6 81.0 62.0 | 19.0

22 | Sunday.

23 .095 175 052 123 71.7 81.2 63.8 | 17.4

24 .086 169 .017 152 72.7 83.0 | 65.6 | 17.4

25 054 149 | 29.993 156 724 82.0 64.2 | 17.8

26 29.979 .053 -908 145 73.1 83.2 64.1 | 19.1

27 .914 | 29.993 844 149 73.6 79.1 69.2 | 9.9

28 .926 | 30,002 869 133 72.8 81,6 66.2 | 15.4

29 | Sunday.

30 30.003 090 922, .168 70.9 80.3 62.4 | 17.9

31 29.973 .050 908 142 69.0 77.2 65:5, | 7

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

Daily Means, &c.

Meteorological Observations.

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

im the month of January, 1865.

of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—(Continued).

= E “ Ha ie Tee

2 3 #12 vf se |S8 | es

& = & 2 es (Se [mes

S 2 3 ee PS ee nD >

: 5 St as 2 oa tee) 22s

Date. el 4 Q y oo =o Bes & Een

Bs is eae eS. | 25 |p| es

aes) 3 = Be | B2| ES | See) oo

I 2 FQ B. 2 eee aS) oes we cee)

3 # si Bo) be ee | Bel lee) eas

= A os) a z = a a

0 ° 0 0 Inches. T. gr. || Do ex.

1 Sunday.

2 61.6 6.4 56.5 | 11.5 0.465 5.13 2.40 | 0.68

3 62.4 6.0 57.6 {| 10.8 483 32 200 -70

4 62.8 6.6 57.5 | 11.9 481 -30 56 67

5 61.6 7.2 55.8 | 13.0 455 02 .69 65

6 61.7 6.5 Gale hl7 465 13 45 68

7 62.5 6.2 57.5 | 11.2 481 31 38 69

8 | Sunday.

9 61.9 6.7 56.5 | 12.1 465 ol} 54 67

10 58.7 7.0 53.1 | 12.6 415 4.61 AL .66

il 57.7 6.9 52.2 | 12.4 -402 48 30 .66

12 59.1 7.3 53.3 } 13.1 418 64 53 -65

13 60.4 6.8 55.0 | 122 442 -90 45 .67

14 61.9 78 55.7 | 14.0 453 99 94 63

15 | Sunday.

16 61.3 73 yaya || ley 450 97 -70 65

17 61.6 7A 55,7 | 13.3 453 5.00 76 64

18 62.5 75 565 | 13.5 465 kill 89 64

19 62.6 8.1 56-1 | 14.6 459, 04 3.14 62

20 62.1 8.0 55.7 | 14,4 0453 4.99 04 -62

21 63.2 7.4 97.3 | 13.3 A478 5.25 2.90 64

22 Sunday,

23 64.9 6.8 59.5 | 12.2 515 64 79 67

24 65.1 7.6 59.0 | 137 506 53 3.15 64

25 64,1 8.3 57.5 | 14.9 481 27 33 61

26 66.2 69 60.7 | 12.4 536 .86 2.93 67

27 68.8 4.8 65.4 8.2 .626 6.84 09 Piri

28 67.2 5.6 62.7 | 10.1 O72 26 45 72

29 Sunday.

30 62.8 8.1 56.3 | 14.6 462 5.07 3.16 62

31 64.9 4.1 61.6 74 .552 | 6.08 1.68 Alls)

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Meteorological Observations. iil

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of January, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

S 8 | Range of the Barometer S 2 Range of the Temperature

aga for each hour during FQ 2 for each hour during

H 2 oe the month. bo the month.

our, = a 2 Qa EI

aco? ‘ , eS i

#24 | Max. Min. Diff. SH | Max. Min. Diff.

as =

i ennaeeanenee — —_———————

Inches. | Inches.) Inches.| Inches. tv) 0 0 o

Mid- (30.068 | 30.139 |29.884 | 0.255 | 65.5

night i ! 29. 2 : 70.8 61.4 9.4

ui O61 134 .878 .256 64.8 71.0 61.0 10.0

2 .052 128 872 -256 64.1 70.8 60.6 10.2

3 041 113 869 244 63.6 70.8 59.0 11.8

4 .046 L112 .883 .229 62.7 66.8 58.8 8.0

5 047 .130 .890 .240 62.6 70.6 58.0 12.6

6 .068 149 910 239 62.1 70.4 57.4 13.0

Ve .090 -180 .938 2242 61.8 70.2 57.0 13.2

8 118 -210 -963 247 64.6 70.2 59.4 10.8

9 .136 -235 983 «202 69.0 74.0 63.8 10.2

10 140 238 .993 245 72.1 75.6 65.0 10.6

it 121 210 .976 234 74.8 78.2 69.0 9.2

Noon. 094 173 | .938 235 | 7&2) 80:2 68.0 12.2

1 .060 138 917 221 77.5 81.8 70.0 11.8

2 .038 pli .890 227 78.4 83.2 71.8 11.4

3 .019 i Hef .868 243 78.5 83.2 V1.2 12.0

A .013 110 848 .262 76.9 81.6 70.6 11.0

5 .020 129 B44 21d 75,3 79.4 70.2 9.2

6 .027 134 .862 272 72.8 76.6 68.4) 8.2

Ei 041 149 .870 279 (Aleit hone 66.4 9.1

8 .057 161 932 .229 69.7 74.2 65.2 9.0

9 067 175 912 .263 68.4 73.3 63.6 9.7

10 .070 178 .883 .295 67.3 42.8 62.4 10,4

11 071 lial .950 221 66.4 72.0 61.8 10.2

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-~

mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours

during the month.

iv Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of January, 1865.

Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—( Continued.)

2 3 3 S ao oo a3

eee eee i

ee 5 5 8 2 2s ee = Shy et ea

Hou. | 2S B a 3 aa =O a 2% | me Ey

ae | os S@elea.| 24 |o2 | aati

= ae = 3 ie et Ss DS Oo

= ° Ss 3 Ss Flo = a2) 2 os a4 c a

ge | a | & |@g| ce | cad | gee) eee

Ss b E ray Plas go. |3e8 | ss

=m is ) ola = Ser eee soe

tv) ° tn) tr) Inches. | Troy grs.|Troy grs.

a 609 | 46 | 572 | 83 | o476 | 528 | 1.70 | 076

ak 60.5 4.3 57.1 wed ATS 27 56 Aris

D) 60.1 4.0 56.5 7.6 .465 18 A9 78

3 59.7 3.9 56.2 7A, 461 14 43 78

4, 59.0 Sul 55.7 7.0 453 .06 33 79

5 59.1 3.5 55.9 6.7 456 .09 28 .80

6 58.5 3,6 55.3 6.8 A447 .00 ef .80

vA 58.3 BH) 551 6.7 444 4.97 24 .80

8 60.1 4.5 56.5 8.1 -465 5.18 .60 76

9 62.2 6.8 56.8 12.2 470 18 2.58 .67

10 63.7 8.4 57.0 15.1 A738 18 3.35 61

11 65.0 9.8 58.1 16.7 A9L 34 92 58

Noon! | 6515) 120.79 16 be. iris.ge |!” 4R6 31 4.35 55

at 65.8 ilglez/ 57.6 19.9 483 22 82 52

2 66.3 12.1 57.8 20.6 486 25 5.06 noi

3 66.1 12.4 57.4 21,1 .480 18 il7; 50

4 65.3 11.6 57.2 19.7 476 16 4.70 52

5 65.1 10.2 58.0 17.3 489 32 08 57

6 65.3 7.5 59.3 13.5 511 58 3.13 64

7 64.7 6.4 59.6 145 516 266 2.62 68

8 63.9 5.8 59.3 10.4 oll 63 30 TL

9 63.1 5.3 58.9 9.5 -504 56 06 3

10 62.4 4.9 58.5 8.8 498 50 1.87 45

1 61.7 47 57.9 8.5 488 39 18 75

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants,

Meteorological Observations. ;

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

‘ in the month of January, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &e.

He | SE

‘o-3 |sad

.| 2-3 |S & 3| Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.

= uy = 2° of the Wind.

Als” jaro

a... .» =| Sunday.

2) 136.0) ... | N. Cloudless : also slightly foggy at midnight.

3,137.4! ,,. |S. H.&S.&N. 4H. | Cloudless: also slightly fogey at 7 a. M.

4| 139.0; ... |N.W.&N, Cloudless: also slightly fogey at 10 & 11

5} 136.2) .. N. & N. W. Cloudless. {e. M.

6) 133.0) .. N. Cloudless till noon: “i till 5 p. mM. cloudless

afterwards also fogey at 10 Pp. M.

AllSOOile ... | H..& N. Cloudless: also fogey from midnight to 2

A.M.

Sie hse w. | Sunday.

9| 132.4) ... - Cloudless,

TOV ASRO}” N. & N. W. i till 4 A, M. cloudless afterwards.

MPLS 3. | NW. & N Cloudless till 1 Pp. wm. “i & “i afterwards,

12) 183.0 os W.&N.W. i till 7 a, M. cloudless afterwards.

13| 1381.4) ,.. |N.W.&W.&N. | Cloudless: also slightly fogey at 9& 10 P.M.

14) 135.0] ... N. Cloudless.

TOW o.. nas Sunday.

16| 1382.4) .. |N.W.&S.&N. Cloudless till noon: Scatd, clouds till 6

p. M. cloudless afterwards.

17| 136:0) ... W.&N. W. Cloudless till8 a.m. “i till 5 p. uw. cloudless

afterwards : also fogey from 8 to 11 Pp. M.

SS peLaSe4s| se) || W. Cloudless : also foggy at 7 a. m. & from 9

toll P.M,

19| 142.4) ... W.&N. W. Cloudless,

Boller '.. |S. Ni & Ui till 7 a. om. cloudless afterwards.

Pile l37.0;|, ... S.f¢E&N, Cloudless.

2. ve =| Sunday.

23| 134.0) ... . Cloudless till 5 a.m. “i & Ni till 6 Pp, mu.

cloudless afterwards ; also foggy at 6 &

Tau. & at8&9P.M.

24) 141.0; .. | N.W.&N, Cloudless till 4 a. mw. “i till 7 vp. m. cloud-

less afterwards.

25| 142.2; .. |N.W.& W. Cloudless till noon: \i& “i till 7 P. wu.

cloudless afterwards.

26} 140.0 oat as Cloudless till11 a, m. “i till 8 Pp. um. cloud-

less afterwards.

774) epee 0.16 |S. W. &S. Cloudy : also raining at 34.u.8 & 9 P. u,

& thundering & lightning at 8 p, Mm.

28) 139.2) ... Ss. W. Scatd. clouds till 10 a. mM. “i afterwards,

PO ven we =| Sunday.

Sol tes.O)° . | N.&S. &N. W. Cloudless till 9 A, mu. Seatd. clonds till 8

Pp. M. cloudless afterwards.

Bill) een 0.32 |S. & N. W.

Ni Cirri,—i Strati

\ i Cirro cumuli,

Cloudless till 5 a. mM. cloudy afterwards:

also thundering & raining at noon.

» 01 Cumuli, “i Cirro strati, ~i Cumulo strati, i Nimbi

vi Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,

in the month of January, 1865.

Monruty ReEsvyts.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. ee «. 30.066

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 A. M. on the 5th, s« 30.238

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 5 P. M. on the 27th, ee 29.844

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, ee ee = 0,94

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. oe oe ee 30.143

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. ac aA «» 30.008

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ee «=: 04185

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. . ee 69.5

Max. Temperature occurred at 2 & 3 P.M. on the 26th, .. o 83.2

Min. Temperature occurred at 7 a. m. on the 11th, ae on 57.0

Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, .. ee 26.2

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, se ee eo 73.9

Ditto ditto Min. Giftio;, %. a ac a4 61.7

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. ee 17.2

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. 55 ae 62.7

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 6.8

Computed Mean Dew-point forthe month, .. ee ee 57.3

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, nc 12.2

Inches

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. oe ee 0.478

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, o. ee a 5.26

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, ae 2.62

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.67

Inches

Rained 2 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, ee ee 0.32

Total amount of rain during the month, oo oe o. 0.48

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. ee ee N. & N. W:

Meteorological Observations. Vil

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of Jaunary, 1865,

Montuty Resvuts.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

—

Hour.

c < rt a q ro] r=] s iy (oe

3} ae ie oF sie Of-|o Of |S .Jo/s

NJ S)z|2| E. |elsle|s.clalele lela sls \s|4

No. of days.

Midnicht. 8 1 1 1 3) al 6 5

1 8 1 a 1 3 1 7 4

2 6 a 1 1 3 1 7 6

3 7 2 3} 1) 1 5 5 3

4 8 1 1 2 2 4 4, 4,

5 7 al i 3 i! 5 6 2

6 8 1 1 3 2 5 6

i 8 2 2 2 4 4 A

8 7 alt ip 2 3 2 4 4 2

9 12 1 3 5 2 1 2

10 10 2 3 al! 4, 1 3 2

11 11 3 1 1 3 2 3 2

Noon. 10 1 3 1 4 BSG

1 9 2 1 2 3 9

2 13 1 2 1 9

3 10 i iL 2 4 8

A 9 ul 2 1 3 10

5 9 if 1 1 2 10 D.

6 6 il 1 al 5 il 4 7

7 7 il il il 5 il 4 6

8 6 a 2 ul 4 2| 115 5

a) 7 2 1 4, 2 6] 1} 4

10 i 2 1 4 2 6 4

11 6 2 1 4 3 4 4 2

Meteorological Observations. ix

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,

in the month of February, 1865.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.

Feet.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements -

dependent thereon.

“nw 2s

5 is Range of the Barometer a 8 |Range of the Tempera-

“eh 5 3 during the day, ee ture during the day.

aaa 5 5

Date. | 74 BS es 5

ga2 | Max. | Min. | Diff. 6 | Max. | Min. | Dif

a a

Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. 0 ° 0 0

1 30.002 | 30.070 | 29.946 0.124 718 79.2 64.4 | 14.8

2 043 106 993 -113 72.1 79.6 66.6 | 13.0

3 036 115 986 129 73.0 81.2 67.4 | 13.8

4 007 086 -933 153 73.0 81.3 66.2 | 15.1

5 | Sunday.

6 .008 087 948 139°} 72,4 80.4 | 64.4 | 16.0

7 29.986 092 -909 183 | 71.2 80.1 61.2 | 18.9

8 907 | 29.990 829 161 74.5 84.6 | 66.0 | 18.6

g 891 976 846 130 72.8 79.5 69.2 | 10.3

10 873 953 .802 151 73.0 | 81.2 68.6 | 12.6

11 -900 998 835 163 70,3 76.0 66.6] 9.4

12. | Sunday.

13 30.008 | 30.101 .939 .162 72.8 80.1 67.2 | 129

14 .038 128 .985 143 71.5 80.6 62.2 | 18.4

15 .060 157 | 30.015 142 71.7 814 63.8 | 17.6

16 062 -139 004 135 72.9 83.3 62.6 | 20.7

17 29.982 .064 | 29.901 163 74.8 84.6 65:4 | 19.2

18 .913 | 29.986 851 135 77.0 87.1 68.0 | 19.1

19 | Sunday. |

20 -929 | 30.025 876 | .149 78.6 87.8 70.2 | 17.6

21 -903 -002 -826 176 78.4 86.1 70.6 | 15.5

22 -858 -000 -830 170 77.0 85.0 711 | 13.9

23 | -940 -040 .853 187 76.3 85.4 67.6 | 17.8

24 963 .066 .870 196 76.6 87.0 66.2 | 20.8

25 949 058 .880 178 74.3 80.8 | 68.8 | 12.0

26 | Sunday.

27 994 081 .886 195 71.6 78:2 G7aw |. 11

30.065 157 | 30.013 144) 72.2 80,2 64.6 | 15.6

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

ometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

x Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of February, 1865.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—( Continued.)

Ps : z Ss Be [ag |2s

FS < ces 2 Bt theme | Be

al = at) aS 2 S ° One et Ey his.

= o ° bee) Sa 2)|/ oss

z 5 E c= 5) 2.2 eee 4S

Date. ane s Qa e $s Ae Bes o = eo

o 5 2 ws ys eS ae = 8s

2.5 2 S = = & oe |5 08] OS

So = = 2 3 BS EO Speier | Vers ce

I 3 [=] =, a 2 a & a3 x) eles «ba

So oS Se = 9

é 8 = E bay aS $s |zean] Sea

= a os) a a = 3 =

0 fo) o 0 Inches.| T. gr. | T. gr

1 67.0 4.8 63.2 8.6 0.582 6.37 2.08 0.75

2 67.0 5.1 62.9 9.2 576 ol 22 74

3 67.3 5.7 62.7 | 10.3 572 26 50 72

4 65.0 8.0 58.6 | 14.4 499 5.46 3.30 62

5 Sunday.

6 63.6 8.8 56.6 | 15.8 467 ll 49 59

# — 62.5 8.7 55.5 | 15.7 -450 4.94 36 60

8 69.3 5.2 65.7 8.8 -632 6.89 2.29 75

4%) 68.8 4.0 65.6 7.2 .630 90 1.81 79

10 69.1 3:9 66.0 7.0 638 98 80

et 66.7 3.6 63.8 6.5 593 52

12 | Sunday.

13 64.4: 8.4 Bieial plow 485 5.30

14 62.8 8.7 55.8 | 15, 455 4.99

15 63.0 8.7 56.0 | 15.7 458 5.01

16 64.1 8.8 57.1 | 15.8 475 19

17 66.0 8.8 59.8 | 15.0 520 66

18 69.7 7.3 64.6 | 12.4 609 6.62

19 Sunday.

20 70.6 8.0 65.0 | 13.6 617 68

21 70.1 8.3 64.3 | 141 -603 53

22 67.3 Shir 60.5 | 16.5 532 5.77

23 65.5 10.8 57.9 | 18.4 488 .29

24 68.1 8.5 62.1 | 14.5 561 6.08

25 67.1 7.2 62.1 | 12.2 061 12

26 | Sunday.

27 66.5 5.1 62.4 9.2 567 22

28 63.9 8.3 57.3 | 14.9 A478 5.23

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Meteorological Observations. Xi

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of February, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

S 3 a | Range of the Barometer = 5 Range of the Temperature

“294 for each hour during pq 2 for each hour during

H 2 2 the month, pb 5 the month,

our, = A g ; f=: FI =

Bo , eS

&22 | Max. Min. Diff. Se | Max. Min. Diff.

= =

——— — —S es

Inches. | Inches.; Inches.| Inches. ° 0) i) o

Bide 5 . 70.2

night. 9.967 | 30.053 | 29.873 | 0.180 B 74.6 66.6 8.0

i .957 .051 863 .188 69.5 74,6 65.6 9.0

2 947 04.4 853 191 69.1 "3.6 64.6 9.0

3 .937 .035 845 190 | , 68.7 73.0 64.0 9.0

4 .937 .036 842 194 68.1 72.2 63.0 9.2

5 .951 044, 854 .190 67.4 71.8 62.7 9.1

6 .969 -068 .862 .206 66.8 711 62,2 8.9

Lf -994 -086 888 198 66.7 WG 61,2 10.4

8 | 30.023 112 -913 199 69.4 74.8 66.0 8.8

9 .048 141 945. 196 72.8 78.6 67.8 10.8

10 .059 157 .953 .204 75.3 81.0 69.0 12.0

11 .048 «157 917 .240 ak 83.2 70.6 12.6

Noon. .020 134 904 .230 79.3 85.5 71.4 14.1

1 | 29.985 .081 .867 214 80.6 86.4 72.2 14,2

2 951 .048 843 .205 81.6 87.0 75.2 11.8

5 .932 .025 843 182 81.9 87.8 76.0 11.8

4 921 .O15 826 189 81.3 86.8 75.6 11.2

5 922 .019 822 .197 79,9 86.0 74.0 12.0

6 .927 .033 .802 .231 77.5 83.0 73.0 10.0

@ 943 047 824 .223 75.5 80.6 72.2 8.4

8 .958 .055 | .858 197 74.0 78.8 71.1 Te

9 974 -070 858 212 72.8 Pgh 70.1 7.2

10 .983 .077 .866 211 ler 76.4 68.6 78

11 .980 073 878 195 70.8 75,2 67.4 7.8

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dryand Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several howrs

during the month.

xii Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of February, 1865.

Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon,—( Continued.)

re) re 3 E 3 28 (| 658/23

a E = Bee 8 PS |252 (585

at gars. ane 5.2 it ee et Pia

ou (=) ‘oO ro) xs) -s ee =. eh

Hour. | 8 3 A 3 eae ee a a EO

q | 2 2 a= er ee ee rd €.2|33

eo | 3 2 ofS del(A shee ol Bee eo oe

se | a | & |ai] 22 | lee) 882] Bea

2S | bp B [pa | > | gsc] 558 | seg

a A s) fa) = See 2s

0 0 0 o Inches. |Troy grs.|Troy grs.

ae 661 | 41 | 628 | 74 | 0574 | 632 | 1.73 -| 0.79

“a | 638 | 37 | 628) | 67 | .874 82 56 .80

2{ 656 | 35 | 628 | 63 | .574 33 45 81

3 | 658 | 34 | 626 | 61 | 570 29 40 82

4 | 648 | 33 | 622 | 59 | .563 21 34 82

5 | 643 | 31 | 618 | 56 | .555 14 25 83

6 | 636 | 32 | 610 | 58 |) ar! 5.99 27 83

#*| 6361) 31 }ver1 | 5.6] 643 "6.08 22 83

3 | 648 | 46 | 611 | 83 | 543 | 5.98 88 76

9 | 65.8 | 70 | 602 | 126 | .527 76 | 2.95 66

10 | 667 | 86 | 60.7 | 146 | .536 82 | 3.58 62

a1 | 678 | 98 | 604 | 167 | .530 75 | 417 58

Noon.| 67.9 | 114 | 599 |494 | 52a 63 .96 58

SUE eprtahizis econ Mato aY aa 50 | 5.51 50

2 | 685 |131 | 593 | 223 | 511 A9 85 AS

3 | 683 |136] 588 | 231 | .503 39 =| 6.05 AT

4 | 680 |133 | 587 | 226 | .502 38 | 5.86 48

5 | 679 |120 | 59.5 | 204 | .515 55 23 52

6 | 681 | 9A | 615 | 160 | .550 96 | 408 59

7 | 630 | 75 | 62.7 |128 | .572 | 622 | 3.24 66

s | 67.5 | 65 | 629 | 111 | .576 29 «| 2.75 70

9 | 668 | 60] 620 | 108 | .559 11 60 70

10 | 665 | 52 | 623 | 94 | .565 20 23 74

11 | 661 | 47 | 623 | 85 | .565 20 00 76

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants,

Meteorological Observations. xili -

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

an the month of Kebruary, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &e.

He |e

pe er Reto

o-3 | sas Awe

-| 28 |S & &| Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.

2| 42 |8s¢ of the Wind.

e| SS jax

Ala” jared

0 |Inches,

1) 130.9} ... | S.W.& variable. | i& “i till 3p. mu. cloudy afterwards,

also drizzling at 3 a, M. 10 & 11 Pp. M.

2! 189.0) 0.10 | N. & N. W. Cloudy till 8 a. um. Scatd. clouds till 5 Pp. M. ~

cloudless afterwards also drizzling from

midnight to5 a.m. & foggy from 8 to

10 P. M.

3) 140.4) .., us Cloudy till 3 Pp, um. cloudless afterwards.

4 139.0} .. |N.W.&W. Cloudless till 3 a.m. cloudy till 8 a. M,

Ni & “i afterwards.

Bie. ; Sunday.

6) 145.5 W. &N. W. i.

7| 140.0) , N. W. & W. Cloudless till 10 a. uw. \i afterwards.

Grls7.2| y.. |S. W. Gs. Clondless till 8 a. Mm. %i till 6 Pe. mM. cloudy

afterwards also drizzling at 8 & 9 Pp. M.

Bie ses Pee Sauer CoN Wie Cloudy till 6rp.m, i & “i afterwards ;

also drizzling atl & 9a.m. Sat 1,5

& 6p. M.

10) 184.8] 0.72 |S. & N. W. Ni & i till 4 a. m. cloudy afterwards,

also thundering at 10 a.m. & raining

between 10 &11a4.mu. &at4,5&11P, mM,

1k. 0.20 |S.&S.E. & B. Cloudy : also drizzling after intervals.

EZ ans ide Sunday.

13) 140.4) .,, |N.W.& N. & N. 4E.| i till 4 a. uw. cloudless afterwards: also

slightly foggy at 11 p. M.

14) 141.2" ,.. N. W. Cloudless.

15; 139.5; ... N. W. & W. Cloudless till 2 a. m. Scatd. clouds till 11

A. M. cloudless afterwards.

16} 138.0 W.& N. W. Cloudless.

27) 1a9:2| ... | W.&S8 Cloudless till6 a, mM. Ni till 10 a. uM, “i

till 6 Pp, m. cloudless afterwards.

HS) 140:7)| -... |S. We Cloudless till 7 a. Mm. “i till 6 Pp. mM. cloud-

less afterwards, also foggy at5 & 6 A. M,

SD aa a Sunday.

20] 148.0] ... 8. &S. E. Cloudless.

BAY V4.4). N. W. & W. Cloudless.

22) 139.6) ... Ss. & N. W Cloudless till 5 a. m. Seatd, clonds till 2

p. M. cloudless afterwards, also slightly

drizzled between 10 & 11 a. mM.

23) 140.6) ... |W. &S.W. GN. Cloudless.

24| 143.0; ... | S.W.&S. Cloudless till 11 a, uw. 91 till 6 P. um, cloud.

less afterwards.

Mi Cirri, —i Strati, 9i Cumuli, i Cirro strati, ~i Cumulo strati, -i Nimbi

% i Cirro cumuli,

XiV Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of February, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

Ba oo

& ae: :

Sie) se Abie se AE

a eae q Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky. :

$] 43 |288] of the Wind.

ALA aed

o |Inches +

Cloudless till 7 a. m. Seatd, clouds after-

25| 139.5) ... | H. & variable,

wards, also foggy between 4 & 7 a. M.

261 ieee 0.66 | Sunday.

27; 136.0] 0.18 |N. W. & N. Cloudy nearly the whole day; also thun-

dering and raining between 1 & 2 a. M.

28) 138.0 No Wis Cloudless till 5 a. Mm. “i till9 A, M. cloud-

less afterwards.

Meteorological Observations. Xv

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of February, 1865.

Monrnuty Resvrrs.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. «. eae 29: 972,

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 & 11 a. M. on the 15th & 28th, 30.157

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 6 Pp. M. on the 10th, «. 29.802

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, ee ee 0355

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. nic es ee 30.062

Ditto ditto Min, ditto, .. we ne «- 29.907

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. e- 0,155

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ae ee 73.7

Max. Temperature occurred at 3 P. M. on the 20th, ee ee 87.8

Min. Temperature occurred at 7 a. M. on the 7th, Ae Bic 61.2

Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, .. - 26.6

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, oe an Je 82.1

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. se ee ee 66.5

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. os 15.6

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. aw ae 66.5

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 72

Computed Mean Dew-point forthe month, .. Ae Se 61.5

Mean Drf Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, ae 12.2

Tuches

Mean Blastic force of Vapour for the month, .. ne oe OLHO

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, ae oc & 6.01

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, BF 2.95

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.67

Inches

Rained 10 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, 46 ne 0.72

Yotal amount of rain during the month, ae ie ee 1.86

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. oe oe N. W. & W.

xvi Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

im the month of February, 1865.

Monruny Resv.ts.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,-

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.

S1.15 4 ey a Went ede: ee) Ga

eles elaje| |S|Els! |e lslsls

NS [o|| BE. lations |e |S.\ca los [ce [Ele hea le 1S |

No. of days

Midnight. 11 gs} | 3! | 4 116

il 1 il a s| 2} 41 14) Pela

2 1 1 5} | 41 116] | 71

3 1 1 2} | 3! | 9127

4 1 1] Pa) | 2) | 6) ipo

5 3 1) Jal f 2) Pz apaa

6 3} TL 1} fa) pal fal dst tz

7 5| | 2 1 1) 1-3), 4 ales

8 6; | 2 2} |1| Jal fal f2i 6

9 5] 113 gol g 2] 1) 3) 11 6\"

10 3} 15 2} | 3/1 4) | 3] [4

11 3} | 4 4, 12 [ite Jaa

Noon. 4 4 2 3 2 a 2 4,

1 5] | 4 1) ota) Pal 03) apa

2 iil el 2} }2i pal fs} [4

3 1] fi 1, .2) 2a) 23) 7 is

4 4 1/1) 2) Jal fol f4) Toa

5 3} fiat 1 | 5) 1) 2) | 6/116

6 1 1] | 2) | 4) af5) a6) [5

7 1 1 5} |6| Pe [5

8 2 1 4, | 6) 116) 75

9 2 1 5} | 5) | 4) 117

10 2 1 7] 14) 114) 16

i 1 s| |2| | 6) 27

SSS

Meteorological Observations.

XVil

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of March, 1865.

Latitude 22° 33’1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.

Feet.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

rEg

Baga

ore

2 3,

Date. | “oS

Inches

1 | 30.017

2 29.966

3 923

4 -909

5 , Sunday

6 927

7 -930

8 -929

9 +924

10 948

11 962

12 | Sunday

13 .937

14 951

15 .957

16 30.004:

ay 29.998

18 961

19 Sunday

20 ~ 948

21 946

22 .893

23 .859

24 .838

25 848

26 | Sunday.

27 851

28 828

29 852

30 859

31 .880

Range of the Barometer

during the day.

Max.

Inches.

30.094

-040

-000

29.971

992

30.021

29.996

30.00

043

023

009

.057

.029

094

-090

.039

-032

-039

29.975

948

-908

925

932

-912

921

940

963

Min.

Inches.

29,957

.907

832

.820

852

867

.880

874

888

914

893

-887

-900

952

937

586

894

881

819

174

-790

795

781

-765

790

813

828

Diff.

Inches.

Mean Dry Bulb

Thermometer,

75.9

Range of the Tempera.

ture during the day.

86.7

§3.8

843

86.6

87.8

91.4

93.2

91.2

94.8

94.4

94.7

96.3

97.6

97.8

94.3

93.8

95.0

The, Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

XVili

Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of March, 1865.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—(Continued.)

= A 5 S eRe og A 3

Fa 3 - | a 2 Beret) Exe

5 2 2 3 p22 3.) Be

| @ 5 - “6 |25 0|e%¢2%

Datpalts oa. 2 a x S Zoe PEE] SE wo

reer) 3 is wig): tom = 3.3 ir)

o 9 2 a=) = au Oi —~39a| os

eo = 2 as me zo Sees rey, OG

I g FQ B. 2 a = ac o58 Pas]

a Le me a anes miso

® 8 ie g PAY o> os Bs ae] ots

a A 3) a = = e =

0) oO o 0 Inches.| 'T. gr. | gr.

1 64.5 8.5 57.7 | 15.3 0.485 5.30 3.46 0.61

2 69.3 6.6 64.7 | 11.2 611 6.65 2.92 -70

3 69 6 7.3 64.5 | 12,4 .607 .60 3.26 67

4 68.7 6.7 64.0 | 11.4 597 50 2.93 a

5 Sunday.

6 68.5 3.1 66.0 5.6 .638 7.00 1.40

7 69.9 3.2 67.3 5.8 .666 .28 51

8 68.5 3.7 65.5 6.7 -628 6.88 67

9 70.9 5.5 67.0 9.4 .659 Ale 2.55

10 72.0 5.9 67.9 | 10.0 .679 36 -80

ii 72.3 6.0 68.1 | 10.2 684 40 88

12 Sunday

13 70.6 8.5 64.6 | 14.5 .609 6.58 3.95

14 69.6 7.2 64.6 | 12.2 .609 62 21

15 69.0 ee 63.6 | 13.1 .590 .40 40

16 65.9 11.0 58.2 | 18.7 A493 5.34 4.52

17 65.1 ne 56.9 | 19.9 A472 <a! 72

18 66.9 13.1 57.7 | 22.3 485 «22 5.59

19 Sunday.

20 70.0 13.3 60.7 | 22.6 536 72 6.21

21 70.5 12.4 61.8 | 21.1 .555 .95 5.84

22 72.4 11.3 64.5 | 19.2 .607 6.50 57

23 72.4 10 2 65.3 | 17.3 .623 .69 4.99

24 92.7 10.9 65.1 | 18.5 619 63 5.40

25 73.7 10.6 66.3 | 18.0 644 .89 .39

26 Sunday.

27 74.6 11.7 66.4 | 19.9 646 88 6.14

28 74.3 11.4 66.3 | 19.4 644 .88 5.92

29 77.8 6.7 73.1 | 11.4 .803 8.60 3.75

30 75.7 8.1 70.0 | 13.8 727 7.78 4.32

31 74.4 10.2 67.3 | 17.3 .666 12 5.27

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenw ich Constants

Meteorological Observations. xix

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of March, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

a i

S 3 a; | Range of the Barometer = 3 Range of the Temperature

zg = for each hour during my for each hour during

p 2 2 the month. bo the month.

our, | fe, aé

so , 4 a2 5 :

gS | Max. | Min. Diff, Sa) ova Min. Diff,

= =

Inches. | Inches.; Inches.| Inches, ty) 0 ° °

Mid- 2 99 2 "5 «

night. 9.919 | 30.054 | 29.822 | 0.232 5.0 81.3 68.0 13.3

1 -910 043 813 .230 74.3 80.8 67.0 13.8

2 .898 .033 .805 .228 73.7 79.4 65.8 13.6

3 .888 .018 .798 .220 73.2 78.8 65.2 13.6

4 .888 .003 .802 201 72.7 78.8 64.4 14.4

5 -905 -019 813 .206 722 78.6 64.0 14.6

6 .926 031 832 199 Wt, 78.6 63.8 14.8

fi .948 042 854 .188 72.3 78.4 63.6 14.8

8 .975 .065 .888 Bile iri 754 81.3 68 2 13.1

9 993 .083 .906 Bir 78.8 86.0 68.4 17.6

10 .998 -094 .905 189 81.7 89.4 68.1 | 21.8

11 .987 .088 .896 192 84.2 93.2 74.0 19.2

Noon. .963 071 .872 .199 85.9 95.0 74.2 20.8

1 934 -040 851 .189 87.1 96.2 75.0 21.2

2 .898 .005 811 194 88.0 97.6 76.0 21.6

3 877 '29.977 776 .201 88.1 97.8 75.6 220,

4 .867 .965 -770 .195 87.7 97.6 74.9 22.7

5 .865 959 -765 194 86.4 96.1 72.6 23.5

6 .872 .957 Beare 180 83.4 91.6 71.8 19.8

a .888 .969 -791 178 80.9 88.0 70.8 17.2

8 .906 -988 | .812 .176 79.2 85.2 70.2 15.0

9 918 {30.001 831 170 78.0 83.8 69.6 14,2

10 -928 .015 .837 178 77.0 82.2 70.3 11.9

ant 924 .008 823 185 76.1 81.4 70.0 11.4

~The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours

during the month.

XX Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of March, 1865.

Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—( Continued.)

2 3 3 E = 6 | oom ee

a Bet So 1 8 peep 4) & See oe

° e @ x) ro) 3 "30 = o 2-3

os 3 2 3 2 a pee | fac

Hou. | #8 a a 3 iy hs Cie) ae oe

PW Ree 3 Seiko es sulle & @.2|33°3

a) EI = 34 Ao Steed Seep eS

a| fa’) a. fa-3 == sH-_a | BOE) sea

= Rat fF [pu | S> | 82/358 | Sag

a fa ‘s) a = Sam Es

0 0 ° ° Inches. |Troy grs./Troy grs.

Mid- | ¢97 | 53 | 66.0 | 9.0 | 0638 | 695 | 236 | o7s

ine i : . ; ; : i

1 69.5 | 48 | 661 82 | .640 .99 13 Mii

2 69.3 | 4.4 | 66.2 75 | .642 | 7.01 1.95 18

3 69.2 | 4.0 | 66.0 7.2 638 | 6.98 84 79

4 68.9 | 38 | 65.9 6.8 | .636 .96 72 .80

5 68.5 | 3.7 | 65.5 6.7 | .628 .88 67 81

6 68.2 | 35 | 65.4 6.3 | .626 87 56 82

7 68.6 | 3.7 | 65.6 6.7 | .630 .90 .68 .80

8 70.0 | 5.4 | 66.2 92 | .642 .99 2.44 74

9 70.9 | 79 | 65.4 | 13.4 | .626 17 3.67 65

10 1.7 |100 | 64.7 |17.0 | 611 BT 4.80 58

11 72.0 | 12.2 | 63.5 | 20.7 | .588 27 5.97 DL

Noon.| 72.0 | 13.9 | 623 | 23.6 565 01 6.86 AT

1 72.1 | 15.0 | 63.1 | 24.0 | .580 16 17 AG

2 72.4 | 15.6 | 63.0 | 25.0 | .578 ae BD 45

3 72.3 |158 | 62.8 | 25.3 574, 10 62 45

4 72.2 |15.5 | 62.9 | 248 | .576 ll A5 45

5 71.9 |145 | 61.7 | 247 | 554 | 5.89 17 45

6 7.7 (11.7 | 635 |199 | .588 | 629 5.67 53

7 71.9 | 90 | 656 |15.3 | .630 79 4.31 61

8 Wi | T7Ol* 66.2" 18.0.1 {640 92 3.64 66

9 12 | 68 | 664 |116 | .646 | 7.00 .19 68

10 71.0 | 6.0 | 668 | 102 | .655 a 2.78 72

1 70.7 | 54 | 66.9 9.2 | .657 15 48 14

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Meteorological Observations.

XXi

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of March, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.

24/25,

os aod

.| 2-8 |S § 8| Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.

£ 4S & oe of the Wind,

Al a” |zed

wreisne |... || W.a N. We Cloudless.

Bi Lao Os se. ||... Clondless till 9 a. m. Scatd. clouds after-

wards.

3| 134.0; .,. |S. Cloudy till 7 a. m. Scatd. clouds till 8

p. M. cloudy afterwards.

4| 135.0} ... |S.&N.E. Clondy till 10 a.m. oi & “i till4p.M.

cloudy afterwards.

BP. 1.08 | Sunday.

(2 eee 0.54 | HE. & N. Cloudy also raining at midnight & 2 a. mM.

& drizzling from 4 to 8 p.m. & at 11

p. M& thundering at midnight & 5

p. M. & lightning at 1 A.M. & at 8 P.M.

7| 135.4) 0.25 | N.&N. W. Cloudy till 10 a. mt. i till 3 Pp, w. cloudy

afterwards: alsoraining at9 & 10 A. M.

& drizzling from 5 to 9 Pp. M.

8]... . |S.W.& W.&S., Cloudy: also drizzling at 2,5 & 7 Pp. M.

9) 137.0)... | EB. & W. Cloudy till 7 a. 1. “i & i afterwards,

10) 141.0} 0.09 | E.&N. HE. & N. W.) -i till 6 a.m thin clouds till 10 a. M.

*~i & Ni till 5 ep. M. cloudy afterwards ;

also drizzling from 7 to 10 pu. &

lightning at 7 P. M.

11| 189.8 Rar NV siGa.Ne We Cloudless.

Lira) eRe . | Sunday.

13) 145.8 N.W&N Cloudless till 3 a. M, “itill3 P. mu. Scatd,

clouds afterwards.

14) 184.9) .. \|\N.W.& WL GN, Ni & “i till 2 p.m. Scatd. clouds after-

wards.

15) 185.0) |... | N.W. & N. i till 4 Pp. m, cloudless afterwards.

16; 140.1} ... |W. &N. W. Cloudless,

Dyyelet.o) -... | N. Wi & W. Cloudless till 11 a.m. “i till3 yu. Mi

till 6 Pp. M. cloudless afterwards.

18} 141.0} ... |W. &N. W. itil 7a.m. “i till 6 Pp. M. cloudless

afterwards.

LO! sas Sunday.

20 146.4 W.&S.&N, W. Cloudless till 10 a.m. i & “i till 2 P, uw

cloudless afterwards.

ALAN O!| oo. S.W.&N. W. &S.| -i till 1 P. mw. 71 afterwards.

22) 142.2!) ... S.W.&W.&S. i till 4 p.m. cloudy afterwards, also

slightly drizzled at 8 p. mM. & lightning

, ‘ at 7 P. M

23) 142.0] ... S. & N. W. i till 6 a. mM. cloudless afterwards.

24) 141.0) ... |W. &S, W.

Cloudless: also foggy from 3 to 6 a. M,

Ni Cirri, —i Strati, %i Cumuli, “i Cirro strati, ~i Cumulo strati, -i Nimbi

\ i Cirro cumuli.

XXil

Meteorological Observations.

‘Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of March, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

# . (Se

Papen se

0.9 |\s Qo :

.| 24 |S = 2} Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.

lens 5 2 ;

S| £309 of the Wind.

| os fae 5

Al SH lgwd

0 |Inches

25) 142.0| ... |S. W.& W. Cloudless: also foggy from 5 to 8 A. M

26)... es Sunda

27| 141.6) ... |S. &GW.&S. W. Cloudless.

28} 141.0] ... s. Cloudless,

29] 137.0 Ae ales) Cloudless till 3 Pp. Mm. i afterwards.

301) ASV) | oe, vpsseraS. VA Cloudless till 8 a.m. i & “i till 4 P, mw,

Scatd. clouds afterwards, also raining,

thundering and lightning at 8 P. mM,

dl) 144.0| .. |S W.&S Scatd. clouds til 6 a.m M & “i till6é

Pp. M, cloudless afterwards.

Meteorological Observations. XXilL

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of March, 1865.

Montuty Resvtrs.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. o e. 29.920

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 a.M. on thelst & 16th,.. 30.094

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 5 Pp. M. on the 28th, es) 29,765

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, ee ee 0.329

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. ee a e- 30.000

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. aa as e. 29.859

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. oe» = O14.

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ee eo 79.4

Max. Temperature occurred at 3 P. M. on the 28th, ee ac 97.8

Min. Temperature occurred at 7 a. M. on the 1st, Sc es 63.6

Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, aa AF 34,2

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, ee ee an 88.5

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. He ee oe 71.6

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. ee 16.9

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. be. Ss 70.7

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 8.7

Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. 50 ts 64.6

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, . .. 14.8

Inches

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. we s- 0609

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, ee ee ws 6.58

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, <a 4.04

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.62

Inches

Rained 6 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, an & 1.08

Total amount of rain during the month, ee ve Pe 1.96

Prevailing direction of the Wind, ., ee . S.&W.& NW.

XXxiv Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of March, 1865.

Monruty Resvxts.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.

ra = a 5 s iS] S rt

° SWS Sie ° of .| Oo On| o hire)

elei|s elle! |siEle] |slElets/ as

NJ21Z |2| E. |2lale|S.clalaielelaleis |S

No. of days

Midnight. 2 8 7 2 5| 1

alt 3 1 8 5 Fi 3

2 il! Sina 8 5 6 4

3 1 2 1 5 5 8 4

4 2 1 ih 5 4. 8 4

5 2 1 1 5 5 8 A

6 2 1 a! 5 6 9 3

7 2 il 7 3} fil 3

8 2 i 2 5 6 4 7

9 3 2 a ade) ats) 5|. | 6 4

10 4 2 2) 1} 1 1 ih 5 5

11 4 1 3 1 4 2 vf 5

Noon. 3 1 2 1 4 2 5 9

il 1 2 1 5 1 6) 11

2 3 1 2 5 2 5/ 1] 9

3 2 1 2 6 7 9

4 ave fea it 5 4 8 7

5 2) 1} 1 Zaid 6 3| 11 8 5

6 eh ee il 9 3 5 6

Ji 2) 1) 2) 2 1 10 2) 1) 5 5

8 2) 1 3| 2 9 3] 17 7) 18

9 1 aU 2 1 10| 1} A 4 4

10 2 1 12h 1f 4 4 4

iit Sie at iat 5 4 3

Meteorological Observations.

XxvV

Abstract of the Results of the Tourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of April, 1865.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East,

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18 ft. 11 in,

Daily Means, &c., of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

os,

Bea

Date. r Fe RS

Sse

Inches.

1 29.885

2 | Sunday.

3 843

4 842

5 1885

6 814

7 .786

8 788

9 | Sunday.

10 811

11 825

12 872

13 897

14 .877

15 816

16 | Sunday.

17 729

18 824

19 879

20 -761

21 701

22 744A

23 | Sunday.

24 714

25 .706

26 .736

27 782

28 “729

29 .639

30 | Sunday.

dependent thereon,

Range of the Barometer

during the day.

Inches.

29.974

908

918

94:7

.888

.878

853

885

908

949

-985

-964

885

795

-905

-969

852

778

795

-786

786

.808

845

802

715

Min.

Inches.

29,802

789

735

811

737

715

731

-746

771

.785

.833

-794,

.731

675

716

809

664

622

673

647

629

653

693

637

526

Mean Dry Bulb

Thermometer.

fo)

Range of the Tempera.

ture during the day.

Max,

Min.

75.0

78.4

73.4

72.4

77.0

79.0

81.6

Diff.

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day,

XXVi Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of April, 1865.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—(Continued.)

5 : é 6 22 |s28 | 38

= | aan oO eee | ae

e 3° o ms > fo} ° oe me] Dry

2 o onl HES Bo} wo ies S mw Oo

E Ta eee cee

Dapeslity sate 2 A 35 S azo |S55| 82s

gaske 3s a. woe |S) 2 es

oo ‘2 | AN isa oS =54)| Do-m

Bol 3 |e free [Fe | bo Nee. | ee

ao a 3 gs | g¢% |250| 28

$a b 3 by SP S84 |sgaa] $35

= A ie) A = = 3 =

Co) Co) 0 0 Inches.| T. gr. | T. gr.

1 78.2 6.7 73.5 | 114 0.814 7 3.79 0.70

2 | Sunday.

3 74.8 8.8 68.6 | 15.0 695 7.44 4,59 62

4 75.5 8.3 69. 14.1 -720 whl .39 -64

5 72.6 7.8 67.1 | 13.3 -661 13 3.81 65

6 77.8 5.8 73.7 9.9 .819 8.78 25 -73

7 79.3 6.0 75.1 | 10.2 .857 9.15 49 12

8 80.8 6.7 76.8 | 10.7 905 61 88 offi

9 | Sunday.

10 78.0 9.5 72.3 | 15.2 783 8.32 5.17 62

11 77.6 8.6 71.6 | 14.6 .766 15 4.84 -63

12 77.7 7.4 72.5 } 12.6 787 Al 16 67

13 75.1 9.2 68.7 | 15.6 .697 7 AA 84 61

14 77.6 7.8 72.1 | 13.3 778 8.31 37 -66

15 77.8 7.9 72.3 | 13.4 .783 36 AA, 65

16 | Sunday.

17 74.9 6.6 70.3 | 11.2 «734 7.90 3.41 .70

18 75.9 6.7 AZ a Le, -756 8.12 56 70

19 77.8 6.6 Tew Na dil .806 .63 .68 .70

20 78.3 cal 13-3 ||) L21 .809 .63 4.05 68

21 79.9 6.3 75.5 | 10.7 868 9.25 3.74 sik

22 75.2 A, 4 72.1 5) 778 8.39 2.30 19

23 Sunday.

24 78.8 3.7 76.2 6.3 887 9.54 10 82

25 80.8 4.9 77.4 8.3 922 85 95 fice

26 80.8 5.6 76.9 9.5 908 .66 3.40 7A

27 78.9 5.7 74.9 7 .851 .09 .30 73

28 79.3 6.3 74.9 | 10.7 851 .08 .68 BA

29 78.6 6.4 W4.1 | 10.9 .830 8.87 66 71

30 Sunday.

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Meteorological Observations. XXVil

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of April, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

Suse. Range of the Barometer : = 5 Range of the Temperature

por : J ‘

eeilagt ice for each hour during Ae for each hour during

H BPS fu the month. bo the month,

our | Ha 2 G&

ao? . : eS ; ¢

aS | Max. Min. Diff, Sm | Max. Min. Diff.

= =

———— rt a

Inches. | Inches.} Inches.| Inches.| 0 ty) ° 0

eh 29,806 | 29.904 |29.700 | 0.204} 80.3] 834] 73.6 9.8

1 793 899 | .686 218 | 79.9} 83.0.) 73.8 9.2

2 -780 884 | .673 211) 79:0" 82.6 74.0 8.6

3 770 -878 | .642 .236 | 792) 826 73.8 8.8

4 771 875 | .646 .229 | 79.1 | 82.8 72.8 10.0

5 .790 898 651 247 78.5 82.6 72.8 9.8

6 804 913 652 261 78.5 82.4 72.4 10.0

7 .826 -930 659 271 79.6 84.0 72.6 11.4

8 848 962 .675 287 82.2 85.4 76.0 9.4

9 863 974 | .697 .277 | 85.2 | 87.8 79.4 8.4

10 864 .985 | .686 .299 | 87.6 st 6 82.0 7.6

11 854 IMs |) 678 .298 | 89.7 2.7 84.0 8.7

Noon, | .830 | .953| .651 | .302| 91.2 | 946| 85.7 8.9

al (99 936 | .623 318 ||) 92:3" | 970 86.4, 10.6

2 769 Okt -598 319 92.8 97.4 88.4 9.0

3 744 .883 558 325 92.6 98.2 84.0 14,2

4 729 855 | .543 312 | 91.0) 97.8 75.0 22.8

5 725 .836 526 310 89.6 96.2 73.8 22.4

6 740 543 .039 804 86.6 93,4 73.6 19.8

7 763 .900 .099 801 84,2 90.8 72.8 18.0

8 784 927 647 .280 82.9 86.8 73.8 13.0

9 805 931 694 237 81.7 85.0 73.8 11.2

10 815 .906 648 208 81.4 84.4 73.6 10.8

il S811 919 | .648 271 | 80.5 | 84.4 73.4 11.0

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther.

mometer Means are derived from the ‘Observations made at the several hours

during the month.

XXVUl Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteoroloyical Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of April, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—( Continued.)

2 3 = E S 28 ose | 33

a 5 Be HG g Pe |eos|Hes

» ms 2 & o-2 oe e | 623

ox ° 5 S 2 2s open 323

Hour. | 8 3 = "s ie =? a Dae be eo

FI 2 2 == @.2|3¢3

ES = = ao Ao Ba. aes BOM

o 8 a a AS eae Piper an merely. Sal Regie

zs b g po | > | $8. | sek) oes

& a io) fa) = Ee ON ae ae

0 o 0 0 Inches. |Troy grs.|Troy grs.

Mid- | yee | 3.7 | 740 | 63 | 0.827 | 8,93

nigit M F 1 ; 82 : 1.98 0.82

1 76.6 3.3 74.3 5.6 835 9.01 ive 84

2 76.3 3.2 74,1 5.4 -830 8.98 68 84

3 76.1 3.1 73.9 5.3 824 -92 64 85

4 76.4 2.7 74.5 4.6 -840 9.09 44 .86

5 75.6 2.9 73.6 4.9 819 8.84 ol .85

6 73.8 2.7 73.9 4.6 824 -92 43 .86

7} 76.4 3.2 74,2 5.4 832 9.00 .69 84

8 Wied 4,5 74.5 toll .840 .03 2.51 78

9 78.7 6.5 74.1 ileal 830 8.87 3.74 .70

10 79.2 8.4 74.2 13.4 832 .85 4.67 .66

11 79.6 10,1 73.5 16.2 814 62 5.75 60

Noon. 79.7 11.5 72.8 18.4 195 40 6.62 -56

1 79.8 12.5 72.3 20.0 «783 24 7.26 203

2 79.6 13.2 CLE 21.1 .768 -08 64 ool

3 79.5 13.1 71.6 21.0 766 05 08 52

4 78.8 12.2 71.5 19.5 763 04 6.89 04

5 78.5 TATE 71.8 17.8 Arial 15 18 Tey

6 78.0 8.6 72.8 13.8 795 AT 4.67 .65

7 77.6 6.6 73.0 11.2 801 57 3.67 .70

8 77.0 5.9 72.9 10.0 797 56 23 .73

9 76.8 4.9 73.4 8.3 S11 73 2.64 ALAS

10 76.8 4.6 73.6 7.8 817 9 A8 .78

i 76.5 4.0 73.7 6.8 819 83 ld .80

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants,

Meteorological Observations. XXIX

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of April, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, Xc.

ace one

ah la6.

rs) 3 aod f :

-| 23 |S & 2 | Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.

2 4S z| se of the Wind.

Ala” jase

o Inches

REO), 40. | 8. Cloudless till 1 p.m. “i & i afterwards.

Zl ie ve =| Sunday.

3) 138.4; ... |S. H.&S. Cloudy till 9.4, m. Scatd, clouds till 6 P.M.

i afterwards drizzled at 4 p. M.

4) 141.0) 0.73 |S. W. & 8. E, i till 9 a. Mm. “i till 4 p. uw. cloudy after-

wards, thundering, lightning, raining at

6-7-9 & 10 pe. mM, & hailstones fell between

5&6 P.M,

5} 132.0| ... | W.&S.&N. W. Litill 1p. mM. cloudless till 7 Pp. mM, i

afterwards.

6| 136.0) ... S.&S. EH. Scatd. clouds till 9 a. mM, “i till 3 Pp. mM.

cloudy afterwards, thundering, lightning

& raining between 6 & 7 P. M.

MW ABTA och | Se SH. Cloudless till 4 a, m, cloudy till 10 a. M.

cloudless afterwards.

8) 139.0) .. 8.&8.W. & W. Cloudy till 8 a. M. i till 8 Pp. m. cloudless

afterwards,

Sasa . =| Sunday.

10; 1360) J. | 8. W.&S. Cloudy till 9 a. m. cloudless afterwards.

Zl 141.0 - SESE We Flying clouds till 6 a. mM. cloudless after-

wards.

BA ASoD| ss | 8 Clondless till 5 p.m. cloudy afterwards.

a3; 132.0| . S.&8 W. \ till 7 a.m. 91 till 3 Pp. Mm. “i afterwards.

14) 134.5) ... |S. &58, W. Cloudy till 7 a, M. -i till6 Pp. mM. cloudless

afterwards,

fo tee0) ... | S.& 8. W. i till noon, cloudless afterwards,

IG} ae ww. =| Sunday.

a7) 136:5| ... |S. 8. &S8, i till 10 a. m. cloudy afterwards,

lightning at 9 & 11 Pp. uM.

18} 1382.0| 0.17 | E.&8.&S8. E. Cloudy till 4 a. mM. Scatd. clouds after-

t wards, raining & thundering at 4 Pp. M.

19)/131.0| .. | S.&S. W. Cloudy till 7 a. mM, “i & itillS ep. u,

cloudless afterwards.

BO 137.0} .. |S. &S. W. Cloudless till 2 a. Mm. i afterwards.

21! 132.8". 8. & 5S. W Yi till 4 A. M. cloudy till 8 a. um, i till 4

p, M. cloudless till 7 p. mM. cloudy &

lightning afterwards.

22) 127.5| 1.67 |S. &S. B. Scatd. clouds till 1 Pp. mu. cloudy afterwards,

raining between midnight & 1 a. mw. &

from 4: to 7 pe, M. thundering & lightning

: from 5 to 7 Pp. M.

75) A 1.36 | Sunday.

Mi Cirri, —i Strati, %i Cumuli, i Cirro strati, ~i Cumulo strati, .-i Nimbi

\ i Cirro cumuli,

XXX

Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,

in the month of April, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

General Aspect of the Sky.

Cloudless til 3 a.m. i & “i till 7 vp. uM,

cloudless afterwards.

Cloudless till 5 A. Mm. 11 & i afterwards.

Lithh4a.me-ié itil 2M. i till 6

p. M, cloudy afterwards, lightning at 7,

Cloudy till 11 4. mu. “i till7 P. u. cloud-

less afterwards, drizzling at 2 a.m. &1

Pp. M. lightning at midnight.

ni till 8'4. mM, -i afterwards,

Scatd. clouds till 6 p,m. cloudy afterwards,

raining between 9 & 10 P. M. lightning

& thundering from 8 to 10 p. mu,

4 ONe

& see!

OC jaa ; es

= Hig S| 2 2 of the Wind.

A) ae laed

o {Inches

24) 128.9]... |S. HE. &S8.

Pay) TBE S)| |! Wee SE

26 TSO sea dose

10 &1l pv. uM.

CA aeRO 55 BIS

28] 124.0] ... |S. (high.)

29) 127.0] 0.35 | 8.

30 wee =| Sunday.

Meteorological Observations. XXXi

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of April, 1865.

Montuty Resvrts.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. ee o. 29.795

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 a. M. on the 13th, e. 29.985

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 5 p. M. on the 29th, ee 29.526

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, o. es 0,459

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. oe ee ee 29.871

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. ee oe ees aly/

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ee =: 0,154

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. oe oe 84.5

Max, Temperature occurred at 3 P. M. on the 4th, oe oe 98.2

Min. Temperature occurred at 6 A. u. on the Sth, 5h ae 72.4

Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, ae we 25.8

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, oe «es oo 93.5

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. sd oe ee 77.8

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. ss 15.7

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. a aa 97.7

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 6.8

Computed Mean Dew-point forthe month, .. es ae 72.9

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, As 11.6

Inches

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. ve ce O47

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, se ee « 8.52

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, me 3.83

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.69

. Inches

Rained 8 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, és at 1.67

Total amount of rain during the month, ee ee aa 4.28

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. oe oo S.&S. W.

XXAXil Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of April, 1865.

Monrunty Resvurts.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.

= = g = a S = a ¢

} ic) i) S) Oo} .|o Of l|ot .lo

elas eal] |slels| .|slelelsis

Nie tz [ce | EB. | foi [oe |S.\c2 ls (oo IE lett lea 1S |S

No. of days

Midnight. 1 3) 417 i 1

1 1 4) 1918 1 1

2 2 2| 718 2 1} 1

3 1 2 1); 718 2 1

4 2} #15 2 2 1

5 2) 712 4 2 1

6 a 3 13 a 1

Zi i 5| fll 7 1

8 2 5 9 7 1 atl

9 1 4 9 ) a 1

10 1 3| 410 ff 3 3

11 it 1; #11 8 4

Noon. 3} fll 5 5 it

1 6| 410 6 3

2 i 6 7 8 3

3 9} | 7) 16) [3

4 5) Lil Alec (aes Ppl

5 1 4, 1116 3 1

6 2| 1 5} 2416 2

7 1 4) 1318 1 Wal

8 1 1 3} 917) 1] 2 1 i

9 1] 1j 3) 71s 1 2

10 1} 1; 2) [20) 17 1

Hdl U 3} (20 1

Meteorological Observations. XXX1

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor’ General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of May, 1865.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” Hust.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18 ft. 11 in.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

o 5 2

2oe Range of the Barometer = |Range of the Tempera-

fe) 5S during the day, co g tans during the day,

- cl ° ~

Date. eS 0 % g ra

$S%-| Mox. | Min. | Dif. | 2&4 | Max. | Min, | Dif.

a a

Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. 0 ° OF f| 6

1 | 29.542 | 29.609 | 29.452 | 0.157} 84.9 92.0 | 77.6 | 14.4

2 698 673 551 122] 85.6 92.6 | 79.4 | 13.2

3 507 625 .438 187 | 85.9 926 | 78.4 | 14.2

4 506 .589 447 .142-| 87.4 92.6 | 83.2 | 9.4

5 545 657 476 181 | 87.0 948 | 80.3 | 14.5

6 +682 .806 590 .216 | 81.9 93.4 | 73.0 | 20,4

7 | Sunday

8 .680 745 593 152 | 79.8 85.6 | 77.0 | 8.6

9 619 .678 534 144{ 81.9 | 898 | 74.9 | 149

10 643 739 .589 150 |- 79.8 | 863 | 73.0 | 13.3

11 610 .669 521 148 | 84.0 90.5 | 78.0 | 125

12 729 824 639 185 | 79.8 86.6 | 73.0 | 136

13 .799 854 725 129 | 83.3 89.0 | 77.0 | 12.0

14 | Sunday

15 707 .781 598; .183| 86.1 92.5 | 80.2 | 123

16 712 WWD .639 136 | 84.1 92.0 | 75.6 | 16.4

17 754 .826 684 142 | 84.0 92.1 | 76.8 | 15.3

18 764 823 WOU |.” ¥.122"h 86:4 92.4 | 79.6 | 12.8

19 .786 851 716 | 1185 | . 86.6 93.201 "82.0 | 41.2

20 767 844 674 170; 85.2 92.6 | 78.4) 14.2

21 | Sunday.,

22 87 .831 750 .081 | 79.8 87.8 | 76.6, 11.2

23 vig 844: .709 135 | 82.4 90,0) )77.1 G29

24 705 785 605 180 | 82.1 | 88.2 | 76.8 | 11.4

25 .639 692 543 149| 788 |. 846 | 768) 7.8

26 622 681 582 099 | 81.1 86.3 | 78.0 | 83

27 617 .652 565 .087 | 82.3 88.5 | 79.0} 95

28 | Sunday.

29 487 549 427 122 | 84.6 92.2 | 81.3 | 10.9

30 .459 501 415 086 | 85.1 91.5 | 80.6 | 10.9

31 486 520 442 078 | 83.4 87.8 | 81.4] 6.4

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

XXXIV Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of May, 1865.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—(Continued.)

s B = of 9 eat ee

o : : o s ee

= Ns 8 B. VieReniolies &

z S 2 5 > Sl Seer lo

=| o eS 5 - wo |e ole 2s

: E |. Bo| Seclorceen| « Seceuteeeh oaa

Date.| ™ . 2 a x 3 Bo |SE5] 3 x

338 : 2 Si: | ws |Eee) £8 s

oo a ia) = ae os = oe | Wows

eo = i Ss ez zo Sere CL

e Fe = epee 5. 8:3 na

so = 3S Es jens BoL ELS

as ra E PAY or $5 are) Oo Gs

a =) io) A a = 3 =

o 0 0. ers Inches. | 2. gr. | To gr:

1 798 5.1 AEN SVE 0.887 9.49 3.00 0.76

2 79.9 5.7 COD) etOrr 879 38 88 74

3 80.4 5.5 76.5 9.4 .896 57 30 74

4 82.2 52 79.1 8.3 .973 | 10.36 09 Er li'f

5 81.0 6.0 77 A 9.6 922 9.81 48 74

6 76.6 5.3 72.9 9.0 797 8.57 2.87 75

7 | Sunday.

8 76.3 3.5 73.8 6.0 822 .87 1.88 83

9 TES 4.6 741 7.8 .830 92 2.52 78

10 75.2 4.1 72.3 7.0 -783 46 13 80

iit 80.2 3.8 77.5 6.5 .925 9.90 27 -81

12 Theyas 4.7 71.8 8.0 771 8.31 44, arte

13 77.9 5.4 74,1 9.2 830 91 3.02 75

14 Sunday.

15 79.3 6.8 74.5 | 11.6 840 .96 99 69

16 78.8 5.3 75.1 9.0 857 9.17 .04 75

17 79.4 4.6 76.2 7.8 .887 51 2 66 .78

18 80.4 6.0 76.2 | 10.2 .887 A7 3.59 AS

19 80.1 6.5 762 | 10.4 .887 AT .67 72

20 78.9 6.3 74.5 | 10.7 .840 8.98 63 Ay/ll

21 Sunday.

22 - 77.0 2.8 75.0 4.8 854 9,22 1.53 .86

23 78.5 3.9 75.8 6.6 .876 Al 2.20 81

24 78.5 3.6 76.0 6.1 .882 48 .03 82

25 76.6 2.2 75,1 Bye 857 27 1.17 89

26 77.8 3.3 75.5 5.6 868 35 82 84

27 79:9 2.4 78.2 4.1 946: |" TONG | Aad .88

28 Sunday.

29 81.0 3.6 78.5 6.1 955 2.3 2.16 83 \

80 80.9 4.2 | 78.0 Tedd 940 -05 52 .80

31 80.8 2.6 79.0 4.4 -970 AZ 1.54 87

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Meteorological Observations. XXKV

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of May, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

Me .

‘S $5 | Range of the Barometer = 3 Range of the Temperature

aga for each hour during mg for each hour during

H oe the month. bo the month.

eee —| 4:

ao? ‘ £ 2 . é

$34 | Max. Min. Diff. | §& | Max. Min. Diff.

= =

Inches. | Inches.; Inclies.. Inches. o on} o °

Mid- {99.661 ! 29.827 {29.465 | 0.362 | 80.6 85.0, 768 8.2

night, * Fn . , . A . . . .

1 651 811 458 353 80.2 85.0 75.4 9.6

2 .635 804 447 307 79.8 85.0 73.0 12.0

3 642 -806 463 843 796 84.8 73.6 11.2

4 .630 -808 445 .363 79.7 83.8 73.2 10.6

5 651 +824 449 375 79.5 84.0 73.6 10.4

6 .667 -826 468 358 79.7, 83.8 73.6 10.2

7 .681 -832 ATT 13855 80.7 84.6 73.0 11.6

8 .693 842 A75 .367 82.7 87.0 74,2 12.8

9 -705 -854 492 .862 84.7 88.8 74.3 14.5

10 -702 .851 497 854 86.2 90.3 76.0 14.3

it .692 843 A82 361 87.5 92.0 77.9 14,1

Noon 671 .827 473 854 88.6 92.6 80.8 11.8

1 .650 .806 445 361 88.7 93.6 77.3 16.3

2 .625 (784 427 1357 88.8 94.3 77.5 16.8

3 .605 773 418 355 88.5 94.8 76.4 18.4

4 .587 .750 415 335 878 94.8 77.3 17.5

5 592 .759 423 336 86.5 94.4 78.0 16.4

6 .601 .753 429 324 84.6 90.2 77.8 12.4

7 .626 ACH 446 .325 82.7 87.9 75.6 12.3

8 645 773 { 454 .319 81.6 87.7 75.6 12.1

9 .661 .786 469 317 81.3 86.7 76.3 10.4

10 .678 .815 .486 .329 81.1 85.6 75.8 9.8

at 674 824 A473 ol 80.6 85.0 73.0 12.0

| |

$$.

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours

during the month. .

XXXVI Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of May, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon,—( Continued.)

arg ae

i 3

a | oe

‘ ou ° o

Hour. es 8 3 S

g = 3

= ee)

| 2 | a z.

= 3 be g

a a 3

° ° 0

Mid- | 76 | 3.0 | 75.5

night.

i 77.5 2.7 75.6

2 77.2 2.6 75.4

3 77.0 2.6 75.2

4 77.3 2.4 75.6

5 77.8 2.2 758

6 ides 2.4 (Ee

7 77.9 28 75.9

8 78.9 3.8 76.2

9 79.9 4.8 76.5

10 80.4 58 76.3

11 80.9 6.6 76.9

Noon. 81.2 7 A, 76.8

1 81.3 7A 76.9

2 81.2 7.6 76.6

3 80.9 7.6 76.3

4 80.6 7.2, 763

5 79.9 6.6 75.9

6 79.5 Ball 75.9

7 78.4 4.3 45.4

8 77.6 4.0 74.8

9 CT 3.6 75.2

i0 77.9 3.2 at,

11 kod 2.9 75.7

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Dry Bulb above Dew

———— |— | |

Mean Plastic forceo

0.868

871

865

.860

871

.876

871

879

.887

.896

.890

.908

905

-908

899

890

-890

879

.879

865

849

-860

873

.873

Mean Weight of Va-

pour in a Cubic foot

Vapour required for

Additional Weight of

complete saturation.

1.64

-20

2.20

3.49

4.33

384

3.74

2.99

1.98

-60

Mean degree of Hu-

midity, complete satu-

ration being unity.

Meteorological Observations. XXXVIL

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of May, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.

gg (25

° Pc] SeOcd

.| 2:3 |S & 8) Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.

2| #3 |838] of the Wind.

Ala” |ged

0 |Inches.

1) 125.8) 0.48 | S, (high.) Cito8a.mM. Scatd. Xi & -ito4r. mM

overcast afterwards, Rain from 7 to 9

P. M.

2) 129.0; ,.. |S. &S8. W. (high.) | Overcast to 8 a.m. %i to 5 p.m. Scud.

afterwards. Thin rain at 1 a, M.

3; 123.0} 0.89 | S.& 8. W. (high.) | Overcast to 4 a. M. “i to 10 a. mM. Seud to

2 Pp. m. Overcast afterwards. Rain be-

tween 5 &6pr.M. Thunder & lightning

from 7 to 9 Pp, M.

4| 127.8) ... |S. (high) &S. EB. | -ito4 a.m. Scatd. oi & “i afterwards

lightning at 8 P. M.

5] 182.7; ... |S. &S. W. Overcast to 9 a. m. Scatd. ni & “i to 5

P. M, overcast lightning & thunder after-

wards. Thinrainat6a.m.&7&8 P.M.

6, 127.0)) .. |S.E.&S.&E. Overcast light rain at 6, 7 & 11 p. mM. thun-

1,46 der at 6 & 11 P. M. lightning at 11 P.M.

ileneh Sunday.

8) 124.0} 0.36 |S. E,&N. Overcast to 7 a. mM. Scatd. “i & “i to 6

p. M. “i afterwards. Rain from 1 to3

P. M. thunder at 2 P, M.

9) 125.0) 0.62 |}S.&S.8.&8.W.|-i& ito5 rp. m. overcast afterwards.

Rain, thunder & lightning at 8 Pp. M.

10) 126.0) 1.65 /|}S.&8. W. Overcast to 11 a. M. Scatd. 91 & “i to 6

P. M, overcast afterwards. Rain from 2

to 7 A. M. thunder & lightning from 1 to

7 A.M.

11) 120.0) 0.97 |S. Scatd. 11 & “ito 5 p. M. overcast after-

wards. Rain at8 &9p. mM. thunder &

lightning from 7 to 10 P. M,

12) 121.6) 0.98 |S. EH. & E. & N. W.| Overcast to 7 a. mM. Seatd. 11 & “i after-

wards. Rain from 2 to 7 a. M, lightning

at midnight & 2 a, m. thunder at 2,6 &

7 a.M.

Moiet25.0) E.& N.E. Scatd. 911i & -ito4a.mM, “i to 9 a, M,

i to 5 p. M. cloudless afterwards.

14)... | ... | Sunday.

do) 135:0! ... S.E. & 8. Cloudless to 4 A. M, “ito 8 A.M, i after-

wards,

16) 183.0) 0.71 |S. &S. E. Scatd. \i & ito 6p. M. overcast after-

wards. Rain from 6 to 8 P.M. lightning

from 8 to 10 P. M.

LALAT Olle tes, [Se & Sa We Scatd, 1i & “i to9a.M. oi to4d Pe. M.

overcast afterwards, lightning at 9 P. M.

Ni Cirri, —i Strati, \i Cumuli, \i Cirro-strati, ~i Cumulo-strati, .-i Nimbi

Wi Cirro cumuli,

XXXVill

Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of May, 1865.

| Max. Solar

radiation.

Rain Gauge

5 feetabove

Ground.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

Prevailing direction

of the Wind.

E. & variable.

E.&8.&S.E.

E.&8.H.&S8.,

Sunday.

S.B.&8. & W.

General Aspect of the Sky.

Overcast almost all day: Lightning from

7 to 10 p. u. thunder at 8 & 9 2. M, light

rain at 11 P, M.

Scatd. 1i & -i to 6 P. M. overcast after-

wards,

Overcast to 6 A. u. Oi & i afterwards,

Scatd. “i & i whole day, Rain at 6, 8,

10 a.m. 2 & 3 p. M, thunder at 10 a. m,

lightning at 9 Pp. M.

Scatd. “i & i to 7 p. m. cloudless after-

wards. Thin rain between Noon & 1

P. M.

Cloudless to 3 a. M. Scatd. 91& ito noon

overcast afterwards. Rain at 10 a.m.

1,5, 6,8 & 9p. u. lightning & thunder

from 5 to 10 Pp. mM.

Overcast allday. Rain from noon to 5 P.M.

i to 5 A. M. overcast to 7 P. M. “i after-

wards, rain between 9 & 10 a. M.

Scatd, 1 & i to7 Pp. mM. cloudless after-

wards. Rain at 3 A. M. noon to 2 P. M,

Scatd. 91& ito 2 p. M. overcast to 7 P.M.

cloudless afterwards. Rain atl a. Mm.

& at 4,5 Pp. M.

Scatd. 91 & i drizzled at 3 P. Mu.

ito 3 A. M. overcast to 5 Pp. mM. Seatd. 71

& iafterwards. Rain from 10 a, M.

to 2 P. M.

Meteorological Observations. XXXix

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

~ taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of May, 1865.

Montuty Resvrts.

; Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. ee os 29.651

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 9 a. M. on the 13th, -- 29.854

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 4 Pp. M. on the 30th, es 29.415

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, oe «- 0.439

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures, .. or ee ee 29.719

Ditto ditto Min: ditto, .. ae ee +» 29.578

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ee «=, 141

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ee ee 83.4

Max. Temperature ocewred at 3 &4P.M.onthe 5th, .. oe 94.8

Min. Temperature occurred at 7 a. M. on the 10th, sc ma 73.0

Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, Ae on 21.8

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, Ae ee os 90.3

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. oc oe 80 78.0

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. we 12.8

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ve sp 78.9

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 4.5

Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. ae ee 75.7

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, ae Lf

Inches

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. mc so. OLS7S

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, 56 AC ne 9.36

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, ee 2.60

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.78

Inches

Rained 22 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, ae an 247

Total amount of rain during the month, ae as =e 15.94

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. os ee 8. &5S. E.

xl Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,

in the month of May, 1865.

Monruny Resvuuts.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.

Ss} .|6 Ss] 1S] |S] 5) |Sp-lée sid

elale gla)s] |SiEl|e| .|sE Sle lal2

wldlal2| &. lalate leslie lelelelsieis

No. of days.

Midnight. i 1 4 13 4

1 ik 3 3 13 3

2 1 2 3 iUsf ag) ab

3 il 2 1 6) 14 8 4

4, 1 2 5 10 3} 1

5 2); 1 5 6 7 3

6 i 4) 1 5 7 6} 1j 2

th it 1 8) 11 6 8 2

8 | 2| 1 8 7 6 4

9 A 6 9 6 5

10 7| 1] 6} 1111) 2) 3

11 5 vi 10 3

Noon. aa 3) 2)-7) [11 5

1 4| 2) 5) 17 9) 1] 5] 1

2 ih ah 3} 1} 2 nee Meal M4) oa

3 Auge dl 2) 1) 4) 1/14) 1) 6

4 2) 1 4) 115 14 2

5 1 3] 2) 2) 1) 7, $12 at

6 2} 1f 3] | 8! afi] a} 2) 2

of ale at tal 3 9} 1911

8 4 8} 1712) 2} 2) 2

9 ah 3 6) 1715) 2) 1

10 1 2 if 16 il

il aN al 2 8 12 3] 1

Meteorological Observations. xli

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of June, 1865.

Latitude 22° 3371” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18 ft. 11 in,

Daily Means, &c, of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

O35 =r :

2c Range of the Barometer a S |Range of the Tempera-

"Sp 3 a during the day. > & ture during the day,

oe a

Deve. | HAS +e as

222 | Max. | Min. | vie. | 32 | Max. | Min. | Din.

a A

Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. 0 Cy o °

1 29.526 | 29.582 | 29.491 0.091 83.9 90.8 80.2 | 10.6

2 085 633 -539 094 84.2 89.0 80.4 | 8.6

3 634 692 574 118 87.0 91.4 82.8 | 86

4 | Sunday.

5 646 701 71 130 88.3 93.6 83.4 | 10.2

6 -663 722 593 129 | 88.4 94.4 83.2 | 112

7 +670 740 .589 151} 88.3 94.6 83.8 | 10.8

8 617 .688 539 | 149 88.6 94.4 84.2 | 10.2

9 517 .569 433 136 88.4 | 93.0 850 | 8.0

10 AQL 567 449 118 87.5 91.8 84.0 | 7.8

11 572 .628 511 sual 84.7 87.8 82.8 | 5.0

12 581 632 510 122 | 86.4 95.4 80.0 | 15.4

13 523 572 447 | 125] 848 92.3 80.5 | 11.8

14 478 524 .418 106 86.5 92.4 80.8 | 11.6

15 484 526 446 .080 83.9 86.7 82.0 | 4.7

16 495 41 439 102 82.5 87.1 79.6 | 7.5

17 456 488 AlL 077 81.5 83.2 80.4 | 2.8

18 451 533 405 128 79.7 81.0 78.6 | 2.4

19 561 642 495 147 82.0 86.7 ee) |, NOE

20 ° 643 .700 597 .103 85.8 91.2 81.4] 9.8

21 .636 674 580 | 094 87.4 93.2 83.1 | 10.1

22 615 662 567 095 88.2 93.8 84.0 | 9.8

23 573 Aa 502 117 89.0 95.0 84.2 | 10.8

24 543 .607 A491 116 88.3 96.0 81.0 | 15.0

25 538 .600 AZ1 129 89.0 96.0 85.4 | 10.6

26 .567 605 .510 .095 87.8 94.2 84.2 | 10.0

27 552 613 468 145 88.9 95.4 84.3 | 11.1

28 -590 551 408 143 86.2 89,0 83.4 5.6

29 433 492 370 122 85.2 90.8 82.2 | 8.6

30 417 507 B52 +155 84.2 88.8 82,0 | 6.8

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther

mometer Meaus are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

xiii Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the TIourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of June, 1865.

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—( Continued.)

a : - E S Be aq 3 3

Fa 3 a a 2 a Wee ss

i= £ o = pe Sa eal ts

3 ae 8 ze «3 |SSiel > 22

a 5 A =, ° Le |.2o8 ae

Dates der ou 2 A S a) BEE 2 Fes

38 is s 2 Sa | 3S |S ore

ES < 2 B.; aa = 5 Si a 4 oS

e ay FS ap: a st 8 ae

ao a io) as as ‘Soul eFLnS

oA Be E PAY a> | 88 |2ee] Bas

a a o a a = Z z

0) o O) 0 Inches.| T. gr. | T. gr

1 80.9 3.0 78.8 5.1 0.964 | 10.34 1.79 0.85

2 81.1 3.1 78.9 5.3 967 37 87 85

3 82.6 4.4 80.0 7.0 1.001 66 2.63 80

4 | Sunday.

5 82.5 5.8 79.0 9.3 0.970 381 3.49 75

6 82.6 5.8 “On 9.3 973 84 .50 75

al 82.7 5.6 79.3 90 979 .40 .40 75

8 82.9 5.7 795 hil -986 AT 45 75

9 84.0 4.4 81.4 7.0 1.047 | 11.11 2.73 80

10 82.9 |. 4.6 80.1 7.4 005 | 10.69 -80 ao)

11 80.3 4.4 77.2 7.5 0.916 979 63 The

12 81.6 4.8 78.2 8.2 946 | 10.09 97 77

13 80.8 4.0 78.0 6.8 -940 05 Al 81

14 81.6 4.9 78.7 7.8 961 24 86 78

15 81.4 2.5 79.6 4.3 989 .60 1.53 87

16 80.0 2.5 78.2 4.3 946 ab? AT 87

17 79.7 1.8 78.4 3.1 952 .25 .06 91

18 78.5 12 CALE 2.0 931 06 0.66 94

19 79.3 2.7 77.4 4.6 922 9.91 1.56 86

20 82.2 3.6 M7 6.1 992 | 10.59 2.24 83

21 83.2 4.2 80.7 6.7 1.024 89 56 81

22 83.8 4.4 81.2 7.0 040 | 11.05 vA .80

23 84.3 4.7 81.5 7.5 050 13 95 79

24 83.2 5.1 80.1 8.2 -005 | 10.67 3.13 at

25 84.4 4.6 81.6 7.4 053 | 11.18 2.90 79

26 83.3 4.5 80.6 7.2 021 | 10.86 74 80

27 83.3 5.6 WS 9.0 0.998 59 3.45 75

28 83.1 3.1 80.9 5.3 1.030 SN) 2.00 85

29 81.8 3.4 79.4 5.8 0.983 49 12 83

30 81.5 2.7 79.6 4.6 -989 58 1.66 :

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

Meteorological Observations.

xiii

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Oaleutta,

in the month of June, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

Hour,

Mean Height of

the Barometer

at 32° Faht.

Inches.

29.564

543

527

533

042

555

572

582

591

—

Oa” ae

mon re

KFOCONAN

load

084

570

552

082

513

497

496

508

.525

548

567

578

i=]

RPOUOMNTAMNS Whe

590 -

Range of the Barometer

for each hour during

the month,

Max.

Inches.

29.684.

682

677

-667

653

669

689

706

1737

-740

728

122

dependent thereon,

Min.

Inches.

29.416

404

898

391

1389

395

417

A29

438

432

429

426

405

384

369

356

352

.366

370

B85

394

405

426

432

Diff,

Inches.

0.268

278

279

276

264

274

202

277

299

308

.299

296

805

801

.290

.282

262

-250

243

242

.265

278

.262

.260

Mean Dry Bulb

Thermometer,

Range of the Temperature

for each hour during

Max.

the month,

Min.

Diff,

SO OUST: ST

CUDoa~ &

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther.

mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours

during the month.

‘liv

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

Meteorological Observations.

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of June, 1865.

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

a a wey EB Ss

3 2 a= S =

o A °

"a "4 ie :

ape 8 5 3 ‘8

Hour, = s 3 Aa < = .

| 2 3 23 | ee

=e) EI = Ble Fo

& 8 FQ a. AAs he

so be g bay SS

SS =) ° i

& a iS) (a) =

° ° ° to) Inches.

ee 81.6 | 23 | 80.0 | 39 | 1.001

ak 81.3 2.2 79.8 3.7 0.995

2 81.2 2.0 79.8 3.4 .995

3 81.0 1.9 79.7 3,2 -992

4 81.0 1.9 79.7 3.2 -992

5 80.9 2.0 79.5 3.4 -986

6 81.1 1.9 79.8 3.2 .995

7 81.2 2.5 79.4, 4.3 -983

8 81.8 3.3 79.5 5.6 .986

9 82.2 4.3 79.6 6.9 .989

10 82.7 5.1 79.6 8.2 .989

11 83.1 5.7 79.7 9.1 .992

Woon. 83.1 6.7 79.1 10.7 973

af 83.5 6.8 79,4 10.9 983

2 83.4 7.0 79.2 11,2 .976°

3 83.4 7.0 79.2 11.2 .976

4 83.1 65 79.2 10,4 .976

5) 82.6 6.0 79.0 9.6 .970

6 82.0 533 78.8 8.5 964

Fh 82.0 AL 79.1 7.0 973

8 81.7 3.5 79.2 6.0 976

9 81.7 3.1 79.5 5.3 .986

10 81.7 2.7 79.8 4.6 .995

11 81.6 2.6 79.8 4.4, .995

All the Hygrometiiical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.

dependent thereon,—( Continued.)

pour in a Cubic foot

Mean Weight of Va-

of air.

Troy grs.|Troy grs.

10.72

.66

.69

Vapour required for

complete saturation,

$$$ —r—r—r—r—r—r—r—r—r———————————————— a ror

Additional Weight of

Mean degree of Hu-

midity, complete satu-

ration being unity.

Meteorological Observations. xlv

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of June, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &e.

Ed | SE

o2 |sad

= We |e 2 of the Wind,

Ala” ae

0 |Inches

1) 123.0} 0.30 | E.&S.E.&S8. Overcast nearly the whole day. Lightning

towards 8S. from 7 toll p.m. Rain at

11 P. M.

PNP 0.09 |S. &8. W. Overcast. Light rain between Noon & 1

p.M. Thunder & Lightning at midnight

&1la.m.2,5&8 P.M.

8/ 128.0) ... |S. &S. W. Overcast to 6 A, M. Seud afterwards.

ANN oats uae Sunday

5} 129.6) ..: |8.&S8S.W. Cloudless to 7 A. M. i afterwards.

Sisto... | 8. Cito6a.mM.%ito2~p. uM. ~“i& %ito7 vm,

Cloudless afterwards, ‘

74115310 | a eS Cloudless to 2 a.m, “ito 6 A. M. i to

6 p. M. overcast afterwards,

8-230:0:|.... |S. Scud to 9 a, M. “ito 5 Pp, M. Seud after-

wards,

9) 124.2) .., Ss. Scud to 2 4. M. overcast to8 a.m. i & 2

i afterwards.

10) 124.0| ,.. |S.&S. E. Overcast to 3 A.M. X1& ito 1 P. M. over-

cast afterwards. Thin rain at 1 a. M.

AY ns ae S.E.&E. &S, Overcast. Drizzled at 1 a. m.

12) 134.0; 0.91 |S. W. & LE. Light clouds to6 a.m. “-i& “ito4p.M.

overcast afterwards. Rain at 6,8 & 9 *

P.M. Thunder at 6 P. mM.

13] 129.6| 0.10 |S.W.&N.& W. | Overcast to8 a, mM.7i & “i to 6 P. mM.

Overcast afterwards, light rain from 7 to

10 Pp. M.

14) 126.8} ... | W.&S. W.&S., Light clouds to 2.4, Mm. “ito 114. M. i

& i afterwards.

DELS sree 0.53 | 8. & 8. W. i to 3 A. M. overcast afterwards. Rain

at 6. & 7 A. M. noon, 3 & 4 P. M.

16) ... 1.16 | W. &8. W. Overeast, Rain from 1 to 3 a.m, light

rain at 1 p. mM. & from 7 to 10 P. M.

IZ bea ces 0.14 | W. & S. W. _Overeast. Light rain after intervals.

WSs | *2.62 | W. & S. W. Oyereast. Rain whole day. Lightning at

10 P. M.

19)... |71.26)5S. W.&S. ree Light rain from Midnight to

A, M.

20} 129.0) 0.41 |S. &S. W. Overcast to 7 A.M. i& -itoll a. uM, “i

& “iafterwards, Rainatl & 4 a, mM.

& at 5 P.M.

Ni Cirri, —i Strati, \i Cumuli, -i Cirro-strati, ~i Cumulo-strati, -i Nimbi,

“ni Cirro cumuli.

* Fell from 9 vp. M, of the 17th to Noon of the 18th,

+ Fell from 1 pv, M. of the 18th to 7 a. M. of the 19th,

xlvi

Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of June, 1865.

[ Max. Solar

radiation.

ie)

aa!

130.2

133.0

138.0

128.0

127.0

137.0

120.8

Rain Gauge

5 feet above

Ground.

Inches

0.12

Solar Radiation, Weather, &e,

Prevailing direction

of the Wind.

———

8. &S8. E.

S.E. & E.

E. & S. & variable.

E.&N. E.

S.E.&N,E.&E,

General Aspect of the Sky.

—_—

Light clouds to 8 A. M. Cito 4p. uM. “ito

7 p. u. cloudless afterwards.

Cloudless to 4 A. M. i afterwards.

Y-ito4Aa.M.; light clouds to noon, “i

afterwards,

Overcast to 10 A.M. Mi & “ito 4P.M. Vi

& Oiafterwards. Rain at6&7 a. mM.

Lightning towards W. at midnight.

Cloudless to 5 A. M. 91 to 3 P. M. overcast

to 8 p. Mm. 91 & -i afterwards.

“id %ito3 Pp. M. overcast afterwards;

Lightning towards 8. at 8 P.M. Light

rain at 9 Pp. M.

i & -ito8 A.M. ito 7 P. M. cloudless

afterwards.

Cloudless to 3 A. M. overcast to 3 P. M. 91

& i afterwards: Light rain from noon

to 3 P.M.

i & Mito 8 A. M. overcast to6P. M. Oi

& -iafterwards. Rain at 3 P.M. 4

Overcast. Rain after intervals from noon

to ll Pp. M.

Meteorological Observations. xlvii

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of June, 1865.

Montuty Resvpts.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. = -. 29.550

Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 9 A. M. on the nth, e. 29.740

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 4 Pp. M. on the 30th, es 29.352

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, od ae 0.388

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. ee . ee 29.607

Ditto ditto Man; ditto, <. 4 ste es 29.489

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the maith, ae sa OLS

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ae ee 86.1

Max. Temperature occurred at 4 P. M. on the 24th, oe “3 96.0

Min. Temperature occurred at 5 A. M. on the 19th, Ae a 77.0

Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, ae —_ 19.0

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, hie ae wa 91.3

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. ir ee “ie 82.2

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. ee 9.1

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. bs ne 82.1

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 4.0

Computed Mean Dew-point forthe month, .. ae pe 79.3

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, Se 6.8

‘ Inches

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, * hie a 10.44

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, Aa 2.51

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.81

Inches

Rained 17 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, iG ae 2.62

Total amount of rain during the month, + 2 st 8.63

Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. ee ae S.&8. W.

xlviii Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of June, 1865.

Montuty REsv.ts.

Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.

Rain on.

N. E.

Midnight.

Mell sell sell nell ell OS)

WAT wde

BEEP eee ep

BDH

wrwreww wODeH He

DNF NrPwWKENYNWEE

LOL

DOETAMMWWWNNWEW

PBOonrnwneswnwhd ke

PERE NENDHED NH

i =o? 2)

pee

Noon.

Dore

e bo

—

(oolllaed

eH po

iS) co ore bo

Hep eH

xe)

bo et

FPOUVONornskWNe

Herero mh woow bt

oww es we wpb & wp

Woh SP LONITA Doin

NwWwwWNNHNHEHENDe

BPH ee

—\

Hee e

a Fe

Meteorological Observations. xlix

Abstract of the Results of the Howrly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of July, 1865.

Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.

Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18 ft, 11 in,

Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon. ;

65 2

2os Range of the Barometer = 5 {Range of the Tempera-

bo 5 2 during the day. re 3 ture during the day,

o eA A z

Date. e ae 5 ;

s+ | Max. | Min. | Dif, aa Max. | Min. | Diff.

a =

Inches. | Inches, | Inches. | Inches. 0 0 ° 0

1 29.523 | 29.584 | 29.465 0.119 84.3 88.6 80.8 7.8

2 550 -590 487 103 85.2 90.8 SL |k D1

3 548 .596 A477 119 85.5 92.6 82.0 | 10.6

4 494 573 417 156 85.0 | 89.5 82.0 7.6

5 445 A484 381 103 84.6 88.5 81.4 Gil

6 «455 -490 410 -080 | 84.6 88.3 S16) * 627

v4 440 A484 .380 104 83.7 86.9 81.6 5.3

8 434 483 .388 095 | 83.4 | 88.0 | 80.2] 7.8

9 457 506 ALL .095 84.2 89.0 81.0 8.0

10 494} 547; .456| .091| 9854 | 914 | 816] 98

11 5389 .605 A82 123 83.8 90.1 78.0 | 12.1

12 522 C7 44h 133 81.4 85.0 78.4 6.6

13 512 .553 465 .088 84.2 91.2 81.4 9.8

14 537 2092 483 109 84.8 90.6 79.0 | 11.6

15 535 .587 .482 105 82.6 85.6 79.6 6.0

16 524 -562 486 .076 825 87.1 79.2 7.9

nn | .536 .587 495 .092 82.7 85.6 80.0 5.6

18 558 597 003 094 84.2 87.4 81.8 5.6

19 .540 -585 479 -L06 85.4 90.5 81.4 9.1

20 .582 631 0386 .095 85.2 88.6 82.6 6.0

21 .598 .656 0387 119 85 3 88.9 82.9 6.0

22 .604 655 007 098 85.7 90.8 82.5 8.3

23 .640 699 585 114 85.2 89.6 80.2 9.4

24 .687 .739 .628 All 83.5 89.0 79.8 9.2

25 725 774 .666 -L08 81.7 83.8 80 2 3.6

26 .719 772 678 094 83.4 88 4 79.5 8.9

27 .708 758 .659 .099 83.2 87.7 79.8 7.9

28 .749 .803 .700 .103 83.3 87.6 79.4: 8.2

29 759 .798 707 O91 82.1 85.2 78.5 6.7

30 714 772 646 .126 82.0 88.4 Tiga 1d..0

31 .678 .726 601 125 82.6 88.6 78.8 9.8

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.

1 Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

. in the month of July, 1865.

Duily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—(Continued.)

s E = Eee

. o ~

2 3 2 a 4 I 0S EE

= 8 2 p> 2 ARM as SS

2 Pa = 4g) ee SEIN || Peri So

3 > ze 3 oS |mes| Sas

a 8 2 % 2 ree Foes) = | eae

pen (et ee Pe eS |) ene

ee |i 4 | G8 eho ee eee ce

Fs 3 a Ae 9 | BO |8ee) See

a6 Fa a ae Sl ep gs% |286| sB6

38 mb 5 aly Se $84 |3228.] S35

a A S) a) a = = =

o 0 ° o Inches, | Digr |i

al 81.4 2.9 79.4 4.9 0.983 | 10.51 ae

2 81.9 3.3 79.6 5.6 989 56 :

3 82.1 3.4 79.7 5.8 992 59 5

4 81.9 3.1 79.7 5.3 992 61

5 81.8 2.8 79.8 4,8 995 64

6 81.4 3.2 79.2 5.4 976 45

7 80.7 3.0 78.6 51 -958 28

8 80.1 3.3 77.8 5.6 934 OL

9 79.8 4.4 76.7 7.5 902 9.64

10 81.0 4.4 "79 7.5 937 | 10.00

aby 80.5 3.3 78.2 5.6 946 13

12 79.5 1.9 78.2 3.2 946 as)

13 81.3 2.9 79.3 4.9 979 48

14 81.3 3.5 78.8 6:08 964 31

15 80,4: 2.2 78.9 3:7 .967 39

16 79.9 26 78.1 4.4 943 14

17 79.9 2.8 77.9 4.8 .937 06

18 81.4 2.8 79.4 4.8 . .983 51

19 81.3 4.1 78 4 7.0 952 17

20 81.8 3.4 79.4 5.8 .983 49

21 81.8 3.5 79:3 6.0 .979 46

22 81.5 4.2 78.6 ial! .958 23

23 81.1 4.1 78.2 7.0 946 11

24 80.8 2.7 78.9 4.6 .967 37

25 19.7 2.0 78.3 34 949 22

26 80.7 2.7 78.8 4.6 964 34

27 80.4 2.8 78.4 4.8 952 21

28 80.7 2.6 78.9 4,4. 967 39

29 79.6 2.5 77.8 4.3 934: 05

30 79.6 2.4 77.9 4.1 937 08

31 79.7 2.9 hh 4.9 931 .00

Meteorological Observations. li

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

‘in the month of July, 1865. :

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.

S 2 |; | Range of the Barometer = 3 Range of the Temperature

Bq = for each hour during £9 s for each hour during

H oe the month. bo the month.

our, cae a o a 8

go”? 5 : a3 : :

$4 | Max. | Min. Diff. Se, | Max. Min, Diff.

= =

Inches. | Inches.} Inches.| Inches. to) 0 0 o

Mid- | 29.587 | 29.778 82.1

night i : 29.4382 | 0.346 A 84,0 774 6.6

al 574 .761 421 .340 82.0 83.8 77.9 5.9

2 563 756 .410 3846 81.9 83.8 77.8 6.0

3 554 737 .395 42 81.7 83.4 77.8 5.6

4 564 .740 3893 847 81.6 83.5 77.8 5.7

5 .561 «752 .388 864 81.5 83.4 77.9 5.5

6 577 .765 .409 B56 81.6 83.0 78.0 5.0

Us 591 777 | 421 356 | 82.2 | 84.0 79.2 4.8

8 604 .790 438 .852 83.6 85.4 80.2 5.2

9 615 803 A76 B27 84.7 87.5 81.8 5.7

10 615 .803 .469 334 85.8 88.9 81.9 7.0

11 608 798 457 341 86.5 90.4 80.8 9.6

Noon 595 788 444 344 86.8 91.4 82.2 9.2

i) .576 .768 431 337 87.4: 92.6 82.6 10.0

2 .053 737 413 B24 87.2 91.4 83.2 8.2

3 .535 .729 | .380 349 87.1 91.2 83.1 8.1

4 525 Ayala! 381 .330 86.2 90.0 81.4 8.6

5 527 -708 381 227 85.8 89.4 80.2 9.2

6 .535 .739 384 .355 84.4: 87.6 79.4 8.2

7 553 753 A414 339 83.2 86.4 79.8 6.6

8 577 Att 431 .340 82.9 85.8 79.4 6.4

9 594 .789 A445 344 82.4: 84.8 78.6 6.2

10 .606 793 458 .3835 82.3 84.6 78.0 6.6

11 .606 +784 468 316 82.2 84,4 78.1 6.3

The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-

mB&meter Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours

uring the month.

lit Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,

in the month of July, 1865. °

Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements

dependent thereon.—( Continued.)

oe ewe. ee

i) A rs) = e055 Sp

ede | @ he Sula || sea eee

ous ° ° ° 2s Osea ee

ner, BS | 2 | Boe ) S| ec | eee

g 2 3 So; as os S eeeeall coy eal

~ es 3 3 as AS6 Bao) eee Coo

S 3 ~Q a As rt ey er =” Oo Sma

= 3 > 8 po | S> | $50 |5 58 | S88

S La} ° x Bo a> § = 2

= a is) Q = = a as

° ° ° ° Inches. |Troy grs. Troy grs.

nent 80.1 | 20] 737 | 3410961 | 1035 | 136 | 0.90

il 80.0 2.0 786 3.4 -958 -o2 15

2 79.9 2.0 78.5 3.4 -955 .29 15

3 79.7 2.0 78.3 3.4 -949 22 15

4 79.6 2.0 78.2 3.4 946 19 15

5 796 1.9 78.3 3.2 -949 122 09

6 OME 1.9 78.4 3.2 2952 .25. .09

7 80.1 2.1 78.6 3.6 .958 .30 «24

8 80.8 2.8 78.8 4.8 964 34 .69

9 81.2 3.5 18.7 6.0 -961 29 2,13

10 81.6 4,2 78.7 Fail 961 .26 57

11 81.9 4.6 79.1 7.4 973 Aots] 72

Noon 82.0 4.8 79.1 et 973 36 85

1 82.5 4.9 79.6 7.8 989 52 93

2 82.4 48 79.5 “Af .986 49 88

3 82.4 4.7 79.6 G5 -989 52 81

4 82.0 4.2 79.1 fie! 973 08 61

5 81.7 AL 78.8 7.0 964 29 54

6 80.9 3.5 78.4 6.0 952 19 12

7 80.4 2.8 78.4 4.8 952 21 1.68

8 80.3 2.6 78.5 44 .955 27 52

9 80.1 2.3 78.5 3.9 .955 27 34

10 80.1 2.2 78.6 3.7 958 .30 28

11 80.1 2.1 78.6 3.6 958 .30 24

All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants,

Meteorological Observations. lili

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of July, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.

ics oo

on |s ou P

2\ 43 Ef S of the Wind,

esos. 10 O

o |Inches,

1) 113.8; 0.60 |S.E. & E. oi & i, Rain after intervals.

2) 129.4; 0.43 |S. BE. & HE. & 8. ig i. Rain at 1 a. M. noon 4,6 &

8 P.M.

8) 123.4) 0.20 | N. E.&S. BE. ai&-i. Rainat2 & 4. mM.

4) 125.4| 0.21 | N.E.& EH, Overcast to 10 a. M. Miafterwards. Thin

rain after intervals.

Discs 0.43 |S. BE. Overcast to 3 Pp. M, %i afterwards. Rain

occasionally,

Dl uss “ch SA Scud from S. to 5 a.m. Overcast to 1

PM. OT & “iafterwards. Thin rain

at 6 A. M. & noon.

A) tow, 0.26 |S. ni& Vitolla.m.Witod5 pm, W& ri

afterwards, Thin rain at 5 a, M. from

noon to 8 p. M. & at 11 P.M,

Beas aa ASA Witolla.m.%ito7 p.m. Wiafterwards.

Light rain from 6 to 8 A. M,

SeetgGi). 44. |S. Wi to 4p. Mm. -iafterwards. Thin rain

at 10 a.m, &4P. mM.

10) 127.5] 0.18 |S. &S. W. Wito7 a.m. “i & Tito4 P.M. Wiafter-

: wards. Kain from 7 to 9 P. M.

11 one s. & Ss. W. Ni to 6 A. M. ~i & Oi to noon: Wi to "y

P.M. Overcast afterwards. Rain be-

2.43* tween 1 &2r.mu. & from 4toll Pp. mM

Lightning towards W, at 11. p. m.

all vee 8. &58. B, “i nearly the whole day. Rain after

intervals. Lightning towards W. at

: midnight.

13) 114.0) 0.57 |S. ni & -ito2 p.m. VW-iafterwards, Rain

from 3 to 6 P.M,

14) 119.0] 2.79 |S. ai& “ito 9 a.m, ito 7 P.M. Wiafter-

wards, Rain from 6 to 9 P. M.

45 jh Re 0.85 |S. & 8. W. Overcast nearly the whole day. Rain from

5 to 8 A. M.

13) 0.31 | S. : Overcast nearly the whole day. Rain after

intervals.

ei) Sas 0.11 |S. EH. &S. Overcast nearly the wholeday. Thin rain

at 8 a. M. & from 10 tol Pp. Mm.

PSeLr45 |... 8. E. Overcast to5 A.M. Ai & “i to 6 P.M.

Cloudless afterwards, Light rain at

midnight, 1 & 9 a. M,

Ni Cirri, —i Strati, i Cumuli, i Cirro-strati, ~i Cumulo-strati, \-i Nimbi,

“ii Cirro cumuli.

* Fell on the 11th & 12th.

liv

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor Generals Office, Calcutta,

Max. Solar

radiation.

5 feetabove

Rain Gauge

Ground.

_ e

co)

Meteorological Observations.

in the month of July, 1865.

Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,

Prevailing direction General Aspect of the Sky.

of the Wind. :

——s

8. &S. E. Cloudless to5 A.M. 11 & Nito3 P.M. Wi

to 7 p. M. cloudless afterwards.

8. &S8. E. Cloudless to 4 4. mM. i & Nito7 A. M. Wi

to2p.M.“-i1& 91 afterwards Rain at

llam1&7 P.M.

8S. &S58. E. \i & ito 9 a.m. 71 & Seud. from S to 4

P.M. Overcast to8 Pp. M. cloudless after-

wards. Rain at 5 P.M.

Ss. Cloudless to 44... 11 & “i to 7 P.M,

Overcast afterwards.

Ss. Overcast to 5 A. M. %i & Seud from §. to

5 ».M.“-iafterwards. Thin rain be-

tween 7&8 a.m. &at9&10P. mM,

S. Wito2a.m. \i& Scud from S. to 10

A.M. Overcast afterwards. Rain be-

tween noon &1 p.m. & from 4tollP. u,

Ss. Overcast. Rainfrom7 to 11 a.m. & from

8tolle.m.

8. Overcast nearly the whole day. Rain at

midnight & 1 &104. mu. & from 5 to9

P.M.

Ss. Overcast to2 P.M. 11 & “i afterwards.

Light rain from 7 to 10 a. u. & between.

6&7P. M.

Ss. Overcast to 9 A. M. Mito5 P.M. Overcast

afterwards. Light rain at 4, 6,7 a. Me

4 p.m. & from 6 to 10 P. m.

Ss. Overcast, drizzled after intervals,

8. & W. Overcast to8 a. M. V-iafterwards. Light

rain from midnight to3 4.M.&at3& |

6 P. M.

8. & W. Overcast nearly the whole day, Lightning

& Thunder from 5to9 p.m, Rain from

2to 11 Pp. uM.

* Fell on the 29th & 30th,

Meteorological Observations. lv

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,

in the month of July, 1865.

Montuty Resvtrs.

Inches

Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. an es 29.575

Max. height of the Barometer oc¢urred at 9 & 10 A. M.on the 28th, .. 29.803

Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 3 P. M. on the 7th, e. 29.380

Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, 6 o- § «=: 0,428

Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. oe ee ee 29.625

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. he ee ee 29,5019

Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. «+ 0,106

‘ °

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for,the month, .. aa == 83.9

Max. Temperature occurred at 1 P. M. on tho 3rd, a0 a 92.6

Min. Temperature occurred at. Midnight on the 30th, oe ee 77.4

Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, .. Ae 15,0

Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, es a 35 88.5

Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. ee ee oe 80.5

Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month,.. ae 8.0

Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ae aa 80.8

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 3.1

Computed Mean Dew-point forthe month, .. oo ae 78.6

Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, a 5.3

' Inches

Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. oe es 0,958

Troy grains

Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, ee ee s, 10:28

Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, ae 1.85

Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.85

Inches

Rained 29 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, a sc 2.79

Total amount of rain during the month, “ A se LATS

Prevailing direction of the Wind, ..* ee es S.&S8. E.

lyi Meteorological Observations.

Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations

taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,

in the month of July, 1865.

Montuty REsvuxts.

Tables showing the number of days on which*at a given hour any particular wind

blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,

when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.

Hour.

es eee ements mm | mm | | cen | | mm | a P| | a | |

Midnight.

fat et

HFPOUOMDNONAERWNHE

DPDNDNNHEE HER

bo eee

DHHODWEDOVTI]AIA

wow rons wonn ewe

Rp nwwprwpoeeee pp

eet

Noon.

Ee Se pe

Prope ye

PerPP DEP NHN HH

FOUOONOUBWNe

[So ll lll ell eel ell ell SOLS SS)

ANTOWE ONTO OOD sT

eo)

CO OLOUNT OO DATO DD OU

bok bo wre

Meteorological Observations taken at Gangaroowa near Kandy,

Ceylon, nm the month of January, 1864.

Alt. 1560 ft.; E. Long. 80° 87’, N. Lat. 7° 17/.

All the Instruments have been compared with standards.

_ The tension of aqueous vapour, dew point and humidity, have been

found from the readings of the dry and wet bulb Thermometers by

Mr. Glaisher’s Hygrometrical tables (Ed. 1863).

The dew is the weight in grains deposited on-a square foot of

ordinary woollen cloth exposed on a board from 6 P. M. to 6 A. M.

or for as many hours as there is no rain.

The rain guage is 43 feet above the ground.

The ozone cage is hung about 25 feet above the ground.

The direction of the wind given, is that of the lowest current by the

vane, and of the currents above this by the direction in which the

Nimbi and Cumulo-Strati clouds are moving.

In this column a “ calm” signifies that the clouds are apparently

motionless: “ variable,” that the clouds apparently in the same or

nearly the same stratum move in no fixed direction, but their parts

move as if in vortices, or different masses of them move up from

different quarters as if into a vast vortex, this being nearly always the

ease before thunder storms.

Entries, such as W S W and NN W or ES signify that

N N W to calm,

the clouds are evidently in strata of different altitudes, that those

in the lowest stratum move from W S W;; those in the next higher

from N N W;; those in the next are apparently becalmed, and so on.

The velocity and distance in 24 hours are given by Robinson’s

Anemometer.

In the column for Lightning and Thunder

L =“ Lightning” when the flash is near enough to be visible.

LR =“ Lightning Reflection” when the flash is so distant that

only its reflection on the clouds or in the air is visible.

“ Morn,” is6 a. M., “ Even,’ 6 P. mM. and “ Night,” 12 Pp. m. and

“ fore” and “ after” are prefixed to these, as ordinarily to ‘“ Noon,”

to denote the 3 previous and 3 following hours.

R H. Barnes.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Meteorological Observations.

Barometer

P. M.

3.30

reduced to 32°.

P. M.

10.0

Pressure of

Dry Air.

A. M.

9.30

Pp. M.

3.30

| | fe) | | Le

Salt Aun

Fs" | "9130

1 | 28.393

2 .370

3 372

4| .406

5 .365

6 | .360

7 392

8 ”

9 »”

10 »

il »

12 .410

13 .420

14, 874,

15 378

16 .369

17 382

18 875

19 .393

20 419

21 442

22 .400

23 .380

24 380

25 .401

26 887

D7 e888

28) 88

29 403

80 | .395

31 403

——— | ——____

28.265} 28.362] 27.769) 27.677] 27.780

254.

-256

.269

229

268

294

-291

277

263

-268

-260

284

-289

-286

28.390} 28.267

376

371

349

28.376

757

-765

828

717

776

783

”

-795

-736

-788

27.835) 27.690] 27.843] 71.4| 76.0

-606

.666

628

498

723

”

597

599

1665

623

653

749

692

799

-782

745

-733

-633

715

689

.646

-748

792

-830

197

782

-840

714

808

773

Thermometer. | Dew Point.

A. M.|P. M.|P. M./A, M.|P. M.|P. M.

9.30} 3.30; 10.0] 9.30) 3.30} 10.0

0.2) 65.3

72.8) 75.1) 7

68.8} 64.8

69.

63.

72.5) 7 66.

waw

70.0 6.1| 64.5) 63.

70.2

71.5] 7

73.5) 7

72.0

owtbooH

64.9] 68.1

»» | 68.0] 67.8) ,,

68.2) 63.5] 64.2| 62.4

68.3} 64.7] 64.9) 62.7

-791

785

898

879

-905

-929

-933

-856

765

848

-802

842

-906

-881

-895

-931

——

65.0) 60.4] 63.5] 61.9

69.4 63,1) 64.2| 63.4

69.7| 64.3] 58.9] 57.1

67.7) 57.0] 62.3] 59.1

8.5

70.5

67.6

69.2

71.1

67.6| 58,0) 58.5] 5

68.7| 54.9] 59.7) 57,

68.1] 55.6] 61.5] 57.6

70.4| 59.7/ 60.6] 60.3

70.8 62.7/ 65.8} 64.8

69.8, 62.6) 62.3] 60.9

68.9, 59.3] 62.9162.8

69,6, 62.2/ 65.2/ 60.7

(68.8, 59.5] 59.7/ 57.0

56.7| 58.6! 58.9

60.0] 56.6] 59.2

58.6] 58.4| 57.5

71.9

71.5

72.0

73.0) 7

71.4

72.9

72.0

71.0

71.6

71.2

69.1)

69.5,

68.9,

68.8 61.8) 62.9) 60.7 —

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CrerLon.

Humidity.

A. M.| P. M. P. M.

9.30} 3.30 | 10.0

779 | 672 | 785

774 706 838

825 676 830

780 783 892

835 820 ”

708 624 »

780 ” ”

» ” ”

»” » ”

” ” »

746 790 ”

875 820 »

746 688 820

810 678 824

728 | 634; 910

796 | 631 | 813

805 ; 563 | 636

685 | 630 | 740

668 562 725

563 565 670

561 610 | 685

662 590 706

725 | 682] 810

700 624 732

654 636 833

694 670 760

646 582 650

606 530 696

666 536 695

642 523 660

721 647

In Sun’s Rays at

12 o'clock.

136.5

135.8

132.4,

134.1

136.0

131.9

139.6

135.9

135.2

137.4

141.6

133.2

136.6

Minimum on the Grass.

55.8

52.7

55.1

54.1

50.8

50.0

53.3

54.4

52.2

59.6

59.0

56.2

59.9

55.9

51.2

132.7) 53.2

760 | 135.6) 55.2

| Maximum in Air.

for)

ve}

Difference.

Rain.

A.M. | P. M.

Total,

9.30 | 10.0

0.000} 0.000] 0.000

0.000} 0.000} 0.000

0.000} 0.009} 0.009

0.006 | 0.392} 0.398

0.000} 0.000} 0.000

0.000] 0.000] 0.000

0.309 | 0.029] 0.338

0.110} 0.000} 0.110

0.010} 0.046} 0.056

0.000 | 0.000} 0.000

0.000} 0.000} 0.000

|| 0.000} 0.000} 0,000

0.000 | 0.000} 0.000

0.000} 0.000} 0.000

0.000 | 0.000} 0,000

0.000 | 0.000} 0.000

0.000} 0.000; 0.000

0.000; 0.000} 0.000

0.000 | 0.000} 0.000

Meteorological Observations,

iv.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

RROOMOS COOOSSOS YRESSSOH HOSOAAGS Aus | w

e Oo L

T2407, BOWSOH S Ooo ASH WSOSAAWBS Br | »

aacenco OCC oooSo oCcieo ooo Coc moSco coo ro)

*snjvayg Wy SNqUIIN So 8 | ae

SonScoos SOSCSCOOR ANH WOR HAMSDSO S =

S ‘snyer}g-oTnumNy a) qd oSH256 GS OH Of Nan | =

0) eocoooe Coo ocooSoMooooooo OCooCcoo) ooo So

3 “snug, | S

a SOOCOCCOO SGOSCSCOCON SCOSCSSSS SSOSSHSS ATS a

*SN[NUINA -O1IT—E) (—) i) roo) on | So

SOOOO00O COSOOOCO SCOOOSDSSO SCOSHSSS CSO =

*gN4B1}G-OLILO | CB | i

Ree ISTE SON I OS CISION Cay a Sa OS SS SSIS =

‘snag | M0 bt f=) ee) OD 03 10 EVEN) myo i YE | i

Tee Geoggas Ganges Peonses sie 1B

oon Q SHWRSOGSOS SSCHKMBHR HS Noy

*[840], a =

SSSSRSS SSSSSSS SSSSSSS 55950555 S505 | Ss

‘SnqeIG W SN UAENT | 3 | ¢

HOSOCSOO SCOOCCON SOSCOCSOO SCONONOMO OW ; a

“snyea4g-o[nung | RS a 6 @ SiS SC oR 3S

S Se ee ee a eee

A | SSSSegos SSSSSSS HSSSSSS SSSS5SSS G55 19

4 *SN[NUINY-OLILD, | for) ° qo So

rsnyeang-o32%9 | oocooc3e eeessos ooooocfo OSCE ooo | 2

SHHOCOCO SSSCOCSCSCS HSSHAHSS OBNSOHMSWS SSS roy

rong | ood SBASASG SADE KG | x

7-360 eS eee

5 x SCHAMA WOKRDROH AMA MOND Gon

post ‘Anenuee | AWG Or HOSA AMARA AN ANNANAN 0000 |

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

MDOOSSO OO or) oo ~ 4 ;

spare SaaAN eooSS ARRGSRS FR2RaR4SH AG | &

aod yooz ur Aqro0[a A HOBANS HG ONSNHer CaNntoos S30 Ne}

td 5 sSH2,, :t FPiLrii:H ggegggegsg Bahar a ga :

a Sz oe tt Piiiiiz 2£0,99,,9,5 SA oy oA ,5 of o :

e 8 Bae See Ses BZAAAAAA AeA aoA Aw :

é = Om A cI

A te ° x

q ° 4

g 8

of |

eo o ey ne a 4 Ae

8 g | BOS i itiiii BERS Ee? -2 Le een pas

=) q AAaog S.) ree e- oe iee ee zy 2a 27, Ara 2 ae. :

3 = Betae id ifiiiig S22 ica” sezcece ase :

AZ se Ja ie a 4 i “A | ic] AAR ia .

| Pe FLA» zw Ze

: oars SSSSSSS SSSSSSS SSOSHANA AGHAAGHAN A= | w

g Wd 9 Ps

8 = SSOSODOOO COSOOSOSS SOOHAAHT HAV KN ANH DAH a

fo) H'V 9 | ry

NASOwWOSCSOO SSSCSCSSOO WSSwWOwWW SSW wWMNBQ SSCS 2

“TeqoOL o ow mo COMMUN FN DORMrDAS for) x

SSOMOOS COSOSOSSS SSOSCSCSGSOS SCSOSSSSS SSS :

snQEg P snquITNY Be |

| SSSSSSS SSSSS5S SSSSSSS SCHBAANSS SOS %

S ‘SRS OLN | QAADS for | a

sj ‘sang | SOQOSCCO SOOSCSCOS SGoooCooSo cocoooo Coco g

renqeag-o12%9 | SeSCCOSO CD00 O0SDD oSoSOOCOO SOOSSSS ooo | xs

Lent

NOWGDSSS SOSSSSSD WOSWoOHVqQ SHROWKHO SOO R

So on eo SOHN BPN DODO PHD | a

“ana |

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CrYLon.

HP Seonm sOMBenH | January, 1864.

I &

3.30 P.M. 2 10.0 P. M a

= »~

Direction of wind. 2 Direction of wind. 2

| |

cs rs

Vane. Lower Clouds. ss 8 Vane. Lower Clouds. = 3

ESE oa

o oO

e >

E NE 3.52 ENE None 5.19

N W by N Calut 3.70 NE None 5.28

W by N Calm 5.28 EN E None 1.41

N NE 4.49 NNE by 6.51

WN W Calm SO NEF seats poo cid 0

ee ee | re Bs el ee ; 0

seeeee ee . 0 ooeeee eerree 0

«ene tee 0 PE ae ocak 0

eontee oe 0 eeene . tee 0

iences aeaissie 0 ata eer (0)

Jia wchawe 0 oaitos Seong 0

eee oJ . woe 0 eeere we 0

ceMaceler ep mcameds 0 sift gaia 0

N W NE 3.80 NE None (0)

WNW Calm 5.28 NE None 6.95

wees Calm 4.14 Calm None 0.00

N W SE,NNW&Calm! 4.58 N E None 3.84

WN W None 4.05 NNE None 2.64

WNW Variable 4.22 | N Eby E None 3.87

N W by W None 2.64 ENE None 4.22

KE ? 5.28 E by N None 10.91

ENE Variable 6.69 NE None 8.54

S Eby E Calm 9.59 | NE by HE wsw 5.28

WwW W, Calm 6.42 Ww ENE 0.09

WNW SS E (?) 4.58 | NE by E None 5.54

ESE ENE 9.59 NE None TAS

N W Variable 2.38 NNE None 9.94

ESE None 8.71 NE None 8.62

ENE Calm 7.48 ENE None 1.85

EH Variable 748 | NEby EB None 10.03

Eby 8 None 8.10 E P 7.04

aApedn 5.45 aaaeath Bhoand 5.45

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

vil

Distance in Miles in

24 Hours.

> OO

Lightning and Thunder.

Vili

a ee

DIAM BWHHOHOO NOMBRE NWe | January, 1864.

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kawnpy, CEYLON.

GENERAL REMARKS.

ee ee ee eee

Cool to warm, dry and fresh all day.

Fog till 8 a, M.; then fine, warm, dry and fresh,

Fine & fresh till noon; heavy nimb and drizzling rain after.

Fine till 8 a. M.; then nimb & light rain; cloudy all day & rain in fore even,

Fine, dry & fresh all day.

Cloudy with nimb ; showery & damp all day.

Light rain fore and after morn; fine afterwards, squally wind.

Cloudy with nimb ; damp & showery nearly all day.

A little very light rain at 1 P. M.

Dull & cloudy with nimbus but no rain; squally wind in after even.

Cool to warm, dry and fresh all day.

Fog till 8 a. M.; cool to warm, dry and fresh afterwards.

Cold & damp at morn, mild to very warm, dry and fresh day.

Fog till 8 a m.; after, mild to very warm, dry and fresh day.

Fog till 8 a. M.; cool to warm, dry and fresh afterwards.

Fog till 8 a. M,; cool to warm, dry and fresh afterwards.

Cool to warm, dry and fresh all day.

The same as above; high wind till noon; moderate after.

Cold to warm, fresh; very dry afternoon; squally wind. [after even.

Fine, dry and pleasant till noon; close and oppressive afternoon, fore and

Damp at morn; very warm & close after 8 A.M. threatening nimb. in afternoon

Cool to warm, dry & fresh day; squally wind, at times high, [& fore even.

Cool to warm and fresh till noon, then sultry till 8 p. m. and again fresh.

Fine, dry & fresh all day ; in after even, squally wind, at times high.

Cold to hot, dry and fresh all day.

Solar Halo on 15th. Lunar Halos on 14th, 15th and 16th.

Meteorological Observations taken at Gangaroowa near Kandy,

Ceylon, in the month of February, 1864.

Alt. 1560 ft.; E. Long. 80° 37’, N. Lat. 7° 17’.

All the Instruments have been compared with standards.

The tension of aqueous vapour, dew point and humidity, have been

found from the readings of the dry and wet bulb Thermometers by

Mr. Glaisher’s Hygrometrical tables (Kd. 1863).

The dew is the weight in grains deposited on a square foot of

ordinary woollen cloth exposed on a board from 6 Pp. M. to 6 a. M.

or for as many hours as there is no rain.

The evaporation is given by a Babington’s Atmidometer placed

under cover so as to be protected from the sun, rain and dew, but

freely exposed to the wind.

The rain guage is 43 feet above the ground.

The ozone cage is hung about 25 feet above the ground.

The direction of the wind given, is that of the lowest current by the

vane, and of the currents above this by the direction in which the

Nimbi and Cumulo-Strati clouds are moving.

In this column a “ calm” signifies that the clouds are apparently

motionless: “ variable,” that the clouds apparently in the same or

nearly the same stratum move in no fixed direction, but their parts

move as if in vortices, or different masses of them move up from

different quarters as if into a vast vortex, this being nearly always the

case before thunder storms.

Entries, such as W S W and N N W, or CEE doe signify that

"NNWtocalm, ° y

the clouds are evidently in strata of different altitudes, that those

in the lowest stratum move from W S W;; those in the next higher

from N N W ; those in the next are apparently becalmed, and so on.

The velocity and distance in 24 hours are given by Robinson’s

Anemometer.

In the column for Lightning and Thunder

L =“ Lightning” when the flash is near enough to be visible.

LR —“ Lightning Reflection” when the flash is so distant that

only its reflection on the clouds or in the air is visible.

“ Morn,” is 6 a. M., “ Even,” 6 P.M. and “ Night,” 12 p. m. and

“fore” and “ after” are prefixed to these, as ordinarily to “Noon,”

to denote the 8 previous and 3 following hours.

R. H. Banrnzs,

x Meteorslogical Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, Cryton.

. Barometer Pressure of 3

8 dened dnote Dry Air. Thermometer. | Dew Point.

E A. M. Pp. M. Po Ms A. M. bey a is P. M. |A. M.|)P. M.|P. M./A. M./P. M.|P. M.

“o

Fa 9.30 | 3.30 | 10.0 | 9.30 3.30 10.0 | 9.30} 3.30! 10.0} 9.30) 3.30] 10.0

1 | 28.433} 28.335] 28.433] 27.907] 27.759] 27.892) 72.5] '75.2| 70.6) 60.4) 63.0| 61.2

2 454 14> 454 .832| .713) .880| 73.2) 73.9] 70.2) 65.2; 67.0| 62.9

3 443) .335) .451 -772| .660 » | 71.3] 73.7| 69.6| 67.4) 67.6) .,

4 466 .369 .509 795 .739| .859| 73.0] 72.8] 69.2) 67.4) 65.6] 66.5

5 509} .3886 soll 911 .796| 28.041| 73.8] 77.0] 69.2] 64.1] 63.7] 57.3

6 507 «389 .488 .909 769} 27.898] 71.1] 71.5) 67.1) 64.1] 65.1) 63.7

| 480; .359 -469 -894 .822} .919} 71.6} 76.8) 70.7| 63.5| 61.0) 61.7

8 453 319 428 .944| 828] .885)| 73.6) 78.9 71.5) 59.5) 58.5) 6L.3

9 .426 309 418 .902 797 872) 75.1| 79.9] 72.5) 60.3] 59,7| 61.5

10 A421 293| .3899 954) 748 .815) 75 6| 80.4) 72.2) 57.1161.4 63.4

11 417 300) .409} .903) .763 885) '75.0\ 80.0) 71.2, 59.8] 61.0 60.3

12 AAA 336, .426]) .933 .807 .898) 74.6) 78.3) 70.8] 59.6] 60.6, 60.5

13 .432 293 .387 .912| .764 801) 73.8, 80.0 71.8] 60.1 60.6 63.5

14 391 262| .333) .829]) .688]} .705) 75.2| 79.4) 71.0) 62.3] 62.9] 65.5

15 830 210} .816) .802; .813 .770| 73.0} 82.3) 67.1) 60.5] 52.6] 61.5

16 foo 219) .326 -923] .730 .665| 71.6) 80,0) 71.4' 58.5] 58.4) 67.0

lye .369 Q4| 384 .864 .691 .650| 71.8} 82.1) 73.2) 59.3] 60.4] 68.0

18 .008 188| .297 .879| .697 .677| 72.3) 82.2] 69.8) 57.8] 58.5) 65.1

19 .825 183) .306 -769| .676 .633| 73.9; 82.9) 71.7| 62.0] 59.4) 67.5

20 By 181 314) 715 .661 .648} 75.0] 83.2! '71.2}65.0) 60.1] 67.2

21 .o74 244) .870) .701; .713) .676) 77.0) 82.6} 74.1] 67.5] 60.7) 68.4

22 408 276| .891) .884) .778 .831] 75.4 82.2! 68.5} 62.9] 59,2) 62.2

23 .308 218) .842) .844! .720 .72'7| '73.2| 82.4) 69.4) 59.8] 58.9] 64.9

24 .046 197! .295|) .790| .686 .727)| 73.4 81.8 68.0) 62.0] 59.6] 62.6

25 344 214) .835) .786] .650 .722) 73.4) 82.6] 69.8) 62.1) 62.4] 64.8

26 sola 235) 2 Suol esau shot 714) 73.2 82.6} 74.1) 60.8} 58.9\67.0

27 384 ODT od -cOUl .Se0l sO25llface 84.6, 74.8 63.4) 52.6] 69.3

28 .o00D L178) <31'2) iow, .722| .637| 75.6] 85.6 72.0) 63.1] 56.4) 67.6

29 .848 204) .336] .815| .808] .608) 74.8) 84.5! 75.0| 60.8 spcelegie .

28.400] 28.271! 28.383) 27.845) 27.743] 27.774| 73.7

————

80.0 71.0

61.8| 60.3] 64.4

Meteorological Observations. xk

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Humidity. ro) 3 Rain.

3 oa |B | 4

n ire 4 —

a4} a|.4| 4 d

Pap Sal as ee | eos 3) 3

amir. ule. mM} os | £ |] 9) € | g Siam | pm

gol ele|a—| és E Total

e =] “3 mH fo! e

9.30|3.30|10.0,2% | | 2 | 3 |8|2| | | 9.30 | 100

A Siew aitee tet ss he le

—_ |__| —__—__

654 | 656) 719) 149.0} 56.0) 77.0] 61.3) 15.7

762 | 791| 775| 136.4) 64.4) 76.2] 68.0) 8.2|72.1) 35/8289] 0.010} 0.029} 0.039

871 | 815) ,, | 120.2) ,, |'76.0| 67.9} 8.1) 71.9 5614346] 0,019| 0.468| 0.487

880 | 783) 911) 118.0| 67.0| 74.9] 68.5) 6.4|/71.7| 0/5569} 0.026) 0.037 | 0.063

718 | 638} 660| 139.9! 62.3) 77.2) 68.0) 9.2) 72.6} 111/8954| 0.000| 0.000] 0.000

780 | 800) 886) 137.8) 57.1) 74.6] 62.5} 12.1) 68.6] 156/4019) 0.000} 0.013] 0.013

750 | 586] 728) 144.5) 56.8) 77.1) 62.8] 14.3] 69.9] 3834/5662} 0.000} 0.000] 0.000

69.2} 146.9686} 0.000} 0.000] 0.000

619 | 497] 698) 138.5| 60.0) 78.8] 67.2) 11.6} 73.0' 181|8391} 0.000| 0.000] 0.000

597 | 500) 680) 138.5) 60.7) 79.8] 68.3) 11.5) 74.1) 158/8644| 0.000} 0.000} 0.000

526 | 521) 742) 141,9) 56.3) 80.5] 63.5) 17.0| 72.0! 157/7734| 0.000} 0.000} 0.000

588 | 521| 682) 149.2) 61.2) 80.5} 68.8] 11.7|'74.6| 91/5359) 0.000} 0.000] 0.000

592 | 545] 698) 139.4 60.0) 78.6 68.0] 10.6) 73.3) 84/8341} 0.000) 0.000} 0.000

624 | 515} 745) 142.6) 54.2) 80.2) 62.0) 18.2) 71.1] 1381/3185] 0.000} 0.000} 0.000.

641 | 566} 825/ 149.1) 56.0) 80.7] 64.0) 16.7) 72.4) 153/5945| 0.000} 0.000) 0.000

652 | 351{ 825] 144.5) 56.3) 81.8) 63.4) 18.4) 72.6) 228/5915} 0.000] 0.000} 0,000

524 | 476] 855] 148.0) 49.8] 79.9] 57.7) 22.2) 68.8} 211/5662) 0.000} 0.000; 0.000:

646 | 480} 840) 144.3, 57.0] 81.7} 63.4) 18.3) 72.5] 1395358) 0.000} 0.000] 0.000

598 ; 444) 850} 141.9) 55.3) 81.6] 61.8] 19.8) 71.7] 234/6724) 0.000 | 0.000) 0.000

664 | 447| 863} 141.8) 54.4/ 82.0] 61.5) 20.5| 71.8} 252/6419| 0.000} 0.000] 0.000

708 | 455) 865) 146.0] 60.0) 82.4) 66.8) 15.6] 74.6] 98/5763) 0.000) 0.000} 0.000

726 | 485| 825] 148.6} 61.3) 83.5) 67.5| 16.0|75.5) 141/5288) 0.000] 0.000} 0.000

648 | 456) 805] 143.8] 59.1| 82.2) 67.3) 14.9] 74.7] 2256268} 0.000} 0.000} 0.000

633 | 447) 855] 147.8] 52.0) 82.0) 59.7) 22 3) 70.9) 286/6268} 0.000} 0.000} 0.000:

676 | 465| 830) 144.8) 59.3] 81.7| 65.0, 16,7} 73.3] 182/5985] 0.000} 0.000} 0.000

680 } 507| 840) 147.6] 53.9) 82.2) 61.3] 20.9) 71.8; 272/5510| 0.000} 0.000} 0.000

656 | 444| '785] 150.2) 55.4) 82.7] 63.0] 19.7| 72.8] 235/6066] 0.000} 0.000) 0.000

652 | 334) 8380) 149.7) 57.5) 84.1| 64.7) 19 4! 74.4) 196/7330] 0.000, 0.000} 0.000

648 | 366] 865) 149.8) 58.0) 85.2! 64.9) 20.3) 75.1) 187|6774)| 0.000} 0.000) 0.000

616 | 334) 840} 150.6) 55.0) 84.5/ 62.2] 22.3) 73.4) 288)7229] 0.000] 0.000} 0.000

ss ee ee Ss eS ee ee

685 | 525) 797| 142.9] 57.7) 80.3) 64.5) 15.8 72.4/4967|6437| 0.055) 0.547 | 0.602

Meteorological Observations.

xil

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

SAQSCSCOH MOmanH WRMHOnQy ounmoan x |

‘TRIO, SASSHSONM WHHAHGSOH SCHAHGHAS RKoHdit SS SC |

ORR CSOSS SOSOSCOS SSSOSCSCSCS SGOSSGSGCO OS

"SnYVI4G WW SUQUILN GH® |

Se SeooNn DOV eo SOCCER Oe SiriMgomm &

Q | ‘snyeyg-opuumg S to G6 SCOtHHSOD sooloeo Goomlooe Ss |

$3 SSSCO0SCS0O SCOOD00C0S SCO000GS SOSCSDSSGSO OS

3 ‘snug |

a SCNMMOCOD SCOSOSSSSSO SCOSOSSSS SOSSSSS Oo

“Sn[NUAnN ys) -O11T/) Sono oS ery |

SoouooS SSoSooooOo ScoSoSooeoo Ssocoocoo 6

*S1YVI4.G-OLIIQ | Ps) |

SOSCSSCOD SOONSSCS MNMHASHS QHHOONS =

renatg | jl ie) So SaAOnNTe CHdid Oo 3 |

BNSSRoON doris oO Som qousis ON oS Seo >

GWOSSCHADA SS SSS SAMNSSSS HSOAHSS

*[2IO.L an oa Lal

PS ES 2 ee

SSSSCOHSO SOSOSCSCSGS SSOSCSSCSS SoSoSoSSoSSo Ss

“snyeayg wp Sng UITNy | Sk ae |

HSSSONSS SCOSMMOS SOSCSCOHHR ASSRSHS SO |

S = SS eS SS SS SS ee

a | exnegess S5oo5555 SSO55599 S999999 9

<4 mnLUM-omD | iS ~ es

SSSSCOON AMOSCOHS MSNNSCSO BHYSONGORSO O

“SILI See roo) SARBSS SS 998

. HAH WOK DROH ANH WOKND D

post ‘hronsqeg | AAT OO OOS NN FORTIN ANNANAN Gt

5.2

3.4) 1.8) 0.0) 0.7) 0.0) 1.6} 1.1

0.3)0.0 | 0.4| 1.2

1,5] 0.0

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

xiii

Pp. M. 10.0

9.30 a.M.

| Ozone.

a a = Direction of wind.

a] 5 3 Bel eS re

iB 2 # nM

Ore i a (a) |

a Ei } nD

a 8 ois | ae 3 | Vane. Lower Clouds.

EI\EIE)#/#/8| 2 lis

SeieonO | O | Oo |e H |e]

0} Oo} O| 0! 98 O| 98] 2 2| Eby S WwW

OPO eon OF Z.0)e Op = 2.0 | 1B 2 KE ENE

oOo; o}; OO; O 0/10.0} 10,0 |3.5) 8 NE ENE

0} O 0 0 0} 10.0} 10.0 9) 38 E E

0} o| o| of of of of 5 2} EbyN E by N

OO Oe <0} 1.0/ * oO} “Lo |] 2h 8 N NE by E

O70} O} OO} O2| - Oo} 0.2 | LO) 2 NE E by N

oO; Oo 0 0 0 0 0 Dipey KE None

OOF! Oho o| (0 Oi) TP 2 ENE E

0; oO 0 0; 02 0}; 0.2 4| 2 NE None

oO; Oo 0 0] 2.0 O| 2.0 2) 2 E by N NE

0.2} 0} O} O |) SO} 980;2) |) 2 eek 1} E

0} O 0 0} 3&3 Oo} 38 aly 1 NE None

3.5} 0/3.5| O o 60k «O70 | «68y (0 ENE None

10.0} O 0 0 0 0} 10.0 Oo} 0 SE None

0} O 0 0 | 10.0 0} 10.0 0} O ws W None

Oo; O 0 0} 9.0 0} 9.0 Oo} 0 N None

0} O| O} O| 40} OO}; 40; 0; O| Variable None

Oo} oO 0 0} 8.5 O| 8.5 0} O S W None

0; Oo 0 0] 9.0 0; 9.0 0} 1l| SWbyS Calm

oor; Ol" O} 9:2) 0] 9.2 oe 2 NNW Calm

mal 0} Onno OW SOM T9259) AZ Rl Wilby Calm

0.2} O 0 0 Ol Ob FO? 0} 0} Variable None

0.3) O 0 0 0 Oo; 0.3 0)0.5) Variable Calm

4.0} O 0 0 0 Oo} 4.0 0} 0.5 WS W Variable

0.44 0/ O} O} 96} OO}; 10.0; O| 0} NWbyN None

Oo} O 0 0; 9.3 OW Sis Oo} 0 SSE Calm

Oo} oO 0 0 0} 10,0! 10.0 OG S W None

20} 01) (0) 0 0} 8.0; 8.0; 0; O N W None

1,0} 0.0 |0.1 |0.0 | 3.0) 1.3 5.4 | 1.8) 1.2 toneee seceee

Velocity in feet per

5.46

xiv Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

wu wm

3.30 P.M. 3, 10.0 P. Me 2.

~~ »

<i Direction of wind. 3 Direction of wind. 3

ry) o on}

e A A

5 ro rs

8 Vane. Lower Clouds. e 8 Vane. Lower Clouds. = 8

R= 2D LHR

®o {<>} oO

& e e

1 ENE Calm 5.14 NNE Too dark 4.27

2 E NE 2.43 Variable Too dark 0.39

3 | EbyN E by N 12.32 E by N Too dark 6.16

4] EbyN iE 16.63 | NEby E Too dark 8.62

5| EbyS ENE 9.94 E None 16.98

6 1) ENE 1.41 WNW Too dark 2.82

vi E by N ENE 17.60 E by N Too dark 7.66

8 E by S Calm 14.52 ENE None 11.00

9 ENE Variable 3.87 EN E None 12.85

10} ENE EN E Calm 7.57 ENE Too dark 9.50

11 iE Calm ? 14.26 NE Calm 8.10

12 EbyS NNE 18.39 ENE None 7-5

13 ENE Calm 9.59 E by N Calm 11.62

14! WNW Calm 6.51 | S W by W None 1.06.

15 | Variable None 2.73 Calm None 0.00:

16 N W None 5.98 N Calm 1.41

17 | Variable Calm 4,49 NW Calm 1.06

18/| WS WwW Calm 8.27 NNW Variable 2.38

19 W Calm 5.81 SWhbyS Calm 0.18

20 WwW Calm 8.18 WN W N 2.99

21 | Variable Calm 4.22 WNW ENE 0.62

22 N Calm 4,22 Calm None 0.00

23 | WNW NNEP 5.98 NN W Eby S 3.08.

24, ws WwW Calm 5.90 NNW None 2.99

25 WS W Variable 5.19 N N W None 2.20

26) WNW Calm 5.90 NNW Calm 0.44,

27| WNW Calm 6.60 WwW Calm 0.88

28; WNW Calm 8.45 N W ? 2.64

29 E Calm 10.30 N by E Variable 1.14

Distance in Miles in

24 Hours.

164,14

173.00

177.13

203.20

201.11

149 41

102.09

37.33

41.39

43.24

58.59

60.72

47.45

43,58

53.90

43.33

46.53

46.31

41.80

48.06

48.31

56.09

Meteorological Observations. XV

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Lightning and Thunder.

LRtoS S W in after even.

L to S in after even.

L RtoS in after even,

L R to W in after even,

LtoSS W at even.

L to S W ward at even,

LR toS W in after night,

Xvi Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

= GENERAL REMARKS.

1 | Fine, dry and pleasant day.

2 | In fore and afternoon heavy nimbi from N B; a little light rain,

3 | Nimbi from N E & BE nearly all day; light showers throughout the day,

4 | Nimbi from E all day ; a little very light rain.

5 | High wind at night, more mod. in the day, which fine, dry and fresh,

6 | Heavy nimbi from N E & E; a few light showers in afternoon.

7 | Fine, mild to warm, dry and fresh day,

8 | Cool at morn, warm to hot & very dry day.

9 | Mild to hot and dry; sultry & oppressive in afternoon.

10 | Cool and fresh at morn, warm to very hot and dry day.

11 | Squally wind at times high; mild to hot and very dry.

12 | Squally wind at times high; mild to hot and very dry.

13 | Cool and fresh at morn, mild to hot and dry day. [& till about 8 P. m.

14 | Cool at morn & after 10 p. m., hot & dry day; close & oppressive afternoon

15 | Cool at morn & after 10 Pp. M.; fog at morn; very hot & dry day.

16 | Cold & fresh at morn; hot & dry day, sultry & oppressive after 12.

17 | Cool to mild & fresh till 10 a. m.; hot & very dry fore & afternoon, sultry &

oppressive after 6 A. M. [even,

18 | Coolat morn; & after 10 Pp. m.; hot and very dry fore & afternoon & fore

19 | Cool to mild to 10 a, M.; hot & very dry tiJ] 6 P. m.; close & sultry after,

20 | Cool to mild to 10 a. M,; hot & very dry till 6 P. m.; close & sultry after,

21 | Cool to mild to 10 a. M.; hot & very dry till 6 Pp. M.; pleasant after even,

22 | Cool to mild to 10 a. M.; hot & very dry till 6 P. u. ; cool & fresh after 8 P. M.

23 | Cold &dampat morn; fog till nearly 8 a. M.; hot & very dry till 6 Pp. mu. then

24 | Cool at morn & after 10 P. mM. ; warm to very hot & dry till 6 Pp. m. [pleasant,

25 | The same as 24th but sultry & oppressive at even and till 8 P. mM.

26 | The same as 25th; fog at morn & till 7 a. mM.

27 | Cool at morn ; hot & very dry but fresh till 9 p. m. then close & sultry.

28 | The same as 27th, but sultry in early part of after even; pleasant later,

29 | The same as 28th, but sultry & oppressive all after even.

Solar Halos on 8th, 16th & 27th. Lunar Halos on 15th and 22nd,

Heteorological Observations taken at Gangaroowa near Kandy,

Ceylon, in the month of March, 1864.

Alt. 1560 ft.; E. Long. 80° 37’, N. Lat. 7° 17’.

All the Instruments have been compared with standards.

_ The tension of aqueous vapour, dew point and humidity, have been

found from the readings of the dry and wet bulb Thermometers by

Mr. Glaisher’s Hygrometrical tables (Ed. 1863).

The dew is the weight in grains deposited on a square foot of

ordinary woollen cloth exposed on a board from 6 Pp. M. to 6 a. M.

or for as many hours as there is no rain.

The evaporation is given by a Babington’s Atmidometer placed

under cover so as to be protected from the sun, rain and dew, but

freely exposed to the wind.

The rain guage is 43 feet above the ground.

The ozone cage is hung about 25 feet above the ground.

The direction of the wind given, is that of the lowest current, by the

vane; and of the currents above this, by the direction in which the

Nimbi and Cumulo-Strati clouds are moving.

In this column a “ calm” signifies that the clouds are apparently

motionless: “ variable,” that the clouds apparently in the same or

nearly the same stratum move in no fixed direction, but their parts

move as if in vortices, or different masses of them move up from

different quarters as if into a vast vortex, this being nearly always the

case before thunder storms.

, ws w ows Ng

Entries, such as nwyw’” WNW calm, signify that the clouds are

evidently in strata of different altitudes, that those in the lowest

stratum move from W S W;; those in the next higher from N N W;

those in the next are apparently becalmed, and so on.

The velocity and distance in 24 hours are given by Robinson’s

Anemometer.

In the column for Lightning and Thunder—

L —“ Lightning,” when the flash is near enough to be visible.

LR =“ Lightning Reflection,” when the flash is so distant that

only its reflection on the clouds or in the air is visible.

“ Mor,” is 6 a. M., “ Even,’ 6 p. mM. and “ Night,” 12 p. m. and

“fore” and ‘ after’ are prefixed to these, as ordinarily to “ Noon,”

to denote the 3 previous and 3 following hours.

R. H. Bares.

.|P. M.|P. M.|A. M./P. M.|P. M.

XVili Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Barometer Pressure of

- reduced to 32°. Dry Air. EOE Oe.

ie3)

3 A. M. |} P. M. Pp. M. A.M. P. M. P.M. |A. M

= | 930] 3.30 | 10.0 | 9.30 | 3.30] 10.0 |9.30/ 3.30! 10.0

1 | 28.385] 28.244) 28.386] 27.815] 27.788] 27.734| 77.0] 82.9| 73.9

2! .390| .267} .400| .849| .780| .684|75.8| 83.1] 73.5

3 .395| .260) .374) .805) .706 750| 76.7| 83.1) 69.3

4, .408} .279| .406) .962) .785! .888| 75.0] 81.5] 73.7

5 | .444) .297]/ .404/ .901| .799] .816) 75.7| 81.0] 73.0

6 446} .829} .420) .816| .677| .798) 74.4} 73.9] 71.6

7 | .416| .290] .887| .824) .708| .789| 77.4] 78.2| 73.8

8} .403° .271/ .384] .802| .630] .745]| 78.0| 80.7) 73.7

9] .385| 278} .406] .944) .756| .740| 78.5| 82.4| 72.6

TO | .433} .308/ .438} .930] .779} .777/| 77.8) 83.1| 73.4

31 [{ .448| .297} .381| 882) .875] .825) 76.3\ 81.4) 71.5

12 .379| .270| 879) .8571 .702| .764) 77.3) 82.5| 74.5

13 | .394| .278| 875} .802| .700| .742| 78,2| 80.2| 73.7

14} .363| .235) .385| .795) .519) .672| 78.4) 77.3) 71.5

15 | .870| .232| .884) .737) .599| .653| 76.3] 82.8| 72.0

16 |} .380] .260} .416] .784) .694) .667| 76.0) 82.5) 75.2

37) .427| 284) .411] .803} .724| .705] 77.0) 83.7) 74.1

18 .427| .267 396} .790| .666) .660[78.1) 83.3) 74.5

19 | .882] .269| .391| .802] .645| .653/77.8| 80.6} 75.2

20 403] .265| .401| .781| .935| .688]76.5| 86.0] 76.0

21 391) .263| .396| .922) .878| .678}77.8| 85.6] 73.1

22) .885| .262| .871) .839| .821| .648]79.1| 85.7) 74.1

23 392| .244] .859) .830} .795| .660]77.9| 85.3] 74.0

24 353, 247.875; 941] .835] 731] 79.2) 85.8! 73.2)

25 | .875| .269| .390} .838] .792| .664| 78.4| 86.0) 73.8

26 | .417| .276| .378) .843/ .769| .732| 80.5| 86.6| 76.9

27 | 891] .261) .385/ .845| .784| .667/ 80.0] 86.7/ 75.6,

28| .881} .270| .867| .785) .557/ .646) 79.5] 76.5) 72.2

29] .397| .263/ .378] .769| .662| .629/77.4) 83.2 74.3)

30 | .414] .298} .404] .832] .767| .710| 77.8| 84.7 75.1

31 | .395| .279} .400| .805| .670] .664| 78.0|843 76.2

28.399 te aia | 27.735] 27.715] 77.2) 82.6 73.7

Dew Point.

9.30} 3.30} 10.0

56.4) 66.6

58.3] 69.3

61.9/ 65.3

58.7| 60.0

58.9] 63.6

66.6] 65,2

63.3] 64,1

62.7

61.2

63.7

55.8

61.3

65.6

63.8

64.2) 66.1) 66.0

55.5| 60.2] 67.2

59.2| 60.6) 67.0

62.5] 54.3) 62.0

60.2] 62.6] 64.9

63.8] 63.1) 65.7

62.6] 69.3) 69.2

65.7| 65.7| 69.9

64,0] 62.5} 70.6

65,3] 62.2|68 9

65.9} 64,2} 70.1

63.2| 65,3} 70.2

65.2) 47.6] 69.2

57.2| 51.8) 69.4:

61.5

62.3

53.6

61.0

62.9

61.5

64.0

62.2) 60.6 67.5

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR EKanpy, CEYLON.

Humidity.

A. M./P. M.(P. M.

12 o'clock.

9.30) 3.30} 10.0

In Sun’s Rays at

| Minimum on the Grass.

614 | 402) 783) 151.0) 57.2

606 | 424! 870) 150.0) 57.1

646 | 490} 871) 153.6) 59.1

514 | 457} 625) 141.0) 50.6

609 | 464) 724) 135.2) 58.2

738 | 783) 800) 134.0) 66.2

632 } 600) 718) 145.2) 65.9

626 | 609) 775| 159.0) 63.5

452 | 471| 835) 150,2) 60.0

530 | 466} 806) 155.2) 59.3

628 | 386] 715) 150.0) 58.2

557 | 513) 720] 146.3) 53.4

612 | 554) 766] 143.2) 61.4

573 | 762) 926/ 159.2) 60.0

702 | 561{ 930] 150.4) 65.0

670 | 510} 855} 150,5) 60.3

674 | 484) 840} 155.1, 69,1

663 | 525) 865} 150.7| 66.8

612 | 592) 845) 153.9) 63.6

686 | 267) 790) 151.9] 60.1

533 | 315) 885} 150.0) 62,1

548 | 354) 860) 148.8] 59.8

591 | 366} 835) 146.9) 59,9

414 | 330] 792) 148.6] 55.2

559 | 376) 870] 145.2) 56.3

545 | 391| 702) 146.5) 58.8

530 | 368] 810) 145.0] 58.5

587 | 779) 920) 147.8] 62.8

670 | 528] 885) 154.1] 61.4.

616 | 442) 796) 151.1) 61.2

614 | 513) 811) 146.9) 59.9

598 | 487) 814) 148.9] 60.1

Maximum in Air.

meetin in Ade.

| Difference.

82.3 #8

82.0 63.5) 1

82.6] 66.6, 1

7.5

8.5

81.7 58.0) 23.

82.8] 70.2} 12.6

83.4] 69.8] 13.6

83.1} 67.2] 15.9

83.4] 66.2) 17.2

81.7) 65.4) 16.3

82.8) 59.9) 22.9

82.1) 68.0) 14.1

83.2] 66.4) 16.8

82.8] 67.8) 15.0

83.0| 65.5) 17.5

83.4| 66.3] 17.1

83.6] 70.9} 12.7

84.9) 68.7/ 16.2

86.0| 65.2} 20.8

85.9} 65.1) 20.8

86.3) 66.7) 19.6

86.2) 64,8) 21.4

86.4) 62.2) 24.2

86.2) 63.2) 23.0

86.7] 65.6) 21.1

86.9) 65.3) 21.6

83.5] 68.2) 15.3

85.4) 65.7) 19.7

86.3| 66.7| 19.6

86.5] 65.8) 20.7

83.9] 66.0) 17.9

| Mean.

| Dew in Grs, per sqr. ft.

Evaporation in Grs. per

sqr. ft.

5915

4 8038

8239

4802

6672

6622

8391

6673

4)'7229

7178

6925

5005

3913

| 5894.

5561

5156

5085

7613

8563

5) 9201

7835

1060

5/7987

9756

8341

3973

4691

6399

5864

6763

6168

25894

A.M. | P.M.

Total.

9.30 | 10.0

0.050} 0.537 | 0.587

ee SS

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kawnpy, CEYLON.

DODHOARD WOWOCHOH MOMMOWH YQOWOWOS Mer rw

eoooooNnn 5 oO

‘snyedyg P Suquatyy HO oO | oF

OIWOM ANOS Chmcqgnoo MOQOS wd DBOWoOwRQoO ONT ba

- a EO Ooo oO

Bo SOSOOOOO SCOOOHTO NOSSCSSS SOSCSCSCSS HAH | SC

3 ‘snjnuing) oo oS ooo | —)

Telli. We ee ee SOROS TE

o | SOOOO00GO SCSOSSGSONM SDOSDSSOSDSD S9909090909 99° =

“Sn[MUINnD -O.LIT—) | on ao | oO

SoOOoOOnRnm ONODOCOHR SCSOSSSCSSO 999999% N99

*SNYCIYG -O.LIT/) | ar +4 1S cr) xa Oo | oO

ee ee SL ee ee

AMQNDOSO SCNSOHOSSD SCORSSSS mWmOoOSCSORS MOO 19

‘sng | HOMO re wo S a x S | =

oP ee i ee Lot en aed he oe Se ie a ee ee eee

FRSSCSSOS RANHANCH Noeenses THING ORS GQ ost Rone S

BRODSCOSHM COHNOHTH SC HHSOOCO CONOCOSSoo 98°n al

*[eqO NL, aa

ee eee

SISiSSlS GIO ISlO ClO CISION ESIOIS I OIOISION FOICISOSISC (SO FOSS ; 2

“‘SNgVIYG WD SNQUILN for) | 5

ee, Ae oe 2 ee ee ee

Seer rim DCOMAHOD NOSCSCHSS SCOSSWHR _ BRO | @

8 ae eT Cee

a ‘snug CODCOD COO COO OCOoOoD COO COSoCoOSoD COO SSeSoSeSe Ze | 2

SAI a IS aie Siege ie | seta, 1 steer Pai eptnremeneaen ae

a } aoooone Sy SOoOoOoO0OSo SCOSCOSCCOn WOO q

4 “SN[MUINA -OLIT/) | oS oo SS) o

eae! eee ae ee SS

“snqenyg-011i9 | COSCCDOCOo COCO CoD Coo SDSDSoSo Coe Se9S99o 989° | S

pie ee a a a ee ee ee =

ren | CADW SSHSoOo A SO SHS aa on

P98I aox0yt | POI 62 SHAD KON

xxi

Meteorological Observations.»

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

F DHAGBNARDO AALOMAM OO 4

puoses RADETRSH SNGRASS AO HARASS BASLSSS Sad | x

sad yooy ur Ayrooja A. DHADTODHS BHAwWHHAS N CSHANS SNATKRAHS DHA a)

= Han a 4 4° 4 |

E cs Am n a mae he

z 5 7A S Bing & ae ph . Hebe g8e28..38 8s ci

c 4 2° SAS A os so 5 iS HOO COCO SAE ‘so :

ie 3 R4445 A200 _F 7OSO04A AZAAG SO Se .

: 2 cs] | Ss ar iS s

ao }

ee 4

g 8

=| aie

Oo o :

2 ¢ re A AoeZee bp. FE, peeoepP oP :

A | AeA > a iE a as a A :

ra 3 oy al a A oe Suse ee tre 7, BO &

i . 3 :

& Feaii=>| lao | Eade ae <a mM |

3 [| 8ORaAMe WR WOW COOMA Oi9w S

og WES SSeS HOO Smo! VSciS SS OF So | 3

8 5 SSSCOAMA AMHONMO ODOOOOO SCOOHHMO OOO i

ro) WV 9 | So

Qe SSS Ce ORO WSS Qo eooor occ ce Torrens R

"TRIO, PAGS GB GANSCSCHS AGRSGAVBIGD SCHSninASwW Hoa Ney

Qmooceot SCoocscooceo esosooo 9e9°900000 0906 i

‘'snyeg DY snquItyy aa rors ~ Nc) ASG | a

| SSSSROS SONSSOARS SSSSSSS SCHSSSRS Saw ra)

g ea) So or io) for) ADO Fy BHAA HON | a

e ranqaaing | Gooooce Foooccoo Goaacce SScoSeScoS oS | 2

‘sn: “oui SS99090900 SC9000S9D SCODSD0DDS CO800000 SOO Cr)

(Urn) -O-4IT = = =) i)

Come coo CoC ooo, So cee CO Co CoO C Oo (OCS

*S04RI4G-O1ILQ ry 3 | S

p SSSSRSS SSSSSAS SSSSSSO SRSSSHRQ S99o So

Lior) mw =) On | taal

*BILLITA) |

Xxii Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CreyLon.

w be

3.30 P. M. 2, 10.0 P. Me a

» ond

Direction of wind. & Direction of wind. &

Z pt SS

qa we > e

2 Vane, Lower Clouds. | -& § Vane. Lower Clonds.| -3 8

A gu ck

a > &

1 | Variable Variable 6.60 N W by Calm 1.76

2 NE Variable 7.74 Calm Too dark 0.00

3 | N W by Variable 3.87 WbyS None 0.35

4 E E 14.17 E by N None 8.45

5 E Eby S 13.73 Ki Too dark {11.88

6| EbyS E | 13.38 ESE E 8.62

7 E E 11.35 E by N Too dark | 11.62

8 NE Eby N calm /|19.89 ESE Too dark 6.78

9|) EbyN Calm 15.40 | EN E by Too dark 0.53

10|NEbyN|] WN Wealm 686 | N W by W Calm 0.00

ll | EbyN Calm 13.20 SSW None 0.00

12 ENE Calm 12.94 | ES E by Calm 1,94

13 | EbyN Calm 23.67 E by None 1.23

14 'N W by W Variable 8 80 N P 2.82

15} NNW ENE 5.37 W by Calm 0.09

UG: il Sages oreth liad dh dmeeeece 0 Ww Variable 0.70

17; WNW Variable 3.52 N W Variable 0.09

18 | WbyS Variable 8.98 NW N W by 0.70

19 ws Ww EH 1.76 WwW Calm 0.09

20 | Eby N Calm 13.20 WbyS Variable 2.46

21 | NEby Calm 9.24 Calm Variable 0.00

22 E Calm 8.27 S W by None 0.00

23 | NE by H E by calm 11.00 Variable ESE 1.32

24: KH Calm 14.08 NN W None 3.87

25 | EbyN Calm 17.07 Calm EbyS 0.00

26 EK by N EH 14.78 E E 6.25

27 E by Variable 8.80 | WN W by Calm 1.67

28; SSW Variable 9.50 Ss Calm 3.17

29 NN Variable 2.20 Calm 3 0.00

30 | N W by N Variable 1.58 WNW None 2.64

31| WSW | Variable Calm | 6.07 NW ? 2,29

Meteorological Observations. xxiii

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Distance in Miles in

24 Hours.

88.29

Lightning and Thunder.

Th. in fore even & at even to S W Faint L R.

In afternoon Th, to S Wward.

In fore even Th, to N E. In after even L R to S.

Th. in fore even to S W and in after even,

In aftereven LR toNNNE&S W.

In after evenL RtoNW&S W,

In fore even Th. & in after even L R to N W.

Th, in afternoon & fore even,

In fore even Th. to S W,

In afternoon Th, to S Wward.

At even & some time after L & L

In aftereven LRtoSW&WS

In after evn L&ELRtoW &SWNW&WSW,SSW. Th. very distant,

In afternoon Th, In after even L R to ES EH, WS W,S by W.

In fore even L & Th. to N W at 10 rp.m.L RtoS W.

In after even L R to S.

Th, in afternoon & fore even,

ae es

XXIV

March, 1864.

CO NOoakwn

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kawnpy, CEYLON.

GENERAL REMARKS.

eee

Cool fresh morn; hot & dry fore & afternoon; warm & very, sultry after,

with heavy clouds, some light rain.

The same as above, clouds gather earlier: but no rain,

Fine, warm to very hot day. Cool & fresh after even.

Fog at morn: cold & fresh, dry, warin to hot day. Mild after even,

Cool & dry at morn: as above for the rest of the day.

Mild to warm & damp, light showers throughout the day.

Fine dry & fresh till noon, in afternoon heavy clouds & storm to S W ; in after

[even some very light rain,

The same as above, but light rain in fore even, & fine after 8 P. mu.

Cool & fresh at morn : fine, hot & dry till fore even, when heavy clouds gather-

ed but only a few drops of rain,

Fine, warm to hot & dry day ; threatening Nim at even & after, but no rain.

Warm to hot & very dry day, in later after even mild to cool & fresh.

Cool fresh morn; hot & very dry day ; heavy clouds fore & after even till 9

p. M, when clear, cool & fresh. Leven,

Mild to cool morn; hot & dry till even, heavy clouds & light shower in fore

Mild at morn; fine, hot & dry till2.45 Pp. . after warm & mugey, some light rain.

Very damp at morn ; hot, dry oppressive day, heavy Nim. gather & break up ;

rain in fore even.

Cool morn fine, hot dry day, afternoon heavy clouds gather & break up.

Cool at morn, fine, warm to hot & dry day, close & muggy at 10.0 P. mu.

Mild to hot & oppressive day, in fore & after even, heavy Nim. [here,

Fine & pleasant morn; hot & sultry day ; heavy clouds in afternoon, no rain

Cool morn; clear, hot & very dry fore & afternoon, sultry after even, sky over.

The same as the 20th. [cast with Cum. Stratus.

The same as above, but in after even sky covered by Electric Cirro-stratus ;

squally wind in fore & afternoon. (Cum. Str. & Cir. Cum.

The same as above, in after even very sultry & oppressive, sky overcast with

The same as above till even, but after even fine, clear & fresh. [& afternoon.

The same as above till even,after even fine & clear but sultry,squally wind fore

The same as above till even, after even fine, dry & pleasant; squally wind

from 9 A, M. till even, [out rain, very sultry fore & after even.

The same till 4p, m. then heavy Nim. gathered over the sky, but cleared with-

Hot & oppressive, dry till 2 Pp. m., then damp heayy clouds gathered in forenoon

and smart showers at 4 P. M.

Fog at morn; hot, dry very oppressive day; heavy Nim. gathered in after-

noon & covered the sky fore & after even, but no rain.

Cool at morn ; warm to hot dry & sultry all day, clear till 2 Pp. m. when heavy

Nim. gathered ; a few drops rain fell. (afternoon, but no rain.

Cool at morn; hot, dry day, sultry at even & after, heavy clouds gathered in

Solar Halo 5th, 6th, 11th, 3lst. Lunar Halo 22nd.

Meteorological Observations taken at Gangaroowa near Kandy,

Ceylon, in the month of April, 1864.

Alt. 1560 ft.; E. Long. 80° 37’, N. Lat. 7° 17’.

All the Instruments have been compared with standards.

The tension of aqueous vapour, dew point and humidity, have been

found from the readings of the dry and wet bulb Thermometers by

Mr. Glaisher’s Hygrometrical tables (Ed. 1863).

The dew is the weight in grains deposited on a square foot of

ordinary woollen cloth exposed on a board from_6 P. M. to 6 A. M.

or for as many hours as there is no rain.

The evaporation is given by a Babington’s Atmidometer placed

under cover, so as to be protected from the sun, rain and dew, but

freely exposed to the wind.

The ozone cage is hung about 25 feet above the ground.

The direction of the wind given, is that of the lowest current, by the

vane; and of the currents above this, by the direction in which the

Nimbi and Cumulo-Strati clouds are moving.

In this column a “ calm” signifies that the clouds are apparently

motionless: “ variable,” that the clouds apparently in the same or

nearly the same stratum move in no fixed direction, but their parts

move as if in vortices, or different masses of them move up from

different quarters as if into a vast vortex, this being nearly always the

ease before thunder storms.

WS We oo W Sa

NNW ” NN Weal,

evidently in strata of different altitudes, that those in the lowest

stratum move from W S W;; those in the next higher from N N W;

those in the next are apparently becalmed, and so on.

The velocity and distance in 24 hours are given by Robinson’s

Anemometer. |

In the column for Lightning and Thunder—

L =“ Lightning,” when the flash is near enough to be visible.

LR =“ Lightning Reflection,” when the flash is so distant that

only its reflection on the clouds or in the air is visible.

“ Morn,” is6 a. M., “ Even,’ 6p. M. and “ Night,” 12 p. mu. and

“ fore” and “ after” are prefixed to these, as ordinarily to “ Noon,”

to denote the 3 previous and 3 following hours.

R. H. Banryes.

Entries, such as signify that the clouds are

XXVI Meteorological Observations.

GAaNGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Barometer Pressure of °

romcea ness epee Thermometer. | Dew Point.

ey _———————————

ma A. M. | P. M. P. M. A.M. ipa P. M. |A, M.|P. M.|P. M.|A. M./P. M./P. M.

el 9.30 | 3.30 | 10.0 | 9.30 | 3.30 | 10.0 | 9.30} 3.30; 10.0) 9.30) 3.30} 10.0

1 | 28.422) 28.256] 28.396) 27.805] 27.666] 27.704) 78.9) 84.6] 74.9] 65.0; 63.7] 68.3

2 .410} .272) .395| .790| .884) .694! 78.5) 85.9] 73.0) 65.1) 52 0] 68.7

3 429) .284| .385| .881] .890 701) 78,5) 85.4) 73.5| 61.6] 52.4/ 68.0

4 .896| .276) .3884) .770] .675! .769) 77.3) 83.2| 75.2) 65.4) 64.2) 64.9

5 .879| .244] 848) .766| .662| .612) 78.2] 85.9] 73.5) 64.8) 68.3] 70.1

6 .303| .251/ .336} .673) .564| .616| 79.3] 71.9) 72.0) 67.8) 68.1] 69.4

7 .338| .207 322] .637 .520| .596] 76.7| 80.7| 72.0) 68.7) 68.1] 69.7

8 305) .171| 287) .664) 532] .527) 77.5} 83.7, 73.2! 66.1| 66.0) 71.0

9 .301} .158} .280) .628} .553) .481) 77.4) 86.4) 76.1) 67.5) 64.4) 72.5

10 .807| .221{ .320) .615} 562! .616/ 80.1] 81.3! 72.3] 68.3] 66.9) 68.8

11 .3829| 206} 360) .651) .514] .596)| 79.01 82.2) 73.1 67.7] 68.3] 71,2

12 .306| 189) 344) .642! .445 .590) 77.4| 82.4) 72.5| 68 4) 70.4! 70.8

13 .343| .205| .321) .610) .544 .603 78,3) 82.3) 72.0] 70.0] 67.0! 69.4

14 254) .153) .280| .604) .548) .534) 77.2)| 84.3) 73.6] 66.5] 64.4) 70.5

15 280) .153| .274) .593} .489) .530| 77.4) 84..7| 77.0) 68.1| 67.1] 70.4,

16 .299) .171| .271) .543} .378| .517|'78.8| 79.2) 72.5) 70.9] 72.3! 70.8

Wy -292) .152| .286) .533] .403) .575|'78.3) '73.7| 72.6|71.0| 70.6] 69.1

18 O}) lope -oL2 O)) Avail, e579 0} 79.4! 71.8 0| 67.8} 70.0

19 .807| .202) .289) .541 .005| .583] 73.0) 74.7; 71.4] 71.3] 68.5] 68.9

20 .281| .193) .271; .580) .419) .494) 73.6] 74.0 72.2) 68.7) 71.6] 71.7

21 .289| .153] .260) .566; .374) .522|'75.3) 73.0] 71.3] 69.6] 71.8] 70.2

22 .284| .134 262} .530) .890) .501|75.6| 74.1] 72.0] 70.8] 70.4].71.1

23 -291; .211) .339) .558) .462) .621| 74.3] 72.2! 70.1] 70.0] 70.6] 69.4

24 341, .285: 374) =.668] 567} 651) 75.6] 71.0! 70.7| 67.5] 69.4! 69.6

25 | .402} .327| .421] .791| .621| .739| '74.6| 79.2| 69.7) 64.7| 68.91 67.9

26 420} .314) 409) .832] .653) 731] 74.0) 80.1] 71.2! 63.6] 67.0, 67.7

27 .892| .280} .381) .770| .572| .680] .6 80.1|.71.0 65.2] 69.0] 68.7

28 .365| .260) .385) .708] .494} .592!'77.6 82.0 75.7) 66.8) 71.3) 72.3

29 -365/ .288) .401} .586] .509/ .629]'78.5) 82.4 74.6 71.8] 71.8) 71.5

30 408} .307| .380} .690] .589] .691} 78.5] 80.0 71.0 69.4) 69.4! 68.2

31 0 0 0 0 0 0; Oly (0; 0) 0) S0mano

28.342] 28.223 28.336, 27.663) 27.549] 27 609] 77.1 ae 72.6, 67.7| 67.2| 69.7

Sun’s Rays at

12 o'clock.

P. M.|P, M.

3.30) 10.0

ax .1m

800} 150.9

865) 151.1

830} 153.6

716) 149.9

890} 153.2

915) 155.8

925

885

890

935

942

915

900

151.2

150.8

155.3

147.2

154.3

145.1

148.8

946

942

890

942

920

983

965

970

976

964:

940

882

922

890

152.0

153.0

147.7

140.8

98.4:

133.0

155.3

144 3

127.8

14.6.0

137,5

132.2

140.0

900) 141.7

155.0) €

139.0} 6

| Minimum on Grass.

Meteorological Observations.

Maximum in Air.

Minimum in Air.

139.2

904,

145.0

65.1

lo ofle oie e) @ @

82.5] 68.4

| Difference.

NWROWNO ND

—"

aa SIT

QD OG CLO

NOW AAA

So Aan tI TICwW Wb

Grs. per

Dew in Grs. per sqr. ft

sqr. ft.

Evaporation in

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Rain,

At 4% feet.

A. M.

9.30

Rain.

XXVil

At 39 feet,

P. M.

10.0

11.614

Total.

0.000

0,000

0.046

0.583

0.003

0.001

0.000

0.001

0.479

0.224

0.000

1.982

0.235

0.654

0.109

0.153

0.148

4.779

0.050

0.887

1.427

0.000

0.006

11.767|0.128 !11.512

A. M. | P. M.

9.30 | 10.0

0.000 |0,000

0.000 |0,.000

0.000 |0.000

0.000 |0.044

0.000 |0.561

0.001 |0.000

0,000

0.000

0,003

0.000

0.001

0.000

0,490

0.221

0.000

0,000

0.000

0.121

0.001

2,019

0.218

0,618

0.093

0.015

0.134

4,755

0.001

0.000

(000

0.000

0,033

0.880

1.423

0.000

0,000

0.000 |0,000

0.000 |0.007

0 0

11.640

————

songuang y suqury | BAU HAR

mNSDSSOS COS

*snyeayg-opnuing |

P.M. 3.30

SSOSONSCOLR

“SH[MUINY)-OLI

ecownooceo

wOSHASSCO

Looe nl et et St

Scooontss

WHAS

wrEnAaoooS

phe Lobelia Soeooeoton COCSSCSoS eoooocdso

8.2

0} 8.5} 10.0

0} 8.0

0.2) 1.8) 4.3

— |/§_ —_—_—_| —— | ——_ —

SCOOCONMNMOO bt le a oooooce

Soon

SSSSHDSS SOHSSES ANKHBOSCS

*S0qB14.G-O1IL9 |

monn o

SoOoCoCos

WOSHRSSR® ASSSOSSS SSSOWHHS OS

See 7

eoooocKe eooococago

SHIVIJY FW SNQUITNY |

‘snye1}G-o[nuIND |

Meteorological Observations.

Roti in a eine nS SA 8 | ere ed

AISSSSS aw

east de

0.5

eoooooo ocooooocoe

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

SSOSOMHBS SCOSONGO

A. M. 9.30

“SH[NUIN()-O.LITD

i] re @

eooonmso°o

aARwooas

& od So

XXYV1IL

wWOm~dRDOn

Seem NN

1.2

1.1] 0.0

2.5/ 0.6

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

p. mu. 10.0

wn zone.

a : Ozo:

aa £\£

yy gE ln ae

s | 4 -|n |x

5 =| a n

Pie ied a | Bel. | a) s

3} da ie

EIEIEIE ela! @ Jale

Sree iololin lal) A lele

Gaon o | 0' 80 of Bo} Oo 1

Molo |-0] 0.7| of 0.7} 0) 0

mao olo} oF 0 0| o| o

ma On wt) 0. | 43.3) 0} 338) 2) 1

9.0 o| O| 0O| 1.0) Oo} 10,0 }0.5/1.5

0.3 0; O 0 0} 8.5) 88 Oo} 3

moo) 0} 1.0) sof 10) oO} 1

0.5 0; O OP) 1.5 0} 2.0 QO} O

aero) a} 0] 9,0) 9.0 | o05

on OM @\ «0°! 9:0, 0} 9.0 | 0} 1

3.0 oO} O 0 0| 7.0) 10.6 o| 1

1.5} 5.0] 0.2 0 0) 0.3) 7.0 Oi) 2

S4) 'o} 0} 0} 1.0) of 94] oO 1

0 oO} O 0} 2.0 Oo! 2.0 0| 1.5

o| of 0] 0] 96 of 96] of 1

0} ollo.0| o| of oOo} 10.0 jos) 1

0 0| 9.8 0} 0.2 0} 10.0 Oo}; 2

0 0o| O 0 0} 100) 100 2) 2

oO} ooo} o| of oO} 100} 01.5)

Geecnz) o| 0] so) 9.7 3} 1

0} of 0o| of{ _0/10.0] 10.0] 0/05

8.5 0} 0.3 | 0.2 0 Ol 916 Ol pl

0} 9.8) O 0; 0.2 0} 10.0 0} 1

0}10.0/ 0| o| oO} 0; 10.0] 0} 0

eo oO} o| 8 0} 0.0 | +0105

o| of o| o| of} of 00/05) o

Meron | 0 | O7l< Ol OF | a) 1

o| of O| o|] 8&5} OF 85 Jo5) 1

moy 0) 0%} O | 1.0) O20; 4) 1

Ge OF OO) 20) Bo 20) 2

1.1/0.9 |}1.1 |0.0 | 1.7] 1.8] 6.6 | 0,4) 1.0

9.30 A.M.

Direction of wind.

Vane.

Variable

W by N

W by

Variable

W by

Variable

S by W

N E by

NN W by

W by

N by

ENE by

NNE

Variable

S W by W

WNW

SSW

SW by N

Xxix

ro¥

as)

oa)

LowerClouds., -5 8

Variable 1.67

aD) 243

ENE 6.16

NE 3.34

Calm 2.16

Variable - 2.02

Variable 5.11

Variable 0,00

Variable 0.35

Calm 2.29

Variable 2.55

None 2.20

ESE 7.57

None 1.58

Eby S 2.64

H 2.11

ENE 0.79

wee 0

? 0.18

? 106

E 0.18

Calm 2.82

W by 1.76

S by (?) 5.28

None 3.96

ee 0

SWbyS | 10.91

S by W 7.57

ter ees 3.38

XXX Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kawnpy, Crynon.

% he

3.30 P.M. 5, 10.0 P. A,

> >

Direction of wind. 2 Direction of wind. 2

x A a

oO . :

ee — Be

ie Vane. Lower Clouds. | -2 § Vane Lower Clouds.| -& §

<q a e

1 ws WwW Variable 6.25 Calm Too dark 0.00

2| HbyN Variable 14.08 | N W by N Too dark 3.17

3 NH Variable 7.39 Ws W W by 1.94

4 N W Variable 6.25 SW Calm 3.08

5| WNW Variable 7.83 NNW Calm 273

6 NE EN HE by Calm | 2.38 N W by Too dark 1.67

7|WS W by NN E by 3.78 | NN W by P 0.02

8| WNW Variable 7.83 Calm Too dark 0.00

9| Wby N Variable 6.86 N W Too dark 0.62

10 aS Variable 12.41} NWby W | Too dark 0.09

11 | NEby# E 748 N by Calm 0.10

12 W Calm 10.38 Variable Too dark 0.18

13 |S W by W Variable 9.06 N W ENE 2.46

14! WS WwW ES E (?) 783 NW N E (?) 1.94

15 N W E by S by 7.83 NN W N by E 0.00

16 | S by (?} Variable 7.48 NW None 2.29

17 | EN E by Calm 1.50; ENEb Too dark 4.93

18 | N N E by H 6.42 WS W Too dark | 3.17

19 E Calm ? 6.07 Calm None 0.00

20 EN H ENE 0.26 N W ESE 0.26

21 | Variable Calm 2.29 NE re. 6.51

22 SSE W by 1.14 WNW None 0.88

23 ESE Calm 0.26 Variable Calm 0.00

24] W by S by 0.88 Nb None 0.70

25 W by S WwW 14.87 | N W by W None 1,50

26 | W by N WS W by 9.68 W by None 0.35

27 WwW WwW 16.72 WN W Too dark 1.85

28 | WhyS Calm 12.67 W Too dark 8.10

29 W S W by 19.18 S W by ? 0.26

30 S by Calm. 6.34 WN W Too dark 3.87

BOOCROe Me Ma MU morte os 745 ee 5apens 1.75

Distance in Miles in

24 Hours.

Meteorological Observations. XXx1

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Lightning and Thunder,

—

Between 7 & 8 vp. M, brilliant L R to N N W—N.

[L R to W by S—W N W.

Between 9 & 10 p. um. L & Th, barely heard to W N W—N W & brilliant

At 4 Pp, m. one clap of Th. heard. {fore even L & Th, not far.

In fore & afternoon & fore even Th, at even L & Th. dist. to S W & in early

At 2e.m. L & Th. not far at 3.30 p. ms L & Th. to N W & in fore even

L & Th. dist. a few miles at 8 p. mM. vivid L R to W—W S W.

At 2 p.m. Th. in fore even L & Th. in N W quarter between 7 & 8 P.M.

LRtoN-—NNW&SSW.

feven LL RtoS by W,SSW&NNE,

At 3.30 p, m. Th. & shortly one flash L to S E by E dist. 4 miles.. In after

From 2.30 to 3.30 p.m L & Th. to E N E dist. 1 or 2 miles. At even

frequent L in a mass of Cumulus to N W.

At noon, after 2 p.m. &infore evenTh. At even two flashes L with Th.

to W, WN W dist. 7 & 12 miles, between 7 & 8 Pp. mh. L R to WN W,

NNW&SW&S after 9 ep, mh. L R to W—S W, S—S EF & dist. Th:

After 2.45 p, um, Th, & after 4.30 tillevenL & Th toS W—N dist. several

miles. In after even frequent L & Th. more or less dist, & at 10 p, Mu.

LRtoWNW&ENE.

At 3.30 p. M. & in all fore even Th_—at 8 p.m. L R toW N W.

Between 7 & 8 p.m. L & Th. dist. several miles. (L RtoN N W.

Between 1 & 2 p.m. Th.in foreeven L & Th. dist. several miles & at even

At 2p.m. Th. & shortly L with Th, not far dist, AtlO er. mu. L R to E.

Between 2 & 3.30 Pp. M. Th.

From 2.30 Pp. M. to 6 Pp. M, L with Th. not far dist, some flashes very near.

In afternoon Th. L R at even in Cumulus to N W by W, at 8.30 to E &

at 10 p,m. L & L Rin Cumulus toS W by 8,8 Wby W& NW.

At 1.30 p.m. Th, from 2 to3 Pp, M. frequent L & Th. dist. lor2 miles & more.

From 1.30 to 2 p.m. L & Th, some flashes quite close, at 3.30 Pp. M. dist, Th.

[8 p. u. bright L R to W S W.

Between 7 & 8 rv. mM. L R to N E & brilliant Lin Cumulus to E by S after

At 1p. mM. & after Th. at 3.30 p. wm. L & Th. dist. several miles, & in fore

even L & Th. in all, N half of sky dist. a few miles.

XXxil

es | April, 1864.

ReoOowo or OD oO BWP

Meteorological Observations.

GANGAROOWA NEAR Kanpy, CEYLON.

Fog & very damp at morn; hot & dry day, sultry inafter even, heavy Cum.

Str. & cover, large part of sky for rest of the day. [squally in forenoon,

Cool & fresh at morn, warm to very hot & dry, not much cloud, wind rather

The same as above, but at even heavy threaten. clouds in N W quarter.

Warm to very hot & dry but sultry & oppressive all day ; more or less Cum.

Str. all day, very threaten. in fore even.

Cool at morn, warm to very hot, dry & oppressive till 4 P, M. when some rain

& after pleasant. Heavy Nim. gatherd. in afternoon.

Cool damp morn, warm to hot & oppressive till the rain, then raw & damp

heavy rain in afternoon & afterwards light rain. [but broke up without rain.

Cool damp morn, fine &clear till Noon, Nim. gathered in afternoon & fore even,

Cool fresh morn, warm to hot pleasant day, Nim. gather. in afternoon covered

the sky in fore even but broke up with only a few drops rain.

As on previous day. [but broke up with a little rain,

Mild to very hot & oppressive day, heavy Nim, in afternoon & fore even,

Fine & pleasant till 10 a. m. heavy rain for an hour in forenoon, Nim. cover-

ing the sky afternoon, fore & afternoon & some rain.

Raw & damp with fog till 7 4 mM. warm to hot, at times muggy, at times

pleasant, after Noon Nim. & rain in fore & after even.

Very damp morn, warm to hot & pleasant day. In fore even Nim. covered

the sky but only a few drops rain.

Very damp with fog at morn, cloudy but fine, warm to hot, dry & pleasant day.

Damp morn, fine, dry & pleasant till even, very heavy rain fr. 6.45 till8 P. M.

& then again fine. [3.0 vp, M. & 4.30 to 9.0 P. M.

Mild to very hot, damp & oppressive day, Nim. at Noon & after, rain 2.30 to

Fog at morn, mild to hot, damp & oppressive day, heavy Nim. gathered at

noon, rain 2.30 to 3 & 4.30 to9 Pp. M. [from E rain fr. 4.15 till after 8 P. M.

Mild to hot & pleasant till fore even, then damp Nim. more or less passing over

Mild to raw, damp cloudy day, light rain fr. 2.4, M. till9 4.™M, showers in

fore & after Noon. [light showers.

Mild to warm, damp day, Nim, more or less all day, generally fr. E N Hor H

Mild & very damp day, heavy Nim. gatherd. in afternoon, fr. 2.30 to 3.30 P. M,

38 inches rain fell, rain all fore & after even, [& in afiernoon & fore even.

Mild to warm, damp, muggy & cloudy day, light rain between 10 P.M. &6 4. M..

Very damp, at times raw, oppressive day, Nim. gathered in forenoon, heavy

rain 1.30 to 3.30 p.m. & lightrain in fore even,[lightrain all fore & after even.

Oppressive at noon, raw and damp after the rain. heavy rain fr. 1.30 till 3 Pp, M.

Very damp with fog at morn, mild to warm, dry & fresh day,

Cool, fresh morn, mild to hot, dry, pleasant day, sky nearly cloudless.

As on previous day. [less clouded.

As on previous day till afternoon, then sultry & oppressive, & sky more or

Muggy morn, fine, hot, pleasant, more or less cloudy day, sultry after even. —

Mild to hot plessant day, heavy Nim. in afternoon & fore even, but they

broke up with only a little rain here.

‘Solar Haloseenon 6th, 7th, 12th,14th, 15th, 22d, 23d, Lumar Halo seenon 18th.

a a