CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

ASIA

3 1924 066 284 625

.

.

©

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

VOL. XLVII.

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.)

(Nos. I to IV. — 1878: with 23 plates.)

EDITED BY

J"he Philological ^Secretary.

“ It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, pliilologers, and men of science

in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to

the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long

intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm. Jones.

CALCUTTA :

FEINTED BY O. H. BOUSE, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PEESS,

AND PUBLISHED AT THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY’S BOOMS, 57, PAEK STEEET.

1878.

T

I

t

CONTENTS

OF

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Part I,

for 1878.

Page

No. I.

The Mo‘allaqah of Zuheyr, rendered into English, with an introduc¬

tion and notes. — By C. J. Lyall, C. S . 1

Stray Arians in Tibet. — By R. B. Shaw, Political Agent, (with a

Plate), . 26

On Representations of Foreigners in the Ajanta Frescoes. — By

Rajendralala Mitra, Rai Bahadur, LL. D., C. I. E. (with

four plates), . 62

A Copper-plate Grant from Banda. — By Rajendralala Mitra,

Rai Bahadur, LL. D., C. I. E., (with a plate), . 73

Recent Trans-Frontier Explorations', communicated by Col. J. T.

Walker, C. B., R. E., Surveyor- General of India, (with a

Map), . 78

Notes on two Copper-plate Inscriptions found in the Hamirpur

District, N. W. P., by/Y. A. Smith, B. A., B. C. S. With a

note by Prannath Pandit, M. A., B. L , . 80

The Antiquities of Bagura, (Bogra). — By H. Beveridge, C. S., ... 89

No. II.

Mathura Notes. — By F. S. Growse, M. A., Oxon. C. S., ... 97

No. III.

The Song of Manik Chandra. — By G. A. Grierson, C. S., . 135

The Lokaniti, translated from the Burmese Paraphrase. — By Lieut.

R. C. Temple, B. S. C., Oft’g. Wing Officer, 1st Goorkhas, . 239

No. IY.

The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad — A Chronicle, (1713 — 1857).

By William Iryine, C. S., Fatehgurb, N. W. P., Part I, ... 259

The Pala and the Sena Rajas of Bengal. — By Rajendralala Mitra,

Rai Bahadur, LL. D., C. I. E., . 384

LIST OF PLATES

IN

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Part I,

eor 1878.

PL I (p. 26). Arians (Dards) of the Upper Indus.

PI. II (p. 66). A Persian Embassy to an Indian Court (from Ajanta).

PI. Ill (p. 68). A Bactrian Domestic Scene from Ajanta.

Pl. IY (p. 69). A Bactrian Domestic Scene from Ajanta.

Pl. V (p. 69). Fig. 1. Bactrian. Fig. 2. Indian.

PL VI (p. 73). A Copper-plate Grant from Bandab.

PL YII (p. 78). Sketch Map constructed to illustrate explorations made

in connection with the operations of the Great Trigonometrical

Survey of India.

Pl. VIII (pp. 101, 102). Ground Plan of the Temple of Radha Ballabhiat

Brindaban.

Pl. IN (p. 102). Temple of Radha Ballahhi in Brindaban.

PL X (pp. 113, 114). The Chhatthi Palna,at Mahaban (from a photograph). •

Pl. XI (p. 115). Restored Elevation of the Sikhara over the Jag-Mohan

temple of Govind Deva, Brindaban.

PL XII (p. 116). Restored Elevation of the Sati Burj, Mathura.

Pl. XIII (p. 116). The Sati Burj, Mathura (from a photograph).

Pl. XIV Temple of Jugal Kishore at Brindaban (from a

photograph).

Pl. XV (p. 117). Mediaeval Hindu Pillars from Sahar (from a photograph).

Pl. XVI (p. 117). Inscribed Pillar from Sahar (from a photograph).

Pl. XVII (p. 117). Pillar with grotesque Mask from Allahabad (from a

photograph).

Pl. XVIII (pp. 114, 118). Buddhist Rails, Mathura (from a photograph).

PL XIX (p. 118). Buddhist Rail from the Bhutesvar Tila, Mathura (from

a photograph).

PL XX (p. 118). Miscellaneous Antiquities, Mathura Museum.

Pl. XXI (p. 130). Inscribed slab found at Mathura in 1878; and Pali

Inscription found at Mathura.

Pl. XXII (p. 141). Supposed to represent Vasu Deva; son of Manik

Chandra.

Y1

List of Plates.

PI. XXIII Fig. 1. (p. 136). Dharma Pal’s city. Fig. 3. (p. 144). Haris-

chandra Raja’s Tomb. Fig. 4. (p. 148) Saringa or Tambura.

PL XXIV (p. 384). Facsimile of the obverse of a copper-plate inscription

from Bhagalpur.

PI. XXV (p. 384). Facsimile of the reverse of a copper-plate inscription

from Bhagalpur.

WOODCUTS.

No. 1. An octave lower in a Song of Manik Chandra, p. 147.

No. 2. An octave Basso ditto, p. ib.

No. 3. An open note E flat ditto, p. 148.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY

OF BENGAL.

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No, I.— 1878.

The M.olallaqah of Zuheyr rendered into English, with an introduction

and notes. — By C. J. Ltall, C. S.

How war arose between ‘Abs and Bubyan from the Race of Dahis :

wbo fell therein, and who slew them : what famous Days were gained by

either kin : what songs were made to tell of valiant deeds done, and what

dirges over brave men that died : how the heads of Bubyan were slain at

the Cistern of el-Haba’ah, and how ‘Abs wandered forth thereafter through

many strange lands : all this may be told at another season. What is now

to be related is the manner in which peace was made, and the brother tribes

reconciled together.

1 There was a certain lord of Bubyan, by name el-Harith son of

‘Auf son of Abu Haritheh, of the house of Ghey'5 son of Murrah son of

Sa‘d, great in wealth and fame among the kindred of Fezarah. He said

one day to his uncle’s son, Kharijeh son of Sinan — “ Thinkest thou that

any whose daughter I asked in marriage would deny her to me ?” “ Yes,”

he answered ; “Who?” said el-Harith. “ Aus son of Haritheh son of La’m

of Tayyi’,” said Kharijeh. Then said el-Harith to his servant — “Mount

with me.” So they mounted one camel together, and rode until they came

to Aus son of Haritheh in his own land ; and they found him in his house.

And when he saw el-Harith son of ‘Auf, he said — “ Hail to thee, O Harith :”

“ And to thee,” said el-Harith. “ What has brought thee hither, O Ha¬

rith ?” said Aus. “ I have come a- wooing,” answered he. “ This is not

the place for thee,” said Aus, and turned his back upon him and spoke no

A

2

[No. 1,

C. J. Lyall — The Mo'allaqaii of Zulieyr.

word more. Then Aus went in to his wife in anger. Now she was a

woman of ‘Abs : and she said — “ Who was the man who stopped at thy

door, with whom thon hadst such short speech ?” He answered — “ That

was el-Harith son of ‘Auf son of Abu Haritheh the Murri, the lord of the

Arabs.” “ What befell thee that thou didst not hid him alight ?” asked

she. “ He dealt foolishly with me,” said he. “ How so ?” she asked.

“He came a-wooing,” he answered. “Host thou wish to wed thy

daughters ?” she asked. “ Yes,” said he. “ And if thou wilt not give one to

the lord of the Arabs to wife, to whom then wilt thou wed her ?” “ Nay,”

he answered, “ the thing is done.” “ Nay but,” said she, “ make amends

for what thou hast done.” “ How ?” he asked. “Follow after him and

bring him hack with thee.” “ How should I do so, when that has befallen

which has befallen between me and him ?” She answered — “ Say to him

— ‘ Thou foundest me in anger because thou didst propound to me suddenly

a matter whereof thou hadst not spoken to me before, and I was not able at

the time to answer thee but as thou heardest : but now return, I pray thee,

and thou shalt find with me all that thou desirest’ : verily he will do as thou

askest.” So Aus mounted and rode after those twain. “ Then,” (says

Kharijeh son of Sinan, who was with el-Harith and tells the tale,) “ By

God ! I was journeying on our way, when I chanced to raise mine eyes,

and saw Aus riding after us. And I went forward to el-Harith, but he

spoke nought to me by reason of the grief that was in him ; and I said to

him — ‘Here is Aus son of Haritheh following us.’ He answered — ‘And

what have we to do with him ? jDass on.’ And when Aus saw that we tar¬

ried not for him, he cried after us — ‘ 0 Harith ! wait for me a moment.’

So we waited for him, and he spoke to us that speech which his wife had

made for him ; and el-Harith returned with him in gladness. And I heard

that Aus when he went into his house said to his wife — ‘ Call to me such

an one’ — naming the eldest of his three daughters ; and she came forth to

him. And he said to her — ‘ O my daughter, this is el-Harith son of ‘Auf,

a lord of the Arabs : he has come asking a boon, that I should wed to him

one of my girls ; and I purposed to wed thee to him : what sayest thou

thereto?’ She answered — ‘Ho it not.’ ‘Why?’ he asked. She said — ‘I

am a woman uncomely in face, faulty in temper : I am not his uncle’s

daughter, that he should regard my kinship with him, nor is he thy neigh¬

bour in the land, that he should he ashamed before thee ; and I fear lest

one day he see in me something which may displease him, and divorce me,

and there befall me therein what is wont to befall.’ He said : ‘ Arise — God

bless thee ! Call to me such an one’ — naming his second daughter : and she

called her. And he spoke to her as he had spoken to her sister, and she

answered him after the same fashion, saying — ‘ I am ignorant and awk¬

ward : there is no skill in my hand. I fear lest he see in me something to

1878.] C. J. Lyall — The Mo'allaqali of Zuheyr. 3

disjfiease him, and divorce me, and there befall me therein what thou know-

est. He is not mine uncle’s son, that he should regard my right, nor thy

neighbour in thy land, that he should be ashamed before thee.’ He said:

‘ Arise — God bless thee ! Call to me Buheyseh’ — naming his youngest

daughter ; and she was brought to him. And he spoke to her as he had

spoken to her two sisters. And she said — ‘As thou wilt.’ He said

— ‘ Verily I offered this to thy two sisters, and they refused.’ ‘ Nay but I,’

said she (and he had not told her what the two had said), ‘ By God ! am

the fair in face, the skilful with her hands, the noble in nature, the honour¬

able in her father ; and if he divorce me, God will bring no good upon him

thereafter.’ And he said — ‘ God bless thee !’ Then he came forth to us

and said — ‘ I wed to thee, 0 Harith, Buheyseh daughter of Aus.’ ‘ I accept

her,’ said el-Harith. Then Aus bade her mother make her ready and deck

her for the wedding ; and he gave command that a tent should be pitched

for el-Harith, and lodged him therein. And when his daughter was decked

out, he sent her in to el-Harith. And when she was brought in to him,

he stayed but a little sjoace, and came forth to me ; and I said — ‘ Hast thou

prospered ?’ ‘ No,’ said he. ‘ How was that ?’ I asked. He answered

— ‘ When I put forth my hand to take her, she said “ Stay ! doest thou

thus before my father and my brethren F No, by God ! this is not fitting !” ’

Then he commanded that the camels should be made ready, and we started

on our way, taking her with us. And we journeyed a space ; then he said

to me — ‘ Go on ahead : ’ and I went on ; and he turned aside with her from

the road. And he had tarried but a little when he joined me again ; and I

said — ‘ Hast thou prospered ?’ ‘ No’, he answered. ‘ Why ?’ said I. He

answered — ‘ She said to me — “ Doest thou with me as with a woman-slave

that is hawked about for sale, or a captive woman taken in battle P No, by

God ! until thou slay the camels, and slaughter the sheep, and call the Arabs

to the feast, and do all that should be done for the like of me.” ’ I answered

— ‘ By God ! I see that she is a woman of a high spirit and understanding ;

and I hope that she will be to thee a wife who shall bear thee noble sons,

if God will.’ And we travelled on until we came to our country. And

el-Harith made ready the camels and the sheep, and prepared a feast ; then

he went in to her. And in a little while he came forth to me, and I asked

him — ‘ Hast thou prospered ?’ ‘No,’ said he. ‘ How was that ?’ I asked.

He answered : ‘ I went in to her and said — “ Lo ! I have made ready the

camels and the sheep as thou seest she answered me — “ By God ! I was

told that thou hadst a nobleness which I do not see in thee.” “ How so ?”

I asked. She said — “ Hast thou a light heart to wed women while the

Arabs are slaying one another ?” “ What wouldst thou have me do ?” I

asked. She said — “ Go forth to these thy kindred, and make peace be¬

tween them : then return to thy wife, and thou shalt not miss what thou

4

[No. 1,

C. J. I/yall — The Molallaqah of Zuheyr.

desirest.” 9 ‘ By God !’ said I, ‘ a noble and wise woman ! and she has spoken

a goodly word !’ And he said — ‘ Come forth with me’ : so we went forth,

and came to the two tribes, and walked between them with peace. And

the peace was made on the condition that the slain should be reckoned up,

and the price of the excess taken from that tribe who had slain more of

the other. And we bore the burden of the bloodwits ; and they were in

all three thousand camels, which were paid in the space of three years.

And we returned home with the fairest of fame ; and el-Harith went in to

his wife, and she bore him sons and daughters.” So said Kharijeh ; and

these two, Kharijeh and el-Harith, are the twain whom Zuheyr praises in

his song. Such is the testimony of Mohammed’ son of ‘Abd-el-‘Aziz el-

Jauhari.

2 Now while ‘Abs and Bubyan were covenanting together for

peace, a thing befell that came nigh to setting them at war again. ‘Abs

had pitched their tents in esh-Sharabbeh at a place called Qatan, and near

them were many tents of Bubyan. Now there was a man of Bubyan,

Hoseyn son of Damdam by name, whose father Bam dam had been slain in

the war by ‘Antarah son of Sheddad, and his brother Herim by Ward son

of Habis, both of the house of Ghalib, of ‘Abs ; and Hoseyn swore that he

would not wash his head until he had slain Ward or some other man of the

line of Ghalib : but none knew of this oath of his. And el-Harith son of

‘Auf son of Abu Haritheh and his cousin Kharijeh son of Sinan had already

taken upon themselves the burden of the price of blood, and ‘Abs and

Bubyan mixed freely together. And a man of ‘Abs, of the house of Makh-

zum, came to the tent of Hoseyn son of Damdam and entered therein.

“ Who art thou, 0 Man ?” said Hoseyn. “ Of ‘Abs,” said he ; and Ho¬

seyn did not cease to ask his lineage until he found that he was of the

house of Ghalib ; and he slew him. And news of this came to el-Harith

son of ‘Auf and Herim son of Sinan his cousin, and it was grievous to them.

And the news came also to the men of ‘Abs, and they mounted and rode

in a body towards el-Harith’s tent. And when el-Harith heard of the

anger that was in their hearts, and how they purposed to slay him in requi¬

tal for the death of their brother, (for Hoseyn son of Damdam was also of

the line of Murrah, as was el-Harith son of ‘Auf,) he sent to meet them

a hundred camels, and with them his son, and said to the messenger — “ Say

to them — ‘ Are the camels dearer to you, or your own lives ?’ ” And the

messenger went forth to meet them, and spoke after this wise. And er-

Babi‘ son of Ziyad, who was the leader of ‘Abs in that day ( — 3 for Qeys

son of Zuheyr, their chief in the war, though he counselled the peace, yet

took no part therein himself, but withdrew from his kin and went away to

‘Oman, where he became a Christian and spent the remainder of his days

in prayer and repentance : for he said — “ By God ! never again can I look

1878.]

5

C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqah of Zuheyr.

in the face a woman of Ghatafan : for verily I have slain her father or her

brother or some other dear to her”) — er-Rabk cried to his following

— “ 0 my people ! your brother has sent yon this message — ‘ Are the

camels dearer to you, or will ye rather take my son and slay him in the

stead of your slain ?’ ” And they said — “ We will take the camels and be

reconciled, and conclude our covenant of peace.” So peace was made,

and el-Harith and Herim gained the more praise.

4 And Zuheyr made this song to tell of the noble deeds of el-Harith

and Ivharijeh, and the rest of the house of GheyS son of Murrah :

for all shared in the peace-making, though the leaders therein were el-

Harith and Kharijeh.

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9

Argument.

In vv. 1 — 15 the poet, after the fashion of his fellows, strives to touch the hearts

of his hearers and to prepare them to receive kindly what he has to say on his real

theme by the mention of women and the deserted pasture -grounds which the tribes¬

men leave at the end of Spring ; Umm Aufa was his wife : she bore him, we learn,

many children, who all died young, and one day in an angry mood he divorced her.

Afterwards he * repented of his deed, and prayed her to return to him, but she

would not.

Then he turns to praise the two who made the peace and bore the burden of the

price of blood (vv. 16 — 25). After that he exhorts the two tribes (vv. 26 — 33) to keep

faithfully their pact of peace, and after what they have known of War, to stir her not

up again. Then he tells of the deed of Hoseyn son of Damdam, how he slew his enemy

while the two peoples were making ready the peace (vv. 34 — 39). Then by a figure

he relates how the senseless war broke out afresh, and more blood was spilt ; for which

again the House of Ghey (5 paid from their herds, though themselves without blame

(vv. 40 — 46).

What follows would seem to be a store of maxims of life and conduct, some of

which are wanting in certain recensions of the poem, and all do not appear to be here

appropriate ; nevertheless many of them seem clearly to touch upon the generous deed

of the Peace-makers, and to be meant to praise them and to set them as an example to

men. In the last verse he warns those who heard him that though noble men may

pay for misdoers once and again, the time will come when the thankless shall find none

to bear the burden of his guilt. 1'

I.

1 Are they of Umm Aufa’s tents — these black lines that speak no word

in the stony plain of el-Mutathellem and ed-Darraj ?

2 Yea, and the place where her camp stood in er-Raqmatan is now

like the tracery drawn afresh by the veins of the inner wrist.

3 The wild kine roam there large-eyed, and the deer pass to and fro,

and their younglings rise up to suck from the spots where they lie

all round.

4 I stood there and gazed : since I saw it last twenty years had flown,

and much I pondered thereon : hard was it to know again — ■

5 The black stones in order laid in the jflace where the pot was set,

and the trench like a cistern’s root with its sides unbroken still.

6 And when I knew it at last for her resting-place, I cried —

‘ Good greeting to thee, O House — fair peace in the morn to thee !’

7 Look forth, O Friend — canst thou see aught of ladies camel-borne

that journey along the upland there above Jurthum well P

8 Their litters are hung with precious stuffs, and thin veils thereon

cast loosely, their borders rose, as though they were dyed in blood.

9 Sideways they sat as their beasts clomb the ridge of es-Suban

— in them were the sweetness and grace of one nourished in wealth

and ease.

B

10

C. J. Lyall — The J\Tolallaqah of Zuheyr.

[No. 1,

10 They went on their way at dawn — they started before sunrise :

straight did they make for the vale of er-Rass as hand for mouth.

11 Dainty and playful their mood to one who should try its worth,

and faces fair to an eye skilled to trace out loveliness.

12 And the tassels of scarlet wool in the spots where they gat them down

glowed red like to ‘ishriq seeds, fresh-fallen, unbroken, bright.

13 And when they reached the wells where the deep blue water lies,

they cast down their staves and set them to pitch the tents for rest.

14 On their right hand rose el-Qanan and the rugged skirts thereof —

and in el-Qanan how many are foes and friends of mine !

15 At eve they left es-Suban : then they crossed its ridge again

borne on the fair-fashioned litters, all new and builded broad.

II.

16 I swear by the Holy House which worshippers circle round —

the men by whose hands it rose, of J urhum and of Qureysh —

17 How goodly are ye, our Lords, ye twain who are found by men

good helpers in every case, be it easy to loose or hard !

18 Busily wrought they for peace, those two T GheyS, Murrah’s son,

when the kin had been rent in twain and its friendship sunk in

blood.

19 Ye healed ‘Abs and Bubyan’s breach when the twain were well-nigh

spent,

and between them the deadly perfume of Menshim was work¬

ing hate.

20 Ye said — 4 If we set our hands to Peace, base it broad and firm

by the giving of gifts and fair words of friendship, all will be well.’

21 And ye steadfastly took your stand thereon in the best of steads,

far away from unbrotherliness and the bitter result of wrong.

22 Yea, glory ye gained in Ma‘add, the highest — God guide you right !

who gains without blame a treasure of glory, how great is he !

23 The wounds of the kindred were healed with hundreds of camels good :

he paid them forth troop by troop who had no part in the crime ;

24 Kin paid them forth to kin as a debt due from friend to friend,

and they spilt not between them so much as a cupper’s cup full of

blood.

Among them went forth, your gift, of the best of your fathers’ store,

fair spoils, young camels a many, slit-eared, of goodly breed.

25

1878.]

C. J. Lyall — The Mo1 alia yah of Zuheyr.

11

III.

26 Ho ! carry my message true to the tribesmen together leagued

and Bubyan — Have ye sworn all that ye took upon you to swear ?

27 It boots not to hide from God aught evil within your breasts :

it will not be hid — what men would hold hack from God, He knows.

28 It may be its meed comes late : in the Book is the wrong set down

for the Beckoning Hay ; it may be that vengeance is swift and

■

stern.

29 And War is not aught but what ye know well and have tasted oft :

not of her are the tales ye tell a doubtful or idle thing.

30 When ye set her on foot, ye start her with words of little praise ;

but the mind for her grows with her growth, till she bursts into

blazing flame.

31 She will grind you as grist of the mill that falls on the skin beneath ;

year by year shall her womb conceive, and the fruit thereof shall

32 Yea, boys shall she bear you, all of ill omen, eviller [be twins :

than Ahmar of ‘Ad : then suckling and weaning shall bring their

33 Such harvest of bitter grain shall spring as their lords reap not [gain ;

from acres in el- ‘Iraq of bushels of corn and gold.

IV.

Yea, verily good is the kin, and unmeet the deed of wrong

Hoseyn son of Ham dam wrought against them, a murder foul !

He hid deep within his heart his bloody intent, nor told

to any his purpose, till the moment to do was come.

He said — ‘ I will work my will, and then shall there gird me round

and shield me from those I hate a thousand stout cavalry.’

So he slew : no alarm he raised where the tents stood peacefully,

though there in their midst the Vulture-mother had entered in

To dwell with a lion fierce, a bulwark for men in fight,

a lion with angry mane upbristled, sharp tooth and claw,

Fearless : when one him wrongs, he sets him to vengeance straight,

unfaltering : when no wrong lights on him, ’tis he that wrongs.

V.

40 They pastured their camels athirst, until when the time was ripe

they drove them to pools all cloven with weapons and plashed with

blood ;

34

35

36

37

38

39

12

41

42

43

44

45

4G

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

C. J. Lyall — The Mo1 alia qah of Zuheyr. [No. 1,

They led through their midst the Dooms : then they drove them forth

again

to the pasture rank and heavy, till their thirst should grow anew.

But their lances — by thy life ! were guilty of none that fell :

Nehik’s son died not by them, nor by them el-Muthellem’s slain ;

Nor had they in Naufal’s death part or share, nor by their hand

did Wahab lie slain, nor by them fell el-Mukhazzem’s son.

Yet for each of those that died did they pay the price of blood —

good camels unblemished that climb in a row by the upland road

To where dwells a kin great of heart, whose word is enough to shield

whom they shelter when peril comes in a night of fierce strife and

storm ;

Yea, noble are they ! the seeker of vengeance gains not from them

the blood of his foe, nor is he that wrongs them left without help.

YI.

Aweary am I of life’s toil and travail : he who like me

has seen pass of years fourscore, well may he be sick of life !

I know what To-day unfolds, what before it was Yesterday ;

but blind do I stand before the knowledge To-morrow brings.

I have seen the Dooms trample men as a blind beast at random treads

— whom they smote, he died : whom they missed, he lived on to

strengthless eld.

Who gathers not friends by help in many a case of need

is torn by the blind beast’s teeth, or trodden beneath its foot.

And he who his honour shields by the doing of kindly deed

grows richer : who shuts not the mouth of reviling, it lights on him.

And he who is lord of wealth and is niggardly with his hoard

alone is he left by his kin : nought have they for him but blame.

Who keeps faith, no blame he earns : and that man whose heart is led

to goodness unmixed with guile gains freedom and peace of soul.

Who trembles before the Dooms, yea, him shall they surely seize,

albeit he set in his dread a ladder to climb the sky.

Who spends on unworthy men his kindness with lavish hand,

no praise does he earn, but blame, and repentance the end thereof.

Who will not yield to the spears when their feet turn to him in peace

shall yield to the points thereof, and the long flashing blades of

steel.

Who holds not his foe away from his cistern with sword and spear,

it is broken and spoiled : who uses not roughness, him shall men

wrong.

13

1878.] C. J. Lyall — The Mo‘allaqah of Zuheyr.

58 Who seeks far away from his kin for housing, takes foe for friend :

who honours himself not well, no honour gains he from men.

59 Who makes of his soul a beast of burden to bear men’s loads,

nor shields it one day from shame, yea, sorrow shall be his lot.

60 Whatso be the shaping of mind that a man is born withal,

though he think it lies hid from men, it shall surely one day be

known.

61 How many a man seemed goodly to thee while he held his peace,

whereof thou didst learn the more or less when he turned to

62 The tongue is a man’s one half, the other his valiant heart : [speech !

besides these two nought is left but a semblance of flesh and blood.

63 If a man be old and a fool, his folly is past all cure :

but a young man may yet grow wise and cast off his foolishness.

VII.

64 We asked, and ye gave : we asked once more, and ye gave again ;

but the end of much asking must be that no giving shall follow it.

Notes to the Introduction.

1 This story is taken from the Aghani, ix. pp. 149 — 150 ; it rests on the

following isnad : — el-Hasan ibn ‘All, who heard it from Mohammed ibn el-Qasim ibn

Mahraweyh, who heard it from ‘Abdallah ibn Abi Sa‘d, who heard it from Mohammed

ibn Ishaq el-Museyyibi, who heard it from Ibrahim ibn Mohammed ibn ‘Abd-el-‘Aziz ibn

‘Omar ibn ‘Abd-er-Rahman ibn ‘Auf, who had it from his father. ‘Abd-er-Rahman

son of ‘Auf was one of the first converts to el-Islam, and must have known well el-

Harith son of ‘Auf of Bubyan, who in his old age became a Muslim. There is some

uncertainty as to the names of those who bore the bloodwit at the peace between ‘Abs

and Bubyan : but the great majority of the authorities recognize el-Harith as the

leader in the peace ; some join with him Kharij eh son of Sinan, his first cousin, and

others Kharij eh’ s brother Herim. That two were foremost in the noble work is ap¬

parent from v. 18 of the Mo‘allaqah, as also that they were of the house of Grhey<5 son of

Murrah. If Herim had been one, it Seems probable that this glory would have been

claimed for him by name by Zuheyr, whose chief patron he was ; but though Herim

is praised in a large number of poems by Zuheyr, this particular deed is never claimed

for him. It is observable that, while two are spoken of in vv. 17 — 22 of the poem

(where the dual number is used throughout), afterwards, when speaking of the second

payment made necessary by the murder committed by Hoseyn (vv. 42 — 44), Zuheyr

uses the plural, as if many of the family of Ghey<5 had taken part in it.

2 This tale rests on the authority of the famous Abu ‘Obeydeh, and is also in

the Aghani (ix. pp. 148-9). It is told in substantially the same terms by et-Tebrizi

and Ibn Nubateh. In el-Meydani’s Proverbs (Freytag’s edn., ii. pp. 275 sqq.) it is

said that it was Kharij eh son of Sinan who offered his son and two hundred camels to

the men of ‘Abs in satisfaction for the murder of the man slain by Hoseyn ; and the

curious fact is added that of the two hundred camels only one hundred were paid, for

el-Islam came and diminished the amount of the bloodwit to that number. If this were

14

C. J. Lyall — The J\Io‘allaqali of Zuheyr.

[No. 1,

true, it would be an important datum for fixing the year in which the peace was made ;

but it is not consistent with the other facts of the history. The date of the peace is

fixed by M. Caussin de Perceval, on grounds of great probability, at from 608 to 610

A. D. (Essai, ii. p. 499) ; it was not till the 8th year of the Hijrah (629 — 639 A. D.) that

‘Abs and Bubyan embraced el-Islam (id. iii, p. 218). According to the ‘Iqd el-Ferid

of Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih, quoted by M. Fresnel (Journ. Asiatique, 3me serie, iv. p. 20),

the two persons whom Zuheyr praises in his Mo‘allaqah are ‘Auf and Ma‘qil, sons of

Subey‘ son of ‘Amr, of the line of Tha‘lebeh ibn Sa‘d. These two did indeed, accor¬

ding to el-Meydani, make peace between ‘Abs and their own tribe of the Benu Tha‘-

lebeh, who at first refused to join the rest of Bubyan in the engagement ; but it is

impossible to regard them as the two praised by Zuheyr if v. 18 is genuine, inasmuch

as they were not of the line of Ghey'S son of Murrah.

The name of the man who was slain by Hoseyn son of Damdam is given by el-

Meydani and the ‘Iqd as Tijan. ‘Antarah slew Damdam, Hoseyn’ s father, on the Bay

of el-Mureyqib, one of the earliest battles of the war (Fresnel, loc. cit. p. 6), and Ward

son of Habis slew Herim, Hoseyn’s brother, on the Bay of el-Ya‘muriyyeh, imme¬

diately after the slaying of the hostages by Ho'Seyfeh (Aghani, xvi. 30). Between

these two dates ‘Antarah composed his Mo‘allaqah, in vv. 73 — 75 of which he mentions

Damdam as slain by his hand, and the two sons as still alive.

It is worthy of notice that the Mo‘allaqah, in vv. 40 — 46, (if those verses are

rightly placed,) seems to tell of a graver dissension as having arisen out of Hoseyn’s

violent deed than that which this tradition relates ; for it would appear that the renewal

of strife which followed it was the occasion when the slain men named in vv. 42 and

43 (said in the commentary to be all of ‘Abs) met their death ; and that some bloodshed

ensued seems certain from the metaphor in vv. 40 — 41, where the camels, (that is,

the fighting men,) after a <tim', or period of thirst, are said to have been led down again

to drink of the pools of Death. The $im’ was probably the truce during which peace

was being arranged.

3 This parenthesis, telling of the end of Qeys son of Zuheyr, is founded on the

testimony of Ibn el-Athir, who is believed generally to follow Abu ‘Obeydeh (Kamil

i. p. 434.), and et-Tebrizi (Hamaseh, p. 223) ; it is vouched for by a poem by a man

of ‘Abs, Bishr son of Ubayy son of Homam, quoted in the Hamaseh, where it is said

of the horses that ran in the Race of Dahis —

S ? " G ^ & / • s ✓ /O * i/ C/« * o' '

<♦/* ^ J— ^

's' f ' y y yy ^

9

“ They brought to pass — so God willed — the spilling of Malik’s blood,

and cast Qeys away forlorn an exile in far ‘Oman.”

4 This paragraph is mine, and expresses what seems to me the most probable

view to take of the case. I should add that besides el-Harith, Herim, and Kharijeh,

another pair of the house of Ghey <5 are mentioned in the ‘Iqd (Journ. Asiat., Juillet

1837, p. 18) as having exerted themselves to establish peace between ‘Abs and Bubyan,

viz. Harmaleh son of el-Ash‘ar and his son Hashim.

Notes to the Mo‘allaqah.

The measure of the poem is the noble cadence called the Tawil, most loved of all

by the ancient poets. Each hemistich consists of four feet, arranged thus —

1878.]

15

C. J. Lyall — The Mo1 allaqcth of Zuheyr.

(In the second foot the third syllable is occasionally, hut rarely, short : the only

instances of a short third syllable in the 128 hemistichs of this poem are v. 14, a and

*5, v. 28, b, and v. 33, b ; it is observable that it most frequently occurs with proper

names.)

In the English an attempt has been made to imitate the metre of the original.

The measure adopted is not absolutely unknown in our language ; it is to be found in

many lines of that wonderful organ-swell, Browning’s Abt Voc/ler ; the seventh stanza

of that poem in particular is almost entirely in the Taivil. The following lines are

exactly the Arabic cadence —

“ Existent behind all laws, that made them and, lo, they are !”

“ And, there ! Ye have heard and seen : consider and bow the head !”

Other verses of the same stanza exhibit the licences which I have found it neces¬

sary to take with the metre to adapt it to the English ; these are chiefly the following : —

(1.) Dropping the first short syllable, as in v. 10, b) 11, a.

This is a licence which the Arabs themselves allow, but only (except in a few

doubtful instances) at the commencement of a poem. It is matched by Browning’s —

“ Give it to me to use ! I mix it with two in my thought.”

(2.) Addition of a short syllable at the beginning of a foot, as in v. 12, a ; so in

Browning —

“ And I know not if, save in this, such gift be allowed to man.”

(3.) Exchanging the one long third syllable of the second foot for two short, as

in v. 4, a and b ; so Browning — •

11 But here is the finger of God, a flash of the Will that can.”

(4.) Changing ^ - into w w • — in the third foot, as in v. 9, a, v. 11, b

compare Browning’s —

“ That out of three sounds he frame, not a fourth sound, but a Star.”

The text above given and translated is that of Arnold (Leipzig, 1850), with two

slight amendments in the vocalization of v. 3 b and v. 59 5, and the substitution of lau

for in in v. 54 b ; of these the last two are indicated in Arnold’s notes, pp. 23 and 24,

and the first is adopted from ez-Zauzeni. Arnold’s recension agrees in the text and

arrangement of the verses with ez-Zauzeni’ s, except in v. 59, which the latter entirely

omits.

Another recension is to be found in Ahlwardt, Six Poets, pp. 94 sqq . ; this is based

on the MSS. of Gotha and Paris : it differs from Arnold’s chiefly in the arrangement of

the verses in the teshbib describing the' journey of the ladies, and in the omission of

several of the maxims which follow v. 49 and the arrangement of those which it retains.

The following is the order of the verses in Ahlwardt’ s recension as compared with

Arnold’s, the numbers of the verses being those of the latter and the arrangement that of

the former ; —

10

[No. 1,

C. J. Lvall — The Molallaqah of Zuheyr.

1—8, (9 omitted) 11, 10, 14—15, 12—13, 18, 16—17, 19—22, 25, 23—24, 26—44

a, (after which Ahlwardt inserts a second hemistich which is not in Arnold, and com¬

mences the next verse with a first hemistich wdiichis also wanting in the latter. Arnold’s

44 b agrees with Ahlwardt’s 44 b\) 45 — 47, 49, 48, 50, 52, 51, 57, 54, 56, 53, 58, 60, 59.

vv. 55 and 61 — 64 are omitted ; they will be found in the Appendix, p. 192.

Of the two main differences above mentioned, it must be admitted that the arrange¬

ment of the verses describing the journey reads more smoothly and consecutively in

Ahlwardt’s text than in Arnold’s ; perhaps this is rather a reason for suspecting the hand

of a later adjuster than for rejecting the more difficult order : in such a matter how¬

ever no critical judgment is worth much. The second difference, the omission of vv.

55 and 61 — 64 among the sententious utterances which close the poem, seems to be

also generally in favour of Ahlwardt ; v. 55 might, as he suggests (Bemerkungen fiber

die Aechtheit &c., p. 64), find its proper place after v. 51. Of the last four verses of

Arnold I would retain v. 64, which seems a fitting close of the poem, and appropriate

to the tradition (of two payments by the Peace-makers) with which it is connected ;

the other three are clearly out of place where they stand, and belong to another poem

(perhaps two others), whether by Zuheyr or some other poet.

Among the minor differences of arrangement, Ahlwardt’s text seems to err in

placing v. 18 before vv. 16-17 ; v. 16 appears clearly to be the opening of the real

theme, and the change of person in v. 18 (called iltifat) is of frequent occurrence in the

old poetry and offers no difficulty. Of the transposition of v. 25 there is little to be

said one way or the other. The additions in Ahlwardt after v. 44 a are evidently to

be rejected, the second inserted hemistich being a mere echo of v. 24 a.

Of textual differences there are few of much importance; in v. 11 a, Ahlwardt reads

li-s-sadiqi for li-l-latiji : in v. 14 b , wa man for wa Team : in v. 15 5, mufa”ami for wa

mxif'ami : in v. 20 b, mina-l- amri for mina-l-qauli : in v. 22 a , wa gheyrihu for hadi-

tumd : in v. 25 b, ifdli-l-Muzennemi for ifdlin muzennemi (see note below on this verse) :

in v. 26 a, faman mublighu for aid ’ abliglii : in v. 27 a , tektumenna (wrongly) for tektu -

munna, and nufusikum for sudurikum (last better) : in v. 31 b, tahmil for tuntej (last

better) : in v. 35 b, yetejemjemi for yetaqaddemi : in v. 37 «, tefza,1 buyutun ketliiretun

for yufzi ‘ buyutan kethiretan (last preferable) : in v. 40 a, ra‘au mu ralau min iim'ihim

thumma for ra^au <tiw£ ahum hatta idd temma, and b, tesilu bir-rimuhi for tefarrd bis-siluhi

(last preferable metrically) : in v. 43 a, slidrakiifi-l-qaumi for shdraket Ji-l-mauti : in v .

45 b, talalat for taraqet (last preferable, since the former unnecessarily repeats the

tdlkdtin of v. 44 b) : in v. 46 a , tiu-l-witri yudriku witrahu for f. tu-d-dighni yudriJcu teb-

lahu : in v. 54 a, el-meniyyeti yelqahd for el-mendyd yenelnahu , and b , ruma for yerqa : in

v. 53 a, yufdi for yuhda : in v. 60, b , wa lau for wa in : in v. 59, for our reading Ahl¬

wardt has the following —

wa man lam yezel yestahmilu-n-ndsa nefsahu ,

wald yughnihd yauman mina-d-dahri , y us' ami :

in v. 63 b , (Appendix p. 192,) yahlumu (right : see note below) for yahlumi :

in v. 64 b, sayohramu for sayohrami (both are equally right grammatically, but the

former would be an iqwd if the verse really belongs to this poem).

The verses of the Mo‘allaqah quoted in the Aghani are the following : —

together on p. 146, Yol. ix, — vv. 1, 3, 4, 6, 56, 54 (in the last verse Ahlwardt’s

reading, not Arnold’s, is given) :

on p. 148, v. 18 :

1878.]

17

C. J. Lyall — The Mo'allciqcih of Zuheyr.

on p. 150, vv. 18, 25 ( ifuli-l-Muzennemi , in accordance with. Abu ‘Obey debs

reading), 24 :

on p. 154, v. 60 (with the story of this verse having been quoted by ‘Othman son

of ‘Affan) .

The translation offered is as literal as I have found it possible to make it consis¬

tently with English idiom and the rhythm ; where it seemed necessary, I have ex¬

plained deviations from absolute literalness in the notes : where the change of phrase

was slight, I have not thought it needful to notice it. Thus in v. 3, a , khilfetan is not

“ to and fro,” but “ one after another : in v. 32, “ Boys shall she bear you, of ill

omen, all of them like Ahmar of ‘Ad,” is the word-for-word rendering. I have

not however consciously anywhere departed from the sense of the original, and

but seldom from the phrase. Of other translations, the only ones I have seen are that

by M. Caussin de Perceval, at pp. 531 — 536 of Yol. ii of his Essai sur Vhistoire des

Arabes avant VIslamisme, and that by Riickert (which omits the teshbib ) at pp. 147 — 150

of the first volume of his translation of the Hamaseh ; the translation by Sir W. Jones,

which I believe to be the only one before published in English, I have not been able

to consult.

v» 1. El-Mutathellem (according to the Marasid, el-Mutathellim) is a hill in the

high land stretching East of the northern Hijaz, in the country of the Bonu Murrah

of Ghatafan ; it is mentioned in ‘Antarah’s Mo‘allaqah, v. 4, in connection with el-

Hazn and es-Samman. Of ed-Darraj no particular information is given in the Marasid.

*

v. 2. “ Er-Paqmatan” : according to ez-Zauzeni two places are meant by this

name, which is the dual of er-raqmeh , a word meaning “ the meadow” (raudah) ; he

says that one village called er-Raqmeh is near el-Basrah, and another of the same name

near el-Medineh : they are thus far distant one from another. Maqmeh however

means, besides a meadow, the side of a valley, or the place in it where water collects ;

it seems more probable from the way in which the name is used that one place, not two,

is intended ; the same name, in the same dual form, occurs in a lament by a woman

of Ghatafan over the death of Malik son of Bedr given in the Aghani (xvi, p. 30) —

X X- S(j s * C * S> £

i f-. ^ ^

“ So long as a turtle moans in the groves of er-Baqmatan

or er-B,ass, so long weep thou for him that rode el-Ketefan.”

The second hemistich of this verse gives concisely a simile for the water- worn traces

of the tents which is found in a more expanded form in Lobid’s Mo‘allaqah, vv. 8 and

9, q. v. The tattooing over the veins of the inner wrist is said to be renewed, because

the torrents have scored deeply certain of the trenches dug round the tents, while others

that did not lie in the path of the flood have become only faintly marked, like the

veins beneath the tracery,

c

$ y s *

* j

c

(A ♦♦ J '

y y

18

[No. 1,

C. J. Lyall — The Mo^llaqdh of Zuheyr.

v. 3. “ The wild kine,” the antilope defassa , a species of bovine antelope. “ The

deer,” dram (for ar’dm), plural of ri’m. Ri'm is the white antelope ( antilope leucoryx ) ;

though identical in form with the Hebrew r’em ( reym ), it is very doubtful whether the

latter word means the same : the LXX translate it by povduepws (A. Y. “unicorn”).

The Assyrian is, like the Arabic, ri’mu, and there is a good discussion of the meaning

of this word in an article on the Animals of the Assyrian Sculptures in the Transactions

of the Society of Biblical Archaeology for 1877 ; it appears certain that it is not the

antilope leucoryx , but some larger and robuster animal, perhaps the wild buffalo (see

Job xxxix, 9-12).

v. 5. “ Trench” : round the tent a trench is dug to receive the rain from the

roof and prevent the water from flooding the interior.

v. 6. “ In the morn” : the morning was the time when raids were made, and

the word sabdh thus itself is used in the sense of a sudden attack. Yd sabdhdh was the

battle-cry {shikar) of Temim in the Day of el-Kulab. To wish peace in the morning

to a place is therefore an appropriate greeting.

vv. 7 — 15. The journey here described would take the wanderers along the

southern skirt of the tract called by Palgrave (Cent, and East. Arabia, Yol. I, chap,

vi) “the Upper Kaseem er-Rass is still a place of some importance, and will be

found marked on Palgrave’s map some distance to the North of ‘Oneyzeh. In the days

of Zuheyr the country was in the possession of the Benu. Asad, who were not always

on the friendliest terms with the Benu Bubyan, among whom the poet lived.

v. 12. Tassels of scarlet wool decorated the haudaj in which ladies rode. “ lIsh-

riq seeds” : habbu-l-fend ; the exact nature of this plant with a scarlet seed or fruit

is very doubtful : see Lane, s. vv. and

%*

v. 16. “ The Holy House” is the Ka‘beh. The mention of its building by the

Qureysh and the men of Jurhum must not be understood of the same time. Jurhum

was the name of two Arab stocks : the first the ancient race who peopled the lower

Hijaz and Tihameh at the time of the legendary settlement of Ishmael among them,

with whom he is said to have intermarried ; the second (whom M. de Perceval regards as

alone having had a historical existence) a tribe who ruled in Mekkeh from about 70

B. C. to 200 A. D. They were expelled from Mekkeh and dispersed so that no me¬

morial of them remained by an Azdite stock from el-Yemen called the Khuza‘ah (C.

de Perceval, Essai, i, 218. Aghanl, xiii, 108-111.). The second Jurhum are said

(Agh. id., p. 109) to have rebuilt the Ka‘beh on the foundations laid by Abraham after

it had been overthrown by a flood : the architect was one ‘Omar el-Jarud, whose

descendants were known as the Jedarah , or masons. The Qureysh settled in Mekkeh

during its occupation by the Khuza‘ah, and gained possession of the Iva‘beh in the

time of Qusayy, whose mother was of the race of the Jedarah, about 440 A. D. (O.

de Perceval). Qusayy, in the year 450 A. D. or thereabout, caused the building

erected by the Jurhum to be demolished, and rebuilt the Ka‘beh on a grander scale.

It was rebuilt a third time in the year 605 A. D., very shortly before the Mo‘allaqah

was composed. Mohammed, then 35 years old, assisted in the work. These three

occasions are probably those to which Zuheyr refers.

1878.]

19

C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqah of Zuheyr.

“ Circle round,” tdfa haulahu ; the tawdf \ or going1 round seven times, was one of

the most ancient rites of the religion of the Arabs ; it was the mode of worship used

not only for the Ka‘beh, but also for the other objects of reverence among the pagan

Arabs : see Lane, s. v. Duwar.

v. 18. In this verse md beyna-l-lashireti must be understood as meaning the

friendship of the two houses of the family. Beyn (“that which is between”) has two

contrary significations : disunion, that which parts or separates, and concord, that

which joins ; so Tdtu-l-beyn means both enmity and friendship.

‘ Ashireh here means the stock of Baghid son of Reyth son of Gfhatafan, the com¬

mon father of ‘Abs and B ubyan ; according to the dictionaries ‘ asliireh is the smallest

sub-division of the tribe, but its use here is clearly opposed to that view. The various

words meaning tribe and family are very loosely applied in the old poetry, and the

distinctions drawn between them by lexicographers (see Lane s. v. shalb) do not seem

to be borne out by usage. In v. 24 ‘Abs and Bubyan are each called qaum, and in v.

34 ‘Abs is a hayy.

v. 19. The literal translation of this verse is —

“Ye two repaired the condition of ‘Abs and Bubyan (by peace), after that

they had shared one with another in destruction, and had brayed between them

the perfume of Menshim.”

The second hemistich is said to refer to a custom which existed among the Arabs

of plunging their hands into a bowl of perfume as they took an oath together to fight

for a cause until the last of them was slain. Menshim, the commentators say, was a

woman in Mekkeh who sold perfume. Such an oath was followed by war to the bitter

end, and so “he brayed the perfume of Menshim” became a proverb for entering on

deadly strife. That oaths so taken were counted of special force may be seen from the

tale of “the Oath of the Perfumed ones,” hilf el-Mutayyabin, taken by the sons of

‘Abd-Menaf and their partisans in or about 490 A. B. (see 0. de Perceval, Essai, i.

254. Ibn-el-Athir, Kamil, i. pp. 329-30.)

v. 22. Ma‘add was the forefather of all those Arabs (generally called mustalribeh

or insititious) who traced their descent from ‘Adnan, whose son he was. The name is

thus used to denote the Central stocks, settled for the most part in Nejd and el-Hijaz,

as opposed to the Arabs of el- Yemen or of Yemenic origin by whom they were bor¬

dered on the North and South. The name of Ma‘add’s son Nizar is also used in the

same way. Nizar was the father of Mudar, RabPah, and Anmar ; the last-named and

his descendants joined themselves to the people of el-Yemen; and “Rabi‘ah and

Mudar” is again a comprehensive term used to designate the tribes of Nejd and the

Hijaz.

v. 25. “ Slit-eared, of goodly breed” : min ’ ifdlin muzennemi. There are two

ways of taking this phrase : the first is that here adopted, whereby muzennem is ren¬

dered as an adjective attached to meaning “slit-eared.” Camels of good breed

had a slit made in the ear, and the piece of skin thus detached (called zenemeh) left to

hang down. The ordinary grammatical construction would require the feminine,

muzennemeh, to agree with ’ ifdl ; but the masculine is used by a poetic license. The

other, resting on the authority of Abu ‘Obeydeh, reads ’ ifdli Muzennemi , “ young-

camels (the offspring) of Muzennem” (or el- Muzennem) : Muzennem, he says, being the

name of a famous stallion-camel whose breed was much renowned among the Arabs.

20

[No. 1,

C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqali of Zuheyr.

It is worth remarking- that this line seems to contradict the assertion of et-Tebrizi,

in his commentary on the Hamasch, p. 107, that the young camels (seven or eight

months old) called ’ ifdl (plural of ’afil) were not given in payment of bloodwits.

Perhaps there was an exception in the case of the better breeds. The passage, how¬

ever, on which et-Tebrizi makes this remark does not necessarily bear him out.

v. 26. “ Tribesmen together leagued,” el-Ahldf , plural of hi If. The commen¬

tary says that those confederates were Ghatafan, Asad and Tayyi’ ; other authorities

quoted by Lane (s. v. hilfj restrict the appellation to Asad and Ghatafan, Asad and

Tayyi’, or Fezarah (a branch of Buby&n) and Asad. Since Bubyan, a division of

Ghatafan, is named separately from the Ahldf it would seem probable that the word

here means only Asad and Tayyi’. I do not, however, find that these confederates

took any part in the War of Bahis, except at the battle of Slirb Jebcleh, when Asad

joined Bubyan and Temim against ‘Amir and ‘Abs ; their presence at the oath-taking

between the various branches of Ghatafan would, however, render the engagement

more formal and solemn : they were a sort of “ Guaranteeing Power.”

vv. 27-28. Herr von Kremer ( Culturgeschichte dcs Orients unter den Chalifcn,

Yol. ii., p. 358, note*) regards these verses as interpolated, and alien fx-om the spirit of

the poetry of the Ignoi-ance. He says, moreover, that they are inconsistent with v. 48,

which expresses the true feeling of that age, that of the Future no man knows any¬

thing. Certainly their spirit is more religious than is usual in the old poetry, and the

mention of the Book and the Reckoning Bay points to a body of doctrine which we

arc accustomed to think was first planted among the Arabs by Mohammed. But it is

to be remarked that the passage where the verses come (vv. 26-33) seems thoroughly

consecutive and complete in sense : that the same number of verses is given, in the

same order, in all the recensions of the poem ; and that v. 28 exhibits a very curious

construction, easily intelligible indeed, but unlikely to be used in an interpolation :

this is the carrying on of the mejzum imperfect from the apodosis of the conditional

sentence in v. 27 b into the unconditional pi’oposition of v. 28.

As regards the possibility of such an exhoi’tation being addressed to the tx-ibes

settled in the counti-y East of Yethrib and South of the mountains of Tayyi’ in 610

A. B., I do not think that it should be hastily rejected. Few subjects are more obscure

than the real nature of the religion of the pagan Arabs. It would seem that at the

time when the Prophet arose there was extremely little religious faith in the people of

any sort : that their old divinities were held by them in much the same estimation as

that in which our own forefathers in Norway and Iceland held Odin and Thor when

Christianity first overspread the North. But beyond the reverence, such as it was, paid to

* His words are — “ Bas Gedicht, Zohair XYI, wird man wegen v. 27 (28), der von

der Abrechnung am jiingsten Tage spricht, fur unecht oder interpolirt erklaren miissen.

Ich entscheide mich fur das Letztere, denn v. 49 (48) spricht die echte, alte Idee aus,

dass man von dem Zukiinftigen nichts wisse.” In the same note, H. von Kremer sees

traces of Mohammedan recension in the name ‘Abd-allah in a poem of ‘Antarah’s. I

presume that he considers the occurrence of that name as belonging to the father of

Mohammed, the son of Jud‘an, and the brother of Dureyd son of es-Simmeh, as well

as to the tribe-fathers ‘Abd-allah ibn el-Azd (Ma‘arif, p. 54), ‘Abd-allah ibn Ghatafan

{id. p. 39), and ‘Abd-allah ibn Ka‘b and ‘Abd-allah ibn Kilab, sub-divisions of ‘Amir ibn

Sa‘sa‘ali (id. pp. 42 and 43), to be insufficiently vouched for.

1878.]

C. J. Lyall — The Mo'allaqah of Zuheyr.

21

el-Lat, el-‘Ozza, Menat, Fuls, Wedd, and the rest, there was certainly a hack-ground

of faith in The God, Allah , whose name was, as it still is, in the mouth of every

Bedawi as his most frequent ejaculation. Without assuming such a faith as already

well known to the people, a great portion of the Qur’an would he impossible : that

revelation is addressed to men who join other gods with God, not those who deny Him.

Some tribes may have had more of this belief in the One God, and been accustomed to

look more immediately to Him, others (especially those who, like the Qureysh, pos¬

sessed famous shrines of idolatrous worship which brought them in much profit,) less :

probably contact with Judaism and Christianity determined in some measure the •

greater or less degree of it. Now among the neighbours of the tribes of Ghatafan

were the Jews settled from Yethrib to Kheybar and Teyrna ; to the North was Kelb in

the Daumat (or Dumat) el-Jondel, almost entirely Christian ; Christianity had made

some progress in Tayyi’, nearer still ; and we have seen how, according to a fairly

vouched for story, Qeys son of Zuheyr, the chief of ‘Abs, spent the last years of his life as

a Christian anchorite in ‘Oman. To the West was Yethrib, in constant relations with

the Kings of Ghassan, who were Christian, together with their people ; and to the

North-east was el-Hireh, whose King, en-Nofinan Abu Qabus, had long been a

Christian, and where Christianity had spread among the people long before his day.

En-Nabighah of D ubyan, Zuheyr’s famous contemporary, had dwelt long at the

Courts both of el-Hireh and Ghassan ; and in a well-known passage* (much con¬

tested, it is true, but in favour of the genuineness of which much may be said,) he

refers to a Kabbinical legend of Solomon’s power over the Jinn, and how they built

for him Tedmur. At the fair of ‘Oka <5 Quss son of Safideh had preached Christianity

long before Zuheyr made this poem. And to ‘Abs itself belonged one of the Hanifs ,

Khalid son of Sinan son of Gheyth (see Ibn Quteybeh, Ma‘arif, p. 30). These

things seem to me to make it not impossible that the lines may be genuine. The

objection that they are inconsistent with v. 48 appears wholly groundless ; the latter

refers to the vicissitudes of this world and the chances of life : the former to the

reckoning of God in the world after death. (See note on v. 32 for a further argument

in favour of the authenticity of these verses.)

#

v. 29. War, el-Harb , is feminine in Arabic ; as in vv. 31 and 32 it is personified

as a woman, it seemed best to use in the translation the feminine pronoun in vv. 29

and 30.

v. 31. “ Skin,” thifdl , is the mat of skm that is placed beneath the mill to

receive the flour. The comparison of War to a mill and the slain to ground grain is

common in the old poetry ; so says ‘Amr son of Kulthum (Mo'all. vv. 30, 31) —

AaJU)

1 1 - t -

/ •' / o' G ''G ^ \ y

Q U-; ffi J! JSxj

* "

of i y 5> ' ^ Sts

L ^ ^

0 ” y '

* En-Nabighah, v. 22 sqq. For a discussion of this passage, see Noeldeke,

Beitrage z. Kenntn. der Poes. d. alt. Araber, id. XI, and Ahlwardt, Bemerkungen fiber

die Aechtheit d. alt. Arab. Gcdichte, pp. 17-18 and 41. Noeldeke appears to overlook

the tradition (unless he rejects it) that en-No‘man was a Christian.

22

C. J. Lyall — The Mo^allacqah of Zuheyr.

[No. 1,

“ When our War-mill is set against a people

as grain they fall thereunder ground to powder ;

Eastward in Nejd is set the skin beneath it,

and the grain cast therein is all Quda‘ah.”

“ Year by year shall her womb conceive” : telqali kishafan ; Jcishdf is said of a

she-camel that conceives in two following years. Another word used in a like sense

of War is ‘ awdn , which is applied to an animal with a hard hoof (as a cow or mare),

that after bringing forth her first-born (bikr)' conceives again forthwith and bears

another young one ; so harbun ‘ awdn is said of a war the fury of which is perpetually

renewed (see Hamaseh, p. 180). Again, hd'il, plural hiydl , is used of a war which lies

long dormant ; its meaning is a she-camel that does not conceive for two years, or some

years, and it is therefore the opposite of kishdf. El-Harith son of ‘Obad said of the

War of Basus after the slaying of his son Bujeyr by Muhelhil —

J' —

O x

✓ 9 o y

Ji);

4

“ The War of Wail has conceived at last, having long been barren.”

v. 32. “ Ahmar of ‘Ad.” According to the received story of the Muslims, it

was to Thamud, not to ‘Ad, that the prophet Salih was sent to warn them of their wick¬

edness. The sign that he gave them was a gigantic she-camel that issued forth at his

bidding from a rock (Qur’an vii. 71) : “Then said those among them that were filled

with pride — ‘ Yerily we reject that in which ye believed.’ And they slew the she-camel

and rebelled against their Lord, and said — ‘0 Salih ! bring upon us that wherewith

thou didst threaten us, if thou art indeed of the Sent of God !’ Then the earthquake

seized them, and they lay on their faces in their dwellings, dead.” (Qur. 1. c. vv.

74 — 76. The story is also told in Surah xi, vv. 64 — 71.) The leader in the slaying

of the Camel was Qudar el- Ahmar, “ Qudar the Red” ; and thus “ More unlucky than

Ahmar of Thamud,” and “ More unlucky than the Slayer of the She-camel,” became

proverbs. The people of Thamud ( — who are mentioned* by Diodorus Siculus and

Ptolemy, and as late as 450 A. D. in the Notitia dignitatum utriusque imperii: see

C. de Perceval, Essai i., p. 27 — ) dwelt in Hijr, a valley on the road Northwards from

the Hijaz into Syria. The race of ‘Ad, on the contrary, were settled in the South of

Arabia, in the Ahqdf \ now a vast desert of sand : Ibn Quteybeh (Ma‘arif, p. 15) places

them “in ed-Daww, and ed-Dahna, and ‘Alij, and Yebrin, and Webbar, from ‘Oman

to Hadramaut and el-Yemen.” To them was sent Hud (Q,ur. vii. 63 and xi). They

were thus separated by the whole distance of Arabia from Thamud, and, it is probable,

also by a vast space of time, if the Thamudeni of the Notitia dignitatum are the same

as the latter people. The commentators give two reasons to explain why Zuheyr

said, “ Alnnar of ‘Ad” instead of “ Ahmar of Thamud” : the first is the necessity of the

rhythm, which would not permit him to say Thamud ; the second is that some of the

genealogists say that Thamud was a cousin of ‘Ad, and after the destruction of the

* In Mr. George Smith’s “Assyria” (“ Ancient History from the Monuments”

Series), p. 100, Sargon, in 715 B. C., is related to have led an expedition into Arabia,

“ where he conquered the Thamudites and several other tribes, carrying them captive

and placing them in the cities of Samaria.”

23

1878.] C. J. Lyall — The Molallaqah of Zuheyr.

ancient race of ‘Ad the people of Thamud inherited their possessions and were called

lAd el- A Jc Mr eh, “the later ‘Ad.” The first reason must he rejected, for it would have

been easy to the poet so to frame the verse that Thamud might have been used instead

of ‘Ad : for instance, he might have said —

Fatuntej laJcum ghilmdna , hullun ha? annahu

Quddru Thamudin : thumma turdi1 fateftimi.

Moreover other poets also speak of Ahmar of ‘Ad : e. g ., Abu Jundab el-Hu'Sali,

quoted by et-Tebrizi in the Hamaseh, p. 421. The second is more probable, though

the Biblical genealogies framed for ‘Ad and Thamud by later Muslim writers can

hardly have been known to Zuheyr. According to these, the following was the

descent of these two tribes —

Nuh (Noah)

Sam (Shem)

Irem (Aram)

‘Abir or Jathir (Gether)

‘Ad Thamud

A third hypothesis is possible — that some version of the legend of Salih and his Camel,

and the judgment which followed its slaying, was current in the days of Zuheyr

which dropped out of mind when el-Islam overspread the land.

If this verse is genuine, it would seem strongly to support the opinion that

vv. 27 — 28 may also be genuine ; for it refers plainly to a legend (mentioned in the

Qur’an in a way which shows that it was well known to those addressed) of God’s

judgment on the wicked. That it is genuine and not a Muslim interpolation appears

highly probable from the mention of ‘Ad rather than Thamud : the latter would have

been named by a Muslim following the version of the legend embodied in the Qur’an.

v. 33. “ Of bushels of corn and gold,” min qafizin iva dirhemi : the coinage

called dirhem was silver, not gold ; but the latter is here used (like the word dirhem in

the original) in the general sense of money. The qafiz was a measure of capacity

containing eight mehhuhs or twelve su‘s of el-‘Iraq : one sd( of Baghdad is 5j rills, or

pints : the qafiz is thus 64 pints. The word is originally Persian, hawizh O */)■

v. 37. “ Though there in their midst the Vulture-mother had entered in,”

ledd Tieythu ’ alqet rahlahd ’ TJmmu qasMami: literally, “ In that place where the Vulture-

mother cast down her camel-saddle.” “ To cast down one’s saddle” (as “to lay down

one’s staff” in v. 13) means to halt in a place. “The Vulture-mother” is a name of

Death, or Calamity ; qasMam means an old vulture, and is used in that sense in the

last verse of ‘Antarah’s Mo‘allaqah.

v. 38. “ A bulwark for men in fight,” muqcdptaf : literally, “ one whom men cast

before them (in battle),” to shield themselves or to do a desperate deed.

r

‘Aus (Uz)

24

C J Lyall — The JT£olallaqah of Zuheyr.

[No. 1,

v. 40. As explained at the end of the second note to the Introduction, this

verse appears to refer to the breaking out again of strife which followed the deed of

Hoseyn. “ They pastured their camels athirst,” ralau ftim’ahum : literally, “ They

pastured (their camels) for their <tim\ or period between two drinkings.” Camels in

Arabia are not taken down to drink every day ; in the greatest heat they are watered

every alternate day : this is called ghibb ; as the weather gets colder, they pass two days

without water, and come down on the fourth : this is called rib1; then follow Jchims ,

sids, and so on to lishr, when the ftim* is eight days, and they are watered on the tenth.

The camels are the warriors, and the pools the pools of Death. The image seems

intended to figure the senselessness of the strife, and its want of object and aim.

v. 41. “ Till their thirst should grow anew”: these words have been added in

the translation to complete the sense ; they follow from the description of the pasture

(held) as unwholesome, heavy (mustaubal), and indigestible (mutawakhkham) : such,

that is, as to stir their thirst again in a short time. The unwholesome pasture is the

brooding over wrong in the intervals of combat. In like manner Qeys son of Zuheyr

says, of the bitter results of wrong in this same War of Dahis (Hamaseh, p. 210.

Aghani xvi., 32) —

9 ^ 99**, 9 , | ✓ *,,**,, \'° $ \*

J ^

’ * t *

“ But the stout warrior Hamal son of Bedr

wrought wrong : and wrong is a surfeiting pasturage.”

v. 44. The commentary on this verse seems to me to err in taking Tcullan as

equivalent to kulla wdhidin mina-l-luqiUn ; it is, I think, equivalent to kulla wdhidin

mina-Uqaild : this follows from the hu in yalqilunahu at the end of the hemistich.

I have translated accordingly.

v. 45. This verse contains a difficult word which the dictionaries do not satis¬

factorily explain, viz. Midi in lihayyin hildlin. In form it is the plural of hull ,

“ alighting or abiding in one place” ; but it seems always to be used, as here, as an

epithet of praise. Lane fs. v. hall) says that it means “a numerous tribe alighting

or abiding in one place.” I have not found it in the Hamaseh, though hayyun holulun

(another plural of hall) occurs in a poem on p. 171 ; but it is used in a poem by ‘Amr

son of Kulthum given in the Aghani, vol. ix., p. 183 —

^ - aj) ^ j j ^Ij) ) )

" * 9 s * *

sffijl J1 * 1—J clkl Jill

> Sr

✓

Which seems to mean —

“ Ho ! carry my message to the sons of Jusham son of Bekr,

and Teghlib, (that they may know) as often as they come to the great tribe ,

How that the glorious warrior, the son of ‘Amr,

on the morn of Nata‘* bore himself stoutly in battle.”

* For the vocalization of Nata‘ here given see the Marasid, 5. v. It is a village

of el-Yemameh belonging to the Benu Hanifeh.

1878.]

25

C. J. Lyall — The MoUtllaq/ah of Zuheyr.

It may possibly mean numerous , and hence strong, this sense being- derived from that

of a body of men halting together in a compact host, on the alert and prepared for all

attacks.

v. 46. This verse is in praise of ‘Abs, and is in continuation of v. 45. The

second hemistich offers some difficulty : one does not expect to find their protection of

“him that wrongs them” set down to their credit; but the words el -j uni ‘ aleyhim

cannot be otherwise rendered. Probably the wronger spoken of is the man who by

slaying a member of another tribe involves his own in difficulties. It sometimes

happened that such an one found himself unsupported by his kinsmen, and turned out

from among them as a Jchali ‘, or outcast : for instance, el-Harith son of Balim, who

slew Khalid son of Jaffar of ‘Amir while the latter was under the protection of

en-No‘man son of el-Mun'Sir, King of el-Hireh, was so treated by his tribe of

Murrah, the same as that to which the men whom Zuheyr praises in this poem

belonged. Such a desertion, unless for the gravest possible cause, was held to be

disgraceful ; and ‘Abs are accordingly praised because they would not give up the

wrongdoer, though he brought evil upon them.

v. 47. Zuheyr was eighty years old when he composed his Mo‘allaqah ; if this

was in 608 or 610 A. D., as M. de Perceval supposes, he may well have been a hundred,

as the Aghani relates (ix. 148), when he was seen by Mohammed, who said— “0 God!'

grant me a refuge from his Devil ! ” — that is, his cunning in song ; it is added that he

made no more poems from that day till his death, which ensued shortly after. This

would be about 628 or 630 A. D. ; and we know that his son Ka‘b gave in his adhesion

to the Prophet in 631 (the latter part of the ninth year of the Hijrah), after Zuheyr’ a

other surviving son Bujeyr, together with the greater part of his tribe, the Muzeyneh,

had already embraced el-Isl&m.

v. 49. “ Blind beast,” lasliwa: literally, “a weak-eyed she-camel” — one that

sees not well where she is going, and therefore strikes everything with her forefeet,

not paying attention to the places where she sets down her feet (Lane). The word is

used proverbially : you say — ReJciba fulununi-l- las7iwd, “Such an one rides the weak-

eyed she-camel” ; that is, he prosecutes his affair without due deliberation ; and

— Khabata khabta-l^ashwd, “ He trod with the careless tread of a weak-eyed she-

camel,” he acted at random.

v. 50. If this verse is rightly placed next after v. 49, the rending, by the teeth

and the treading under foot should refer to the weak-eyed she-camel spoken of in that

verse ; and so I have taken it, the camel being blind Chance.

v. 53. I am far from satisfied with the translation given of this verse, in which,

however, I have scrupulously followed the commentary. The doubtful words are

mutma’ innu-l-birri and yetejemjem ; the former is explained as meaning birrun khdlisun ,

that is, “pure goodness”; and the latter as the same as yetar added, that is, “ he is

disturbed, confounded, perplexed.” But Lane renders mutmcC innu-l-birri as “ quiet,

at rest, in heart or mind” (s. v. birr , end) ; for tejemjema , he gives — “ he spoke indis¬

tinctly, he concealed a thing in his bosom, he held back from the thing, not daring to

B>

26

[No. 1,

R. B Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

do it” ; the sense of “being disturbed in mind” does not occur, though it may, per¬

haps, fairly be gathered from the last of those given by Lane. I should be inclined

to render man yuhda qalbuhu , §c — “ He whose heart is guided to quietness and rest of

soul is not disturbed in his doings, but acts without fear or trouble of spirit.”

v. 56. Among the Arabs, when two parties of men met, if they meant peace,

they turned towards each other the iron feet ( zijaj , plural of zujj) of their spears : if

they meant war, they turned towards each other the points.

v. 57. The “cistern”, hand, is a man’s home and family.

v. 60. This verse, the commentary tells us, was quoted by ‘Othman son of

‘Affan, the third Khalifeh.

v. 62. This accords with the proverb — innama-l-mar' u bi’asghareyhi — “ A man

is accounted of according to his two smallest things” — his heart and his tongue.

w. 60-62 seem consecutive in sense, and probably belong to the same poem ;

but it is very difficult to see how they cohere with the rest of this. v. 63, on the

other hand, seems separate not only from the rest of the poem, but also from the three

verses that precede it ; grammar would require that the verb at the end of it should

be marfi i‘, not mejzum — yahlumu, not yahlum : but to read it so would disturb the

rhyme, and be a fault of the kind called iqwd. The commentary says that the mim of

yahlum is originally mauquf (quiescent in a pause), and is read with Jcesr, because that

is the appropriate vowel for making a quiescent letter moveable ; but this reason is

very lame. On the whole, it seems certain that v. 63 does not properly belong to the

piece, and it is probable that vv. 60-62 are also intrusions. No other poem of those by

Zuheyr that remain has the same metre and rhyme as his Mo‘allaqah, and it is most

likely that fragments of other poems, now lost, in this measure and rhyme that have

survived have been included in it, because there was no other piece into which they

could be put. The rest of the maxims forming the conclusion of the poem can be

understood as arising, some more, some less closely, out of its subject; but the different

order in which they occur in different recensions, and the fact that some recensions

omit some of them which others supply, make it doubtful whether even they all pro¬

perly belong to the Mo'allaqah.

Stray Arians in Tibet. — By R. B. Shaw, Political Agent.

(With one plate.)

The line which divides the Musalman from the Buddhist populations

of Asia, where it crosses the valley of the Upper Indus, passes through the

villages of a small tribe which is worthy of some attention. It is Arian in

blood though surrounded on all sides but one by Turanians of the Tibetan

branch. The people of this tribe are proved by their language and their

customs, which are supported by their traditions of former migrations, to

1878.]

11. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

27

belong to the Dard# race, although they themselves are not aware of the

kinship. They are known simply as JB role-pa or highlanders). While

isolated among strangers they have preserved themselves with a caste-like

feeling from amalgamating with them, and seem to have only recently and

very superficially accepted the religious beliefs of their neighbours. The

greater part of the tribe is thus nominally Buddhist, while two or three of

their north-westernmost villages bordering on Baltistan have become

Musalman.

This tribe presents therefore, to the student of early institutions, the

interesting sight of a people of pure Arian race, isolated in the semi-

barbarous stage, and who enjoy the rare distinction of being practically

unaffected by the action of any of the great philosophising or methodising

religions ; although in some of their customs they have not altogether

escaped being influenced by contact with neighbours of another race.

I paid a visit to the Dah-Hanu district (the home of these so-called

Buddhist Dards) on my way down to India from Ladak (Western Tibet)

last winter (1876). In a wild gorge through which the narrow Indus

rushes, and where the grand masses of granite seemingly piled in confusion

on both banks scarce leave room for the passage of the river and conceal

the higher mountains behind them, my first camp was pitched. Close by,

the Hanu Bavine, which in its upper part expands into a wide inhabited

valley, escapes through a rocky chasm into the Indus. Here, on a little

triangular plain a few yards in extent between the cliffs and the river, the

only flat spot around, the people of Hanu were waiting to receive me.

The sun was setting ; the gorge was already in deep shade ; a line of women

in dark attire was drawn up along the side of the pathway, each holding

in her hand a saucer full of burning juniper-wood from which columns of

smoke ascended in the still air, uniting overhead in a kind of canopy and

giving out a pungent incense-like odour. A wild music of drums and

screaming pipes was playing. As I approached, the women bent down and

placed on the ground at their feet the smoking bowls which screened them

as in a cloud, while they greeted me in the peculiar manner of their tribe by

waving the two hands rapidly in front of their faces with fingers closed as

if holding something.

My attention was chiefly attracted by some witch-like old hags of the

number, with faces begrimed by juniper smoke, whose sharp haggard fea¬

tures and deep sunk eyes were in marked contrast with the flat Tibetan

countenances to which one is accustomed in Ladak. These were unmis-

* Although Dr. Leitner (in his Dardistan) states that the name Dard was not

claimed by any of the race that he met, yet I have heard the Dras people of that tribe

apply it to their parent stock in Astor under the form Darde. They are also known to

their Kashmiri neighbours by the name of Dard , and Dardu.

28

[No, l,

K. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

takeably of a different race. They wore long straight woollen smocks,

square Hat caps poised on their heads with one of the corners projecting

over the forehead, the hair done up into numberless slender plaits hanging

loose and straight, and sheep skins suspended like cloaks over the shoulders,

the only part of their dress resembling that of Tibetan women, excepting

the mocassin-like boots. The men were clothed just like Tibetans* with

caps, like black nosebags, falling over one ear.

These people were inhabitants of the Hanu side-valley, whose villages

lie some distance up it, but who had come down to the gorge of the main

river (Indus) to receive me. They have lost their own tribal dialect and

speak Tibetan ; but otherwise in dress and customs they resemble the rest

of their people.

My next day’s march led through similar scenery, the path now rising

up the side of the cliff suj:>ported on frail-looking scaffoldings of tree-trunks

resting on projecting rocks or on wooden trestles, now plunging precipi¬

tously down to the river-side where a stone could be thrown to strike the

opposite cliff across the Indus. We saw a village or two on the other side

at the mouths of lateral valleys, inhabited not by Brokpas but by Musal-

man Tibetans from beyond the mountain-range on the west. At length

we came to a succession of isolated villages on our own (north-east) side of

the river, mostly placed on high alluvial plateaux near the mouths of side

ravines (whence they obtain their water for irrigation), and divided by

vertical cliffs into terraces rising in successive steps. Here the warmth in

summer is great, the rays of the sun being thrown off from the granite

sides of the confined valley, so that where water is available the vegetation

is luxuriant. Vines trail from the overhanging cliffs and from the splendid

walnut trees, and two crops ripen each year on the same ground during the

summer season, nothing being grown in winter. The apricots, mulberries,

and apples of the district are celebrated. Between the villages there is

nothing but the most arid wastes of granite without a green thing to cheer

the eye. In this part the villages that occur in the other side of the river

are inhabited by Brokpas as well as those on this.

Dali is the principal village in this part. Situated on a long sloping

alluvial terrace about a hundred yards wide and at the highest part perhaps

a couple of hundred feet above the river, it is separated from a still higher

terrace by a wall of cliff which culminates in a point immediately

above the village. On this point a cairn surmounted by thin staves with

fluttering rags attached, marks the supposed abode of a local demon or

deity. The howling waste behind, invisible from the village on account

of its higher level, but rising into still higher mountain masses which tower

above, affords a fitting scene for all the supernatural doings of the

* Women are everywhere the most conservative of national customs.

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arlans in Tibet.

29

1S7S-.]

mountain spirits. The scenery which inspires awe in a passing tra¬

veller, has made its mark on the minds of the inhabitants. These lofty

solitudes are, from their earliest years, connected with ideas of dread, which

shape themselves into myths. The priest affirms that sometimes in the early

dawn while performing the annual worship, he perceives a white indistinct

shape hovering over the cairn ; and this, he says, is the goddess of the spot

revealing herself to her worshipper. The people believe that this demon

keeps a special watch over all their actions, and in a country where frequent

accidents by flood or fell are almost inevitable, and where a false step or a

falling rock may cause death at any time, they put down such disasters to

the vengeance of the goddess for the neglect of some of their peculiar

customs which they have persuaded themselves are religious duties.

Foremost among their tenets is the abhorrence of the cow. This is an

essentially Bard peculiarity, though not universal among them. Unlike

Hindus they consider that animal’s touch contamination, and though they

are obliged to use bullocks in ploughing, they scarcely handle them at all.

Calves they seem to hold aloof from still more. They use a forked stick

to put them to, or remove them from, the mother. They will 7iot drink

cow’s milk (or touch any of its products in any form) ; and it is only recent¬

ly that they have overcome their repugnance to using shoes made of the

skin of the animal they so contemn. When asked whether their abstaining

from drinking the milk and eating the flesh of cows is due to reverence

such as that of the Hindus, they say that their feeling is quite the reverse.

The cow is looked upon as bad not good, and if one of them drank its milk,

they would not admit him into their houses.

Again in reply to a question, they ascribed this custom to the will of

their goddess. They found by experience that she would not allow them

to drink the milk of cows with impunity. The son of a certain head-man

of the village of Ganok, a Musalman Brokpa, had broken through the

prohibition after living some years among the Baltis. After a time the

goddess caused him to go mad and to throw himself into the river where he

was drowned.

Thus although the Brokpas of Dah-Hanu are nominally Buddhists,

yet their real worship is that of local spirits or demons like the Lha-mo

(goddess) of Dah.#

* In this, however, they are not singular ; for the Tibetans of Ladak also have a

reverence for similar spirits of purely local influence called Lha (cf. Lha-sa “ the city

of gods”), a reverence which seems to be neither founded on the Buddhist dogmas, nor

much countenanced by the more respectable members of the Lamaite hierarchy. An

annual incarnation of one of these demons (a female) takes place at She, a village of

Ladak, in the month of August ; hut though Lamas are so plentiful in the country, it is

to one of the lay members of, a certain family that the honour of giving a temporary

body to the deity belongs, while Lamas are rarely to be seen in the crowds that witness

30

II. B. Shaw — Stray Aria ns in Tibet.

[No. 1,

Her name is Shiriny-mo .* * A certain family in the village supplies

the hereditary officiating priest. This person has to purify himself for the

annual ceremony by washings and fastings for the space of seven days,

during which he sits apart, not even members of his own family being

allowed to approach him, although they are compelled during the same period

to abstain from onions, salt, chang (a sort of beer), and other unholy food.

At the end of this period he goes up alone on to the rocky point

before mentioned above the village, and after worshipping in the name of the

community the deity who dwells there in a small cairn, f he renews the

branches of the “ shukpa” ( Juniperus excelsa')\ which were placed there the

previous year, the old branches being carefully stowed away under a rock

and covered up with stones.

It is said that this deity or spirit accompanied the ancestor of the

priestly family from the original home of the Brokpas in Gilgit. Former¬

ly the priest used to be occasionally possessed by the demon and in this

state to dance a devil-dance, giving forth inspired oracles at the same time,

but these manifestations have ceased for the last twelve or fifteen years.

The worship is now simply one of propitiation inspired by fear, the demon

seeming to be regarded as an impersonation of the forces of nature adverse

to man in this wild mountainous country. Sacrifices of goats (not sheep)

are occasionally offered at all seasons below the rock, by the priest only, on

behalf of pious donors. They talk of the existence of the demon as a mis¬

fortune attaching to their tribe, and do not regard her with any loyalty as

a protecting or tutelary deity. In each house the fireplace consists of three

upright stones of which the one at the back of the hearth is the largest,

18 inches or 2 feet in height. On this stone they place an offering for the

Lhamo from every dish cooked there, before they eat of it. They also

place there the first-fruits of the harvest. Such is their household wor¬

ship.

Besides this spirit-worship, which is their tribal religion, they have a

superficial coating of Buddhism. They say that three or four cycles, that is

the performance and consult the oracle. Perhaps this may he the remains of a form of

local spirit worship which may have preceded Buddhism in these countries. I have

already treated this subject elsewhere.

* The affix mo is the Tibetan feminine affix, as bo is the masculine.

f The Sidh-posh Kafirs (probably Dards) have also a custom of “going once a year

to the top of a mountain as a religious exercise and putting a stone on a cairn” (Leit-

ner’s Dardistan, Yol. I, Part 3, p. 42).

t This is also a Tibetan custom with this difference, that each Tibetan householder

has a similar sacred bundle of shukpa branches and horns of animals on the flat roof of

his own house. But these customs are mere survivals (superstitions) among the

Tibetans, while they form the religion of the Brokpas.

1878.]

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

31

forty or fifty years ago, after a war between Shigar and Ladak, when their

country was occupied by the Ladak army, the Lamas converted them. The

head Lama at the monastery of Skirbuchan, further up the river, told me,

however, that it was only some twelve or fifteen years ago that the Brokpas

were converted by Lamas from his monastery who went on begging tours

amongst them. But this may have been a mere revival. At any rate,

there is a remarkable absence in the Dah-Hanu country, of those Buddhist

monuments (long stoiie dikes covered with inscriptions, and tall structures

surmounted by obelisks and containing relics, called respectively Mane and

Chorten ) which form such a conspicuous feature along the roads and in

the villages of Tibet. I saw one or two small chortens, evidently newly

erected, and in two villages small yompas or hermit-cells (the larger

monasteries of Tibet have the same name) inhabited each by a single Lama,

one of whom was a Tibetan and the other, whom they brought forward

rather as a curiosity, a real BroTcpd Lama, the only one in existence.

These yompas also were quite new.

The Brokpas burn their dead like the Ladakis ; that is to say in little

brick furnaces on the hill-sides. The upper part of the furnace is a short

upright cylinder into which the body is crammed in a squatting posture

with The head tied well down between the knees, while a fire is lighted in

the square base of the furnace. This method is probably adopted as saving

fuel in a country where it is so scarce, and where it would be difficult to

get logs sufficient for the ordinary mode of Hindu cremation where the

body is extended at full length on an open pyre. The corpse is carried to

the burning on a kind of sedan-chair raised by poles on men’s shoulders.

It is placed in the squatting posture in which it is to be burnt, but cover¬

ed up with flowing coloured sheets so that it might almost be taken for a

veiled woman being carried on a journey. Often in Ladak a broad-

brimmed Lama’s hat is placed on its head to secure a blessing for the soul

of the defunct.

Mr. Drew, who has given a most interesting short account of these

Brokpas in his “ Jummoo and Kashmir,” is, I think, mistaken in suppos¬

ing that they have no caste, as the other Dards have. I have heard of at

least three caste-like divisions, which we may call those of priests, cultiva¬

tors , and artisans. The priestly families (called LhabdaJc, Tib.) form

the highest division in each village. Although men of the next caste are

allowed to come into their houses, yet it is only on condition of washing their

hands and faces before doing so, especially if they have recently been among

the Gentiles (Tibetans, &c ), a precaution that does not seem to be considered

necessary on other occasions by the Brokpas, who are a very dirty people.

This next caste which forms the bulk of the people is called Biishen . The

younger branches of the priestly families become Bushens , since there can

only be one priest or Lhabdak in each village.

32

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

[No. 1,

Besides these there is a lower caste consisting, in the village of Dah,

of only five families. They were originally blacksmiths, it is said, but no

longer carry on the ancestral calling. They are called Iiuzmet (Tib.)

or Gargyut .* Their women are not allowed to approach the cooking-

hearths of the higher caste, nor are the Iiuzmet men, excepting after a

purification similar to that of the Hushen on going into the houses of the

priests. The higher castes will not eat what is cooked by them.

Reversing the custom of the Hindus in the matter of marriage, the

lower caste may take wives from the higher, but not vice-versa (except in

the case of the priests who, I gather, can marry Hushen women). Proba¬

bly as a consequence of this, a married daughter is never allowed to re¬

enter the house of her parents and may not touch anything belonging to

them. After three generations of marriages with the higher caste, the

progeny are admitted into it. While at Dah, I was questioning a party of

Brokpas, and one of them, an old man who, though sitting rather apart,

had been very forward in answering my questions, became silent and hung

down his head when I began inquiries into the caste-system. It appeared

that he was a Iiuzmet or low-caste-man. But presently he brightened up

and said : “ True, I am now a Iiuzmet, but in three generations I can be¬

come Hushen .” This thought seemed to console the old man, much to the

amusement of the others.

Polyandry is the rule in Dah-Hanu. As the Brokpas do not inter¬

marry with the neighbouring Tibetans, it would seem that the question of its

possible cause or effect in a disproportion of the sexes could be well studied

in this confined area. I had not leisure or opportunity to obtain exact

statistics, but if there were any notable excess of either sex in such small

communities, where there is no monasticism to speak of, it could hardly

escape notice by the more intelligent among them. I repeatedly put the

question: “ Why do several brothers take only one wife between them ?”

The answer given me was : “ Because the land is not sufficient to provide

food for the families of the several brothers, if they each took a wife.”

Again I asked : “ If an equal number of boys and girls are born in your

village, as you say ; and each family of two or three (or more) brothers takes

only one girl to wife between them, where are the other girls P Do they

* These castes seem roughly to answer to three out of the four castes prevalent

among the main body of the Dards : viz., 1st, Shin ; 2nd, YashJcun (these two castes

trade, cultivate land, or keep sheep) ; 3rd, Kraniin (? derived from Krum= work) (are

weavers, carpenters, blacksmiths, artisans in fact) ; 4th, Dom (are musicians and do low

drudgery ; this caste seems absent from the Dah-Hanu division of Dards). [See Leit-

ner’s Dardistan, Yol. I, Part 3, p. 48, 2nd note, and Drew’s Jummoo and Kashmir,

p. 426.]

1878.]

R,. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

33

marry into the villages of the neighbouring Tibetans ?” They answer, No.

“ Are there many unmarried women in your villages ?” They reply that,

on the contrary, they often find it difficult to procure wives. It would

seem therefore that there must either be a great defect in the number of

births of females, or an equal excess in their deaths while young. I could

not hear of female infanticide and do not believe that it is practised, as, if

it were, it must be known to the Kashmir officials.

It is not only in marriage that they keep themselves apart from their

neighbours. They will not eat with the Tibetan Buddhists or Musalmans

or other outsiders, nor will they allow these to come near their cooking

places. The caste prejudice seems to originate on the side of the Brokpa,

for their neighbours often eat in their houses, only separate dishes are given

them which are afterwards purified with burning juniper. No Brokpa

will eat in the house or from the dishes of a Tibetan ; nor will he eat fish

or birds or (of course) cow’s flesh. Formerly, if they had been among the

Tibetans, they would purify themselves with the smoke of the “ shukpa”

before entering their own houses again.

The tribe is subdivided into several groups of villages. 1st. Those in

the Hanu side valley (whose inhabitants have exchanged their own lan¬

guage for Tibetan, being situated on the main road between Skardo and

Ladak.) 2nd. The Bah group, consisting of Baldes, Phindur, Byema,

Sani, Dundir, and Bah villages. 3rd. The Garkhon group, consisting of

Garkkon, Barchik (large village on west of Indus), Sanacha (ditto), Urdas,

Gragra (up side-stream on east), and Watsara. These are all the Buddhist

villages. The people of each group consider themselves to be one commu¬

nity. The Bah people reckon from seven ancestors who first colonised

their villages and of whom they give the names : viz., LalusJio (from whom

the Lhabdaks or priests spring) ; Zone, Dalcre , Gochaghe (these three are

the ancestors of the Tushen caste) ; Duse , Gabilre, and TuJcshure (these are

the fathers of the Ttuzmet caste). The land of Bah is still divided according

to these families, though some of it has changed hands. In this fact we may

perhaps see a trace of the early Arian joint family holding, passing into

the stage of individual proprietorship. Each man knows his own ancestry

(real or imaginary), and each field is known as belonging to the patrimony

of one of the seven fathers of the tribe, though it may now be in the hands

of a descendant of one of the others. The remaining groups of villages have

similar traditions. The Bah people say that their ancestors, when they

first came, lived by hunting, not by agriculture. One of their mighty hun¬

ters dropped his bow (called in their language Dah) on the hill-side. It

became a water channel which fertilized the fields of what afterwards be¬

came a village. One of their Chiefs found certain seeds growing wild which

he sowed near the water-course. These seeds proved to be those of wheat

E

34

[No. 1,

R. B. Sliaw — Stray Arlans in Tibet.

and barley. Thus the village was founded. The story of the bow is pro¬

bably originated either by the curved course of the water-channel which

comes out of a side valley and bends round the hill side to reach the village ;

or else by a mere superficial resemblance of sound between the name Dah

(of which the origin had become forgotten) and the name for a bow.

Several of the villages possess a communal dwelling in which every in¬

habitant of the village has a place. That of Dah is very curious. It covers

a considerable space in the angle between the Indus and a side-stream, pro¬

tected on two sides by the precipitous declivities of the high alluvial plateau

on which it stands and on the third by a wall. It was thus fortified against

the raids of the neighbouring Baltis. The interior consists of an intricate

maze of passages, some open and some covered in, which may be considered

either as the lanes of a tightly packed village, or rather as the passages of

a vast single storied house which forms the common dwelling of the whole

community, each household having its separate apartment or den. Here

the people always live during winter, for warmth or for company. They

all, however, have other houses for summer, out in the fields. I could not

discover that there was any difference in tenure between the lands adjoin¬

ing the common dwelling and the outlying fields. The village of DarchiJc

likewise is cut off from the lower course of the valley by a vertical cliff, the

escarpment of the plateau on which it stands. There are only two ways

of approach. One high up and away from the river, is guarded by a forti¬

fied communal dwelling. The other, near the river, consists of a rugged

narrow staircase constructed in the face of the cliff and closed by a gateway

at the top. Such precautions were necessary in former days when the men

of Baltistan made raids on their neighbours, especially on such as were not

Musalmans, and .penetrated even to Ladak. Now all is peace under the

common rule of our Feudatory, the Maharaja of Kashmir.

So much for the (so-called) Buddhist BroJcpas. But the villages of

the same tribe which lie exposed to Musalman influences down the Indus

on the two roads leading north-west and south-west respectively, have all

been converted to Islam. Of the settlements on the former road, that

down the Indus, and in side-valleys near it, the village of Ganok is entirely

inhabited by Musalman BroJcpas, while those of Dangel, Marul, Chuli-

clian, and Singkarmon, are inhabited partly by Musalman (Shi’ah) JBroJcpas,

and partly by Baltis (Tibetan Musalmans) of the same sect. Below this

the population is entirely Balti. On the other road, that across a low Pass

south-westward to Kargil, the villages of Tsirmo and Lalung are also in¬

habited partly by Musalman JBroJcpas and partly by Musalman Tibetans

from the adjoining district of Purik. These Musalman JBroJcpas on both

roads speak the Dah dialect, and dress like the Dah people, and keep apart

from the Tibetan Musalmans both in matter of marriage and in eating.

1878.]

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

35

But they have no caste inequalities amongst them like their non-Musal-

man kinsmen, and generally they do not object to drinking milk, though

at Tsirmo, there seems to be a relic of the Brolcpa prejudice against the

cow in the fact that their women do not touch that animal.

A short account of the language of these Upper Indus Dards (or Dah-

Hanu Brblcjpas, as they are usually called), including both the Buddhist

and the Musalman sections, is given hereafter.

It is a question how these Arian Dards (for Arians and Dards they

undoubtedly are) reached their present abode. Both above and below them

in the valley of the Upper Indus and to bhe east of them in the parallel

valley of the Shayok, the inhabitants are all of Tibetan race. Dardistan pro¬

per, or the country of the Dards* * * § (the ancient Bolor'), is situated far away

on the lower course of the Upper Indus, and along that river no vestige of

their passage exists and no connecting link with their former home.f But

from the country of the Dards the Indus makes a wide bend westwards

and southwards, and from the concavity of this bend we find a line of

Dard communities running south at first and then trending off: to the east

until it almost abuts against the settlements of the Dah-Hanu Brolcpas on

the Upper Indus. These Dards are Musalmans, as are also the main body

of the Dard race in their own home. The Buddhist BroTcpas of Dah-Hanu

acknowledge no kinship with these people, although they say that their

ancestors also came from Gilid (Gilgit) and BrusJidl , that is, from Dardi¬

stan proper. There is, however, an unmistakable mutual affinity of language

and customs. Mr. Drew,J in explanation of the difference of religion, very

justly supposes the Dah-Hanu Brolcpds to “ belong to an earlier immigra¬

tion . separated from the main mass of their tribe brethren at a time be¬

fore the Dards were converted to Muhammedanism.Ӥ The Dah-Hanu

people, having Buddhists on one side of them, would the more easily receive

an outward varnish of that faith, while the later Dard settlements to the

west of them, surrounded by, and intermingled with, Musalmans, would

* See Mr. Drew’s excellent Race Map in Inis u Jummoo and Kashmir.” To illus¬

trate the present paper the whole of the lightly shaded region to the south, west and

north of Gilgit up to the Muztagh mountains, should he painted of the same colour as

Gilgit, for it is all the home of the Dards, though Mr. Drew’s plan only permitted him

to colour what lies within the Maharaja of Kashmir’s territories.

f The isolated settlements of Dards in certain villages of Baltistan, are apparently

of more recent origin and moreover do not bridge the chasm.

X Drew’s “ Jummoo and Kashmir”, p. 430.

§ If we are to believe the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, this had not taken place at the time

of its author, Mirza Haidar’s invasion of Dardistan, in the first half of the 16th cen¬

tury ; and, according to Mr. Drew, “Jummoo and Kashmir”, page 429, does not seem

to have been very completely effected so lately as 30 years ago.

3 G

[No. 1,

II. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

accept Islam, even if they did not bring it with them from their home. A

non-descript paganism (which was probably the religion of the early Dards)

does not easily resist the encroachments of one of the great dogmatic reli¬

gions when thrown into unprotected contact with it.

Did the Dah-Hanu Droltpas come by the same route as their later bre¬

thren, or did they come, as some of them say, up the valleys of the Indus

and Shayok ? In the latter case, it would be very strange if a migration

of Dards, with the whole upper course of the Indus before them, should

have stopped and located themselves precisely at that point on its course

where a subsequent migration of their kindred, starting from the same

point but coming by a different route (latterly at right angles to theirs),

happens, some centuries after, to have struck the Indus. It seems more

probable that the line of the later migration marks that of the earlier one ;

and that the ancestors of Dah-Hanu people took the route via Astor, Deo-

sai, the Dras river, and Kargil, (a route facilitated by the nature of the

country in that direction). Crossing by a low Pass into the Indus Valley,

they were there arrested by the more difficult mountains on the east of

that river. They probably found this district uninhabited ; for though

the valley of the Indus, both below and above was, and is, occupied by

Tibetan States (Baltistan or Little Tibet, and Ladak) ; yet so difficult is the

gorge of the Upper Indus in this intermediate portion, that all traffic from

Skardo (Baltistan) directed towards Ladak, is diverted round by the paral¬

lel Shayok Valley, only crossing back into that of the Indus by the Hanu

Pass, beyond Dah.

Both the Dah-Hanu people and the Dard communities (above men¬

tioned) settled on or about the Dras river, are called by their Tibetan neigh¬

bours j Brolt-pa (often pronounced Dolt-pa with a disregard to the spelling

peculiar to Tibetans and Englishmen). Droit means a “ mountain pas¬

ture” or “ alp”. The reference may be to the pastures to which they in

summer take their sheep (as do also their Tibetan neighbours however) or

to the fact of their having settled on grounds which were formerly pastures.

But the term Drolt-pa, or Highlander, seems more likely to have been ap¬

plied (as Mr. Drew suggests) to a tribe seen to arrive across the high

mountains and descending into the Indus Valley, than to a people coming

up that valley from its lower portion, and who have not, since their arrival,

taken to a life in the high mountains in any greater degree than their

neighbours.

A few words of notice are required for the Dras Dards of the later

immigration just mentioned. Their connection with their parent stock

is very close, and betokens a comparatively recent separation. They say

that their ancestors came from Darel ; and their settlements extend

far up the course of the streams leading down from the uninhabitable pla¬

teau of Deosa'i, which alone separates them from Dardistan proper.

37

1878.] E. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

The furthest settlements of these people at the embouchure of the

Dras river into the Indus, approach very closely to, without mixing with,

those of their unrecognised kinsmen of the Dah-Hanu Division. I have

collected a few of their grammatical rules and have made a very short com¬

parative table of some of the most ordinary words in the two dialects, by

which it will he seen that they are really only different forms of the same

mode of speech. These later Dards, as far as Dras, are intermingled with

Musalman Tibetans or Baltis. At Dras the former are Sunnis in religion

while the latter are Shi’ahs, hut lower down near the Indus both are Shi’ahs.

The Dards of the Dras district keep themselves quite separate, both as

regards marriage and eating, from the Baltis with whom they are inter¬

mingled in the same villages, and show also some slight traces of that ab¬

horrence of the cow which is so marked among the Dah-Hanu people, and

which is also prevalent in greater or less intensity among many of the other

Dards in their own home. To carry the linguistic inquiry a little fur¬

ther hack, a comparison with Dr. Leitner’s account of the Astori form of the

Dard language will show that the speech of the Dras JBrokjpas is almost

identical with that of the people of Astor or Hazora who are one of the

chief branches of the Dard race in Dardistan, only divided by the river

Indus from Gilgit. We have therefore a continuous chain of communi¬

ties leading from Dardistan proper to the settlements on the Upper Indus

at Dah-Hanu. The small gap that does exist in point of language and

dress between these latter and the most advanced (geographically) of their

brethren, would seem to indicate a lapse of time occurring between two suc¬

cessive migrations. The foremost may be in all probability considered the

earlier, and in either case they profess the religion of their environment.

Thus we have here the furthest extension in this particular direction,

of an Indo-Arian migration, a kind of side- eddy from the great stream.

As when one of our Indian rivers is filled by the melting snows, if a sud¬

den increase of the flood comes down, one may see the waters, dammed up

as it were by the too slowly moving masses in front, trickle oft to one side

in the endeavour to find a speedier exit. But soon, the temporary increase

abating or the circumstances of the ground proving unfavourable, this side

channel ceases to flow onward and stagnates to a pool, leaving the traces of

its abortive course as far back as the point of divergence. So it would

seem that long after the successive floods of Indo- Arians had poured over

the long water-parting of the Hindu-Kush, the latest or the most easterly

wave (the Dard one) expanding in its turn after a vast lapse of time, but

finding the southward way blocked in front of it by the earlier comers,

sent oft side-currents to the south-eastward. These were but puny streams,

wanting moreover sufficient vis a ter go to carry them onwards when they

found themselves amid a foreign element and progressing towards a higher

38

K. B. Shaw — Stray Arlans in Tibet. [No. 1,

and more barren country, instead of reaching the fertile plains to which a

southerly course had formerly led their brethren, the Hindus. Here there¬

fore they remained, wedged in among alien populations, but connected with

their starting point by the living trail of their passage.

Note. — With reference to the question whether any and what degree

of connection exists between the Dards and the Ghalchahs of the Upper

Oxus (see my paper on the latter in the Asiatic Society Bengal, Journal

1876), — it is curious to see that Mr. Drew from native (Dard) information

classifies one of the Grhalchah tribes, the Wakhi (called by him JVdkhik or

Goijal ) amongst the Dards. See Drew’s Jummoo and Kashmir, p. 457.

The termination k of the word Wakhik is probably a mere Dardu affix,

(cf . clostek , grestok for dost, grest) .

Dr. Leitner also (Dardistan, Yol. I, Part II, p. 24) says that Gojal is

the name given by the Chilasis to the people between Hunza and Pamer on

the Yarkand road. Kow these people are the Sariqoli Ghalchahs. He

adds “ there are also Gojals under a Baja of Gojal on the Badakhshan

road.” These can be no other than the JVaklii Ghalchahs, called by Mr.

Drew also Goijal, and the idea suggests itself that perhaps Gojal may be

the Dardu form of the name Ghalcha given to the same tribes by their

Turki neighbours. It is formed by a mere inversion of the position of the

latter two consonants, viz., /, and j or ch : for or (as

Nucklow for Lucknoid). At any rate we see that there is an affinity asserted

by the Dards between themselves and the Ghalchahs, those neighbours

wh© seem to be, one the most primitive race of the Indian family and the

other the most primitive of the Iranians. This assertion of affinity is, to

some extent borne out by a comparison of the dialects (see Journal of

Asiatic Society of Bengal, for 1876, Paper on the Ghalchah languages).

Some Grammatical forms of the Dard dialects spoken by the D rok -pas of

if) Dah-ILanu and of (ii) Drds.

Sounds.

There is no broad a, like aiv in pawn, as in some neighbouring dialects

and languages.

The accented a to be pronounced as in father ; unaccented a as in ordi¬

nary, oriental.

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arums in Tibet.

39

1878.]

The accented e as ey in they, but more staccato. Unaccented e when

final is neutral in sound as in the English word the when rapidly pronounced

before a consonant ; this sound approaches that of unaccented a. When

not final, it is pronounced as in then or yes.

Besides the long and short o, o and u, u, there is a double-dotted o, pro¬

nounced as in German schon, and a double- dotted u as in German muhe or

French tu.

With regard to the consonants ; the dh represents the English soft tli

of the, this, &c., and not the Hindi aspirated d'h (which will be represented

with an apostrophe, as d'h, t'h). Similarly yh is £ (ghain) and not the

aspirated Hindi consonant.

Tch is the compound used by Mr. Drew, in a short list of Dah-Hanu

words given in his “ Jummoo and Kashmir,” to represent a ch pronounced

with the tongue curled back to the roof of the mouth. It stands, as he

remarks, to the English ch in the same relation that the Hindi palatal t

does to the dental t, [or that the Wakhi sch does to the English sh (see

my paper on the Ghalchah Languages in the J ournal Asiatic Society of

Bengal, for 1876) ; or that r (see below) does to r].

The n (with a mark over it) is the French nasal n which is felt rather

as affecting the previous vowel than as a distinct sound. When followed

by a vowel however, it acquires something of the sound of ng in the word

young, but never to the extent of allowing any distinct g to be heard as in

English younger , hunger. Thus mon “ I” is pronounced exactly like the

French mon “ my.” Again hahs “ I am” and byuhs “ I go” would

be spelt in French hanse , biounsse. But liana (where n is followed by

a vowel) is sounded (as regards the medial consonant) somewhat like the

English word hanger (not as in anger).

The r (with a dot over it) represents the palatal r of Hindi, pronoun¬

ced with the tongue turned back. It approaches the sound of a d.

The r (with a dot under it) represents a sound intermediate between

an r and a French j or the z in “ azure ;” that is, the r is not clearly trilled

but slurred over ; while the tongue is almost in the position for an r a

stream of air is passed, without vibration of the tip, between it and the

palate. Thus in the wordy>o£ro “ grandson”, the sound is intermediate be¬

tween potro SLYi&potjo (as in English we may sometimes hear people pro¬

nounce the word “ trill” almost like “ chill”).

The z (with a dot underneath) represents the French j or the z in

azure. It approaches the last letter in sound.

The y is only used as a consonant, as in English “ yes,” “ sawyer”, &c.,

(not as in “ by,” or “ every”).

40

[No. 1,

II. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

Singular.

N. e'i . a ewe

ei-sa (before Trans,

verbs not in Past

Tense)

G. eia . of a ewe

D. eiara . to a ewe

Acc. ei-za . a ewe

Abl. ei-zano . from a ewe

eia-suma . with a ewe

Instr. ei-ya . by a ewe

N. a . . a she goat

a-sa (before Trans.

Verbs not in Past

Tense)

G. oya or as . of a she goat

D. a-ra . to a she goat

Acc. a-za.. . a she goat

Abl. d-zano . from a she goat

Instr. d-ye . by a she goat

N. got . a house

got-sa (before Trans.

Verbs not in Past

T0

G. gotas . of a house

D. gotdra . to a house

Acc. gota-dze . a house

Abl. gota-yono . from a house

gotas-suma . with a house

Instr. got-ya . by a house

I. DahSanu Dialect.

The Substantive.

Plural .

eia . ewes

eia-sa (before Trans.

Verbs &c.)

eian . of ewes

eian-da . to ewes

eian-za . ewes

eian-zano . from ewes

eian-suma . with ewes

eian-ya . by ewes

oyo . . . she goats

oyo-sa (before Trans.

Verbs &c.)

oyon . of she goats

oy on-da . to she goats

oyon-za . she goats

oyon-zano . from she goats

oyo -ye . by she goats

goti . houses

guti-sa (before Trans.

Verbs &c.)

gbtin . of houses

got in- da . to houses

gotin-dze . houses

gotin-dono . from houses

gotin-ya . by houses

And so with go “ a cow,” Gen. gos, and the other cases go ; golo “ a

bull,” Gen. golos, other cases golo ; bid “ a boy,” Gen. bids , other cases biu.

But Genitive of tchiga “ a woman” is tcliugoya while the Dat. is tchilge -

ra, the Acc. teliiga-ze , the Abl. tcliuge-yono and the Instr. tchiga-ya. The

post-position suma “ with”, governs the Genitive.

The Plural is irregular though generally ending with a vowel for the

nominative and by the same vowel followed by n (and by the appropriate

post-positions, if any) for the oblique cases.

1878.]

R. B. Shaw- — Stray Arians in Tibet.

41

Thus the plural of bin “ a hoy” is be in the nom. and ben in the ob¬

lique cases ; got “ a house”, in the plural is goti and got in ; “ cattle”

(plural) is gble and golen ; “ women” is tsJiiigoyu, obi. tshugoyun. To da

“ fathers”, obi. bo dan ; apshi “horses”, obi . apshan.

Adjectives do not seem to change for the gender.

Pronouns.

Singular. Plural.

1st Person.

ba or beng .

N. mon (with int rails, verbs) n

mi-sa (with transitive verbs (

> in the Present and

or

ma-sa

) Future)

$

me

G. mi or miu . my

D. ma-ra . to me

Ace. mon-ze (with Present

and Future Tenses)

Abl. mon-yono or mon-deo from me

Instr. mi-ya (with Past j ^ me

Tense of Trans, verbs.) j

> we

with transitive

verbs in the Pre¬

sent and Future

Tenses

assii . - . our

assii-ra . ... . to us

assii- za . us

assii-yono or assii -deo . from us

ba-yci or beng-ya . by us

2nd Person.

N. til (with intransitive Y.)

ti-sa or tii-sa (with transitive > thou

Verbs in Present and Fut.) )

G. tin . they

D. tisa-ra . . . . to thee

Ace. tu-ze (with Present

and Future Tenses)

Abl. tu-yono . from thee

Instr. ti-ya (with Past l , thee

Tense of transitive Y.) )

thee

tsi.

tsi-sa or tsii-sa (with

he (here or

N. so (fern, so) or p'Jio

(with intve. Y.)

so-sa (with trans. Y.) | there)

Pres, and Fut.

G. tes or p'Jios

D. te-ra

j

of him (do.)

to him

Aec. te-za (with Pres. )

Tenses) )

Abl. te-yono

Instr. so-ya (with Past"), ,.

Tense of Trans. Y.) ) ^ 1

p

from him

him

42

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

THE VERB.

[No. ],

The Intransitive Verb “ to go”.

Byasti = (in order) to go.

Bya -su — about to go.

Byunto = in going, or, whilst going.

Gyeto = gone or having gone. Bo — go (Imperative).

Indicative Mood.

Present Euture Tense.

Singular.

Plural.

r byuns... I go (masc.)

1. moil or mi < or will go

C binis... I go (fem.)

of" f byuna . thou goest

l binia . do. (fem.)

g £ so by alia . he goes

C sa bini . she goes

ba byenis . . we go or will go

tsi byeni . ye go, &c.

te byan . they go, &c.

1. moii byii . I go

2. til byuii . thou goest

3. so byun . he goes

Aorist.

ba byun . we go

tsi byeni . ye go

te byeni . they go

1 man f 9°s - 1 went (nO

( gyis... ditto (fem.)

Past Tense.

ba gyeiins . . . we went

2 til § g° ‘ * ^ou wen^es^ (m0

Lgy&ua ditto (fem.)

so go . he went

sa gyani ... she went

tsi gye or gyeui . ye went

te gyeani or gyeun . they went

Perfect Tense.

1. mi gyeils (? gye-hiis)* I have (or

had) gone

2. tu gye-astu . thou hast gone

3. so gye-astu . he has gone

ba gyeiins (? gye-huns ) we have gone

tse gyS-astin . ye have gone

te gye-ast in . they have gone

Euture Tense.

mon byiilco I will go (the other persons of this tense are the same).

* See Past Tense of Auxiliary Verb “ to be”.

1878.]

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arlans in Tibet.

43

The Defective Auxiliary “ to be”.

Present.

1. mon or mi bans . I am

2. tic or ti liana . thou art

3. so ban . he is

1. ba or beng banis . we are

2. tsi bani . ye are

3. te bani . they are

Past.

mon bus . , . I was

tic bica (near) or astu (far) thou wast

so bica or astu . he was

ba buns . we were

tsi bici or astin . ye were

te bun or astin . . they were

The transitive Verb has some peculiarities about its subjects.

In the first place, all Tenses except the Past take the second nominative

form of Pronouns, ma-sa, ti-sa, &c., and they add the particle sa to substan¬

tives in the nominative. Secondly, the Past Tense puts the subject in the

Instrumentative case, and the object in the nominative, the verbal inflec¬

tion agreeing with the latter (not in gender, however, but in person), so as

almost to assume a Passive form. But as there is a separate Passive, this

Tense may be most nearly compared with the Hindustani Transitive Past

e. g.} us-ne eh aurat mari (Hind.) “ he struck a woman” ; where the

verb is in the feminine to agree with the object “ woman”. So in the

Brokpa dialect : Tdshis-ya moil kutudbos “ Tashi struck me”, lit. “ by

Tashi I was struck”, where “ kutudbbs>'> is the Past verb-form agreeing

with the 1st person singular. The 1st persons singular and plural (when

occurring as objects of the action) have each a particular form of the verb

assigned to them, while the remaining persons have a common form.

With this explanation we will proceed to the

CONJUGATION OF A TRANSITIVE VERB.

Kutisti — (in order) to strike, (on account of) striking.

Kuti-su = about to strike.

Kutyunto = in striking, or whilst striking.

Kutedbo = having struck.

Imperative.

Kuti = strike.

INDICATIVE MOOD.

Present Future Tense,

1.

2.

3.

Singular.

r kutyuns I strike (masc.)

ma-sa < or will strike

v. kutinis ditto (fern.)

r kutyuna thou strikest

< (m.) Ac.

v kutinia ditto (f.)

so-sa kutyalla he strikes &c.

sa-sa kutini she strikes &c.

tic-sa

i

Plural.

ba-sa kutyenis . we strike, &c.

tsic-sa kutyeni . ye strike, Ac.

fe-sa kutyan

they strike, Ac.

44

B. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

[No. 1,

Aorjst.

1. ma-sa kutyii . I strike

2. tii-sa kutyun . thou strikest

ba-sa kutyun . we strike

tsi-sa kutyeni . ye strike

3. so-sa kutyun . he strikes te-sa kutyeni . they strike

Past Tense.

Instr. Object. Verb. English.

S. 1. mi-ya

2. ti-ya

3. so-ya

PI. 1. beng-ya

2. tsi-ya

3. ten-ya

mo n

ba

kutudhos (masc.)

kutedhis (fem

kutedliens

I was struck

we were struck

(the rest) hutet\ thoU’ ^ ye 0r *** t .

( — wast, was or were struck

M>y me

by thee

by him

by us

by yon

by them

Singular.

1. ma-sa kutyiis ...I have (or had)

Perfect Tense.

Plural.

ba-sa kutyiins . we have struck

struck

2. tii-sa kute-astu thou hast struck

3. so-sa kute-astu... he has struck

tsi-sa kute-astin ...ye have struck

te-sa kute-astin ...they have struck

Future Tense.

1. ma-sa kutiko . I will strike (the other persons do not vary from this).

Future Preterit Tense.

1. md-sa kuti-su has.

2. tii-sa kuti-su hiia

3. so-sa kuti-su Jiiia

I was about

to strike

thou &c.

he &c.

ba-sa kuti-su hiins. . . we were about

to strike

tsi-sa kuti-su Tiiii ... ye &c.

te-sa kuti-su hiin . . . they &c.

Conditional Mood.

1. ?nd-sa kutetto if I strike (the other persons and tenses do not vary from

this form).

Passive.

1. mi kutellas... I am or have been

struck

2. tii kutella ... thou &c.

3. so kutella ... he &c.

beng kutellans . we are or have

been struck

tsi kutellan . ye &c.

te kutellan . they &c.

When there is a Dative case with a Transitive Past tense, the verb

may agree with it in person as it would with the direct object ;

1878.]

II. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

45

E. g. Tu-ya tin apsh mdra dotos = thou gavest thy horse to me.

Where the verb agrees with the person of the person in the Dative.

In short when there is both a direct object and a dative, one of which is

the 1st person (Singular or Plural), the verb agrees with that person by

preference, as

E. g. So-ya mon gobd-ra dotos = He gave me to the head-man.

and so-ya md-ra apsh eh dotos — He gave a horse to me.

Where the 1st person (whether direct object as in the first example,

or dative as in the second) governs the verb.

But mi-ya miu apsli tisa-ra det = I gave my horse to thee.

Brokpa Version of the 1st Story in Forbes’ Persian Grammar.

Aflatun-ra eh mush-ya shunat : Tic hisliti-a-ru hatuh sar bat'd ,

Plato-to a man-by it-was-asked : tliou ship-to many years satest,

tso-a-rii na-zito ye zit ?

sea-to (wonderful) what was seen ?

Ajlatun-ya razit : tso-a harang mi-ya na-zito zit

Plato by it-was-said : of the sea this me-by wonderful was seen

mon tralobo pd-r niipddos.

I safely side-to arrived.

Analysis : Of the verbs, shunat is the Past Tense Transitive answering

to the typical hutet , with its subject mush-ya in the Instrumentative case.

Sato is 2nd Person Sing, of the Past tense of an Intransitive verb, thus

answering to the form go of the specimen verb given above. Kishti-

a-ru is dative, from hishti-d obi. crude form of hishti (a foreign word).

Tsoa is oblique of tso (the Tibetan word for “ lake”). JVd-zito (lit.

il not seen”) is negative of Past Participle of following verb (to see) ;

zit is Past tense transitive agreeing with its object ye “ what” (i. e., not

taking the termination in — os or ehs appropriated to the 1st persons

sing, and plural) ; the instrumentative case of the agent, tu-ya , is under¬

stood. Uazit is the same form as slmndt , and so is zit which follows.

Nupados seems at first sight abnormal, for “ to arrive” is an intransitive

verb, and yet it has taken the form peculiar to the Past of transitive

verbs. But in reality it is quite normal : only the Brokpa verb means

“ to cause to arrive” (P. rasanidan) . E. g. mi-ya ddh nupat “ I delivered

the post” (lit. £ by me the post was caused to arrive’). Thus mon .

niipddos of the text, is literally : “ I .. ... was caused to arrive” or, as we

should say: “I arrived.” The full form would be: Kishti-ya mon

niipddos (lit. by the ship I was caused to arrive) “ the ship caused me to

arrive.” • .....

But although this Past tense of Transitive Verbs so much resembles

a Passive in construction, yet there is as much distinction kept up in the

46

[No. 1,

K. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

mind of the speaker between it and the real Passive, as there is for

instance in Hindustani between us-ne aurat mari, and aurat mart gad.

The sense is active though the form is passive. In the one case the agent

is known and generally mentioned in the Instrumentative case ; in the

other the agent is no’t known or mentioned.

Dah-Hanu Love Song.

Mi miishii Slcishur qaniya Jcdslcye slcyet-to

I young-man (pro. name mountain below if-I-look

of place)

Bos pay iil zi-chun ; toto hunshye slcyet-to

Father’s home see makes; and above if-I-look

JVumes payiil zi-chun. Zu-lo Qoda nasib tuni te.

(name of woman) home see-makes. Pray God fate joined make,

in genitive

“ If I look below, from the Skishur mountain,

“ My father’s home is seen (makes itself seen)’;

And if I look above,

“ Niime’s home is seen. Grant, 0 God, that

our destinies may be united !”

Analysis : SJcyet-to is the Conditional, answering to Jcutet-to. Bayul

would seem to be compounded of the Tibetan word yul “ village” and a

prefix pa. Zi-chun is composed of the verb “ to see”, plus the 3rd pers.

sing, of the aorist of the verb “ to do”, answering to the typical form

Jcutyun. Zu-lo is the Brokpa form of the common Tibetan salutation ju

or ju-le , which is like the Hind. ji. Qoda ( Khuda ) and nasib are words

borrowed from their Musalman neighbours, apparently in the absence of

any words of the same meaning in their own dialect. Te is the Im¬

perative.

eze ..

eze-sa

II. Dras Dialect.

The Substantive.

Singular.

N. esh or ez . a ewe

esh-sa (before transitive

verbs, not in Past Tense)

G. ezo . of a ewe

D. & Loc. ezu-re . to, or at a ewe

Acc. ezu . . . a ewe

Abl. ezu-zo . from a ewe

ezu-sei nala . with a ewe

Instr. ezu (before Trans. 7

Verbs in Past tense) i a ewe

ezo .

ezo-re .

ezo .

ezo-zo

ezo-sei nala

ezo-za .

Plural.

. | ewes

. of ewes

. to, or at ewes

. . ewes

— . from ewes

. . with ewes

. by ewes

1878.]

B B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

47

t

N. ai . a she-goat

ai-sa (before Trans.

Verbs not in Past Tense)

G. aiio . of a sbe-goat

D. & Loc. ai-re... to, or at a sbe-goat

Ace. ai . a sbe-goat

Abl. ai-zo . from a sbe-goat

ai-sei nala . with a sbe-goat

Instr. aio ...(before... by a she goat

Trans, verbs in

Past Tense)

die |

aie-sa )

she -goats

aio . of sbe-goats

aio-re . to, or at sbe-goats

aio . sbe-goats

aio-zo . from sbe-goats

aio-sei-nala . with she-goats

aio-za . by she goats

N. gor . a house

gor-sa (before Tr. v.

not in Past Tense)

G. gor-o . of a bouse

D. & Loc. gor-re ...to, or at a house

(sometimes — rd)

Ace. gor or gor-re a bouse

Abl. gor-zo . from a bouse

(in some-wo)

Instr. gor-i . by a bouse

(before Trans.

Verbs in Past Tense)

qori -) ,

J t . bouses

gori-sa )

goro . of bouses

goro-ra . to, or at bouses

goro or goro-ra ...bouses

goro-zo . from bouses

goro-za . by bouses

Adjectives do not seem to change for Gender.

Pronouns.

N. mon . I

mon*sa (before Tr. V.,

be, . we

be-sa (before Tr. V.,

not Past T.)

[No. 1

48

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

N. tii .

tii-sa (before Tr. f

thou

Y. not in Past (

Tense) J

G. to (or turn P) . of thee, thy

D. tic-re . to thee

Ace. tu . thee

Abl. tii-zo . from thee

tuin-sei ndlct . with thee

Instr. to . by thee

ye

tso (f. tsd)

tso-sa (before Tr.

Y. not in Past

Tense)

tso (or tso in ?) . of you

tso-re . . . to you

tso

.you

tso-zo . ...from you

tso-sei nald . with you

tso-za (ttsa-za f.) . by you

Pronouns Substantival and Adjectival.

Singular. Plural.

>-this

N. nu or do or ana or"'1

ain (fem. ni or a or

ani)

nusa or anu-sa (f .ni-sa

or ani-sa (before Tr.

Y. not in Past T.)

G. niso or nisei , or of this

ani-so, ani-sei

D. nise-re . to this

Acc. nise-or ain . this

Abl nise-zo . from this

Instr. nisi . by this

m or am -v

ni-sa or ani-sa /

(before Tr. V. ^

not Past T.)

j

these

nino or anino . of these

nino-re or anino-re ...to these

nino or anino . these

nino-zo or anino -zo ...from these

nino-za or anino-za ...by these

When these pronouns are prefixed to substantives, their case-affixes are

detached from them and placed after the substantives only, in the form

peculiar to the latter ; e. y., ani mazar-tang-o , not ani-so mazdr-tang-o.

N. ro (re fem ) v

ro-sa (f. re-sd). |

before Tr. Y. not

in Past Tense

)

that

G. so or aso (f. reso)... of that

also ase-sei

D. se-re or as6-re . to that

(f. rese-re )

Acc. se or ase or do... that

(f. rese )

Abl. se-zo or ase-zo... from that

(f. rese-zo)

Instr. sesi or asi . by that

(f. resi)

re or per o (f. ra) .

re-sa (f. ra-sa ) be- f

fore Tr. Y. not j

those

Past Tense

reno or perano . of those

(f. rano)

reno-re or per ano -re to those

(f. rano -re)

reno or per ano . those

(f. rano )

reno-zo or perano-zo... from those

(f. rano-zo )

reno-za or perano-,,. by those

za (f. rano-za)

1878.]

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

49

Relative Pronoun.

N. he or Jcesi (P)

G. Tceso

D. hese-re

Ace. hese (?)

Abl. Jcese-zo (?)

Instr. he- si

who

of whom

to whom

whom

from whom

by whom

Personal Adjectival Pronouns.

miano my own

tano they own

resano or tomo his own

assano

tsano

renano or tomo

our own

your own

their own

The Relative Pronoun is used like the Hindustani jo, jis-lca , &c., fol¬

lowed by a corresponding demonstrative pronoun later in the sentence : a

pronoun do seems to be specially employed for this, like so in Hindustani,

but the other demonstrative pronouns are also used.

The Verb “ to be.”

Present and Future.

Present.

Infinitive and Supine: bono “to become,” or, “in order to become.”

Imperative, be “become.”

a

50

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

[No. 1,

1878.]

K. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

51

Conditional.

Present.

Infinitive and Supine : bozono “ to go” and “ in order to go.”

Imperative ; bo or boze “ go.”

Verbal Adjectives : bozensto “ going”, bozeta “ having gone.”

Present.

53

Probably all these tenses (Imperfect or Past, Perfect, and Pluperfect)

are compounded of some auxiliary verb-tense running as follows (there is

actually such a verb meaning “ I came, &c.”) :

to which are prefixed the various verbal stems or complete verb tenses, per¬

son for person. In many cases the combination has subsequently suffered

from elision.

JE. g ., bil-alos, &c., would be an uneorrupted example. The stem and

the auxiliary tense are both perfect, and the former does not vary with the

persons.

In galos, goto, &c., the verb root (probably go) has suffered its vowel to

coalesce with the initial vowel of the auxiliary.

In bozum-alos, boz-alo, &c., the auxiliary has destroyed the final syllables

of the verb tense, excepting in the 1st pers. Sing, and the 3rd pers. Plural.

In asilos, bilos, &c., the initial vowel of the auxiliary has itself suffered

alteration from the pressure of the verb-root before it.

In the root as (of asilos “ I was”), and the root bi or be (of bilos ? bi-

alos , “ I have become”), we have perhaps representatives of the universal

Arian roots, bhu and as for the idea of “ being” or “ existence.”

In some verbs the terminations are os, -o, -o.

If again we subdivide the auxiliary tense albs, &c., into its root al

and its terminations -os, -o, -o, es, - et , and -e, it would appear that it was by

the addition of these latter to the Present Future Tense, that the Present

Tense was formed :

E. g. Pr. Fut. Tense. Termn. Present Tense. Pr. Fut. Tense. Termn, Present Tense.

bozum . os ... bozumus.

• •

boze . o ... bozao (n).

bozei . o ... bozeu (n).

bozon . es bozonas.

• •

bozat . et . bozat.

• •

bozen . e . bozena.

• •

Transitive Verbs are conjugated like intransitive ones. But they

show traces of the quasi- Passive formation with the subject in the Instru-

mentative Case, such as we find in the Past Tenses in Hindustani and in

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

[No. 1,

51

the Dard dialect of Dah-Hanu (see above). As in the latter, the subject

takes a special form in the Past tenses, the singular taking an affix or

termination, generally - i , and fhe Plural -za (cf. Dah-Hanu -yet); but unlike

in that dialect the verb agrees with its proper subject (in the Instrumenta-

tive case) and not with its object. In the other Tenses the subject takes

the affix -sa as in the Dah-Hanu dialect. This in both, dialects is now a

simple variety of the nominative.

These facts I think corroborate the hypothesis that the Dah-Hanu

people formed an earlier migration than the Dras Dards. For they retain

most fully the quasi-Passive formation of the Past of Transitive Verbs,

which we find again in the Indian dialects (from which they had less op¬

portunity of borrowing than the Dras people had). It was therefore

perhaps an early Dard formation of which all but slight traces have been

lost by the later Dards.

The Teansitive Veeb “ to strike.”

Infinitive and Supine = kutino “ to strike” and “ in order to strike.”

= Icutiokuni “ in striking.”

Imperative : kute “ strike.”

Verbal Adjectives : kutiensto “ striking,” kuteta and kutetato “ having

struck.”

Present.

Masc.

S. 1. mon-sa kutemus

2. tu-sa kutaon

3. ro-sa kuteno or kuteun

PI. 1. be-sa kutonas

2. tso-sa kutiat

3. re-sa kutena (or kuty-

ona.

Fern.

mon-sa kute mis

tu-sa kutan (?)

re-sa kuteni

be-sa kutonas

tsa-sa kutiat

ra-sa kuteiii (?)

English.

I am striking

thou art striking

he, she is striking

we are striking

ye are striking

they are striking

Present Future.

S. 1. mon-sa kutem

2. tu-sa kutez or kute

3. ro-sa kutei

PI. 1. be-sa kuton

2. tso-sa kutiat

3. re-sa kuten

. I strike or shall strike

. thou strike st or wilt strike

re-sa kutii he, she strikes or will strike

. we strike or shall strike

. ye strike or will strike

ra-sa kuteni they strike or will strike

Compound Future.

S. 1. mon-sa kutiono bans mon-sa kutiono hanis I am to strike

2. tu-sa kutiono haon tu-sa kutiono Jiani thou art to strike

3. ro-sa kutib?io haon re-sa kutiono hani he, she is to strike

1878.]

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

55

PI. 1. be-sa Jcutiono Jidnis

2. t so -set Jcutiono Jianet

3. re-sa Jcutiono Jian

be-sa Jcutibno Jiains

tsa-sa Jcutibno Jiaint

re-sa kutiono hanie

S. 1. mon-sa Jcutemalos

2. tu-sa Jcutalo (kutalor)

3. ro-sa Jcutelo

PL 1. be-sa Jcutonales

2. tso-sa Jcutialet

3. re-sa Jcutenale

Imperfect.

mon-sa Jcutemdlts

tu-sa Jcutdle

re-sa kutelie

be-sa Jcutonalyis

tsa-sa kutialiet

rd-sa Jcutenalie

Past.

S. 1. mi Jcutds (in some verbs -os)

2. to Jcutd(-o )

3. se-si Jcutaio(-o)

PL 1. asso-za Jcuties

2. tso-za Jcutiet

3. reno-za Jcutie

mi Jcuties

to Jcute

re- si Jcuti

asso-za Jcutiees

tsa-za Jcutieti

rano-za Jcutiee

we are to strike

ye are to strike

they are to strike

I was striking

thou wast striking

he, she was striking

we were striking

ye were striking

they were striking

I struck

thou struck est

he, she struck

we struck

ye struck

they struck

Perfect and Pluperfect.

S. 1. mi Jcutalbs mi Jcutalis I have or had struck

2. to Jcutalo {Jcute-asUbr) to Jcutali thou hast or hadst struck

3. se-si Jcutalo re-si Jcutali he, she has or had struck

Pl. 1. asso-zo Jcutialis asso-za Jcutialyis (?) we have or had struck

2. tso-za Jcutialet tso-za Jcutidliet (?) ye have or had struck

3. reno-za Jcutiale rano-za Jcutidli they have or had struck

Conditional.

Present.

S. 1. mon-sa Jcuteto if I strike

2. tu-sa Jcuteto if thou strikest

3. ro-sa Jcuteito if he strike

Pl. 1. be-sa Jcutunto if we strike

2. tso-sa Jcutiatto if ye strike

3. re-sa Jcutento if they strike

Past.

mon-sa Jcutalozto

tu-sa Jcutdloto

ro-sa Jcutilto

be-sa Jcutdlezto

tso-sa Jcutdletto

re-sa Jcutilto

if I have or had

struck

if thou hast or

hadst struck

if he has or had

struck

if we have or had

struck

if ye have or had

struck

if they have or had

struck

5G

11. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet.

[No. I,

TRANSLATION OF STORIES FROM FORBES’

PERSIAN GRAMMAR.

1.* Ek-i kozalo Afratun-re : “La bariri nawi-za ( ? ra)

one (Instr.) had-asked Plato (Loc.) many years skip in (Loc.)

betalo ; to sara-za ( ? ra) lab safar t’ka. To sara

(thou) hast-sat thou (Instr.) sea in (Loc.) much voyage madest. Thou (Ins.) sea

-za ( P ra) ‘ajaib zok pasha?” Afratun-i rajau: “mon salamat-gi

in (Loc.) wonders what sawest ? Plato (Instr.) said : I

sara-zo katos cbupe-re, ain mi pashas ‘ajaib.

sea from came-out shore to this I (Instr.) saw wonderful.

2. Ek pacjirek gau grestok-o darr-re di zek

a beggar went farmer’s door to (?) something

in-safety

mangau

demanded

Ara-no jawab kati : Gor-re che'i niish. Paqir-i

Inside from answer came-out (f.) : House (Loc.) woman is not. Beggar (Instr.)

rajau: mi tiki torik mangalos mi chei ne mangas,

said : I (Instr.) bread piece had-demanded I (Instr.) (the) woman not demanded,

mon-re a jawab lados.f

me to this (f.) answer arrived.

4. Ek hakim dezgao bozalo mazar-tang-ra ; tomo pasho muka-re

a doctor daily used-to-go grave-yard-to his own shawl face to

palieta bozalo. Zako-za kozie : Ani-sei zok sabab hani ?

having-wrapped used-to-go. People (Instr.) asked : this of what reason is (f.) ?

Hakim-i rajau : Ani mazar-tang-o miio-re mon sharmanda

Doctor (Instr.) said : This (f.) grave-yard (Gen.) dead (Loc.) I ashamed

hanos : rnion rabati keta miie.

am : my medicine having-eaten (they) died.

8. Ek manuzo-re bwaro krum lado. Ek dostek (mubarak)

bubarek

a man to big work (office) arrived. A friend congratulation

t’hiono alo. Se-si kozau : Tu koi bilo, ki alo ? So dost

in-order-to-make came. That (one) asked : Thou who art, why earnest ? His friend

* The numbers are those of the stories in the order given in Forbes’ Persian

Grammar.

f Here the verb seems to he governed by the person of the Locative or Dative as

in other cases it is by that of the Instrumentative. Normally one would think this

mon-re d jawab lado or mon d jawab -

ought to he

me to this answer reached (3rd pers.) I this answer received (1st pers.)

1878.]

57

R. B. Shaw — Stray Arlans in Tibet.

sharmanda bilo, rajau : Tu-sa moh suzan t'he niish da.

ashamed has-become, said : Thou (2nd nom.) me recognition makest is not ?

Moil to purono dost bilos, moii to mutro rono alos ; mon parados

I thy old friend am I thy presence to weep came ; I heard

tu sbeilon t'he.

thou blind makest (becomest).

COMPARATIVE TABLE OF A

THE DRAS DIALECTS OF

N. B. Kashmiri words added

. FEW ORDINARY WORDS IN

DAH-HANU AND OF DRAS.

for comparison are marked K. and

ordinary Hindi are not noted.

Dras.

manuzo

babo

aze (ef. Gaddi Hindi ijji)

push

dib

molai

bale

kako

za

«

cbei

potro

bio

der

sbisb

ache (K. ach)

kon

noto

doni

dai

kroo

dakhri

bat

pe

kin (pi. kiiiyi)

kuto

patald

H

1878.] R. B. Shaw — Stray Arians in Tibet. 59

Eras.

sur

tare

sum

yun ( zun K.)

qaniya

shiai

chir

skung

sin

yap

meg

hin (K. shin), dzo (rain or snow)

hmai

sor

we'i

barir

moiis ( mans K.)

chag

bazono

uwalo

share

yono

ash

rati

krum.

tiki

gor

Hunmas

darr

dahnu

qon (K. han)

chimir

gon

bwaro

chuno ( chun Tib.)

[No. 1,

* Pronounced also prono and prdn ; as in Prdn-Dras , a village near Dras, called by

Englishmen Pandras, and sometimes wrongly derived from Pay in “ low.” The name

given by Moorcroft for the Dras lucerne grass, viz. prangos , is perhaps merely prdn -

leash “old grass,” i. e. “hay j” as lucerne forms the winter fodder of the cattle in^ the

state of hay.

61

On Representations of Foreigners in the Ajanta Frescoes. — By

Rajendralala Mitra, LL. D., C.I.E.

(With 4 plates.)

The Ajanta Pass first came to the notice of Europeans during the

great battle of Asayi, which broke down the Marhatta power ; hut the caves

near it were not visited by any Englishman until several years afterwards.

According to Mr. Burgess, some officers of the Madras army were the first

to visit them in 1819, and Col. Morgan of the Madras army wrote a short no¬

tice of them, which appeared in Mr. Ersldne’s ‘ Remains of the Buddhists in

India.’ Then followed Lieut. J. E. Alexander in 1824, and his account was

published by the Royal Asiatic Society in 1829.f Dr. Bird visited the place by

order of Sir John Malcolm in 1828, at the same time when Capt. Grisley

and Lieut. Ralp were at the place. The account of the former appeared in

his “ Researches into the Cave Temples of Western India,” a meagre and

faulty account, utterly untrustworthy for all historical purposes. The

description of the latter appeared in this Journal. J It is graphic and en-

* These seem to retain a trace (k for eh) of the deducted unit itself, which Sanskrit

had lost (cf. unavinsati), hut of which Pali seems to show the original presence,

( ekimavisati ) .

f Transactions R1. As. Soc., I, p. 557.

| Ante Y.

1878.]

63

Foreigners in the Ajantd Frescoes.

thusiastic, but calculated more to rouse than to allay the curiosity of the

reader. Mr. Burgess says, “ A somewhat interesting and correct topographi¬

cal account of them, was subsequently (1839) published in the “ Bombay

Courier”, and republished in a pamphlet form, but I have not seen the

brochure. Soon after, came out Mr. Fergusson’s description in his Memoir

on the “ Bock-cut Temples of India,” (1843) and laid the foundation

of a critical study of these remarkable works of art. It drew to them

the attention of the Court of Directors, and Capt. Gill was, six or seven

years after, deputed to prepare facsimile drawings of the fresco paint¬

ings which adorn most of the caves. His rep>ort was published in

1855, but it was meagre, like the works of his predecessors, and subserved,

like them, only to whet the desire for further information. Dr. Wilson’s

account, in his paper on the “ Ancient Bemains of Western India”,

published in 1850, in the Journal of the Bombay Asiatic Society*,

is a mere resume of what was then known, and Dr. John Muir’s

subsequent notice professes to give nothing more than a foretaste of what

may be seen at the place. Dr. Bhau Daji came to Ajanta in 1865,

and took facsimiles of most of the inscriptions, some of which had

been previously noticed by James Prinsep, and published translations

of them in the Bombay Journal, f The translations are generally correct

and of great value, but the general remarks on the nature of the caves

and their ornaments are brief and not always satisfactory. The learned

gentleman had the intention of writing a sejDarate paper on the subject,

but his untimely and lamented death prevented his carrying out the

intention. Since his death several notices have appeared in the e Indian

Antiquary ’ which are highly interesting, but none of them is exhaustive.

When Major Gill’s copies of these curious works of art were sent to

Europe, it was expected that antiquarians in England would take them in hand,

and submit to the public a full and comprehensive critical account of their

character, and the subjects they pourtray. But the copies were destroyed

by fire in the Sydenham Crystal Palace, and nothing came of them. In

the meantime the originals suffered greatly from leakage in the caves and

want of care, and it was apprehended that in a few years more they would

be totally lost. A representation was accordingly made to Government to

adopt some measures for their preservation. Thereupon a party of drafts¬

men, under the superintendence of Mr. Griffiths, Principal of the Art School

at Bombay, was deputed in 1872-73 to prepare copies of all the printings

which were still legible. The result was a “ collection of excellent copies

of four large wall-paintings covering 122 square feet of canvas, 160 panels

of ceiling, aggregating about 2S0 square feet, 16 moulds from the sculp¬

tures, and several drawings.” In reporting on these Mr. Griffiths says :

* Yol. Ill, pp. 7 Iff. f Yol. VII.

61 Rajendralala Mitra — On Representations of [No. 1,

“ The artists who painted them, were giants in execution. Even on the

vertical sides of the walls some of the lines which were drawn with one

sweep of the brush struck me as being very wonderful ; but when I saw

long delicate curves drawn without faltering with equal precision upon the

horizontal surface of a ceiling, where the difficulty of execution is increased

a thousand-fold, it appeared to me nothing less than miraculous. One of

the students, when hoisted up on the scaffolding, tracing his first panel on

the ceiling, naturally remarked that some of the work looked like a child’s

work ; little thinking that what appeared to him up there as rough and

meaningless, had been laid in by a cunning hand, so that when seen at its

right distance, every touch fell into its proper place.

“ The condition of mind in which these paintings at Ajanta were origi¬

nated and executed must have been very similar to that which produced the

early Italian paintings of the fourteenth century, as we find much that is

in common. Little attention paid to the science of art, a general crowding

of figures into a subject, regard being had more to the truthful rendering

of a story than to a beautiful rendering of it ; not that they discarded beau¬

ty, but they did not make it the primary motive of representation. There

is a want of aerial perspective — the parts are delicately shaded, not forced

by light and shade, giving the whole a look of flatness — a quality to he de¬

sired in mural decoration.

“ Whoever were the authors of these paintings, they must have con¬

stantly mixed with the world. Scenes of every-day life, such as preparing

food, carrying water, buying and selling, processions, hunting-scenes, ele¬

phant-fights, men and women engaged in singing, dancing, and playing on

musical instruments, are most gracefully depicted upon these walls ; and

they could only have been done by men who were constant spectators of

such scenes, by men of keen observation and retentive memories. # # # #

In every example that has come under my observation, the action of the

hands is admirable and unmistakeable in conveying the particular ex¬

pression the artist intended.

Adverting to the second picture he says : “ Parts of this picture are

admirably executed. In addition to the natural grace and ease with which

she is standing, the drawing of the woman holding a casket in one hand,

and a jewel with a string of pearls hanging from it in the other, is most

delicately and truly rendered. The same applies to the woman seated on

the ground in the left hand corner. The upward gaze and sweet expression

of the mouth are beautifully given. The left hand of the same woman... is

drawn with great subtlety and tenderness.”! “The third picture”, he

remarks, “ contains eight figures and portions of three others, all of which are

seated or standing upon large lotus flowers with nimbi round the heads. The

* Indian Antiquary, III. 26. f Ibid., loc. cit.

1878.]

Foreigners in the Ajanta Frescoes.

65

action of some of the figures, especially the standing ones, hears such a very

striking resemblance to what is characteristic of the figures in Christian

art, that they might have been taken from some mediaeval Church, rather

than from the caves of Ajanta. The delicate foliage which fills in the

spaces between the figures will give some idea of the power of these old

artists as designers, and also of their knowledge of the growth of plants.

Referring to a picture in cave No. 16 he observes: “This picture, I

consider, cannot be surpassed in the history of art. The Florentine could

have put better drawing and the Venetian better colour, but neither could

have thrown greater expression into it. The dying woman, with drooping

head, half-closed eyes, and languid limbs, reclines on a bed the like of which

may be found in any native house of the present day. She is tenderly

supported by a female attendant, whilst another, with eager gaze, is looking

into her face, and holding the sick woman’s arms, as if in the act of feeling

her pulse. The expression on her face is one of deep anxiety, as she seems

to realize how soon life will be extinct in one she loves. Another female

behind is in attendance with a panka, whilst two men on the left are look¬

ing on with the expression of profound grief depicted in their faces. Below

are seated on the floor other relations, who appear to have given up all

hope, and to have begun their days of mourning, — for one woman has

buried her face in her hands, and, apparently, is weeping bitterly. ”f

And he sums up the value of the whole by saying — “ For the pur¬

poses of art-education, no better examples could be placed before an Indian

art- student than those to be found in the caves of Ajanta. Here we have

art with life in it, human faces full of expression, — limbs drawn with grace

and action, flowers which bloom, birds which soar, and beasts that spring, or

fight, or patiently carry burdens : all are taken from Nature’s book — growing

after her pattern, and in this respect differing entirely from Muhammadan

art, which is unreal, unnatural, and therefore incapable of development.”];

It is to be regretted, however, that as yet no attempt has been made to .

secure for the public a detailed, descriptive, critical and historical account of

these relics. At one time a proposition was made to place the drawings at

the disposal of Mr. Fergusson for the purpose ; but, I believe, it has since

fallen through.

The Government of India has, however, in the meantime, caused pho¬

tographic impressions to be taken of Mr. Griffiths’ drawings, and copies

thereof sent to Societies interested in Indian Archeology. Three batches

of these photographs have, from time to time, been received by the Asiatic

Society of Bengal, and they fully bear out Mr. Griffiths’ remarks regarding

their value.

* Loc. cit., p. 27 .

I

f Ibid,, p. 27.

X Ibid., p. 28.

[No 1,

GO Rajendralala Mitra — On Representations of

A large number of the photographs represent architectural details and

floral scrolls of much importance as illustrations of ancient art-designs in this

country, and are well worthy of careful study. There are others representing

scenes in the legendary life of Buddha, which are of considerable value in

connexion with the antiquity of the legends which they illustrate. While

a few depict scenes from private life, or state pageantry, which afford inter¬

esting details regarding the manners, customs, habits, social condition, and

intercourse of foreigners with the people of Western India, two thousand

years ago.

Messrs. Ralph and Grisley were the first to notice the existence of

foreigners in these frescoes. In their animated and scenic correspondence,

mention is repeatedly made of foreigners as distinct from the natives. In one

place they say : “ Here is a lovely face, a Madonna face. What eyes ! She

looks towards the moon. Observe, these are Hindu faces — nothing foreign.

Elsewhere, “ Observe that Abyssinian black prince seated on a bed — remark

his ornaments. Now the woman seated on his left knee whom he embraces

is as fair as you or I. Did these fellows get Georgian slaves ?” Again:

“ Here are evidently three beauties in this apartment — one an African, one

copper- coloured, one of a European complexion. Yes; and how frequently

we see these intermixed. See this, R. is a fair man, a eunuch.” Again, “How

often we see people of three complexions in the same panel ! Now this is

the most extraordinary thing we have found. Here are three placid por-

traits — they are Chinese. Nothing can be plainer ; — observe the style of

their hair ; — the women have locks brought down in ringlets over their faces,

and falling on to the neck, like some of the Hampton Court beauties.”

The writers did not, however, attempt to define the character of these

foreigners, in any detail. It will not be uninteresting, therefore, to examine

at length the peculiarities of a few of the figures shown in the photographs.

The first picture I have to notice is a court- scene on the south side of

the cave No. I. In Messrs. Ralph and Grisley’s paper it is thus described :

“ Here is a fair man of full age, dressed in a robe and cap, like some monk

or abbot. Here is, next to him, a half-naked Brahman, copp>er-coloured,

with shaven crown, and the single lock on his head. Here is a man

presenting him with a scroll on which something is ivritten. He is in a

crowded court, — he has come to an audience.” In the original this picture

measures 15' X 6-6". (Plate II.) It represents a large audience chamber

with colonnaded side aisles, and a large portal in front. The room is

carpeted with some stuff bearing sprigs on a black, or dark-coloured,

ground. On the centre is a oharpai or bedstead, which serves the pur¬

pose of a throne. It has four feet of the ordinary modern make, with

a tape-woven top, such as is to be met with in every decently furnished

house in northern India in the present day. Over it is a mattrass of

striped cloth, and on the off side a large pillow or takia, having behind

* Ante> Yol. Y, p. 558.

1878.]

Foreigners in the Ajanta Frescoes.

07

it an ornamented head-piece shaj)ed like a corona. A king or chief

is seated, squatting on this throne in the usual oriental style, dressed in a

flowing dhuti or body-cloth, a cJiadar tied round the waist, and a tunic

of some kind whose character is not apparent. He wears a rich heavy

crown, bracelets and necklaces, one of the last being worn athwart the chest,

■

very like a Brahmanical cord. The face and parts of the arms and chest

are destroyed or smudged over. In front of the throne there is a man

seated, holding an ox-tail ehauri , and having in front of him a curious orna¬

ment, shaped like a cornucopia. To the right there are four other persons

seated on the ground, one of them having in front a tray placed on a

tripod stand. The pose of the person is like that of a Brahman engaged

in worship. Behind and on the two sides of the throne, there are several

persons, — officers of state, courtiers, body-guard, and menials, — standing in

different attitudes, some dressed in dhuti only, others with tunics or made

dresses, the character of which, owing to the smudgy condition of the

picture, cannot be satisfactorily made out, except in one case in which a

pair of close-fitting trousers and. a chapkan are unmistakable. Some are

armed with clubs, and one , near the entrance to the hall, upholds a standard.

Their shaven chin, oriental head-dress, dark complexion, and characteristic

features leave no doubt in my mind that they are all Indians. Among

them there are four females, one standing behind the throne, and three

seated on the carpet on the left side. In marked contrast to these are three

persons standing in front of the king, and four others at a little distance.

The foremost among them has a sugar-loaf-shaped hat with a black band,

a large flowing gown of white stuff, a striped jacket, and a dagger held in

a cloth girdle. The lower part of the gown or long coat is partially cover¬

ed by the figure of the Brahman engaged in worship, but from the portion

which is visible, it is evident that it extended below the middle of the leg.

Between the girdle and the lower edge of the jacket there is a waist-band

buckled in front. Bound his neck there is a necklace with a large locket.

He is in the attitude of making a courtesy to the king, with his right hand

passed under the jacket and placed on the left breast, and the left holding

out a folded letter. The second person, dressed in the same style, but with a

black jacket, is standing with folded hands in token of respect. His hat

has no band. The third has a Persian helmet, with a crescent on top and

a rosette on one side. He is bearing a tray full of presents of some kind.

At a little distance from the last, just entering the hall, there is another

person of the same nationality, bearing a tray, and outside the door there

are two or three others who are evidently servants of the persons who have

entered the hall, and 'belonging to the same nationality. The lower part

of the gowns of these is not visible, but it must be the same as in the case

GS Bajendralala Mitra — On Representations of [No. 1,

of the foremost figure. The coat of the man with a helmet is probably

short.

The complexion of these persons, except the first, is markedly fair.

Studying the group carefully the conclusion appears inevitable that it

represents an embassy from a foreign country. The foremost person is the

ambassador, who is presenting his credentials in open court to the Indian

potentate. Behind him is his secretary, and then follow the bearers of the

nazr or presents from the foreign court.

But whence is this embassy P and what is the nationality of the persons

who compose it ? We are aware of no Indian race or tribe which differed

so materially and markedly in complexion, features, and dress from the natives

of the country as represented in the court. From beyond India on the

north and the east, there was no nation which, two thousand years ago, could

have presented such a group. We must look to the North-West, therefore,

for the birth-place of the ambassador and his suite. Now on that side we

had the Afghans, the Bactrians, the Scythians, and the Persians. But

the Afghans never had the peculiar sugar-loaf hat, nor the flowing gown,

nor the crescented helmet. -Their features too, were, as shall be presently

shown, coarser and rude. The Bactrian and the Scythian dresses, to judge

from numismatic evidence — the only evidence available in the case, — were

also different. The coat was short, the trousers tight-fitting, and the

head-gear very unlike a sugar-loaf hat. The Persian dress, however, as we

now have it, is the exact counterpart of what appears in the picture. The

hat, the gown and the jacket are identically the same.

The helmet appears repeatedly in the sculptures of Khorsabad and

Nineveh, and the features and the beard are in no way different. We may,

therefore, safely conclude that the picture represents a group of Persians,

either merchants, or an embassy from Persia to an Indian court, probably

the latter, as the letter in the hand of the foremost person would be redund¬

ant in a merchant. I am not aware of any mention of such an embassy

in Buddhist religious history ; but I have read but a small portion of Bud¬

dhist literature, and as it is abundantly evident that the frescoes of Ajanta

were not confined to representations of religious history, it is not necessary to

hunt up any relationship with it of Buddhist legends. Nor is it material to

know whether the representation is historical or an ideal one. In either case

it shows that the Indians of old had free intercourse with the Persians, and

were thoroughly familiar with their features and dress. Literary evidence

on this subject may be had in abundance in Sanskrit literature, but it is not

necessary to adduce it here.

The second scene I have to describe is a domestic one, and three editions

of it occur in the collection of photographs before me. There is no indica¬

tion, however, to show whence they have been taken. The scales attached

1878.]

69

Foreigners in the Ajanta Frescoes.

. show them to be of large size, about 80 x 28 ft. In it's simplest version

(Plate III) it represents a divan placed in front of a cloth screen, and covered

with cushions and a check pattern coverlet ; and on it are seated a big, stout,

burly-looking man and a lady by his side. The man is seated cross-legged,

and is in an amatory mood, perhaps somewhat befuddled with wine. His face

is heavy and square, and he has both a beard and a moustache. He wears

long hair covered by a thick conical cap with a turban, or a fur band around

it like the Qilpaq cap of the Central Asiatic races of the present day. On his

body is a coat or tunic reaching to the knee and trimmed with, what appears

to me, patch-work decorations ; knee-breeches and striped stockings com¬

plete his dress. He holds a cup in his left hand, and before him, on the

ground, in front of the divan, there is a covered tray. The lady beside him

has a gown reaching to the knee, a shell-jacket, (both set off with patch-

work trimmings,) and a pair of striped stockings. She has a skull cap on

her head, and earrings. Her right hand is lifted as in the act of telling some¬

thing interesting to her lord. To the right of the man, in front of the

divan, there stands a maid, arrayed in a long flowing gown which leaves only

the tips of her shoes visible, and holding a flagon, shaped like a soda-water

bottle with a long narrow neck, ready to replenish the cup of her lord.

Behind the mistress there is a second maid with a wide-mouthed covered

jar in her hand.

In the second version the man holds the cup in his right hand, and a

stick or straight sword in his left. He has also an elaborately-worked belt,

and the trimmings of the coats and gowns are of different patterns. The

lady leans on the shoulder of her lord by her right hand, and by her attitude

expresses great solicitude to please him. There is also a third maid,

squatting in front, and ready to serve out edibles from the covered tray

beside her.

The third version is even more developed. (Plate IV). The screen

behind the divan is set off with floral designs. The coat of the hero and the

gown of his lady, and also that of her maid, are set off with triangular striped

streamers flying from the back. The features of the lady are vivid with

life, and the exjwession of endearment on her face is truly admirable.

The second maid holds a surahi or goglet instead of a jar. The lady has,

instead of a cap, a fillet round her head with an aigrette in front, and the

maids similar fillets, but without the jewel. The third maid is replaced

by two bearded, thick-lipped Negro-looking servants who are serving out

dishes from the covered tray. The stockings in the last two versions are

white. In two small panels the male figure is reproduced in company with

another male, — two jovial companions, engaged in pledging their faith to each

other over a cup of liquor. (See Plate V, fig. 1). The striped stockings are

distinctly seen in these, as also a pair of check-pattern trousers, not striped.

70 Rajendralala Mitra — On Representations of [No. 1,

There are more than five hundred representations of Indian men and.

women in the photographs, but they appear totally unlike the human figures

shown in these plates, and, bearing in mind the fact that the artists of these

frescoes were most faithful in delineating the peculiarities of their subjects,

it is impossible to deny that they took their models for these from other than

Indians. It is difficult, however, to determine what nationality they had

in view. The features, the cap and the turban of the principal figure, are

the exact counterparts of what may be every day seen in the Kabulese fruit-

sellers in the streets of Calcutta ; but the coat is different. I have never seen

an Afghan woman in her native dress, but the gown and the jacket of the

female figures appear very like those of Jewesses. The patch- work trim¬

mings are peculiar to them, and the best specimens of the kind of work I

have seen are of Jewish make. The Afghans, however, are in no way inferior

in this art : they bring to Calcutta every year a number of rugs and other

articles of patch-work, which are remarkably beautiful. Knowing how such

domestic arts as needle-work and patch-work are perpetuated for generations,

and looking at the complexion, the cap and the turban, I was first disposed

to believe that the figures on these plates represented Afghans, the thick-

lipped servants being Negroes.

In the Zodiac Cave (No. XVI) Dr. Bhau Daji found an inscription

which once “ contained the names of seven or eight kings of the Vakataka

dynasty, but only that of Vindhyasakti, the oldest and most eminent, was pre¬

served intact.” “ By a strange fatality,” says the writer, “the inscription

has been obliterated wherever a royal name existed, so that one is tempted to

suppose that the destruction was intentional. But,” he adds, “ the destruc¬

tive influence of the rainy weather is sufficient to account for the gaps.”#

The name of this Vindhyasakti’s country is mentioned in the Seoni copper¬

plate ; but the chief himself is not named there. Dr. Bhau Daji identifies

this Vindhyasakti with a chief of the Kailakila Yavanas who, according

to the Vishnu Purana, once ruled in India. Having advanced thus far,

he takes Ivailikila to be identical with an ancient city and citadel named

Ghulghuleh near Bamian, mentioned by Mr. Masson in his paper on the

Antiquities of Bamian {ante, v. 708), and Vakataka with Bactria, thereby

suggesting, though not positively asserting, that the Bactrian Greeks were

the authors of the Ajanta caves. If this reasoning be admitted, the figures

we have shown would be those of Bactrian Greeks. But there are various

difficulties to overcome before we can accept the identification. The name

Vindhyasakti is too thorough a Sanskrit word to be the name of a Bactrian

Greek, and there is nothing to connect him with the princes of the Seoni

plate, except the word Vakataka, which, as given in the Seoni plate, is

* Journal, .Bombay As. Soc., VII, p. 65.

71

1878.] Foreigners in the Ajanta Frescoes.

unmistakably the name o£ an Indian, and not of a trans-Indian locality,

particularly Bactrian, for which the usual and very extensively-employed

term is Valliika. In the Puranas these Valhikas are said to have reigned

after Vindhyasakti. Denying, however, the accuracy of the identification

of Vakataka with Bactria and of Vindhyasakti having been a Bactrian, it

might still be said that the figures under notice are Bactrians. In some

Kenerki coins the cap is conical, and surrounded by a turban or a band of

fur like the Qilpaq cap ; the cut of the coat is of the same style, and the

close-fitting trousers and stockings are, as far as can be made out in coins,

the same. The coarse square face of the Mongolian type is particularly

remarkable, and, as the Bactrians exercised supremacy for some time in

India from a little before the commencement of the Christian era, to nearly

a century after it, it would be much more reasonable to suppose the

representations to be of Bactrians, rather than those of Afghans, who

attained to no political distinction at the time, and were to some extent

included among the Hindus.

The stockings of the peculiar pattern which has hitherto been thought

to be the outcome of modern European art, are remarkable : I have

noticed them nowhere else in Indian paintings or sculpture. The Hindus

seem to have borrowed the stockings from their neighbours ; for in a

panel in Cave No. I, there is a representation of an Indian bacchanalian

scene, unmistakable from the features and dress, in which they have been

reproduced on the legs of a man and his lady-love. Before the importation

of stockings from Europe, the Indians got their supplies from Kashmir.

I do not, however, know when knitted stockings were first introduced

into that country. To England they first came in the reign of Henry

VIII, and it is extremely doubtful if they were of much more ancient

date in Kashmir. And after all what I take to be stockings might be

sewed hose of cloth or milled stuff of some kind.

The indulgence in spirituous drinks was common all over India, Bactria

and Persia in ancient times, and the evidence of it in the frescoes does not

call for any notice A That the cup and the flagon indicate something

more potent than sherbet, I believe, none will question.

The curtains behind the divan suggest the idea that the sites of the

Bactrian domestic scenes were tents, and that the peojfle shown had not be¬

come settled inhabitants of the country. But the evidence in this respect

is too meagre to attach any importance to such an idea.

Looking to the made-dresses of the Persians and the Bactrians, it might

be supposed that the Indians got theirs from those sources ; but, as I have

shown in my “ Antiquities of Orissa,” such was not the case, at least when

the Ajanta frescoes were painted. In the Indian bacchanalian scene above

noticed, the dresses of the Indian man and woman are quite different, and

* Vide passim my paper on ‘ Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India,’ ante, XLII,

PP. 1 ff*

72 Bajendrakila Mitra — On Representations in the Ajantd Caves. [No. 1,

by no means such as to justify the assumption that they had been designed

from foreign models. In the very affecting picture of the death of a lady

of rank in Cave No. XVI, the bodices shown on some of the maid-servants

engaged in grinding corn in hand-mills, are quite unlike the jackets of the

Bactrian women.

In an Indian scene in Cave No. I, where a large number of sable

beauties are exhibited, there is a figure seated cross-legged, whose dark

features, punchy belly and style of sitting, leave no doubt in my mind of his

nationality ; and he is dressed in a dhuti which leaves a part of his thigh

exposed, and a mirzdi of flowered muslin which is thoroughly Indian, and the

like of it has nowhere been seen out of India. (See plate V, fig. 2.) The

'mirzdi is in use by the Hindus to this day all over northern India, and its

make seems not to have changed in the least since the time of the fresco.

It is not my intention to enter into a discussion here as to the date

of the Ajanta Caves. The late Dr. Wilson of Bombay took them

to extend from the third or second century before, to the fifth or sixth cen¬

tury after, Christ.* Mr. Burgess, after a careful study of the Caves, states

“ that the oldest of them cannot be later than the second century before the

Christian era.” Long before him Mr. Fergusson came to the same conclusion

in his ‘ llock-cut Caves of India,’ and in his ‘ History of Eastern Architec¬

ture’ remarked that Cave No. XII, “the facade of which so much resembles

that of the Nasik Chaitya (B. C. 129), cannot he far off in date” (p. 122).

The latest are supposed to be of the 5th or 6th century. Accepting

this opinion for my guide, and there is not much to show that it is untenable,

and bearing in mind that Cave No. I is one of the largest and richest in paint¬

ings which long preceded sculpture, I may fairly come to the conclusion that

the scenes I have described above represent phases of Indian life from

eighteen hundred to two thousand years ago.

* Journal, Bombay As. Soc., Ill, p. 73.

1878. J

78

A Copper-plate Grant from Banda. — By Rajendralala.

Mitra, LL.D., C.I.E.

(With a plate.)

The Society is indebted to Mr. A. Oadell, Asst. Magistrate, Banda,,

in the N. W. Provinces, for the sight of a Copper-plate found in Parganah

Augasi of the Banda district. The plate measures 16i inches by 10|,

and is in an excellent state of preservation. (See plate YI.) It is a

hammered one ; very rough on the outer face, hut moderately smooth on

the inscribed side. Bound its edges slips of metal have been very roughly

and clumsily rivetted on to form a raised rim for the purpose of pre¬

venting the inscription from being easily rubbed oft. At the middle of

the lower edge, close by the rim, is a round hole, half an inch in diameter.

It was intended for a ring which bore the seal of the donor, and perhaps

also held together two plates, one of which is missing. If a second plate

did once exist, it was intended only as a cover for the first and bore no

inscription, for the latter contains the whole of a deed of conveyance, with

a colophon giving the name of the writer and engraver of the record, and.

hitherto no document of the kind has been found which contains any thing

after the name of the engraver. The record is inscribed longitudinally,,

and comprises nineteen lines, the first four of which have a break in the

• middle, caused by an outline figure of the goddess Rajalakshmi with two

elephants standing on expanded lotuses, and pouring water on her head.

The writing is of the Kutila type, but slender in body, and verging to the

modern Nagari character. It records the grant of £ ten ploughs ’ of land in

the village of Ramurada, which is situated in the circle of Sudali, to a

Brahmana named Gabhanta S'arman, the son of Jata, the grandson of Satti,

and great-grandson of Vapana, a member of the Yajasaneyi school of the

Bharadvaja gotra, having the threefold Pravara of Bharadvaja, Angirasa,

Varhaspatya, and an inhabitant of the village of Dhakari. The boundary

of the plot is given in detail, and the date of the gift was Monday, the 5th

of the waxing moon in the month of Magha, Samvat 1190 = A. C. 1135.

The donor was Madanavarma Deva, a devout follower of S'iva. His

immediate predecessor was Prithvivarma Deva, who had succeeded Kirti-

varma Deva.

The first monument of this line of princes was brought to the notice of

the Society by Lieutenant William Price, in 1813. It was a large inscribed

stone found on a rocky hill in the vicinity of the town of Mau, about ten

miles from Chhattarpur. The record was in a bad state of preservation, and

the transcript and translation of it published in the ‘ Asiatic Researches’ #

* Yol. XII, pp. 359 et seq.

K

74 Rajendralala Mitra — A Copper-plate Grant from Banda. [No. 1,

are full of lacunae. It comprises the history of nine princes with the names

of their ministers.

The second record was found by Capt. T. S. Burt in 1838. It too was

an inscribed slab, which had been detached from one of several temples at

Khajraha, nine Jcos from Chhattarpur, which is on the high road from

Saiyar and Hamirpur, close by the fortified town of Rajgarh, on the right

bank of the Kam river, S. W from Chhattarpur. It gives the names of six

predecessors of Dhanga. #

The third was communicated to me by Major-General Cunningham,

who found it at Khajraha. f It was a short record of 13 lines, but it was of

value in settling the date of the dynasty on a sure footing. In commenting

upon it I pointed out the relation it bore to the two preceding monuments,

and the results deducible from a reading of the three inscriptions together.

The conclusion I then arrived at regarding the date of Madanavarma, the last

prince of the line, was, that he must have lived about the middle of the twelfth

century. The exact date given by the copper- plate now under notice is Sam-

vat 1190 = A. D. 1135. The name of the immediate predecessor of Prithvi-

varma, the father of Madana, in Lieutenant Price’s inscription, is Sallak-

shanavarma ; but this appears to be an alias or title, the real name being

Kirtivarma in the copper- plate. Putting the names found in the four inscrip¬

tions together with such corrections as the several records have helped

me to make, I arrive at the following genealogy. Altogether we have sixteen

names. Of these, documentary evidence exists for the dates of three ; the 7th

king, Dhanga, being assigned by two records to Samvat 1011 and 1019 re¬

spectively; the 13th by one to Samvat 1173 ; and the 16th by another to

1190. For the rest we have to depend upon averages. For reasons assigned

in my paper on the Khajraha inscriptions, the earlier reigns may be taken to

have been long, but some of the later must have been very short. Dhanga

is said to have lived 109 summers, and then to have resigned his life at the

confluence of the Yamuna and the Ganges, and this led Mr. Sutherland and

those who wrote after him to suppose that the prince had committed suicide.

Such is, however, not the inevitable meaning of the passage. To this day

the ordinary civil way of announcing a death is to say, so-and-so has sur¬

rendered his life to the holy river so-and-so or the sacred pool ( Kshetra )

so-and-so, and the inscription has probably adopted the same mode of

expression.

1. Nannuka, of the Chandrartreya race A. D., . 746 771

II. Yagyati or Vakpati, son of I, . 771 798

III. Yiyaya, son of II, . 898 823

IV. Yahila or Kabila, son of III, . 823 848

* Journal, As. Soc., YIII, p. 159.

t Ibid., XXXII, pp. 273f.

1878.] Rajendralala Mitra — A Copper-plate Grant from B nidi.

V. S'riharsha, son of IY, .

YI. Yasodkarma, son of Y, by Kankuta, .

, ( son of YI, by Narmadevi, Minister ]

VII. Dnanga, ( _prabhdsa, j

VIII. Ganda Deva, Minister — Prabkasa, .

IX. Yidyadhara Deva, Minister — S'ivanama, son of last,

X. Yiyayyapala, Minister — Mahipala, son of last, ...

XI. Kirtivarma Deva, Minister — Ananta, . . 1024

XII. Yarma Deva, Minister — Yogesvara, son of last,...

XIII. Jayavarma Deva, Minister — ditto, . 1110

XIV. Kirtivarma Deva alias Sallakshana, Minister —

Vatsa and other sons of Ananta, . 1120

XV. Pritbvivarma Deva, ditto, . . . . 1120

XYI. Madanavarma Deva, Minister — Gadadhara, . 1130

The annexed translation of the record has been prepared for me by

my young friend Babu Durgarama Basu, Pleader, High Court of Calcutta.

Translation of an inscription from Barganah Augasi, Banda .

May this be auspicious !

The dynasty of the kings of the lunar race, glorious as the moon on the

forehead of the god of the universe, (Yisvesvara) gladdening the universe,

prospers. In that noble and flourishing dynasty, rendered resplendent by

heroes like Jayasakti and Yijayasakti, the king of Kalanjara, the fortunate

Madanavarma Deva, the highly revered, the great king over great kings, the

supreme lord, the devout worshipper of S'iva, successor of the highly revered,

the great king over great kings, the supreme lord, the fortunate Pritkvi-

varma Deva, icho was the successor of the highly revered, the great king over

great kings, the supreme lord, the fortunate Kirtivarma Deva, reigns supremer

He, having subdued his enemies by his irresistible majesty, untroubled holds

the earth like a married wife, and thereby keeps his intellect unclouded, and

his conscience unsullied. He commands all his relatives, Kayasthas, and

other great men inhabiting the village of Ramurada within the district

of Sudali : — “ Be it known unto you that, on Monday, on the day of

the full moon, in the month of Magha, of the Samvat year eleven hundred

and ninety (in figures 15th Sudi, Magh, Samvat 1190) I have, after having

duly bathed in holy water, after offering oblations to the gods, having

worshipped the sun and the lord of Bhavani (S'iva) and after offering obla¬

tions to the fire, for the promotion of virtue of my parents and of myself,

with water held in my hand and consecrated with kusa grass, and having

pronounced the word Svasti (let this be auspicious), bestowed, for the

period of the duration of the sun and the moon, on the Brahmana Gabhanta

S'arrna, son of Jata, grandson of Satti, great-grandson of Bapan, of the

Yajasaneya branch (S'akhd) of the Bharadvaja gotra having Bharadvaja, An-

7G Rajendralala Mitra — A Gopher -'plate Grant from Banda. |_No. 1,

girasa and Varhaspatya for his threefold Prabara, an inhabitant of the village

of Dhakari, making the gift descendable to his sons, grandsons and succes¬

sive descendants, ten ploughs of land (in figures 10 ploughs) in the above

named village, the said land requiring seven and a half dronas of seed for

cultivation, and hounded on the east by the boundary post of the village of

Ranamusra, on the south by the post of the village of Ramasaida, on the

west by the tope of Madhuka trees, and on the north by the post of the

village of Bijauli : the sacred lands thus hounded with fields of jddya * and

lands and water comprised therein, and with right to make all present, past,

and future collections from debtors. Knowing this, you should render

unto him, in compliance with my orders, shares, usufructs and all other

dues. No one must make any opposition to his enjoying these lands with

all duties and all Xsavas, sugarcanes, cotton, saffron, flax, mango, Madhuka

(mowa) and other trees, as well as salt mines, and with all other things

within the boundary, whether above or below the soil, and whether he enjoys

the lands by himself cultivating them, or getting them cultivated by others,

and whether he makes a gift of, or mortgages, or sells, them. This

grant is irrevocable and interminable, and it should be so preserved by

future sovereigns. Thus has it been said : ‘ This earth has been enjoyed by

many kings including Sagara and others. To whomsoever belongs the earth

for the time being, to him is due the fruit (of such gifts).’ Written by

Sudha, the clerk of the edict department, and inscribed by the well-con¬

nected Jalpana.”

Transcript of an inscription from Pa/rganah Aujdsi , Banda.

\ i i i ?rst-

|| JR'-

trcTOfK'W-iiTCT-

•i l fcraiwa J Wii^T fiarat ll *r vv

If-

* Probably Joari, Serghaim joar.

| in tbo original.

X in tbe original. The is obviously an incorrect writing for ^ and

the ^ should be vocalised.

77

1878.] Rajendralala Mitra — A Copper-plate Grant from Banda.

< l ii mTf?t^wc.'5T-

•o i ft^r *r4r*r TWT-srm-ifcr ^ =r: smuft

\®*ra=Ri|MK srrsm^in;-

« l t(?) sfrwdktH wrarcp it4^ri f^fat i ^fg-

ftfsi ^WTO^TORJgf I ftfat TTSI^f-

& | 1 ^tTt; ^ JgfiT:

3IpS'*IT:§'?'J!I ■H'ol'sUSJ^tr ?HjMl=l<.3pf5'-

\° I TIT *TraJTO>JcIVlF=l by flH(%:^gr<T4|50f%clT ^^TfiWWlfiW-

u i ^cw ani wf?r js'&u^j irfirorat %w?r^ wr

\V£.° i1* %m n rjw^%*r Frfsw-

| cj_ ^tc^t 50*fng wwF ’en^ ^ci^fst

»iTfnftr?TCT(*R^ rrw^r i^i^terraflrPrirara sitst-

^3 l BvNanf^ i vr^isr i i ammw i s-

5TO5 i i sTTfMtrhra i i

\'i i nvraarWrin *mm*T fai^ctT^ ^t^st ^jftigr^snjet' t^isr-

tratn^rq^Frurffl^r ?w-

’<i I *T ^Flfcr TWT jl<5ft HIJWTJUf^fi ^4-

n?s ^apRcicg ri^spg jgfri ?ifit3iTra^-

| 4fi ■■fun °=t ■hht as c i i*=i*i^Tf^>i'^i ^r^r(jir)i§pifiiqx-

*iWM<cfij ^faprprra%fw

I ^i^T'ffT’ai’Ti^ft^iWT a^Tircjr 3)®rerax ^r«irqnj|f%^i?j‘ err gjsfcri'

ir %?if^rci ^ffejT ^cf

V= i nwT^qwrfisRfxr WTfafwKpT Jifatn§: m^ribfofcT n g

STSfwIw WWU TX*lfW SRraftfw; |

| }4^-l 3JX?T Sjf^l^r^T iW cKl II

B*r r3?€tiN g

1/ v\/wvv

[No. 1,

\

78

Recent Trans- Frontier Explorations , communicated by Col. J. T. Walker,

C. B., B. E., Survey or -General of India.

(With a Map.)

During the year 1876, the Mulla, one of the explorers attached to the

Great Trigonometrical Survey, made a survey up the course of the Indus

from the point where it enters the plains above Atak, to the point where it

is joined by the river of Gilghit. All other portions of the course of the

Indus — from the table-lands of Tibet, where it takes its rise, down to its

junction with the ocean — have long since been surveyed ; but up to the present

time this portion has remained unexplored, and has been shown on our maps by

a dotted line, the usual symbol for geographical vagueness and uncertainty.

Here the great river traverses a distance of some 220 miles, descending

from a height of about 5,000 feet to that of 1,200 feet above the level of

the sea. Its way winds tortuously through great mountain ranges, whose

peaks are rarely less than 15,000 feet in height and culminate in the Nanga-

Parbat, the well-known mountain whose height, 26,620 feet, is only ex¬

ceeded by a very few of the great peaks of the Himalayas. The river in

many places is hemmed in so closely by these great ranges, that its valley

is but a deep-cut, narrow gorge, and, as a rule, there is more of open space

and culturable land in the lateral valleys, nestling between the spurs of the

surrounding ranges, than in the principal valley itself.

The positions and heights of all the most commanding peaks in this

region had been long fixed by Captain Carter’s observations at trigono¬

metrical stations on the British Frontier line ; but no European has ever yet

penetrated into it.* Very difficult of access from all quarters, it is in¬

habited by a number of hill tribes, each independent and suspicious of the

other, who are in a great measure separated and protected from each other

by natural barriers and fastnesses. As a whole, the region has never been

brought into subjection by any of the surrounding powers. Each com¬

munity elects its own ruler, and has little intercourse with its neighbours ;

and with the outer world it only communicates through the medium of a

few individuals who have the privilege of travelling over the country as

traders. The Mulla possesses this privilege, and thus in the double capa¬

city of trader and explorer, he traversed along the Indus, and through some

of the lateral valleys, leaving the others for exploration hereafter.

* Several itineraries which were obtained from native information are published

in Dr. Leitner’s Dardistan, and they have been combined together, with considerable

ingenuity and very tolerable success, by Mr. Ravcnstein, in a map published in the

Geographical Magazine for August, 1875,

1S78.] J. T. "Walker — ■ Recent Trans-Frontier Explorations. 79

This work done, he proceeded, in accordance with his instructions, to

Yasin, marching through the Gilghit Valley, but not surveying it, because

the labours of the lamented Hayward, who was murdered at Yasin, already

furnished us with a good map of that region. From Yasin he surveyed the

southern route to Mastuj through the Ghizar and Sar Laspur A" alleys ; this

has furnished an important rectification of a route which had hitherto been

laid down from conjecture only, and very erroneously ; for the road, instead

of proceeding in a tolerably straight direction from Yasin to Mastuj, as was

supposed, turns suddenly from south-west to north-north-east at Sar Las¬

pur, which is situated at some distance to the south of the direct line, in a

valley lying parallel to the valley of Chitral. At Mastuj the Mulla

struck on to his survey of the route from Jalalabad, via Dir and Chitral, to

Sarhadd-i-Wakhan, in 1873, and then proceeded along that route towards

the Baroghil Pass, as far as the junction of the Gazan with the Yarkun

Liver, and then along the northern road from Mastuj to Yasin. This

road turns up the Gazan Valley, crosses the Tui ar Moshabar Pass — which

is conjectured to be probably not less than 16,000 feet in height — and, after

traversing a deep crevassed glacier for a distance of about eight miles,

reaches the point where the Tui Liver issues in great volume from the

glacier ; the road then follows the course of the river down to its junction

with the AVarchagam Liver, a few miles above Yasin.

Leturning to Sar Laspur, the Mulla next surveyed the route to the

south-west, up the valley leading to the Tal Pass. This pass is situated on

a plateau of the range which connects the mountains on the western

boundary of the valley of the Indus with those on the eastern boundary of

the valley of Chitral, and is generally known by the people of the country

as the Kohistan. The sources and most of the principal affluents of the

Swat and the Panjkora rivers take their rise in this region, all the most

commanding peaks of which were fixed by Captain Carter’s triangulation ;

but of the general lie of the valleys relatively to the peaks, nothing

at all definite has been known hitherto. The Mulla has done much

to elucidate the geography of this region. On crossing the Tal plateau he

descended into the Panjkora Valley, and traversed its entire length down

to Dodbah, at the junction of the Dir river with the Panjkora, where he

again struck on his route survey of 1873.

It would have been well if he could then have gone done the Panjkora

to its junction with the Swat Liver, but circumstances prevented him from

doing so. He therefore travelled along the Havildar’s route of 1868 as

far as Miankalai, and then surveyed the road to Nawagai and on to Pashat

in the valley of Kunar j and finally, returning to Nawagai, he surveyed the

road from there down to the British fort of Abazai.

80

Y. A. Smitli — Two Chctndel copper-plate Inscriptions.

[No. 1,

Thus the explorations of the Mulla have added much to our know¬

ledge of the geography of the interesting regions lying beyond our nor¬

thern Trans- Indus Frontier. A good deal, however, still remains to be

done before our knowledge of these regions is as full and complete as it

should be, and every effort will be made to carry out further explorations

as soon as possible.

The accompanying sketch map has been constructed to illustrate the

Mulla’s operations ; it also shows the localities where more information

is wanted. In the north-east corner the results of a recent reconnaissance

of portions of the Karambar and the Nagar Valleys by Captain Biddulph

are given, but somewhat modified from his map of the country.

Notes on two ancient copper-plate Inscriptions found in the Hamirpur

District , N. W. P. — By Y. A. Smith, B.A., B.C.S. With a Note

by Peannath Pandit, M.A., B.L.

In 1872, a peasant when ploughing in the lands of Mauza Nanyaura,

Parganah Panwari, Zila Hamirpur, tinned up two inscribed copper-plates.

The plates were brought to Mr. W. Martin, C. S., who is now on furlough,

and were left by him in the hands of a local pandit (Muralidhar) who was

in his service. With the assistance of this man, I have had Nagari trans¬

scripts prepared, and have made translations of the inscriptions.

Plate No. I is 15 inches long by 11 inches broad, and is covered

with an inscription of 19 lines, very well engraved and in good order.

This record is interesting as throwing light on the chronology and order of

succession of the Chandel kings. It tells us that Vidyadhara Deva was

succeeded by Yijaya Pala Deva, and that the latter was succeeded by Deva

Varmma Deva, lord of Kalin jar, who in 1107, Samvat, bestowed the lands

to which the record relates. The statement that Yijaya Pala Deva suc¬

ceeded Vidyadhara Deva is in accordance with the testimony of the

Chhattarpur Mhau inscription, but that document gives Kirtti Varmma as

the name of Yijaya Pala’s son and successor, whereas my copper-plate

instead of Kirtti Varmma names Deva Varmma Deva. Both inscriptions

apparently refer to the same prince.

General Cunningham conjecturally assigns 1122 Samvat (1065 A. D.)

as the date of the conclusion of Vijaya Pala’s reign and the accession

of Kirtti Varmma. Whatever was the name of Vijaya Pala’s successor,

it is clear from this copper-plate inscription that he had begun his reign

previous to 1107, Samvat (L050 A. D.).

1878 ] Y. A. Smith — Two Gliandel copper-plate Inscriptions. 81

Plate No. II is 14 inches long by 8 inches broad, and has the

edges turned up all round, so as to form a raised rim. The inscription is

in 14 lines, and the letters have evidently been made with a punch, because

their outlines are visible on the back of the plate. The writing is more

crowded, and the characters more difficult to read than those in Plate No. I,

but with the exception of one or two epithets which are unimportant to

the general sense, I think my readings and translation are pretty complete

and correct. I have not been able to make a facsimile. Like No. I, the

document is a deed of gift of lands to a Brahman. The donor is Baja

Dhanga, and in accordance with the Khajuraho inscription, it is recorded

that he was the son of Yaso Varmma, who was the son of Harsha Deva.

The date 1055 Samvat (998 A. D.) is written both in words and figures.

The Khajuraho inscription which records Dhanga’s self-sacrifice in the

sacred waters of Prayag is dated 1056 Samvat ; this copper-plate shows

that he was still living in 1055 Samvat.

This record, therefore, adds but little to our knowledge of Chandel

chronology, but it is of value as corroborating the evidence of the Khajuraho

inscription, respecting the order of succession of the kings.

It is noticeable that the recipient of the grant recorded in this copper¬

plate is Budra Sri Yasodhara, a member of the Bharadwaja got , which

traced its descent from Angiras, Bharadwaja and Varhaspatya : probably

he was the same person as the Prime Minister Yasodhara, mentioned in the

Khajuraho record. The donee wdiose name is recorded in Plate No. I,

belonged to the same family, and this is perhaps the reason why both

inscriptions were found together.

I have not had an opportunity of visiting Mauza’ Nanyaura, but I am

informed that an ancient Gaharwar tank exists there, and that there are

also the remains of an old village site.

The present village is said to have been founded by one Noni Sail

Kurmi, and to be named after him.

Note. — Dhanga’s name has been sometimes incorrectly written Banga, the mistake

is evidently due to the similarity of the characters for b q and for dh ^ in Kutila

writing.

No. 1. Nanyaura Copper-Plate.

Ndgari Transcript.

(1) i

L

82 Y. A. Smith — Two Chandel copper-plate Inscriptions. [No. 1,

hujt *r swrit i

^Jsfi faf qrtfw

WIT™ (2) II qif4q<: SJX? I 3kW ^qT^qaT(q)^

J

(3) ^rr U°*> qs*T*H?T% ^riT^T^f ^TTCT-

^Tar^TT^r^f qralpqmf^rfa ^Tffjojirq^Tcr qi^T-

^jcr ^rsm^fa qT^rafa- (4) i <nTwfaraTm i

' v» ^ _

*1% fqfqq^mT fq?ipr ^«ffr^r^%cr ^r wiqqi

*TqT*ftqfcf WW® *Wqr[ ^rrvrfoT ^ (5) | W <nfqf KfiJPR q^q¥[Tfa-

s3 v3

-g^ (6) i sqriYt ^iqTflfqf^JTrTT^ (7) vrrrfTqjJTTqTq qjfjnrg qi^^Fq MlT*

qi^r fasmT^ *j^^snfw qrfVrqqjq *TfqwmT*? *rqq?^rqjq q^i’-

qjjiqK?uq q^^Tfa^qrq (8)^iw««r: (9)

wmrwrreNP (10) w^t^:(11) ^%Twq<nTq^ (12) ^q*rf*p*T*n (13)

^g^T?n^fq^!(14) ^^r^«nYfrrj[r^x:q^^.,(15) q^Ti^w^^f^iw^lG)

S^Tp I (17) ^TOWflWiqPCP^W ^<HT-

^r^Tf^^f^rri^f^ri(18) c^Tq^rr^ i ^repqjNajqf^r ijT^rT ^?qqqrq?jqiHir

in?rq qT snr^<j ^j$r ^t q^ig fqqrNn<j ^qg- ^qrqqg- qr q ^fq-

^rfq^mf^: qftqfcjfqqfqqqj (19) i q^fa qqir ^T^fVr: qjKTfqfq: i

W W fT^T II (20) vrr^T qi qfq72WTfcT ^ Vffq

si^frr i <rr q^qsqim ^qjnfqtn 11 (21) w qqvq^f tow

q^qT^W I qfaqTTO fwfa W ^jf; ll (22) t q^qf qT %

^T<T TO^TO I ^r fq^Tqf VJ3T fq<gfa: q^fq 11 (23) ^Wqqf JITqq>f

*lTO2fawrq|*l 1 ^sr^qrqrfq qTqqyqcrq^qq || (24) wi^q^psft:

qfatqqqi^q: i

Translation.

Om Svasti. The supreme master, 3Iahdraja Adhirdja , the supreme

lord Sri Vidyddliara Deva , whose feet were adored by the supreme master

Maharaja Adhirdja , supreme lord, Sri Vijaya Tala Deva, whose feet were

adored by the supreme master, Maharaja Adhirdja , supreme lord, the devout

follower of Mahesvara , the lord of Kdlinjara, Sri Deva Varmma Deva -

may he prosper ! The fire of his ( Deva Varmma’ s) prowess devours the

extremities of space ; and he is the preceptor in the rite of giving

widowhood to the wives of foemen slain in the arena of battle. Who by

truthfulness conquers Yudhisthira ; by munificence, the lord of Champa

i. e., Kama ; by depth, the great ocean j by sovereignty, the god beloved

1878.]

V. A. Smith — Two Chandel copper-plate Inscriptions.

S3

of Sachi, i. e ., Indra ; by beauty too, over Manobhava ; by eloquence, over

Sulcra with Vachaspati ; wbat is the use of recounting bis other qualities,

white as the clear splendour of the moon ? Wise, religious, valiant, truthful,

subduer of his passions, grateful, the producer of the gladness of good men

and of auspicious appearance. Thus bis body (is) adorned with many quali¬

ties. Reckoning this world to be insubstantial (worthless), yet beautiful to

look upon as the pith of a plantain tree ; on Monday the third date of the

black fort-night of the month of Daisakha, Sam vat 1107 -

- (25) in Dajapurdvasta , informs the principal inhabitants, of whom

Brahmans are the foremost, of the village Kathadau attached to Danamaullar

and all Royal officers. On the anniversary of the death of my mother, Sri

Dhuvana Devi, Queen, having bathed in water according to sacred precept,

having satiated the Manes of ancestors with kusa , sesamum and water, after

satisfying gods and men, having presented an Argliya to the Sun, having

duly worshipped the god, the lord of Dhavdni , i. e., Shiva , and having

presented oblations in the fire, according to usage ; For the increase of the

virtue and fame of my parents and myself, to the Brahmana Abhimanyu ,

son of Dhatta Ella, grandson of Jayavara, originally an inhabitant of

Tabari Dhatta Grama ; a member of the Bhdradwaja gotra and the triple

pravara of Angirasa, Drihaspati and Dhdradvdja, skilled in the Vedas

and Vedangas , engaged in the six acts proper for a Brahman, and of excel¬

lent disposition — to him this village has been granted by us with its land

and water, its mango and madiua trees, with its hollows, waste and stones,

its rocks and tillage (?) — with its mines of metal and salt, with its forest

and concealed treasure, with its clear defined boundary, with all grass,

watering-places (?) and pastures for kine within its limits, excluding aught

previously given to the gods or Brahmans, as a Sasana. Therefore, by you

all complying with the orders (herein conveyed) all the rents in kind, taxes,

gold payments, fines, hereditary rights and the rest should be made over

to this person. Till the moon, sun and earth endure, he with his son,

grandson and descendants should enjoy (the grant) or assign it, or give

away to another, till it or cause it to be tilled, none who enjoy the

kingdom after me, should prove an obstacle in the way. By many kings,

Sagara and others, the earth has been enjoyed. Whosesoever has been

the land, his has been the fruit. He who accepts lands and he who grants

lands, both these doers of virtuous deeds certainly go to Heaven. A

Conch, a throne, an umbrella, fine horses and fine elephants, these mark the

grant of lands ; and the result is Heaven, O Indra ! He who resumes land,

whether given by himself or given by others, becomes a worm in filth and

falls with his ancestors. By stealing a single suverna , a single cow, or even

a finger-breadth of land, (the thief) remains in hell till the end of the Uni¬

verse. Great prosperity. Sri . Srimad Deva varmma I)eva.

84

V. A. Smith — Two Chandel copper-plate Inscriptions. [No. 1,

No. 2. Nanyaura Copper-Plate.

Nagart Transliteration.

<ii 1 rT^J frith] ^rff f^TWT *TWT-

II I fh^RF^r

q<TFqT W II

rr^^rfT^lrrWT^IT^T^^T^T II W.^F I $<*FT^-

jt^t: an<Tn n <t^f qfr srqf^i: i w«fj-

v» C\ »

^tWTrT: WqFTTqKTsFW II fM ^f^Rfarf PR^F^I-' I

T^Rttofo^r^Tfa q^ir ii vipf^: qf^qn^* ^T<f*trte ti qn*?q^: qnfe^j

I Vi i

fi^T ^t: fif^^rrT ^ sraipfagfw: I qifrqTffr fiT^T^

tfarTT II <R*FV? RWSKT^Tfa-

^qj^^TWq^^fTCqi^FTF^FfhTT^qY^^qn^ofNqfw^JTfq: I *-

q^qww^fMr qnf^qFqTf^F^T ** w^cn q»Tfw-

^ ^V3R(?)3iTfaqiR7t I YTI^’f^-

I ^I^TW^rirT^T^ frqTOq ^RTT^T qTW?S

^irfwfqfaRq^FwqFwfaqRRJ ^~

^ ^f^racr *TW«qr ^witTqrq^TfT

^P^mqssM i Tpjjfcni?^TjR?*i i w^ qw^^T^TrrTfq^R^t^^J i ^Rjq^T^j

J x vj

^rfc<r: ^ q;^r wq<^.* i ^?rrf^f[ rr^^i^r ^-fi^crqr^fq^: i *rrw*if^-

^Tf^q^T^: ^WT^^mr I *tof ^frrq<TT: I qssfa ^r

I w w ^q;r <t^f <t^;t qr^^t i vrffl ^ qfrowFfrr *rg

*rf?r s^^f?r I ^3§r Wf f?nmT ^ianfinrT ii JFF^qrf ^qw^qi

^ Vi

wfrc3fai*np^roi ^sKqmreTfa ^^FwnfarqqT n ju^st

W^nf^T | qrrrqrTTfqWTnfrr^qi^ jfRTqf^T: || |

Translation of the Inscription of the Nanyaura Copper-plate , No. 2.

Om. It is well. Sri Harslia Deva, the king, of the great family of

Sri Brahmendra Muni, was [as] the kalpa vriksha the root of joy to well-

wishers, the water of immortality for the eyes of good friends, a very ketu

in the destruction of hostile armies, a bridge in the surging sea of good

men’s burdens, the Jewel on the diadem of the three worlds, the sovereign

whose hand dearly loved the sword, whose glory like that of the summer

sun was insu]3 portable. From that abode of generosity sprang Yaso

Varmma, a very Indra in the destruction of the dark hosts of (his)

1878.] V. A. Smith — Two Channel copper-plate Inscriptions.

85

enemies, an axe in cleaving the trunks of the elephants of (his) enemies,

by whose radiance like the whiteness of the moon and jasmine were illu¬

minated, the caves of Kulacliala frequented by the consorts of the

kinnaras ; his son was Sri Dhanga Deva, the favourite of the Goddess of

Victory the prowess of whose blade’s edge was famous in numberless battles.

Wonderfully did he kindle in the hearts of the enemy’s wives the flame of

separation, which unceasingly spread, though besprinkled with the water

of tears. [In his undivided reign] there was flight in the wavy curls

[alone] of the denizens of the antahpura , in amorous dalliance [alone]

there was seizure by the neck, in female breasts alone was hardness and

brows [alone] were crooked, on the moon [only] were spots, and in the

plantain tree [only] was saplessness : the poets spake well, and amidst

clusters of the Kairava \Nymphcea esculenta\ alone there was enmity

at the rise of Mitra (meaning both Sun and friend). The king and

sovereign lord Harsha Deva, the destroyer of the' exultation of enemies,

succeeded by the king and sovereign lord Yaso Varmma, destroyer of the

exultation of enemies, succeeded by the king and sovereign lord Dhanga

Deva, destroyer of the exultation of enemies, ruler of Kalinjar, in the

Samvat year 1055 at the full moon of Kartik, on Sunday the 15th day of

the bright half of the month, to-day here in Kasi, when the orb [of the

moon] which is a joy to the heart of Rohini, and is marked with the form

of a deer, was seized as a mouthful by the son of Sinhika [i. e., Rahu] —

to the member of the Bharadwaja gotra, and the threefold pravara of

Bharadwaja, Angirasa and Varhaspatya, belonging to the Vajasaneya

saklia , to him originally an inhabitant of Tarkayika residing in the village

of Durbahara, named Rudra Sri Yasodhara, the son of Rudra Jaya Kumara

— to him with its waste, streams and tanks, land and water, upland and

lowland, and mango and mahua trees, the village of Chulli bounded on

the four sides by Sasaroshara — for the sake of increasing his own and his

parent’s merit, he the lover of religion gave — # # # # #

# # # # # , and having given the beloved of the

people addressed those present saying — Remain happy by continuing to

pay (the donee) rents in kind and in money and the rest. Om. So the

writers of Smritis (have said) : Many kings, Sagar and others, have

enjoyed territory, so long as any retained his lands, so long has his been

the fruit. He who receives land in gift, and he who bestows it, both these

are meritorious and assuredly go to heaven. He who filches a single cow,

a single gold-piece, or one finger’s breadth of land, goes to hell till the end

of all things. This is the decree of STi Dhanga who is steadfast in the

practice prescribed by the Vedas and whose ruling prowess pains the circle

of his enemies. Sri Dhanga.

86

V. A. Smith — Two Chandel copper-plate Inscriptions. [No. 1,

Note by Bdbu Branndth Bandit.

The Society is indebted to Mr. V. A. Smith, B. A., B. C. S., for these

two copper-plates recording the grant of two villages by two kings of the

Chandel Dynasty, Dhanga Deva and Bern Varmma Neva in Samvat 1055

and 1107 respectively. Mr. Smith has sent transcript and translation of

both the plates, which I have revised for publication in the Society’s Jour¬

nal. Some parts of the translation however, sj^ecially of plate No. 2,

remain tentative and far from literal. The Note appended by Mr. Smith

gives the most salient points in the grants, and after the exhaustive notice

in General Cunningham’s Arch£eological Survey of India, Yol. II, there is

nothing to he added to the ample materials which exist concerning the

chronology of the Chandel Dynasty. I have added some philological

parallels gathered from several grants, and those who care to pursue the

matter further may consult the Khajuraho inscription in the Asiatic

Researches, Yol. XII, and the Ujjayini grants in the Transactions of the

Royal Asiatic Society. Yol. I, reprinted in Colebrooke’s Works, Yol. II,

and the Banda copper-plate, ante p. 73. The village Tarkayikd , of No. 2,

is the same as the Talcdri of No. 1, and the Dhakari of the Banda copper¬

plate, ante p. 76. All three may he safely identified with the Tikri of

modern maps.

NOTES.

(1.) Compare ^ ^

•sjT«T, &c. in J. A. S. B. Yol. YIII, pp. 491, 492. Also ^ ^

&c. in J. A. S. B., Yol. X, pp. 99, 100.

(2.) Compare the partly decyphered sloka

^T^T^fcr: in the 9th line of the Bliavala Inscription, J. A. S. B., Yol. X,

p. 820.

(3.) Compare ‘SU^or* I J. A. S. B., Vol. YIII,

p. 297. The sloka I &e. in J A.

S. B., Yol. Y, p. 379.

(4.) Compare

ifT^qfrT I j- A. S. B., Vol. Y, p. 379. fqqqqfrT

I J. A. S. B , Yol. YIII, p. 297. The royal

officers are set out in great detail in the Kumbhi grant. J. A. S. B. Yol.

YIII, p. 492, and in the Fyzabad grant. J. A. S. B. Yol. X, p. 100.

(5.) Compare | J. A. S. B. Yol. Y, p. 379.

cT^pqt fqfaqrt ^T<3T WWrk \ J. A. S. B. Yol. YIII, p. 492.

^-^TTTWi *n»*TOT frrf^q-^-

ott i J. A. s. B. Yol. X,

p. 100.

87

1878-] V. A. Smith — Two Cliandel copper -plate Inscriptions.

(6.) Compare *TTrrTfawn?T*rg I J. A. S. B. Yol. V,

p. 379. i J. A.

S. B. Yol. V, p. 729. ^TcTtWkt^^ W*rcrf*ri^i? I J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII,

p. 492. xr^irrfaer^ l J. A. S. B. Yol. X, p. 100.

(7.) The phrase occurs in the Copper-plate

grant of Arjuna (Samvat 1267) in J. A. S. B. Yol. V, p. 379 but has not

been translated. A similar omission is noticeable concerning the adjective

prefix to the donee’s name in the copper-plate grant of

Karka II (Saka 734) J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 297. The etymological

signification of the word fwf^T^I«T is “ gone out or from,” but I suppose that

in passages like the above, it is used to denote the original residence of the

donee.

(8.) J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 492, Vol. X, p. 100.

(9.) These words occur in the copper-plate grant of Ajaya Binha Deva

(Samyat 932) J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 492, and have been translated into

“ mango trees and honey” (p. 486). Compare of the

copper-plate grant of Jayachandra (Samvat 1243) J. A. S. B. Vol. X, p. 100,

which has been correctly translated into “ with gardens of modliio and man¬

go trees” (p. 103). signifies the tree Bassia latifolia , and is never so

far as I am aware used as a synonym for honey.

(10.) Compare seemingly a mistake for in Jaya¬

chandra’ s copper-plate grant. J. A. S. B. p. 100, which has been translated

at p. 103 into “ with caves and fertile farrnsT according to Wilson

signifies saline soil. The phrase in Ajaya Sinha’s copper-plate

grant J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 492, where it is translated into “together

with . salt-pits.”

(12.) Compare in J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 492.

in J. A. S. B. Yol. X, p. 100.

(13 ) Compare in Pravara Sena’s copper-plate grant.

J. A. S. B. Yol. Y, p 729. ^r*pre«TS in Ajaya Sinha’s copper-plate grant.

J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 492 ; and in Jayachandra’s

copper-plate grant. J. A. S. B. Vol. X, p. 100.

(14.) Compare in the copper-plate grant of Karka

II. J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 298. in Ajaya Sinha’s copper¬

plate grant. J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 492 and in

Jayachandra’s copper-plate grant. J. A. S. B. Yol. X, p. 100, the first

half of which compound seems to have been omitted from the translation at

p. 103. The words in the present plate may also be read as

which synonymous expression also occurs in Arjuna’s copper-plate errant,

J. A. S. B. Yol. Y, p. 379.

(15.) Compare in Ajaya Sinha’s copper-plate grant, J. A.

S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 492. in Jayachandra’s copper-plate

8S H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bagurd. [No. 1,

grant. J. A. S. B. Vol. X, p. 100, where it has been translated into “ which

extends as far as Trinayuthi .” (p. 103).

(16.) This is the usual reservation about previous endowments. Com¬

pare in J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 298.

Yol. Y, p. 379.

(17.) Compare in J. A. S. B. Vol. Y, p. 379.

in J. A. S. B. Yol. X, p. 100.

(18.) Compare *J*IT J. A. S. B. Yol. Y,

p. 379, which is translated into “ the full usufruct of all the rights and dues

heretofore paid to Government,” (p. 382). Also

in J. A. S. B. Vol. X, p. 100 which is gener¬

ally translated at p. 103 into “ its revenues, as settled, or are to be settled.”

(19.) Compare &c. in J. A. S. B. Yol. Y, p. 729.

&c. in J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 298.

(20.) This sloka occurs amongst others in J. A. S. B. Yol. Y, p. 379.

Yol. VIII, pp. 298, 493. Vol. X, p. 100.

(21.) J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 494. Yol. X, p. 100.

(22.) Compare J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 494 where is a mis¬

take for ^CTUTJ, and Yol. X, p. 100.

(23.) J. A. S. B. Yol. Y, p. 379. Yol. VIII, p. 493. Yol. X, p. 100.

In Bravara Sena's copper-plate grant the latter half of the slok is different :

wrarew ^^f<T ■^rffafrT II J. A. S. B. Yol. Y, p. 729.

(24.) In this sloka should be substituted for the sake of the

metre for Compare J. A. S. B. Yol. VIII, p. 493.

(25.) The words in the original seem distinct enough,

but I am unable to attach any meaning to the compound.

The Antiquities of Bagurd ( Bogra ). — By H. Beyekidge, C. S.

Though Bagura is almost a by-word among the Officers of Government

for seclusion and dulness, yet like most places in this world it has attract¬

ions which only require unveiling. Perhaps to most Anglo-Indians,

Bagura is chiefly interesting, because it was the residence of Sir George

Yule and the scene of many of his tiger-slaying exploits, but in reality the

district has claims to attention of another and more enduring order.

Foremost among these is the circumstance that it occupies an important

place in the legendary and historical annals of Bengal. It is traversed

from north to south by the sacred Karatoya, which divides it into two

nearly equal portions. This river has now dwindled into an insignificant

stream, easily fordable in the cold weather and scarcely navigable except

1878.]

89

H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bagura.

in the height of the rains. But in old times, it was a great river, and

formed the boundary between Bengal and Kamrup. The western bank has

apparently undergone little change. The old rampart, known as Bhim-

jangal, still runs alongside of the western bank, and the ancient mound

and fortification of Mahasthan continues to overhang the sacred bathing-

place at Sila-dwip ; but on the east the appearance of the country has

been greatly changed. The old river-bed has been nearly filled up, and

long and wide churs, “ made blithe by plough and harrow”, now cover

the channel up which the ships of the famous Chand Saudagar used to sail.

Though no longer a territorial boundary, the Karatoya is still remark¬

able for the demarcation which it makes between two distinct kinds of

soil. On the west, Bagura is a veritable land of Edom, the soil being

almost as red as blood. It is at the same time so hard and tenacious, that

ditches cut in it retain their sharpness of outline for years, and that the

walls of the peasants’ huts are almost invariably made of earth. The ant¬

hills so common on the edges of the fields testify to the peculiarity of

the soil, for they stand up in sharp and many-pointed pinnacles and are

like Adens in miniature. On the east of the Karatoya, however, all is

sand and alluvium, and the ryots have to construct the walls of their

houses with reeds or mats. This difference of soil is said to affect the

crime of the district ; for burglaries are reported to be rare in the western

thanas, as it is no easy matter for thieves to break through and steal, when

the walls of the houses are so thick and hard as they are in the “ Khiar”

land. The etymology of the word Karatoya is indicative of the antiquity

and sanctity of the river. The name is derived from kar ■ the hand’ and

toyd 1 water’, and is held to signify that the river was formed by the water

which was poured on the hands of Siva, when he married the mountain-

goddess Parvati.

I find also that, there is the same tradition in Bagura as in Maiman-

singh about the origin of the name Das-kahania as applied to Sherpur. The

Bagura Sherpur is called Das-kahania as well as the Maimansingh Sherpur,

and the explanation given is, that the Karatoya was once so broad that

ten kahans had to be paid for crossing it. The explanation, however, does

not seem a very probable one, for ten kahans means 12,800 kauris, i. e., one

rupee, and I can hardly believe that any Bengali ever paid so much for

crossing a river. It is just possible that the charge had reference not to the

breadth of the river but to the fact that it separated two rival kingdoms.

The charge may therefore have been in the nature of an embargo or an

export-duty, and went for the most part into the pocket of the king or his

representative, and not to the ferryman. It would be quite in accordance

with the principles of native finance to levy such exorbitant duties on

people leaving the country or taking merchandise abroad.

H

90 H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bag lira. [No 1,

By the Hindus Bagura is popularly identified with the country of king

Virat, where the five Pandavas remained hidden for a year. Bagura, they

tell us, was the Dakshina Go-grih or southern cow-house ( Scottice byre) of

king Virat, the northern one being in Ghoraghat, i. e., Aswasala. Bhim,

they say, disguised himself as Yirat’s herdsman, and built the rampart known

as Bhim’s Jangal to make a pen for the cattle. So say the Pandits, while the

ryots improve the evidence got from this by pointing to the stone-pillar in

the Badalgachhi thana and calling it Bhim’s pdnti, i. e ., Bhim’s ox-goad.

Additional corroboration is sought from the fact that there are villages in

Bagura, known by the names of Virat and Kichak (Virat’s brother-in-law).

Unfortunately, however, names of places are more likely to be the offspring

of traditions than to be evidence of their genuineness, and even if the village

of Kichak be old, it more probably derives its name from the wandering

gypsies and robbers of the last century who were called Kichaks, than from

the villain of the Mahabharat.

A more convincing indication of the antiquity of Bagura was obtained

only last year when a tank was being dug in the middle of the town. The

tank had been excavated to a considerable depth, when the workmen came

on the top of a brick well. The well is still standing in the tank and may

be seen by the curious. It is circular in form and solidly built with large,

thin bricks which are so broad in proportion to their length as to be nearly

square. The mode of building seems peculiar, for the bricks are arranged in

layers which are alternately composed of flat and perpendicular bricks.

The top now visible appears to me to be the real top of the well, and it

is some fifteen feet below the present surface of the country. The

remarkable thing is that the earth is not sand or chur-earth, but is

solid, red soil. How the well came to be where it is, I cannot explain ;

but if the fifteen feet of earth were really gradually deposited above it, then

the well must be many centuries old. Close to this tank, and only separated

by the public road, there is an interesting proof of the antiquity of the soil

in a magnificent Banyan tree. It is, I think, the finest tree I have seen next

to that in the Botanical Gardens at Calcutta, and it is much more attract¬

ive than the latter, because it is still in the heyday of its career of

beneficence. The Bagura market is held under it and twice a week hundreds

of men and cattle are sheltered by it from the sun and rain.

The real glory of Bagura perhaps is the Badalgachhi pillar which bears

an inscription of the Pal Bajas, and which has been described by Sir

Charles Wilkins and more recently by a native gentleman. I have never

seen this pillar, and I hear that it is now so shrouded in jungle as to

be almost inaccessible. As it is situated in the Government Estate of

Jaipur, it is to be hoped that the authorities will look after its preservation.

It is locally known as Bhim’s pdnti or ox-goad.

1878.] H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bagura. 91

The most widely-known antiquity in Bagura is Mahasthan, or the Great

Place, which is situated seven miles north of the Civil Station. Mahasthan

probably originally owed its importance to its being near a sacred bathing-

place, and hence some have with a perverse ingenuity suggested that the

true name is Mahasnan. Afterwards it became the habitation of a

Kshatriya prince named Parasuram. Some traditions identify him with

Parasurama the destroyer of the Kshatriyas, though to do this, it is

necessary to change his caste and make him a Brahman. He was defeated

and slain by a Muhammadan, named Muhammad Shah Sultan, and probably it

is this circumstance which has done most to perpetuate his fame. Muham¬

mad Shah Sultan is buried at Mahasthan, and his tomb is annually visited

by thousands of pilgrims. There is no inscription on the tomb, and no one

seems to know exactly who he was or where he came from. He bears the

title of Mahi-suwar or fish-rider, and Hindus who swallow their own tradi¬

tions wholesale, think they must rationalize this epithet by referring it to

the figure head of the ship which brought the faqir. It is hardly worth

while to do this when there are so many more marvels connected with him.

The name Mahi-suwar probably has its origin in invention, pure and

simple.

The only genuine inference which we can make, I think, from Muham¬

mad Shah’s history is, that he was the hero of a popular rising. He was

not a fighting man apparently, and is never called a Gliazi, like the famous

Isma’il of Rangpur. Parasuram was probably a bigoted tyrant, and

was killed by those of his subjects who had turned Muhammadans. This

view is supported by the local tradition that Parasuram could not bear

the sight of a Musalman. It seems also certain that Muhammad Shah was

helped by Parasuram’ s own subjects ; for the tradition is, that one Harpal,

the Raja’s sweeper, used to convey information to Muhammad Shah of what

was going on inside the palace. The sweeper’s tomb is still pointed out

on the mound of Mahasthan, and until Muhammadans got more puritanical,

they used to make offerings at it of sharab and fcabab, i. e., meat and wine.

Muhammad Shah’s tomb is in good preservation and is lighted up every

night. It is surrounded by a wall, and close to the doorway there is a large

stone Gauripat (not a lingam) lying on the ground. Mr. O’Donnell has

described Mahasthan in the Asiatic Society’s Journal for 1875, Part I,

No. 2, but there are some errors in his account. As far as I can learn,

the legend of the beautiful Sila Devi has its origin in a mispronunciation.

The original name of the place is Siladwip, i. e., the mound of stones,

‘ dwif in Bagura being used to mean any high place and the epithet Stla

being applied to this one on account of the large stones lying about on it.

The populace, however, have lost sight of this meaning, and so started the

tradition of Sila Devi. There is no flight of stairs at Sila Devi’s Ghat, only

92

H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bagura.

[No. 1,

two old trees. The sacred part of the river extends over reaches or

about two miles, from Skand (a name of Siva) ghat to Gobindghat in the

village of Gokul. The place called Sila Devi’s ghat lies about half-way

between the above ghats. An annual fair is held in the month of Chait,

but the most sacred time is when the conjunction of the planets admits

of the bathing’s taking place in the month of Pus (Pus Narayani).

Mr. O’Donnell speaks of the grant for the lakhiraj of Mahasthan

having been confirmed in 1666 by the Governor of Dhaka. In fact,

however, the confirmation is dated 7th Jumada I, 1096, A. H. (1st

April, 1685) in the thirtieth year of the reign. I have seen the original

sanad, which is in the Becord-room at Bogra. The deed bears the seal of

Kokultash Muzaffar-Jang [Husain]. It is in the form of an order addressed

to the officials of Silbaris in Sirkar Bazuha, and directs them to respect

the lakhiraj of the saint Muhammad Sultan Mahi-suwar’s Astan. The

word ‘ astan’ suggests to me the idea that Mahasthan may after all be a

Muhammadan name meaning the Great Astan. The Hindu name perhaps

was Siladwip. The place is also often called Mastangarh and under this

name it appears in the Survey Map. I send a copy of the Sanad along

with these remarks.* With regard to the resumption-proceedings, noted

* The following is a transcript of the copy of the Sanad —

—

J J tjUaiLof j (Jla. d/

i . . . Ijk. (jjaLa j

jfsis o oS[)Lm./c lb b Loj j

b j dA~vj|j>

g j2* j <W>,£/o <x.'L)L«f j(jj j jjjj &T lj

H

V

*» I

^uiy

J^tp jsk* I

1878 ]

H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bagurd.

9 3

by Mr. O’Donnell, I must in justice to our Government observe that no

attempt was made to resume the whole tenure. All the land within the

garh or fortification (some thousands of bighas apparently) was admitted

to belong to the lakhirajdars. The dispute was only about 300 bighas

of ckur-land which had formed between Mahasthan proper and the river-

cbannel. The resumption-proceedings, however, must have been rather

harassing to the proprietors ; for they began in 1824, and did not end

till December 1843. Sila Devi’s Ghat is in this chur which was sought

to be resumed, and this perhaps is enough to show the baselessness of

the story about her, for clearly the chur was formed long after Mahasthan

was made.

Translation.

It has been ordered that the Mutasaddis of all present and future matters of go¬

vernment, and the Chaudhuris, and Kanungos of Pargana Silbaris in Sirkar Bazuha

should bear in mind that, inasmuch as it has come to the knowledge of government

that according to the far mans and sanads, granted by former rulers, the service of the

sacred shrine of the king of saints, Hazrat . and income of

Mastangarh and the land comprised within the bend of the river, in the said Pargana,

have been settled on Sayyid Muhammad Tahir and on Sayyid ’Abdur-rahman and on

Sayyid Muhammad Raza and on their children, without anyone else being a partner, it

is necessary that the above-mentioned persons should he looked upon as the servitors of

the illuminated shrine, and that they should he left in possession of Mastangarh and of

the above described lands, so that the lands may go down to their heirs ; that they

may perform the vows and prayers as usual at this holy shrine ; that they may apply

the income to defraying the expenditure of the religious house, on travellers, and on

themselves for their own livelihood, so that they may occupy themselves with loyal

prayers for the continuance of the present government. Every care is to he taken in

this matter.

Written on the 7th Jumada I, of the 30th year of the present reign, corresponding

to the year of the Hijra 1096.

(Signed) Muzaffar Jang Bahadur, foster-brother ( JcoJcultash ) of ’Alamgir Padshah-

i-Ghazi.

It is impossible to reconcile the particulars given in the sanad copy with historical

facts. First , the name should he Muzaffar Husain not Muzaffar Jang. It is possible

that the copyist mistook for Secondly , Muzaffar Husain Kokultash (also

called Fidai Khan A’zam Kokah, Jcokah being the same as kolcultash ) was governor of

Bengal from the middle of 1088 H., [A. D. 1677] i. e., the 20th year of ’Alamgir, to

the 9th (or 12th) Rabf II, 1089 (i. e., the 21st year of ’Alamgir), when he died at Dha¬

ka.

But the 7th Jumada I, 1096 [1685, A. D.] falls in the 28th year of ’Alamgir, whose

30th year commences with the 1st Ramazan 1097 [A. D. 1685].

The name of the saint is written at the top instead of in its proper place in the body

of the deed, in order to do him honor. This is in accordance with Hindu customs, as

may be seen in sanads for lands dedicated to an idol.

94

H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bagura.

[No. 1,

I could find nothing Buddhist at Mahasthan, and my impression is

that Messrs. Westmacott and O’Donnell have been somewhat too ready to

believe that Buddhism once prevailed in Bagura. Bardankuti is a com¬

paratively recent place, and has nothing to do, I think, with the Pandra

Varddhana of the Chinese pilgrim. There are two statues at Mahasthan.

One appears to be Basudeb (Krishna), and the other is simply a mermaid.

It has no theological signification at all, I think, and is just a fantastic

figure such as are common in Hindu palaces. The “ right hand clenched,”

referred to by Mr. O’Donnell is, I think, a foot.

One curious remain at Mahasthan is a large brick well with rude stone

■steps leading down it. The steps are simply large stones jutting out from

the brick work and look very awkward things to descend by. However I

was told that many persons go down by them at the time of the fair. The

well is called the Jiyat-kund, or well of life, and the tradition is, that Parasu-

ram for a long time got the better of Shah Sultan, because when any Hindu

soldier was killed, Parasuram revived him by sprinkling water from this

well over him. The sweeper Harpal told Shah Sultan of this, and then he

destroyed the efficacy of the water by throwing pieces of beef into it. The

fortification of Mahasthan is quadrangular in shape, and is popularly said to be

two miles square. There are four openings in it, and these are pointed out

as the gates. One is called the Tamar Darwazah, because it is said to have

been sheathed with copper. Outside the rampart there is on one side a

large lake, called the Kalidoha Sagar. There are islands in it, and a promon¬

tory on its banks is called Bish-Mathan, because it is said that on it the

goddesses Lutta and Padya mixed the poison which destroyed Chand

Saudagar’s family. Chand Saudagar is, as is well known, the impious

merchant who would not worship Manesha, or the Lady of the Snakes. He

is said to have lived at Chandmoa, i. e., Chandmukh, near Mahasthan, and

the foundations of the house he built for his son are still pointed out.

Another antiquity in Bagura, the importance of which, however, is a

good deal exaggerated by the people, is Jogir Bhaban, or the Ascetic’s house.

It lies some seven miles west of Bagura. It appears to have been an early

settlement of the Gosains, or followers of Siva. The remains consist of

some temples with elaborately carved wooden doors. One temple has the

Bengali date 1089, and the name Meher Nath Sadak. One of the doors

has the date 1119, and the name of Shukhal Nath Gosain. There is one

curious tomb with three monuments of different sizes. The largest is the

guru’s, the second is the disciple’s, and the third and smallest is said to be

that of the guru’s dog (“his faithful dog shall bear him company”).

There is a well of life here, too, but it is quadrangular in shape. The

jogi in charge of the temples gave me a curious instance of faith. There

are several images inside one temple, and the jogi candidly said that he

95

1878.] H. Beveridge — The Antiquities of Bagura.

could not tell what god one of them represented. However, he said, as it

was in the temple he accepted it and worshipped the unknown god. To

the west of Jogir Bhaban, there are said to be the remains of the house of

the Baja Salbon (Salivahan ?) and to the north of it, the remains of the

house of the Baja Sri Nath. Perhaps they were ancestors of Parasuram.

Beturning to Mahasthan, I have to say that Parasuram was evident¬

ly a devoted worshipper of Siva. Indeed, he seems to have meditated

setting up a rival to Banaras. In and about Mahasthan, there are places

called Kashi, Brindaban, and Mathura.

In 1862, or thereabouts, a number of gold coins were found at Baman-

para, near Mahasthan. The most of them have disappeared, but I have

seen two, and have sent them to the Asiatic Society for identification. The

records of the case which is said to have taken place about them have been

destroyed. In 1874, a pot of old rupees was found in the village of Maha-

sthan by a labourer who was digging a ditch in a pan garden. The

owners of the pan garden wrested the coins from him, and were convicted,

rather harshly I think, of robbery and sentenced to six months’ imprison¬

ment. On appeal, their sentence was reduced to three months. Some of

the coins were bought from the owners by Major Hume and were after¬

wards sent to the Asiatic Society. One coin was lying in the Magistrate’s

Malkhanah, and has been sent by me to Professor H. Blochmann.# I have

also sent down two other silver coins which are said to have been found

at Mahasthan.

* The silver coins were described in Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, Part I, for

1875, p. 288. The coins now sent are five in number, viz., 2 gold coins, regarding

which Dr. Eajendralala Mitra says : — u One of them, with the Hon on the reverse,

“ belongs to Mahendra Gupta, or as given on the margin of the obverse, Sri Mahendra

“ Sinha ; and the other to Chandra Gupta. Both have been figured in Thomas’s Prin-

“ sep. The princes belong to the 2nd and 3rd centuries of the Christian era.”

The three silver coins are — (1) a silver tankah of Shams-uddm Ilyas Shah of Ben¬

gal, as published by Thomas in his ‘ Initial Coinage of Bengal.’

(2.) A silver tankah , struck in 862 H., by Mahmud Shah I, of Bengal as figured

in this Journal, for 1875, PI. XI, No. 7. The reverse is the same as in Nos. 5 and 8,

hut the reading is still doubtful.

(3.) A silver tantcah by the same king, of coarse manufacture, similar to Nos. 2

and 3, of PI. XI, loc. cit .

ERRATA.

Page 114, 1. 40, for Plate XIII read Plate XVIII.

For 11 read 14 Plates.

i

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I .—HI STORY, LITERATURE, &e,

No. II.— 1878.

Mathura Notes. — By F. S. Growse, M. A. Oxox., B. C. S.

(With, eleven plates.)

The following scraps from my note-book have been hastily thrown

together in the midst of the worry and confusion occasioned by my sudden

and most unexpected transfer from a district, to which I had become great¬

ly attached, and where I had confidently hoped to spend with much pleasure

to myself and some slight advantage to the public the few years that yet

remain of my career in the executive branch of the service. I cannot avoid

this personal explanation, as it supplies the only adequate apology for the

very unfinished state in which these fragments appear. I had intended to

work up several of them into separate articles ; but the opportunity of

doing this has been denied me, and I have no choice but either to send

them as they are, or else allow them to perish amidst the general wreck in

which all my household gods are now involved.

1. Gosciin Mari Vans of Brindaban , and the sect of the Bddhd Vallabhis.

One of my inchoate projects was the compilation of a series of notices

illustrating the life and doctrine of the different Vaishnava Reformers of

the lGth and 17th centuries, who all made Brindaban their head centre.

Though both the men themselves and their writings are scarcely known by

name to European Orientalists, they have had an enormous influence on the

tendencies of modern Hindu thought, and the sects which they founded

still continue to gather converts from all parts of India. To last year’s

volume of the Society’s Journal I contributed an article on Swami Hari

08

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

I)as and his descendants, the Gosains of the temple of Banke Bihari ; and in

the Introduction to the first Book of my translation of the Ramayana I

have given an account of Tulsi Das, which I had intended to supplement,

on the completion of the poem, with a disquisition on his theological system.

But both translation and disquisition must now be indefinitely postponed ;

for a certain amount of quiet and composure is necessary for the adequate per¬

formance of so long and laborious an undertaking. I was under the impres¬

sion that such a series, however dull and occasionally repulsive the separate

articles might be, would still be of interest to the student and supply sound

material, out of which to construct one short chapter at least in the great

book of the future, the History of Comparative Religion. This project

however is very summarily disposed of, since it is only at Mathura that

MSS. are obtainable, nor would the Gosains communicate them to any one, in

whom they had not by long intercourse acquired confidence : so suspicious

are they of European interference. The language moreover in which the

poems are written is not without difficulty and requires some special study,

even on the part of natives, before it is readily intelligible. These are pro¬

bably the reasons why Prof. Wilson in his ‘ Religious Sects’, is able to give

very full and accurate accounts of the great teachers of earlier times, who

wrote in Sanskrit, while his notices of the more modern schools are meagre

and apparently, as a rule, not derived from original sources. Thus, though

he devotes five pages to the Radha Yallabhis, he does not mention the name

even of the Chaurasi Pada, which is their great authority, and to illustrate

their doctrine, translates a passage from the Brahma Yaivarta Purana,

which is rather the standard of the Vallabhacharis, a different sect, who

have their head quarters at Gokul.

The founder of the Radha Yallabhis was by name Hari Yans. His

father, Yyasa, was a Gaur Brahman of Deva-ban in the Saharanpur district,

who had long been childless. He was in the service of the Emperor and on

one occasion was attending him on the march from Agra, when at last his

wife Tara gave birth to a son at the little village of Bad, near Mathura, in

the sambat year 1559. In grateful recognition of their answered prayers,

the parents named the child after the god they had invoked, and called him

Hari Yans, i. e., Hari’s issue. When he had grown up, he took to himself

a wife, by name Rukmini, and had by her two sons and one daughter.

Of the sons the elder, Mohan Chand, died childless ; the descendants of the

younger, Gopinath, are still at Deva-ban. After settling his daughter

in marriage he determined to abandon the world and lead the life of an

ascetic. With this resolution he set out alone on the road to Brindaban,

and had reached Charthaval, near ITodal, when there met him a Brahman,

who presented him with his two daughters and insisted upon his marrying

them, on the strength of a divine command, which he said he had received

1878. J

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

90

in a vision. He further gave him an image of Krishna with the title of

Radha Vallabh, which on his arrival at Brindaban was set up by Hari Vans

in a temple that he founded between the Jugal and the Koliya Ghats on

the hank of the Jamuna. Originally he had belonged to the Madhvacharya

Sampraclaya and from them and the Nimbaraks, who also claim him, his

doctrine and ritual were professedly derived. But in consequence of the

mysterious incident, by which he had been induced to forego his intention

of leading a celibate life and take to himself two new wives ; or rather

in consequence of his strong natural passions, which he was unable to

suppress and therefore invented a fiction to excuse, his devotion was all

directed not to Krishna himself, except in a very secondary degree, but to

his fabled mistress Radha, whom he deified as the goddess of lust. So

abominable a system was naturally viewed at first with no little amazement,

as is clear from the language of the Bhakt Mala, which is as follows :

II *n?r ll

C\

%F3i snfr t ii

Iff I

fqfyj ??vNl qarat I!

fqfa srft fra •sr;rai snrard n

^fbirai^T ’spraf %it; qtwf*r f i

fifa SSrT %F3i SiTpT f n

Translation of the text of Nahh a Ji.

“ The Gosain Sri Hari Vans : who can understand all at once his method

of devotion ? with whom the feet of blessed Radha were the highest object

of worship ; a most staunch-souled devotee ; who made himself the page in

waiting on the divine pair in their bower of love ; who gloried in the enjoy¬

ment of the remnants of all that was offered at their shrine ; a servant who

never pleaded obligation or dispensation ; a votary of incomparable zeal.

Account him blessed who follows in the path of Vyasa’s great son, the Gosain

Sri Hari Vans : who can understand all at once his method of devotion ?”

In the gloss, or supplement of Priya Has, the same sentiment is ex¬

panded and a reference made to the legend of the Brahman and his two

daughters.

100

F. S. Growse — Mathura Motes,

[No. 2,

II TtaT II

Ttfa %F3T qrrafsw qq; 3ii%“

C\

W*1 *IT^' qiW $**!! ^JTT^ I

fqqz fqqfZ wq %Tq 51 W3 ^

^q#tft aqTffg mtt ii

fqfq %t fqiN iq mqqn^: fW

fare fq5i qiq ftq fqq qf STTtil I

iqq qq rfncf; fqfqq sft%’

snsra qfqg qi^T q<fql ii

m fJITfq 5TU q^T ftqT ifcfR %t

fqq qswq qfw*TT qt s#W I

%rt w im snqqqi ^%t *tto

gsr% %T a'q qqq 5i*i ntf^ra n

fTTlt ^ W fqqiTT fspj Wftfqqft

- #

^srqfqqi't qffT %t qf%i qfwfqq i

flifn fqq qTTT qq n^T iq qriT qq

q»% fq 5JT71 qq qqq ST qffqq It

^TfqqiTqiHqTTqj qiT^T %T ^T^T qt

%qT %T qqiTH 'St f%"TT*J $5iqTq%T I

%Tt fq^TT ^qqTT fq^q fqaft

fqq-^ s'fqq; fqq qf% qm%T n

fqfq fqq qjq ?q qTq ^

fq^jq qqr q;ru qifaiqiTq^ i

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

101

%T qifl liWsfi qi%‘

\J C\

5*jf JH TTT^ ^TT irm%T II

Translation.

“ Would you know the one point in a thousand of Sri Hit Ji’s ways ?

he adored Radha first and after her Krishna. A most strange and un¬

natural fashion, that none could even faintly comprehend save by his favour.

He obliterated all distinction between obligation and dispensation ; his Be¬

loved was in his heart ; he lived only as her servant, singing the praises of

the divinity night and day. All the faithful know his many edifying and

holy actions ; why tell and repeat them since they are famous already.

“ He left his home and came ; his passion for Radha and Krishna had

so grown : but you must know Hari had given an order to a wealthy Brah¬

man : * Bestow your two daughters in marriage, taking my name, and know

that their issue shall be famous throughout the world. By their means

my worship shall spread among my faithful jDeople, a path for the pathless,

of high renown.’ Obedient to the loving order he went home ; the delight

of all was past telling, for it was more than the mind could even conceive.

Radha’s dear spouse gave the gracious command : ‘ Publish abroad my

worship and the delights of my sylvan abode.’ He drank in with his very

eyes the essence of bliss and gave it to every client who supported the cause

of the female divinity. Night and day imbibing the honeyed draught of

sweet song and cherishing it in his soul, with no thought but for Syama

and Syam. How is it possible to declare such incomparable merit p the

soul is enraptured at the sound more than at that of any other name.”

By his later wives he had two sons Ban Chand and Kishan Chand, of

whom the latter built a temple to Radha Mohan, which is still in the pos¬

session of his descendants. The former was the ancestor of the present

Gosains of the temple of Radha Yallabh, the chief shrine of the sect. This

was built by one of his disciples, a Kayath named Sundar Das who held

the appointment of Treasurer at Delhi. One of the pillars in the front

gives the date as samhat 1683. An earlier inscription, of 1641, was no¬

ticed by Prof. Wilson, but this would seem to have been over the gateway

leading into the outer court, which since then has fallen down and been

removed. The temple is in itself a handsome building and is further of

special architectural interest as the last example of the early eclectic style.

The ground plan is much the same as in the temple of Haridev at Gobar-

dhan (described in my Mathura Memoir, Part I, page 172) and the work

is of the same character, but carried out on a larger scale. The nave has

an eastern fa£ade, 34 feet broad which, as will be seen from the accom-

102

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

panying photograph, is in three stages, the upper and lower Hindu, and

the one between them purely Muhammadan in character. The interior is

a fine vaulted hall (63 ft. x 20 ft.) with a double tier of openings north

and south ; those in the lower story having brackets and architraves and

those above being Muhammadan arches, as in the middle story of the front.

These latter open into a narrow gallery with small clerestory windows

looking on to the street. Below, the three centre bays of the colonnade

are open doorways, and the two at either end are occupied by the staircase

that leads to the upper gallery. Some of the carved panels of the stone

ceiling have fallen ; but the outer roof, a steep gable, also of stone, is as

yet perfect. Some trees however have taken root between the slabs and

unless carefully removed must eventually destroy it. The actual shrine, or

cella, as also at the temple of Gobind Deva, was demolished by Aurangzeb

and only the plinth remains, upon which a room has been built, which is

used as a kitchen. As no mosque was ever erected at Brindaban, it is not a

little strange that Mr. Fergusson in his History of Indian architecture,

when speaking of this very locality, should venture to say “ It does not

appear proven that the Moslems did wantonly throw down the temples

of the Hindus, except when they wanted the materials for the erection of

mosques or other buildings.” A thorough repair of roof, eaves and east

front would cost Its. 4,500, and as a typical example of architecture, the

building is worth the outlay. A modern temple has been erected on the

south side, and the nave of the old fabric has long been entirely disused. In

fact this is the last temple in the neighbourhood in which a nave was built

at all. In the modern style it is so completely obsolete that its distinctive

name even is forgotten. On the opposite side of the street is a monument

to the founder, which however the present generation of Gosains are too un¬

grateful to keep in repair. They are the descendants of Braj Chand’s

four sons, Sundar-Bar, Badha Ballabh Das, Braj-Bhukhan and Nagar Bar Ji ;

and the heads of the four families so derived are now Daya Lai, Manohar

Ballabh, Sundar Lai and the infant son of Kanhaiya Lai.

Hari Vans was himself the author of two poems ; the one, the Ghaurdsi

Pa da, or 4 84 Stanzas,’ in Hindi, the other the Pddhd S 'udhd Nidhi , or

c Treasury of lladha’s Delights,’ in 170 Sanskrit couplets. The latter,

though not much read, is held in great esteem and, regarded solely as a piece

of highly impassioned erotic verse, it is a spirited and poetic composition.

There is a good Hindi commentary upon it by one Bansidhar, dated sam-

bat 1820. It is written in a very florid style and its interminable compounds,

to be rendered into intelligible English, would require a greater expenditure

of time and thought than I can now bestow upon them. But as MSS. are

scarce and Sanskritists may like to see a specimen of the text, I subjoin the

first 25 and the last couplet in the original.

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

103

II II

*mr. ^Tfq qqqTiqj^^T^q^xft^qqift srn&n*ft i

<tot ftirsfq it \ n

q§TW^qqfqfiqT^fij^5T fifti II ^ II

5ft *i qwr q^ra frei i

qsrNifl-wiq i§*v*r*rofti 7} ^rfj? 11 3 11

G\ \> x

qjrcjTq ar|ft ^q^^iira: qtT^ q^ ftq^fq fq^sfiir. 1

HT^T^qq »rsmf tt ^Tfwq^mTft ^xfti n u 11

f^qjft^qqT^fqqiT^fq'tqqqtfqfqqt^qqqTrft I

q^af^Tfzq^n^qqs^qq^l^qt siqlT? cfilfq I1 1.11

ttst. qfqwwsifTqT^qnqrrq^fl^f^ra^tir^fw i

^nnqq- ft ?iwyqraTftviTwft»5ftsift q«iT ^ftsaqi^R n ^ n

qinr. w q<T^mft ft si q^ gwa ftrawti: i

rrar. qi?T ^ft%Vn^TqT^r€f^ij?iwqTfq^T^^T»iii'3ii

l^Tft qq^qraq^xq qqreft qq: i

qTfTT'jftsq^iq^TTqtq TraTlW^ft^ fts|ft*ITSffit% II ^ II

%qifq qpnq^ qt ftrcsj ^rrf^^qiqftwt^T^q'rar. 1

siftT^ftiH: cji^T a sfftiftft qft *ftift fift: sptfti 11 tn

qrqT3[q^|q^q^fti^3TqT ft^Jiftsri ftfflfq jftqqwq«[fw I

C\ C\

^T^TTqTqqTi^qr^f^: qx ^xfw flftl qi^Tfq l.qf qftig II V II

g^flTq^qTftftwtf^tftq qwqiTq?ft%iqqiqT: i

C w

101

F. S. Growse — Mathura Motes.

[No. 2,

iron H^rlT II W II

rlfq q^fqi^ I

fjyq^: ^R7|Tq*fCi fqlTqqrq?;»TO'ta*mTWf% II II

TT^ramf ^TUt, TcRT=ra‘i % TTVt1^^TTf^fq% Tflflf H%T ^ II \q ||

S3*? f^W "TKJ •RT'T ^T ^%%R^5|T7i II \8 II

qti ^rti^ifn* qfwf^TUT gFI nvm ii \*. ii

^5|T»TT qp#T^l firiqflt 5 g^T^RlTJI I

Wfa?TTl% wlq IMTfsiTIT ^ TJW5R^T ^fafo ^Wf^ffiTfinil^

^ A

^ liv® II

''sf sj \l

f §q q»qqiqmq ^fl^irlTfl gi ^ fij'ajrg q |

«T 37JTH^TJ7«iT^u‘t5WT?i: iftrlT qfrsfrig flt iqw^qq't II \c II

^hxf^% qn^qiTqqi^qqi^T^Tl: i

WIr^I T^ZTfa: II \<t II

\i /I

*w qfgyfi ii v ii

*iMfa% FR qj^r q^rnfq^iTTlq^sftqq^ fss^l q^Tffl II II

qt<T^fR f^i»i^q^sRi»rflT^ |

<qr q<Tfl%^iTH%q ^ q*pgf ttv r qtf?i q^qtgq^Hqwfi h^h

1878.] F. S. Growse — Math uni Notes. 105

rR cR^T wfit ngqqq fwg^ftq II ^ II

qHHJTCTfsro^T fqqiqqjTFfi I

TT^tg ^ qq q>^r 5 fMNifMi 11 ii

1 ^3^nqpTfq%t%fqqiTqqT^ TT^Tftw WT J|%Tif%^qp;qT^ II =111

^§?iPP^%Pft^raT pppnfqfa'. i

^itus qiw<*m^<qT qtam q*ir. n \ ^ ° u

w

f^f^T WJPOTTT || ° II

C\

The Hindi poem, the Chaurasi Pada, is much more popular and most

of the Gosains know at least some of its stanzas by heart. There is a com¬

mentary upon it by Lok-nath, dated sambat 1855, and another in verse,

called the Paliasya artha-nirujpana by Rasik Lai, written in sambat 1734.

Neither of the two, however, is of much assistance to the student ; all the

simple passages being paraphrased with wearisome prolixity, while real

difficulties are generally skipped. I subjoin the text and a translation of

the first 12 stanzas.

TT^T II

II \ II

§tU[ mPT 5f»V %Tt Wf% HTl

wt %Tl %Tt %lt ^ |

TtToRT <TT W^rTT ZVK «T«TH

wui ^t! tNf*r% tip?- ii

irr It qq TRTTTPir h skn faq

O

10G

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

%TfefI TTTtJT ^TT I

sr|t ^ 5ra?Trafl ^TT II

II * II

sjt! Iral ^tsj #fit srrfalt iis rafa n

tfira^TT **t£ mlf sr %«t ira n

s>

i sftffrT^ois! Sjqq l1??! Wt TTfw ^lf fa«ft ^T^l^TTfu^t ||

II ^ II

|T3i tj? siqj are fra 71 ^flqra I

\i ^ C\

3R3Tftgi ^ h^i ^*t1% ^ n

T§T WRTgf^ T^fi^ra UT%T I

§ f|^IT*I Tt*T tfsf t”! Sfifc ^f«l ||

II 8 II

?JT5T It SjqTft %^T q^T 'SIT*^ HTm't faq% 3*TO% ^71 ^q!> I

^T~i^ qfwr Ira IT*!^ fq^lf%7! ^sf ||

fl^ra f%T?T %g % lfa?T jftlrl JIT^ H *T I

TRW ^ TTqTT qqr sj qpr ^ qqq ra»T7l 5iq II

C\

^>T%tf Wfc *raz *fcw qqflra ^ra fit *?tt jT*t i

*i%* ^f% *ira flsra f^f%sflgira i?itf^riif^g7! «i?itj3^ *N n

B I i II

*?ira HHTfT q?q7J ^rq sjira qr |

*TT^T?l ^fwra W WT q* ||

^ Tf^l?f fsraraf% *JT»W I

1S7S.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes .

107

W JTS# qiqi fq3T |

^qfq qrfq ^TT»I ff^rT ^ »TT*r 5R7I WT qWC II

» ^qffpiq qqq qpqq mi?! qrf% ^ *?wp n

II $ II

5pf*T q<JT 5jq?ft fqqT 3lTf^ fsi^frf "IT?! ?!TT# t'1 |

^qfq qgrq ^ *jfq sitt pra »iw qq« q q n

<3? qqq^ fqpq q Z ^3qt% lq I

§ ’sftf^frqu ?fqqi ?T*iTqm Trofqq ffq ii

II $ II

TT*T ft*TWT It

'qT'q fqqjswsiir q?i?T qqqrfqisft'T qqfa I

'qfq WW qiqTTq q?PT Wq >jq?I q* %rrt ||

feq qsfjqi fqfqfa fqfpq *!? qqqiq?qTTq q I

\* Oi

%rmq f%qqq t q ^qqq qiq? qnq fqqfqq qrft n

frroq mfq qf^Tf% qpqq q'ta q;qqq cct?i q? i

q'T? ^jtti ajsi q^ qM qqq iirqq qVt n

qfrqT wqfl- fq%Tf% qiqqqT f%*^?T fqq?q UTqqq Wt?} I

fqqq; wq qqrTT qmfaq fqq qfqfqq qqn; fqtpt ii

qfq qfq qqqreq ifq ^fq q;qq i

q qftf^rRfqqq qqq qp«qq qqq %q TIT?!Tqf% qT?t II

C\

II G II

qifqqt up q q qfqq ?t i

qraqqq Tqnq Piqq «q fqfqqrqT nfqq fifsjq t! ||

108 F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes. [No. 2,

ftrggj 'gzg gigiggfg fqv*rr gng w\ «gg gfa g ft i

li sttf^figg ^'qq;<*iqTfgg gg|g gg wqffgt giqitg ft II

II £ II

gft *w %Tft i

T3;gtgigfw ggg ggre* giggj'g gg gift n

grgi fggra fgrgqi gff grfgfg fgq^Tft i

*i5i gn=fi w ara ga^fg gfg iwh fg%Tft n

»fN» fgaia srafg gigg qzqtg aigqr fa? gift i

a sftftgiffq* tfgqi *raTqfg *3 *g *a g* gift 11

II \° II

ana qmTtfgwTT giggl Ofaq §trc

mi gift gig gig q^ggiaft 1

qgg %f% 4z gfa grs^f gg *f§

q*g grg TTaarre g;gat aft 11

gugg^ft %* grift *ifg gn;

ga? atq gq*rf^ f%'f%grt aft 1

^ c^J

§ at ^qfg affqa anfa fg^gt gga at1%

grff qiffgfg qrcr gg gV qrft 11

II u #

gaa ga ^'aga w^ff fqs^gst

ogigg $g^'v snfggt 1

Digging qiaarag fg??g fgfa t^gg

^ g)^ ggj qjgg ^xfggt u

1878.]

F. S. G-rowse — Matlmrd Notes.

109

q^q^q qfa qrfqqr I

si

^ ^ Si.'l' *S SVi'

qq ^T^rT fqq q q

qTq qfrTff^ II

%T^qqq wra fITT q*qq $q *ftqt ^TT

qqspjq qfq qfq qqq qifqqf i

sRSTiq qW}%f% qj? fqfq q? q^[q 53 fa

qTW.q^qq^ qqqqTqqf ||

II ^ II

qqfa ufa% q^nq qr: faq qqfaqiq

?Tq Wq q3 q>fa^qfatf |

fqqq qqqqfqqq uqfa ^fqq;^

qTqq ^qj?q qTfiqqfT 'Siqfaq't II

C\ SI N

qqfqz fqqis qf?T q^q^qqwfq q^f

qqfqqqq; qqiq q% qT*J qfaq't i

stTrft fq^fqqiTq qqqq ^qfqqq qqTq

TTqufqq q^jqq fqqq qffaqt II

q^q^q nq fNu; qiqqqfr qfqqifV

si

qqfqq qWt qqq ^qfqqtfaqt I

fqqqn qq qfq qfa qifqfq qqfqfa #fa

qq fqqfa wq %fa qqqqfaqt n

Translation of the first twelve Stanzas of the Chaurasi Pacta,

I. “ Whatever my Beloved doeth is pleasing to me ; and whatever is

pleasing to me, that my Beloved doeth. The place where I would be is in

my Beloved’s eyes ; and my Beloved would fain be the apple of my eyes.

110

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

My Love is dearer to me than body, soul, or life ; and my Love would lose

a thousand lives for me. Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans ! the loving pair, one

dark, one fair, are like two cygnets ; tell me who can separate wave from

water ?#

II. “ 0 my Beloved, has the fair spoken ? this is surely a beautiful

night ; the lightning is folded in the lusty cloud’s embrace. 0 friend,

where is the woman who could quarrel with so exquisite a prince of

gallants ? Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans ! dear Radhika hearkened with her

ears and with voluptuous emotion joined in love’s delights. f

III. “ At day-break the wanton pair, crowned with victory in love’s

conflict, were all exuberant. On her face are frequent beads of labour’s dew,

and all the adornments of her person are in disarray, the paint- spot on her

brow is all but effaced by heat, and the straggling curls upon her lotus face

resemble roaming bees. (Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans !) her eyes are red

with love’s colours and her voice and loins feeble and relaxed.

IV. u Your face, fair dame, to-day is full of joy, betokening your

happiness and delight in the intercourse with your Beloved. Your voice

is languid and tremulous, your cheeks aflame, and both your weary eyes are

red with sleeplessness ; your pretty tilak half effaced, the flowers on your

head faded, and the parting of your hair as if you had never made it at all.

The Bountiful one of his grace refused you no boon, as you coyly took the

hem of your robe between your teeth. Why shrink away so demurely ?

you have changed clothes with your Beloved, and the dark-hued swain has

subdued you as completely as though he had been tutored by a hundred

Loves. The garland on his breast is faded, the clasp of his waist-belt loose

(Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans !) as he comes from his couch in the bower.

Y. “ To-day at dawn there was a shower of rapture in the bower, where

the happy pair were delighting themselves, one dark, one fair, bright with

all gay colours, as she tripped with dainty foot upon the floor. Great

Syam, the glorious lord of love, had his flower wreath stained with the

saffron dye of her breasts, and was embellished with the scratches of his

darling’s nails ; she too was marked by the hands of her jewel of lovers.

The happy pair in an ecstasy of affection make sweet song, stealing each

other’s heart (Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans !) the bard is fain to praise, but the

drone of a bee is as good as his ineffectual rhyme.

* That is to say : it is nothing strange that Radha and Krishna should take such

mutual delight in one another, since they are in fact one and are as inseparable as a

wave and the water of which the wave is composed.

f The first line is a question put to Krishna by one of Radha’ s maids, asking him

if her mistress had promised him an interview. The second line is a remark which she

turns and makes to one of her own companions,

1878,]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes .

Ill

VI. “ Who so clever, pretty damsel, whom her lover comes to meet,

stealing through the night P Why shrink so coyly at my words ? Your

eyes are suffused and red with love’s excitement, your bosom is marked with

his nails, you are dressed in his clothes, and your voice is tremulous.

(Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans !) Radha’s amorous lord has been mad with love.

VII. “ To-day the lusty swain and blooming dame are sporting in their

pleasant bower. O list ! great and incomparable is the mutual affection of

the happy pair, on the heavenly* plain of Brindaban. The ground gleams

bright with coral and crystal and there is a strong odour of camphor. A

dainty couch of soft leaves is spread, on which the dark groom and his

fair bride recline, intent upon the joys and delights of dalliance, their lotus

cheeks stained with red streaks of betel juice. There is a charming strug¬

gle between dark hands and fair to loose the string that binds her skirt.

Beholding herself as in a mirror in the necklace on Hari’s breast, the silly

girl is troubled by delusion and begins to fret, till her lover wagging his

pretty chin shews her that she has been looking only at her own shadow.

Listening to her honeyed voice, as again and again she cries ‘ Nay, nay,’

Lalita and the others take a furtive peep (Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans !) till

tossing her hands in affected passion she snaps his jewelled necklet.

VIII. “ Ah, red indeed are your lotus eyes, lazily languishing and

inflamed by night-long watch, and their collyrium all faded. From your

drooping eyelids shoots a glance like a bolt, that strikes your swain as it

were a deer and he cannot stir. (Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans !) 0 damsel

voluptuous in motion as the swan, your eyes deceive even the wasps and

bees.

IX. “ Radha and Mohan are such a dainty pair, he dark and beautiful

as the sapphire, she with body of golden lustre ; Hari with a tilak on his

broad forehead and the fair with a roll streak amidst the tresses of her

hair : the lord like a stately elephant in gait and the daughter of Vrisha-

bhanu like an elephant queen : the damsel in a blue vesture and Mohan in

yellow with a red Icliaur on his forehead (Rejoice, Sri Hit Hari Vans !)

Radha’s amorous lord is dyed deep with love’s colours.

X. “ To-day the damsel and her swain take delight in novel ways.

What can I say ? they are altogether exquisite in every limb ; sporting

together with arms about each other’s neck and cheek to cheek, by such

delicious contact making a circle of wanton delight. As they dance, the

dark swain and the fair damsel, pipe and drum and cymbal blend in sweet

concert with the tinkling of the bangles on her wrists and ankles and the

girdle round her waist. Sri Hit Hari Vans, rejoicing at the sight of the

damsels’ dancing and their measured paces, tears his soul from his body

and lays them both at their feet.

* Abhut , not created, self-produced, divine.

112

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

XI. “ The pavilion is a bright and charming spot ; Radha and Hari

are in glistening attire and the full-orbed autumnal moon is resplendent in

the heaven. The dark-hued swain and nymph of golden sheen, as they toy

together, shew like the lightning’s flash and sombre cloud. In saffron ves¬

ture he and she in scarlet ; their affection deep beyond compare ; and the

air, cool, soft and laden with perfumes. Their couch is made of leaves and

blossoms and he woos her in dulcet tones, while coyly the fair one repulses

his every advance. Love tortures Mohan’s soul, as he touches her bosom,

or waist-band, or wreath, and timorously she cries ( off off.’ Pleasant is

the sporting of the glorious lord, close-locked in oft-repeated embrace, and

like an earth-reviving river is the flood of his passion.

XII. “ Come Radha, you knowing one, your paragon of lovers has

started a dance on the bank of the Jamuna’s stream. Bevies of damsels

are dancing in all the abandonment of delight ; the joyous pipe gives forth

a stirring sound. Near the Bansi-bat, a sweetly pretty spot, where the

spicy air breathes with delicious softness, where the half-opened jasmine fills

the world with overpowering fragrance, beneath the clear radiance of the

autumnal full moon, the milkmaids with raptured eyes are gazing on your

glorious lord, all beautiful from head to foot, quick to remove love’s every

pain. Put your arms about his neck, fair dame, pride of the world, and

lapped in the bosom of the Ocean of delight, disport yourself with Syam in

his blooming bower.”

If ever the language of the brothel was borrowed for temple use it has

been so here. But, strange to say, the Gosains, who accept as their Gospel

these nauseous ravings of a morbid imagination, are for the most part highly

respectable married men, who contrast rather favourably both in sobriety

of life and intellectual acquirements with the professors of rival sects that

are based on more reputable authorities. Several of them have a good know¬

ledge of literary Hindi : but their proficiency in Sanskrit is not very high :

the best informed among them being unable to resolve into its constituent

elements and explain the not very recondite compound suduruha, which

will be found in the second stanza of the Radha-sudha.

To indicate the fervour of his passionate love for his divine mistress,

Hari Yans assumed the title of Hit Ji and is popularly better known by

this name than by the one which he received from his parents. His most

famous disciple was Vyas Ji of Orchha, of whom various legends are repor¬

ted. On his first visit to the Swami he found him busy cooking, but at

once propounded some knotty theological problem. The sage without any

hesitation solved the difficulty, but first threw away the whole of the food

he had prepared, with the remark that no man could attend properly to two

things at once. Vyas was so struck by this procedure that he then and

there enrolled himself as his disciple, and in a short space of time conceived

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes .

• 113

such an affection for Brindaban that he was most reluctant to leave it, even

to return to his wife and children. At last, however, he forced himself to

go, but had not been with them long before he determined that they should

themselves disown him, and accordingly he one day in their presence took

and eat some food from a Bhangi’s hand. After this act of social excom¬

munication he was allowed to return to Brindaban, where he spent the

remainder of his life and where his samadh , or tomb, is still to be seen.

Another disciple, Dhruva Das, was a voluminous writer and composed

as many as 42 poems, of which the following is a list : 1, Jiv-dasa ; 2, Baid-

gyan ; 3, Man-siksha ; 4, Brindaban- sat ; 5, Bkakt-namavali ; 6, Brihad-

baman Puran ; 7, Khyal Hulas ; 8, Siddhant Bichar ; 9, Priti-chovani ; 10,

Anandashtak ; 11, Bhajanashtak ; 12, Bhajan-kundaliya ; 13, Bhajan-sat ;

14, Sringar-sat ; 15, Man-sringar ; 16, Hit-sringar ; 17, Sabha-mandal ; 18,

Bas-muktavali ; 19, Bas-hiravali ; 20, Bas-ratnavali ; 21. Premavali ; 22,

Sri Priya Ji ki namavali ; 23, Bakasya-manjari ; 24, Sukhmanjari ; 25,.

Bati-manjari ; 26, Neh-manjari ; 27, Ban-bihar ; 28, Bas-bihar ; 29, Bang-

hulas ; 30, Bang-bihar ; 31, Bang-binod; 32, Anand-dasa ; 33, Bahasya-

lata ; 34, Anand-lata ; 35, Anurag-Iata ; 36, Prem-lata ; 37, Bas-anand ; 38,

Jugal-dhyan ; 39, Nirtya-bilas ; 40, Dan-lila ; 41, Man-lila ; 42, Braj-lila.

Other poems by different members of the same sect are the Sevak-bani

and the Ballabk-rasik ki bani ; the Guru-pratap, by Damodar Das ; the

Hari-nam-mahima, by Damodar Svvami ; the Sri Bup LAI Ji ka ashtaka,

by Hit Ballabh ; and the Hai i-nam-beli, the Sri Lai Ji badkai and the

Sri Larili Jii ki badkai by Brindaban Das,

2. The Chliatthi Pdlnd, or Assi Khamha , at Mahahan.

The description of this building given in my Mathura Memoir, Part

I, page 149, is not very accurate. The pillars of the colonnade are mostly,

if not all, anterior in date to Mahmud of Ghazni, and probably belonged to

a temple, or it may be to several different temples of the Jaini faith, which

he destroyed when he captured the fort in the year 1017. After they had

been lying about for centuries, the Muhammadans in the reign of Aurangzib

roughly put them together and set them up on the site of a modern Hindu

temple that they had demolished. The building so constructed was used

as a mosque till quite recent times, and its connection with Krishna, or his

worship even, at any earlier period is entirely fictitious. That is to say,

so far as concerns the actual fabric and the materials of which it is con¬

structed : the site, as in so many other similar cases, has probably been

associated with Hindu worship from very remote antiquity. In Sir John

Strackey’s time I obtained a grant of Bs. 1000 for the repair of the buil¬

ding, which had fallen into a very ruinous condition, and in digging the

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

114

foundations of the new screen- walls (the old walls had been simply set on

the ground without any foundation at all) I came upon a number of re¬

mains of the true Hindu temple, dating apparently from about the year

1500 A. D. The Iconoclast would not use these- sculptures in the con¬

struction of his mosque, since they had too recently formed part of an idol¬

atrous shrine, but had them buried out of sight ; while he had no scruple

about utilizing the old Jaini pillars. Whatever I dug up, I either let into

the wall or brought over to Mathura for the local Museum, which in all

probability will now never be instituted.

On a drum of one of the pillars is an inscription, which I read Rdm-

dasa has iknavi team, meaning, it would seem, £ Column No. 91, the gift of

Ilam Das.’ This is now upside down and from this fact as also from what

has been said above, it may clearly be seen that my statement in the

1 Memoir’ that ‘ the pillars, as they now stand, occupy their original posi¬

tion’ cannot be maintained. I still think, however, that in the main they

represent the original design and that height was gained, from the first, by

the simple expedient of placing one pillar on the top of another. For some

of the inner columns are so carved, that they seem to be broken in two in

the middle, though they are really each a single shaft.

3. The Hindu sikhara ; its origin and development.

If Mr. Fergusson had ever been able to visit Brindaban or to procure

photographs of the temples there, it is possible that he would not have

found the origin of the Hindu sikhara such an inscrutable mystery as he

declares it to be. He conjectures that the external form may have been

simply a constructural necessity resulting from the employment internally

of a very tall pointed horizontal arch, like that of the Treasury at Myceme.

But so far as my experience extends, no such arch was ever used in a

Hindu temple. On the contrary the cella , over which the sikhara is built,

is separated from the more public part of the building by a solid wall

pierced only by a doorway small enough to be easily closed ; while the

chamber itself is of no great height and is covered in with a vaulted cieling,

as to the shape of which nothing could be learnt from a view of the sikhara

outside. And vice versa. Thus at the great temple of Gobind Deva the

central dome of the nave (or porch as Mr. Fergusson very inappropriately

calls it) is perfect ; but it is impossible to determine from thence with any

certainty what would have been the outline and proportions of the tower

that the architect proposed to raise over it. I have no question in my own

mind that the origin of the sikhara is to be found in the Buddhist stupa

of which a representative example may be seen in Plate XIII sculptured at

the back of a small pillar. Nor do I detect any violent breal in the

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Motes.

115

development. The lower storey of the modern temple which, though most

commonly square, is occasionally, as in the Madan Mohan example, an

octagon and therefore a near approach to a circle, is represented by the

masonry plinth of the relic-mound ; the high curvilinear roof by the swell¬

ing contour of the earthen hill, and the pinnacle with its peculiar base by

the Buddhist rails and umbrella on the top of a Dagoba. From the original

stupa to the temple of Parsvanath at Khajraha, of the 11th century, the

towers of Madan Mohan and Jugal Kishor at Brindaban of the lGth, and

the temple of Vishveshvar at Banaras the gradation seems to be easy and

continuous.

A description of the two Brindaban temples is given in. the Journal

for 1872 (pages 318-320), but it is only now that I have been able to get

photographs taken of them.

4. The temple of Gohind Dev a at Brindaban.

Mr. Fergusson in his Indian Architecture speaks of this temple as

“ one of the most interesting and elegant in India, and the only one per¬

haps, from which a European architect might borrow a few hints.” I

should myself have thought that ‘ solemn’ or ‘ imposing’ was a more appro¬

priate term than ‘ elegant’ for so massive a building, and that the sug¬

gestions that might be derived from its study were ‘ many’ rather than

‘ few’ ; but the criticism is at all events in intention a complimentary one.

It is, however, unfortunate that the author of a book, which will long and

deservedly be accepted as an authority, was not able to obtain more satis¬

factory information regarding so notable a chef d' oeuvre. The ground-plan

that he supplies is extremely incorrect : for it gives in faint lines, as if

destroyed, the choir, or jag-mohan , which happens to be in more perfect

preservation than any other part of the fabric, and it entirely omits the

two chapels that flank the cella on either side and are integral portions of

the design. The cella itself is also omitted ; though for this there was

more excuse, since it was razed to the ground by Aurangzib and not a

vestige of it now remains beyond the rough rubble wall of the choir, to

which it had been attached. The three towers, over the two side chapels

and the dome in the centre of the nave, were certainly never erected.

Those over the choir and the sacrarium were both finished, and of the former

I annex a plan. Its restoration was completed last month, (March 1877)

with the exception of the finial and a few stages below it, which had entirely

perished, and which Sir John Strachey on that account would not allow me

to replace, on the general principle that in all such cases the new work must

be more or less conjectural and therefore untrustworthy.

As in the later temple of Badhd Ballabh (described in the first section

11G

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

of Ibis article) the triforium is a reproduction of Muhammadan design,

while the work both above and below it is purely Hindu.* It should be

noted however that the arches in the middle story are decorative only, not

constructural : the spandrels in the head might be — and, as a fact, for the

most part had been — struck out, leaving only the lintel supported on the

straight jambs, without any injury to the stability of the building.

Its restoration was commenced in September 1873, and has been

carried on under my supervision, without any professional assistance, up to

the present time. The cost was estimated, in the D. P. W., at Rs.

1,32,387, but for the comparatively modest sum of Rs. 38,365 I have been

able to accomplish almost all that was ever intended to be done. I had

applied for a small supplementary grant of Rs. 3,642 ; but if it is sanc¬

tioned, there will be no one on the spot to see it expended. f

5. The Sati Burj at Mathura.

This is a slender quadrangular tower of red sandstone which stands on

the bank of the Jamuna, at the very heart of the modern city. It com¬

memorates the Queen of Maharaja Bihar Mall of Jaypur, and was erected

by her son, the Maharaja Bhagawan Das, in the year 1570 A. D. The up¬

per part, which had been destroyed long previously, was replaced about the

beginning of the present century by an exceedingly ugly and incongruous

plaster dome, which may help to preserve what remains of the original

work, but quite destroys its architectural effect. The lower stories being

also in a ruinous condition, I suggested to the reigning Maharaja that he

should undertake its restoration as a family monument. It is not at all

likely that the work will ever be set on foot ; but the design that I had

prepared for it may be deemed worthy of preservation. No small amount

of time and thought was bestowed upon it, and I hope that architects will

consider it both a pleasing object in itself and a probably faithful repro¬

duction of the destroyed original.

* Thus eclecticism, which after all is only natural growth directed by local circum¬

stances, has for centuries past been the predominant characteristic of Mathura archi¬

tecture. In most of the new works that I have taken in hand, and notably in the

Catholic Church, which I had commenced and now have to leave unfinished, I have

conformed to the genius loci and have shewn my recognition of its principles, not by a

servile imitation of older examples, but rather by boldly modifying them in accordance

with special requirements and so developing novel combinations.

f The grant has been sanctioned and the work is being carried on, under the

supervision of the Executive Engineer in the Archaeological Department, by the same

local agency and the same body of stone-masons that I had collected and organized.

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Motes.

117

6. Mediaeval Hindu columns from Salt dr.

Sahar is a small town in the Chhata Pargana, which was of some im¬

portance last century as the favourite residence of Thakur Badan Sink, the

father of Suraj Mall the founder of the present Bharatpur dynasty. A

short time ago a dispute arose between the Muhammadans and the Hindus

as to the possession of a site on which they wished to erect, the one party

a mosque, the other a temple. The real fact, as afterwards more clearly

appeared, was that the Hindus had originally a temple there, which the

Muhammadans had thrown down and built a mosque over it. This too had

fallen and the ground had for some years remained unoccupied. The case

when brought into Court was decided in favour of the Hindus, who there¬

upon set to work and commenced the erection of a shrine to he dedicated

to Radha Ballabh. In digging the foundations, they came upon the re¬

mains of the old temple, which I rescued and brought into Mathura. They

consist of 10 large pillars or pilasters in very good preservation and

elegantly carved with foliage and arabesques and also a number of muti¬

lated capitals, bases, &c., the whole series proving an interesting illustration

of the mediaeval Hindu style of architecture. Their value is increased by

the fact that two of the shafts bear inscriptions, in which the date is clearly

given as samhat 1128 (1072 A. D.). With the exception of the date,

I have not succeeded in reading much else ; but the accompanying

photograph* of one of them is on a scale large enough to he legible.

The style that I call ‘ the mediaeval Hindu,’ and of which these pillars

afford a good late example, began about the year 400 A. I), and continued

to flourish over the whole of Upper India for more than seven centuries.

It is distinguished by the constant employment in the capital, or upper

half column, of two decorative features, the one being a flower- vase with

foliage over-hanging the corners and the other a grotesque mask. The

physiognomy of the latter is generally of a very un- Indian type, and the

more so the further we go back, as is well illustrated by Plate 13, a photo¬

graph that Sir John Strachey was kind enough to send me of a pillar in the

underground temple in the Allahabad Fort. The motif is precisely the

same as may be seen in many European cinque cento arabesques, where a

scroll pattern is worked up at the ends, or in the centre, into the semblance

of a human face. The fashion with us certainly arose out of the classic

renaissance , and in India also may possibly have been suggested by the

reminiscence of a Greek design. But it was more probably of spontaneous

and independent origin ; as also it was among our Gothic architects, in

whose works a similar style of decoration is not altogether unknown. In

* The base, shown in this photograph, is more than a thousand years older and

belongs to the Indo- Scythian period. It has been used simply as a socket in which

to imbed the pillar and so raise the inscription above the ground.

118

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

the earlier examples, such as that at Allahabad, the face is very clearly

marked ; though even there the hair of the head and the moustaches are

worked off into a scroll or leaf pattern. In later work, of which numerous

specimens may be seen in the accompanying illustrations of different dates

ranging between the two limits fixed by the Allahabad pillar at the begin¬

ning and the Sahar columns at the end, the eyes are made so protuberant,

and the other features so distorted and confused by the more elaborate

treatment of the foliage and the introduction of other accessories that the

proportions of a human face are almost and in some cases are altogether

destroyed. The tradition however exists to the present day ; and a Ma¬

thura stone-mason, if told to carve a grotesque for a corbel or string¬

course of any building, will at once draw a design, in which are reproduced

all the peculiarities of the old models.

7. Miscellaneous Antiquities , Mathura Museum.

Plate No. 13 shews two Buddhist rails of early character. The one

giving the representation of a stupa , to which I have already referred, was

brought from the khera of Jaysinhpura, a village on the road between

Mathura and Brindaban. The other I dug out of one of the Chauwara

mounds, where I found also a copper coin of Kanishka’s reign. The

columns with their bell-capitals surmounted by winged lions, and the

miniature window-fronts or pediments, with which the architraves are

decorated, illustrate the characteristic features of the architecture of the

period. The upper group represents a sacred tree, enclosed in a railing,

with two devotees worshipping it, the one having a wreath in his hand and

the other a chauri. Below is an inscription in a single line ending with

the word danam , which records the name of the donor ; but though most'

of the letters are clear, I cannot determine what the name is. The second

group is probably a scene from one of the Jatakas, to which the two birds

will probably at some time give a clue.

Plate No. 14 shews a Buddhist rail, also of the Indo-Scythian period,

of unusually large dimensions, the height of the stone, though a piece of it

has been broken off at the bottom, being still 6 ft. 4 in. It is sculptured

with a female figure, almost nude but for her metal ornaments, who carries

a wicker-work umbrella, the stick of which is so long that it rests upon the

ground. In the compartment above is a very curious bas-relief represent¬

ing two monkeys and a bird, seated on basket-work chairs, with a hideously

mis-shapen dwarf standing on the ground between them and apparently

shedding tears.

In Plate 15 the two Buddhist rails placed on either side of the lowest

range of sculptures are the same of which a back view is given in Plate 13.

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

119

The draped Buddha, which I rescued from the bed of the Jamuna at

Jaysifihpura, is of early date and executed in a different style from most

of those found in the neighbourhood. The arabesque pilaster next to it

is a good specimen of the mediaeval Hindu period. I found it in opening

out the new paved way along the river bank in the city. The fragment of

. * ■

wall-decoration and the head are from the Kankali tila, and the larger stone,

covered with miniature temple fa£ades of the same style as the caves at

Karli and Ajanta, I brought from Mahaban.

In the second tier (over an intermediate row of three Buddhist cross¬

bars) the small bas-relief, that occupies the place in the centre, is very

curious. It represents a rustic wooden throne, with drapery thrown over

it and a footstool set in front, and two attendants standing at the back,

each with a chauri to keep off the flies. The object of veneration is a

relic-casket, which is exposed upon the chair. Next to the pillar with the

figure of Maya Devi under the sal tree is a stone that I brought from

Shergarh in the Chhata Pargana, where I found it imbedded in' one of the

towers of a Fort built according to tradition by the Emperor Slier Shah.

It is the only example that I have seen in India of the use of the trefoiled

circle as a decoration. It is the special characteristic of the architecture of

Kashmir, a style which I am inclined to believe once spread much farther

south, and was of purely Indian origin ; while the later styles were modified

more or less by Greek influences. The festoon is the same, as in the two

flanking pillars (from the Kankali tila) which I ascribe to about the

year 400 A. D. the flower- vase being here used only, without the grotesque

mask which was of somewhat later introduction. On the other side of the

enthroned relic is what ajipears to be the spandril of a doorway with an

outer border of grapes and vine leaves, and in the jamb the model of a

triumphal pillar with bell-capital and winged lions and an elephant stand¬

ing above the abacus. The upper portion of such a pillar with an inscrip¬

tion on the abacus, dated in the reign of Huvishka samhat 39, is also in

the museum, and is figured by General Cunningham in volume III of his

archaeological survey.

Of the two nude Jaina figures in the third tier, the one with the group

of devotees below it, adoring the chalcra , is of special interest on account of

the inscription, which gives the date both in letters and figures as

samhat 57. It would seem either that the century is omitted, or that

some other era than than of Vikramaditya is intended : for the figure has

rather a modern appearance, and the letters, which are very scratchy and

ill-formed, are quite unlike the bold characters in the other inscriptions,

when the king’s name is given as well as the date and which are therefore

known to be of the Indo-Scythian period.

120

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

In the upper tier, the female figure with a child in its lap (from the

Manoharpur quarter of the city) is of exceptional character and uncertain

date. The square box, with a seated Buddha fully draped, on each of the

four sides, is shewn by the flanking columns to be of great antiquity. I

brought it from the Mahavidya tila, which is unquestionably one of the

oldest religious sites in Mathura and probably has many relics of the past

buried under the modern temple. The architrave, with defaced figure

sculpture at either end. I found in the progress of the repairs of the

Chhatthi Palna at Mahaban, being part of the Hindu temple there which

was destroyed by Aurangzib. It is a good example of a simple but very

effective style of decoration.

8. The Festival of the Holi , as kept in Braj.

In 1877 the Festival of the Holi fell unusually early in the year, while

the weather was still cool enough to allow of a mid-day ride without serious

inconvenience. I took advantage of the opportunity thus afforded me and

made the round of the principal villages in the Chhata and Kosi Parganas

where the rejoicings of the Plni.1 Dol, for so these Hindu Saturnalia are

popularly termed, are celebrated with any peculiar local observances, visit¬

ing each place on its special fete-day and jotting down what I saw in my

note-book. Several of the usages are, I believe, entirely unknown beyond

the limits of Braj, even to the people of the country, and — so far as I could

ascertain by enquiries — they had never before been witnessed by any

European. The following extracts from my diary may therefore be thought

worthy of preservation.

Feb. 22ncl, Bars ana, the Bangila Noli. — In the middle of the town

is a small open square, about which are grouped the stately mansions and

temples built by the great families who resided here during the first half

of the 18th century. I find a seat in the balcony over the gateway of the

house still occupied by the impoverished descendants of the famous Katara,

Rup Ram, the founder of Barsana’s short-lived magnificence, from which

I have a full view of the humours of the crowd below. The cheeriness of

the holiday-makers as they throng the narrow winding streets on their

way to and from the central square, where they break up into groups of

bright and ever varying combinations of colour ; with the buffooneries of

the village clowns and the grotesque dances of the lusty swains, who with

castanets in hand, caricature in their movements the conventional graces

of the Indian ballet-girl,

Crispum sub crotalo docta movere latus,

all make up a sufficiently amusing spectacle ; but these are only interludes

and accessories to the great event *of the day. This is a sham fight between

1878.]

F. S. Grovvse — Mathura Notes.

121

the men from the neighbouring village of Nand-ganw and the Barsana

ladies, the wives of the Gfosains of the temple of Larli Ji, which stands

high on the crest of the rock that overlooks the arena. The women have

their mantles drawn down over their faces and are armed with long heavy

bambus, with which they deal their opponents many shrewd blows on the

head and shoulders. The latter defend themselves as best they can with

round leather shields and stags’ horns. As they dodge in and out amongst

the crowd and now and again have their flight cut off and are driven back

upon the band of excited viragoes, many laughable incidents occur. Not

unfrequently blood is drawn, but an accident of the kind is regarded rather

as an omen of good fortune, and has never been known to give rise to any

ill-feeling. Whenever the fury of their female assailants appears to be

subsiding, it is again excited by the men shouting at them snatches of the

following ribald rhymes. They are not worth translation, since they con¬

sist of nothing but the repetition of the abusive word said, applied to every

person and thing in Barsana. That town being the reputed home of

Kadha, the bride, its people are styled her brothers ; while the Nand-ganw

men account themselves the brothers of Krishna the bridegroom.

«1TT |

nrat n

^TfspEjf STT; % i

qTFT^TT "

qUI qqfqT 93# «TT J?TT qfqqqTT I

^UIT^ II

qmsft sitr^f sfa i

fqaRTT ^ ATT II

Feb. 28 rd, Nand-ganw. — Another sham fight as on the preceding day,

only with the characters reversed ; the women on this occasion being the

Q

122

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

w

. men of Barsana. The combatants are drawn up more in battle-array,

instead of skirmishing by twos and threes, and rally round a small yellow

pennon that is carried in their midst ; but the show is less picturesque in

its accessories, being held on a very dusty spot outside the town, and was

more of a phallic orgie.

Feb. 27th, the Iloli. Flialen. — Here is a sacred pond called Prahlad-

kund, and the fact of its having preserved its original name gives a clue,

as in so many parallel cases, to the older form of the name now borne by

the village. The local pandits would derive the word Fhalen from the

verb phdma, “ to tear in pieces,” with a reference to the fate of Prahlad’s

impious father, Hiranya-Kasipu : but such a formation would be contrary

both to rule and to experience, and the word is beyond a doubt a corruption of

Prahlada-grama. Thus : 1st, the r in the compounds pr and gr is elided

by Yararuchi’s sutra, Sarvatra lava-ram , III, 3, as in kos for Jcros ; 2ndly,

the d in lada is elided by Vararuchi II, 2, as in pau for pada ; 3rdly, the

initial g of gdma is elided by a further application of the last quoted rule ;

dthly, the m in gam becomes v, these two letters being ordinarily inter¬

changeable, thus dhimar — dhivar ; Bhamdni Bhavdni ; gauna — gamana ;

and 5tlily, a nasal is inserted, which can always be done at pleasure. The

result is Pahlau-aunw, from which to Phalan or Phalen is a transition so

easy as to be almost a phonetic necessity.

Arriving at the village about an hour before sunset I found a crowd

of some 5000 people closely packed in the narrow space on the margin of

the pond and swarming over the tops of the houses and the branches of all

the trees in the neighbourhood. A large bonfire had been stacked half-way

between the pond and a little shrine dedicated to Prahlad, inside which the

Khera-pat, or Panda, who was to take the chief part in the performance

of the day, was sitting telling his beads. At 6 p. m. the pile was lit and

being composed of the most inflammable materials at once burst into such

a tremendous blaze that I felt myself scorching, though the little hillock

where I was seated was a good many yards away. However, the lads of the

village kept on running close round it, jumping and dancing and brandish¬

ing their lathis , while the Panda went down and dipped in the pond and

then, with his dripping pagri and dhuti on, ran back and made a feint of

passing through the fire. In reality he only jumped over the outermost

verge of the smouldering ashes and then dashed into his cell again, much to

the dissatisfaction of the spectators, who say that the former incumbent

used to do it much more thoroughly. If on the next recurrence of the

festival, the Panda shews himself equally timid, the village proprietors

threaten to eject him, as an impostor, from the land which he holds rent-

free simply on the score of his being fire-proof.

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Motes.

128

Feb. 28th, Kosi. — After sitting a little while at a nach of the ordinary

character given by one of the principal traders in the town, I went on to

see the ehaupais, or more special Holi performances, got up by the differ¬

ent bodies of Jat zamindars, each in their own quarter of the town. The

dancers, exclusively men and boys, are all members of the proprietory clan

and are all dressed alike in a very high-waisted full- skirted white robe,

reaching to the ankles, called a jhaga, with a red pagri, in which is set at

the back of the head a long tinsel plume, Kalangi, to represent the peacock

feathers with which Krishna was wont to adorn himself as he rambled

through the woods. The women stand at one end of the court-yard with

their mantle drawn over their faces and holding long lathis with which at

a later period of the proceedings they join in the Holi sports. Opposite

them are the bands-men with drums, cymbals and timbrels and at their

back other men with sticks and green twigs which they brandish about over

their heads. The space in the middle is circled by torch-bearers and kept

clear for the dancers, who are generally G in number, only one pair dancing

at a time. Each performer, in the dress as above described, has a knife or

dagger in his right hand and its scabbard in his left. At first darting-

forward they make a feint of thrusting at the women or other spectators

and then pointing the knife to their own breast they whirl round and round,

generally backwards, the pace growing faster and more furious and the

clash of the band louder and louder till at last they sink down, with th en¬

dowing robe spread out all round them, in a sort of curtsey, and retire into

the back ground to be succeeded by another pair of performers. After a

pair of men comes a pair of boys, and so on alternately with very little

variation in the action. Between the dances a verse or two of a sons: is

sung, and at the end comes the Holi khelna. This is a very monotonous

performance. The women stand in a line, their faces veiled, and each with

a lathi ornamented with bands of metal and gaudy pendents, like the Bac¬

chantes of old with the thyrsus, and an equal number of men oj)pose them

at a few yards’ interval. The latter advance slowly with a dedant air and

continue shouting snatches of scurrilous song till they are close upon the

women, who then thrust out their lathis and without uttering a word fol¬

low them as they turn their back and retreat to their original standing-

place. Arrived there they let the women form again in line as they were

at drst and then again advance upon them, precisely as before, and so it

goes on till their repertory of songs is exhausted or they have no voice left

to sing them. To complete my description I here give some specimens of

these sdkhis or verses, and have added notes to all the words that seemed

likely to require explanation. They are too coarse and at the same time

too stupid to make it desirable for me to translate them.

1

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

[No. 2,

^>^fT U9 ^ v^Z %TT| |

TJ9> #% 4m =fi4'9T THfi %1T TTUf Tfffi \\\\\

Nj

?9 9f%99 SRT9 Ti?T %^T I

T9 9tWT i(TT ^fT9T* jj ^T 9TT S39Tt 9TT || !> II

f%99ff mf? T9! 31ZT?r I

<s ?; ^%%t ^Tfi wft -m iifi zzt t wh 9TT??r 11 3 11

'J v C\ C\ N

1%5*s%aft ^jrII q% =gn#rir 1

»lVt% ^T 95| ormf Tf99T9 f%9i9l ut%t 11 « 11

%Td** 99 ^ 9T9 TTO qMt I

T” 9?9i irTT 99T9 fq^rr | fit 9^T %Tfltt^T3 W39f || * ||

99 %T*mt %9tt ^ %Tfft I

9TJ| ^t?9 9f *HT&¥£ ?f %Tt 9h 9?t %Trft II ill

95IT JTT^Iill 93IT 3TT ^ 11 ^ 9 9TT II

95IT tfT9 ^ ^ $W 9T9I "^T % 51T9 « a II

iff? UT9 'qTt 9T"f* ** T!3TT% f 11^ II

* Sydhi, a woman’s dopatta.

f Jhagd, a man’s dress.

X Adhbar , in the middle.

§ Bard, an ornament worn by women on the elbow.

|| Su/c, the planet Venus, which is regarded as auspicious.

IT Chdlan, the same as the more common gauna.

** Jori , for zori, zabrdasti.

ft Jom , lust, passion.

JJ Dyaus , the day-time.

§§ Khaddna , a clay pit.

HU Thera , fix, for thahra.

ITU Chonda , the knot of hair at the top of a woman’s head.

*** Gal katana , to have the cheek kissed.

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

125

^T3l fire ufl HOI

sifaq ?t^t i

»ifitir^T 155*1 «re %' n \ 0 11

C\ >

a»h wq %r*il qqir qreit vt* jw*t 1

Wf*l^T*$f qjsfi qwret *TT^qft sgjqd dWt || \ \ ||

March 1st, Kosi. — Spend an hour or two in the afternoon as a spectator

of the Holi sports at the Gomati-Kund. Each of the 6 Jat villages of

the Denda Pal§ has two or more chaugais, which come up one after the

other in a long procession, stopping at short intervals on the way to dance

in the manner above described, but several at a time instead of in single

pairs. One of the performers executed a pas de seul mounted on a daf, or

large timbrel, which was supported on the shoulders of four other men of

his troupe. Bands of Mummers (or swangs) were also to be seen, one set

attired as Muhammadan fakirs ; another (ghayalon lea siccing) as wounded

warriors, painted with streaks, as it were of blood, and with sword-blades

and daggers so bound on to their neck and arms and other parts of the

body that they seemed to be transfixed by them. Some long iron rods were

actually thrust through their protruded tongue and their cheeks, and in

this ghastly guise and with drawn swords in their hands, with which they

kept on dealing and parrying blows, the pair of combatants perambulated

the crowd.

March 2nd. — At 2 p. m. ride over to Bathen for the Holanga mela, and

find a place reserved for me on a raised terrace at the junction of four

streets in the centre of the village. Every avenue was closely packed with

the densest throng, and the house-tops seemed like gardens of flowers with

the bright dresses of the women. Most of them were Jats by caste and

wore their distinctive costume, a petticoat of coarse country stuff worked

by their own hands with figures of birds, beasts and men of most grotesque

design, and a mantle thickly sewn all over with discs of talc, which flash

like mirrors in the sun and quite dazzle the sight. The performers in the

chaupai could scarcely force their way through the crowd much less dance,

but the noise of the band that followed close at their heels made up for all

shortcomings. There was a great deal of singing, of a very vociferous and

* Bhaungara , a thicket,

f Nara, a twisted string-, izar-band.

t Jliatalc , a knot.

§ Any subdivision of a Jat clan is called a Pal, and the town of Kosi is the centre

of one such subdivision, which is known as the Benda Pal.

120

V. S. Growse — Mathura Motes.

[No. 2,

probably also a very licentious character ; but my ears were not offended,

for in the general din it was impossible to distinguish a single word. Hand-

fulls of red powder (abir) mixed with tiny particles of glistening talc were

thrown about, up to the balconies above and down on the heads of the peo¬

ple below, and seen through this atmosphere of coloured cloud, the frantic

gestures of the throng, their white clothes and faces all stained with red

and yellow patches, and the great timbrels with bunches of peacocks’

feathers, artificial flowers and tinsel stars stuck in their rim, borne above

the players’ heads, and now and again tossed up high in the air, combined

to form a curious and picturesque spectacle. After the music came a posse

of rustics each bearing a rough jagged branch of the prickly acacia, stript

of its leaves, and in their centre one man with a small yellow pennon on a

long staff, yellow being the colour appropriate to the Spring season and the

god of Love. The whole party slowly made its way through the village

to an open plain outside, where the crowd assembled cannot have numbered

less than 15,000. Here a circular arena was cleared and about a hundred

of the Bathen Jatnis were drawn up in a line, each with a long bambu in

her hands, and confronting them an equal number of the bow-men who

are all from the neighbouring village of Jau. A sham fight ensued, the

women trying to beat down the thorny bushes and force their way to the

flag. A man or two got a cut in the face, but the most perfect good

humour prevailed, except when an outsider from some other village

attempted to join in the play ; he was at once hustled out with kicks and

blows that meant mischief. The women were backed up by their own

husbands, who stood behind and encouraged them by word, but did not

move a hand to strike. When it was all over, many of the spectators ran

into the arena, and rolled over and over in the dust, or streaked themselves

with it on the forehead, taking it as the dust hallowed by the feet of Krish¬

na and the Gopis.

The forenoon had been devoted to the recitation of Hindi poems ap¬

propriate to the occasion. I was not on the spot in time enough to hear

any of this, but with some difficulty I obtained for a few days the loan of

the volume that was used, and have copied from it three short pieces. The

actual MS. is of no greater antiquity than 1776 A. D., the colophon at the

end, in the curious mixture of Sanskrit and Hindi affected by village pandits,

standing thus :

Sambat 1852 Bhadrapad sudi 2 dwitiya, rabibar, likhitam idam

pustakam, Sri Gopal Das Charan-Pahari#-madhye parhan arthi Sri Seva

Das Bari Bathain vasi :

* Charan-Pahari is the name of a small detached rock, of the same character as the

Bliaratpur range, that crops up above the ground in the village of Little Bathen.

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

127

but probably many successive copies have been made since the original was

thumbed to pieces. The first stanzas which are rather prettily worded,

are, or at least profess to be, the composition of the famous blind poet Sur

Das.

II ^ II

'?rr*w n

^ I >sq ju i

fqq mz qf n

qq qpfl« qsqsq? fqqn ffiT i

quu q;%if qfi wt n

firT Ht iqiU: 3TT J^TT =fiT m q\U »T<C I

qi^q qtq q^q? q^rrfi sisw sit ii

qrsiT <q» Tqin wr i fawq *ir i

w: qf?w f%qqw qg qiq< sf n

Translation.

“ Thy ways are past knowing, full of compassion, Supreme Intelli¬

gence, unapproachable, unfathomable, beyond the cognizance of the senses,

moving in fashion mysterious.

“ A lion, most mighty in strength and courage, dies of hunger ; a snake

fills his belly without labour and without exertion.

“ Now a straw sinks in the water, now a stone floats : he plants an

ocean in the desert, a flood fills it all round.

“ The empty is filled, the full is upset, by his grace it is filled again ;

the lotus blossoms from the rock and fire burns in the water.

“ A king becomes a beggar and again a beggar a king, with umbrella

over his head ; even the guiltiest (says Sur Das) in an instant is saved, if

the Lord helps him the least.”

The second piece, in a somewhat similar strain, is by Damodar Das.

128

F. S. Growse — Mathura Jfofcs.

[No. 2,

II ^ II

^ *r i

Til 1TTOH wt %T3i q^?J Hfl «T*?T II

TO «fgri HTqt TJTW ITtl HUT I

3f71 TOTq qTTOT ^cfi^T II

qfT^T %H qiTqrr THWTkI qfT% I

^THT^ f?U q itrft 5iq« II

Translation.

“ Come, my soul, adore Nand-lala ( i . e. Krishna) whether living in the

house or in the woods (i. e. whether a man of the world or a hermit) there

is no other help to lay hold of.

“ The Veda, the Puranas and the Law declare that nothing is better

than this ; every day honour increases four-fold, like the moon in its de¬

grees.

“ Who has wealth P who has house and fortune P who has son and

wife ? says Damodar, nought will remain secure in the world, it is gone in

a moment.”

The third piece, an encomium of the blooming Spring, is too simple to

require any translation.

*T*T 3*TcT II

qqn 3TO I

C\ C\

hI sfiU? qqn qq qrq't Trtigsj II

qq# fliq qqi 3TOI Wl l

toith qqn ?w i

The only divinities who are now popularly commemorated at the Holi

Festival are Kadha, Krishna and Balarama ; but its connection with them

can only he of modern date. The institution of the Ban-jatra and the

1878.]

F. S Growse — Mathura Motes.

129

Bas-lila and all the local legends that they involve is traceable to one of the

Brindaban Gosains at the beginning of the 17th century A. D., viz. Narayan

Bhatt, a disciple of Krishan Das, Brahmachari, whom Sanatan, the leader

of the Bengali Yaishnavas in Upper India, ajrpointed the first Pujari of his

temple of Madan Mohan. The fact, though studiously ignored by the

Hindus of Mathura, is distinctly stated in the Bhakt-mala, the work which

they admit to be of paramount authority on such matters. But the scenes

that I have described carry back the mind of the European spectator to a

far earlier period and are clearly relics, perhaps the most unchanged that

exist in any part of the world, of the primitive worship of the powers of

nature on the return of Spring. Such were the old English merry-makings

on May Day, and still more closely parallel the Phallic orgies of Imperial

Borne as described by Juvenal. When I was listening to the din of the

village band at Bathan, it appeared to be the very scene depicted in the

lines —

Plangebant alice proceris tympana palmis,

Aut tereti tenuis tinnitus sere ciebant,

Multis raucisonos efflabant cornua bombos,

Barbaraque horribili stridebat tibia cantu.

Or again in the words of Catullus :

Leve tympanum remugit, cava cymbala recrepant,

Ubi sacra sancta acutis ululatibus agitant,

Quatiuntque terga tauri teneris cava digitis.

While the actors in the chaupai , with dagger in hand, recalled the

pictures of the Corybantes or Phrygian priests of Cybele, the very persons

to whom the poet refers. In Greece the Indian Holi found its equivalent

in the Dionysia, when the phallus, the symbol of the fertility of nature, was

borne in procession, as it now is here, and when it was thought a disgrace

to remain sober. In like manner the Gosains and other actors in the In¬

dian show are quite as much inspired in their frenzied action by their

copious preliminary libations as by the excitement of the scene and the

barbarous music of the drums, cymbals and timbrels that accompany them.

Mathura, April 6th, 1877.

Postscript.

1. Recent Archaeological Discoveries.

Since my transfer from the district, the mound adjoining the Magis¬

trate’s Court-house, which has often been explored before with valuable

results, has been completely levelled as a Famine relief work. A large

number of miscellaneous sculptures have been discovered, of which I have

received no definite description. But the more prominent object is a life-

size statue of Buddha, which is said to be very finely executed and also in

R

130

F. S. Growse — Mathura Motes.

[No. 2,

excellent preservation, though unfortunately it has been broken into two

pieces by a fracture just above the ankles. On the base is an inscription in

Pali characters, of which a transcript has been sent me by a clever native

draughtsman. I decypher it as follows : —

“ Deyadharmayam Sakya-bhikshu Yasa-dittasya. Yad atra punyam,

tad bhavatu mata-pitroh sukha rya paddhya yatam chasarvva-satv-anuttara-

j nana- vaptaye.”

I have probably misread some of the letters printed in italics, for as

they stand they yield no sense. ( Vide PI. XIX.) The remainder I trans¬

late as follows :

“ This is the votive offering of the Buddhist monk Yasa-ditta. If

there is any merit in it, may it work for the good of his father and mother

and for the propagation of perfect knowledge throughout the world.”

In Sanskrit the primary meaning of deya-dharma is the duty of

giving ; but in Pali it ordinarily stands for c the gift’ itself. The literal

signification of the monk’s name Yasa-ditta is ‘ Resplendent with glory

ditta being the Pali, Prakrit, or Hindi form of the Sanskrit dipta, by a

rule of Yararuchi’s, under which the examjfle given is sutta (the modern

sota) for supta. Vapti, ‘ the propagation’ is from the root vap , to sow;

from which also comes the Hindi word hap, ‘ a father,’ like the Latin sator ,

from sero.

A second inscription of some length commences with the words Malm -

rdjasya Devaputrasya Muvishkasya Samvatsare 51 Hemanta masa 1 div .

but I have not been able to read further, as the only transcript that I have

received is a very imperfect one. A great number of fragmentary sculp¬

tures of different kinds have also, as I understand, been discovered, and

some of them have been photographed for General Cunningham, who spent

several days at Mathura for the purpose of examining them. His account

will doubtless appear in some future volume of his Archaeological Survey.

Since Gen. Cunningham’s visit a third inscribed slab has been found.

A transcript has been made and sent me and a facsimile of it is herewith

given. I have not yet succeeded in decyphering it. It begins with the

word siddham ; then apparently followed the date, but unfortunately there

is here a flaw in the stone. After the flaw is the word etasya * The second

line begins with the word Bhagavat. In the third line is the name Ma~

* The word following etasya begins with the letters pu the remainder being

defaced, and was probably purvaye. This phrase etasya purvaye is of frequent occurrence

in these inscriptions and is translated by Gen. Cunningham ‘ on this very date’. I do

not think it can bear such a meaning. It might be literally rendered ‘ after this’ ;

but it is really an expletive, like the Hindi dye , or occasionally the Sanskrit tad-ananta -

ram , with which an Indian letter generally begins — after the stereotyped complimen¬

tary exordium — and which in the absence of full stops and capital letters serves to

indicate a transition to a new subject.

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Notes.

131

thura ; at the end of the sixth line matapitroh ; in the middle of the

seventh line hliavatu sarvva.

2. The Tadha-sudha-nidhi.

The delay which has occurred in publishing these notes, enables me

now to add a translation of the text of the Sanskrit poem of Hari Vans. It

has been written at a considerable disadvantage, since here in Bulandshahr

I am unable to consult the commentaries which I had borrowed at Mathura.

Even in this district there is, I find, at least one temple of the sect, at the

town of Shikarpur.

Translation.

1. Hail to the home of Vrisha-bhanu’s daughter, by whom once and

again even Madhu-Sudan — whose ways are scarce intelligible to the greatest

sages — was made happy, as she playfully raised the border of her robe and

fanned him with its delicious breeze.

2. Hail to the majesty of Vrisha-bhanu’s daughter, the holy dust of

whose lotus feet, beyond the conception of Brahma, Siva and the other

gods, is altogether supernaturally glorious, and whose glance moistened with

compassion is like a shower of the refined essence of all good things.

3. I call to mind the dust of the feet of Radhika, a powder of in¬

finite virtue, that incontinently and at once reduces to subjection the great

power, that was beyond the ken even of Brahma, Rudra, Sukadeva, Narada,

Bhishma and the other divine personages.

4. I call to mind the dust of the feet of Radhika, which the noble

milk-maids placed upon their head and so attained an honour much desired

by the votaries of the god with the peacock crest, dust that like the cow of

heaven yields the fullness of enjoyment to all who worship with rapturous

emotion.

5. Glory to the goddess of the bower, who with an embrace the

quintessence of heavenly bliss, like a bountiful wave of ambrosia, sprinkled

and restored to life the son of Nanda, swooning under the stroke of Love’s

thousand arrows.

6. When will there visit us that essence of the ocean of delight, the

face of Radha, with sweet coy glances, bewildering us with the brilliancy of

ever twinkling sportive play, a store-house of every element of embodied

sweetness !

7. When shall I become the handmaid to sweep the court-yard of the

bower of love for the all-blissful daughter of Vrisha-bhanu, among whose

servants oft and again every day are heard the soft tones of the peacock-

crested god ?

8. O my soul, leave at a distance all the host of the great and affec¬

tionately hie to the woods of Brindaban ; here Radha’ s name is as a flood

132 F. S. Grows© — Mathura Notes. [No. 2,

of nectar on the soul for the beatification of the pious, a store-house of all

that is divine.

9. When shall I hear the voice of blessed Radha, that fountain of

delights, crying ‘ Nay, nay,’ with knitted brows, as some gallant suitor, fallen

at her feet, begs for the rapturous joy of her embrace ?

10. When, oh when will Radhika shew me favour, that incarnation of

the fullness of the ocean of perfect love, the marvellous glory of the glis¬

tening splendour of whose lotus feet was seen among the herdsmen’s

wives ?

11. When shall I attain to the blissful vision of the goddess of the

blooming bowers of the woods of Brindaban, her eyes all tremulous with

love, and the different members of her body like the waves of an overflow¬

ing ocean of delight P

12. O queen of Brindaban, I betake me to thy lotus feet, fraught

with the honeyed flood of love’s ambrosia, which, planted in Madhu-pati’s

heart, assuaged by their grateful coolness the fierce fever of desire.

13. Fain would my soul loiter in the woods sacred to Radha’s loves,

where the sprays of the creepers have been plucked by Radha’s hands, where

the fragrant soil blossoms with Radha’s footprints, and where the frequent

birds are madly garrulous with Radha’s praises.

14. When, 0 daughter of Vrisha-bhanu, shall I experience the con¬

ceit induced by excess of voluptuous dalliance, I your handmaid, charged

with the message, ‘ Come and enjoy Krishna’s dainties,’ and answered with

the smile, ‘ Only stay, friend, till night comes.’

15. Ah ! when shall I behold Radha, with downcast eyes, bashfully

stealing a distant glance at the moon-like orb of the face of the lord of

lovers, as she trips with twinkling feet, all graceful in her movements, to

the music of her own bangles ?

16. When, 0 Radha, will you fall asleep, while my hands caress your

feet, after I have tenderly bathed you and fed you with sweet things,

wearied with your vigil through a night of dalliance, in the inmost bower,

in the delicious embrace of your paragon of lovers P

17. O that the ocean of wit, the singular ocean of love’s delights, the

ocean of tenderness, the ocean of exuberant pitifulness, the ocean of love¬

liness, the ocean of ambrosial beauty and grace, the ocean of wantonness,

blessed Radhika, would manifest herself in my soul !

18. O that the daughter of Vrisha-bhanu, looking up all tremulous

and glistening in every limb like the flowering champ a, would clasp me in

her arms, charmed by my chanted praises of Syam-sundar, as she listens for

the sound of his pipe !

19. Blessed Radhika, cool me with the multiplicity of love, that

breathes in the swan -like melody of the girdle that binds your loins red-

1878.]

F. S. Growse — Mathura Moles.

133

dened with dalliance, and in the tinkling of the bangles, like the buzzing of

bees, clustered round your sweet lotus feet.

20. Blessed Badhika, wreathed with the surge of a Ganges wave of

heavenly dalliance, with lovely lotus face and navel as a whirl in the stream,

hastening on to the confluence with Krishna, that ocean of sweetness, draw

near to me.

21. When, 0 blessed Badhika, shall I rest upon my head your lotus

feet, Govinda’s life and all, that ever rain down upon the faithful abundant

torrents of the honeyed flood of the ocean of perfect love P

22. When, 0 Badha, stately as an elephant in gait, shall I accompany

you to the bower of assignation, to shew the way, bearing divinely sweet

sandal wood, and perfumes and spices, as you march in the excitement of

love’s rapture ?

23. When, 0 blessed Badha, having gone to some secluded slope of

the Jamuna and there rubbing with fragrant unguents your ambrosial

limbs, the very life of Love, when shall I see your prince of lusty swains,

with longing eyes, mounted on some high Jcadcimb tree ?

24. When, O blessed Badhika, shall I behold your heavenly face,

clustered — as if with bees — with wanton curls, like some lotus blossoming

in a lake of purest love, or a moon swelling an ocean of enjoyment, an

ocean of delight.

25. Ah ! the name of Badha, perfection of loveliness, perfection of

delight, sole perfection of happiness, perfection of pity, perfection of honeyed

beauty and grace, perfection of wit, perfection of the rapturous joys of

love, perfection of all the most perfect that my soul can conceive !

170. 0 ye wise, if there be any one desirous of marvellous happiness,

let him fill the pitcher of his ears and drink in this panegyric, called the

Masa-sudhd-nidhi, or 1 Treasury of Love’s delights.’

Buland-sJiaTir , April 15///, 1878.

JOURNAL

OF TIIE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. III.— 1878.

The Song of llanik Chandra. — By G. A. Grierson, C. S.

Introduction.

In my notes on the Rangpur dialect, I promised to give an account of

the song whose name heads this article, and that promise I shall now do

my best to redeem. I find, however, that the task has been more difficult

than I anticipated. I do not doubt but that king Manik Chandra, and

his terrible wife did once exist ; but the traditions current concerning him run

so counter to ascertained history, that I have been able to discover very few

grains of truth amongst the legendary chaff that has accumulated about his

name.

To begin with ; the first name we meet with is a crux. Manik

Chandra’s brother was a Bala king.

Manik Chandra himself was certainly not a Bala , for he was a

baniyd by caste, while Abul-Fazl describes the Bdlas as Kay as Bias *

Moreover, I know of no dynasty of Bala kings, containing names ending

in “ Chandra,” like Manik Chandra, Gopi Chandra, or Bhava Chandra.

The brother’s name was Dharma Pal.

The following account has been drawn from various sources. I have

consulted Buchanan throughout, and wherever his story differs from mine

in important particulars I have recorded the points of disagreement.

* Cf. however, Mr. Westmacott’s article on the Pal Kings, in Yol. LIX of the

Calcutta Review , on which I have drawn freely, and gratefully, while treating- on the

present subject.

S

o o

136

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra.

[No. 3,

In tlie D/mld Thana situated to the north-west of Rangpur, and nine

or ten miles to the south-east of the sub- divisional head quarters of Bdg-

doJcard is the city of Dharma Pal. Buchanan thus describes it — “ It is

in the form of a parallelogram, rather less than a mile from north to south,

and half a mile from east to west. The following sketch (Fig. 1) taken

in riding round it, will enable the reader more easily to understand it than

my account. # The defences consist of a high rampart of earth, which at

the south-east corner is irregular, and retires back to leave a space that is

much elevated, and is said to have been the house of the Raja’s minister

(Divdn-Jchdna) . On the east side I observed no traces of a ditch, nor gate ;

but a ditch about 40 feet wide surrounds the other three faces, f In the

centre of each of these is a gate defended by outworks, and in these

are a good many bricks. At each angle of the fort has been a small square

projection, like a sort of bastion, extending however only across the counter¬

scarp to the ditch ; and between each gate and the bastion at the corner

are some others of similar construction. The earth from the ditch has been

thrown outwards, and forms a slope without a covered way. At the dis¬

tance of about 150 yards from the ditch of the north-east and south sides,

are parallel ramparts and ditches, which enclose an outer city, where it is

said the lower populace resided. Beyond these on the south is another

enclosure, in which it is said the horses were kept. Parallel to the west side

of the city, at about the distance of 150 yards, runs a fine road very much

raised ; but its ends have been swept away by changes that have taken

place in the rivers.”

To the west of this city at a distance of two miles, was the city of

Manik Chandra, now, however, called, after his more famous wife Magana

Matir leot.%

Here Manik Chandra reigned over the half dozen square miles of

territory which constituted him a rajadhiraja. His wife Mayana was

deeply skilled in magic, an art which it appears in those days, though un¬

lawful for a man, was lawful for a woman. § She was (so says the legend)

the pupil of a mighty magician who by his intense devotion to and abstrac¬

tion into the Holy Name had acquired immense powers. His mere word

was sufficient to strike one dead. He could cause the sea to cease to move,

* The plan given is Buchanan’s, and is very fairly accurate. The city is noted

for containing within the inner walls three remarkably fine tanks.

f The ditch and rampart are called in Rangpur the Kot ( ^

oSJlfq^T ^ A- Gr-

t #T3T. Tllis lady is said to have founded several other important

towns. Amongst names which still survive I may mention Mayana talir hat

cTrffc and Dayana Gucli jy^j-)

§ See verse 60 of the poem.

1873.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Ma n ih Clumdra.

187

and the lights in his dwelling burnt with surpassing splendour, though

only fed with Ganges water.

Now this man was a sweeper.

The Ha'di Siddha.

He was a Uadi, the caste which acts as sweeper in Bangal. In Rang-

pur its impurity signifies nameless abomination, a fact which should be

specially noted. Rangpur forms part of Kamarupa. Hither one of the

five Bandavas never set his foot, and the land is consequently impure.

Its men are not as other men, nor its laws as other laws. It has a special

code of its own, most of which can be found in the Yog ini Tantra ; and

this law allows many things (such as certain kinds of flesh eating) to its

straitest sects of Brahmans. Hence impurity in Western India frequently

becomes purity in Rangpur ; while Rangpur impurity includes things

simply inconceivable in Arya varta.

The Hadi of the poem, and of the popular legends of the present day

was a Yaishnava ; and as Mayana was also of the same sect (in which the

members are practically all of one caste) it is not impossible that she should

have had such a man for her Guru.

I say only “not impossible,” for I consider it highly improbable, and

for the following reasons : — It is evident that the true story has been much

transformed in its passage from mouth to mouth, and I believe that the

principle recasting (if I may call it so) was due to the influence of the

Yaishnava followers of Chaitanya. Translated into common English the

story is that Mayana’ s chaplain was a man of remarkable sanctity, whom

the populace credited with supernatural powers. He was a great saint, and

his religion followed that of his historians. The Yogis who narrate his

history are at the present day followers of the teachers of the religion of

Vishnu (not, be it observed, the popular Yaishnavas , vulgo Boishtoms) ; and

they naturally claimed their hero as belonging to their own sect. It is

peculiarly the tendency of this beautiful, almost Christian, religion to preach

the doctrine of the equality of castes ; — how every valley shall be exalted,

and the rough places made smooth. The lowest amongst the low, — the

despised and rejected amongst men, is fully capable of attaining equal holi¬

ness with the strictest Brahman of the holiest sect which worships at the

shrines of Yrinddvana. Such being the case, what is more natural than

that the ignorant and illiterate members of the same religion, who (like the

Yogis) have the traditions of a missionary priesthood in their family, should

instinctively point out how even an abominable Hadi can attain the terrible

powers which their fathers attributed to a Yasishtha or to a Darvdsa.

But, now that I have shown that it is quite possible for such an idea

to have arisen, I would point out that the man who is now called the

138

[No. 3,

G. A. Grierson — The Sony of MdniJc Chandra.

Hadi Siddlia cannot have been originally a Yaishnava at all, and was never

by caste a Hadi. He is still occasionally addressed as Haripa (not Hadipa,

or Haripa), which is quite a possible name for a follower of Hari ; but

on going back even so short a space as the first decade of the present

century, we find that Dr. Buchanan, whose powers of observation are un¬

questioned, describes the Guru of Mayana Mati as a Yogi by caste, whose

name was Haripa while he never once mentions the fact of his being

Hadi, which is now much the commoner name. Now in the Rangpur

dialect, a is frequently lengthened, and r is interchangeable with d so that

the change from Ilari to Hadi is easy, and such a change, having once

taken common currency, would have itself suggested the idea so pecu¬

liarly Vaishnava to which I have before alluded. (Cf. Max Muller’s

lectures on the science of language, for evidence as to the tendency of false

etymology and of phonetic decay in originating popular legends.) This

Haripa, according to Buchanan was the pupil of Kan ip a, # who was the

pupil of Gorakshanath. Thana Dimla, where these Yogis live, is close

to Nipal, and we must go there to find out who Gorakshanath is. I am

now writing in Supaul, in the north of Bhagulpur, and not twenty miles

from the Nipal frontier ; and what I have heard about him here, confirms

in a remarkable degree what Buchanan tells of him. The dwellers of the

low lands will have nought of him, and we do not find his cultus till we

reach the half savage Buddhist dwellers of the interior. Here we discover

a curious mixture of the J\Ialid Bhdrata and Buddhism. They say that

during Yudhishthira’s journey through the pathless tracts of the Himalaya

to heaven, his brethren (as we know) fell behind, one by one, and perished

miserably. Here, adds the Nipali, only one survived, — the club-bearing

Bhima. He was saved by a Buddhist saint called Gorakshanath who after

performing many wondrous acts made him king over Nipal.fi

* I know of no religious teacher called Ivanipa. There was a Kanapa, who was a

teacher of the Jamgama sect of the S'aivas, (Mackenzie apud Wilson I. 227), who was

of some celebrity, and it is just possible that his name may have been adopted by the

Yogis, who were originally a S'aiva caste.

f The above is the popular tradition I have gathered from oral accounts. The fol¬

lowing summary of what is noticeable about Gorakshanath and the Yogis is gathered

principally from Wilson.

The first teacher of Buddhism in Nipal, was Manju, who came from Mahachm and

who made the valley of Khatmandu, formerly a lake, habitable by cutting through the

mountains with his scymitar. He taught a pure form of Buddhism, which became

afterwards impregnated with Brahmanical ideas through the invitation given by

Narendra Deva, king of Nipal, to one Matsyendra Nath a teacher of the Pasupata form

of the S'aiva religion. This was apparently about the 7th century A. D. This Matsy¬

endra was in reality the Lokes'vara Padmapani, who descended to the earth by command

of the Adi Buddha, and hid himself in the belly of a fish, in order to overhear Siva

teach Parvati the doctrine of the Yoga , and Wilson shows that Padmapani came either

from the east or from the north of Bangal.

1878.]

130

G. A. Grierson — The Song of MdniJc Chandra.

It is quite natural that the Buddhists should claim him as their saint,

but in reality he was nothing of the sort. He was a teacher of the Saivci

religion, and one of the reputed founders of the sect of Yogis. "Whether

the Yogis of Bangpur are an off-shoot of the Xipali converts, or whether

Gorakshanath and his fellows came from north-eastern Bangal, or from

Asam, where the Tdsupata cultus , whose followers finally became Yogis ,

was established I cannot pretend to decide. I am inclined to believe in

the former hypothesis, for they themselves have a tradition, that they came

from the icest, having formerly been pupils of Sankaracharya, who were ex¬

pelled by him for indulging in spirituous liquor. Besides, they reject, to the

present day, the authority of Brahmans, and have their own priests ; and this

is just what would he expected from people coming from Buddhistic Xipal.

They rose too to power under a dynasty of Palas, most of the members of

which family were Buddhists. Be that as it may, this much however

is certain, that at the time of Manik Chandra, the Yogis practised a

S'aiva religion and worshipped a deified teacher of their sect, also worship¬

ped in Xipal, named Gorakshanath. Gorakshanath moreover, had already

supplanted S'iva himself, and was alone worshipped by his followers.

The poem annexed bears abundant witness to this. At every Nodus

whether Vindice dignus or not, he is brought in as a deus ex machina ;

Sixth in descent from Matsyendra Xath, in the time of spiritual teachers, comes

Goraksha Xath, who, according to this, ought to have flourished in the 8th century.

There must however he some mistake here, for it is known that Goraksha Xath was a

contemporary of Kabir, and held a controversy with him which is extant (Gorakh

Nath lei Goshthi, W. I. 213), and Kabir lived in the loth century. Hence, unless the

list of teachers in the Hatha Fradipa (W. I. 214) is incorrect, Matsyendra Xath must

have lived at a much later period than that tentatively assigned to him by Wilson.

Another Xarendra Deva reigned in Xipal in the 12th century, and it is possible that

it is he who introduced Matsyendra Xath, in which case the discrepancy would not be

so outrageous. But, here another difficulty arises, we find that we must date Goraksha

Xath’s pupils’ pupil as flourishing in the 14th century, a fact which agrees better with

the theory of Xarendra Deva II ; but then, what becomes of Kabir ?

We have seen that Matsyendra Xath taught Fdmpata SUivism, and it is a well

known fact that the Kdnphdtd Yogis , to which sect those who sing the MdniJc Chandra

song belong, are the representatives at the present day of that form of religion. The

above account in no way tallies with the tradition mentioned later on, in the text, that

the Yogis were errant pupils of Sankaracharya, nor is such a story home out by the

S'anJcara Yijaya. In chapter 41, Sankara successfully combats the Yoga doctrine, but

he treats his opponents with a respect which he would never extend to backsliding

disciples (S. Y. c. 41. Bibl. Indica, Ed. p. 198).

That the Yogis rapidly became an important sect is evident from the numerous

temples dedicated to Goraksha Xath, not only in Xipal but in the Panjab and Xorth

West Provinces. We read that the Emperor Akbar consorted with them. He was ini¬

tiated into their learning, and, on one occasion, ate with them, at one of their festivals.

140 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. [No. 3,

not as an ordinary saint, but leading the whole Hindu Pantheon, and the

characters of the Mahabharata to boot. It is Gorakshanath, and not Siva,

who grants a boon, or comforts a sorrowing widow on her husband’s funeral

pyre. As he is considered in Nipal, so he is here, a saint whose austerities

have rendered him not only an omnipotent but The Omnipotent, and who

has always been proof against the charms of the most wanton Apsarases

ever sent for a holy man’s seduction by a terrified Svarga. We are bound

therefore to assume that the guru of the Lady Mayana, whatever his

name was, and whom for the sake of simplicity we can call the Siddha

was a Yogi, i. e. a S'aiva by religion, and professed doctrines which were pro¬

fessed also by semi-Buddhist races in Nipal.

As this introduction relates to the Manik Chandra poem, I shall, now

that I have stated my opinion concerning his identity, for the future call

him as he is called in the modern edition of the poem, the Hadi Siddha.

Dharma Pa'la.

The Hadi Siddha was, as I have already said, of great power, but his

pupil Mayana, by dint of continued practice of her magic art, became

greater still. She could control everything but fate ; and the whole of

the poem is nothing but a description of her struggles with that resistless

passive energy.

According to universal tradition both in Buchanan’s time, and at the

present day, her husband, Manik Chandra was brother of Dharma Pala.

This I have before shown, is an impossibility if the names are correct.

In order to obtain an approximate date for Dharma Pala it is neces¬

sary to consider two lists of dynasties. They are now-a-days the traditional

history, and they agree with Buchanan’s account. The following are those

I have collected :

1. Dharma Pala.

2. Manik Chandra (his brother ; died early).

3. Gopi Chandra.

4. Bhava Chandra.

5. A Pala Raja. Name unknown.

6. Here Buchanan reasonably suggests a period of anarchy.

7. Nila Dhvaja.

9. Chakra Dhvaja.

10. Nilambara.

According to Buchanan, Nilambara was defeated by Husain Shah

about the year 1500 A. D. ; and thus, allowing six reigns to a century,

(a moderate estimate), we must date Dharma Pal as having flourished

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. 141

about the year 1350 A. D. ; he certainly (i£ he ever existed, and if the

djmasty lists are true) cannot have lived much before the commencement

of the 14th century, i. e., before our English King Edward III.

Abul-Fazl gives a list of ten Pala Kings quoted by Mr. Westma-

cott ; and they became extinct about the middle of the eleventh century

thus leaving a space of 250 years to be accounted for. Hence it need not

necessarily be determined that Dharma Raja was a member of the great

family of Pala Kings. Buchanan suggests that he may have represented

the remains of a family which survived the wreck of the dynasty, to save

a portion of the kingdom which remained unconquered, by the successors of

Adi Sura in Rangpur ; and the fact is not rendered less improbable when

we consider the history of the Hadi Siddha, We know that the Pala

kings were, when we first meet them, Buddhists and that subsequently

some branches of the family changed their religion to some one or other

of the many varying sects of Hinduism. If then Dharma Pala ruled in

a country in which such a holy man was arch -priest, it is rather a

confirmation than otherwise of this theory. I myself think it certain

that Dharma Pala was a member, or descendant of the great Pala

family, for Dr. Buchanan gives an illustration of an image found in his

city, which contains the typical Pala emblem of an elephant borne down

by a lion. (Fig. 2.)

We thus I think can be certain of the following facts, — that early in

the 14th century a king named Dharma Pala ruled over a small tract of

country near the Karatoya river in the present districts of Rangpur and

Jalpaiguri. That this Dharma Pala was a member of the great Pala

family which once ruled over northern Bamga. That in his territory there

was a saint of considerable sanctity, then living, who professed tenets bor¬

rowed possibly from Nipal. And that close to his capital city there lived

in a fortified stronghold a powerful chief named Manik Chandra, who was

married to a lady called Mayana. It may be gathered from local tradition

that Mayana was an ambitious and designing woman, and that she acknow¬

ledged the saint above-named as her spiritual instructor.

Between the king and the chief, according to local tradition, a war arose,

which ended in the defeat and disappearance of the former, and triumph of

the latter, in a great battle fought on the banks of the river Hangrigosha.

The battle-field is still shown, a mile or so to the north of Dharmapur.

Ma'nik Chandra.

After this victory, Manik Chandra took up his residence at Dharma¬

pur, while the Lady Mayana remained at her old home Mayana Matir Jcot

142 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. [No. 3,

probably to be near her old Guru, the ruins of whose home are still shown

in the neighbourhood.

The further particulars regarding Manik Chandra will be gathered

from the annexed poem. Who he was we cannot tell, we must be content

with knowing that he was a neighbouring chief of Dharma Pala and his

conqueror.

He appears to have governed at first with vigour and success. We

read of rustic wealth and security, and light taxation. The revenue

system is worth noticing, it was a peculiarly elastic and simple land tax.#

The land in those days was little more than a wild forest, and the soil poor

and barely cultivated. The sparse prajds scraped with their flimsy ploughs

the surface of the sandy soil immediately round their homestead and strug¬

gled lazily for bare existence. I suspect that, even in king Manik’s time,

life and property were not over secure, and under these circumstances it

was necessary that the taxes should be light. Each plough-owner was

therefore required to pay for each plough in his homestead thirty kaovis per

mensem. f Under the light taxation which may be inferred from this absurd

exaggeration of the text, the prajas were necessarily happy and contented,

until Manik Chandra did what was in Rangpur the most unpopular

thing a zamindar could do. He engaged a Bangali Divan. I have in my

previous paper enlarged on the hatred of the Rangpun peasantry for a

genuine freshly imported native of the south, and I need not dwell upon

it here. Suffice it to say that the new Divan fully bore out the character

of his nation, for he immediately doubled the land-tax. The result was a

rising of the peasants, and according to their account, the mysterious death

of the king shortly afterwards from the effects of Rangpur fever. He left

no living child, but his wife Mayana was subsequently confined of a pos¬

thumous one. The child was not born till eighteen months after Manik’s

death, — and ill-natured people might feel inclined to consider Manik

Chandra’s claim to the title of father not proved ; but the poem chivalrously

comes to the rescue of Mayana’ s reputation, and makes her pass through

a long series of puerile adventures (the old tale of Orpheus and Eurydike

with the characters reversed), and finally obtain from Gorakshanath, and

his attendant gods, the boon of having a son of such perfect vigour and

* The same system prevails to the present day in parts of Nipal, where the demand

for land is not so great as it is in the more settled British territory. A plough is there,

however, only considered as equivalent to eight higas, the average rent for a plough

of land being considerably below that current on this side of the frontier.

f The text says 1^ budis of Jcdoris. A budi is five gandas or twenty. One budi of

Jcaoris — a pice. 1^ pice a month = 4 anas, 6 pie, per year per plough. In the light

soil of Bangpur, one plough can easily cultivate fifteen bigas or five acres of land, so

that the annual land-tax was, according to the text, less than 3§ pies per big a, or than

a penny farthing per acre.

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Munih Chandra.

143

virtue that it would take at least twenty-five months to fashion him.

As a matter of special grace he was presented to her with seven months of

his growth already accomplished, so that he was in fact born only eighteen

months after his conception. #

During Mayana’s pregnancy she became sati for her dead husband,

and mounted the pyre with his corpse. I need hardly say that the flames

refused to touch her, although the relations of her late husband did their

best to aid them, by thrusting her more and more into the flames with long

poles, f

Mayana after passing through various adventures survives them all,

and in due time gives birth to a son, who is called Gopi Chandra. It is he

who is really the hero of the poem, and not his putative father who gives

it his name. All references to the latter end before the 154th verse, and the

remaining 550 narrate the fortunes of his son.

Apparently from the birth of her child, Mayana deserted Mayana

matir kot and went to dwell in Dharmapur. She was a clever woman and

managed to keep up without great difficulty the high rates of land

revenue, which had caused the death of her husband.]; When Gopi

Chandra was nine years old, it was time for him to be married, and so

Mayana looked round for a suitable match.

Ra'ja' Hari's' Chandra.

At the present day, seven or eight miles south of the ruins of Dharma¬

pur, in the thana of Darvani, there is a village called Char Chara. § Here

there is a large mound of earth called Haris Chandra Rajar Pat, i, e., the

seat of king Haris Chandra.

Buchanan described it as a circular mound of earth about 40 feet in

diameter. “ In searching for materials to build a pig-stye, the heap was

opened by an indigo-planter, and a building of stones was discovered. The

* The Yogis of course see nothing extraordinary in this ludicrous idea. They say

the events occurred in the Satya Yuga , when all things were possible. I asked a Yogi

once why the child was presented to Mayana already seven months developed, and he

explained that it was “to prevent excessive scandal,” which might have occurred if the

child had been born twenty-five months after his father’s death ! ! This is straining at

a gnat, and swallowing a camel with a vengeance.

fi The description of this rite in the poem is curious enough : whether such con¬

duct on the part of the relations was common in the performance of it I do not know.

I have been unable to identify Chand the merchant, who figures in this part of the

poem with any other legend.

x I gather this from the last verse of the poem, from which it is evident that it

was not till Gopi Chandra’s return that the land revenue was reduced to its former level.

§ it is a short distance due east of the better known

Ramganj Tupamari .

T

144

[No. 3,

G A. Grierson — The Song of Man ih Chandra.

upper parts of this, consisting of many long stones, were removed, when a

friend of more science in antiquities, recommended the planter to abstain

from further depredations. In its present state the lower part only of the

building remains and is a cavity of about 13 feet square at the mouth, and

8 at the bottom. The sides are lined with squared stones, which form a

deep stair on each side, and the walls are exceedingly thick. My description

will be more easily understood by consulting the plan (fig. 3). I have no

doubt that this is a tomb.”

Since Buchanan’s time it has been still further desecrated, and, now

little remains beyond the mound of earth and the name.

Haris Chandra had two daughters Aduna and Paduna. # These he

gave in marriage to Gopi Chandra with a hundred maid- servants to wait

upon them.f By his eighteenth year Gopi Chandra had no child. It had

been foretold to Mayana that at that age he would die unless he became a

Sannyasi.J So he prepared, much against his will, to go forth wandering

in the forests with the Hadi Siddha. His two wives Aduna and Paduna

tried hard to persuade him to stay, and their arguments form, in my opinion,

by far the best portion of the poem (vv. 243-302). They contain many

touches of true poetry.

This flight of fancy, however, almost immediately leads us into the

most unnatural — the profoundest bathos. The king tempted by his wives,

in order to put the correctness of his mother’s words to the test, makes

her pass through the ordeal of boiling oil. Although the king has strength

of mind to keep his mother in boiling oil for nine days, it is gratifying to

learn that he really was a tender and affectionate son ; for when he found

at the expiration of that time that his mother had been boiled to death, he

began to weep. Mayana of course was really not dead, she had only

changed herself into a grain of mustard seed, and soon reappeared in her

proper form. After the usual preparations, the king sets out on his journey

with the Hadi Siddha. His minor adventures need not be recorded here.

He passed through many trials as preparations for his future, and finally

in an evil moment promised to let the Hadi have twelve Jcdoris wherewith

to buy ganja. When he would have given it, he found that the store from

which he intended to take it had been spirited away. Thereupon, rather

* In Buchanan, Hudna and Pudna.

t Buchanan says that Gopi Chandra had a hundred wives, hut I can find no trace

of this in any modern legend. The maid-servants may have been concubines, but not

wives. They are the hundred damsels mentioned in verse 242. They are it is true

called queens in verse 410, — but that is only part of the gross and puerile exaggeration

displayed there, Aduna and Paduna being still kept separate.

X V. 241. The term Sannyasi should be noticed. It is the ordinary term for a

Saiva mendicant, Vairagi usually representing a Vaishnava one.

1878 J

G. A. Grierson — The Song of MdniJc Chandra.

145

than break his promise, he told his companion to pawn him for the money.

The Hadi took him at his word to the bazar , where all the women fell in

love with him, which gives rise to an amusing scene. However they could

not afford the twelve Icaoris demanded j so the Hadi finally took him to the

house of a harlot named Hira.

Hi'ra' the Harlot.

According to popular tradition, Hira is said to have lived at “ Khola

Kuta a village in the west of the Dinajpur District.” This place I have

been unable to identify. Mr. Westmacott, who has most kindly taken

much trouble in assisting me on this point, suggests that the place may be

Khola Hati, a village in the east of that District, where the Dinajpur and

Rangpur road crosses the river Karatoya. There were lately extensive ruins

to its north, but they have been excavated by the Northern Bengal Railway

people for ballast. This theory is not at all so improbable as it might

seem at first sight, for every tradition leads us to believe that Hira’s residence

was near the Karatoya. Dinajpur is to the west of Rangpur, and if the

original belief was that Khola Ivuta ( ? Khola Hati) was “ to the west in

Dinajpur” the change for “in” to “ of” need not surprise us, The locality

of Hira’s house is not mentioned in the poem, but a reference to v. 658

will show that it probably was Khola Hati.

Hira, of course, fell in love with the king, and, being a woman of pro¬

perty, easily found it in her power to borrow the twelve fcaoris from a

neighbouring banker. The banker drew up the deed of transfer, conveying

Gopi Chandra to the harlot’s sole use and possession for a period of twelve

years, and she then and there paid over the money, and took delivery. The

procedure of the sale is worth noticing (vv. 537-546).

After obtaining possession of the king, Hira had him bathed and

adorned in gorgeous apparel ; she then sent for him and tried to tempt

him, but though she exerted all her fascinations, and the king was almost

yielding, she failed ignominiously, Gopi Chandra piously remembering

his mother’s parting words. * Indignant at her repulse the harlot went to

the other extreme, and put him to perform the meanest and vilest offices of

her household. The king was continually ill-used, and beaten, and one

of his hardest daily labours, was carrying twelve bhangi loads of water

from the Karatoya to her house.

On the last day of the twelve years he went to draw water as usual, — •

but his strength failed him and he fell into the river.

* Gopi Chandra is much lauded for his continence, hut, as it appears that tho

Hadi before leaving him made him a neuter, there is really little ground for credit.

I

146

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manila Chandra.

[No. 3,

The beginning of the end.

When the king left his home, his two queens retired from the outer

world and shut themselves up in a well-guarded palace. The hundred

concubines appear to have become the willing property of a foundling

called Ivhetu, whom Mayana had cherished and brought up together with

her son. This man had subsequently entered Gopi Chandra’s service, in

the days of his power.

Aduna and Paduna set themselves to playing dice, for they knew that

as long as lucky numbers were thrown, the king their husband was well.

The dice continued to fall prosperously until the king fell into the

Karatoya, and then they fell in disarray. A parrot and his mate beheld the

tears of their mistresses, and consoling them, offered to go in search of

Gopi Chandra.

After some days* the birds found their master, and gave the message

of his queens. The king, thereupon wrote a letter on the leaf of a wild

plant which grew by, and sent it by them to his mother, who on receiving

intelligence of her son summoned the Hadi, who in his turn went to

the king.

The Hadi then proceeds to distribute poetical justice allround. All

the woes which Hira had inflicted upon Gopi Chandra, she is made to suffer

herself. He then cut her in two, her upper half becoming a bat, and her

lower half a minnow.

The Harlot’s maid-servant was cursed to become as her mistress had

been, and in her old age to marry a peon, who would beat her every day of

her life. Finally we have the fruit of all the king’s penance in his being

imbued with a knowledge of the magic art by his eating a filthy mess of the

Hadi’s concoction, and he returns home, still however wearing his pilgrim’s

weeds. His maid-servant was the first to see him, but she did not recog¬

nize him. His own wives wavered in their recognition when he denied

his identity. The only being that did not hesitate, was his faithful ele¬

phant who made obeisance to him while he was yet afar off.

After the usual festivities Gopi Chandra again ascended the throne,

and made his subjects happy by fixing the land revenue again at the old

rate of thirty Jcdoris.

Concluding remarks.

Such is the epic of Kangpur, containing here and them a tiny pearl of

interest, hidden amidst the rubbish, which is mainly presented to our view.

I have ventured to write so much about it, and to submit it to the Society

for three reasons.

* There is considerable confusion here amid dates.

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of MdniJc Chandra.

147

First, I believe that men more competent than I, may be able to add

a little to the history of the Pala kings, after considering it. Second,

because it exhibits a curious, and most instructive lesson as to how a purely

S'aiva hero celebrated by men of a S'aiva sect has given rise to a poem of

S'aiva foundation, but of Vaishnava superstructure, and sung by the de¬

scendants of these same men. Nay more, how a distinctly S'aiva sect, has

become to all intents and purposes a Vaishnava one, while it still retains

its old gods, and its old heroes. It would not be difficult to find parallel

transformations in more modern religious history. Thirdly, and more for

this reason than any other, because it is a very fair specimen of the peculiar

Rangpuri patois. And here it may be noticed, that any parts purely and

distinctly Vaishnava interpolations or additions ( e . g. the introductory lines)

are written in a Bengali much more classical, than the rude language of

the S'aiva ground- work. This will be evident to any one who pays attention

while reading.

The song is usually sung by four men, — and in parts, not in unison.

I am not sufficiently acquainted with Hindu music to give the technical

name of the chant. It certainly is the only song I have heard in this

country in which harmony is introduced. The top notes of the chant are as

follows :

To he sung an octave lower than written.

This is sung chant -like, so as to go once to each line, but leaving the

three last notes without words. To these last three notes, the words “ He !

Raja !” “ He ! Mayana !” “ He ! Yame !” or some such apostrophe which

depends on the person whose adventures are being immediately narrated,

are sung as a sort of burden. An example will make this clear. Take the

first line of verse six. It is sung thus —

8 vo Basso . . . .

manikchandra raja banga ba-da sa- ti He ra- ja

I do not give the harmonies of this, because I cannot. I tried to

reproduce them on a harmonium, but though I believe I got the separate

notes of each part correctly first on a violin, from the mouth of each

148

[No. 3,

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manih Chandra.

singer, when I tried them together I got nothing hut a common-place soit

of chant, containing one or two consecutive octaves, and not a particle of

the spirit of what I had just heard sung. The above is the music of the

narrative portion of the poem. Each il duyaf has a separate melody of

its own.

As the song is sung, the upper part is accompanied in unison on the

saringa, of which an illustration, taken from Buchanan is appended.

(Fig. 4.) The open note is tuned to E flat

and the higher notes are formed by pressing down the wire on the various

projecting knobs over which it passes.

In conclusion, as I stated in my former paper, the poem is in many

places unintelligible to every body I have met. In such places (satya yuger

Jcathas) the singers have sometimes traditional interpretations. In one or

two cases, however, they do not profess even to such : and, I trust, that

I may he pardoned under such circumstances for giving a literal transla¬

tion, without attempting to educe sense out of the arrant nonsense thus

arrived at.

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manile Chandra.

149

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ifr RTpra RT^rr sregi JIT^R ^T |

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3iT^T RTfl^T JIT TRTf

3ITO 5p<I 3rf JTT TjTTg n \\

^ I | The usual form for Nom. Sing, in Eangpuri. See my “Notes.”

Most of the irregular grammatical forms contained in this poem will be found therein,

and hence I shall not usually draw attention to them here, n ^ j m\vx =

i = irre 3rix*ni a 1 ^fV^gr = ^wfT^T l VI

TOfR WrT^T=^^r ^|rf ^TiT*r I f*R = ^T ^Tf^T,

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150

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Man ilc Chandra.

[No. 3,

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Gr A. Grierson — The Song of ManiJc Chandra.

151

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152

G. A Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Chandra.

[No. 3,

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1878.]

153

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Man ik Chandra.

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Cir. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Ohandr

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ffcT HT^IT y»T cfN yp ytPpT II

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cirfP ypy nrat ip yprt it ii

^1 yn = y<n II ■ot I ys;x — mx i|

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Man ik Chandra. 155

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| ii c® i = kj* II

150 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Chandra. [No. 3,

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rear urere jffrer rere frererr rnxr 'irere i

rererer rerw =?rere refxretre rerrre fe 11

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♦ * ♦ ^ «

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c» i reirert = ^reranrerer « it i rerereirer = rewrfrere re?rer n i<= i <nmx

(N ^ Vj # ^

= I H ££ I = X3 II \°\ I f*T = ^ T*\T II

1878.]

157

G. A. Grierson — The Song ofManik Chandra.

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158

[No. 3?

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Man ilc Chandra .

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Si • *

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tint iss jffer n?w ?jfe!r?i ithtsu i

stfeim mm tram mmt mmmet ifes n w

ms iffer mi mifem s^t?; i

mrwi?; mfet fern ^fsir fei !ii n

mf mu w i?i tjnm: !fem i

^ m ^cf n

rnmiit: tirfem is:i mmr sifem i

mss?: si its mu sfem n

turn mi isi mm sfem i

%srn: ?rr#n mfem iii sfem i

l m = K?r ll I mitllff — e.'i'0 ujtjZ II ?,^8 I — ornjr u

1878.]

159

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnih Chandra ,

TITR || *38

wit Wf| *RR 3R '3TR I

wii ^trirt ms it

mt *j3Rt jrrit srkcr stirs? i

wf s?f% =fj^t TT^prr srs smsucsT it \\i

rst wflR smst fsst1%RT wfw iist i

%sr srilst sifjrs? ira "sfsts? i

ss ssttsr jttsr ;3ir sirs sfrs? ii \3«

SSJIS WlRl si W3C %Rt *RtSR |

%?s ssss ^TMVitft mris shr ww ii

3rt ns jfrcr sn wfw sfest l

ssssr i'sR ssra ws?3C«t n

%s ns nss? nfs wms sfigst i

fss? snr sras sfsst ii ^a®

nrf^r son5? n?SR st mfrsT i

ifiST gn m^tisst wtf^sr ii \»\

Hlf^ ^S ’STS^r nSST SSiST SiftST t

mTSSR ^S ^3R5f SSS S^TTST ||

$ct jftST SSSt SpCSt firffST I

rst mm mgsr igs mtfs«t sstf^sT ii

sts tjfe fsfs msss smfls sins? i

nSSR XRfl't Snr Sin# ST*^ STpSST I

■?Tsr irflsrir stift fss? fg g?s. st!?t3cst ii \U9

nss? ss is sn sfs fitter i

strtr wwt ss mst sir ^tF?st it m

STSR mint SS HT fsS Wlfsm I

SS nSST TTRt TT3S ^rs STfjtS || \8<

sitor sfs s?3c s^: ^ #Rtrs

mtfn SIR SRSJ SST SfsS SSS || SST II

*.?< i *t wfw = jj-h ii i nr>fi = >j«j ii ^si?, i ^r^rx: — .

sf?ms ii \ku i ms = st^intm = mrasRts i gqsts = fsqs II

160 G. A. Grierson — The Sony of JtfaniJc Chandra. [No. 8,

g7? g7? siftsT ssst sits wrf?^ I

SS flfs sssi ststsst II

gar si artss; fssrrss i

Bf% SFfi STfa"T STSS *jfsSS |l \«i.

TORR fcrfecf STfflSt sffar *1%SPC I

ssn sri sits ihs sitsm srgs ii V*#

srs wts stsis srfnsi sis: sis i

SS STS gfs STfiprT STS ilST stl3T STS II UT,

StTSTS ’SST arSST SS WS SiftST I

\j ♦ 'O •

iiissi sris xisss sf^st wfsrsr n sur

S^tT SIS r^T SIS sfts^T fssrras I

snsrs ys snfs^ sfsgT n

SWK WTpT SSSI ST ss ^TfSST I

JTtest SIS si %TS %TSn^TS ||

ss gfs JTS ssw4 srfssr I

3RSSTS! Sirei^TS ss || TT. 8

ST ST SgST stsTSI tsstm ss I

SITS TTTfs li Tls? sgrs fiTSS II VM.

%S TTS stsss SIT^14tS f%ST |

W ^TcT ^ifl^T sfi% Hlft %T$X il«T II

‘3TC 311% 37^ W7T I

f^FcTre |

ir *ns wpsrif ^rr wtt ii

$ WIT *l*KT T$T \

^r^Tcr ^crft^r firar h

WT 3TfT f^T Wcf ^ft^TT |

JT^TC 3T*T II

^TT ^ fk*n f%pT |

JRT^I (| %£o

i **ffr = n u® i ^rarqK = ? n i f«?rre = ? y1^

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnih Chandra. 1G1

f? r to %irrft TOsinpg i

^nsi? xjtjs wtfji^r li

tox *rfroxr fxx*r gnfjx«x i

xpT 'snfcf 5XJT *5[XfTOT 5TTO f^T ||

^fixTT cfta ^nf^T *XWf% II ^

totoxx fg«x xxif% |

5fr7^t fife? wpett5TO) ^nnsrsjT n xi\

'fftro jxr xxtot jtosxxx; i

Wfro gifTOrc grxfrot tjrwTC gxxfjx topt ^fror g a

'STO <rf%% fTOIT ^r^xffigr i

mfz mf^Ji to’str mf^r 'n \<*u.

?ro frox JNxiTO ^X5t l

SrfTOTX' fTOX TOTT f^t f^3I5:^T II \<{i{

TO to: gfrorx +-i*l*u *lVrn I

?rmra jfk^r 5rr*i ^rfcm xgr?T

rw to: vm to iftrox faroro i

xroft topti cffara fro to ii

tost to*; TOft% toxto fim ii

tox«t wf# totto txfro TOft^x i

txxir ^rrft jttot nftstpr i

xgro TO^xf*: toto sra frox t5 *rici gifoxx i

^Tt<. frox %TtTT5^IT II ^'S®

TOPXTO 5X5*1 5XTO f%cXT*X %X |

5XTO5 TO 'ITO fl*ITO fTOR f^T || Vs*.

toxtoxx xg^ft f^x TOtx to; i

toto^x xrft igx gxxfjxgx it ^

TO^XT TOTO 1^51551 TOT TOXTO I

SEpra TOTO5*TT *X15 ^XX 5f?X || X,TO

g^tr^c toto flpx to xtttoit to i

162

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnih Chandra. [No. 3,

crt^i 3^ fggr it V®8

gg ^t^tt ggra gra =frit ®ra fggj i

gtfggr ggi lira lira lira f^i i

Tfr %ra gftgT ^ngg gunggj Pra n v®^

gg git h^it ggg gig ins;g i

gt gt gtfggj ^igg spaing *nf5ra n v®3

gig fgg ggft grag gggr ggrag fggg i

gf%g iftfr gr gra gfgvigg ggirs n v®®

gfWt gisrra tfrfiggr gggr gaarra mz i

gg gggi g% gira gg ggg: jftgis: n

gf^w grara irtsugr m zfzm ggT i

gg gii gggi gfg gg giigx %rgr n v®4

wgn 3?^^ 'gigtr mg i

ftra Ptra ggrt ,?ran ggra u v=®

gggr git g% wra ggrag fggg i

gggr gi gg giw gig grat ^^g fggg 11

fira gi gg 'srerr ggra n

wte ^ren 33?giig ^ran wi i

gi=gg ggrgg gg gfaraj gr* n v=g

^t3 grig gtgr gr^ g^mg i

fg otigrtg gg gggrg ggigg 11 v5^

gw ^gr^ ggnrg ggrc gNgg. i

j§gfg<g ^grg fggr srgrg gfarg u v=s

gig %g ww ggra gn3rar f% gggg II v=«.

gig fgg gsft gncg gggr gtg^g fggg i

gg grfr gr* gig gggr ^gg n v=<*

g gggr grggra Jrtggr grag gg i

ggggg ift^r gr gig ggg gr fg gg 11

fgg ^g sfggt ira gr gig ggg gg i

V°y I ^T = II I If# ^T^== II

1878.]

163

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manilc Chandra.

crra *nfV=TK 'Erwft urat *rem u

ETrsfPnsf ffe %T^fT MMihift ^trf^cj i

Ensm wpr imra n

grprar Jiffrax i

♦ >J ♦ * ♦

»ft*r trrarra $^rf g^icr ^tf^ij u ^d

*j»ra verier %psr wran^i: i

flptw suft^TT «n^Tt *TfW ^ifTt^IT II \d°

$ 3T5JT ll^TT '5TW *TT mftrst |

?nt¥T wto qrara ?roow erPpjt n ^d\

n^jsn Tifcra Efiftm ^f^rax ^fci-ir i

jrt»f m<tii«t f^r wiPsprr ii

?rr nsprra Pm wrarspir |

fi?*tT«T EfiftEJI 'STW ira || ^d^

^T3TC ^T3TC PpT W*ptTC iNf Ejftprr I

ipT SJpR TJ5fT Efraa W^t I

fl?TTH fllTW ^PraT A33T EfiTp^R ErTlpm II \d8

^npiT 'gt’T fl^pTT Jnft^T TfpTOT |

WT^hrm f fe %r^fi Ermum mfzm « \dy.

wwrir wm etPt-tt Pm era cm ^Pm i

'tifw %T% §3 ^rNj Jif^r ii \d<

5m ETEfRT3! Jilrl'^r4! TTpS^T I

^Pir ^Pjt erP^t fciPr ect^ ^ips^r « \d-s

^ ^T^rr htj; i

f%%?: 'em tfwR 3is; ii \d*=

xmi ^urai 'ErPrcj i

jf^pn Em ^ ^tcit etIt 3ft tra 11 ^dd

et? ^estpc nmEft ^jrt srrans^T 1

^mifam dm rat ^rtfii^r 11 r° 0

ets ^ nr^rat ^rRrram htstrett 1

yfm Eism m^cr ii =^n

W 1 = E)ftmrn 11

101 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. [No. 3,

utsi cT"T ssssr srif% sra sis; sis I

sncmsr ht? stw sis sis ii S°S

VST vft VVTS ’VSTSiTS I

Si S* SJ Nj *

SIN TTcT^T ST fvs 3TSTT 'Slfti STTS II S°S

s>

siiifivs 'fsv si«js first; i

fsWTS ST ST^ STfis fHSS II S° 8

sii 5tv iftiST snsv a trfvs vss i S0*.

^ t.T^TTcT ^ft^TT |

iTf^T3\ ^rrfjr^T II

cffa irk I v*®

cn^riki; 5t^t Tff^T 1

f^T || ^oT=

^>ft i^nr; *n1% iN gftrsrr i

w\ f*m f^r *nfim i

si *

STSSlfs ifa H=?VSi StlfiiST ||

^rrfsr snf5i snfv srrfsr siftsr srrs fss =§sv i

sss f^s xmsr srsrr stifssT %tstsst ii sv

wrf^r SETTf^T sitfst srtfv ssfsvr SV fts 'f SSI I

^Sf f^S STVT S SVT Sifssi || ST\

fast fsv STsiT f%tsrr stfsv, sisHs sffssrs snfiisr i

=5USTT VSiST STtfvST S'S Siftsi || STS

SS Wfs VSiVSi *fNs SiStSV I

s^ sf% usst vfs vaj ssv siftst 11 =?s

STTfst VTf^T SiTfsr SiTfST SiftST SSi S(?S 1SV |

SiSi S3?T Sit SS5 fss VlftTST || SI 8

^ITfv srtfst SifSST si^ S^S 'IS^ I

sss fssrs sf%sts ftsr 11 sii

^rfs Sisi% sTwtSi fsrcgT fsnmssr i

snfs sifvt sifssj sirs sajs issr u si ^

STV ST5ITS sstss STffesr |

T°<t i srf^ = sifw ii i s<s = s^j i sts — sjs ii

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. 16

fllpRi 315TT31 H3T iftftf R=jf HTR \\ 9 VS

htrr iV wsrf: str %3rr w n

Wlfsi RRlt HiftRJ «rwt HHJ3: R3R1 I

H3§fJT 3R3|X flfd HiR RUT Rf3R II

?r hrrt; fnrgifr Him HfRHT3; mfi.R 11

3rt 3ir hr htrr HR?r «k wf i

r5? ijrti; mi rItht 11 sr\

hr ht mi ^^rr n^rr hrdi ^srh i

hr mi mm hit 5R ir^m; fkcrc: i

$ RHJT 3jf%37X m?3T HTHTH II

3t RRT irfsTRI H1RR 3TfR *TX ’STlf^iR 3RJ I

=fft RHf RT5IR HIRt HR Rf%HT II

% ft RHl KRTT HplRT gpSRT ^T§ 31Tm|- I

HT f^r =fft RHf 311511 Hlffi fci H1RT || R!> 8

HfnfH 3Tf31 ^f%RT RT HJiXfl II

f^5 ftRRR HfmxR fsRT |

rhu htrr fRj fgrgrar RttR n ^

HR %R 3TH HTRR HH f3l 3T3R II =?a

R?jRf tjrsTj^rr f^t nfaR i

HtflR 3R HRtf mi R^HT H^T 1

HTR 3jfRHX3: RTU. 3T3JHX iRR II ^’c

31313113; HR ^(i 3TRR3: fHcR I

♦ \J

HT% f%HT fRHR RR. 3RHX ^KR II SR£

3(1 3JI =| 1^3(1 Hl% I

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3T3TX HR RlfSHR HR HIRR HR 5J3I ||

313(1 HR RTfHRT RVillW HfifiR |

f%Hl%31 pR cHHH* RfTR || ^5>

»»• I HRRR = WHITT II

166

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. [No. 3>

f3RT HRRT RlfRRTH fRH I

RfRRTR fRRi fRRrt wfRRTR ^nf^t n 3^

wg jit1% whir Jim 'gfRHRi rihir h^hr infsw i

%TRTHf RUHR RTpR HIRRR HRRH || 33 8

R3( RRTRt RURR HITfRH RTW fRRJ I

RH RTW HR RjfRRTR HlfflH || 331.

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RW HR RTJRt f3% RIIR^TH WIR% || 33 <(

RRi HR RIRRi f3H 31% HfRRT I

RW HR ’fpR fRW 31% RfRR.T II 3^S>

RRf HR r'T7?! f3H 3T% yfolT |

RW HR KTfR tRW 31% RfRRT II 33c

fRRTW fRHT 315(131 fR3TH f%^T |

R1RRT HRRT HfR HR Rl=*i< RRTTRi fRHRXR WfRH || 33£.

%TR Rf?H 3X5(1 jftrft x[Rf RT Z f3H | 38°

HtRTR RfR% JTifR 5K RT5(T I

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RR Rf»R RigT RT RTR% WTf?RT || 333,

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fRRR HR% RTRT 1£R 3fRHR I

RRfW WHIRR W RR RT%R RR ||

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IRTHl RR %HT 3lf3 HIT RRfgR qj |

RRH WIH RRRt HFft fRR WHy RFRt || s8 3

38S I JimiRt RR[R IlfH^^I || | Kt = 3fRt II ^8«a | faff = f^R) II

1878.] Gr A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. 167

?rf? ^rr ii

♦s

5Tfa*; srjqq qq qirfa qreu qrw im I

<rP^rr qra ^ryn; qui u sm*l

fw<Hi< mit i

if%^T qm^J R3jqt II =11°

WR qifs^T 31^ I

firiT 3T5t iti JTJr WT3FT qf^f || R'il,

ftrara qrfs (wj fqi qral% %^rq tn% i

^ infill w qrir ii qy^

w *srrfq ht^t wifq qifqi i

*nm: qng^v?; %rr ^gfq gflii, *t^fq fsi^ n ^

#E{ eRli qqqcf fqg qqf qwa qT$T i

«ra TTit% f%i iftm Jtr% n ?y3

*nq *nt% fai f%cf flfqrq*: Hire i

f«3T ^rcs yjq> qn:lq %m n rii.

?qqrr qi iq qRqT if?: qfe i

qjq qr*: wqj qtsqn: jit qqrf n q.i<C

qqr 'ffe qqr J5i3[% qqr qifti %rqrr i

qrax qf?i qqi qsfr jppt n ?y«

qrqt 'fq rt^r fwr qqqr %sjt ^rsT i

\J ’ ♦

fjRRI qftq qraft qi^f YURT || =>1''=

qrct '^kt qiqfa qi fiw qr fqq sis: i

in: qjran; q^fqn; qfi qif^qn; qn « =ye

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qqr fqqqq qtfr 3THR: qqiqK || Ki°

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aifiR qrqrrq in: qsfqq qifjqg fvifiqT u Ri\

^ cR qifiqqf Rq $R[ fqqj I

^nn: ^zzx qqy W7?j i

^H8 I q'tq=qfani ^ 4,c I fjHRI = JZq^I I — wl<T II I

fqqu?T= ii i awra = ? ii ^ ^ i q»r = qiq n

Y

1G8

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manik Chandra. [No. 3,

w ST* hrr %y yy Jjfeyj 11 ^

^TcRT ?pfT JI*TR tuSIT HI I

yRR yi^y. fjRi fegr *nfe n R<C3.

rrr yifer jr r^rr jrj irt yy.R hr ii yyj ii

ktstt yy Ry fyfy Sfeg yyr srra i

fe rrr Sfisr nsii yftyiyR nif n

^r hw yR yr yRt?R ^i? yfe i

%3 ri§ yyy yiy yfeyj ysi% n

%3 SSUl y?R 5TTH ^TSR JR II *€£

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Nj ♦ ♦

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rr nfey gy yRt?R rj? yRj n

RfR JRR Rfeyi yRJT HlfeyR yifeu |

% ^R ^ JR! 3RT % RR yJRR. II s^fi.

yy^R h9 fe yiy yR istr, i

RT 3TRT RRT H3 JJ3 yTHiyR RyR, || RO°

jyRyT HRy yiy yiyt yiy ir i

fey yRir rjr H^y; RTfjR; yyyyf n

gfe ny ys yyj yrrfe aruK yyr i

rt^t rjr yfeyi yiJj yiRsyj yiy %wr u rsr

yiyy Rifey Rife hi ym y^ i

si

cRR yj?f yfet RRTT HI JRR RSflfe H 3CR II

yiyy hrs yyy hr! hr; yteuR i

rt% sgifeyj ny ingfiy Ry yfem irr 11 rss

yfefe rr ynn Riyy rr yfy; jifeyr i

yifeR jtrr hh yiyy rsjih nyyx n Ray,

y i^= yRiyfc yR yiyyj y5 yiy i

yRt hjri rs yy Rife'S y»y yyy 11

| yfgjfl = sitji II

1878.]

169

G. A. Grierson — The Song ofMdnik Chandra.

^rf^T wtf^x i

fxR=rfy Jfiti sn^r ^ixxxt ^rax u

^mr^; f^rr? xfitrxrx gx% xrt 'g^raj ^t=St ctor ^xfxr i

awxx: ?tot vns ttr: %3 xn* i

#i ^ixx xux; xjsxr *rt^ n tjst ii

ix^ix srrfl?*rr f%xrr? ^rf^i l

WT3 STI^FT fRJX ^flT ?Rf ||

^®IX «XRT ^]3RT f^ST B'f I

xtxxxT ftftfxr wx; wrf%^ n

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^rir: •iT^RRt ^x: ^x ^i§T5tcr i

»fif*Rn *RfxRix nfeg n

sj • \j ♦

cffaxx: ?FfiRT XJXcR *tRX ^JjlTilcT tfel I

Wif AT ftxJX H^TcT ftrat ||

=f RT TRI XXlXfxT S$xr 3rtf%5t TfiTST Xjxgt |

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^xflpt th^i % inwr =xx x§rx; aftxiix xrixci$ xirq n

xrsrr xrt ^xxix ^fx: tx=5r: i

*iRtx «xftf *xrit xrf^ra =fRrx; xttxt xnxr n

xgxjr i%x: xix^xr fqi xrx^x i

irrfsxn ifesj sns xrxi?*rr xri ^*u ^x: n =^=£.

^8

v^° i ftWH = ii

170

G. A. Grierson — The Song of ManiTc Chandra. [No. 3,

ffNTN NTfruiNre; ^ ns ntt; wt i

ffll NTf% fjlfTO TOT WTN INTfSTT NT || T*-°

ttn} TO un ttnt Tfro ntjin i

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NTTN NT NpN TT5TT NTTON? NTfJTTT I

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NTfNTf Nlftil TO NTNTcT NilTTT I

TO NNNT TflTOT NTNTT NTnItiJ ||

NTNTT NTTTT TO NTf TOT NTTOJ f^NT I

NTT TTNTN NT NfTOT TTOT TUTT Nt%TJ || N.t8

TOTN NiTT Nf^ra TTNj I|%T TNT TjfNNT I NT1

pgfN ntot nto nt ton ntItn Tig i

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eftNTT N3TON fir NTT WtfN f% NifTl || NT'S

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cffNTT NTNN fTO TTNT NNT TOT^T I

NRf% NeSTN NfT NTT; NTtTT fvfNT || ^

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NTNTT NTTflTNT TOT TTNT ^NlTfNiNT || ^o8

=?< » I fNT = fN^ TOIN INI II =?T T I riTNftN = ? NIT T1TN II

Ti= I NTTNT = NiTN II =?<»£ I TT — TO II

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song ofManih Chandra . 171

mt nfw ggx fft nf^ firm i

flit nm srftim trait ^raftgra 11

strapr traur rrftm tuft tuft I

gsmitt fgtrra gg fgt ftr wnsift n \°i

tnmt rgig mrfm ngsnt wr trrsft I

tprmt gtgTtrr ira tgm Hfg flimt \\

«t grreuft ^ gran i

%fr ttffr rsTfi itm ngm ggt n g<”=

gfegr trar mr trttTtr i

irara rrer mfmgr ^ grain n g°<s.

tift gm to igm gt i

mr gfz turret grai ter toftmm n

It gw tiftt gsr rii trsjre nggr i

mnra gfn mra g=gt gg mggr n

tra irm <ftgr mra ffttftgi ntm i

gif% grr gg gsi fmrr? traim n

mfm mrm tpg gum gtm rniftrgi I

gtrt vt ^ isig gtrar gfngr n

trar gtg ^T ^ trait fment i

gm gtg mi mt fgmt 11 gra

#t Tftg *n mt rgiflit «fk |

ntt grg m mg- get ggtfr || svj.

mrfteT Him nit irm gpmfr n gig

gt *u vtfmm hits t?rnm jit rgig i

mtifggr! tit 'ftm gnu ^if% mg a gig

mrum gfsm vnr? *f g gra rgrt i

sirnci wi%gi fgm wgt mrait 11 gv=

jzfmgig mf^ wim gNut mig it i

Pegr *n %rf <fft Hirst fwrt n ggt

V< I t^Rt = Ij'wiX-o || | ^TmTff = lari'0; ljJJ II t°c I ? TT I tfa

= S|f<T II I tigr II t<3 I WTJIT = gig I cf. the Braj Bhasha

WfJf II

172

G. A. Grierson — The Sony of Mdnik Chamlra. [No. 3,

•\

fii^T ft*i ffwtt %jr it i

^ gx^x i %x% frftt i

rft i%t: ht^t *ii7t ii ggx u 5=?°

*i3jx*r ffifti KTsrr it ira i

frlxraf: ^wkt wi^iT gfra 3<T5^r ii

%n*r it it frri: irat^x *nfiigx i

%jr wi tix tRfegx n ggg

fra xrft^X %^T flfRTC II

i xrft^ig fixg fift ^ftgx i

Jrera fjffgx fit Ulix ^SJTfT ’fJRX || ^=?3

^7 ffim ^fsrar KT5IT «TT fjxft^ tgT I

77frx7 ^nfjifTT m^ll ira Rftgx n g^a

TfRXt ^ftrsiT 7T5If t'BrftfX *R I

ggrt wi7 iit^H igffi st% fit fR ii ggy.

tit 3%x Jifara ig^x frxra txr: r i

TUfR jr?xsra ^nfjigx fixit fra Rftgx n

vt firax ifftgx fix fixftra igx n g=s>

vj ^rax *ra ftgx flgfjR xxRi; i

tx "X nftrax ftfnr Rxg traxr rir ii

fX7 wr ^ftgx fignx =5xftii rafara i

frxfirc wfs «ra fra fra^R rsr i

SJ ♦ >J

3J<T qfe fsT^TOt ||

^ w vfcmj fk% I

cig Tj^TR m€\ ter: ii ^o

mm 3%T «Tnt3T % WF® %!*: sr; || ^

^TaT^T TTTcn^^T T?W %€?T ^ |

fcRZT 5nf^T^ ^ ?ffW fefwtj || 335>

W i q^fe^T = q^r n w i n *** t f*Kpj\ =

■srt^ i\

G. A. Grierson— The Song of Man Ik Chandra.

^TflT x^HR7T I

®s • • ♦ *

^TRTt ^T'T cT^T 3nfT3;cT ||

^rr^r ^ttr f%^r i

^R«ft 3Rlft^T cJpjRJ ||

^Tcf f^T XT^rT mm ^ f*T^*T ||

^ f^T f^T f^T =f5R |

^TTcT f<R ^FfRcT ^Riff II

^ 3TC?T WmK *RTR |

mm ^rhrt % ^rs: h

^ ^ft^rr ^ft^rr^r to^r: \\

t% ^r%*r gf?r |

^ mm mm fjI^T TTR5 II

^ mfcm tor: ^s;*r ^jotr to^t j

^T*TT cRR ^ iTT mm ||

?ttc mm mi ?ir ^:rk rnmn mm \

?trir ^fficr fm mfcm 11

^rt mmsm U5fi^ =rt^r 11

*r mm ^trt rfte^iR 1

SRR 3TR^T 3T5TT ^T^JT fmm II ^

$ JimW pRJ TTfel*T P%*TT |

*\mr ^m Tmm ^cr mmir*n 11 ^8 8

mm *r T\mmr 3% mfmm 1

*jt ^r mftmj mmm mmm ^rx fkm \\ \m,

cf^Tcf XTf^^TT *}SRT mfkm Timj 15R |

^tw% ^irat ?w i^fs^x w^tv nr$ n ^

mmz ^fisraT ^t^tt =?s«r i

jtNth jtNtjt ^1%% 9g^i *>: lira} trrfs^ n s«a

^heTt gprl^TT 1

^T f^r *Tft'5T 5IT*T %^Tt ^sf^r || ^8*=

5? 8° I —jk^ II

173

w

w

s^a

w=

w.

^8°

174 G. A. Grierson — The Song of MdniTc Chandra. [No. 3,

^ ftn ftn ftn ftn =55^ |

nft ’JTT TI^T ■H'tlcR I

>J ♦ 4

nrftnrr?: nq 'f^r nogr ng^iggr n sat

nnft ftn njnTCfr i§g xnqnt ^ais:^ i

srnnt *it gftraj % qfiftqir qqftnr n 3i.°

q? qrgr nmim Krair i

tit nrc qsftgr ira w nr: ii 3y\

qrrc: sri quift; xrrt ^rx: i

fscgi sm nr x§rg nmn qg sr ii gin.

*n ht gftrgT <T5Tt qnpgqm nqftnj i gig

ftft «nimiti flTwr^x mftni gfrnra t 1

gs ft<a txjri i

ntign 'fxcst %^t n ygr n gi«

qn; gs qfNx sn^r gnrcr q;ftqj |

fhrq xtwifT %^rg ^ rftrar n gn

gqr I'ra 511 lint ftn ura gin 1

ftn =fT^R: nrog irragr ^STin u

*TfT Hft nil nnnTl nmnig ftctq || ^

%mr mg nnrt mgri mtiif nrftni 1

?rtm}fr ft mgr tm ismiin ciftraj 11 gia

*ri yf qfftnj sqnm nw ftnr 1

nrftnrTq nq gggT ^rrg nnrregj 11 gi<=

gig niiftin; nrrfjra 1

i§gq nunft ngnm qgr im 11 gi*.

'fii i'4*u mn^T iti^rm gg mggn gim nm 1

gi ggnT qrsr nr w ngnm ftctg n ^o

mxis %t*r m?Ti mint ggtn qtftgr 1

KTsre: fqqr ^rfsrg mftgi 11 gs(g

gw 1 nn = nfa u ^ 1 nit = *j» (Nom. Piur.) n

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnih Ohandra. 175

ggi grfggi ?)Tff qft^TT fg^T |

*JTrT ^JclfggT iNl || ^

gran g% ^g ggjfi flffi nr g'g i

gg ^xg fgfiig %Tg ftrsig sis: n

gra ^ig fgfegig gr€jr %ig girssig si? i

gg "srrg fgf%g Jagg? grgg sis: i

fgf^grg grift* Tam ^ft%g sig n 3<y.

mfcg gfggT grsiT gigg fggt ^tct i

gyjg grsji gifftg fg^Tfr n ^

rfTfg ^P5 SITffT gftn§igT fggnggj •TT giT ^ I

grg?i gw gi^T ns^r gifgg ^ifsg; ggw g 3<a

g*RT g% g^r grj gtfggj gigg graT i

=flf% gg jit g% gfirgra fg% gfgg ggtg g ^<=

gig gjrfggr ugta *i% 1% gig fft% i

$ ugtg sgrarg gg Jiffig g% n

gg gfs gg]g ^ts gig ggfggig gg i

gg gfft gftg 'wrfgg Tgggrg fftag g ^a«

gnig gg grig Trfg gmrrg gg gig i

gigg grgxgrg gfggi gr^x grg n ^a\

gggrg gifting graT %gfgg gg i

ggtg gig ?rsrm % gx% gg gg n ^

%Tgrg itg gig girit gig gng i

gig gnfggt gfeggi irrfgg gtfgg n ss^

gg grar ifggi % gi gif^g ggx i

gfwgg *rfgg> gifiigT iN grfgtgj 11 ^aa

gig< g%t gfwg sifg gigg %g gg i

grgi ggg gig g^gg fftgg i

gtggfg gfggT gt% gig gggig n s-sy

gts i 3T? = (gfg)wg (?) ii

Z

170

G. A. Grierson — The Song of ManiJc Chandra. [No. 3y

yfff n3*fi ift nft?ITn t

ir? hit ft% jraTf gftraj n fs^

nti HftfT i

3CT5T *nftf t "tiftra irfefT n f&a

n?: ^TWrft ITH HHT |

tn inf irr?T ’f *1 nfen?: fin?: n f®=

WI?3R 4 Pdf I WW STRUCT |

fin 3"ftfr n'fT^ra irh irtti » fat

nirfT ^TfR ^ftfT HlffcT SflTSI I

H blfi?. H 3TfH fHnft || f^®

%H ftnt ?I5tR 13T fl1TT% liftt lilT |

si

%m ftnt iran ht sm ii f^=f

%m ftnt nTra®T g?rw mft§% I

I.R ftnT inf HI \x ^n ift% II f«*

%m ftnr inf m ir? ^ftn trf%% i

%R ftlT ftl IT?: HHT %f R1 II f^f

%m ftnr =5% hit?: Pfti urnn i

h? jrt nftir hiti toit ii f^a

in in ^ftfT qf^ii H%? i

Hwft ftrsTHi i%h i% hit ftf t ii f=n.

nff^Tn ftn ftnift wfti w i

fiHH ftn fsi?? mm ii ^

HfHftirc?; ftn m? ntfin i

IsfiHil ftn ITH ift% ii f^a

wmi ftn tm ^n ift% i

iftram ftn w irs iftn qft% b

iftni ftn tm ^ ran ^tiri I

$ ftin =?% hstt Pfti jrh ii f^t

H?t ittt ftf t n% itort fft nnn ftft i

ftieS f-.T§ ft% %TOT3i 5T?rt ITft ftf T I

HT ftvf Pft HIT Hft ftft II ft®

Sc«, * ^ II

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of JhXdniJc Chandra.

177

HIR f%f ^:7§ HtfaRT HJRcf |

HR*] SJ5RT JTR HTHRi f%Cf %RR SRcf II

%rr nfhjR 'sitjr hr*: ^rrft i

?tr j^tsir nfofR ■?% hr iris? h% i

^rrarf^ *itjr rfjhi f%% fgfeRT n

f%fRHT HRffii fnt tjtcrht rrt i

fjRRJT %RT ^ JRT HRT ||

%rt hrjt ^ct^RT gfirai *r%jt wif? i

HF3 H%HT %TJfTJRJf WR HRJf HTfH II

>J 4

hrh< gfsHT hurh wra hrjr nri] i

HR?; SIJRHT ^3R% HPR JRT JR II

f%ftr*TT HTfRT ^T2T 5RR fTl% |

f^rerg w i% hr hr mt% II

•

5CT5H HHT ST^R %JHT I

JT^cf ftffl HR fiRTHT Prfe^i |

SHFST3C HRR HHR URR JR II

%RR. JRI HR Sg RTJRT HR fHIJJ I

HR HfWHT f*RJ fHHig H<flRT fH? II

fiif HTH pRl fHHR HffjRT fW I

JfftR HiRR JTTftRHi HfrfjRJ IfftR HR II

JTTftcR JTfHTHf HTlfjRT JR ffpRT |

HrPrciHf h% ^rfjR ^rt%HT i

HR« ^ HRHT HITH RfHRI ||

v» ♦ ♦ ^

*nc ^ ^T*T |

%*T 3iT% ^FfT ^TfacR: fTC ||

^•JT ^T5TT |

mz wf ^yumj sjffi^rre j

*\rz %i^r iNr ii

JTTW JTT^TpT WT I

ifbft ^Ttzj *um ii

w i = toit H l = ^y0 h y ® ^ i *n^

V*

V*

Vs

v<

Vs®

v*-

goo

8c^

8®^

= ^ 11

178

G. A. Grierson — The Sony of Man ik Chandra. [No. 3

stxfemwi; street m5W mrfw i

trtw wftiT ^5w wnre mft i

<TT5 WTWIct^ 3ttft ftWTW5 WtttlTft || 8 0 8

'fftww mwttmwx 3tx^ wftm 'fx^xmwr i

%wn? ctxwlw wrim n e -i

ftftmT WTHtct 3fft feftm TT^t; |

ftmtxft: iirai5^ Jt^rf gt% f j5 11 8 ° i

^reWWrreT cTNfTWRT 3)5: 3i5 i

WW3ft? JtlfW 3n=e %t§T 5TteT JtT5 II 8

IftftWTWT? ’fTfct tTSTCIcT Wlft sft“ST I

m3 w-gw*: wTre^r fit% strm sfftT h

?*ft wet Jtif% =tn=^ nwxtj ww ftm i

stmt gf% fxtT ^iis^ et^ct nff-TX II 8 »i

Vj% wtt 5I^t Wftm? JTf ft?T l

’W^JtT tr^m wrft %r wmt stfftr || 8\»

=5TSI 'fTW wnfw W MTWIW WTf^m I

% mftrax ’gw ^ai ftwr « e\%

5T5iT5 WT WmtT ’Xitft WWtfT TTrfsT ft?T I

ww wnfw mfrc 5tw wtjrt5w wxftm » 8\?

WsffaT5W mett ’Wlftw wfaxswx I

WtW? mfset W5W WW ETftlWT II BIX

wit 5T3TR wrmw ?ftm ftw ww i

5X551 WTW fw’fTWSt *tft 3WJW II 8\8

=555 wftwr mftctw ?rer wgfl^et tttx i

^T5 sftw wr itre 'fTwmct srxm? 11 8\*

w?jtt wxfw: %3i wttw: qre mwt i

wfc wtwt *ttTWT5it m fgwr^ft i

ftm ftwr mfsst ft? wftw ft? ft ft ii 8 xx

»»a i ftrerm; = fsnNc i a** i rtrwtfi ^ret — » a»e>

m=R3x: = Doctor it a °c I ’ftft = ii a|a i «ra = «ra n

" C\

1878.] G. A. Grierson — The Song of Man ik Chandra. 170

srr ^1% i

Sf si

T?T5g 'fTftg %75T 5fif% || 81.-2

s» s» ^ '

m gfelT gg< 513 f%«T KTWR %i51 JjffiSKT*! gf?ai |

Jrift 1531 gfigir ^ifji^r « ev=

gg gg giftgT 5)ggi wrfs^r i

%t^t 5tg gfg srircr 3iffl*i n

3^53 grffl*i iuggi fg^rax; i

uf%gn!% «nffl^t 3Rg gfggg n eg,®

gi%r3T5: Prf3cT giffigT it^T fll^TT |

gggtgx% gifagr Tt^r ^ftrxigrgg n 8=x

grg 3T5 annig giftm sis; 315 1

313 31 3T 'flff %53T 31151 315 || 83.3.

3f515: 33T f%3T ggg Ulf%3 |

5WT3 %fegT 5)?I3T 31PggTC Wrfjl^T || 8^3

31m: ^5 3333 3T3T t i ^tt 3% gun i

3TU1T5: %gi 3I53T 5 II 11 W II 838

3Tfg33 ^5 ^5 51531 3iTt%3r I

SJ ♦ ♦

$ ^TR^TT^R: ^ R fx^T ^f%^T ||

^R TR ^RtfiRT m qRR |

* s>

3RT 515 gf^l 315113 ^533 3ilfs5T || 83s(

anfegiK graf^r 313131 133153 l

3JigT3 g^r ggfggj 3111153 ii sga

grg gagg ^ftgr gsfgg irsisgiK 3ifJi3 |

g iir giftg grr^n^ff wi53 11 gg^

gm 5% gf3 fgat 1

3i^g grat -g+rig gf3 f%3 || 83£

5rfi ifax wrtfi 3f%g 3ti?t gftgre 1

5i% %f%gr gigg 3313)3 gm 11 8g 0

€l%ggi PnsTJpg grfggi gig fgrai 1

^gg gagg gigai gmgg fiigr 11 eg?,

ag» 1 arifagm = gsra%5 11

180

G. A. Grierson — The Song of Manilc Chandra.

[No. 3,

ftrgr Rf%gr rtstr htPrrr ^nfira i

=fTfcT irsx toi rthtr % Prgi f%^r I

$ fvr^TT JTRR xRffcT f%5JT RRRTTT HfR«T || 8^R

RT Rt RT3TR R3T RTTnH 1%R RR |

ffiTR %TR fufRfR Sf%RT ir% HT RT$T RRR RR II 83R

%r r% RfW? rtstt %rt rrt 'if"T |

RWR gfRJTR RJTcT Rf% it^f II 838

iib? tier 5i% rrut rtcrtr hIrst i

=df%RT 1%5t rrr tirrt %T^R5t firaT n e^i.

*T5 fbjT RH RTR R^TO 3JRR R*RR RfR-IT |

^RR RTTOT RR t%% RRf%RT || 8 3^

f%v|?RR TRTf%R 5J5t 1%%H U7f%RT |

^R JgT$T RR TRTRT RT5T gRT%lRT I

=?ifcraT R|f%RT RTRT RRRRH RTfjTRT II 8^-S

RR RR RTRR RR I

hrtrr nrfRRT rr RTf%RTR wRi^t n e^=

RRTR RTf^TR TIT RT5RR srtr |

RTRR RTHR RR RflRR fRRTR || V\t_

RTRR =fTR %F3THR fRHlfR I

sj

RJRR RTRR RIR TRTRR RT RTfR || 88®

RRi TRTR H~TTR RTR RlfRR RrtfRRT I

RT^TR Rf%H HRR Tnf%Rtll 88\

RTIfT g^T RITfRRT yfR?)T |

RTVTR 5J"T RjfijR <rU.'ti CTf%<]T || 8 8 s?.

=fTRR gi§cT 5T~T f%RT %TR TO RifRR I

RTt HR Rf%RT RR HRR gf%RT f%RT |

RH JITR gR JIT% HI JIRT TRT5RT II 8 8^

RR 1ITRT 5TRR ftJTcf RTR |

wrffT g^T fggi rrtr n 888

s$i I RRR = R3iR II 88^ I JllR = TIT^J II

J

1878.]

G. A. Grierson — The Song of ManiJc Chandra »

181

Jsfetmre murem mm m«tm mfe Tmmm i

^fme mm erfm mmm mffm n 8 bi

frf% %g ermre jt« mre mfem i

mmm mele eimre mfmji mfmm ii a 8sf

meJIT mfe^IT Hem miPo ie || 88 0

mrme mm m? *H i i fflfmmT ft% II || V3T || 88^=

me^% ^mc^rr mere mfm mra i

WTTT J5T% flrfxtra mmFT cI^TO II 8 8£

mrfflcT mmim ^f^T JIT mfemT fmr I

Jim meJim m^Ji mre nmm mm ii si®

etfemrm me ^mmtm ffJi i

?re% mg me^me fern n ei\

mm inim mm jit rnifmaj i

mrat ifiS^r Sm JIT JTtftl ii

me #tm 'fr^r jit mfeg i

^TJIcf JTT Tr*7 ftmt tTW fflWT mJJ II 88.3

%Tm mrfJi mfs f^m JflTW5! rnimresT 1

mmte mm jit me mre mee merce ii syg

* v»

wim «mr mfemr mfmm mzig i

mme me =frfee mi mw mfei 11 m

mm me eret Jim iige merme i

m^Jir it^jit im mTHJrre m^m ii

mre mniTJi mfm irti me rnmre mjrr i

mfee nm i mimt mw ii ay.'a

me mm mjgr msmte ^T^mm I

fmt irmre we mm3 mrmr mrfjim u ay.^

mrer yfem mfmm mm jit mfemj 11 bu,.!.

^ ftJt we mmr mfmm mretmeT l

m fee me muft mrem mfemr n

182 G. A. Grierson — The Song of Mdnilc Chandra. [No. 3,

ctssj wit srr! wrpc i

9

'frf? i^str ira tr^?f ^rf^cr 11 as?\

^ spra sr wre ^ ira i

’iR’T TT51K ^ nf^K ^TTfjI"T || 8^

ipT %R WI% R1R f*R% ^%-JX || y-IT || 8 ^

SR fRT \T fRT W fRT 'WIR |

PfiSTT RT^ PfRT ftjf ftfirTO ^TrfjpsT || 8^8

rrir gsiR ^rfw mu iN i

'fift *r% 5T5{ ftftx rr stra^nc qpsr n a£a..

g*ni "irzn ^rpiri 3;t5it rjtotr 3RRre i

f%f gi§ sm ufsRR f«cR n a«

gn gn 3rfi;gT =?t% i^TR ^xfpr i

girraiRi irrft; Otst stj-’st Oirttr n asfo

ilis stw^t iifigx *r? srwtr m% 1

ms TR3- 3J3FT7"! gi§ *nt wr$r 11 a^

igr^Rcf ^iftsira igif "gf^raj 1

%% wj *rra, rt^tt sr^r ?ftraj 11 a€t