CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

3 1924 066 284 849

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

VOL. LXVII.

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.)

Nos. 1 to IV.— 1898 : (with 14 Plates).

EDITED BY THE

j^ONORARY j^HILOLOGICAL

jS ECF^ETARY,

“It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science

in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to

the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long

intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm, Jones.

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

AND PUBLISHED BY THE

*

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARE STREET.

1898.

T

V

e

/ 3 v. c

/

I

CONTENTS

OF THE

JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Vol. LXVII, Part I.— 1898.

Page.

No. 1, (issued 11th May, 1898).

Notes on new inscriptions discovered by Major Deane. — By M. A.

Stein, Part I. (With Plates I-VII)

A Note on the Antiquity of Chittagong, compiled from the Tibetan

works Pagsam Jon-Zah of Sunpa Khonpo and Kahbab Dun-dan

of Lama Tara Ndtha. — By Sarat Chandra Das, C.I.E.,

Rai Bahadur

On the Kagmiri Noun. — By G. A. Grierson, C .I.E., Ph.D., I.C.S.

Two Copper-plate Grants of Batnapdla of Rragjyotisa in Asdm. —

By Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle, C.I.E. (With Plates VIII-

XIII ) ... ... Ml ... ...

A Note on the Identity of the great Tsang-po of Tibet with the

Dihong. — By Sarat Chandra Das, C.I.E., Rai Bahadur

l

20

29

99

126

No. 2, (issued 1st August, 1898).

Numismatic Notes and Novelties, No. III. Ancient and Mediaeval

India. — By Vincent A. Smith, I.C.S. (With Plate XIV) ... 130

The Later Mughals (1707-1803). — By William Irvine, Bengal Civil

Service. (Retired) ... ... ... ... 141

An unrecorded Governor of Fort William in Bengal. — By C. R.

Wilson, M.A. ... ... ... ... 167

The discovery of a work by Aryadeva in Sanskrit. — By Mahamaho-

padhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, Professor of Sa?iskrit, Presidency

College ... ... ... ... ... 175

Note on a Dialect of Gujarati discovered in the District of Midnapur .

— By George A. Grierson, C.I.E., Ph.D., I.C.S. ... 185

IV

Contents.

No. 3, (issued 20th September, 1898).

Page.

On Primary Suffixes in Kagmiri. — By G. A. Grierson, C.I.E.,

Ph.D., I.C.S.

On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri. — By G. A. Grierson, C.I.E. ...

An Account of Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft. — By

Sarat Chandra Das, C.I.E., Rai Bahadur

193

221

256

No. 4, (issued 20th February, 1899).

An ancient inscribed Buddhistic Statue from Cravasti. — By Theodor

Bloch, Ph.D. ... ... ... ... 274

A new Inscription of Maharaja Bhoja I., from Marwar , dated

Harsa Samvat 100. — By Theodor Bloch, Ph.D. ... ... 291

The Memoirs of Bayazid ( Bajazet ) Blyat. — By H. Beveridge, Esq.,

I.C.S. (Retired) ... ... ... ... 296

The Gdtegvara Inscription of Anarjgabhima II. of Orissa. — By

Nagendranatha Yasu, Editor Vigvakdsa ... ... 317

The date of the Jaganndtha Temple in Puri , Orissa. — By Babu Mon-

mohan Chakra vartt, M.A., B.L., Deputy Magistrate , Gaya ,

Bengal ... ... ... ... ... 328

Notes on the language and literature of Orissa , Parts III and IV. —

By Babu M. M. Chakravarti, Deputy Magistrate , Gaya ... 332

Index to Journal , Vol. LXVII , Part I ... ... ... 387

LIST OF PLATES

IN THE

JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Vol. LXVII, Part I.— 1898.

Page.

Plates I- VII : Major Deane’s new Inscriptions ... ... 1 ff.

Plates VIII-X : Copper-plate Grant of Ratnapala Varma Deva

of Pragjyotisa (undated) ... ... 99 ff.

Plate XI: Conspectus of Test-letters ... ... .. 101 ff.

Plates XII-XIII : Copper-plate Grant of Ratuapala of Pragjyo¬

tisa, Asam ... ... ... 120 ff.

Plate XIV : Numismatic Novelties. 130 ff.

ERRATA

If the final consonant of a noun in this declension is preceded by

Uj that ^ u is changed to ^ a in all cases except the Nominative Singular.

Thus, wUdur, a monkey ; nom. pi., wadar ; instr. pi.

^,f?T«T wadar au sutin : karun , the act of doing ; acc. sg.

Jcaranas : postukh , a book ; nom. pi., postakh.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I. -HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. I. — 1898.

Notes on new inscriptions discovered by Major Deane. — By M. A. Stein.

Part I .

(With Plates I-VII.)

[Read December, 1897.]

It was in the autumn of 1894, that a paper read by M. Senart,

before the Tenth International Congress of Orientalists and subsequently

published in the Journal asiatique 1 drew the attention of all Indologists

to the remarkable series of epigraphical documents, which the zeal of

Major H. A. Deane, c.s.i., then Deputy Commissioner of Peshawer,

had brought to light on the northern border of this district and in the

o o

independent territory beyond it. These inscriptions from the ancient

Qandhdra and Udy ana have attracted all the more interest as the

characters which appear in the great majority of them, have previously

been wholly unknown and differ strangely from any known system

of Indian writing.

Major Deane has since continued his epigraphical search with

unfailing energy, notwithstanding the heavy and responsible official

duties which his appointment as Political Officer during the Chitral

campaign and subsequently as Political Agent for Swat and Dir must

1 Notes d’Epigraphie Indienne. — V. Les Recentes DJcouvertes du Major Deane ,

Journal asiatique, 1894, tome iv., pp. 332-353; 504-518. Also in reprint, Notes

d’ Epigraphie Indienne , Fascic. 5., 1895.

J. I. 1

2

M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Deane. [No. 1,

Lave thrown upon him. The exceptional success which has attended

his efforts in the interest of research, is amply illustrated by the fact

that the number of new inscriptions which he has forwarded to Lahore

since M. Senart’s publication, is nearly twice as great again as the

number comprised in the latter. These epigraphical documents have

reached Lahore either in the form of the actual stones where these were

obtainable, or as ink impressions on paper or cloth, taken by Major

Deane’s agents in the case of inscriptions beyond British territory which

could not be secured otherwise.

The stones with inscriptions have been deposited without exception

in the Lahore Museum which contains now also the stones previously

communicated to M. Sen art for publication. In order to keep together

in the same place, as far as possible, all that bears on the epigraphy

of those interesting regions, Major Deane has been kind enough to

entrust to me the impressions above referred to. For this mark of con¬

fidence which I must value all the more in view of the great trouble

and the expense connected with the collection of these materials, I may

be allowed to express here publicly my grateful acknowledgments.

By making me in this manner the depositary for at least a part of

his discoveries, Major Deane has also, as it were, put me under the

obligation of bringing them to the notice of fellow students. From

a personal point of view I might well have wished that the honour

of this first publication may have fallen on one more competent

than myself and better able to do it justice. The want of necessary

leisure at Lahore and the obligation of devoting whatever time was at

my disposal in Kashmir, to my translation of Kalhana’s Chronicle, have

prevented me from making that minute study of the inscriptions ‘ in

unknown characters ’ which seems indispensable even for the slight¬

est advance towards their decipherment. As these inscriptions form

the great majority of the new finds, I must also regret my want of

acquaintance with that field of philological research which, as will be

seen below, might possibly furnish a clue to these puzzling documents.

Under these circumstances, I hope to meet best the interests of

those who are in a position to undertake a serious study of these

monuments, if I avail myself without further delay of the opportunity

offered by the Asiatic Society’s kindness in order to publish the new in¬

scriptions in unknown characters in faithful mechanical reproductions.

To the latter I have added such information regarding the find-spots,

present condition, etc., of the inscriptions as Major Deane has com¬

municated either along with the inscriptions themselves or in subse¬

quent letters addressed to me. My own remarks must necessarily be

restricted to a few observations which the examination of the docu-

1898.] M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Deane. 3

ments themselves and the grouping on the map of their places of

origin have suggested to me.

In a separate notice I intend to discuss the few short Sanskrit

inscriptions in Qarada characters which have reached Lahore along

with those in unknown characters.

The order in which the inscriptions have been shown in the follow¬

ing list, is chiefly based on topographical considerations which will be

explained below. I have indicated for each inscription or group of

inscriptions the information received regarding it from Major Deane,

but have reserved further details regarding the position of the find-

spots for the succeeding remarks. In each case it has been shown

whether the stone itself or only an impression has been received. For

purposes of subsequent reference I have given in brackets the numbers

which the inscriptions bear in the Museum Catalogue or in my own list

of impressions. The plates accompanying this paper show the inscrip¬

tions reduced, according to a simple scale, to one-half, one-fourth or

one-eighth of the original. The actual size of the characters and of the

written surface of a stone can thus be ascertained with ease and

accuracy.

In the case of all stones deposited in the Museum and in that of a

number of impressions, the reproductions given in the plates have been

prepared from photographs which my friend Mr. F. H. Andrews,

Principal of the Mayo School of Arts, and Curator of the Lahore

Museum, has most kindly placed at my disposal. For the help thus

rendered I wish to record here my sincere obligation.

M. Senart’s remarks, l.c. pp. 13 sqq., have already made clear the

serious difficulty which is caused by the impossibility of determining

in most cases the position intended for the inscription, i.e., what is to

be considered as its top or foot. For a few inscriptions (Nos. 39, 40, 43,

53) Major Deane has indicated the original position, and this point

has accordingly been noted in the list. For the great mass of the

stones and impressions, however, no direct evidence of this kind is

available. I have accordingly been obliged to follow M. Senart’s

example and to arrange the reproductions on the plates either with

reference to certain peculiarities in the shape of the stones which

suggested a particular position, or by the still less safe guidance of the

direction of writing which the characters themselves seemed to me to

exhibit. As I have as little as my learned predecessor succeeded in

finding conclusive evidence for any inscription as to the direction in

which the characters are to be read, it is scarcely necessary to point

out that the position in which all these inscriptions are shown on the

plates, is purely conjectural.

I

4 M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Beane. [No. 1,

The list of the inscriptions is as follows : —

1. Stone, obtained from Spanlcharra* (Mus. 64 ; scale of reproduc¬

tion, one-half of original).

2. Stone, found in mound at Khalil Banda (near Toru, Yusufzai).

(Mus. 37 ; scale one-half).

3-19. Impressions on cloth “ of small stones found buried together

near an old Buddhist wall and at the foot of a cliff. The place is near

Barwazgai and about a mile S. S. E. from Spankharra .” “ These little

stones were buried in a small receptacle at the foot of the cliff and

covered over with another stone.” Nos. 5 and 6 inscribed on two sides

of the same stone. (Nos. xxi.-xxxvii. ; scale one-half).

20. Impression of a stone “ in possession of a Sheikh at Span¬

kharra. It is not known where it was originally found. Used by him

for baking his food on.” (No. xx. ; scale one-half).

21-23. Impressions on cloth of 3 small stones sent to Lahore

Museum in August 1896. The characters resemble those on im¬

pressions 3-19. [A subsequent note by Major Deane informs me that

these stones form part of the Barwazgai find, but were obtained since

the first lot of impressions, i.e.t Nos. 3-19.] (Nos. xli.-xliii. ; scale one-

lialf).

24. Stone “ from the hill above Elai, Boner; (no ruin near).”

(Mus. 65 ; scale one-half).

25. Stone “ buried in the soil near an old spring at Elai, Boner.”

(Mus. 63 ; scale one-half).

26. Impression on paper of an inscription at Tangi , near Miangam

village, on Ilm, Boner.”

(No. i. ; scale one-half).

27. Impression on cloth “ of an inscription on a stone in the wall

of the house of a Mulla, Torsak in Boner. It is said to have been

taken originally from some old ruins with other stones for building

purposes.” (No. v. ; scale one-lialf).

28. Impression on cloth “of a few letters inscribed on a stone lying

in the jungle in the Malandri Valley which is the continuation of the

Sudhum Valley towards the Boner Hills and Malandri Pass.” (No. vi. ;

scale one-half).

[285. Impression on paper (No. xix6.) “of an inscription on a

stone lying near the village of Padshah in Boner, broken in half,” is too

8 I have followed throughout in local names the spelling of Major Deane’s notes,

and have not attempted to transcribe them according to the Society’s system, as

their actual pronunciation is unknown to me.

5

1898.] M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Beane.

indistinct to be reproduced. The few characters of which traces are

visible, resemble those of Nos. 26, 28 above.]

29. Impression on paper “ of a stone at Ilm-o-Mianz in Boner,

near Padshah and Bicbonnai on Ilm. It was at one time built into

the walls of a Masjid and removed as unfit to be in a Masjid wall. It is

still lying in the Masjid in the Miangam village, too large to be moved.”

(No. iii. ; scale one-eighth.)

30. Impression on paper of “ broken bit of stone lying near the

other at Ilm-o-Mianz , Boner.”

(No. ii. ; scale one-fourth.)

31. Impression on cloth of inscription “found near Shahbazgarhi .”

*

Stone sent to Lahore Museum.

(No. xxxix. ; scale one-half.)

32-34. Impressions on cloth of inscriptions “tying close to the

village of Chargam in Puran , a country above Boner. They were

found bound together, one on the top of the other. Ruins exist near

where they were found, but nothing is known as to where they originally

came from.” In a note dated 13tli April, 1896, Major Deane [adds :

“ The three inscriptions are on separate slabs, and the three of them

had been fastened together with hasps in order evidently to remove

them. As the fastening had been made by the stones having been

bored through, I can only conjecture that they were put together by

the original inhabitants of the country and they must have lain a long

time in the place where they were found.”

(Nos. xvii., xviii., xix. ; scales one-eighth, one-fourth and one-half,

respectively. Impression No. 32 being of exceptional length had to be

shown on the plate divided into two portions. A part of the central

piece of the impression, measuring 2§ inches on plate, has been repro¬

duced both in the left and right portions. )

35. Impression on paper of inscription found in “the valley

leading up from Surkhavi to Surah in Chamla. It was found about

5 miles from Surkhavi and 1\ miles from Surah.”

(No. xxxviii. ; scale one-fourth.)

36. Impressions on cloth of two sides of stone “ found at SJiera

in Amazai territory.”

(No. xl. ; sent to Lahore Museum ; scale one-half.)

37. Stone “found in Asgram .”

(Mus. 60; scale one-half.)

38. Stone “found lying amongst ruins at Asgram .”

(Mus. 62; scale one-half.)

39. Stone “from Palosdarra ; in situ, round edge uppermost.”

6

M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Deane. [No, 1,

(Mus. 69 ; scale one-fourth. Reproduced in woodcut by M. Senart,

p. 25.)

40. Stone “from Palosdarra ; found in situ.”

(Mus. 66; scale one-fourth.)

41. Stone “ from Palosdarra .”

(Mus. 83; scale one-fourth.)

42. Stone “ from Palosdarra .”

(Mus. 84 ; scale one-fourth.)

43. Stone “ from Suludheri ; in situ, standing on end, thin end top.”

(Mus. 68 ; scale one-fourth.)

44. Stone “ from Khudukhel territory.”

(Mus. 82 ; scale one-fourth.)

45. Stone “ from an old wall at Sarpatti, a spur of Mahaban over¬

looking Chanda.”

(Mus. 61 ; scale one-fourth.)

46. Stone “ from Kaldarra , near Dargai.”

(Mus. 77 ; scale one-fourth.)

47. Stone u found at Zangi Khan Banda , Boner. Had been re¬

moved from ruin and built into wall of Masjid. Came probably

from site of Nos. 48-50.”

(Mus. 70; scale one-fourth.)

48-50. Stones “dug up from what appears to be an old Memorial

Stupa completely buried in the ground at Bughdarra which is the ravine

near Zangi Khan Banda in Boner.”

(Mus. 79-81 ; scale of No. 48 one-fourth, of Nos. 49 and 50 one-half.)

51. Stone “ from Khrappa, Panjpao, Boner.”

(Mus. 67 ; thin piece of slatey stone with characters on both sides ;

scale one-fourth.)

52. Impression on paper of inscription “ from rock on hill above

Odigram , Swat.”

(No. vii. ; scale one-fourtli.)

53. Impression on paper “from rock near Odigram , Upper Swat.”

(No. ix. ; scale one- fourth.)

54. Impression on paper “ taken from a stone lying near Kanai ,

Ilaqa Kana , near Ghorband between Swat and the Indus.”

(No. viii. ; scale one-fourth.)

55-60. Impressions on cloth of Sgraffitti “ on rocks found close

together on the banks of the Swat river, just above Ramora Fort on

the right bank and at the boundary of the Adinzai Valley.”

(Nos. xi.-xvi. ; scale one-eiglith. )

7

1898.] M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Deane.

M. Senart had already clearly recognized the fact that the inscrip¬

tions before him showed at least three distinct types of writing, each of

which, on examining the find-spots of the inscriptions exhibiting it,

could be connected with a well-defined locality or territorial division.

These types which he accordingly distinguished under the very appro¬

priate name of Spankharra, Boner and Mahaban , are all largely re¬

presented among the new inscriptions. It is a fresh proof of M. Senart’s

well-known penetration and sagacity as an epigraphist that the local

distribution of the new inscriptions entirely supports his grouping.

This fact is most convincingly illustrated in the case of M. Senart’s

first group, that of Spankharra. Though M. Senart had only a single

small inscription — probably a fragment — to place under this head, he

did not fail to realize that its characters, both in form and execution,

differ considerably from those met with in the other two classes. Their

curiously irregular scrawly lines made M. Senart compare them

rightly enough to mere Sgraffitti. These we now find reappearing on not

less than twenty-three specimens which all, with one doubtful exception,

come from the same locality or its immediate vicinity. Spankharra

lies in Ranizai territory just beyond the northernmost point of the

Hashtnagar Tahsil, circ. 71° 42' E. Long. 34° 27' N. Lat. according

to the Revenue Survey Map of the Peshawar District.3

No. 1 is a fragment resembling closely M. Senart’s No. 1. More

interesting is the collection of small stones Nos. 3-19, 21-23 which were

foutid packed together “ in a small receptacle at the foot of a cliff ”

near Darwazyai , about a mile from Spankharra. It w^ould be of little

use in the absence of an accurate description of the spot to make con¬

jectures as to the purpose of this peculiar deposit. But it deserves to

be noted that all the little stones show different groups of characters,

some so curiously twisted and cursive as to suggest monograms or

signatures. Some stones, in particular Nos. 18, 19, seermto contain

also a few characters resembling those found on the inscriptions of the

second (Boner) and third (Mahaban) classes. But from the majority

of the characters and the general appearance of the writing it is evident

that none of the stones can be specially connected with either of these

3 “ District Peshawar ” ; scale 1 inch to 4 miles ; photozincographed at the Survey

of India Offices, Calcutta, 1884. This map shows the “ independent ” territory

immediately to the north of the Peshawar District with more detail than the

corresponding sheet of the Atlas of India or other maps at present accessible to

the public. As the topography of the hill tracts beyond the border is (apart from

peaks fixed trigonometrically) not shown on the basis of any x’egular survey, the

geographical positions indicated above for localities in that territory cannot be

accurate. They are intended merely to facilitate identification on the map named.

8

M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Beane. [No. 1,

classes. The same remark applies to No. 20, the “ Sheikh’s baking

stone” which is the largest specimen of this type of writing and also

exhibits a closer approach to regular lines.

Regarding No. 2, the only piece showing the characters of the

Spankharra type, which was not actually obtained from that locality,

Major Deane believes that it may have been carried to Banda Khalil

(a small hamlet south of Hoti-Mardan in Yusuf zai) by a Talib , it

having been a Talib from whom he got it.

The second type which M. Senart designated as that of Boner , was

represented in his collection by four inscriptions all found near the

village of Bichounai on the southern slopes of Mount Ilm, which divides

Boner and Swat. M. Senart has already called attention, l. c., p. 17, to

the relatively large number of complicated and elaborate characters found

in this group. This peculiarity induced him to separate it from the

third, notwithstanding the common occurrence of certain simpler signs

in both of them.

That this distinction was - justified, is now shown by the new in¬

scriptions gathered from the same region, Nos. 24-33. They all show

a great variety of signs of a peculiarly elaborate type, either identi¬

cal with or similar to the characters found on the Bichounai inscriptions.

As the find-spots of the new inscriptions are situated with one

exception within the territory known as Boner, the designation given to

this group by M. Senart lias proved singularly felicitous. At the same

time we can see from a glance at the map that the localities which have

furnished these inscriptions, are spread over a considerable tract of

country.

Nos. 24 and 25 come from Klai situated in the central part of Boner,

circ. 72° 28' E. Long., 34° 32' N. Lat. No. 26 is a somewhat indistinct

impression of a stone found near Miangam , a village on Ilm and hence

probably not far from Bichounai. Ilm itself is shown on the ‘ Atlas of

India’ Sheet No. 14, as the name of the mountain range whose highest

point is Peak No. 81 (9,341 feet) as marked by the Trigonometrical

Survey. Torsah , where the original of No. 27 is said to be walled into a

house, is a place about 3 miles due west of Nlai.

Ilm-o-Mianz , where Nos. 29 and 30 come from, is a village which

according to Major Deane’s information is situated somewhere on

the southern slopes of Mount Ilm and near to Bichounai and Padshah.

From the latter place was obtained the impression No. 28 b. Still further

to the north lies apparently Ghargam , in Puran, which has furnished

the interesting inscriptions Nos. 32-34.

To the south we are taken again by the small inscription No. 28

which was picked up in the Malandri Valley leading up from Rustam

9

1898.] M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Deane.

and Surkliabi to the Malandri Pass, circ. 72°26' E. long., 31° 24' N. Lat.

Finally we have in No. 31, a small stone recently found at Shahbazgarln

far to the south of the Boner hills.

Some significance may, perhaps, be attached to the fact that this

group of inscriptions which seems topographically to extend over the

widest area, is also the one in which varieties of the same system of

writing can be most readily distinguished.

In their clearest and sharpest form the characters appear in the

four inscriptions from Bichounai (M. Senart’s Nos. 2-5) which look as

if engraved by the same mason or after an identical pattern. Closest

to them range in this respect our Nos. 26-27 from Tangi and Torsak ,

though here the characters bear a slightly more rounded form. Similar

in type are also Nos. 24-25 from Elai , but the execution is far less

careful. Both these little inscriptions are cut into rough stones of

small size which do not appear to have ever belonged to a building or

other structure.

With a peculiarly cursive yet clear enough form of these characters

we meet on the three inscriptions from Ghargam , Nos. 32-34, which, as

Major Deane’s note seems to show, were originally fastened together.

No. 34 contains only a few stray signs which, however, can be traced

also in the far more regular lines of the other two inscriptions.

Nos. 28 and 31 from Malandri and Shahbazgarhi , respectively, are

too small to show any striking peculiarity of their own. Such, how¬

ever, is amply displayed by the large-sized characters of No. 29 from

Ilm-o-Mianz. I should have hesitated to class this inscription with the

Boner group, were it not that on closer examination the peculiarity of

these characters appears to be due more to a kind of ornamentation with

hooks and flourishes than to any real difference of type. The fragment

No. 30 from the same locality can certainly not be separated from this

group, the shape of the few signs approaching closely to some found

on No. 24.

With the Boner group too, I have thought it best to arrange

Nos. 35 and 36 which come both from valleys lying to the north of the

Mahaban range and opening into Boner proper. No. 35 found near

Surah, circ. 72° 36' E. Long., 34° 24' N. Lat., shows a few characters

resembling the Boner type, arranged in a circle amidst what are

evidently symbols. A similar arrangement is exhibited by M. Senart’s

No. 4 from Bichounai.

No. 36 which comes from Shera , a locality of uncertain position in

Amazai territory, is a small loose stone showing on both sides scrawls

which may be compared with a few signs occurring on No. 30 and else¬

where.

J, i. 2

10 M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Beane. [No. 1,

I cannot conclude this brief notice of the inscriptions of the Boner

group without pointing out that this is the only one in which inscrip¬

tions of an approximately monumental look have yet been met with.

The inscriptions of the first or Spankharra group are scarcely more

than Sgraffitti on small stones which show no mark of having been

specially prepared for bearing records. The inscriptions of the third

group to be noticed next are also without exception engraved on stones

of comparatively small size which, whether found detached or fitted into

walls, are ecpially irregular in their shape. Against this, we find in the

Boner group several inscriptions of greater size, like M. Senart’s No. 5

and our Nos. 27, 29, 30 which are engraved in regular lines and evidently

with far more care and routine than those referred to.

The new inscriptions of the third or Mahaban group, Nos. 37-41,

come almost all from the identical localities from which M. Senart’s

specimens were procured. Asgram lies at. the end of a spur which

runs down from Mount Mahaban to the south, at a point circ. 72°'

45' E. Long., 34° 7' N. Lat. Palosdarra according to Major Beane’s

note seems to be situated about 72° 35' E. Long., 34° 9' N. Lat. close

to the village Boka marked on the map near the Border towards Khudu-

kliel territory. Suludhem seems to be about 3 to 4 miles to the north of

Boka. The Kliudukhel territory begins immediately to the west

and north of Suludheri. Sarpatti is the name of a spur running to Ihe

north-west of Mahaban ; its highest point is marked on the map at 72°

40' E. Long., 34° 21' N. Lat.

Whereas the find-spots of all the other inscriptions of this group

are closely gathered round the spurs of Mount Mahaban, No. 46 which

comes from Kaldarra near Dargai takes us far away to the west into

the vicinity of the Malakand Pass.

Regarding the characters which appear on these stones in such

bewildering variety I have nothing to add to M. Senart’s remarks,

p. 21 sqq. No. 41 is of some interest as a socket cut into the stone,

evidently with the intention of fitting it to another, makes it probable

that the original position of the stone was the one shown in the plate.

At the same time it appears that the inscription was engraved after the

stone had been fitted in the above manner, as none of the characters

falling near the cut edges seem to be mutilated. If a conclusion can be

drawn from the fact that in the three outer lines which follow the

rounded contour of the stone, the terminal signs below are cut up to the

very edge of the socket, a direction of the writing from right to left

would appear probable.

Perhaps the most curious of the new inscriptions in unknown

characters are the five stones Nos. 47-51, which come from Zangi Khan

1898.] M. A: Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Deane. 11

Banda and Khrappa in Boner. The characters which they exhibit,

differ so strikingly in form and arrangement from those found on any

of the inscriptions hitherto mentioned, that I cannot hesitate to recog¬

nize in them a fourth independent type. As both Zangi Khan Banda

and Khrappa fall within the tract occupied by the clan of the Nurizai ,

I should suggest provisionally for these inscriptions the name of Nurizai

group. The first named locality from which four of the stones have been

obtained, lies according to the map close to the range of the hills which

forms the southern boundary of Boner towards British territory, circ.

72° 25' E. Long., 34° 26' N. Lat. Khrappa is marked as Krapa on the

map, some 7 miles in a direct line to the north-west of Zangi Khan

Banda and not far from El*ai.

The inscriptions of the ne\V group are already outwardly distin¬

guished from the rest by the peculiar shape of the stones on which they

are engraved. These are all longisli pieces of a slatey material

which as the dowel on No. 47 and the socket on No. 48 show, were

evidently intended to be placed upright, i.e. with one of the narrower

sides topmost. Another distinguishing feature is the engraved frame

of straight lines which encloses all inscriptions except No. 49. On

the reverse of No. 51 and in part of No. 47 the characters are actually

attached to these lines.

The characters themselves which seem to consist of a series of

curves, angles and simple strokes either separate or combined, do not

show (except perhaps in part of No. 47), any approach to a linear

arrangement such as we have found in the inscriptions of the other

groups. If the information recorded regarding Nos. 48-50 is correct in

describing their find-spots as a buried Stupa, we could have little doubt

as to the votive character of these small monuments which is suggested

already by their shape.

The only reason for grouping together in the list and plates the

series of impressions shown in Nos. 52-60, is that the stones from which

they were taken are all situated in Swat territory or in its immediate

vicinity. Leaving aside Nos. 55-60 in which some marks are perhaps

mere symbols, we find that the characters of the other three inscrip¬

tions differ markedly from those found in the four groups above

described, without yet showing any distinct affinity amongst themselves.

No. 52 comes, perhaps, nearest to the type of the Mahaban group, but

exhibits yet peculiarities which make it inadvisable for the present

to range it under that head. In No. 53 again, which like the lust-

named inscription is engraved on a rock near Odiyram (some ten miles

north-east of Thana on the Swat river), we have characters of a peculiar

rounded shape which bear no resemblance whatever to those of the

third group.

12 M. A. Stein — Neiv inscriptions discovered by Major Deane. [No. 1,

No. 54 comes from tlie vicinity of Ghorband which is described by

Major Deane as a “ range of hills running parallel with the Indus for a

short distance and northward or possibly a little N. W. from the Ilm

and Dossira mountains.” A few of the simple characters shown by this

inscription occur also in the Mahaban group. Others, however, in

particular the compounded (?) signs in the first two lines which are

attached to horizontal strokes, I have not been able to trace in the large

number of inscriptions we already possess of that type.

Until a larger number of inscriptions is obtained from that region,

it must be left undecided whether we have in Nos. 52-54 fresh types of

writing or only marked local variations of one or the other known

group, such as M. Senart has very appropriately suggested (p> 18 note)

in the case of Nos. 25 and 26 of his series.

The impressions reproduced in Nos. 55-60 exhibit a series of large

Sgraffitti which are found engraved on rocks situated close together at a

point on the upper course of the Swat river. Most frequent among

them are signs which seem nothing but variations of the Tri^ula

symbol. In the largest of these ‘inscriptions’ No. 55, and also in

No. 56 there appear a few signs which faintly resemble Devanagarl or

Carada letters. On the whole, however, it is improbable that we

have in these detached markings anything more than emblematic signs

or possibly ideograms of an unknown system.41

Large as the number of inscriptions is, which has rewarded

Major Deane’s search during the last two years, we look yet in vain

among them for one which would furnish a clue to the puzzling

characters they display in so bewildering variety. The new inscrip¬

tions exhibit as little as those contained in M. Senart’s publication

any well-defined groups of characters which by their repeated occur¬

rence in particular positions might allow of some conclusion as to their

significance or the character of their language.

There are not wanting in the new inscriptions stray signs which

show a curious resemblance to the characters of one or the other known

alphabets. But after what M. Senart and Prof. Buhler have said on

this point, it is scarcely necessary to emphasize how hazardous it would

be to take the mere resemblance of a few characters, unsupported by

other evidence, as the basis for further speculations.

In view of these circumstances it appeared as if we should have to

wait with resignation for the discovery of a bilingual stone or some

other lucky accident of this kind, before we could approach even the

preliminary question of the origin and date of these puzzling mouu-

4 [For further information regarding the position of these rock-carvings and

the manner of their reproduction compare the “ Supple mentaiy Notes,” p. 17 below.]

1898.] M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Beane. 13

rnents. All the more gratified we must feel at the recent discovery of

a document which has thrown unexpected light on an obscure period of

the history of Gandhara and the neighbouring regions, and which also

seems to show us the direction where the means for the future solution

of the riddle may have to be sought for.

I refer to the Itinerary of the Chinese pilgrim Ou-K'ong , of which

Professors Llsvi and Chavannes have published a translation, accom¬

panied by very valuable notes, in the Journal asiatique, for September-

October, 1895. From Ou-K'ong’s account we learn that the territories

of ITdyana and Gandhara from which our inscriptions come, were

during the pilgrim’s sojourn there, a.d. 753-759, 763-764, united under

the rule of a dynasty which claimed descent from Kaniska and was

zealously attached to the Buddhist faith. Messrs. Llsvi and Chavannes

rightly recognize in these rulers Alberunl’s ‘ Shahiyas of Kabul,’ ‘ Turks

who were said to be of Tibetan origin.’5 6 From the names given to

members of this royal family both in Ou-K'ong’s Itinerary and the

T'ang Annals the Editors conclude with great probability, that these

princes belonged actually to a dynasty of Turkish nationality and

language.6

The interesting historical fact thus established fully justifies the

Editors in attaching importance to the curious similarity which

M. Senart and Prof. Buhler had already noticed between certain

characters in Major Deane’s inscriptions and the alphabet of the Tur¬

kish inscriptions from the banks of the Orkhon deciphered by Prof.

V. Thomsen in 1893. 7 This resemblance deserves .all the more atten¬

tion in view of the fact that the date of these Turkish insciiptions (first

5 See Alberuni’s India, translated by Prof. Sachnu, ii., pp. 10 sqq. Compare

regarding this dynasty my paper Zur Geschichte der Qdhis von Kabul in 4 Festgruss

an Rudolf von Roth,’ 1893, pp. 195 sqq.

6 See Journal asiatique, 1895, vi., p. 378 sq.

It must be noted that the titles t'e-le and t'e-k'in-li which are most characteris¬

tically Turkish, are given in Ou-K'ong’s narrative not as those of princes belonging

to the ruling family of K'ien-t'o-lo (Gandhara), but as designations of ‘sons of the

king of the Tou-kiue or Turks ; ’ see l. c., pp. 354, 357. Though mentioned as

founders of Viharas, both in Katpnir and Gandhara, these princes need not have

actually resided in either of these countries. Sufficient evidence, however, remains

for the above assumption in pie name of Ou-san Te-le-li, mentioned as king of

Ki-pin in the Chinese Annals, a.d. 739; in the word houli which is found in the

names of several Viharas visited by Ou-K'ong in Gandhara, and which seems to be

a Turkish term, and finally in the name of the ambassador Sa-po-ta-kan whom the

ruler of Gandhara sent to the Chinese court in Ou-K'ong’s time.

1 According to Prof. Buhler’ s observation, 4 On the origin of the Brdhini

Alphabet,’ 1895, p. 89, the alphabets of the Orkhon and Yenissei inscriptions show

more thau a dozen of the signs found in Major Beane’s inscriptions.

14 M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Deane. [No. 1,

half of the 8th century), as already noted by Messrs. Lfsvi and Chavannes,

falls close to the time of Ou-K'ong’s residence in the monasteries of

Gandliara and Udyana.

These coincidences have led the Editors of Ou- Kong’s Itinerary

to suggest a Turkish origin for our inscriptions. They are certainly

striking enough to make it most desirable that the unknown characters

of the latter should be fully analysed and compared with the Orkhon

texts by a competent Turkish scholar. Unable to undertake even the

preliminary steps for such a task, I must content myself here with

showing that the conclusions drawn by Messrs. Llm and Chavannes

from Ou-K'ongas to the existence of a Turkish dominion in Gandliara,

are well supported also by what Hiuen Tsiang had recorded of those

regions more than a century earlier.

From Ou-K'ong’s reference to Gandliara as the site of ‘ Ihe

eastern capital of Ki-pin (p. 349), it is certain that in his time as in

that of the earlier Chinese pilgrim, Gandliara was under the same rule

as the Upper Valley of the Kabul River.8 Hiuen Tsiang tells us dis¬

tinctly ( Si-yu-ki , transl. Beal, i., p. 98) that the Gandliara of his time

‘was governed by deputies from Kia-pi-shi .’ Accordingly we find that

when the pilgrim on his return -journey crossed the Indus near Uda-

bhanda , the old capital of Gandliara at the site of the present Und, he

was received there by the king of Kia-pi-shi ; compare Life of lliuen

Tsiany , translated by Beal, p. 192.

Kia-pi-shi or Kapica is undoubtedly the Kaninra of Ptolemy and

identical with the hill-region between Kabul and the southern foot of

the Hindukush. In describing its inhabitants Hiuen Tsiang tells us

that ‘ their literature is like that of the Tukhara ( Tu-lio-lo ) country, but

the customs, common language and rules of behaviour are somewhat

different’ ( Si-yu-ki , i., p. 54).

Retracing then our steps in the pilgrim’s narrative to the country

of the Tu-ho-lo , i.e., Tukharistan on the Upper Oxus, we find the

numerous petty states constituting it described as all dependent on the

Tuh-kiue tribes, i.e., the Turks (see Si-yu-lci, i., p. 37 sq ). 'Ilie language

of the inhabitants is said to “ differ somewhat from that of other

countries. The number of radical letters in their language is twenty-

five ; by combining these, they express all objects around them. Their

writing is across the page, and they read from left to right. Their

literary records have increased gradually.”

i ^ . . t.

8 From the Chinese notices regarding Ki-pin, lucidly set forth by Messrs. Levi

and Chavannes, l.c., pp. 371 sqq., it appears that Ki-pin as a geographical term in

Chinese texts has had a varying employ at different periods. On the whole, how¬

ever, preponderating evidence points to Ki-pin having been originally the designation

of the Upper Kabul Valley.

1898.] M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Beane. 15

Meagre as these details are they show yet clearly that in searching

for the national and literary affinities .of the race which held the rule

of Kia-pi-shi and Gandhara in Hiuen Tsiang’s time, we have to look

to the Turkish tribes in the north and not in the direction of India.

A century later Udyana too had passed under the same dominion.

Whereas Iiiuen Tsiang speaks yet of independent kings in Udyana

(TJ-chang-na, Si-yu-ki, i., p. 121), we see from a passage of the T'ang

Annals ( L’ Itineraire d’Ou-K'ong, p. 349 note) that a.d. 745 this territory

was already united with Gandhara and Kia-pi-shi under the same rule.

In that }mar P'o-p'o, king of Ki-pin, is said to have received the imperial

authority for assuming the title of ‘ King of Ki-pin and Ou-chang .’

This historical fact would allow us to account for the occurrence of

Turkish inscriptions in regions like Swat and Boner which undoubtedly

belonged to Udyana, notwithstanding the record which Hiuen Tsiang

has left us as to the connection of the language and writing of Udyana

with, that of India.9

The publications of the Danish Academy and the Finno-Ugrian

Society, containing the Orkhon inscriptions, are to my regret not

accessible to me at present. I am, therefore, unable to ascertain with

which of the several types of writing distinguished above their

characters show most affinity.

Perhaps, a comparison of the Orkhon inscriptions will also throw

some light on the relation of these types amongst each other. The

first three as well as the fifth have undoubtedly numerous simple

characters in common and might represent modifications of one and the

same system of writing adapted to different languages or dialects.

It is, however, evident that other explanations are also possible, and

that all conjectures on the subject must for the present remain extremely

hazardous.

Gamp , Kashmir : 19th September , 1896,

9 “ Their language though different in some points, yet greatly resembles that

of India. Their written characters and their rales of etiquette are also of a mixed

character as before.” See Si-yu-ki , i. p., 120.

The local names of Swat and Boner, as far as shown on the map, with their

frequent terminations in-gram and -Icot, seem to support the belief that these regions

were at a time preceding the Pathan conquest inhabited by a population which in its

great mass spoke an Indian language. This circumstance, however, could well be

reconciled with a prolonged dominion over those territories of Turkish masters or

even their temporary occupation by a Turkish-speaking population.

Without going for analogies to Europe where, e.g., the Balkan Peninsula would

furnish them in plenty, we may refer to the local nomenclature of the Upper

Derajat along the right Indus bank and to that of Yusufzai-Gandhara itself. This

has preserved its Indian character notwithstanding the fact that the great mass of

the population in these tracts has for centuries back been speaking Pusthu.

16 M. A. Stein — Neic inscriptions discovered by Major Deane. [No. 1,

SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES.

More than a year has passed between the time when this paper

was first sent to the press, and the date of its publication. This long

delay has been due solely to the difficulty first experienced in providing

for the adequate reproduction of the inscriptions. On reference to the

only Indian establishment capable of undertaking such work it was

found that the required plates could not be prepared there except at a

cost which would have considerably exceeded the funds available for

this purpose. Even then it seemed doubtful whether the process to be

employed would secure satisfactory reproductions of those impressions

on paper or cloth which were faint in color or otherwise difficult to re¬

produce mechanically.

In view of these circumstances, it was particularly gratifying that

Mr. W. Griggs, of Peckham, London, whose photographic and chrorno-

lithographic works have already on many occasions served the interests

of Indian archaeological and epigraphical research, kindly offered to

undertake the task on terms acceptable to the Society’s Council. A visit

paid to England during the last summer enabled me to watch personally

the preparation of the plates. I was thus in a position to appreciate

more thoroughly the exceptional care and attention which Mr. Griggs

has bestowed on the work. The difficulties resulting from the deficient

nature of part of the available materials could not have been overcome

so successfully without Mr. Griggs’ personal efforts, and for these my

special thanks are due to him.

For the technical defects in many of the available impressions

it is easy to account in the light of the explanations with which Major

Deane has favoured me on a subsequent occasion. The persons

through whose hands almost all these impressions have been obtained

were wandering Pathan Mullas and Talibs. Individuals of this class,

being aware of Major Deane’s interest in epigraphical remains, had

for some time back been in the habit of bringing to him any inscribed

stones which they came across and could conveniently carry along.

Some of them on their wanderings across the border had seen similar

stones which either on account of their size or for other reasons could

not easily be removed.

Fanaticism among transfrontier tribes, like those of Boner and the

Utman Khel, is still strong enough to make the open removal of inscribed

stones which may be suspected to be of a ‘Kafir’ origin and to give

17

1898.] M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Deane.

eventually information as to hidden treasures, etc., a business of con¬

siderable risk even for such people. Major Deane, therefore, thought

it best to initiate his occasional visitors into the art of taking impres¬

sions on paper or cloth and to provide them with the necessary

materials in order to secure through them impressions of stones not

otherwise obtainable. Some of them incited by the hope of a small re¬

muneration have actually carried out Major Deane’s wishes, and the

impressions now published (together with a considerable number of

others subsequently received) represent the result of their efforts.

It would in no case be reasonable to expect from agents of this

peculiar type such work as we are accustomed to from trained assistants

of archiBogical surveyors in other parts of India. But indeed the awk¬

ward conditions under which generally these impressions have to be

secured, would render the taking of really good impressions impossible

even if Mullas and Talibs could be got to learn systematically all the

niceties of the art. In order to avoid detection and the consequent

risks, Major Deane’s agents have been obliged to take their impressions

in the manner which is easiest and quickest. The orthodox method of

taking an impression from the stone by means of wetted paper and with

the use of brush and ink, would no doubt have given far better results.

Yet by following this lengthy process the operator might more than

once have exposed himself to the chance of being shot at by a suspicious

tribesman while he watched his paper drying. In two or three cases

Major Deane’s agents have in fact been fired at even while using the

quicker process.

It is therefore scarcely surprising to find that Major Deane’s agents

have in most cases contented themselves with a simpler if less effective

process. After roughly inking the raised surface of the stone a piece of

cloth or paper was pressed against it. On this the inscribed parts ought

to appear in white. In some instances (see, e.g ., Nos. 27, 33) very fair

impressions were thus obtained. In others, however, the evident hurry

with which the stone was inked or the cloth (paper) removed, has led

to the impression becoming blurred and accordingly very difficult to re¬

produce (see, e.g., Nos. 30, 32). In those few cases where the operator

tried to obtain a sunk paper-impression by the use of a brush (see Nos.

29, 35) his achievement has scarcely been more satisfactory.

A short visit which I had the good fortune to pay to the Lower

Swat Valley last Christmas under Major Deane’s auspices, enabled

me to examine personally the rock-carved inscriptions reproduced in

Nos. 55-60 of Plate VII. These were the only ones among the inscrip¬

tions here published from impressions which were then accessible for

inspection. I found the two rocks exhibiting them exactly in the posi-

18 M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Deane. [No. 1,

tion indicated by tlie remarks quoted above, p. 6. They lie side by side

at the foot of a hill-spur which runs down to the right bank of the

Swat river, about three miles above Fort Ghakdarra and quite close to

the little hamlet of Khushm again. Between them and the precipitous

river bank passes the road to Shamozai territory and Upper Swat,

undoubtedly an important route of communication since ancient times.

The face of both rocks is naturally smooth and thus seems to offer itself

as a convenient place of record.

The large marks which appear on them bear distinctly the character of

Sgraffitti. They are cut only to a very slight depth in the hard rock,

and form small detached groups spreading irregularly over the surface.

Some of these little groups are now almost completely effaced. The

careless execution of the marks makes it impossible to obtain an im¬

pression of them by any ordinary mechanical process. The attempt I

made to photograph them, also failed, partly owing to the faint

appearance of the outlines and partly on account of the glare reflected

from the rock. For the purpose of the present publication I was, there¬

fore, obliged to fall back upon the impressions which Major Deane had

originally communicated to me.

For these we are indebted to Surgeon-Captain Dr. D. W. Suther¬

land, who while stationed at Chakdarra in charge of the Swat Civil

Hospital 1895-97, had devoted a great deal of attention to the antiquities

of the neighourhood. Dr. Sutherland, finding it impracticable to

secure an impression in any other fashion, had carefully inked by hand

the whole surface around what appeared to him engraved marks, and

had taken his cloth impressions from the thus prepared surface. As he

had carried out this process with great care and skill, the impressions of

the several groups of Sgraffitti prepared by him can be accepted as very

accurate eye-copies of what can still be distinguished with any certainty.

On Plate VII. I have shown the groups Nos. 55-57 approximately in

the relative positions which they occupy on the rock to the right. The

Sgraffitti visible on the left rock are reproduced in the same way in Nos.

58-60.

#

During the time which has passed since the above paper was

written, Major Deane has continued with equal zeal and success the

collection of epigraphical remains from the interesting regions which lie

within the sphere of his influence. The number of inscriptions in un¬

known characters since secured by him, including those obtained during

the recent expedition to Upper Swat, has gradually risen to above fifty.

Among them is one coming from Boner which owing to the large num-

19

1898.] M. A. Stein — New inscriptions discovered by Major Deane.

ber of characters it contains is likely to prove” important for the even¬

tual decipherment of these puzzling documents. Major Deane’s efforts

have, however, not yet succeeded in bringing to light a single ‘bi-

linguis,’ and in the absence of such a guide the first step in that direc¬

tion remains as difficult as before. If-The preparation of Plates showing

Major Deane’s recent acquisitions has already being taken in hand by

Mr. Griggs, and with the help of the Asiatic Society I hope to publish

soon the whole of these new finds in a Second', Series.

In conclusion I may be allowed to state that I have discussed the

questions concerning the Turkish dominion in Gandhara and Udyana

more fully in a paper recently read before the Royal Hungarian Academy

of Sciences, Budapest 10. This I hope to make soon morekiccessible by

an Euglish translation.

Lahore: 5th November , 1897.

1° “ A feher HunoTe 3s rokon torzselc indiai szerepleserol ( IV bite Huns and kindred

tribes in Indian history”); see Budapesti Szemle, August, 1897.

20

S. C. Das — Antiquity of Chittagong .

[No, 1,

A Note on the Antiquity of Chittagong , compiled from the Tibetan works

Pagsam Jon-Zan of Sump a Khan-po and Kahbab Dun-dan of Lama

Tara Natha. — By Sakat Chandra Das, C.I.E., Bai Bahadur.

[Read February, 1897.]

About the close of the 6th century A.D. when JM Harsa reigned in

Ka^mir,1 in the north, the brother of king Prabhasa, named f akyabala,

brought under his sway the country between Haridvara and Kazimir.

He accepted as his spiritual teacher Acarya Vasumitra, the author of

the commentary of the Mabak59a and also of the works on the religious

theories of the eighteen sects of the early Buddhists. In the south Deva

£rama, a pupil of Dharma Raksita, who had written the Mula Prajna

Tika, gained the victory in a disputation with some Tlrthika (Brahmana)

Pandits, and succeeded in converting king Salavahana to Buddhism.

Afterwards in the reign of the fifth Simha, the Tlrthika teacher called

Dattatri appeared.2 Shortly afterwards the Brahmana Pandits, called

Kumara-lila and Kanada, defeated the pupils of the Buddhist sage

Diq-naga and others. When pamkar-acarya, who, it is said, could see

^ c\ c\ c\ c\ cs "V ^ C\

1 VWS'*

Then the Pala dynasty of the solar race ( Suryavamga ) consisting of fourteen

kings came in succession. At that time in Katjmir there ruled Qrl Harsa Deva.

a *

^ I (Pagsam Jon-Zah, 110.)

SN’S'W’VB’ %’V; ' 3CW V^T3)3l * ’ WWX'W'Z T

n o. Q

( Pagsam Jon-Zan, 105.)

N

-V"

-V*

•v

1898.]

S. C. Das — Antiquity of Chittagong.

21

the god Mahadeva whenever he wished, came to Bengal, the elderly

Buddhist Bhiksus wished to call the demigods who guarded Buddhism

in other lands to their aid, but the youthful Buddhist Pandits, not

listening to their advice, held religious controversy with famkara and

were defeated.3 They lost twenty-five endowed religious institutions

together with their furniture and other properties ; and 500 Buddhist

Upasakas were converted to the creed of the Tirthikas (Brahmanas).

When fhihkar-acarya sent his letter of challenge to Nalanda to hold a

religious disputation with him, Dharma Klrtti 4 was brought from the

Dekhan by king Prabhasa. In the great controversy which was

held at Benares between the Brahmanas and the Buddhists in which the

king presided, Pandit Dharma Kirtti gained the victory. All the people

interested in the controversy became converted to Buddhism. The

king, having been converted, established a large number of Buddhist

institutions. Though defeated, famkara did not embrace Buddhism.

After his death which occurred by drowning himself in the Ganges,

his followers were mostly converted to Buddhism.

In Otivisa (Orissa) (^amkara’s disciple, a Brahman named Bhat-

tacarya, became powerful. He defeated the Buddhist Pandit Kulica

frestha and others in disputation, with the result that the Buddhist

temples were destroyed by the Tirthikas, and their endowed pro¬

perties appropriated to the use of the latter. In the east Yimala

Candra,6 son of Bala Candra, had established his power over

3 SQT^T

a o.

c\ c\ W

~\r

' c\

4

(Pagsam Jon-Zan, 106.)

( Pagsam Jon-Zan , 107.)

Dharma Kirtti and Gam-po king of Tibet were said to be of the same time.

Gam-po married the daughter of Empex*or Thai Jung of China, who according

to Chinese chronology reigned in 600 A.D.

( Pagsam Jon-Zan, 107.)

CS

c\ cs

q £ a

( Pagsam Jon-Zan, 105.)

Bala Candra was the son of Simha Candra who reigned in Bengal. Bfda

Candra extended his power to Tirhut and Kamarupa. At this time Magadha was

ruled by the elder son of King Harsa.

22

[No. 1,

S. C. Das — Antiquity of Chittagong.

the three great provinces, viz : — Tirabhukti, Baggala and Kamarupa. lie

patronized the Madhyamika philosophers, pri Gupta, the pupil of Supra-

datta and also the Acaryas Ratna Kirtti and Amara Siddba. King

Yimala Candra had married a sister of king Bhartrhari, the last of the

line of the Candras who ruled in Malava, and had two sons, viz : — Lalifca

Candra and G5pi Candra After king Bhartrhari had renounced the

world in order to live the life of an ascetic, Lalita Candra succeeded him.

King Vimala Candra was succeeded by Gopi Candra, during whose

reign the seat of Government was at Catigrama (modern Chittagong)

in Eastern Bengal. In Catigrama there were in that early time many

Tirthika temples and Buddhist Viharas. The Buddhist of Catigrama

belonged to the Tantrik Mahayana school. To the south of Catigrama

was the kingdom of Raklian or Arakhan. In Catigrama there was

Jalandhara, in which flames of fire appeared mixed up with water.

The Buddhist Siddha Balapada was born at Nagara Thata in Sindu,

in the family of a rich fudra merchant. He became a Buddhist and

studied a large number of Buddhist works under eminent Buddhist sages.

Then entering the holy order of Bhiksus, he visited Udyana (modern

Swat and Chitral) and there practised yoga . From there he proceeded

to Jalandhara (a place somewhere between Kacmir and Nepal), where

appeared flames of fire in the midst of water and stone. For his long

residence there he was called the Saint of Jalandhara. He visited Nepal

and there causing the chief Lirjga of piva to be split by the efficacy of

his charms, converted the Nepalese to Tantrik Buddhism. From Nepal

he proceeded to the city of Avanti in Malava. At this time Bhartrhari,

a member of the old royal family of Malava, had succeeded to the

throne on the death of Visnu Raja. Balapada converted a large

number of people at Avanti to Buddhism by performing miracles.

Once several thousand goats were being sacrificed by the Brahmans

before some deity. Suddenly by his charms he changed them into so

many wolves. This frightened the people who, imbibing faith in

Buddha, desisted from animal sacrifice. He initiated a man of the weav¬

er-caste, aged 99 years, in the mystic cult of Tantrik Buddhism and

admitted a young Brahman to the holy order, who afterwards became

an adept in mysticism and was called Krisn-acarya (the performer

of black magic). Lastly, once while he was seated in deep meditation

at the foot of a tree in a grove outside the city of Avanti, some robbers

came and sat round him. At night they committed robbery in the city

and obtained good many precious things. Thinking that good luck had

attended them on account of their having seen the sage, they made him

large presents of pearl rosaries and other precious things which weighed

several hundred ounces. When they had gone away, the people saw in

1898.]

S. C. Das — Antiquity of Chittagong.

28

liis possession the stolen goods, and so they took him to the king,

who sentenced him to be impaled. The sage was fixed to the stake,

and there he remained still and motionless as in yoga. When necessary,

he used to get away to make ablution in the river, and then again quiet¬

ly resumed his seat on the stake. On the seventh day of his impalement

the king came to inspect the scene. Seeing that the sage sat unhurt

on the stake, he became unhappy for the wrong he had done to one who

was guiltless and holy. He became a devout follower of Balapada, who

was so called on account of his child-like simplicity of character.6 From

Malava the sage proceeded to the kingdom of Bengal which was ruled,

by Gopi Candra,7 a son of king Vimala Candra. Gopi Candra was

young when he became king. Being a handsome person, he was

very coquettish in his manners. He often used to behold his beautiful

face in the mirror. The sage Balapada visited Jalandhara (probably

the modern Sitakunda), where flames ot‘ fire were seen in the midst of

water and stone. Coming to the city of Catigrama, he entered the king’s

orchard and sat meanly attired in meditation at the foot of some trees.

It is said that when he felt thirsty, he summoned the cocoa-nuts that

were on the tree to come to his lips. They came and, pouring into his

mouth their watery contents, returned at his bidding to their respective

places. The mother of the king observed this curious phenomenon with

wonder, and knowing that the sage who looked mean like a Hadi (sweeper

of roads) was a Siddha, she asked her royal son to call the sage to his

presence to get some charms by which he might gain longevity. The

sage whispered a mantra into the king’s ears, and at the same time

asked him to put his hand in an empty earthen pot. “ Do you perceive

anything in it ? ” asked the sage. “ Ho, nothing ” was the reply.

6

Q. Q. 5} -o

.'TV&VWX.W&T S'* ar5§’«J*r*Hra'$- ( Kdhbab Dun-dan, 30.)

Wcv

( Pagsam Jon-Zan, 108.)

"VO -V

C\

7

Q •

(Pagsam Jon-Zan , 109.)

~v

v "V

o c\

"V

QT'imN'S'aW’i I Jr<5K'qf'<^'r§yQ<£V'S''T (Kahbdb Dun-dan, 28.)

[No. 1,

24 S. C. Das — Antiquity of Chittagong.

Thrice the same interrogation was made, to which the same reply was

given. Then “ that tattva , i.e., the perception of nothingness , is the way to

immortality,” said the sage. The king did not perceive the truth, and sus¬

pecting the sage to he an imposter, ordered him to be buried alive. A pit

was dug in the ground, into which the sage was placed. The ground was

then covered with the dung of elephants and horses. It was then fenced

with thorny trees, so that nobody could take him out. Twelve years after

this event his pupil Krsn-acarya, when proceeding to the place called

Kadali Ksetra, visited Catigrama. His two pupils Badala and Mahila

at his instance shewed some miracles to the king, and impressed him

with the extreme holiness of their teacher. Being likewise asked for the

secrets of immortality by Gopi Candra, Krsn-acarya whispered into his

ears the same mantra which was given him by Balapada. The king,

remembering it, said he had heard the same thing once before, and told

the same story. Krsn-acarya informed the monarch that nobody

else knew the mantra except his own Guru , i.e., Balapada, the sage of

Jalandhara whom he had buried alive. The king became penitent and

greatly frightened. They both went over the grave and exhumed the

sage. Being in a state of suspended animation in yoga, he was alive.

He complained of extreme hunger and thirst, having had no food

or drink for twelve years. When brought out, he rested his two

arms on the heads of Krsn-acarya’s pupils, named Dhama and Dhuma,

and took some food. The king prayed for forgiveness, which was granted

to him on condition that he renounced the world and adopted the life of

an ascetic. After staying for six months in Catigrama in a cavern in

the hills, he proceeded to Ramegvar-arama in the south of India.

Catigrama was an important city of Bengal in that early period.

The country to the south of Tripura and north of Rakhan (Arakan) was

Ramma (Sanskrit ramyci ), the land of the picturesque sceneries. It

was the headquarters of Buddhism after the decline of Halanda. In the

city of Catigrama or Catigao there was a large Buddhist monastery

called Pandita-Vihara. There the Buddhist Pandits used to hold

religious controversies with the Tlrthikas (Brahmanas.) Once when a

disputation took place, the leader of the Buddhists, at the suggestion

of an old woman, wore a cap pointed like a thorn, at the time of

the controversy. He came out victorious.8* To commemorate that

8

Q Q. -O

^ ^ -O

^ *

( Pagsam Jon-Zan , 109.)

1898.]

S. C. Das — Antiquity of Chittagong.

25

triumph, the Buddhists of Magadha kept up the use of the conical

pointed cap. In Tibet it is called Pan-shva ( pan 1 Pandit ’ and sliva in

Tibetan ‘ a cap ’ ), meaning ‘ the Pandit’s cap.’ The Lamas of Tibet, who

belong to the Mahay ana School of Magadha, use the pointed cap on al

religious occasions. Marco Polo, the Venetian traveller, took a model of

the Pan-shva from the grand Lama of Tibet who visited Peking at the

invitation of the great Emperor Kublai Khan, and presented it to His

Holiness the Pope.

About the middle of the 10th century the great Buddhist Tantrik

sage Tila-yogI 9 was born in Catigao. The hierarch of Magadha,

Kara to pa, visited Catigrama and took vows from Tila-yogi. Marpa

Lochava, the founder of the red hat school of Tibet, was a pupil of Nara-

t5pa, and Milarapa, the renowned Siddha (saint) of Tibet, was Marpa’s

pupil.

In 1200 A.D. Pandit £'akya (^ribhadra of KaQmlr visited the great

monasteries of Odantapuri and Vikrama^la. He witnessed the des¬

truction of those Viharas by the Turuska (Muhammadan) army and the

wholesale massacre of the monks. He fled to a place called Jagadhala

in Otivisa (Orissa), when further ravages were being done to Bud¬

dhism in Magadha by the Turuskas. Three years after, in 1203, he

visited Tibet, and there introduced the system of initiative vow which is

called Panchan Domgyun. Some of the Buddhist Pandits of Magadha

fled towards Hepal, to the south-west and south, and also towards

Arkhan 10 (Arakan), Muhad ■ (Burmah), Kamboja (Cambodia) and

other places. From the rise of the Sena Dynasty to its downfall, when

under the orders of Lawang Sena (probably Laksmana Sena) some

Buddhist Bhiksus served as messengers, the country called Antara

Videha was overrun by the Tirthikas, Mlecchas and the Turuskas.

About this time some foolish Yogis, who were followers of the Bud

dliist Yogi Gau-raksa, became pivaite Samnyasis. There remained only

9 I

I (Kdhbab Dun-dan, 33.)

10

a

Q

<0 o

o

r c\

■v

O.

x ^ Q

c\ ~V"c\ c\ o c ~\r ~\r ~\r

Q ^

( Pagsam Jon-Zari, 112,

J. i. 4

26

[No. ] ,

S. C, Das — Antiquity of Chittagong.

a few Buddhists at Natasva. After that time the Rajas of the Sena

family became vassals of the Tunisia kings. They acted according

to the commands of the Tunisia kings. They respected the Bud¬

dhist religion. Particularly in the time of Buddha Sena, Rahula

pribhadra, Bhumi pribhadra, Upaya pribhadra and others performed

Buddhist religious service. They had a limited number of followers

and devotees. There were at that time the Acaryas Karuna pribhadra,

and Munindra pribhadra and others who also worked with a few fol¬

lowers. About a hundred years after the time of Pratita Sena,11 Cagala

Raja, probably the most powerful king of Ciitigao, rose to eminence in

Bengal. His power was felt all over the country extending from

Bengal to Delhi. He was devoted to Brahmanism. His wife, being

a Buddhist, induced him to repair some of the ruined Viharas of

Magadlia and to perform religious service at Vajrasana (Bodhi Gaya)

and Nalanda, and particularly to rebuild the upper storeys of the great

nine storeyed Gandhola of Bodhi Gaya. He re-established the worship

of Buddha there by inviting a learned Pandit like pariputra. From

the death of this Raja (Cagala) up to this year (Earth-dragon year

according to the chronology of Tibet) three hundred years have elapsed.

Afterwards in Otivisa (Orissa) Mukunda Deva (Dharma Raja), who

favoured Buddhism, became powerful. His power extended up to Maga-

dha. He too did some service to the cause of Buddhism. Since his

death up to this time one hundred and seventy-eight years have passed.

Towards the East, Buddhism spread more and more than before.

After the downfall of Magadha most of the learned sages went towards

the land of the Koki. Since that time the Rajas Cobhajata, Simlia-jati

and others established many Buddhist religious institutions in their

dominions. The religion of Buddha having spread there, the Pandit

Vana Ratna and others visited Tibet from there (Catigao). In later

11

q o. a

o *£> 5

1898.]

S. C. Das — Antiquity of Chittagong .

27

times Raja Babla Sundara sent a number of Pandits to the Siddlia f anti

Gupta, when be was residing in tlie country of Khagendra in Deklian.

They returned with a large number of Mantra works to Catigao.

His four sons, Candra Vahana, Atlta Vahana, Bala Vahana, and

Sundara liachi, patronized Buddhism. The first reigned in Rakhan

(Arakan), the second ruled in the land of the Cakmas (Chittagong Hill

Tracts), the third became the king of Munad (Burmah), and the fourth

ruled over Namgata (the Hill Tracts of Assam, Kachar and Tripura).

Babla Sundara, it seems, was the king of Tripura and Catigrama

(Chittagong).13

With respect to the ‘Pandit’s cap’ (Panzva-rtse rih), mentioned

above (page 25), the following information is available.

Dr. Waddell in his work on “The Buddhism of Tibet ” has given

a very interesting description of the Lamaist hats and cawls. “ The

majority of the hats, he writes, are of an Indian type, a few only being

Chinese or Mongolian. The two most typical hats are believed by the

Lamas to have been brought from India by the Buddhist Saint Padma

Sambhana, the founder of Lamaism, and his coadjutor, panti Raksita, in

the eighth century. And both of these hats are essentially of an Indian

pattern. The red hat, of the great Pandits Panchen zva dinar is alleged

la

0> CN

'\r

Vc\ o

*\r

c\

^7 -O

"V X cs

V

•\

"V "V

(Pagsam Jon-Zan, 133.)

' ^'v^v’s«sr»sr*i<sr

3)

"favscvwiai'Qj i vv’iv§<r^^'<TsyVW2nil,=i3i'5&'§*r

?0

-\r c\

5tw*k’i i,i*t;'5’s(2'g,'£3i'5’3jV3i yri

CN

( Pagsam Jon-Zan, 124 )

28

[No. J,

S. 0. Das — Antiquity of Chittagong.

to have been brought from India the foundation of Lamaism. Its

shape is essentially that of the ordinary cap used in the colder parts of

India during the winter, with lappets coming over the cap and the nape

of the neck, which lappets are folded up as an outer brim to the cap in

the 'hot part of the day. Such a cap is often worn by Indian ascetics

when travelling in the winter time. It is quite probable that this kind

of cap was introduced either by Padma Sambhana, panti Raksita or

Ati^a ( Dipamkara) into Tibet from Magadha. From the account of the

origin of the Pan-zva rise rih (called in Waddell’s list Panchen snerih )

quoted from Pagsam Jon-zah, it appears that the Buddhist Yogis and

Pandits used caps either during their residence in the monastery or at

the time of travel. It is very probable that the cap originated in

Udyana, the country from which both Padma Sambhana and Balapada

came. The latter or earlier Buddhist Pandits who visited Catigrama

must have introduced the use of caps among the Buddhist Pandits who

were called Mahantas. Pilgrims from Ka^ir and the Panjab still visit

Sitakunda which has been a holy place both to the Brahmans and

Buddhists from very early time. In describing Panchen snerih Dr.

Waddell observes : — It is only worn with these longtails by the Dalai

Lama and Panchen Lama, the Gahdan Khri-rinpo-che, and the Tibetan

Lama King or regent, during the assembly mass and empowering.

Pan-zva rise rih,14> that is the Pandits cap with long or pointed top is

generally made with the top point bent a little like a thorn of a rose,

symbolical of penetration and piercing.

The name Pandita Vihara and the story of disputation with the

Tirthilcas (Brahmanas) goes to show that Chittagong was place of

learning sixteen centuries ago if not earlier still.

1* Pan-zva rise rih means the long pointed cap of the Pandits. Pan or Panchen,

means great Pandits, zva cap, rise ‘ point’ (Skt. agra ), and rih * long.’

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagnitrt Noun.

29

On the Kaqrmri Noun. — By G. A. Grierson, C.I.E., Ph.D., I.C.S.

[Read December, 1897.]

A. Gender.

Ka9miri nouns are either masculine or feminine. There is no

neuter gender in the language. In the case of pronouns, however, there

is a relic of a neuter gender, each pronoun having three forms, one, for

male living beings, another, for female living beings, and a third for

things without life, whether their grammatical gender is masculine or

feminine.

The sixth part of I^vara-kaula’s Kagmiragabdamrta deals with

gender. The following rules are abstracted from it.

The feminine gender is used for the following purposes (vi. 18.) : —

(a.) To denote the female sex, e.g ,

Masc. Fem.

*35^ mbrjguru9 a male kid mbrjgH* a female kid.

iw watshu, a male calf watshar , a female calf.

■O'* • '

(6.) To denote smallness, e.g.

katuru , a large potsherd Zra^r5, a small potsherd.

(d.) To denote artificiality, e.g.

tsdSf a cough tsakhar , an artificial cough,

a “ hem.”

(e.) To denote similarity, e.g .

^ kothu , a load tfW kwatsh *, a bag.

tdtuvu9 smarting (of a wound) ft the pain felt by an

angry person.

(/.) To denote special meanings, e.g.

I i

naru , a sleeve war", an arm.

« khg,ru, having a scald-head khgr the disease of scald-head.

30

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun.

[No. 1,

1. Words signifying human castes or professions, form their

feminines by adding hay (vi. 2) [to the oblique form used in the

case of compound words. Vide post, under that head]. [The word

then means ‘ wife of so and so ’ ].

dar , name of a Brahman caste darabay , wife of a J)ar.

haul , name of a Brahman haulahdy , wife of a Kaul.

wife.

We can only use this for human beings. Thus, kotarbdy

means the wife of a man of the hotar caste, and not the wife of a

pigeon ( hotur), the feminine of which is 3rT<T^ hot

Cf. No. 9.

2. When respect is not intended holay is substituted for

hay in the meaning of wife (vi. 3). Thus : —

(3) All words ending in u-mdtrd , change it to u-mdtra in the

feminine (vi. 4), thus : —

31

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun.

hharu, having a scald head

guv u, a cowherd

Note also words like —

katuru, a large potsherd

motjguru , a male kid

cT<J^ taturu , smarting of a wound

wowuru , a weaver

hliar the disease of scald-head.

giir *, as in ^ grwr*,

Zhna the cowherdess. A cow¬

herd’s wife is jrjfc^TST gur'bay.

hatH™, a small ditto.

morjg^r^ a female kid.

<T<T^ tatVr™ the pain of anger.

ivowtr™, a woman weaver.

XX 7

[A weaver’s wife is

wdw<*ribay»']

gaguru, a rat JTJT^ gcig^r™.

As in the five last examples, all words of three or more syllables

omit a penultimate u , when forming the feminine (vi. 8). Cf. No. 4a.

The word tshotu, small, makes its feminine fr^- tshwat ®, or §?fe«r

tshivatin (Cf. No. 8.) The latter is only used with reference to human

beings. The former is universally used (vi. 5), thus : — (or

\<\ *

tslnuHu (or tshwatin) hur a small girl.

So also we have hliar, an ass, feminine hliar s or

• _ ' x »x

hharin (see No. 8).

(4). Words ending in ZK, are subject to the following rules

(vi. 7, 8, 29). '

(a) Words of three syllables and over, ending in ulu change ulu to

thus : —

Feminine.

gatul11 , clever

^x

phutulu , a bundle of things

tied up in a shawl, &c.

tsahulu, circular

^x

patulu , a raft

^x

9°9ulu-> a turnip

t&otul tt, a sodomite

W&5T phutQj® a small bundle.

* "A

^sr tsahW,

a mat.

an ordinary turnip.

Udtvj*.

' N A

32

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun.

[No. 1,

cnrj^r watulu , a low-caste man ^Tff5T ivaty”.

tathiilu, a wooden vessel tathvj'*, a small ditto.

^ V£ * * ' A

(6) Words ending in the suffix «fra m»Zw, form the feminine in

wajen , thus : —

3KTT^T garaivoltl, a house-holder gara wajen.

The word wolu, ‘a ring’ is not formed with this suffix.

(c) Other words in ZM form their feminines in sr thus : —

A

gulu: a kernel

JT5T^ guy*, a small ditto.

Words in ^fr^T oln change *ft o to WT d , thus : —

wolu, a small ring

3T5T waj*9 a small ditto.

A

iTT^r viaj^j a mother.

A

Uraj ».

moln, a father

tsrolu , watchman

Irregular is —

(g-^r dulu. a large bowl dulij *, a small ditto.

^ y| * ' ^ 'J ^ • «/

(5) Words ending in ^ 7cw, ^ 7c/&tt, Jl gu (and also in A:,

Ich, 3T g ; but no examples are given) change 3R 1c to c, ^ kh

to W ch , and JT g to 5T j (yi. 9), thus : —

Feminine.

The vowel changes are those prescribed in the declension of nouns.

I^vara-kaula occasionally spells batvc11 batac.

Exceptions are (vi. 10.)

khukh11, one who speaks through khukh

his nose.

^ ksok11, sour

*

tswak*.

A

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On the Khnnh'l Noun. 33

(6) Words in «T t, th, ^ d, or »r n, with or without u-mdtra ,

change ?[ t to yj th to w tsh , ^ d to 5T z, and n to h.

As usual, u-mdtra is omitted, in writing, after ^ h, (yi. 11.)

*Tc[ mg,tu, mad

SR'ej kothu, a load

*

wdrtidu. a second husband

*

of one woman.

wan, a forest

^ 9

mats11.

QftW^Javateh11, a bag.

wor^z11, a woman who has

married twice.

wan, a grove.

3IT«r gdn, a brothel-keeper

WT-f chan, a carpenter

hunu, a dog

arfsr gdn , a prostitute.

chan, as in 5T*r WT^T Zunil

•" *<k

chan, Zuna the carpentress.

huh, a bitch.

(7) Certain words form their feminines by adding K.r with various

other changes, thus : —

Feminine.

efb) Icayg, a brazier kagar, a small ditto (vi. 12.)

■^I^T isds, a cough f£dkhar, an artificial cough,

(vi. 13.)

^*3 trdkh, a certain grain weight trakar , a scale, (vi. 14. )

T^'^T mondu, a log

\£ • • 1 O

phot'1, a basket

lgtu, a tail

wabshu, a male calf

o'

(8) Certain words

mondtar, a small log (vi. 15.)

^<TT photar, a small basket (vi. 16.)

latar, a small tail,

kut' latar, a piece of wood cut

off the end of a beam.

W’r watshar, a female calf,

form their feminines in (vi. 16-27), thus : —

Feminine.

hast11, an elephant

kdv , a crow

•TIJT ndg, a snake.

J. i. 5

xfar5? hastih.

kdvih.

ndgih.

34

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun.

[No. 1,

sar ivhth. a camel

<*s *

*3T lihar. an ass

And so other words 'signify in

sjff vijgth", stout

3T3’ gu(hu, stupid

bota, a Tibetan

bugiy, a master

zal , water

JIT gara, a house

w&tin.

<k. •'»

kharih , (see No. 3) or *8^

khar*.

animals.

4^ vyath11, stout, but vethin

(in a bad sense) stout, fat.

Jif3"5^ guthin.

botih , bufin), or

bbtabay , a Tibetan woman.

wfjl«T^ bugih , a mistress.

zalin. sweat of the feet.

Jifr^ garin, a good mistress of a

house ; distinct from JIT^T^^T

garawajen , a female house¬

holder (see No. 9.)

« dobu, a washerman dwabin , a washerman’s club,

\e *' |

but •^■pr^T^T dwab'bay, a washer¬

man’s wife.

(9) Certain nouns take an in the feminine (vi. 28.)

(a) Names of castes.

Note that bay (No. 1) is used as a feminine of respect;

kobay (No. 2) is only used of a married woman, when spoken of in con¬

nexion with her husband, and without respect ; while ah is a

general feminine, without signifying respect, thus : —

bata , a Brahman, batah , a woman of that caste.

musalman , a Musalman

hakagrakli , a vegetable

seller.

WT5T wohu , a shopkeeper

musalmanah , a Muham¬

madan woman.

hakagrakah.

w any ah, a female shop¬

keeper.

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On the K&gmiri Noun,

35

So also all nouns with the suffix * *fT^T wolu , (vi. 29) as given in No.

4 (5). Thus : —

garawolK, a householder JPC^rr^J^ garawdje7i .

See also No. 8.

(10) If the masculine word ends in T then the suffix is 9n

(vi. 30), thus (see Secondary Suffixes No. 39.)

Feminine.

salar, a member of bridegroom’s sdlaren.

party.

pohar, an invited guest

rayg*rt a dyer

soiiar , a goldsmith

dadar , a vegetable seller

hadart a baker

So also we have —

^■5* son'1, a co-father-in-law

iT^T^fST mahdrdz ,l, a great king

Tps?- rdza, a king

poliar en.

rapcfren.

sonaren.

x

dada ren,

hadaren.

sonen .

• X

maharen, the wife of

• X*

great king, a bride.

rajyaren , a queen.

(11) Finally we have dii in the following (vi. 31):—

Tffsv^ pandith , a pandit 4‘f^lTT^b pandHgn.

5^^ gujuru, a forester 9ujardh.

(12) Irregularis (vi. 18) —

match, an axe makats , a small axe.

x 7 N J

B. Number.

Ka^miri, has two numbers, a Singular and a Plural. There is no

Dual number. The method of forming the plural will appear from the

Declensional Paradigms.

C. Case.

Ka^mirl nouns have, besides the Nominative, two inflected cases the

Accusative, and the Airent. Other so-called cases are formed by the

addition of postpositions to one of these two. The following are the

cases given by I^vara-kaula.

oo

G. A. Grierson — On the Kdpmiri Noun.

[No. 1,

Formed from the Accusative : —

Genitive,

> Locative 1,

Dative 3,

Concomitant.

Formed from the Agent : —

Instrumental,

Locative 2,

Dative 2,

Ablative.

There is no Vocative, but, in case of address, a noun assumes a

variety of forms which will be dealt with later on.

There are thus, excluding the Nominative, ten cases.

I now proceed to deal with each case separately.

Accusative.

The Accusative has two forms, a longer and a shorter. The shorter

is always the same as the nominative (ii. i. 39.)

In the masculine singular, the longer form always ends iD s. In

the feminine it ends in a, e, i, or u-matra (36-40). When the longer form

of the accusative singular ends in i, that i is always fully pronounced.

> Thus iTlf% mail, not mal*: In the plural it always ends in n

(12, 38).

Genitive.

The Genitive is formed by various affixes, added to the long form

of the accusative.

In the case of masculine nouns, the s of the accusative singular is

dropped before the termination, and the final vowel so left is pronounced

short, as a matra vowel. Thus from day , God : acc. sg. day as ;

gen. sing, day° sand11: acc. pi. dayan ; gen. plur.

dayan hand11.

So from guru , a horse: acc. sg. guris ; gen. sg., Jifr

* cl *'

gur { sand11: acc. pi. guryan ; gen. pi. guryan hand71.

The word with its genitive affix is treated as an adjective agreeing

with the object possessed in gender and number.

Thus mal 1 sand u necynv , the son of the father.

mal * spud* neciv the sons of the father.

1898.]

37

G. A. Grierson — On the Kaqmiri Noun.

4*5T ^ mal * sgnz® kur the daughter of the father.

V

qfrq mal * scmsa kore, the daughters of the father.

Moreover this genitive may even be treated as an independent base,

and be regularly declined, with case affixes added to it.

Thus from mol11, a father, the genitive masculine is *rfl% 4^

mal * sand “, which may be declined like a masculine noun in u-mdtra ,

with a dative 3^1 mal * sandi putshy, which can he used in¬

stead of the simple dative ifrf% 3^T mdli putshy. Indeed the dative

formed from the genitive is in the case of this word the usual one, and

the simple dative is scarcely used (ii. i. 61, 62, 63, 64).

The following are the affixes used to form the genitive : —

A. Masculine nouns with life which are not proper names take

(а) in the singular, 4^ sandu, E.g., ^ 4^3 daya sgndu, of God

(46).

(б) in the plural, hgndu, E.g., dayan hand ", of

Gods (42).

B. All feminine nouns without exception take hand u, both in

1 w ^ .

the singular, and in the plural. E.g., bene handu. of the sister ;

benan hand u, of the sisters ; xffszr pothe hand11, of the

book • 4^ pothyan hand u, of the books (42).

C. Masculine nouns without life take.

(а) In the singular W nku, (48) before which a is elided (i. 4),

and i becomes y (i. 10). While when it follows u-mdtra,

the u of uku is elided (i. 5). E.g., dyakuku, of a

forehead ; Jculyuh11, of a tree ; ^7*1 ddn*ktt, of a

^ ^ S» \<Vi

pomegranate.

(б) In the plural, the termination is hgndu , as above; e.g.,

” I *

dyakan handu, of foreheads.

Exception— The words son , gold, and ^3 rop, silver, take the

termination 4^ sand™ in the singular, when the genitive is used in the

'i |

sense of ‘ composed of.’ E.g., Vs* sona sand « chathar, an umbrella

of gold, a golden umbrella, sonuku chathar , would mean an

umbrella belonging to gold, — a possessive genitive in fact (ii. i. 47).

38

G. A. Grierson — On the Kaqmiri Noun .

[No. 1,

Note. — When a genitive in uku is treated as a declensional

base, the ^ u becomes ^ oin the oblique cases (64). Thus pat’1, a

woollen cloth. Gen. sg. sp* patyuh" : Dative, xffe: gij pati putshy or

pateki (spelled patyaki) putsliy .

D. Masculine nouns which are proper names form their genitive

singular in untl, which is treated exactly like uku , (SO). JE7.gr.,

Radhakrsnun * of Radhakrsna : 5^ Radhakrisnani

\J J • • • »N

putshy , for Radhakrsna.

The plural is formed regularly with hand11 , e.g. Raman

hand w, of (many) Ramas.

It will thus be seen that the suffix of the genitive of all plural

• • I

nouns, and of all feminine nouns is hand*,

7 V*

When the thing possessed is feminine singular, or masculine or

feminine plural, the following changes in the genitive affixes occur: —

THING POSSESSED IN THE

Examples in order as : —

mal1 sand11 necyuv , the son of the father.

^ s s

*rrf% sanz ® Mr ®, the daughter of the father.

1 So wiitten by I^vara-kanla. ce wonld be more correct, bat, ST c being a

palatal letter, there is practically no difference in the pronunciation.

1698.]

G. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmirl Noun.

39

mal * sand * neciv *, the sons of the father.

*fif% ^*3T wiaZ* sa?j£° /core, the daughters of the father.

mdlyan hand w gurtl, the horse of the fathers.

fTT^J*T 3j^ mdlyan lignz * gur®, the mare of the fathers.

3jf^ mdlyan hand • gur\ the horses of the fathers.

3t4 mdlyan hanza gure , the mares of the fathers.

^3T kulyulc u larjg , a bough of a tree.

kulic ® land a twig of a tree.

A A

^TJT kulik1 larjg, the boughs of the tree.

kulica lanje, the twigs of the tree.

Ramunu nechyuv, Rama’s son.

TT*Ur fPf Raman kur ®, Rama’s daughter.

^nrf* Raman * necivi, Rama’s sons.

Rdmane kore , Rama’s daughters.

Locative, 1.

There are two forms of the Locative. The first I shall call Loc. 1.

It has the meaning indicated by its postpositions.

This Locative is formed by adding the postpositions andar

(ii. i. 52), in ; manz (52), in ; pydth (52), upon; kydth (53),

in ; to the longer form of the Accusative. In Poetry, sfar vesa is also

used in the sense of ‘upon’ (52). Thus mul, a root ; Acc. sg.

^ mulas ; Loc. sg. mulas andar ; ^T^mulas manz, in a

root; mulas pydth , on a root; Acc. pi. mulan; 3<3rsr

mulan andar , in roots.

The postposition kydth can only be used with words which

mean a receptacle. Thus we can say thalas kydth, in a

dish ; or even •nfa navi kydth, in a boat ; but we cannot say ?n;^r

qsfi^ garas kydth, in a house or mulas kydth, in a root, because

a house, or a root, are not used as receptacles for putting things into.

40

G. A. Grierson — On the Kacmiri Noun.

[No. 1,

hydth can also be used with any word signifying a means of

conveyance, and it must then sometimes be translated by ‘on.’ Thus

guris hycith , or ujar guris pydth , on horseback.

Loc. 2 will be dealt with subsequently.

Dative , 1.

There are two forms of the Dative, one formed by adding post¬

positions to the Accusative, the other by adding postpositions to the

Instrumental. The first I shall call Dat. 1, the second, Dat. 2. The

Dat. 2, will be subsequently dealt with.

Dat. 1 is formed by adding the postposition kyutu} for, to the

longer form of the Accusative (ii. i. 54, 55). The compound thus formed,

agrees in number and gender with the thing given, the word ‘ given ’

being taken in its widest sense to agree with the original meaning of

the name of the case. The following are the forms which kyutu

takes : —

Sing. Masc. kitu (kyutu)

Fern, f ^ kite11

PI. Masc. farfir kit 4

Fern. kite °

Thus farrf malis kyutu q,nun pohuj he brought

water (masc. sg.) for the father.

JiTsr mglis kite 11 ah^n gav , he brought a cow

(fern, sg.) for the father.

guris kit * anin rava , he brought blankets (masc.

pi.) for the horse.

gdras kitea ahyan pothU, he brought books

(fern, pi.) for the teacher.

Concomitant.

This case is used in the sense of ‘ with,’ or ‘ accompanying.’

It is formed by adding the postpositions sutin or suty

to the longer form of the Accusative (ii. i. 60). Thus

41

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmiri Noun.

mglis sdlin civ, he came with his father ; bayis suty myulu,

he met with his brother ; mdlyan sutin , with the fathers.

In this case it is always implied that the person who is accompanied

is the principal and he who accompanies, is the appendage (iv. 185).

Thus ‘ he came with his father ’ means here that he came in a

subordinate character (iv. 185).

If it is wished to reverse the superiority of the parties we must

use the word ^T«l sdn. Thus ^HT mdlis sdn dv. he came

with his father, means ‘ he brought his father along with him/ If

sutin had been used, it would have meant that the father brought

the son along with him (iv. 185).

Agent.

The case of the Agent is formed in the Singular as follows : —

(1) In the case of Masc. nouns ending in consonants by adding

^•T an ; thus day , God ; Ag. sg. day an. In the

older forms of the language the suffix was ^ t ; e. g.,

^ day • dgpu, by God it was said, God said. The

modem phrase would be day an dgpu (ii. i. 68)^

(2) In the case of Masculine nouns (except pronouns) ending in

a, the same suffixes appear. Thus from dya/c®, a

forehead; Ag. sg. dyakan, or (old) dele' (58).

Pronouns take i-mdtrd in the masc. sg., e.g., frfw tarn », by

him, (58).

(3) In the case of Masculine nouns ending in u-mdtrd , i-mdtrd

is substituted for u-mdtrd. Thus, kayu, a bracelet ;

Ag. sg. kar 1 (56).

(4) In the case of Masculine nouns ending in u-mdtrd, by adding

•T n ; e.g., from dan11, a pomegranate ; Ag. sg* ^t*r5T

dgn^n. [I^ara-kaula gives no rule for forming the agent

of these nouns, but the above is the correct form.]

(5) In the case of Feminine nouns ending in a, by substituting

i (which is fully pronounced, and not i-mdtrd) for a: e.g.,

J. i. 6

42

G. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmtri Noun. [No. I,

from bene (spelled byaha ), a sister; A g. sg.

beiii (56).

(6) In the case of Feminine nouns ending in i-matrd or u-mdtra,

a fully pronounced i is substituted for the i-matrd or

u-mdtra : e.g., from tjJsj puth', a book ; A g. sg. iftfa pothi.

So from kur*, a girl ; Ag. sg. «tftfx kdri (56).

(7) In the case of Feminine nouns ending in consonants, by adding

a fully pronounced i : e.g., from ¥TT^T mal a garland,

mali (56). The irregular nouns, however, which end in

t , th , d , n, h, and 1, add u-mdtra : e.g., from rat ,

night ; Ag. sg. rats'*. [This last rule is not expressly

stated by I^vara-kaula, but may be inferred from siitra 7,

read with siitra 17.]

The Agent plural is formed by adding au (56). Before this, a is

elided, and i-matrd and u-mdtra become y. After u-matrd (except in

the case of Feminine nouns in u-matrd , in which y is substituted) an

becomes v (20). Examples are : —

From Ag. Plural.

When postpositions are added to the agent of masculine nouns

ending in consonants or a, the n of the Agent singular is dropped.

Thus, from mul, Ag. sg. ^VjrfiT mulan ; Iustr. mul* sUtin,

not ^5r mulan stytin (4). [The same rule applies to masculines

in u-mdtrd, though not stated by I^vara-kaula.]

1898.]

43

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmirl Noun.

Instrumental.

The Instrumental is formed by adding satin or saty to

the Agent, the final n of Masculine nouns in consonants, a, or u-matrH

being elided, (ii. i. 4, 59.). Thus —

mid, a root ; Ag. sg. mulan ; Instr. sg. ^ mula

stytin, by means of a root ; Ag. pi. mulan ; Instr. pi.

mulau stytin.

When ^ffTST sutin follows i-matra, the i is fully pronounced (6).

Thus qhc kgru , a bracelet ; Ag. sg. kar 1 ; Instr. sg.

kari satin.

This case can also be formed by adding the same postposition to

the agent case of the masculine genitive treated as an independent base,

as explained above (61). Thus ^ dyaka, a forehead ; masc. gen. sg.

dyakuk « ; Agent of ditto, dyakak » ; Instr. ^ dyaka

stytin or ?sf<T*r dyakaki sutin .

So from guru, a horse. Ag. sg. ajfV; gur* ; Gen. Sg. jfr;

gur* sandu ; Instr. fftx guri satin , or yfc gur'x sandi

sutin.

4

Locative 2.

The Locative 2 has the meaning of 1 from in,’ and is formed

by adding the postposition andra to the Agent, (n being dropped in

the case of masculines in consonants, and a, and u-mdtrd.) Thus, from

an; gara, a house ; Ag. sg. JT^sr garan ; Loc. 2, sg. 3IT gar a andra ,

from in the house ; ag. pi. ar^t garau ; Loc. 2, pi. ar^ garau andra ,

(ii. i. 57).

Examples of the use of this case are ape gara andra an

bring out from the house, lit. bring from in the house.

jfX srrsr gara andara cliuh jan ldka, among the people

in (lit. from in) the house, (only) so and so is good.

arc! *3? ^TJT«T garau andra cliuh jan agun, the only good

thing iu the houses is the court-yard. ...

44 G. A. Grierson — On the Kapmiri Noun. [No. 1,

This form can only he used in the meaning called in Skr. nirdharanS ,

in words meaning jati, a species (including all plurals) ; yn

guna, a quality; f3\3TT kriyd, an act ; ^'Sfr samjna , an appellation; and

means that one of several is taken.

«rwr fanreT *tt Ywsfrr: i

Vi x

fa^fc<nfafrr ||

Examples : —

Species. A Brahmana is the best amongst men.

Quality. Amongst cows a black one gives most milk.

Action. Amongst men who go, he who runs is the swiftest.

Appellation. Amongst the pupils Maitra is the cleverest. See

Siddhanta Kaumudi (Bibl. Ind. Ed.) I, 311. In all the above

4‘ amongst ” means “ from among.”

It is evident that the form can baldly ever be used except ih the

plural. In the paradigms, singular forms are given for the sake of

completeness, but it is doubtful if they can be Used in that number.

Dative 2.

According to fyvara-kaula, this form is only used to a moderate

extent ( samdnya ) (ii. i. 63). It is in fact rarely used. It has the same

meaning as the Dat. 1. It is formed by adding S ^putshy to the Agent, or

(as has been explained under the head of the Instrumental) to the Agent

case of the Genitive. Before 3W pufehy, as in the case of

sUtin , i-matrd is fully pronounced. Thus, — 3$I putra ptitihy, or

3^ 3^ putra sandi putshy.

Ablative.

The Ablative is formed from the Agent by adding the postpositions

UJ3 pyath literally from on, hence, from near ; nic° , from near ;

, ^ 1 f

andra , from among, from in (ii. i. 65).

Thus, VTTO gdma pya{ha , from the village ; JlpaV gdmau

pyath* from the villages ; fir?{ sarpau niga, from the serpents ;

gara andr * drav, he came out from the house ; •TTf^r

navi andra drav , he came out from the boat, (65).

45

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On the Kcigmtri Noun.

[Masculine living beings can also add these postpositions, in the

singular only, to the longer form of the Accusative. Thus fan

v

isuras nig9, from the thief ; fan guris nig9, from the horse.]

The ablative of comparison is formed with the postpositions

Tfff khot9 or Tfn5* kholan , fan nig9 or fafan nigin, which are added

either to the agent direct, or to the Agent case of the Genitive treated

as a base. In the case of some words, e.g ., ?«PC gor , a teacher, only the

latter idiom is used.

N.g.f Wn WT gdr9 sandi khot9 chuh gatul ", he is more

clever than the teacher. We cannot say arapc gor 9 k hot*. xfai

(or ngnr kan9 handi (or kan9) khot9 chuh trukur *, he is

harder than a stone ; fan rtip9 nig9 chuh son jan , gold

is better than silver (ii. i. 62).

D. Declension.

V

Kapmiri nouns have four declensions.

The first declension consists of masculine nouns ending in a con¬

sonant, in ^ a, or in e? u-mdtrd. The base in this declension ends in a.

The second declension consists of masculine nouns ending in

u-matra. The base in this declension ends in i.

The third declension consists of feminine nouns ending in X

i-matrd , u-matra, or ^ n. The last is only another way of writing

nc. It may be considered as the feminine form of the 2nd declen-

sion. The base in this declension also ends in i , and this declension

is closely connected with the second, as feminine and masculine.

The fourth declension consists of feminine nouns ending in a con¬

sonant or in a. Certain feminine nouns of this declension ending

in a consonant, are irregular, and form a class by themselves.

There are thus two masculine, and two feminine declensions.

46

G. A. Grierson — On the Kaput ri Noun. [No. 1,

First Declension.

Masculine nouns ending in a consonant, in ^ a, or in et u-<matr&,

(a). Noun ending in a consonant.

a thief.

Plural.

tsur (3).

*Cs -s

tsuran (13, 38).

•<K >•

tsur (39).

4^ tsuran hand ” (42).

4 !»

tsuran pydth (52),

&c.

fag tsuran hyut” (54, 55).

^X«T *jT,f<T*r tsuran stttin (60).

tsurau (56).

tsurau sutin (59).

•&v ' * '

^X5| ^f<T*T tsurau handi

sutin (61).

tsurau andra (57).

*gxt tsurau putshy (63).

tsuran handi

OS ' • —

putshy (63).-

fa?I tsurau niga (65).

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmirl Noun.

47

Similarly are declined day, God ; kdv , a crow ; son ,

gold ; TO rop, silver ; putr , a son ; TOs^ wathar , a leaf ; tomul ,

husked rice ; ^1T name of a month, Asadha ; mogg, name

of a grain, phaseolus mungi ; *?tjt mag , name of a month, Magha ;

do/i, a day ; •TPT nag , a spring ; [nom. sg. and pi.

(66)], a ram ; ^ rat [nom. sg. and pi. rath, (66)], blood ;

pos, a flower ; wal , hair ; JT^T gal , the cheek ; gor , a preceptor,

a Brahman.

Numerals take i instead of a in the Agent and connected cases,, e.g.,

^fff sati sutin , by sevens (ii. i. 5).

If a nouu ends in ^3r ur [or un\, the u is changed to a in all

cases except the nominative singular, e.g., ivcidur , a monkey ; nom.

pi. wadar ; instr. wadarau sytin (32) . [So infinitives

like stfTO karun ; acc. karanas ].

If in the case of masculine nouns of the first declension the final

consonant is preceded by the vowel w, that ii becomes o, in all cases of the

plural except the nominative, but remains unchanged in the singular

and in the nominative plural. The following masculine words ending

in consonants do not, however, change this u (35).

mul , a root.

chul, a cascade.

dus , a stout club.

but (nom. sg. TO buth,66),

a ghost.

rud , rain.

ludar, eagerly desirous.

lubar, eagerly desirous.

TO wftt (nom. sg. TO wUth , 66),

camel.

siir , ashes.

lius, an uproar.

[^ four, a thief], and others.

luk (nom. sg. lulch , 66), people.

Thus from mul , acc. pi. mulanr not ifr^r molan.

48

G. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmiri Noun.

[No. lr

If a masculine noun ends in W k, W ch, fe, & t, t, or ^ p,

this final consonant is aspirated in the nom. sg. and pi. (66) ; thus : —

The aspiration is very faintly heard, being a final letter, but it

affects the preceding vowel. The aspiration does not occur in the

other cases ; e.g., mi wfafif traka sUtin (instr.) ; hats *

sutin; m gw kat° putshy (dat. 2) ; tapas pyafh (loc. ).

This aspiration does not occur if a final t or W forms part

of a compound consonant (even when a short a is introduced between

them to aid pronunciation) (68) ; thus: —

WW sats , a tailor (Elmslie, suts) ; nom. sg. and pi. sats, not

s°i$h.

mast , hair; nom. sg. and pi. UW mast, not WWT mdsth .

The word WTW byakh , another (2, 3, 24), becomes fa*| biy in all

cases except the nom. sg., and is partially declined like a noun ending

in u-matrd (2nd declension) ; thus —

The Fern. Ag. is fafa biyi. In other forms it is the same as the

Masc. This is really a compound word : made up of fa bi , other, and

WW dkh, one. The oblique forms are made up of the base fa bi ,

together with the emphatic particle y , which accounts for the

apparent irregularities, fa bi is of the 2nd declension.

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun.

Noun ending in V a.

’TO dyaka a forehead.

49

Singular.

Plural.

Loc. 2.

Dat. 2.

(6, 59).

TOifa dyakaki

sutin (61).

dyaha andra

0, 57).

‘TO 3$T dyaka putshy

(63).

‘TOfa UW dyakaki

putshy (67).

TOi dyaka niQa

(65).

Similarly are declined ?PC gara, a house ; dtha, a hand ; done,

rice ; ^«T bata , boiled rice.

J. r. 7

Abl.

TOi5! dyakan handi

sutin (61).

TO dyakau andra (57).

3$( dyakau putshy (63).

3^ dyakan handi

putshy (63).

f*T?T dyakau niga (65).

50

[No. 1,

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun.

(c). Noun ending in ^u-matra.

A

(65).

l9vara-kaula gives no rule for forming the agent singular of these

f ... ... . . ■ **'

nouns, but dan^n is the correct form.

A' ' ,

The following words are optionally declined as if ending in conso¬

nants, Jiff gynz*, a leather-worker; gas®, a grass-seller ; bats®,

51

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmiri Noun.

people of a house ; hanz a boatman. Thus, acc. plur. sisT*! ggnz^n

*0v ’

or ganzan, (15).

It must be remembered that u-matrd at the end of a word is not

pronounced. Before a consonant (as in dari^v) it is pronounced like

a short German it. It is, also, slightly pronounced in the Instr.

Loc. 2, Dab 2, and Abl. Sing. Before u-matrd, a preceding a or d must

V_ i . , '■ ’ ' , ‘ ' » * i ! • ‘ ' i - ‘ ' i , j -•* . i

be modified to g or a respectively (70) ; e.g ., as in ^[ir danu %

Second Declension.

Masculine Nouns in ^ u-matrd.

fear11 , a bracelet.

[also 3Tf^ guris nig* (in the case of masculine nouns

with life).]

52

G. A. Grierson — On the Kapmiri Noun.

[No. 1,

Similarly are declined JPS gur M, a horse ; guru , a cow-herd ; JT^T

^ C\V£

gulu} a kernel, especially of the singara, ; hulu, a tree.

The final u becomes i (or y) throughout, except in the Nominative

Singular, (30).

If the penultimate of a masculine noun contains the vowel u ,

that u becomes 6 in all cases of the Plural except the nominative. It

does not change in the singular, or in the nominative plural, (34).

Thus gur11, a cowherd ; acc. sg. aif^r guns ; nom. gur1,

but acc. pi. JTT*t«r goryci7i.

The following words in u-m'dtra are exceptions, and do not change,

the u (35).

kastiiru , the nightingale.

hutu, a tree-trunk.

^ t

t±iltu, an apple.

•CnS»

\urn, a woman’s eating platter.

^ cluru, a flower-bed.

C\ '

nastur11, having a deformed nose.

C\ '

Thus from hastur w, acc. pi. kasturyan.

C\ ' C\

If a masculine noun ends in u-mdtrd , and has ^Tt o in the penulti¬

mate, this o becomes a in all cases of the singular except the nomina¬

tive, and throughout the plural. Moreover, this a is modified to g before

i-matra and in the accusative singular (69, 70). Thus, «TT^T wdlu , an

earring; acc. sg. waits; gen. sg., ivcilyuku (from

violu, a father, ^ mgV sandu) ; ag. sg. wgl' ; mstr. sg.

™ali sutin (here the i is not i-matra , but is fully pronounced) ;

nom. pi. wal1; acc. pi. walyan ; ag. pi. ivdlyau. Simi¬

larly are declined itM mdlu , a father, and «TT*T hoy”, a brother ; also

masculine possessive pronouns, such as sfm mydn”, mine ; ^ cyon*

hiue ; ^ sonu , our.

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmirl Noun.

53

Thus nom. sg. jrjt •rmyonu; acc. sg. mygnis ; gen. sg. sifpr

my an* sand11; ag. sg. jqifir my an* ; nom. pi. jq}|ir my an* ; acc. pi.

my any an ; ag. pi. JRfT^ mydnyau ; Instr. sg. a^rf^T rnydni

sutin , or JRjifif myan * sandi sutin. So also the others (ii. iii.

1 1 and ff . )

Moreover, whenever, in this declension, the letter a or d is followed

by i-mdtrd , or u-mdtrd , the a or a become a or a respectively, (ii, i. 70) ;

thus, —

Base VZ pat , a woollen cloth ; nom. sg. vz pat11 ; ag. sg. q|« pat * ;

nom. pi. qf z pat*; but, acc. sg. qfeq pcttis (not xffe^r pgtis, as in the

case of qw wdlu) ; Instr. sg. qfa? pati sutin (fully pronounced i) ;

acc. pi. qqj*T patyan ; ag. pi. patyau. So also 4z hatu , the neck ;

cf*T tanu, the body; sandu, suffix of genitive (acc. sg. qfe^sandis ;

ag. sg. sand * ; instr. sg. sandi sutin ; nom. pi.

sand * ; acc. pi. sandy an ; ag. pi. q^ft sandy au) : similarly qqpj

patyuk ™ of a woollen cloth; acc. sg. ^T^patehis; ag. sg. qqjfctf

pat yalc*; instr. sg. qqjfa pateki sutin; nom. pi. paf-yak* ;

acc. pi. qqfqqq patekyan ; ag.pl. q^fqqt patekyau.

Nouns in u-mdtrd , of three or more syllables, if they have u in the

penultimate, omit the u before i-mdtrd , and change it to a in all other

cases except the nominative singular (73, 75) ; thus : —

gdtulu , clever ; acc. sg. JITCfqiq gatalis ; ag. sg. JTT^f^r gdtl *

vi vj u N x

(pronounced gdM*) ; instr. sg. 3TT^f% gatali sutin; gen. sg.

q^q gdtl* sand™ ; nom. pi. gdtl* ; acc. pi. 3TT2^S*T gdtalyan ;

x ^

ag. pi. gatalyau .

This does not occur in the case of dissyllables ; e.g., from

Jcul ®, a tree ; acc. sg. $%q kulis, and not q?f%q kalis.

The following words in u-mdtrd , with u in the penultimate, change

54

G. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmln Noun.

[No. 1,

the penultimate U to a in all cases except the nominative, and are then

decliued like nouns of the first declension ending in consonants (74.)

: r • _ \ 1

kotshulu , a porter.

O 'i

WrT^T tsdtul u, a sodomite.

v-» V>

tsakulu , circular.

i

gogul “, globular.

3TT?pf watul11 , a low-caste man.

hatukw , a drake.

JIJTW gaguru , a rat.

jcjff monguru, a kid.

fTfpr kokuru , a cock (iv. 1).

•j . „ . r

koturu , a pigeon (iv. 1). ...

So also words in w ru signifying professions, &c. (iv. 6, 99 and ff.),

e.g., sonur M, a goldsmith, manuru , a shell worker.

See secondary suffixes No. 39.

Thus, —

Nom. sg. kotskulu ; acc. sg. kotshalas ; gen. sg.

| *1

Jcotshal* sandu ; ag. sg. 3iW^r«T kotshalan ; instr. sg.

kbtshala sutin ; nom. pi. kobshal ; acc. pi. efjW^T«r kotshalan ; ag.pl.

liW ft kbtshalau.

If a word ending in u-mdtrd has yu or i in the penultimate of the

nom. sg., it has i in the penultimate in all the other cases (ii. i. 76).

[These words are spelt indifferently with yu or i in the nominative, but

are always pronounced as if yu was written. Thus mahanyuv'*,

or mahaniv M, a man, both pronounced mahanyuv ; zyuthw, or

o -O

f3T3 zithu , old, but both pronounced zyuth. On the other hand, in other

cases, except the nominative, we have only i , pronounced as i] : thus ;

sqar zyuth™, old ; acc. sg. f^rf^ zithis ; ag. sg. f^jfk zith1 ; nom. . pi.

forfe zith1 ; acc. pi. f^C^zithyan; ag. pi. zithyau.

1898*] G. A. Grierson — On the Kcigmln Noun. 55

Similarly, when the penultimate is yu , it becomes * before i-matra

or is, and e in other cases, except the norm sg*. (77, 78) ; thus,—

Nom. sg. «r t£iyunu, a wall; acc. sg. tsinis ; gen. sg. spqcj

t&enyuku ; ag. sg. tsin* ; instr. sg. tseni sutin (not i-

matrd ) ; nom. pi. tsin * ; acc. pi. tsenyan ; ag. pi. tsenyau.

. ■ . t :

[The word nyul'w) bine, however, has i throughout. Thus, gen._

C\\J

sg. nilyukw ; iustr. sg. ^frT*T nili sutin; acc. pi.

nilyan ; ag. pi. nilyau. 7 -

So also in ^ yyiit how much ; <3J?J tyut w, so much ; *nj yutu, this

much ; change the ^ yu to i throughout (ii. iii. 27). Thus, yit* »

how many (nom. pi.) ; tit* ; it*, pr. yit\~\

The u in fnr kutu, how many ? (ii. iii. 25, 26) becomes ^ u , in

all cases except the nominative singular. In the obi. cases of the

plural, it may optionally become ir ai. Thus —

Singular. Plural.

Nom. fpr hut*.

Acc. kutis .

gipr Tcut\

| 5*

fsHT*T kutyan or kaityan.

Ag. i wP hut1. kutyau or kaityau.

Its fern, is 'g^kuts®.

The word kith, or hah , a certain person, is declined as a

feminine ending in a consonant (ii. iii. 29).

56 G. A. Grierson — On the Kayniri Noun. [No, 1,

Third Declension.

Feminine nouns ending in ^ i-matra , 91 u-mdtra , or

Tjf^j path1, a book.

Similarly are declined, sjf*; nur'\ a lioof ; kbit*, a field ;

cir\ a lottery ticket.

If the penultimate of a feminine word contains the vowel u , that u

becomes o in all cases except the nominative singular. Thus piith 1

a book ; nom. pi. *fm pothe (33).

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun.

57

So also a penultimate l becomes a g in the same circumstance

Thus khlt\ a field j nom. pi. *I<*J khete. The word ‘ftpc cir\ a

lottery- ticket or slip, does not, however, change its long l, and its nom.

pi. is <^4 tire (33).

( h ). Nouns ending in ^ u-matra .

fpf: kuru, a girl.

58

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun.

[No. 1,

Similarly are declined vz pat ®, a tablet ; ^ 7m#w, wood ; 3TT3

s<\ \<\ s*

hath™, a stalk, especially tbe non-edible part of asparagus, sugarcane,

&c. ; 4^ tad®, a great woman ; tan ® (or toil) a slender

woman ; land*1, a branch.

The final becomes i (or y) throughout, except in the nom. sg.

(30).

r ' ' •. I

All nouns of this declension ending in z $*, 3 or tg- change

\«\ \«\ * *

the consonant to the correspondin

nominative singular. Thus —

Nom. sing.

i

VZ pat u.

hath*.

x<N *

^ fcad®.

A • •

palatal, in all cases except the

Nom. pi.

pace,

hdche.

«T5?T haje.

This change only occurs when the word ends in u-matra (22).

It does not occur when it ends in a consonant (26).

. . . ^ x

If the penultimate of a feminine word contains the vowel u, that u

becomes o in all cases except the nom. singular, thus fcwr", a girl,

nom. pi. qfrq- kdre (33).

The following are exceptions and do not change the u (35). <3^

tUr™ cold ; dur ®, a lane ; ^ mur *, a twig. Thus from <3^ tur * ;

nom. pi. <3^ ture.

So also a penultimate l becomes e in the same circumstances. Thus,

sir ®, a brick, nom. pi. sere. The following words (33) how¬

ever, do not change, —

gir *, red-chalk. Nom. pi.

gid™, child’s excrement.

\*\

tith®, pride.

A

tir *, cold-boiled-rice-pudding.

pir a table.

gire.

gide.

zt® ticlie (22).

Ure.

m pire.

1898.]

G-. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmirl Noun.

59

Whenever in this declension u-matra is preceded by a or a, the

a or a become modified to a or a respectively (70). Thus,

Base ^ pat, a tablet; nom. sg. W pap1, but ace. sg. pacye ;

A

ag. sg. pad (i fully pronounced, — not i-matra) ; nom. pi. xpsf

pace; ace. pi. xpef*T pacyan ; ag. pi. xHlt pacyau.

So, — Base 3TF5T may , a mother ; nom. sg. maj™ ; but ace. sg.

maje.

Again; Base, hath, wood; nom. sg. hath™ ; acc. sg.

\*\

kache.

(c). Nouns ending in

Similarly are declined all feminine nouns in ^ h, thus myah,

mine (fern.).

Singular. Plural.

Nom. myah.

Acc. myahe.

Ag. myahi.

myahe.

JSjTSTiT myahan.

myahau.

The vowel is only modified in the nom. sing. So also cyan

thine (fern.) ; sah, our (fern.) (ii. iii. 11 and ff).

As the semivowel ^ ya cannot, as a rule, immediately follow ts,

W tsli, or 5T z. when a noun ends in ^ ts ®, w tsh™, or m z™, the ^ ya is

•' •' *$s. y

elided in declension. Thus i ^jj^mats^, mad, (feminine) : nom. pi. flxf

mats'1, not matse. kwatsh *, a small bag : pi. kotsa. ©a^sr

wo^z™, a woman who has married twice, pi. wdraz(1. (iv. 51).

The ya is, however, retained in the singular. Thus the acc. sg. is

matse, kotshe, and woraze.

60

G. A. Grierson — On the Kaqmiri Noun.

Fourth Declension.

[No. 1,

1898.]

61

G. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmlri Noun.

(6). Nouns ending in a consonant.

irr^r mdl, a garland.

Similarly are declined w* krak, a loud noise ; srlfrsi ndrij, a con

duit ; 5TJT zayg, a thigh.

62

G. A. Grierson — On the Kapmiri 'Noun. [No. 1,

Note tliat when a noun ends in «ff k, ^ c, ^ ts, t, <t i or q p , these

x 7 x • "x x N x X /

letters are aspirated in the nom. sing. (66, 67) ; tlius —

The word oTT^ zam , a husband’s sister, is irregular (71). In all

cases, except the nominative singular, it becomes affair zom , and drops

every vowel in the terminations. Thus ; acc. sg. offar zom ; ag. sg.

1 So I^vara-kaula. Mr. H. Knowles informs me that this word means the

young of any animal.

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun.

63

sfff^ zom ; nom. pi. zom ; acc. pi. zoman ; ag. pi.

zomav ; instr. sg. ^frT»T zom sutin ; gen. sg. off*? zom hand w, &c.

The word Jg^T mUs (ii. iii. 28), a buffalo-cow, changes ^ u to ai in

all cases except the nom. sg., thus —

The word ffc huh or hah, any one, some one, though of both

• \ > * \ i-

genders, is always declined as a feminine, in the sg. number. It changes

<3i u and ^tt d to ^ ai and ^ li to s in all cases except the nom. sg.

(ii. iii. 29). It becomes %s^ hents in the plural (ii. iii. 30) and is then

declined as a masculine.

Thus, — ■ ,

f*

Singular. Plural.

64

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun . [No. 1,

(c). Irregular Feminine Nouns, ending in Consonants.

TT<T rat , night.

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmirl Noun.

65

This group of irregular nouns consists of most feminine nouns

in t, Sf th, ^ d, «r n. ^ h, and certain nouns in l. In all these

cases the final consonant is changed as follows : —

<T t becomes ^ ts

X «N

V th

% d

•T n

^ h

*r l

e.g., Tr<T rat, night ;

Jcoth, a hank ;

grand , a counting ;

yiran , an anvil ;

^fT^f kah , eleventh lunar day ;

«TT^T wdl, a hole ;

W Uh

• s

z

h

* ^

sr p

N

*U'

Norn. pi. rats * (23, 14, 16).

*

1TW kwateh* (23, 14,16).

<T3T grg,nzu (23, 14, J6).

t ^ mm* (23, 14, 16).

s&m kci(f (19, 14, 16).

<FP5T waj* (27, 14, 16).

Other examples are sat, hope ; ^T*T hdn, loss ; ^T^T*r tsaman,

cheese.

The words in l which follow this declension are ivcil, a

hole (as that of a serpent) ; XJT^r sal , a wife’s sister ; zal , a net ;

' kal, thought, consideration ; and hal, a house, a hall (27,

28). The word hdl when it is at the end of a masculine compound

is, however, declined regularly ; thus tsdtahalas andar

(not tsdtahaju andar,) in the school-house, because

featahal is masculine (28). The words kundal , a kind of cup

(especially the cup of a portable stove), and hartal a sword, may

optionally be regular. Thus grsrsr kundaj * sUtin or ffrsfw

kundali sUtin , by the cup, (29).

J. i. 9

66 G. A. Grierson— On the Kdgmiri Noun . [No. 1,

Exceptions. The following nouns are however declined regularly

(24, 25):—

wat, a road.

lat , a kick.

dat , a clod.

thot , an impediment.

tsot, the anus.

tsitt, a sprain.

•Sft'

ts§t, tumbling head over heels,

31?T g°t, a rise in a river, a swift flood,

pit, a trifle.

^T<T tot , a beak.

hath, a story.

vydth, the river Jhelum,

Upr khan , the elbow.

?PT tan , the body.

5ri*r nan, the navel.

^«T son, a co-wife.

X 7

^•T han , a little.

^•T ban , a heap, pile.

Thus wati sUtin, not wa{§^ sUtin.

N ' > * *

It must be remembered that the u-mdtrd modifies a preceding a to

{ i , and d to a (71). When final it is not pronounced. When it precedes

a consonant it is pronounced like a short German it. Thus rats^v

is pronounced something like, German, rotsitv.

It must also be remembered that words ending in t form the

nominative singular in th (66). Thus the nom. sg. of vat, night, is

rath, and of wat, a road, is wath.

The words ifv yad, belly ; jit** g&v, a cow y thar , the back j

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmtrl Noun.

67

kofh, a fragrant root, AucJclandia Costus ; wad, discount ; are similarly

declined, except that they do not change their final consonant. Thus

<*F3‘ yqd* sutin , by the belly (7). Horn. pi. 4^ yqd11 (17).

The Words khar, an ass’s load, a certain measure ; mar , the

name of a river ; ^tt^c sdr , a cross-beam, for strengthening ; rdf,

stock-in-trade; follow the same rule. N.g., nom. pi. khgr * (18).

[Sutra 18, apparently only refers to the plural. But the singular follows

the same rule, e.g ., ^f?T*r khgr* sutin , by the measure].

The word gdv, abovementioned, changes its a to © in all cases

except the nom. sg. (72); thus, acc. sg. gov* ; ag. sg. jffa qov* ;

A A

nom. pi. JTl«r gov *

A

E. Composition and Concordance.

I^vara-kaula, in his Kagmira-gabdamrta, treats of the two subjects

forming the title of this section, in the Samdsa-prakriya , the third portion

of his grammar. He treats an adjective in concord with a noun as an

example of a karmadhdraya, or adjectival compound. Really, as will

be seen, it is not a compound at all, but an instance of syntactical

agreement. Just as bonus homo , in Latin means a good man, and boni

hominis , of a good man, so bad* lar*, in Ka^miri means a large house,

and baji lari pyatha , means from a great house.

In the case of all compounds and concordances the postposition

denoting the case is omitted after every member of the compound,

except the last, but each member is inflected as if to receive the post¬

position (iii. 2). Thus, chgtu gurn means, a white horse. The

instrumental plural of chgtu is chaiyau sutin , and of

gur* is guryau sutin , but the instrumental plural of Wg

chat11 gur w, is WcSft ^fh*T chatyau guryau sutin , not g*jf

*j£frT«r chatyau sutin guryau sytin, by white horses. When there is no

postposition these remarks, of course, do not apply. Thus the accusa¬

tive singular is chatis guris , and the nom. pi. is sFftr jft

chgt* gur**

68

G. A. Grierson — On the KCtgmiri Noun,

_ - _ , _ [No. 1,

Karmadharaya or adjectival compounds are expressed in

Ka^miri by an adjective agreeing with its substantive in gender, number

and case. The above rule about postpositions must be applied. Thus 4^

badu dyar (masc.), great wealth; oRR badyan dyarcin

chuh zenan , he is earning great wealth (acc. pi.) ; *j£f?T«r mod

tsod sutin, by a thick (*3& motu) cake tswat*, fem.) ; fqfq- qfrfr

s» * ^

S^trichi kori putshy, for a clever ("2pq tryukhn, fem. trich girl

kur *) ; qfsr ^rfr; ujcT baji lari pyatha from the big (q^ bgdu ) house (

^ ^ 'v

laru) ; q^ baje grgnz * hand u, of the big counting (q^ grand) ;

qfeq Tlfw ’tqcf badis guris pyath, on the great horse (qq guru). And

so on.

In Copulative ( dvandva ) compounds each member of the compound

is declined separately, the above rule as to post-positions being observed.

Thus, base cTR tap, light (masc.) ; gnta, darkness (fem.). The nom.

sg. of «tr tap is «TRf tdpli and the instr. sg. is qrq *£f*T*f tdpa sutin.

So from gata , the nom. sg. is guta, and the instr. sg. qfz-

gati sutin. The compound noun, ‘ light and darkness ’ is nom. sg.

rfRi tdph-gata ; instr. sg. cfTq-JTfe qj;fq*r tapa-gati sutin , and so on.

Again q}^: war ® (fem.) is a garden; kulu (masc.) is a tree » qfqf

phal (masc.) is fruit; and ovqj zal (masc.) is water. Making these into

a copulative compound we have in the dative sg.

wari-kuli-phala-zala putshy, for the garden, the tree, the fruit, and the

water. Sometimes each member is put in the plural, the whole collective

idea being plural though each member of the compound is properly

in the singular. Thus Ur a mother, nom. pi. *?r mcije ;

kur a daughter, nom. pi. qffq kore. Hence qrsq-qfrq mdje-kore, mother

and daughter. So gsnc mal'-putfcr, father and son (qRT molu,&

father; gqq puthar, a son) ; 'qsp^qq haga-nos°, mother-in-law (qro hag)

daughter in-law (^qquos); qfrfr-q\Tqr»T zom-kdkane, husband’s sister

( qnq zam) and brother’s wife ( qiTqisr kdkah) ; pace-kuce , board

i

(qz^paP) and wood (fj^ kut *).

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On the Kapmiri Noun.

69

In TatpurUSa or appositional compounds, the first member usually

takes the form which the word adopts in the agent, the n of the agent

of the 1st declension, being dropped. We may also say that the first

member of the compound is put in the genitive, the post-position being

dropped, and y being changed to i (iii. 5).

Thus, fraki-khag, the cut of a knife ( grakh, fern.).

37 topi-phalu, the border of a cap (3pT tup1, fern.).

' sarapa-haya sutin , by the fear haya , masc.) of a

snake (^r^ saraph, masc.).

^^rdza-necivi putshy, for the son (**T^ necyuv®) of

the king (TT^T raza).

bata-kore hand u, of the daughter ($f^ km®) of the

's

brahmana (^3 bata),

^5T-^ sona-daba an, bring the box (qnr daba, masc.) of gold

( ^T*f son, masc.), i.e., the gold box.

J mebsi-photu thav, put down a basket (W?T phot *

' i -

masc.) (full) of earth ( myatsu).

Irregular formations.

1. When the word ponu, water, forms the second member of

one of these compounds, it becomes 37^ wdnu (iii. 6). Thus,—

garjga-ivonu, the water of the Ganges.

vyatha-wdnu, the water of the Jhelum.

gina-wonu, snow-water.

wuga-wonu, flood- water.

mgr®-wonu, the water of the Mar [see p. 67].

krlr*-wonu, well ( kryuru, masc.) water.

riida-wohu , rain-water.

ndga-wdhV/, spring- water.

70

G. A. Grierson — On the Kdfmiri Noun.

[No. 1,

2. The words iffar von*, water, dane (masc.) rice, won®,

o' S*

a merchant, and others, become pa, da, and ?T wa respectively,

when (iii. 7, 8) they are first members of one of these compounds.

Thus, — ■

pa-trdkh, a measure (4§ sers) of water.

va-nat* , a water-bucket.

*

dct-khcir , a measure (16 trdlchs) of rice.

^T-W<T da-phot*, a basket (full) of rice.

wa-dygl *, the merchant’s straw.

wa-lcur ®, the merchant’s daughter.

3. The V p of the word pgthar , a leaf, becomes ^ iv in

masculine compounds (iii. 9). Thus, —

boni’ivathar , plane-tree-leaves.

pdsa-wgthar , a flower-petal.

khyalla-wathar , a leaf of the lotus-grass.

hdka-wathar, spinach-leaves.

When, however, the compound is feminine, the word \Kpathar,

becomes patar . Thus

gfar muji-patar (fern.), a radish-leaf.

gogaji-patar (fern.), a turnip-leaf.

4. The word iswafo, a cake (fem.), is restricted in composition

to cakes made of grain (iii. 12). Thus

tomala-tsivgt rice-cake.

* \<\

kanaka-iswat *, wheat-cake.

' \«\ * ’

l

wuski-tswgt barley-cake.

If not made of grain, the word

*3^ mui and"1, must be

\°\

substituted*

1898.]

Gr. A. Grierson — On the Kd^mtri Noun.

71

Thus

cake.

thula-mwandu, egg-cake.

A

1 l4

nad^r'-mwand® , lotus-stalk-cake.

ts amah® -mw and® (also written, ^W5T teaman-), cheese-

•§\ \<N ' * * * *

adrak-mwand®, ginger-cake [apparently irregular].

N A

The masculine form mondu , can, however, be used for grain

cakes, thus

I*

c^r-isr^ tomH^-mond®, rice-cake, tomul , rice).

!•

I*

aba-mondu , a cake of parched meal.

Bahu-vrlhi or relative compounds are similarly formed. When

formed of an adjective and a substantive, the adjective is usually

put last (iii. 13). Examples are

*re-4s yada-badu (not sre-4^ yad®-bad®, as we might expect),

big-bellied, Skr. brhad-udara , quasi udara-brhat.

dari-zyuth «, long zy®fhu) bearded fete dar®, fern.,

a beard),

i

kan*-hsotu having the ear (^r kan, masc.) cut (<4s iso(u).

hun'-buth™, dog (**T hun\ a dog) faced (w*j buth«< a

face).

When one member of the compound is a numeral, it is put first,

du~waharu, occurring every two years.

thus

sata-bot£®, having a family of seven.

4H-¥3T pdU9-potur, having five sons.

Alliterative compounds (which are always feminine) are also

classed as bahu-vrihis by l9vara-kaula (iii. 14) ; thus

thola-thol , mutual pushing with horns.

3^-3^ tapa-taph, mutual kicking.

3^ thfika-thilkh, mutual pushing with horns.

capa-cdph , tooth against tooth.

72

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun. [No. 1,

When an adjective is used as an adverb, its form is not changed

(v. 5). It stands in the masculine singular.

Thus, —

i l

'ft 'ft

gobu gobu chuh pnkan, he is going slowly.

i i |

^3r. (or 'RF, tsatur (or tsatur isatur) khyawcin

chuh, he is eating quickly.

i

^t«T

ft

3RT;r*f lotu karan chuh , he is doing slowly.

F. Numerals.

The following are the Kacmiri numerals from one to ten millions,

as written down for me by my Pandit. They differ in several respects

from those given by Wade.

73

n

G. A. Grierson — -On the Kdgmiri Noun.

[No. 1,

1 Sometimes pronounced ahatqjyum «, and so throughout the forties ; except

forty -nine.

S Also pronounced akahqth, akdhqthyum" , and so throughout the sixties, except

sixty-nine-

75

■1898.] G. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmiri Noun.

06 sahaith. sahaithyumu .

67 satahaith.

68 arahaith.

69 kunasatdth.

70 W5T satath.

71 akasatdth.

*

72 dusatath.1

73 trasatdth.

X X

74 ^rrr«T tsosatdth.

• x

75 pantsasatdth.

76 sa satath.

X X •

77 ^?n3cr«I satasatdth.

x

78 3j^cr«l arasatdth.

X

79 kunaglth.

80 gith.

81 akaglth.

82 doyagith.

83 treyagith.

84 tsoyagith.

85 pqntsagitli.

86 sayagith.

87 satagith.

88 araglth.

89 lcunanamath.

90 namdth.

X

91 3ra»*pR*J akanamdth.

satahaithyumu.

\J V)

arahaithyumu .

X

«J>«T^rn^R kunasatatyum11.

satatyum'"' .

^f^^TcTiSW akasatatyum w.

X

dusatatyum1*.

trasatatyumu .

X

tsoscitatyumu.

pants asataty umu .

x

^^*59 sasatatyumu.

satasatatyumu.

arasatatyum1* .

kunagltyumu.

9~dyuniv’.

akagityumu.

^^<99 doyagityum u.

X

treyagztyumu.

X

tsoyagityum11.

pants agityumu.

'x

sayagityumw.

satagityumw .

^ x

aragltyumu .

X

«p*r«Tfl?Ef^ kunanamatyum u.

namatyumu.

X

akanamatyum* .

1 Not ddsatdth, as we might expect.

76

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun.

[No. 1,

ahh is one : akhah , or akhah khandd means

‘ some one,’ or ‘ about one,’ (ii, iii. 38, 45).

1 Not ddnam&th , as we might expect.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun. 77

akh is thus declined.

%

Nom. akh.

Acc. akis.

Gen. akyuk w, or ak * sandu.

S# VJ

Ag. ak1.

akhah is only used in the nominative (ii. iii. 38).

aku-y, fern. ak*-y, is ‘ only one.’ So also fi«r kunu, fem.

kuh, means £ only one ’ (iv. 191).

sre zah , two, becomes T dw in all cases except the nom. pi., and

is thus declined (ii. iii. 32, 33).

in the plural. Thus sfTKT^ jorahau sutin (ii. iii. 38). sfTTn?

jorah khanda, means ‘about two, but a little less’ (ii. iii. 45).

ST^ za-y , means * only two.’

There are two words signifying ‘ a pair,’ (iv. 192). These are

haru (pi. har *) and W[T. jora or arpc jur *.

C\"

TS haru is generally used of things without life ; thus, —

dejehar *, a pair of ear pendants.

durv-har11, a pair of ear rings.

wal'har1*, , a pair of rings ( wolu).

pulahar^j a pair of grass sandals.

78 G. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmiri Noun. [No. 1,

lchravaharui a pair of wooden sandals.

akhharu , one pair ; zahhar'\ two pairs ;

trehhar % three pairs.

In the villages we find the word ’gfx hur ■». Thus dadahiir*

a pair of bullocks. Here the word is used of a thing with life.

1ora or srfr jur * is used generally of things with life, but

not always. Thus, —

moktajurii a pair of pearls.

dadajur1, a pair of bullocks.

kotarjur *, a pair of pigeons («&TrfT kotur, a pigeon).

JjfKsrfr gurjur1, a pair of horses (arc gur *, a horse).

akhjor* , one pair ; SfSsfrT zahjora , two pairs ;

trehjora , three pairs.

Note that sfK jor ® and srf*; jur1 are not interchangeable.

trihj three, is thus declined (ii. iii. 34).

Nom. fr? trih.

Acc. try an ( tren ).

Ag. treyau

The word ?TTT tara is indefinite, and means 1 about three.’ tri-y ,

is 1 only three ’ (ii. iii. 39).

‘A group of three,’ ‘a trio,’ is trila , (masc.), or (iv. 192)

trica (fem.).

‘ About six ’ is sakhdh. ‘ Only six ’ is ^ sa-y (ii. iii. 42).

‘A group of six’ (iv. 192) ^ saka. It is also W’S sakhdh, and

79

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On the Kd^niirl Noun.

wre sakhdh khandd means ‘a group of about six ’ (ii. iii. 42).

The latter usually means a group of a little less than six.

isor, four, is thus declined (ii. iii. 35).

Nom. tsor.

• X

Acc. ^sr tsoran or tson.

Ag. tsorau.

tsomara , (ii. iii. 40), means ‘ about four,’ and Uora-y is

‘ only four ’ (ii. iii. 40).

tsdkh means ‘ a group of four,’ ‘ a four ’ (iv. 192).

tsdkhdh means ‘ a group of about four, and tsdkhdh khandd

means ‘ a group of a little less than four ’ (ii. iii. 45).

This numeral in composition becomes ^ tso. Thus {vide post)

tsoeaway , even the four ; tsodah, fourteen : tsowuh ,

twenty-four, and so on.

The word for ‘ five ’ is pants or pants

Nom. pants.

Acc. pants an.

Ag. pStsau.

‘ About five ’ is V* paiga, and ‘ only five ’ is pantsa-y (ii. iii,

41). panzu means ‘ a group of five ’ (iv. 192). panzwdh

khandd means ‘ about five but a little less.’

• •

For ‘ six,’ see under ‘ three.’

The word for ‘seven’ is w sdth. It is thus declined —

Acc. satan.

X

I

Ag. satau .

‘ About seven ’ is satetha. ‘ Only seven 5 is ^rrPT sata-y (ii. iii.

43).- -

satu is a group of seven (iv. 192). satvdh khandd

•3

is ‘ about seven, but a little less,’

80 Gr. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmiri Noun. [No, lr

The declension and formation of the remaining numerals is regular.

‘ About ’ is signified by adding amara , and ‘ only ’ by adding.

ay (ii. iii. 44).

Thus ^ aitk, (acc. pi. fesr aithan ) ; ‘ about eight,’ ^3^?^ aitliamar a;

‘only eight,’ ^3*7 aitha-y. irf3 aith*, is a group of eight (iv. 192).

sgrfe uth ,* (pi.) is groups of eight ( e.g . four eights = thirty-two,

tsor uth * doyatrah).

nav, nine ; navamara , about nine ; ^^7 nava-y, only nine.

4*7 namu is a group of nine (iv. 192). 4*31^ narnwdk

kliandd is a group of about nine, but a little less.

3^ dah , ten ; dahamar ®, about ten ; daha-y, only ten.

4^ daliu is a group of ten (iv. 192), and *3^1 dahwah

VJ

khandd is a group of about ten, but a little less.

^ hath is a hundred ; hathah khandd is a group of

about a hundred, but a little less.

The word for ‘ fifty ’ is tr^TTST pants ah, the pa of which becomes

q- wa in composition (iii. 10). Thus, aka-wanzah, fifty-one j

dd-wanzdh , fifty-two ; kuna-wanzdh , forty-nine.

The word for ‘sixty’ is ifc getli (iv, 176) or fjar gaitli , the

g of both of which becomes ^ h in composition (iii. 11). Thus

kun^-haith, fifty-nine ; ^-%3 do-haith, sixty-two.

f*

hath ; this is the form which a hundred takes in composi¬

tion up to and including eight hundred (iv. 115) ; thus

dkhhdth, one hundred, 51^*1 zahhdth two hundred,

trihdth (dropping ^ h), three hundred.

■sjst gath ; this is the form which a hundred takes in composition

after eight hundred (iv. 116) ; thus

navgdth , nine hundred ; kaligdth , eleven hundred }

hdhgdth, twelve hundred.

81

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmlri Noun.

The following terms are peculiar to counting (iv. 174-177).

(a) 3T3? tukn means two pice.

( b ) hath means a pice, when more than two are referred to

in counting. Thus, trihath , three pice ; t&orhath , four

pice ; pdts-hdth, five pice. As in the case of numerals, ^ hath ,

becomes path from nine on. Thus ; — navgath. Ten pice

are also called sas, lit. a thousand.

(c) 3rT*T zanu, this is the word used iu counting persons. Thus

zan1 pantsahmara, about fifty men. fra: oifif geth zan1, sixty

men.

( d ) lukh. This word must be used in counting persons by

hundreds or thousands. Thus hath luka , a hundred people ;

zahhdth luka, two hundred persons ; trihath luka

three hundred people. We also sometimes, however, but rarely, have

^5S[ hath zani, a hundred people, sas zani , a thousand

people, in both of which the i is fully pronounced.

When the emphatic ^ y is added to numerals, we get the following

forms —

dogawa-y , or donawa-y even both.

tregawa-y or tryannwa-y , even all three.

tsogawa-y or tsonawa-y, even all four.

pdtsawa-y, even all five.

sagawa-y or sanawa-y , even all six.

satawa-y, even the seven.

aithawa-y, even the eight.

navawa-y even the nine.

And so on.

The acc. is *R3r ft- navawavi. The agent is *R«rfV naivaway V and

so for all, (iv. 186-188).

We may also say ^far ^"3R<T dwag1 dogawa-y ; •jf^r *R*R vaw 1 naw-

awa-y, and so in all. repeating the first element, (iv. 189).

J. I. 11

82 G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun. [No. 1,

In multiplication, the numerals take special forms, as follows : —

They are used as follqws : —

*TTTr dkh ah * kyd nam dkh, one one (is) one.

*TT?T ^ zah gk* kya nam zah, two ones (are) two.

f^TS f3if*T vft trih dogan * sah , three twos (are) six.

W ^<TTf*T? sdth sak° dbyatgjih , seven sixes (are) forty-two.

These special forms may be called multiplicative numerals. Multi-

plicatives above ten can only be used with numerals above ten. Thus

kali bah * dkh hath ta doyatrah , eleven twelves

(are) a hundred and thirty-two. We cannot say

tsor ball1 aratgjih , four twelves are forty- eight, because four is not greater

than ten. We can only say bahts dkh aratgjih , twelve

fours (are) forty-eight.

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On the Kaqmiri Noun.

83

G. Pronouns.

These change their bases in Declension. The following paradigms

will give sufficient information.

boh, I.

x '

Similarly for the Plural.

84

G. A. Grierson — On the Ktymtrt Noun.

[No. 1,

tih, that (out of sight), he, she, it.

Nom. Masc. suh (ii. iii. 2); tint (16).

fem. soli , or sa

x

(3) ; neut. till (1).

Acc. (Masc. fem.) <rf*W tamis timan (16).

(5) ; cR tas (20) ; neut.

rm tdth (7).

Ag. (M. n.) rjf?? tarn* (5) ; f. timau (16).

tami.

Gen. (M. f.) tarn * fff^ tihand v ;

I ^ '

sandu ; tasandv ; timan handu (16, 20).

<T^[ tas (20) ; (n.)

^ x

tamyuk w.

This pronoun only refers to things not within sight. For things

within sight huh is used.

O x

The neuter form agrees with all things without life, whether their

grammatical gender is masculine or feminine. Thus rT^t

fa\fT 'ZT^tath joothe paranas hyutu pi ayg, a couch for reading that book.

*x

So in the case of the other pronouns. The plural is the same for all

three genders. So elsewhere.

yih , who.

Nom. Masc. sp? yus (ii. iii. 2) ; yitn. (16).

fem. ydssa (4) ;

neut. yih (1).

Acc. (Masc. fem.) yemis yiman (16).

(5j ; W yas (20),

neut. yath (7).

Ag . (M. n.) yam* (5) ; (f.)

yami (5).

yimau (16).

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On the Kdpmiri Noun.

85

Gen.

Nora,

Aec.

Ag.

Gen.

Nom.

Acc.

(m. f.) 4^ yam *

sandu ; ya,sandu

(20) ; yas (20); (n.)

yemyuku.

yihandv ; faiT*r 4^

yiman hand' u (16, 20).

craw kydh , who, what P

Masc. kus (ii. iii. 2) ; kam (16).

fem. fftJT kdssa (4);

neut. kydh (1).

(Masc. fem.) (5) ; 3\if5r kaman (16).

^ has (20) ; (neut.)

qrer kdth (7).

(M. n.) kam1 (5) ;

(f.) ^>fiT kami (5).

(M. f.) kam1

sandu ; kasandu ;

has (20) ; n.

V vj \3

kamyuk u.

kamau (16).

kahandw ; ^r

kaman handu (16, 20).

yih, this.

Masc. yih (ii. iii. 2) ; ?1T yim (16).

fem. ^ yih (3) ; neut.

r? yih (1).

(Masc. fem.) Tf*?*7 yimis ^TT*T yim, an (16).

(5) ; nomis (5) ;

neut. XQ (7 ) ;

noth (7).

86

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmbi Noun.

[No. 1,

Ag, (M. n.) xfd yim1 (5) ; ^ yimdu (16).

nwam i (5) ; (f.)

yimi (5) ;

nomi (5).

Gen. (M. f.) yim* yihand™ ; T**

sand™ ; yisand™ yiman hand™ (16, 20).

(20) ; 4f*r to nwam *

sand™ ; (n.) yim-

yule™ ; nomyuk *.

7m7i, tliat (within sight).

Nom.

Acc.

Gen.

Masc. sT? huh (ii. iii. 2) ;

fem. 3?^ hoh (3) ;

nent. 7i«7i (1).

(Masc. fem.) humis

(5); Sifire amis («);

nent. ^ huth (7).

(M. n.) hum 1 (5) ;

am* (6) ; (f.)

humi (5) ;

ami (5).

(M. f.) alfa hum 1

sand u ; am*

• ' s v# *

35^ hum (16).

3n?«T human (16).

humau (16).

huhand u : ^?T5r

s* • *

human hand u (16, 20).

sand™ ; husand™ ;

• ’ Vi .

^4=^ asand™ (20) ;

(n. ) humyuh u ;

amyuk ™.

VJ V J 3

v.

This pronoun only refers to things within sight. For things out of

sight, frT? tih is used.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmlrl Noun. 87

The Reflexive Pronoun.

The word ttt*t pdna, self, is declined only in the singular (ii. iii. 36).

Its genitive is irregular (37). Thus, —

Nom. TT*T pdna, self or selves.

Acc. pcinas, self or selves.

Gen. panunu (fern. panan).

Ag. x?t*T pdna, by self or selves (not ^T5fif^ panan).

[Example jrj ^t*t me pana karu-m by me, myself, it was done].

The word xn»T pan, meaning the human body is declined regularly

in both numbers, like a noun of the first declension. Its genitive is

hence pdnuku (ii. iii. 36, 37).

Pronominal adjectives (ii. iii. 25-27).

snrj yiitu, this much.

«37<T tyiitu , that much.

Fem. nuts™.

«\‘$V

I

yyUis11.

c\*$\ 17 ■

huts™.

EUrf yyutu , how much.

*

kut u, how much.

The declension of these is given under the head of nouns, see

p. 55.

Indefinite Pronouns.

efir? kcih or ^ kuh or katshah any one, some one, (m. and

f.) (ii. iii. 29, 30, 31).

Singular.

MJi kah or

katshdh.

kaisi.

In the singular it is always declined like a feminine noun, even

in the masculine.

•><*

ketshdli , means ‘any thing ’ (ii. iii, 31),

It is not declined.

Nom.

Acc.

Ag.

Plural.

/cents.

• ^

kentsan.

• \ —

kentsau.

88

G. A. Grierson — On the Kdgmifi Noun.

[No. 1,

H. Emphatic and Indefinite Particles.

(ii. iii. 21 : iv. 126).

The particle *7 y is added to all words to give emphasis. Tt may

be added either to the main word or to the declensional or conjuga-

tional suffix. When added to a word ending in a consonant it becomes

STSf *y. Thus, —

tasanduy , even his,

l

<tf«T tarn* sanduy , even his,

from tasandu, his.

VJ

%

\r- I

JT’WSJ uoras^y andar , even in

\<\' ' *

the preceptor.

qdrau^y andar , even in

the preceptors.

goran^y handi puishy,

A'

even to the preceptors,

or

rlffl turn * sandu, his.

goras andar , in the

preceptor.

goran andar in the

preceptors.

goran handi puishy

to the preceptors.

g$J goran handiy puishy

or

gfw^T goran handi puishiy *

gd(uluy , certainly clever, from JTT^^j gatulu, clever.

karan^y chuh , lie is ^PCT«T karan chuh , he is

certainly doing.

karyon^y, he certainly did.

A'

qjf^T kariy, he will certainly do.

ffTEFT tithay , even in that manner.

VJ '

doing.

karyon , he did.

tfiPC kari , he will do.

titha in that manner.

The word suru, all, always takes this suffix (ii. iii. 22).

Thus, —

Nom. sg. sdruy ; Nom. pi. ^TPn? sariy ; instead of soru

sdr*, respectively.

* 3^ pufohy is really another way of writing g|w pufjsh *.

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On the K&gmiri Noun.

89

When y is suffixed to the letter WT au, the two together become

avuy, (ii. iii. 23).

Thus, —

guryav^y sutin, by the horses certainly, from ^frTH

guryau sutin , by the horses.

namav^y sutin, even by the nails, from •n?|‘ ^frr*r

A'

nartvau sutin.

Indefiniteness is shown by adding ah to a noun in the nom.

sing. The termination cannot be added to other cases (ii. iii. 38).

kathah, any story, from hath, a story ; akhah ,

some one, any one, from dkh, one ; WTTP? jorah, some pair or other,

from jora, a pair. The last may, however, be declined, thus

jorahau sutin by any pair.

When *§P*?r khanda is added to these words, it indicates a slight

diminution. Thus kruh, a kos ; 5R^r^ kruhah, about a kos ;

kruhah khanda, about a kos, but a little less ; so ddhdh

khanda, about a day, but something less ; ^<J3T rgthdh khanda ,

about a season but something less ; rupaydh khanda, about

a rupee, but something less. The syllable ah may be omitted, and

then *3^ khand not khanda is used. Thus, kruh khand ,

about a kos , but a little less.

The suffix ^ z* added to a word signifies a group, or number.

Thus, from kdth , rams, qresf kdtaz11, a number of rams ; from

arfr; gur‘l, horses, a number of horses, a troop of horses ;

from rupaye, rupees, rupayez11 , a number of rupees ;

i

kahe stones, kanez a heap of stones (ii. iii. 46).

The word ^ysr pahdn qualifies the word which it follows (iv. 193).

Thus, —

4^ bad pahazi, somewhat big.

vyath11 palian, somewhat stout,

J. i. 12

90

G. A. Grierson — On the Edgmiri Noun.

[No. 1,

gyi TT5l*T wusun pahan , somewhat hot.

dur pahan, somewhat distant.

nyur palian, somewhat near,

ifs- xpjr*T broth pahan, somewhat in front.

^ path pahan, somewhat behind.

is Ir'' pahan, after some time (^r tser, delay).

xr^I«T kgguru pahan , somewhat Kashmiri.

baygahilcu pahan, somewhat Bengali.

T^T*T wuhuryundu pahan, somewhat in that direction.

*T\[T«r yahuryundu pahan, somewhat in this direction.

The following conjunctions are given by I^vara-kaula.

?T ta, and (iv. 178). E.g., ^ ?r suh ta tsah, he and thou.

f?r ti, also (iv. 179). It is also used instead of ff ta with plurals.

Thus, — f?r fff suhti tsah ti, he also, you also. i?^fsrpJ

f?T f^T mahaniv 1 ti gupan ti ay, both the men and the cattle

came. We cannot say ?r <T mahaniv 1 ta gupan ta ay.

biya, means, ‘again.’ It also means ‘other,’ (iv. 180). Thus,

biya karlzi, you should do it again. biya wati by

another road.

ofiT zan , like (iv. 181). E.g., rftff «!•( *TTT*T tota zan chuh pardn,

he reads like a parrot. oT*r TWT*T malis zan chuh rachan , he

protects him as if he (the object) was his father.

hyuhu (also written hihu), fern, higu, means ‘ like,’

^ 'n ’*» Vn

(iv. 182, 183). E.g., irrf^W malis hyuh ®, like his father, ( e.g ., this

child is like his father), mol * hyuh u chu-s (s is the dative

pronominal suffix of the 3rd person), he is like a father to him. <^5[

^ *lTfaT*r son hyuhu chuh nSpan, it is shining like gold. We also have

* ' ,

phrases like bud u hyuW gn'zyan, bring whoever (amongst

them) is old, - - — not, bring him like an old man.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On the Kapniri Noun. 91

I. On the Rhyming Repetition of words ( anuprdsa ).

Words of any kind are repeated to show indefiniteness or recipro¬

city. In such a case the letter q w or v xr p is usually substituted in

the second word, for the first letter of the original word (viii. i. 30).

Thus,

TO«r Wlf kardn war an chuh, he is doing it or nearly doing it.

3TPC ^f«T»r dydr vydr anin , let him bring the wealth, &c.

bata wata kliyayin , let him eat rice, &c.

anwdr wanwar or anwar panwar ^ turn

and turn about.

If the main word begins with V p or ^ v or w , the second begins

with ^ v or w or xf p respectively (viii. i. 31). Thus, —

tpC par war , read (imperative), &c.

fxf*T«JN pats a waisa ditin , let him give pice and the like.

wagan pUgan an , bring brinjals and other like

vegetables.

wdza pdza chih , they are cooks, &c.

The word (f*T^ ) vyuts a collection, makes xn^- vvuts «

' O' o ' O' “ — ‘

pots'* , an omnium gatherum.

There are irregular formations, such as (viii. i. 32).

sjcff (f*pj) ^ nyuk* sukw, a collection. ^ nyukw means literally

‘ a little.’

mygndu tygndu, mouthfuls, &c.

I ^ | ^

halu kal* , crooked, &c. ; but

s» s*

TO halu walu , girdles and the like.

^ 'e

^1^ ^tIsT hdnz ® ganz boatmen, &c.

1 1

WJ phglu pliy atu, ornaments, &c.

tffr ontu wont w, shallow and the like.

s» ^

These compounds are feminine when they denote reciprocity. For

examples, see p. 71.

92

G. A. Grierson — On the Kagmiri Noun .

[No. I,

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On the Kngmiri Noun.

93

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1898.] Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Batnapala.

99

Two Copper-plate Grants of Batnaptila of Pragjyotisa in Asfim. — By

Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle, C.I.E.

(With Plates VIII-XIII).

[Read January, 1898.]

These two grants were also sent to me by Mr. E. A. Gait, I.C.S.,

one in May 1896, the other in April 1897. 1 The former was found in

Sualkuci. About the find-place of the latter, nothing is known. It

is now in the possession of a cultivator of Nahorhabi village, Mauza

Bargao, District Darrang, Subdivision Tejpur, who says that it was

discovered by his grandfather. As it is convenient to give it a name,

and as Tejpur is already appropriated by another Asam grant, pub¬

lished in this Journal , Vol. IX, it may be called the Bargaou copper¬

plate.

The Sualkuni grant unfortunately is in a very bad condition

as will be described hereafter. Without the Bargaou grant, with

.which most of its contents are identical, it would have been impossible

to make any thing satisfactory of it. The Bargaon grant is in an

almost perfect condition, and hence I will describe it first.

I. The Bargaon Grant.

This grant and its seal are just like the Gauhati grant of Indra-

pala. This will be seen from the photograph (Plates YIII-X), so that I

need not repeat their description. The plates, of which there are three,

measure I Of by 6f inches. The seal measures 4| by 3f inches. The

two outside plates are only inscribed on their inner sides. The interior

plate has 20 lines on each side ; the other two inscribed sides have

17 and 15 lines respectively.

The language of the grant is Sanskrit. It differs from other

grants, in giving a portion of the genealogy of the donor in prose.

The earlier part of the genealogy, referring to Ratnapala’s ancestry,

is in poetry, viz., from the beginning down to line 28. From here the

1 See my papers on the previous Gauhati and Nowgoug Grants, in this

Journal, Vol. LX.Vi, pp. 113, 285.

100

Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Ratnap&la. [No. 1,

description of Ratnapftla’s residence and person is in prose, down to

line 52. The remainder is as usual : namely the description of the land,

its perquisites and boundaries is in prose, viz ., from line 52 down

line 58, and lines 58 to 64 ; but the genealogy of the donee is in verse,

from lines 65 to 72.

The composition is very laboured ; and the fact that about one-

half of the royal genealogy is in prose suggests that the writer’s

literary powers were not equal to the task of versifying the whole.

The mechanical execution of the grant is very slovenly and in¬

accurate ; it is, in this respect, even worse then that of the Gauhati

grant. Syllables are frequently omitted ; thus 1. 1, duste for nirdustair( ?);

1. 13, ksi for Jcsiti ; 1. 15, khim for ksitim; 1.52, Ratnapa for Ratnapdla,

etc. Similarly letters are omitted: e. g., 1. 1 1, anaya for anayad ; 1.22,

anuraga for anuragdj. Occasionally superfluous syllables are inserted ;

e. g., 1.2, anekinebhavan for anZki-bhavaii ; 1.8, kundalena for kundale.

Similarly a superfluous l is added in 1. 14, jayal-labdha for jaya-labdha ,

1. 45, udbhdsanal-ldsd, etc. Anusvara and visarga are very frequently

omitted ; see the footnotes 4, 15, 18, etc. Long and short vowels are

frequently interchanged ; e. g ., 1. 3, tat for tat ; 1. 6, griyam for griyam,

etc. For other miscellaneous blunders, see footnotes 6, 12, 43, 49, 57,

67, etc. A curiosity is the euphonic insertion of rln 1. 11, nu-r-iha \

and there is another instance in the Sualkuci grant, in 1. 21, marttanda-

r-iva.

The usual provincialisms abound; for confusion of sibilants, see

footnotes 16, 31, 34, 69, 85, 89, 91, etc. ; for the ligature of guttural rj

with sibilants, see footnotes 34, 36, 42, etc. ; for the ligature of dental n

with gutturals and sibilants see footnotes 16, 18, 28, 29, etc. ; for the

ligature of m with v, see footnotes 13, 44, 65, 67, etc.

The last mentioned ligature is really explained by the fact that no

separate sign for b is used in all these Asam grants. And this fact,

again, is explained by the circumstance that in Baqgali and Asami

no distinction is made, in pronunciation, between non-conjunct v and b ;

both are pronounced alike as b. There are other indications of a more

sporadic occurrence of what may be called “ phonetic spelling.” They

are curious, as showing how far back such fashions of pronunciation

may be traced. In modern Baqgali and Asami ks is pronounced kh.

Hence we find in 1. 15 khim (false for khitim ) spelled for ksitim, and in

1. 17, vikhya for viksya. Similarly non-conjunct initial y is now pro¬

nounced j, and conjunct y is omitted. An instance of the former

practice occurs in 1. 21, ja for yd, 1. 35, jaksmand for yaksmand , also

in the Gauhati grant II a1 jag as for yagas. An instance of the latter

practice occurs in the Nowgong grant in III a6 (Jdmdyikd, the correct

101

1898.] Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Ratnapala.

spelling of which name (jyamdyihd occurs in the Bargaon grant 1.61.

Possibly the curious spelling in 1. 18 yuyyate for yujyate may be due to

a similar cause ; so also the form ya in 1. 50, for ca ; though these would

rather be survivals of an old prakritic fashion which has not survived

to the present day.

Palmographically it may be noted that the avagraha occurs only

four times, in 11. 26, 58, 59, 63, though there were sixteen other occa¬

sions for its use.

An r preceding a consonant is always formed above the line, even

with y ; e.g .* 1. 21, ageary am.

The guttural nasal y is, as in the Nowgong grant, throughout made

without a ringlet ; see 11. 3, 4, 14, 15, 17, 27, 33, 35, 41, 43, 60. The

initial short i is also made exactly as in the Nowgong grant by means

of two ringlets placed above a hook ; e.g., in 1. 35, Taika ; 11. 8 and 45,

iva ; 1. 24, iti. Also kh and r are made after the older fashion. All

this shows that the Bargaon grant cannot be very far apart, in age,

from the Nowgong grant.

The anusvara, in the Bargaon grant as well as in the Nowgong

grant, is formed by a ringlet, placed (in the usual way) above the line.

In the Gauhati grant it is occasionally placed on the line.2 In modern

Baqgali the latter position is universal. This shows that the Gauhati

grant must be appreciably later than the Bargaon and Nowgong grants.

The virama occurs twice to indicate a final consonant in 1. 23,

samyak , with the full form of k, and in 1. 23, mandam with a slightly

truncated form of m. In both cases it is attached to the foot of the

letter. In the case of final t, n and m specially modified forms are

used ; thus the final form of t occurs in 1. 5, jag at, 1. 7, akdrslt, and

1. 63, ’ghat. The final form of n occurs in 1. 54, jdnapadan and 1. 55,

prablirtin and sarvvdn. The final form of m occurs in 1. 2, tandavlm,

1. 16, rdjyam , 1, 32, mandalam, 1. 33, alaykdram, 1. 39, sdrthdndm , 1. 48,

gambhiryam and vlryam, 1. 65 atmanam and alydm, 11. 69 and 72, dlydm.

As these final forms, as well as the forms of the guttural nasal,

anusvara and r, are peculiarly serviceable as test-letters in determining

the chronology of the Baggali-Asami script, I have, in the accom¬

panying lithographed table of facsimiles (Plate XI), prepared a small

conspectus of them. The reigns I have selected are the following :

( a ) Pala kings of Bengal (Bihar) : Dharmapala, c. 840-875 A.D.,

facsimile of his grant in this Journal, Yol. LXIII, Plate

II T. Narayana Pala, c. 925-950 A.D., facsimile of his

grant in this Journal , Yol. XLYII, Plates XXIY, XXY ;

* The ringlet is so small that the blank core is sometimes almost invisible in

the photograph, producing the appearance of a mere dot.

102

Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Batnapala. [No. 1,

also facsimile of Badal inscription in Epigraphia Indica ,

Vol. II, p. 160.

(b) Asam kings : Balavarman, c. 975 A.D., facsimile of his grant

in this Journal , Vol. LXVI, Plates XXXV and XXXVI.

Ratnapala, c. 1010, facsimile of his grant in this volume,

Plates VIII-X, XII and XIII. Indrapala, c. 1050, facsimile

of his grant, in this Journal, LXVI, Plates III and IV.

Vaidyadeva, c. 1142, facsimile of his grant in the Epigraphia

Indica , Vol. II, Plates I— III, p. 351..

(c) Sena kings of Bengal (Bihar) ; Vijaya Sena, c. 1080 A.D.,

facsimile of his grant in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I,

p. 308. Laksmana Sena, c. 1126, facsimile of his grant in

this Journal , Vol. XLIV, Plates I and II.

The table sufficiently explains itself ; but I may point out that the

special final forms of t and n have arisen from the practice of attach¬

ing the virama to the top of the full or truncated forms, instead of

appending it, in the usual fashion, to their foot ; and that the special final

form of m owes its origin to the contraction of the original square m

into a small circle, to which the virama was appended as a tail. Later

on, this tail was separated, and thus the forms of m and the anusvara

become identical (No. 8 in columns 5 and 15), because in the mean¬

time the anusvara had assumed a tendency of standing below instead of

above the head-line (No. 5, col. 5). At one time the forms of the

truncated n and special final m approached so nearly as to lead to a

confusion of them (compare No. 1, col. 12 with col. 15). Thus final

n is used for final m twice in the Nowgong grant, see I amalan for

amalam, II a7 yauvanan for yauvanam. An earlier instance occurs in

the Dharmapala grant, line 57, vasundharan for vasundharam* ; other

instances are in the Laksmana Sena grant, Plate I, obverse, line 21,

lay an for lay am ; Plate II, reverse, line 21, mantavyan for mantavyamt

line 22 pdlanlyan for palaniyam.

On palasographical grounds, therefore, I am disposed to place the

two Ratnapala grants in the earlier half of the 11th century A.D.

(c. 1010-1050). The Nowgong grant I would place a little earlier,

about 990 A.D., and the Indrapala grant, a little later, about 1060 A.D.

The Bargaon grant is not dated in any era ; neither is the SualkucI

grant; but the former professes to have been issued in the 25th, and

the latter in the 26th year of the reign of Ratnapala.

Putting together the information given by the Bargaon grant

with that afforded by the Tejpur, Nowgong, and Gauhati grants, it now

8 See Epigraphia Indica, Vol. Ill, p. 250.

1898.] Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Ratnapala.

108

becomes possible to arrange a fairly connected dynastic history of

Isam. All the grants agree in beginning with Hari (Visnu), his son

Naraka, his son Bhagadatta, his younger brother Vajradatta. They

further agree 4 in stating that Vajradatta was succeeded by several

members of his dynasty, after which Naraka’s dynasty was displaced by

(Jala Stambha, described in the Bargaon grant as a Mleccha 6 or ‘ foreign'

conqueror. According to that grant, pala Stambha was succeeded by

twenty other foreign kings, of whom Vigraha Stambha was the first,

and Tyaga Simha the last; and the grant adds that after Tyaga

Simha the ancient dynasty of Naraka was restored in the person of

Brahma Pala. Unfortunately the Tejpur grant is unsatisfactorily record¬

ed in volume IX of this Journal , both with respect to the original text

and its English translation. But this much seems to be clearly stated

in it that a series of rulers, commencing with pala Stambha, ended with

pri-Harisa, after which a king called Pralambha of Naraka’s1 race

succeeded to the throne. On the first view this would seem to show

that Tyaga Simha and pri-Harisa were the same persons, and so also

Brahma Pala and Pralambha. The latter identification, of course, is

impossible, because Brahma Pala and Pralambha gave rise to two

distinct dynasties, as the Bargaon and Nowgong grants show. But it

is still possible that these two dynasties might have ruled contempo¬

raneously, in different parts of the country, on (Jala Stambha’s dynasty

becoming extinct with Tyaga Simha alias pri-Harisa. This supposi¬

tion would seem to derive some confirmation from the fact that the

Bargaon and Gauhati grants are given from the town of Durjaya, alias

Pragjyotisa, while the Nowgong grant is given from the “ ancestral

camp ” of Haruppeyvara. Against this, however, is to be set the fact

that Bala Varman (of the Nowgong grant) of the Harjara or Pralambha

dynasty is also described on his seal as belonging to the dynasty of the

kings of Pragjyotisa, so that Pragjyotisa would seem to have been the

capital of his country, though he usually or occasionally resided in his

“ ancestral camp ” Haruppeflvara. But the circumstance which most

strongly makes against the identification of Tyaga Simha with pri-

Harisa, is the palaeography of the Nowgong grant. The author of

that grant, Bala Varman, is the fourth in descent from Harjara, and

the fifth in descent from Pralambha, i.e., about 100 years after the

commencement of his dynasty, while Ratna Pala, the author of the

Bargaon grant, is first in descent from Brahmapala, i.e., perhaps 20

i Except the Gauhati grant, which, however, allows an “ undefined period.”

6 The term Mleccha indicates a Non-Hindu, though the name Qala Stambha has

a distinctly Hindu (Sanskrit) ring; so have the other names of his dynasty. They

may be birudas or laudatory names.

104 Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of HatnapOla. [No. 1,

years after the beginning of his dynasty. It follows, therefore, that

Bala Varman comes about 80 years after Ratna Pala, and that paleeo-

graphically the Nowgong grant should be later than the Bargaon grant.

Their paleeographic characters, however, indicate just the reverse. The

identification of Tyaga Simlia with plri-Harisa, therefore, seems to me

very doubtful ; nor does it appear that there is any necessity for it. A

more probable solution appears to me to be, that pala Stambha’s

dynasty ended with pri-Harisa, and that it was succeeded by another

foreign dynasty, which commenced with Pralambha and ended with

Tyaga Simha, after whom the restoration of Naraka’s dynasty, in the

person of Brahma Pala, took place. The Bargaon grant does not say that

the 20 kings who followed pala Stambha were all of the same dynasty ;

on the other hand, twenty-one (including p!ala Stambha) is a sufficiently

large number to accommodate two long dynasties. Moreover the Now¬

gong grant clearly indicates that a break or change of dynasty took

place with Harjara (son of Pralambha).

Of pala Stambha’s dynasty three other members are named :

according to the Bargaon grant, Vigraha Stambha was the immediate

successor (son?) of pala Stambha ; and according to the Nowgong

grant, there were two other members, named Palaka and Yijaya,

besides some more not named. It would seem that Stambha was the

distinguishing name of this dynasty. The named members of it would

be (1) pala Stambha, (2) Vigraha- Stambha, (3) Palaka- Stambha,

(4) Vijaya- Stambha, who were perhaps the first four of the dynasty ;

there were several others ; the total number may have been ten, occu¬

pying a period from about 150 to 200 years.

Of Pralambha’s dynasty, five other members, in direct filial

succession, are named. According to the Tejpur grant, it would seem

that Pralambha’s son, by his wife Jivada, was Harjara, whose son was

Vanamala. The Nowgong grant adds Jayamala, Vlrabahu and Bala

Varman, being the son, grandson and great-grandson respectively of

Vanamala. These are the first six members of the dynasty. Their

total number may well have been eleven, occupying again a period of

about 150 to 200 years. And these eleven, together with the ten of

the pala Stambha dynasty, would make up the series of twenty-one

foreign kings, required by the Bargaon grant, antecedent to the

restoration of the Pala kings of Naraka’s dynasty. There are two

difficulties about this dynasty. The Tejpur grant seems to say

distinctly that Pralambha belonged to Naraka’s dynasty,6 and that

* In verse 19 of the translation, Yanamala, the son of Harjara, is also said

to be “like the moon in the clear sky of the Naraka line.” The original text

has knti-tanaya-nrpati-varhfa or ‘ the royal race of the son of the Earth.’ Naraka

is the “ son of the Earth.”

105

1898.] Dr. Hoernle — Tioo Copper-plate Grants of Ratnapala.

he was the father of Harjara. On the other hand, the Nowgong grant

ignores Pralambha altogether, and commences the dynasty with Harjara.

Nor is there any' thing in the latter grant to connect him with Naraka's

dynasty; on the contrary the non-Hindu sound of the name Harjara

points to a foreigner. I am unable to suggest any satisfactory solution ;

but the weight of the evidence seems to me to be for both dynasties

(Cala Stambha’s and Harjara’s or Pralambha’s) being those of foreign

invaders, though they may have occasionally preferred a claim to

belong to the ancient indigenous line of kings.

The Pala dynasty distinctly put forward that claim in both the

JBargaon and Gauhati grants ; though it may still remain a question

whether the claim was well founded. I may here notice a correction,

in the Gauhati grant, Plate I, reverse, line 13, the puzzling name

Kaumra should be Bhanma or ‘ Earth-born,’ a name of Naraka. I

may also notice, that the Bargaon grant distinctly states that Durjaya,

which the Nowgong grant describes as a nag art or ‘ townlet ’ and as the

vasati or ‘residence’ of the king, received that name from Ratnapala,

who either founded it or made it, into a fortified place, and fixed it as

the residence of his dynasty. The fact that the Pala kings resided

in the fort of Durjaya, and the Harjara dynasty in the “ancestral

camp” of H aruppe^vara, while yet both dynasties called themselves

“ Lords of Pragjyotisa,” may perhaps justify the conclusion that in

their time Pragjyotisa, which was originally the name of a town, had

become the name of a country.

Of Ratnapala it is related that he came into hostile contact with

the kings of Gurjara, Gauda, Kerala, and the Dekkan, and with the

Bahikas and Taikas. Assuming that Ratna.pala’s age has been rightly

fixed at about 10L0 to 1050 A.D., the king of Gurjara of that period

would be the Western Calukyan king Jayasimha III or Somecvara I.

By the Kerala king the Cola Rajaraja is perhaps intended. The

Gauda king may have been Mahipala or Nayapala of the Pala dynasty

of Bengal and llihar. To whom the term “king of Daksinatya” or the

Dekkan may refer, I do not know. The Bahikas and Taikas are

generally taken to be Trans-Indus people, those of Balkh and the

Tajiks. But, as will be seen from the next paragraph, the panegyrist

probably only wished to^parade his familiarity with Sanskrit litera¬

ture, and further attempts at identification would be waste of labour.

There is again a curiosity to be noted in the Ratnapala grants,

similar to that in the Nowgong grant (see ante , Vol. LXVI, p. 288),

the discovery of which is due to Dr. Th. Bloch, the Society’s Honorary

Philological Secretary. This is the existence of plagiarisms, or at

least imitations, from Baua’s Harsa Carita. The following passages,

J. i. Jl

106

Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper- [date Grants of Ratnapdla. [No. 1,

or clauses, may be compared, the references being to Tukaram Javaji’s

Bombay edition of 1892 (Nirnaya S agar a Press).

(1) . Bargaon Plate, line 31, Gurjjar-ddhirdja-prajvdrena, etc. Compare

Harsa Carita, p. 132, Huna-liarina-kesari Sindhu-raja jvaro

Gurjara-praj dgaro Gdndhdr-adhipa - gandha - dvipa - kuta - pakalo

Lata- patavu-pat accard Mdlava-laksmi-lata-paraguh.

(2) . Bargaon Plate, line 43, Vdsav-avasa-sparddhini . Compare Harsa

Carita, p. 104, Vasav-dvasa iva (adliivdsah ).

(3) . Bargaon Plate, line 48, Arjjnno yagasi Bhzmasend yiidhi (or

Sualkuci Plate, 1. 24, Bhismd dhanusi), &c. Compare Harsa

Carita, p. 1 10, Arjuno yagasi Bhlsrnb dhanusi , etc.

Finally, I may add three corrections in the Gauhati grant. The

blundered phrase bhiimya-paksa-sta in II b 6 should be bhumy-apakrsta ,

as in the Bargaon grant 1.53; it means the ‘inferior or non-arable

land.’ Also vydvohdrika in II b 7 means ‘officer’: tlie whole passage

in which it occurs should be translated as in the Bargaon grant. Again

the phrase viahisi-jdtika should be read, as in the Sualkuci grant, mahis-

dj-dvika ‘ buffalos, goats and sheep.’

Trxt.1

First Plate : Reverse.

1 Svasti | 2 Duste 3 vapu-vimv(b)akair=n=nakha=gaj:ai4 5' svaiB=n=nrtya-

sampad-vidheh so sa-9veva6 * 8 9 10-gatim 9ubham prakatay an-d r9yo

Ill-

2 9a.n=tandavim • evairi yah paramatma-vat=prthu-gun-oddebo 7 ’py=

aneki-ne 8-bhavan=prakamyan=dadhad-eva bliati bhuvan-e-

3 9as=tat9=9riye Qaijkarahil [1 ll] Murtta kim vahat=iha 10 9ita-kara-ru

kim 1?* sphatiki-vidrutih kimls=v=ady-augha-vibhedan-ai-

4 ka-nirata 9akti 4 9iiblia parjkari 1 yasy=apag-gatim=ity=avetya janata

yayeta dhanya drutam payat=sa praniha-

1 From the original plates.

3 Metre of verses 1 and 2 : Qdrdula-vikridita.

8 One aksara is here omitted ; perhaps read nirdustair.

4 Read gataih ; 1. 4, gaktih ; 1. 5, dkrteh ; 1 10, grill and gunah ; 1. 12, yagah ; 1. 13,

dtmajah and ripuh ; 1. 14, kirttih.

5 Read svair.

0 Read gveta. See note to translation.

? TJddeha is not noted in any dictionai'y.

8 Read aneki-bhavan ; ne is superfluous.

9 Read tat-griye or rather tac-clnriye.

10 Read iha , m. c. (i.e., vahati iha).

13 Read kara-ruk him.

IS Read kim vd.

1898.] Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Ratnapala.

107

5 tya sarvva-kalusam lauhitya-sindhur=jagat || [2 1|] 14 Dharam Harer=

uddharatah kir-akrte4 payodhi-magna ]STarak5 iB ’sur-ansa-

6 ka16 I sa sunur-a^It 17=sura-yosid-angim 18 9riyani19=pratinduyitam 30

=eva yena hi || [3 ||] Ya£ 2,=c=aval=efci jarat=iti bhiya-yut=e-

7 ti mudh=efci v(b)andhu-rahi.t=eti vipad-gat=efci | hitv=Aditis x22 vaji-

tya suran=aliarsit tat-ku-

8 ndalena23 sura-ya9o-maha9i iv=agrye | [l 4 ||] Ka>nta-mukliair=

v=v(b )alra-vidhav 24=iva vira-vrndais-tejasYibln

9 ravi-ganan=iva sandadhane I Pragjybfcise 25 ’vasad=asau pravare

pnranam d5r-dappa 26-samcarana-

10 carutar-arjjita-9ri 4 II [5 ||] Yuddhe puratana it=iddha-guna4 pit=

eti yavad=vicintya krpaya sa

11 cacara mandam | tavad=Dliaris=ta.ni =anaya 27=divam=atitansos 23

=tejansy 29=aho nn r 80=iha no garni n-a-

12 sti v(b)andhau | [16 ||] Dbiras=tatas=kata-ya9a4-pata-gnnthi-a9o 81

ya9=c=apir aktarn=akarod=bliuvanam gun-aughaih I bhavyah sa

bhuri-vibha-

13 v5 Bhagadatta-nama tasy=atmaja4 ksi 82-dhurarii v(b)ibharan=caka-

ra || [7 || ] vajr=iva nirjjifca-ripu4 prthu-vajra-kantih sv-orjj-arj-

java-

L4 rjjita-jagaj-jayalS3-lav(b)dha-ldrtfci 4 I rajy an=tad=apa rncam=astam-

ite khar-aqsau 84 bhratnh 9ikh=iva valavan=n=iha Vajra-dattah

14> Metre : Vamja-sthavila.

16 Read magndm narako. Perhaps the intended reading was mag nan marakO.

1® Head dm^akaA.

17 Read. asit.

A3 head aygiriim.

19 Read griyam.

20 Perhaps read pratmdiiyitam, (i.e., prati induyitam).

21 Metre of verses 4-8 : Vasanta-tilakd ; but the second half of verse 4 is out of

order, its first pada having ouly 13, while its second pada has 15 instants.

22 This aksara is illegible ; there is also here one short instant wanting j perhaps

read Aditirh samavajitya, or Adit'/ csda-avajityd.

23 There is here one short instant in excess ; read kundali, omitting na.

2* Read vidhdn.

26 Head Prdgjydtue.

28 Read darppa.

21 Read anayad.

28 Read dtitdmsds.

29 Read tejdmsy.

*0 Here r is inserted in order to avoid the hiatus nu iha.

M Read am so

38 Here one short aksara is omitted. Read ksiti.

83 Read jaya, and below, 1. 30, luntana, and 1. 45, ddbhdsana ; omitting l.

3* Read khardmqau,

108

u Dr. Hoemle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Ratnap&la. [No. 1,

15 i| [8 ll] 35 Evam vaijca 36-kramena khim37=atha nikhilam bhunjata83

liarakaiiam rajna33 mlecch-adhinatho vidlii-calana-va^acUeva ja-

16 graka raj yam | (^alastambha 39 krame ’sy=api hi narapatay5

Vigrahastambha-mukhya vikhyafca 39samv(b)abhuvur=dvi-gimi

40-da9afca

17 samkhyaya samvibhinna39 II [9 i|] 11Nirvvag9am 42 nrpam=ekaviih-

satitamam 42 9ri-Tyaga-simh-asidhan43=tesam=vikhya44 divaip

gatarh punar=a-

Seconcl Plate : Obverse.

18 I io bhnumohi no yuyyate45 [|] svam=iti46 pravicintya tut-prakrtayo

bhu- 1 >1 ) ara-ra ksa-ksam am sagan dhyat-paricakri re narapa-

19 fci 39 9ri-V(b)rahmapalam hi yam 1 [l 10 ll] Eko ’sau jitavan=rpnn47=

samifci bho ki 39 nama citra 39 nidam 43 atr=odaharaiiam Haro H;»-

20 ri=aho Bhlsm-adayo Jne49 pi hi I itham 50 samparimr^ya yasya hi

bhnta sthana-sthitasya dvisam diksv=astasv=api vidra-

21 vena mahat=accaryan5i=sada menire II [11 || ] 52 Vibhava-phala-

vilas-asvada-jat-abhilasa 53 sa yuvatim=upayeme j64= a-

22 nuraga 65 janesu I avani-knla-samutha56-ksmapa-s;mipratya 67-lnks-

myah sthitam=iva kula-devi-namadheyam=v(b)abhara U [12 ||]

25 Metre of verse 9 : Sragdhard.

2® Head vamqa.

81 One short aksara is wanting. Read Tcsitim.

28 Read bhuiijatdrii and rdjndm.

89 Read Qdlastambhah , ;.ml vikhydtuh ; 1. 17, sarhvibhinndh ; 1. 19, narapatim , him

and ritram.

40 0,ie jtksara is wanting. Read dvigunita.

41 Metre of verses 10 and 11 : Cjdrdnla-vikr/dita.

42 Read nirvvurhcam and ekavirhgatitamam.

43 Read abhidhan.

4 1» Read tesdm viksya.

45 Read yujyate or yuyate.

43 Read svdm-iti.

41 Read ripurii or ripun.

*8 Read niddm or nvidam (i.e., nu idam).

49 Read 'nye (for anye ).

50 Head ittham.

51 Read d gear yam.

5* Metre : Mdlim.

53 Read dbhildsah ; 1. 27, dnubhdvdh.

54 Read yd.

55 Read nurdgaj (i.e., yd anurdgdj = jane fit)

54 Read saniuttlto.

109

1898.] Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper -plate Grants of Ratnapdla.

23 63 Ratn-opama narapati59 sya*gunaii-m=mah-arlian=yah palayed=

iti janair=avagamya samyak | nitah prasiddhim=ilia te-

21 na sa-kirttanena 9ri-R,atnapala iti sunur=ajayat=asyam60 || [13 n]

Diirvyara-vairi-kari-kumbha-bhida-bhav-asra-srOto-ya-

25 h-ahati-calat-kari-muktikabbih [|] yad-ynddba-bhur=y=vipani-vad=

dliata-padma-ragi 9obh5ta61

26 vira-vanija 62 nikarai62 prakirnna II [14.11 ] Simhasane ’tha 63 Narak-

anyaya-j-av( b) ja-bhanu 64 samve9ya 65

27 tam66 diyam=agad=a-kalaijka-gandah | kal-ocitam vicaritum hi mah-

anubhava 63 samyidri-

28 te67 hi guna-dosa-vido bhavasya II [15] 68 N^ifc-asi-marici-mnnjari-

jatila-bliu ja-y( b)ala-vi-

29 jita-narapati-sat69-5payam-krta-sa-niada-gaja-ghata-kata-syandi 70-

dan-amv(b)u-9ikar-asa-

30 ra-samupa9amita-santapam sakal-ari-kataka-luntanal33-lampata-su-

bli ata-y (b) aim- y itap-atavi-

31 samkatam=api mahajana-niyasa-yogyam60 | sa-mada-sundari-smita-

sudha-dhavalita-saudha-9i-

32 khara-sahasj,-anta-hpta71-tarani-mandalam | Malay-acala-sthali73-

ruha-kananam=iy=aneka-bhogi 73-9ata-sevitam60 I nabho-

33 vat-sev-avapta-v(b)udha-gurii-kavy-alaqkaram | kailasa-giri-9ikha-

ram=iya pararae9var-adhisthanam60 | Vitteca-niyesita-

34 h-ca | yac=ca (^aka-kidda-9ani74-drdha-panjarena Gurjjar-adhiraja-

prajarena75 dur-d danla 76-Gandendra-kari-kiita-pakalena

61 Read samprdpya.

68 Metre of verses 13-15 : Vasanta-til akd.

69 Read ratnopamo narapatih as in the SnfilkncT grant.

60 Read final m for m. Also read ddhisthdnam .

81 Read gobheta, as in the Sufilkuci grant.

82 Read vanijdm nikarai/i as in the Sualknoi grant.

63 Read ’tha.

8* Read bhdnurii , which is the reading of the Sualknoi grant.

66 Read samvegya.

66 Read tam.

61 Read samvidrute.

88 From here prose.

69 Read gat.

1° Read syandi.

11 Probably read antar-hita.

12 Read sthali.

13 Read bhogi.

I4, Read gakuni, as in the SualkncI grant.

16 Read prajvdrena , which is the reading of the SualkucI grant.

78 Read ddnta.

J 10 Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Ttatnapala. [No. 1,

35 Keral-e9-acala-9ilajatuna V (b)ahika-Taik-atfcarjka77-karina daksina-

tya-ksoni-pati-raja,jamnana73 ksa-

36 pit-arati-paksataya ksitipa-vaksah-kavata-pat©n=eva prakar©n=

avida-prantham79=unrnada-kala-hansa80-kaniim-ku-

37 la81-kunit,a-pecala-marim-niand-and6lit-ormmi-9lkarair=upa9amit-

apavrta-saudha^ikliar-adhirudha-sundaii-sura-

Second Plate : Reverse.

38 t-otsa\r-ayasena kailasa-kari-dukula82-kadalika-pate83 neka-nake9a-

kai©iiii-viblirama-mani-darppan.e-

39 na Lauhifcy-ambhodliina vi raj am an am 60 I manamyanr=aueka-mana-

ka84-pau-sartlianam yatbarth-abhidhauam

40 Pragyotis-esa85-durja.y-akhya-puram=adbyuvasa I yatia ca jadnta

hara-yastisu n=endriyesu cancalata liai i-

41 su na mauasesu bharjgurata blirnvi bhramesu na pratipannesu

s-opasarggata dhatusu. na prajasu vamata kami-

42 nisu skhalitam madhu-mada-mudita-kamim-gatisu nisprhata d5sa-

kaiisu niratyaya-madhu-pan-i^aktir 36-m=ma-

43 dhu-kara-kara87-kulesn atyantam pry88-annvarttanam ratbaqga-

namasu pisifc89-a9ila 9vapadesu tafcra Vasap-ava-

44 sa-sparddhiui 90 vidliur=iva vivarddkita-9ila-vela-jaladhi-mandalah

satrn91-saras-adar9ita-padm-apabara9=ca martta-

45 nda iva bliu-bhrc-cliir6-nive9ita-padah kamal-akar-odbhasanal33-

lasa992=ca param©9va-

71 Read bdhika-tdyik-utayka or bdhlika-tdyik- dtayka.

78 Read yaksmund.

19 Read prdntam.

80 Read liarhsa.

SI In the original kula is only just traceable, bnt in the Sualknci grant it is

distinct.

82 Read dukula.

88 Probably read paten — dneka-

84 Perhaps read manuka .

88 Read Prdgjyotis-e^a.

88 Read dsalctir. In the original the first d of pdndgakti is cancelled ; but the

real intention may have been to cancel the second d ; for pdna-sakti would give the

same meaning,

87 Cancel kara.

88 Read priy.

89 Read pigit.

90 Read Vdsav-dvdsa-sparddhini.

91 Read gntru.

92 Read Idsaq .

1898.] Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper -plate Grants of Ratnapala.

Ill

46 ro’pi Kamartlp-anandi93 Bbaum-anvayo ’py=ullasita-danav-aiih

purus-ottamo ’py=-a-da-

47 narddano 94 viro ’pi matteba95-gami yasa96 ca Manmatli-onmatbi-

rupam tiraskrt-ambhodbi-

48 garhbhlryam jagad-vijay-a9ansi96-viryam Skand-askandi-viryam

ya9=c=Arjjui»o ya^asi97 Blii-

49 maseno yudhi Krtantah krudhi Davanalo vipaksa-virudbi (faqa-

dbaro vidya-nabhasi Ma-

50 lay anilah su-janu-sumanasi Suryo ’ri-tamasi Uday-acald mitr-5d-

gama-sampadi ya93 |

51 maliaraj-adbira3a-9ii-V(b)rahmapala-varmma-deva-pad-anudhya-

ta-parame9vara-pararna-bliattarako

52 mabaraj-adliirajah crI-Hatnapa99-varmma-devali ku^ali n «*■ II

Uttara-kule trayodaQa-grama-visay-antahpati-Va-

53 madeva-patak-'apakrsta-bhumi-sameta-labu-kuti-ksefcra 100 dhanya-

dvi-saliasr-otpattika-bhumau i yatbayatham sainupastbi-

54 ta-v(b)rahman-adi-visaya-karana-vyavaharika-pramukba-janapadan

raja-raj nI-rarLak-adbikrtaii=anyan=api ra-

55 janaka-rajapatfa-rajavallabba-prabbrfcin yatba-kala-bbavino’pi

saryvan manana=puyyakaih. 101 samadicati viditam=a-

56 [stu] bliayatam bbumir=iyam;n2=yasta-kedara-sfcbala-jala-gopracai‘-

avaskar-ady-upeta yatha-samstha sya-sim-oddepa-paryauta

57 basti-v( bjandlia-iiauka-y(b)andha-caur-oddbarana-d;tnda-pa9-opari-

ka7’a-nana-niyifct10S-otkbetana-hasty-a9v-ostra-go-mahis-aj-ati-

Third Plate : Obverse.

58 kal04,-praoara-prabbrtiiiam102=vinivarita-sarvya-pida 9asani-krt\ a I

Parasaro ’blmd=bbuvi Devadattab Ka-

59 nvo ’grajo Vajasaneyak-agryab | asadya yaml02=veda-yidaih par-

arddhyaih trayya krt-ai,tbayitam=eva samya-

95 Read dnandl.

94 So also the Sudlkuci grant ; but read ajanarddano.

96 Read mattebha.

9<J Read yasya.

97 Read dfamsi and yagasi.

98 Read ca. Ya may be a Prakrit form, if ifc is not simply a clerical error.

99 Read Ratnapala.

100 rphe reading is false; perhaps read hsetrdydm , agreeing with bhiimau.

101 Read purvvakam.

102 Read iyam ; 1. 58, prabhrtinam , and 1. 59, yarn.

103 Read niinitt.

101 Read dviJca , as in the Sualkuci grant.

1J2

Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Ratnapala. [No. 1,

60 k || [1 ||] Agny-ahitas=fcasya v(b)abhuva sunuh Sadgaijgadatt5 105

guna-9ila-9ali [ I ] yam viksya sat-karmma-ratam dvijesam 106

61 Bhrgv-adisu pratyayifco jan-augkah II [2] Qyamayika tasya v(b)a-

bhuva patni pati-vrata (/ila-gun-opanna 107 I ugrendu-

62 lekli=eva virajate ya v^uddha-rupa tamaso nihantrim 108 II [3 ||]

Asyamml09=abkuc=chastra-vidam dhunnas=trastrah 110 su.-

63 fc5 ’ghat khalu Viradafcfcah I yam prapya dharmm-aprayam^ugra-

v(b)uddhim kalah kalir=nyak-krta-vad=y (b)abhuva II [4 ||] Sam-

krantau

64 Vipnupadyannl=capanca-vim9-av(b)da-rajyake I tasmai datta maya

pitror=ya9ah-punya-

65 ya c=afcma,nam 112 II [5 ||] Sima purvvena vrhad-alyam 9almali-

vrksah I purvva-daksineua ru-

66 si-gana-patbi-nau-simni khara-tata-sfcha-9almali-vrksah || daksinena

tan-nau-simni

67 v(b)adarl-yrksah I daksina-pa9cimeaa taI,3-nau-simni ka9imv(b)ala-

vrksah I pa9cimena

68 khara-tata-sth-i^vatha-vrksah l pa9cima-ga I uttara-ga-vakiena

ali 114 I ka9imv(b)a-

69 lall5-vrksa9=ca | pa9cim-otfcarena ksefcr-alyam hijjala-vrksah | purv-

va-ga | uttara-ga-va-

70 krena ksefcr-ali 114 I 9almall-vrksau | punah pury va-ga-daksina-ga-

vakrena ksetr-ali114 I ka9imv(b)ala-vrksau | ki-

7] n-cit-puryva-ga I daksina-ga-vakrena ksefcr-ali 114 I 9almali-vrksau |

ufctaiena vrhad-alyam ka9imv(b)ala-vr-

72 ksah I ufctara-purvvena vrhad-alyam vefcasa-vrksa9=c=efci II

The Seal .

1 Svasti Pragj3'otiB-adhip;i.ti-

2 mah.araj-adhiraja-9n-Ratna-

3 pala-varmma-devah II

Read Sndgarjgadattd.

105 Read dvijefu, the anusvara is nearly obliterated. Perhaps it might also be

intended for dvijegam.

Read opapanna.

1°3 Read nihantri.

Omit the anusvara.

11° Read trastah. The second r, however, appears to be slightly obliterated,

lit Read Vimupndydn.

118 Read atmanah.

US Read tan. 4

114 Read either alih or dll. There is in the original plate a trace of the long i

in line 11.

lit Read Icdgimbala.

1898. J Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Batnapala. 113-

Translation.

(First Plate : line 1) Hail !

(Verse 1.) “He maybe seen incessantly exhibiting his beautiful

white figure,1 in the Tandava (dance) according to the strict rules of that

dance, (guided) by the stainless reflection of his body formed on his own

nails: even thus does parjkara (or Civa), who, though like the Supreme

Being he is endowed with the quality of omnipresence (lit., expansion),

assumes numberless forms at his absolute will, shine forth as the Lord

of the World for the sake of the welfare of that (world).

(2.) “ What ? Is it that here flows the light of the white rays (of

the moon) in congelation, or a solution of crystals ; or is it that the

beautiful paqkarl (or female counterpart of piva) and his Qaktl (or

energy) is intently engaged in marking quick-time music in its prime¬

val form ? ” 2 It may be with such musings as these about the nature of

its water that the happy population (of the country) quickly resorts to

that river Lauhitya (or Brahmaputra), which by removing all sins pro¬

tects the world.

(Verse 3.) Of Hari ( i.e ., Visnu) who, in the form of a boar, raised

the earth when she had sunk beneath the ocean, Naraka of the Asura

(or demon) race was the son, who acted the very part of the moon to

the personal charms of the ladies of the Suras (or gods);3

(4.) Who, declaring Aditi to be a woman, weak, decrepit, timid,

stupid, deserted by her kinsmen, and overtaken by misfortune, conquered

the Suras, and snatched away her ear-rings which were precious as being

typical of the glory of the Suras.

(5.) In Pragjy5tisa, the best of towns, provided with brilliant

troops of warriors like systems of suns, and lovely-faced women of many

kinds, he took up his residence, after he had acquired prosperity, equal

in pleasantness to the pride of his arms.

(6.) “I am grown too old (to engage) in war, and my father will

gain a brilliant reputation,” bethinking himself thus, out of kindly

consideration, he lived carelessly : so Hari removed him to heaven.

1 The reading sosagveva appears to be corrupt, and I can make nothing satis¬

factory of it. The SualkucI grant here fails to help. I have taken so as prakritic

for sa ; compare ante, line 50, ya, footnote 97.

2 Or, as Dr. Bloch suggests, it may be translated : “ intently engaged in

dividing the original current, ” of the heavenly Ganges in Qiva’s matted hair accord¬

ing to the well-known mythological story.

3 The moon beholds the charms of the Apsai'ases ; so did Naraka, of whom it is

related that lie “ seized the daughters of the Gandharvas and of gods and men, as

well as the Apsarases themselves.” See Dowson’s Classical Dictionary of Hindu

Mythology, sub voce Naraka. Suggestion of Dr. Bloch.

J. l. 15

114

Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Batnaptila. [No. 1

Alas ! for one who is keenly desirous of glory there is truly in this

world no counting of kinship.41

(7.) Then his wise son, Bhagadatta by name, whose shoulder was

girt with the mantle of far-reaching glory, and who by the multi¬

tude of his good qualities won the affections of the (whole) world, carried

upon himself the burden (of the government) of the country with pro¬

priety and much prosperity.

(8.) Then the mighty Vajradatta, having like Yajrin (i.e., Indra),

conquered his enemies, being in beauty like a large diamond, and

enjoying the reputation of having achieved the conquest of the world

through his own honesty and energy, obtained that kingdom of his

brother, just as fire (attains) brilliancy on the setting of the sun.b

(9.) After thus, for several generations, kings of Naraka’s

dynasty had ruled the whole country, a great chief of the Mlecchas,

owing to a turn of (adverse) fate, took possession of the kingdom.

( This was ) (JJalastambha. In succession to him also there were chiefs,

altogether twice ten ( i.e ., twenty) in number, who are well-known as

Vigraha-stambha and the rest.

(10.) Seeing that the twenty-first of them, the illustrious chief

Tyaga Siihha4 * 6 by name, had departed to heaven without (leaving) any

of his race (to succeed him),

(Second Plate : obverse :) his subjects, thinking it well that a

Bhauina (i.e., one of Naraka’s race) should be appointed as their lord,

chose Brahmapala, from among his kindred, to be their king on account

of his fitness to undertake the government of the country.7

4 Naraka is said to have been slain by Krsna, who is an incarnation of Visnu

or Hari. The latter was Naraka’s father : hence the father slew his son. The

poet represents this as a sort of voluntary sacrifice on the part of Naraka, who

feeling himself too old for his accustomed warlike exploits, purposely, i.e., out of

consideration for his father, lived in a careless fashion in order to afford his father

an opportunity of slaying him, so that his father (Visnu) might have the reputation

of having slain the much-feared demon Naraka. The poet, however, cannot refrain

from adding a word of disapproval of Visnu’s conduct in setting aside the claims

of kinship for the sake of earning a repntation. This explanation was substantially

suggested to me by Dr. Bloch.

6 There is here a play on the word vajra, which means both c the thunderbolt

and ‘ a diamond.’ Indra is called vajrin , or ‘ the wielder of vajra or ‘ the thunder

bolt;’ and Vajradatta or ‘ the gift of Vajra’ is said to be as beautiful as a vajra

or ‘‘diamond.’

® the meaning apparently is that the whole series consisted of 21 members

viz., Qalastambha, 19 others, and Tyaga Siihha. It is not clear whether the name

of the last king is Qri-tyaga or Tyaga.

1 Verses 10 and 11 are two relative sentences (with yam and yasya) dependent on

the demonstrative sa in verse 12.

115

1898.] Dr. Hoernle-— Two Copper-plate Grants of Ratnapala.

(11.) “Single -handed he overcame his enemy in battle : why

indeed should this appear strange to his detractors, (seeing that) on this

point Kara and Hari are examples, and Bhisma and indeed many others

besides.” Thus arguing, his warriors have always thought very highly

of (the conduct of) their home-staying (king), seeing that his enemies

fled away in all eight directions.8

(12.) His desire being stimulated by the taste of the joys due to

his prosperity, he married a young woman who by reason of her devotion

to her people bore the name of Kuladevi, which is, as it were, the stand¬

ing name for Laksmi (or ‘ good fortune ’) attainable by (all) rulers

sprung from any (noble) family of the world. 9

(13.) By him, who had such a reputation, was begotten on her a

son called Ratnapala, who gained renown because his people justly con¬

cluded that a jewel-like king would, by his good qualities, foster the

most Worthy among them. 10

(14.) By reason of the elephants’ pearls, carried forth by the

impetus of the unrestrainable stream of blood running from the split

foreheads of the elephants of his enemies, 11 * his (i.e., Ratnapala’s) battle¬

field looked beautiful like a market-place strewn with the stores of

merchants, and ruby-coloured through (the blood of) the slain. ]2

(15.) Then having placed him (i.e., Ratnapala) on the throne to

be to the dynasty of Naraka what the sun is to the lotuses, he (i.e.,

Brahmapala), the spotless champion, went to heaven ; for noble-minded

men who know the good and the evil of the world know to do that

which is suitable to the occasion. 13

( Second Plate : obverse: line 28 : Prose.) In his capital, the heat

(of the weather) was relieved b}T the copious showers of ruttisli water

flowing from the temples of his troops of lusty (ware-) elephants which

had been presented to him by hundreds of kings conquered by the power

of his arms entwined in clusters of flashes of his sharp sword. Though

8 Brahmapala appears to have been of a mild and peaceable disposition ; and

this is the way that the poets expresses that fact. His son Ratnapala formed the

strongest contrast to him, being a very strong and warlike ruler, with a very long

reign.

9 There is here a play on the word hula or ‘ (good) family’. Kula-devi means

a (goddess or) queen of good family or of all good families.

10 There is here a play on the word ratna or ‘jewel.’ A ratna-upama or ‘jewel

like ’ prince may be expected to become a ratna-pdla or ‘jewel-protecting’ kiug.

H This refers to the well-known Indian fable of certain pearls which are found

in the frontal protuberances of certain elephants.

1* Both grants read padmardg'i. The correct form, however, would seem to be

padmaragd.

18 The emendation sarhvidrate was suggested by Pandit Hava Prasad Shastri*

116

Dr. Hoerrd e — Tivo Copper-plate Grants of Ratnapdla. [No. 1,

( that capital) was crowded with a dense forest, as it were, of arms of his

brave soldiers who were hankering after the plunder of the camps of all

his enemies, jet was it fit to be inhabited by wealthy people (merchants.)

(In it) the disk of the sun was hid14 (from view) by the thousands of

plastered turrets which are rendered still whiter by the nectar-like 16

smiles of the love-drunk fair damsels (standing on them). It was

frequented by many hundreds of well-to-do people l6, just as a forest

planted on the heights of the Malaya mountains (is frequented) by

snakes. It is adorned by learned men, religious preceptors and poets

who have made it their place of resort, just as the sky is adorned

by Mercury, Jupiter and Venus. 17 It resembles the summit of mount

Kailasa in being the residence of the Parameyvnra (i.e., supreme

ruler, or £ivn, the supreme God), and in being inhabited by a Vitteya

(f.e., a master of wealth, or Kuvera the God of wealth).13 Like the

cloth which protects the king’s broad chest, its boundaries were

encompassed by a rampart, furnished with a fence strong like that

used for the game-birds of the pakas, fit to cause chagrin to the

king of Gurjara, to give fever to the heads of the untameable elephants

of the chief of Gauda, to act like bitumen in the earth to the lord of

Kerala, to strike awe into the Bahikas and Ta’ikas, to cause discom¬

fiture ( lit., pulmonary consumption) to the master of the Deccan country ;

and generally to serve for the purpose of discomfiting the (king’s )

enemies. It is rendered beautiful by the river Lauhitya which gives

relief to the fair damsels, that after the exertion of sexual enjoyment

ascend to the retirement of their stuccoed turrets, by the spray of its

current gently wafted up by the breeze charmingly resonant with the

prattle of the flocks of love-drunk females of the Kala-hamsa ducks ;

(Second Plate : reverse :) and which (river) also resembles the

cloth of the finely wrought flags carried by the elephants of Kailasa, and

14 I have adopted the reading antarhita in my translation (see text, note 71).

The original reads anta-hrta, which would mean ‘obstructed by the ends’ (or points)

of the thousands of pinnacles.

15 There is here a verbal conceit in the original which is untranslateable. Saudlia

means ‘ plastered,’ and sudhd means both ‘ nectar’ and ‘ whitewash.’

There is here a complicated verbal conceit, which cannot be exactly translated.

Bhogin means both a ‘well-to-do, pleasure-loving man’ and ‘a snake.’ The

Malaya mountains, with its fragrant breezes, will suit the former, while the forest

will suit the latter.

H Here is again a verbal conceit : ludha means both ‘ a learned man ’ and ‘ Mer¬

cury ; ’ guru both ‘ a religious preceptor ’ and ‘ Jupiter,’ and havya both ‘ a poet ’ and

‘ Venus.’ The capital was to the men, what the sky is to the planets.

18 There is here an obvious play on the words paramegvara and vitteya which

are epithets of the king as well as of a god.

1898.] Dr. Hoernle — Tivo Gopper-plate Grants of Ratnapdla.

117

the jewelled mirrors used in their coquetries by the numerous females

{i.e., the Apsarases) of the lord of heaven (i.e., Indra). It is an

object of respect to merchants who are the owners of numerous (kinds

of) wares. Such is the town in which the lord of Pragjyotisa

took up his residence and which he called by the appropriate name of

the ‘ Impregnable one ’ ( durjaya ). Here dulness might be observed in

necklaces, but not in the senses (of the inhabitants) ; fickleness in apes,

bnt not in their minds ; changefulness in the motions of the eyebrows, but

not in promises; accidents (happening) to tilings,19 but not to the subjects.

Here capriciousness might be seen (only) in women ; reeling (only) in the

gait of women excited with the (tender) intoxication of spring-tide20; cove-

tousnous (only) in evil-doers ; safe addiction to the sipping of honey (only)

in swarms of bees; exceeding devotion to love (only) in Brahniany ducks

{Anas Gasarca ) ; and eating of flesh (only) in wild beasts. 21 In that town,

which emulated the residence of Vasava {i.e., Indra)22, the king, who

resembles the moon in that he makes his virtues to wax, as the moon

makes the tides of the encircling ocean to wax, and in that he causes

his enemies to experience the deprivation of their wealth, as the moon

causes the ponds to experience the deprivation of their lotuses28; and

who resembles the sun in that he makes his feet to rest on the heads of

his enemies, as the sun makes his rays to rest on the summits of the

mountains,24' and in that he delights in making his copper-mines

lucrative, as the sun makes the lotus-ponds brilliant25: who, being

a Parameyvara (or paramount sovereign), takes pleasure in (the country

of) Karaarupa; who, though being of the Bhauma {i.e., of Naraka’s)

race, delights in being the enemy of the Danavas (or demons); who,

being a Purusottama or ‘ perfect man,’ does not act as a Janardana 25

19 There is a double meaning in s-opasurgatd dhdtusu which may be also trans¬

lated ‘the prefixing of prepositions (upastrga) to verbal roots ( dhdtu ).’

20 Madhu-mada might also mean ‘ intoxication with wine.’

21 I have inserted “ only,” because probably oppositions are intended here

just as in the preceding passage. Thus “ capriciousness in women but not in men;”

“reeling in love-drunk women but not in wine-drunk men;” “covetousness in

evil-doers bub not in other citizens ; ” “ eating of flesh in wild beasts but not in

men ; ” etc.

22 I propose to read Vdsav-dvdsa-sparddhini. The SnalkucI grant reads Vdsav-

dsparddhini.

23 Padma is the lotus which closes at night, but it also signifies the wealth of

Kuvera, and hence ‘ wealth ’ generally.

24 Puda means both ‘ a foot 5 and ‘ a ray ; ’ and bhu-bhrt means both ‘ a king *

and ‘ a mountain.’

23 Kamal-dJcara means both ‘a lotus-poud ’ and ‘a copper-mine.’

23 There is here an untranslateable play on the words purusottama and janardana.

Both are epithets of Visnu, who is called purusottama or ‘ the best of men,’ bnt also

118 Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Ratnapala. [No. 1,

(or troubler of his subjects) ; who, though being a valiant man, walks

(leisurely) like an elephant : whose figure is such as to outdo Manmatha

(or the god of love) ; whose profundity such as to put into the shade

the ocean; whose intelligence87 such as to be a guarantee of the con¬

quest of the world ; whose valour such as to surpass Skanda (or the

god of war) : who is an At-juna in fame, a Bhimasena in war, a Krtanta

(or god of death) in wrath, a forest-conflagration in destroying his

plant-like adversaries : 28 who is the moon in the sky of learning, the

(sweetj breeze of the Malaya mountains in the midst of the jasmin¬

like89 men of good birth, the sun in eclipsing his enemies, the mountain

of the East30 in the successful advancement of his friends: this king,

the JParamegvara , Purama-bkattdraka, MahardjacUiiraja , the illustrious

Katnapala VArma-deva, who meditates at the feet of the Maharaja-

dhirdja, the illustrious Brahmapala Varina-deva, may he prosper.

(Second Plate: reverse; line 52.) With reference to the land

producing two thousand (measures of) rice, and the fields with the

clusters of gourds, together with the inferior land of the hamlet of

. Vamadeva, (the whole) situated on the northern bank (of the Brahma¬

putra), within the district of the “ Thirteen Villages,” the king sends his

greetings and commands to all and several who reside (there): to the

janardana or ‘ the troubler of men,’ because he excites or agitates them. The king,

on the contrary, is declared to be a purusottama, but not a janardana. There is, in

fact, a verbal conceit iuvolved, in every one of the phrases descriptive of the king.

Thus parameyvara is an epithet of Qiva who is an ascetic and takes no pleasure in

kama-rupa (or attractive thiugs) ; the king, on the contrary, though he is a

parameqvara, or rather because he is paramegvara or ‘ supreme ruler,’ takes pleasure

in Kama-rupa (his countryj. Again Naraka was himself a Danava, but the king,

though of Naraka’s race, delights in being an enemy of the Danavas. But the word

danavari may also be divided into ddna or ‘ gift,’ and vdri or ‘ water,’ i.e ., the water,

the out-pouring of which is symbolical of the grant of a gift. In that case the

passage means that the king, though of Naraka’s (i.e., of Danava) race, yet delights

in giving presents to Brahmans.

I propose to read dhiryam, because vlryaih recurs immediately in the follow¬

ing sentence. V and dh are apt to be confounded in writing.

58 There is an untranslateable conceit in the word vlrudhi, which may also be

spelt virudhi. Spelt virudh , the word means ‘ a plant ; ’ spelt virudh, it means

‘ stopping.’ With the latter spelling, the passage would mean that the king is like

a forest-fire in stopping his enemies.

59 Sumanas may be any flower, bat especially the sweet-scented Jasminum

grandijiorum. The Malaya mountains were famous for their breezes laden with the

sweet scent of their fauna. The king, in the midst of his flower-like aristocracy,

wafts, as it were, their sweet scent over the country.

60 There is a verbal conceit in mitrodgama which may also mean ‘ the rising of

the sun ; ’ that is, what the eastern mountains are to the rising sun, that the king

is to the advancement of his friends.

1898.] Dr. Hoernle — Two Copperplate Grants of Ratnap&la. 119

(common) people of the Brahman and other castes, headed by the

district revenue officers and their clerks, as well as to the other (higher-

class) people, such as the Rajanakas, Rajaputras, Rajavallabhas, etc.,

and above them the Ranakas, Rajilis, and Rajas ; and, in fact, to all who

may reside there in future at any time.

Be it known to you, that this land, together with its houses,

paddy-fields, dry land, water, cattle-pastures, refuse-lands, etc., of

whatever kind it may be, inclusive of any place within its borders,

and freed from all worries on account of the fastening of elephants,

the fastening of boats, the searching for thieves, the inflicting of

punishments, the tenant’s taxes, the imposts for various causes, and

the pasturing of animals, such as elephants, horses, camels, cattle,

buffalos, goats and sheep, as set forth in this charter : — 31

(Third Plate: line 58 : verse 1.) There was a Brahman in the

land, Devadatta, of the Parasara Gotra and the Kanva pakha; a leader

among the Vajasaneyakas, whom on having found to be the foremost

vedic scholar, the Vedas, in their threefold division32, felt themselves

satisfied.

( 2.) He had a son, Sadgaggadatta, richly endowed with (every)

virtue, who ever kept the holy fire burning (in his house), and at the

sight of whose devotion to the six holy duties33 a multitude of people

were established in their faith in the whole body of Brahmans from

Bhrgu downwards.

(3.) He had a wife, fyamayika, devoted to her husband and

endowed with (every) virtue, who shines like the streak (crescent or

quarter) of the moon, pure in form and dispelling the darkness.

(4.) From her was born a son, Viradatta, a leader among the

learned in the fastras, and fearful of (committing) any offence, on the

experience of whose deep-seated piety and formidable intellect the

Kali age felt, as it were, humbled.

(5.) To him, on the Visnupadi Sagkranti,34 in the twenty-fifth

year of my reign, (this land) is given by me for the sake of the good

and the glory of my father and of myself.

21 The sentence which breaks off here, is resumed below in verse 5.

22 Referring either to the three Vedas, or to the three vedic sciences of hymn,

sacrifice and song. The reading dkrt-drthayitam, however, is not quite intelligible

to me.

?2 The six duties are : studying and teaching the Vedas, offering sacrifices and

conducting them for others, giving and receiving gifts.

24 There are four of these ; viz., the instants of the sun’s entrance into the

four Hindu signs vrsa (taurus), simha (leo), vrscika (scorpion) and kumbha (aquarius)

which are also the beginnings for the four months Jyestha, Bhddrapcida , Mdrgaqirsci

and Phdlguna. The first of theso is probably intended here.

120

Dr. Hoernle- — Tivo Copper-plate Grants of llahiapala. [No. J,

(Its) boundaries (are as follows): On the east, the (J!al mall-tree 36

on the big dike ; on the south-east, the Calmall-tree standing on the

steep bank (of the river Brahmaputra) by the anchorage of the boats

for the Pathi fish of the Rusi-class ; 36 on the south the Badari-tree by

the same anchorage of boats ; on the south-west the Kapimbala-tree

by the same anchorage of boats ; on the west the i\pvatha-tree standing

on the steep bank (of the river) ; at the bend to the north-west, the

dike of the fields, as well as a Kapimbala-tree; on the north-west the

Hijjala-tree on the dike of the fields ; at the bend to the east and north,

the dike of the fields and a pair of falmali-trees ; further at the bend

to the east and south, the dike of the fields and a pair of Kapimbala-

trees ; at the slight bend to the east and south, the dike of the fields

and a pair of C'almali-frees ; on the north, the Kapimbala-tree on the

big dike; and on the north-east, a Vetasa-tree on the big dike.

The Seal.

Hail ! The lord of Pragjyotisa, the Maharaj-adhiraja, the illus¬

trious Ratnapala Varma Deva.

II. The Scalkuci Grant.

This grant and its seal exactly resemble the Gauhatl and Bargaon

grants, as may be seen from the photographs (Plates XII and XIII).

The plates measure 12tt^ by 8^ inches and are protected by a slightly

raised rim on all four sides. The seal measures 4T3g- by 3^ inches.

The grant is in a rather bad state of preservation. Originally

there were three plates. The first plate is missing, and consequently

the inscription on the outer (or obverse side) of the second plate has

greatly suffered from corrosion. In addition, there has been applied

much injudicious cleaning, before the plates were placed in my hands,

in consequence of which the inscription throughout the grant has been

rendered very difficult of decipherment. In fact, it would have been

impossible to fully decipher it, but for the help afforded by the Bargaon

grant, with the greater part of which happily the Sualkuci grant is

3b The trees here mentioned are: Qalmall, Bomba* malabaricum ; Badari,

Zizyphus Jujuba or Jujube tree ; Ka^mbala, an inferior kind of Qimbala, which I

cannot identify; Agatha, Ficus religiosa ; Hijjala, Barringtouia acutangula ;

Vetasa, Calamus Rotawg.

38 The pathi is a kind of sheat-fish ( Silurus Pelorius), also called pathina , and in

Baqgali royal. The term rusi I cannot identify ; it might be connected with Sanskrit

rohisa.

121

1898.] Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Ratnapdla.

identical. The only difference appears to be in the statements refer¬

ring to the land and the person to whom the land was granted.

The two sides of the first (originally second) plate have 19 lines,

each. The second (originally third) plate has 7 lines. The inscrip¬

tion on the obverse of the former plate probably commenced with the

word phala on 1. 21 of the obverse of the second plate of the Bargaon

grant. The reverse of that plate commences with the word [pn-]

yanuvarttanam , the syllable pri being at the end of the obverse side ;

and this word stands on line 43 of the reverse of the second plate of the

Bargaon grant. The formal part of the Sualkuci grant ends in its

37fch line (the last but one on the reverse side of the existing first plate)

with the phrase gdsani-krtya which stands in the 58th line (the first

of the 3rd plate of the Bargaon grant). From here the remainder of

the Sualknci grant is occupied with the portion peculiar to it, describing

the grantee and the granted land.

The mechanical execution of the Sualkuci grant is, if anything,

still more slovenly and inaccurate than that of the Bargaon grant. A

glance over the extracts, given below, will show numerous blunders.

There are, however, a few variants, which appear to be genuine

differences of composition ; e g., 1. 14, kalahansa-gdminl (for kalahamsa-

gflmini) ‘ females walking like kalahamsa geese,’ 1. 24, Bhismo dhanusi ;

or which actually offer more suitable readings, as in 1. 11, krda-gakuni

(for krida-gakuni) , and in 1. 33, mahis-aj-dvika.

Palaeographically the Sualkuci grant does not differ in any way

from the Bargaon grant. The guttural nasal rj is throughout made

without a ringlet. Only once, in 1. 12, tamka, it is represented by the

anusvara ; but this case is not above suspicion, because the reading

here is defective ; see the extract below. The anusvara is formed by

a ringlet and placed above the line. The special final form for n occurs

in 1. 10, janapaddn, and 1. 11, prablirtln and sarvvdn. The special final,

form of t occurs in 1. 21, bhrt, and in 1. 34 ’ bhut . The special final form

of m occurs, twice, in 11. 23 and 24 vairyam ; as a rule, however, the anus¬

vara is used ; thus in 1. 9, mandalnm , 1. 10, alarjkdram , 1. 16, sdrthdnam ,

and 1. 23, gamblurya[_m~], where the Bargaon grant has the special form.

The initial short i, made by two ringlets placed above a hook, occurs

in 11. 3 and 34, iti, 1. 40, ista ; but in 1. 21, the hiatus with iva, which

the Bargaon grant shows, is avoided in the Sualkuci grant by the

insertion of a euphonic r. The avagraha occurs in 1. 25, guryori, where

it is omitted in the Bargaon grant. It appears also to be intended,

in 1. 40, by the mark of interpunct nation.

Regarding the probable date of the Sualkuci grant, see the remarks

on the Bargaon grant. It is not dated in any era, but professes to

have been issued in the 26tli year of the reign of Ratnapala.

J t. 16

122

Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Ratnapdla. [No. 1,

In the following transcript I shall only quote such portions of the

Sualkuci grant as differ in any respect from the corresponding portions

of the Bargaon grant, or as show the same irregularities. The portion

peculiar to the Sualkuci grant is transcribed in full.

Text.1 *

Second Plate : Obverse.

1, phala etc., ending with samprapta-laksmyah sthitam=i- (see

Bargaon grant, 11. 21 and 22).

2, va . apparently ratuopamo narapati etc. (cf. 1. 23.)

4, . padma-ragi ^obheta. vira-vanijam nikaraih etc. (cf. 11. 25,

26).

5, . bhanum samv§9ya ta (sic) etc. (cf. 1. 127).

6, . sat-opayani sa-mada etc., omitting krta (cf. 1. 29).

7, . syandi-damvu (sic ) . samupasamitu (sic) . luntanal-

lampa^a etc. (cf. 11. 29, 30).

8, ... nivasa-yogyam I . sundarl-chudha (sic) . sikhar-adhi-

ruclha-sahasr-anta etc. (cf. 11. 31, 32).

9, . sthali-rukam | kananem=iv=aneka-bhogi-sata . nabho-

vammevapta (sic) (cf. 1. 32, 33).

11, . krda-9akuni-drdha3 . prajvarena etc. (cf. 1. 34).

12, . Kerale I sa-cala-9ilajatuh na (sic) Vahika-tamka etc.,

omitting Taika (cf. 1. 35).

13, . rajajaksmana 1 . vaksalil kapata etc. (1. 35, 36).

14, . kalahansa-gamini |kulah kunita-pre9ala (sic) . 5rmmi |

9ikar-asaram=upa9amita etc. (cf. 11. 36, 37).

15, . . adhirudha | . pate nak^a (sic) (cf. 11. 37, 38).

76, . anekamanaksa-pati etc. (cf. 1. 39).

17, . adhyuvasya (sic) \ . . yastisu |8 mendrayesu etc. (cf. 1.

40).

Second Plate : Reverse.

20, y-anuvarttanam | ...p^ita svapade§u | ... Yasav-asparddliini |

etc., omitting 9ita (cf. 11. 43, 44).

21, ndalam I 9atru-sarasam darppita . marttanda r=iva bhu-

bhrt-chiro-niv§9ita-padam I ...... 5dbhasana-la- (cf. 11.44,45).

1 From the original plates,

i The aksara dha stands below the line.

3 This mark of interpnnctuation is placed almost regularly after each clause.

1898.] Dr. Hoernle — Two Copper-plate Grants of Ratnapdla. 123

22, la^a^^ca . kamarupa I nandi . danavari | parusottamft

(sic) py=adanarddano I etc. (cf. 11. 46, 47).

23, pi matteba-gami ya | sa, . rupa ) . gambbirya I ... asansi-

vairyam | etc. (cf. 11. 47, 48).

24, ndi-vairyam i . ya^asi I Bhismo dhanusi | etc. (cf. 11. 48, 49).

25, . (Juryo’ri-tamasi |3 etc. (cf. 1. 50).

26, sampadi ya I ...... padanudhyatah paramecyarah parama-satara-

(sic) (cf. 11. 50, 51).

27, . 9rlman-Ratnapala-varmma-devah kucali II # II Kala-

28, pga-visay-antab-pati-dhanya-tri-sabasr-otpattika-ba-krsta5-

bbumau. yatliayatbam samupastbita-v(b)ra-

29, hman-adi etc. (cf. 1. 54).

33, . nana-nimitt . mahis-aj-avika-pracara-prabbrtinam etc.

(cf. 11. 57 58).

34, . 9asani-krtya II 6 Bharadvaja-sa-gotrS Vajasaneyi frkanva7

9akb5’bhut | bbatto V(b)ala-deva iti kbyata-

35, b 9ruta-vinaya-sampannah t| [1 ||] Aslt-pratihata-narako v(b)a-

bu-vibudba-vandyamana-carana-yugmab I x x X x X X ma x

xxx.8

36, s=tat-putro Yasudev-akbyab II [2 ||] Laksmir=iva jana-sevya

bhary-asid=asya yallabba sadhvi | c=Cheppayik=eti vidita sad-

dliarmma va-

37, rna-bbusana9 ramya || [3 ||] 10Tasyam=ajayata suto bhuvi Kama-

devab 9aktyalt mano-ramataya jita-kama-dehab | kantih

38, samasta bbuvanam bi 9a9apka-9ublira yasy=am9am=bbramati

bburi vibbusita-dyauh || [4 1|] 12 Pitrob svam=punyam=uddi9ya

13 x x x x x

Third Plate : Obverse.

39, —

I maya datta dvijay=asyai rajye sadvig9ad-av(b)dike

II [5 || ] Asyas=&ima purvvena Cande-nauki^ia)1*

* The first aksara ga is superfluous.

6 Perhaps read hala-Tcrsta.

8 Metre of verses 1-3 : Aryd.

I Head QriMnva.

8 Ten aksaras are here illegible.

9 The reading is uncertain.

10 Metre : Vasanta-tilalcd.

II Heading uncertain.

12 Metre : QloJca.

13 Here 8 aksaras, or a quarter-verse, are illegible.

1* The bracketed portions are uncertain.

124

Dr. Hoernle — Tivo Copper-plate Grants of Ratnapdla. [No. 1,

40, (n=s)alia-simni istak(endrasy)=opari 9a'va)ra-mula15 | khod-

amv(b)ra-vrksau I purvva-daksinena ( daksi16)-pati-nauki-sa-

41, ha-simni Vetasa-vrksah | daksinena Sadhava-naukl-saha-simni

Hijala-vrksah I daksina-pa^imena (Bhayaka)-

42, ma-vrksah I pa^imena Cande-nauki-saha-simni adhuna-ropita-

falmali-vrksali I pa9cim-ottarena Kalagga-

43, daiidi-daksina-patah I purvva-ga-vakrena Sadhava-Kalagga-

dandi-dakaina-pata-stha-Cdraka-vrksah I daksina-ga-vakre-

44, na kula-sont-ottara-patah | purvva-ga-vakrena Sadhava-kula-

sont-ottara-pata-stha-Yaruna-vrksah I uttara-ga-vakrena Hija-

45, la-vrksah | uttarena Diyamv(b)aranjal-ofctara-patah I uttara-

purvven=ali-mastaka-Vefasa9=c=eti ||

The Seal.

(1) Cm svasti Pragjyotis-adhipaty-anva-

(2) yo maliaraj-adbiraja-pn-Ratna-

(3) pala-varmma-devnh ||

Translation.

Second Plate : Reverse.

(Liue 34; verse 1.) There was a learned Brahman, called Bala-

deva, full of holy lore and good conduct, who belonged to Bharadvaja’s

g5tra and the Qrikantha 9akha of the Vajasaneyins.

(2) He had a son, Vasudeva by name, . 17, who (by his

sanctity) had exempted himself from hell, and whose feet were revered

by many learned men.

(3) He had a loving and chaste wife who, like Laksmi (the goddess

of good fortune), was honoured by the people. She was known by the

name of Cheppayika,13 a woman charming, true in faith, and an orna¬

ment to her caste.

(4) From her was born a son Kamadeva who on earth by his power

and his charm excels Kama, the god of love ; for his beauty, brilliant

like the moon, and illuminating the heavens, incessantly wanders

through the whole world.

16 Probably read m?~de ’ khdd-dmbra .

15 Perhaps read daksina.

n Here the original text is illegible. There are 11 aksaras — all short, as the

metre shows, — of which only one (the seventh) mn is legible.

18 This appeal's to be a vernacular name, the Sanskrit equivalent of which I

do not know.

125

1898.] Dr. Hoernle — Tiuo Copper-plate Grants of Hatnapala.

(5) With a view to my parents’ as well as my own welfare,

. , (this land) is given by me to this Brahman, in the twenty-

sixth year of my reign.

Its boundaries are (as follows) : On the East, at the anchorage of

the boats of the Cande men, and at the foot of the Sarava above the

brickfield there are a walnut and a mango tree. On the North-east,

at the anchorage of the boats of the men (located) on the southern

terrace, there is a Vebasa-tree.19 On the South, at the anchorage of the

boats of the Sadhava men, there stands a Hijjala-tree. On the South¬

west, there stands a Bhayakama(? )tree. On the West, at the anchorage

of the boats of the Cande men, there stands the £al mall-tree which has

been recently planted. On the North-west, there is the southern terrace

of the boatmen of Kalarjga. At the bend on the East, there is the

Coraka tree, standing on the southern terrace of the boatmen of the

Sadhava (portion of) Kalaijga. At the bend on the South, there is the

northern terrace of the Sont.a 20 of the (river’s) bank. At the bend

on the East, there is the Varuna-tree, standing on the northern terrace

of the S5nta of the Sadhava (portion of the) river’s bank. At the

bend on the North, there is a Hijjala tree. On the North, there- is

the northern terrace of the Diyambarahjala, and on the North-east, a

Vetasa-tree on the highest point of the dike.

The Seal. I

Om ! Hail ! the Maharaj-adhiraja, of the illustrious race of the

lords of Pragjyotisa, the illustrious Ratnapala Varma Deva.

19 Regarding the identity of the trees in this list, see ante, page 120, footnote

35. Of the Bhayakama tree I can make nothing, but the aksaras bhayaka are un¬

certain. I am unable to identify the Coraka tree. It is commonly identified with

Trijonella corniculata or Andropogov acicularis ; these, however, are mere plants.

20 I do not know what sonta means. It corresponds to dandi in the preceding

clause.

S. 0. Das — Identity of the great Tsang-po of Tibet.

[No. 1

126

A Note on the Identity of the great Tsang-po of Tibet ivith the Bihong. — By

Sarat Chandra Das, C.I.E., Rai Bahadur.

[Eead February, 1897.]

Sir Clements Markham, President of the Royal Geographical

Society in his learned introduction to “ Narratives of the Mission of

George Bogle to Tibet,” regarding the course of the Tsang-po wrote as

follows : — •“ Beyond the point where the Lhasa route crosses the river,

in longitude 90° 40' E., the course of the Brahmaputra within the

mountains is entirely unknown for a distance of about 400 miles, when,

under the name of Dihong, the mighty stream emerges into the valley

of Assam and becomes the Brahmaputra of the plains. Yet there can

be no reasonable doubt that the Tsang-po of great Tibet and the Brahma¬

putra of the plains are one and the same river.”

This question has occupied the attention of geographers for

upwards of a century. In his instructions, dated 1774, Warren Hastings

specially enjoined Mr. Bogle to inform himself respecting the course of

the Brahmaputra. D’Anville, and afterwards Klaproth, believed that

the Tibet river was the upper course of the Irrawaddy. In 1 825 Captains

Bulton and Wilcox were sent to explore its course. Bulton followed up

the course of the Dihong, until he was stopped by wild tribes, while

Wilcox crossed the water-parting towards Burma, and reached the

banks of the Irrawaddy. From the point reached by Bulton on the

Dihong, to the place where Manning crossed the Tsang-po, there is an

interval of about 400 miles, and a difference of level of 11,000 feet. This

interval was entirely unknown till 1882 when I explored up to Saugri

Khamar, a place situated to the east of the to svn of Chethang on the

Tsang-po where it crosses 92° Lg., and Lama Ugyen Gyatsho, about 50

miles further east up to the confines of the province of Kongbu ; and

Kunthup has done, though not scientifically, further 200 miles, so that

out of 400 now only about 50 miles remain to be explored.

In July 1880, a Lama of Gya-rong was despatched by the late

127

1898.] S. C. Das — Identity of the great Tsang-po of Tibet .

Captain Harman from Darjeeling to Tibet with orders to explore the

country below Gyala Sing-dong and trace the great Tsang-po to the

plains of India, or failing this, to throw marked logs into the stream at

the lowest point reached. It was intended that due notice should be

given by the Lama to Captain Harman of the period during which the

logs were daily to be cast into the river, so that he might set watches

at the place where the Dihong debouches into Assam, and thus prove

the identity or otherwise of the great river of Tibet with the Brahma¬

putra. Kunthup, a native of Sikkim, who had previously accompanied

the explorer Nima Sring to Gyala Sing-dong and who has since tra¬

versed Bhutan with Rinzing, was sent with the Gya-rong Lama as

assistant. The proposed arrangements for casting logs into the

Tsang-po fell through owing to the delinquency of the Lama, who having

sold Kunthup as a slave in the Pema-koi country decamped to his

home in Gya-rong Avithin the Chinese frontier.

Kunthup having escaped from, the hands of his master, reached

Onlek a short stage from Mir Padam, or Miri Padam, a village situated

on a plain on the Tsang-po, a resort of traders from Assam, and the

abode of the Miri and Padam tribes, who are known to inhabit the

country near the place where the Dihong breaks through the hills into

Assam. He was informed at Onlek that Miri Padam Avas about three

days’ journey or 35 miles from the nearest plains of India. Kunthup

also saAV the haze of India from Onlek in an easterly direction when

looking doAvn the river. According to native report and also legend, the

Tsang-po enters a deep rocky gorge at the foot of a rocky mountain

which has the appearance of a lion’s face and is therefore called Sing-

dong, from sing a lion and dong a face. Kunthup describes the falls of

the Tsang-po beloAv the Pema-koi monastery as a cascade of some 150

feet in height, and mentions the prismatic colours of the spray hanging

over the dark basin or lake below the cliff. This rock is called Shin-je-

sliejal, i. e., the-place of interview with the Lord of the Dead. Shin the

dead, je lord, and she-jal an intervieAv.

Since then Mr. Keedham, a political officer, resident near Sudya

in Assam, has explored a part of the mountainous country, inhabited by

Mishmi and other wild tribes, up to the borders of Za-yul, but has not

succeeded in following up the course of the Dihong. The inscription

before us and the letter of Mr. Barnes, quoted below, go to prove that

the Dihong is the great Tsang-po, as it was conjectured by the late

General Walker. The wooden block on Avhich the inscription is, came

down from the Tsang-po. It must have belonged to some one of the

Niij-ma monasteries of Tibet or to the monastery of Pema-koi, the last

of the Buddhist institutions of Tibet, situated to the further East of

128

[No. ];

S. C. Das — Identity of the great Tsang-po of Tibet.

Tibet. My friend and tutor Lama Sberab resided twelve years at the

Pema-koi monastery and knows the country well. The charm contained

in the inscription is corrupt Sanskrit written in Tibetan and repeated

twenty-five times. It belongs to the Niij-ma-pa or the older red-cap

School of Tibet. The following is a transcript : —

(1.) Om, vajrasatva ! samayam=anupalaya, vajrasatva ! tve no

patistba; dridhS me bhavasu, tosyo me bhavasu, posyo.

(2.) me bhava, anuraktd me bhava, sarvasiddhi me prayaccha,

sarvakarmasu ca me cittam 91'eyah kuru.

(3.) Huih-ha-ha-ha-ha-hoh ! Bhagavan Sarva-Tathagata ! vajram

me munca, vajri bhava mahasamaya satva-ah !

Translation :

(1.) Om, vajrasattva ! keep thy duties ; 0 vajrasattva, ground us

upon thee; be strong to me, be delighted with me.

(2.) Be kind unto me, be cheerful unto me; grant me every suc¬

cess, and in all my actions make pure ray heart !

Line 3 seems rather untranslatable.

The letter of Mr. H. C. Barnes, Assistant Commissioner of

Dibrugarb, dated the 22nd October, 1896, is as follows : —

“ I enclose a print taken from a piece of wood found in the Brahma¬

putra a few miles above Dibrugarh a short time ago. When brought

in, it appeared that the block was meant for printing from, as, though

the surface of the letters was clean, the whole of the carved out portion

of the wood, i.e the space between the letters, was covered with what

1898.]

S. C. Das — ■ Identity of the great Tsang-po of Tibet.

129

looked like ink. Moreover, though no one could say what the writing

was by mere inspection of the block ; some Khamptis on seeing a print

taken from it, declared that it was a Lama, i.e., Tibetan, writing. Yon

will observe that the lines are similar, so that a translation of one will

give the meaning of the whole. I should be obliged if you would send

me a translation and also inform me what the block was used for. If

my conjecture that it was used for printing from is wrong and the

Khamptis have misled me, I can send you a rubbing of the block.

“ The block is about 2| inches thick and it has no marks on the sides

or back to show that it has ever been fastened to anything else. It is

supposed to have been brought down the Dihong by the last flood, which

was probably caused by the breaking through of a dam formed across

the Dihong by a former landslip. The flood rose to a great height in

one night in fine weather and no other river came down in flood except

the Dihong. The piece of wood was found by an Assamese who was

looking for firewood.”

J. i. 17

130

V. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes arid Novelties. [No. 2,

Numismatic Notes and Novelties , No. III.1 Ancient and Mediaeval India. —

By Vincent A. Smith, I.C.S.

(With Plate XIV.)

[Read April, 1898 ]

INDO-BACTRIAN.

l. Telephus.

Copper or bronze, rectangular, measuring ’95 by ‘85 inch (= about 25x21

m. m.), and about '15 thick. Weight 131 gr. [Rawlins].

Obv. Zeus (or king) seated 1., on throne with back ; his r. hand advanced ; in

his 1., sceptre.

Greek legend, BAXIAEHX (left) EYEPrEToY (top) [T]HAE<t>oY

(right).

Rev. Figure (? female) to r., seated in crouching attitude, with r. arm extend¬

ed ; 1. arm not visible.

KharosthI legend, Maharajasa (on right) Kalinakrama (? on top) sa Teliphasa

(damaged, on left).

This very remarkable piece has recently been obtained by Mr. J.

P. Rawlins at Haripur in the Hazara District of the Panjab.

The figure of Zens resembles that on the reverse of the XQTHPeX

coins of Bermosus ( B . M. Catal p. 65, PI. XV, 7). The reverse device

is unique, and I am unable to explain it.

The reading of the king’s name in Greek is certain. The

KharosthI equivalent could not be deciphered without the help of the

Greek.

The coinage of Telephus is of extreme rarity, and has heretofore

been known in silver only. The Elliot hemidrachm in the Bodleian

cabinet was considered unique until Von Sallet identified two duplicates

of it among the unnamed coins of the Guthrie collection at Berlin

(Von Sallet, p. 131).

Professor Gardner ( B . M. Catal. , p. 171) describes the Bodleian

specimen as follows : —

1 No. I. appeared in this Journal for 1897, Yol. LXYI, Part I, p. 1 ff. ; No. II,

appeared on p. 298 ff., of the same.

1898.]

V. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties.

131

Obv. BA^IAEOZ EYEPrEToY THAEcJ)0Y. Giant (Skythes ? ),

his body ending in three serpents ; holds in each hand, hammer (?)

Rev, Kharosthl legend, Maharajasa palanalcramasa (or perhaps, palanaltsamasa)

Teliphasa. Helios radiate, facing, clad in tunic and chlamys, holds long sceptre ;

beside him male figure wrapped in mantle, wearing wreath, or horned ; in field,

mon. Weight 37. Diam. "7.

The long epithet which is the Prakrit equivalent of evepyerov

appears to be the same on the new coin as on the previously known

hemidrachms. The reading is unfortunately doubtful.

Lassen read parakaramasa, which, as Yon Sallet remarks, is certainly

erroneous.

Cunningham suggested kaldnakramasa. Yon Sallet reads kalana-

(or kalaka-) hramasa.

I agree that the first character is ka , and that the second consonant

is l. But the new coin shows a short vertical stroke across the

horizontal line of the l, which converts the character into li , or le.

The third character, a hook turned to the right, is certainly either

the cerebral n, or the dental n. The first element of the word therefore

reads kalina , or kalena.

Lengthening the vowels it may be read as kalina , (or kalena ),

and the whole compound taken as kalinakramasa. Mr. Bendall’s

pdlanaksamasa does not seem to be admissible. But, though kalina -

kramasa seems to be a good reading of the letters, I do not understand

how that form can be used as a translation of euepycrov, ‘benefactor.’1

• -7

INDO-BACTRIAK

II. Peukelaus.

Copper or bronze, square. Diameter '95 x ’85. Weight 142 gr. From Bannu

District, west of the Indus. [Rawlins].

Obv. Male figure, to front, looking 1., wearing hat and short coat.

Legend, [BAZiAEftZ AIKAloY KAI] ZQTHRoZ flEYKCE-

AAoY]

Rev. City, turreted, standing, with r. hand outstretched over mon., and palm

over 1. shoulder.

Khardsthi legend, [Mahajrajasa dhramikasa tradatasa Peultalaiisa.

This interesting coin is unfortunately in poor condition, and a

photograph of it cannot be distinct.

The coins of Peukelaus were published for the first time recently

by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, who briefly noticed two specimens, (apparently

obtained at Peshawar?), of which one belonged to Sir Alexander

[ 1 I have not the slightest doubt that the reading of this word is kalanakra-

masa , or in Sanskrit Italy dnakarmanah , which corresponds exactly to the Greek

svepyi-Tov. — Ed.].

182 V. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties. [No. 2,

Cunningham, and the other to Mr. L. White King.1 The coin now

published is, therefore, the third known specimen.

Cunningham called the figure on the obverse Apollo, and that on

the reverse Demeter. I cannot say whether or not the figures were

the same as those on Mr. Rawlins’ coin. I cannot find the obverse

figure on any other Bactrian coin.

The reverse figure is that of a turreted personified city, as on the

square bronze coins of Hippostratus, with Triton obv. ( B . M. Catal.,

p. 60, PI. XIV, 6). The mon. on the coin of Mr. Rawlins’ is the

same as that on the coin of Hippostratus with horseman reverse (ibid.

PI. XIV, 6).

It is clear, therefore, that Peukelaus was approximately contem¬

porary with Hippostratus.

The legends AIK AloY KAI XQTHPoX, and dhramilcasa tradatasa

indicate that the period of Hippostratus and Peukelaus is not far re¬

moved from that of Menander. The same inference is suggested by the

use in the Greek legend of the minute dot form of omikron.

The early part of the Greek legend is illegible, but the word

XQTHP°X can be read, and most of the letters of the KharosthI legend

can be made out on the original coin. The king’s name is certain,

flEYK, in Greek, and Peiik in KharosthI, being distinct.

The name Peukelaus necessarily recalls to the mind that of the

city Peukelaitis or Peukelaotis, mentioned by several Greek writers.

Arrian tells us that in the dominions of the Assakenoi (probably the

A^vakas) there was a great city called Massaka, the capital, and that,

there was another city of great size, called Peukela’itis, not far from the

west bank of the Indus.8

This city seems to be the same which is described by Hiuen Tsiang

under the name of Po-slii-kie-lo-fa-ti, or Puskalavati, which was situa¬

ted across a great river about 9 miles (50 li) north-east of Kaniska’s

famous monastery at or near Peshawar. The “ great river ” must be

the Kabul. The distance stated by the Chinese pilgrim indicates that

the site is to be looked for at the Nicetta or Nisattha of the maps rather

than at Hashtnagar, where it is placed by Cunningham.3

If Peukela’itis and Puskalavati are identical, which is not exactly

proved, it seems quite possible that the Greek name may be derived

from the name of the king Peukelaus, and not, as has hitherto been

assumed, from a Prakrit form of Puskalavati.

1 Num. Chronicle for 1896, p. 269.

8 McCrindle “ Megasthenes and Arrian,” p. 180. Arrian was born about A.D.

90, and lived to an advanced age. The date of king Menander is approximately

B.C. 100.

8 “ Reports ” II, 90 j XIX, 96-110: Vivien de St. Martin in Julien’s Hiouen

Thsang, III, 308.

1898.] V. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties. 133

NORTHERN SATRAPS.

Ill Satrap Taraki.

Copper, circular; diam. *6. Wt. 19 gr. obverse slightly convex, and reverse

concave. Thin. [Rawlins].

Obv. Bust to r., bare-headed, or wearing closefitting cap. Traces of Brahmi

letters in front of face. Dotted circle.

Rev. Legend in two lines, occupying field, in border : —

[If a hdksa] trapa.

Taraki.

This remarkable coin comes from the Bannu District. The

characters are those of the northern alphabet of about the beginning

of the Christian era, and closely resemble those on the known coins

of the Northern Satraps of Mathura.

KUSANA.

• •

IY Kadphises I.

A. Copper, Diameter '8. Wt. 63 gr. Rather thin coin, without rim. [Raw¬

lins.]

Obv. Bust to r., apparently bareheaded, Greek legend onr. margin, K°Z°YA°

KAA[0IZoY].

Rev. Soldier marching to r., wearing crested broad-brimmed hat, and armed

with a long spear and convex shield.

KharosthI legend - la kausa kusa - .

Y B. Copper, Diameter *7. Wt. 73 gr. Thick coin, with raised rim on reverse.

[Talbot.]

Obv. Bust to r., with a more Parthian appearance than that of A. Greek

legend not distinctly legible, though apparently the same as on A.

Rev. Device as on A, in better preservation. KharosthI legend in perfectly

preserved letters, Kausa Jcusanasa.

The two coins above described have been sent to me by their

owners from the Hazara District. Mr. Talbot’s coin first arrived, and

was not fully intelligible until Mr. Rawlins’ specimen was received.

The Greek legend Kozoulo Kad proves that the coin must be assigned

to Kozoulo or Kozoula (Kh. Kujula) Kadphises, and not to Kadaphes, on

whose coins the tribal name is written with the initial aspirate (Gr.

Xopavcrv and Kh. Khusanasa), and the name or title of the king is

written Kuyula in KharosthI and Kozola in Greek, instead of the

corresponding kujula and kozoulo or kozoula on the coins of Kadphises

I. But, as will be shown later, it is possible that Kadphises I. and

Kadaphes may be identical.

The KharosthI legend on these coins is new. The reading kaiisa

is perfectly certain ; the first character is ka , the second is initial u, and

the third is sa. The A specimen preserves a character in front of

134 V. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties . [No. 2,

kaiisa , which seems to be la, the last syllable of kujula. I interpret

kaiisa as an abbreviated genitive corresponding to KadpUsou in the

Greek.

The reverse device is as novel as the legend.

When about to send this paper to the press I found that two coins

of this type, (though not quite identical) had already been described by

Cunningham ( Num . Chron. for 1892, pp. 46, 64, PL xiv. (iv), 5, 6.)

He describes the king’s head as “ helmeted ” and reads the Greek

lecrendas KoZoYAo KA . KoPZAN : and the Kharosthi legend as

kuyula kasasa kusana Yaviiasa. The second word on the coins now

published is certainly kaiisa , not kasasa. It is impossible to mistake the

character for u, which is a hook with loop at foot.

The following statement compares the newly discovered coins

with the related types previously known, which are

I. H EHMiEUS.

Obv. Bust of the King r., diademed : —

BAZIAEnS ZTHPoSZr EPMAloY-

Bet\ Throned Zeus.

KharSsthi legend, Maharajasa mahatasa Heramayasa.

B. M. Gatal. p. 65; Yon Sallet, p. 117). The correct reading of

the Greek legend sterossu as an adjective in the genitive, the equivalent

of mahatasa , is due to Mr. Hapson, in J. B. A. S. for 1897, p. 320.

II. Herm^eus and Kadphises I.

Obv. As above, with same legend sterossu.

Rev. Herakles, standing, facing, diademed, holds in r. hand, club ; in 1., lion’s

skin KharSsthi legend, Kujula Kasasa Kusana yavugasa dhramathidasa.

( B . M. Catal., p. 120 ; Von Sallet, p, 118.)

III. Kadphises I.

Obv. Bust r., as in I and II.

Greek legend K^P^NA (or similar word, probably intended as an equivalent

for Kusana— the letters vary) K<>ZoY A° (or KoZ^YAA) KAAOlZoY-

Rev. Device and Kharo§thI legend as in II. (B. M. Catal. p. 122; Von Sallet,

p. 179).

IV. Kadaphes.

Obv. Head of the king r. diad. (closely resembling that of Augustus in the

later years of his life). Greek legend XoPANZY ZAOOY KoZoAA

KAAAOEE. . _ . _.

ReVt, Khusanasa yauasa leuyula Icaphsasa sacadhraviathidasa in Kharostni. King

seated on chair. (B. M. Catal. p. 123 ; Von Sallet, p. 180).

The above legends clearly show that the king Kozoula Kadphises

(No. Ill) was a Ku§ana chieftain, who reigned at first as colleague

135

1898.] V. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties.

of Hermteus, with the titles dhramathidasa, equivalent to Sikcuov, and

yavugasa (reading not quite certain), of unknown meaning.

I take kasasa in Nos. II and III as a genitive proper name, the

equivalent of the Greek KAA<DIZoY, that is to say, Kadphises in the

genitive case. The nominative case of the name in the Prakrit should

therefore apparently be Kasa, = Kadphises.

The meaning of kozoulo (kozoula) in Greek, equivalent to kujula

(No. II and ni) and kuyula (No. IV), is not yet ascertained. But it

seems impossible to doubt that the Greek kozoulo, kozoula, or kozola,

(No, IV), and the Prakrit kujula (Nos. II and III), and kuyula

(No. IV) are all different forms of the same word. If Kadphises

I. (No. Ill) is distinct from Kadaphes (No. IV) that word must be an

epithet or title rather than a proper name. But I have a strong

suspicion that Kadphises I. and Kadaphes were one and the same

person, and that the epithet yavugasa of No. II is only a fuller form

of the yauasa (=ZAooY) of No. IV.

The king’s name (in the genitive) is in the Prakrit : —

Kujula Kasasa — Nos. II and III,

Kuyula Kaphsasa — No. IV.

• - la Kaiisa — new coins A and B.

I propose to treat all these forms, which should be in the nomina¬

tive respectively Kasa, Kaphsa, and Kaii (P) as variants of a simple

name, written in Greek as Kadphises or Kadaphes. Cunningham also

identified Kadaphes with Kadphises. “ Kozola- Kadaphes I take,” he

observes, “ to be only a variant spelling of the same king’s name, on

the issue of a different mint. The head seems to be imitated from the

coins of Augustus, his contemporary.” ( Num . Ghron. for 1892, p. 46.)

KUSANA.

• ♦ r t

VI. Kadaphes.

Buddha Type.

Thin copper or bronze coin ; diam. *62 ; wt. 24 gr. Obtained on the Pune

(Punch) border of the Hazara District. [Rawlins.]

Obv. King, or god, standing, wearing diadem and fillet, holding spear upright

in 1. hand ; r. arm extended. Peculiar mon. in 1. field behind figure. Greek legend,

of which only Xo is legible, probably part of XoPANIEY*

Rev. Seated figure of Buddha, cross-legged ; r. hand raised, holding ? ; 1.

hand on hip. A triangle (? delta) under elbow of r. arm. Khardsthi legend all

round margin; the only characters plainly legible being kadaga below the figure.

The ka is certain ; the da may possibly be na ; and the ga, having a loop at foot,

may be read as gu.

This interesting coin is closely related to, though materially

1

136 V. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties. [No. 2,

different from, the B coin of the Buddha type, of Kadaphes recently

described by me.1

That coin had the obverse device of fiva and the bull. The coin

now published has a figure standing to r., and no bull. The fragment¬

ary Greek legend Xo induces me to ascribe the coin to Kadaphes, who

transliterated Ithusanasa by XoPANXY. I have already intimated that

Kadaphes and Kadphises I. may prove to be the same person. I regret

that I am unable to offer any interpretation of the imperfect Kharosthi

legend.

KUSANA.

• •

VII. Huviska.

Brass, or very pale bronze. Diameter ’65. Weight 58 grs. Collected in

Hazara District. [Rawlins].

Obv. King, seated on throne, looking r.

Three-pronged mon. to 1. The plethoric figure of the king recalls the coins

of Kadphises II. (B. M. Catal. , PL XXY, 6, 7).

Greek legend on 1., 0(?)00; on r., ’OK(?) AH(?b

The coin has been worn as an ornament, and a hole above the king’s

head has damaged one or two letters. There are certainly two os to 1.,

and traces of a third. On the r., the first legible character is certainly

o, and the third is A. The second and fourth are doubtful.

Rev. Two figures, standing, facing each other, the head of that to r. having

been punched out. Both are clad alike in coats reaching to the knee. The figure

to r. wears a sword.

Greek legend, beginning from r. top, is APo oANAAAo, which

should probably be read [BIZlAPo oANAAAo. The second name is

certain. The A is the fifth form, and the N the third form in Cun¬

ningham’s table of the Indo-Scythic Greek Alphabet ( Num . Chron. for

1892, PL X). The letters AG0 are also certain on the original coin.

This is a very peculiar piece. The effigy of BIZAro (Vi^kha, a

son and impersonation of Skanda) has hitherto been known only on coins

of Huviska, associated with Skanda Kumara (ZKANAo KoMAPo);

and with Mahasena (MAAXHNo). ( B . M. Catal., p. LXVI, 149, 150 ;

PI. XXXVIII, 22-24).

The name oANAAAo is new. The closely related form oAN IN'

AA (or oANINAo) is found on some rare coins of Huviska associated

with a figure of the Goddess Nike.

oANAAAo may possibly be only a variant of oANINAo, but is

more probably a male deity, the star Yanant. The effigy on the new

1 “ Num. Notes and Novelties, No. II ” in No. 4 of Part I of this Journal

for 1897.

137

1898.] V. A. Smith. — Numismatic Notes and Novelties.

coin seems to be male, rather than female, and there is no iota in the

name. I suggest this identification with reference to Dr. Stein’s re¬

marks on oANINAA, which are as follows : —

“ With Verethraghna we may connect most appropriately the winged Goddess,

who appears in the distinct type of a Nike holding wreath and trophy-stand on

some rare gold coins of Ooerki (see No. VIII ; Cat. p. 147). Her name, which, with

a slight variation, is written both oANINAA and oAN I NAo, induces me, in

conjunction with the very characteristic type, to identify her with the female genius,

whose name vanainti ujparatat ‘ victorious superiority * is invariably coupled in all

formulas and invocations of the Avesta with that of Verethraghna (comp., e.g., Yagna

I. 6, Vispered I, 6, Yasht XIV, o).

We prefer this explanation all the more to the hitherto accepted theory, which

identified oAN I NAA with the star Vanant (a male deity !), as it disposes effec¬

tually with [sic] the two difficulties involved by the latter ; both the female re¬

presentation of oANINAA and the Iota of the name are now easily accounted

for, the former by the feminine gender of vanainti (uparatat), and the latter by the

well-known phonetic influence of epenthetic i.” 1

Inasmuch as the deity BIZAf" o is found only on coins of Huviska,

and the king’s effigy is more like that of Huviska then that of Kaniska,

I am of opinion that this coin with the effigies of BIZAPo and

oANAAAo should be ascribed to Huviska.

UNKNOWN DYNASTY (? of Odumbara.)

VIII. Bhanumitra.

Moderately thick die-struck silver (? base) coin. Diara. *75. Wt. 72 gr.

[Talbot.]

Obv. Male figure standing to 1., wearing hat and tunic ; 1. hand on hip, r. arm

extended across spear. Remains of legend outside spear. Behind figure, a snake-

on end.

Rev. A small elephant, with rider, in upper 1. field, proceeding to 1.

Legend in early Brahmi characters Cri-Bhanumitrasa .

The word Cri is faint, to the 1. of the rider’s head, but clearly visible on

the original coin. The upper part of the m is separated from the lower.

The reading of the reverse legend appears to be certain. The

characters seem not to be earlier than B. C. 100 or later than A. D. 100.

This coin belongs to a group which has been described by Cunning¬

ham in association with the ancient coins of Odumbara or Kangra.

The coins described by him are those of : —

Raja Mahadeva ... C. Anc. I. p. 68, PL IV, 5.

Raja Rudra Varma ... ibid. „ PI. IV, 6.

Raja Aja Mitra ... „ p. 69, PI. IV, 7.

I “ Zoroastrian Deities on Iudo-Scythian Coins,” Steia ( Oriental and Babylonian

Record, August, 1887).

J. i. 18

138

V. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties.

[No. 2,

Raja Mahi Mitra ... ibid. p. 69, PI. IV, 8, 9.

Raja ? Dhara ... „ » Ph IV, 10.

Raja Bhanu Mitra ... „ p. 70, PI. IV, 12.

Ditto do. ... ,, „ PI IV, 13.

Bat none of Cunningham’s coins agrees exactly with Mr. Talbot’s.

The male figare device (which Cunningham calls reverse) of his figure

10 is identical with that of the piece now published, but the elephant

side of Cunningham’s coin had the legend in Kharosthi, not in Brahmi

characters.

Cunningham’s fig. 12 depicts a coin which must, I think, be

attributed to the same king as Mr. Talbot’s coin. It is thus described : —

“Plate IV, Fig. 12. M. 0’55, weight 32 grains. Author.

Obv. — Elephant to 1. Arian legend, Rajna Bhdnu Mitasa.

Rev.— Bodhi tree and two Symbols, snake below. Indian legend, [Rajna]

Bhdnu Mitasa.”

The combination of the snake and elephant connects it with

Mr. Talbot’s coin.

But I am doubtful as to the attribution of Cunningham’s figure 13,

which is thus described : —

“ Plate IV., Fig. 13. 2E. 0‘4. Weight 16 grains. Author.

Obv. — Symbols as on reverse of figure 12. Indian legend Bhdnu, Mitasa.

Rev. — Rayed disc of Sun (Bhdnu) above a Buddhist railing.”

So far as I can see, the symbols on fig. 13 are not exactly the same

as those on the reverse of figure 12.

In fact, the coin depicted in Plate IV, 13, is a duplicate of the small

coin of Bhanumitra depicted in Plate VII, 9, among the Pancala or

Ahichatra coins. The Mitra coins do not invariably exhibit the character¬

istic incuse square.

When describing a small Bull and Bodhi-tree coin of [A] gi Mitra

with incuse, Cunningham (PI. VII, 16, page 83) observes that “ this

coin may, perhaps, belong to the Panjab.”

Mr. L. White King possesses two minute coins of Bhadra Grh5sa.

One, of which I have a duplicate, is like Canningham’s PI. VII, 11,

with incuse distiuct. The other has no distinct incuse.

The small coin of Bhanumitra figured in J. A. S. B. Pt. I for 1880

(Vol. XLIX), PI. Ill, 8, shows the incuse square distinctly, and agrees

in this respect with the ordinary Ahichatra coins. That piece was found

at Ahichatra. Otherwise it agrees with Cunningham’s PI. IV, 13, and

V II, 9, neither of which has any distinct incuse square.

Cunningham’s treatment of the various Mitra coins of Ayodhya,

Ahichatra, and the Pan jab leaves much to be desired.

1898.] V. A. Smith — Numismatic Notes and Novelties. 139

The Ahichatra coins were very fully described by Messrs. Rivett-

Carnac and Carlleyle in J. A. 8. B., Vol. XLTX, for 1880, Pt. I. pp.

27, 87, 138, Plates III, VII, VIII, IX, XVI, XVII.

The relations between the various groups of Mitra coins are

extremely obscure.

The Lahore Museum ( Catal ., Part III, p. 126) possesses three

specimens of Bhanumitra’s coinage. No. 1, apparently a copper coin,

weight 15 grains, and diam. *53. The type seems to be the same as

that of Mr. Talbot’s coin. No. 2, weight 35, diam. ‘50, resembles

Cunningham’s PI. IV, 12. No. 3, weight 42, diam. *6, seems to be a

slight variety of No. 2.

The Indian Museum seems to possess no coins of Bhanumitra.

IX. Toramana.

Copper. Diam. ’65. Wt. 55 gr. Bought from Mr. Rodgers, who obtained the

coin at Hoshyarpur in the lower hills of the Jalandhar District, Panjab.

[V. A. Smith.]

Obv. King standing to front, r. arm bent, and probably holding arrow or

sword; body bent at waist; 1. hand grasping by middle bow with string turned

outwards. Obscure, illegible characters under king’s arm.

Rev. Sun in upper field, Below, <fTC, Tora, in large bold characters.

Dotted circle.

This coin is a variety of the hitherto unique coin belonging to

Mr. Theobald, which was published by Cunningham in Num. Chrou.

for 1894, p. 280, PI. IX. (VII), fig. 17, and again by me in J. A. S. B .,

Vol. LXIII, Part I, p. 198, with woodcut. The coin first published

had the string of the bow turned inwards.

X. White Hun.

Copper or bronze, rather thick ; diam. *65 ; weight 49 gr. [Rawlins].

Obv.— Bust to r. Faint legend in small apparently Brahmi characters in front

of face, — Pala — ?

Rev. — Device obscure ; it seems to me intended for a cock standing to 1., with

tail raised. Dotted circle.

This coin clearly belongs to the White Hun group, but I cannot

further assign it.

XI. Unkown.

Base metal. Diam. *55. Wt. 43 gr. From Rawalpindi. [V. A. Smith],

Obv. — Concave, with a peculiar wheel-like device.

Rev. Convex blank.

I cannot guess what this piece is, and am not certain that it is a

com.

140

V. A. Smith Numismatic Notes and Novelties.

[No. 2,

It seems to belong to the class noticed by Thomas in the following

words : —

•

“ In this instance, the square die is driven home upon one surface so as to give

the coin a concavo-convex form, while the opposite face remains blank. The symbol

within the square has the appearance of a rude quatrefoil. These coins are, as far

as I know, unpublished ; I have never met with any in the entire course of my own

somewhat comprehensive search after local antiquities, nor am I aware from what

section of the country the examples I quote were obtained ; they now form part of

tne late Lord Auckland’s collection in the British Museum. They are composed of

silver considerably alloyed, and weigh from thirty-five up to forty-one grains.”

{Prinsep’s Essays, Vol. I, 213).

1898.]

W. Irvine — The Later Mughals (1707— 1803).

141

The Later Mughals (1707-1803). — By William Irvine, Bengal Civil

Service (Retired).

[Read March, 1898.]

The following article is in continuation of that appearing on

pp. 136-212 of the Journal for 1896, Vol. LXY Part I.

Table of Contents.

Chapter IV.— Farrukhsiyar.

Section 1. The march from Agrah to Dilili.

2. ‘Abd-ullah Khan at Dihli.

3. Death of Zu-l-fiqar Khan.

4. Death of Jahandar Shah.

5. Procession into Dihli.

6. New officials and new appointments, Court appointments.

Provincial Governments. The Dakhin.

7. Biography of Muhammad Amin Khan.

1. The march from Agrah to Dihli.

In the confusion and the darkness the Jats plundered impartially

the baggage of both armies. No fitting resting-place for the prince

could be found, nothing but a dirty screen, all black from the smoke of

cooking, and a small wooden platform. On this latter Farrukhsiyar

seated himself and received the homage of his officers. It was not till

three days afterwards that Sa‘d-ullah Khan (son of ‘ Inayat-ullah Khan),

who had been Jahandar Shah’s Lord Steward, produced the late sover¬

eign’s duplicate set of tents, which owing to their erection within a

142 W. Irvine — The Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

walled garden, had escaped the plunderers. These were put up for

Farrukhsiyar on the site of Jahandar Shah’s encampment. 1

Having spent the night of the battle (14th Zu-l-Hijjah, 11th

January, 1713), in the small tent erected on the field, the next morning,

after a formal enthronement, Farrukhsiyar offered up his thanksgiving

at the shrine of Shah Mushtaq, and then marched one and a half kos

to his camp. The Turani leaders, Cin Qilic Khan and Muhammad Amin

Khan, Cin, with many others who had served in the army of Jahandar

Shah, tendered their submission. Shari‘at-ullah Khan (‘Ubaid-ullah)

was also presented by Sayyid ‘Abd-ullah Khan. Written orders were

issued to Asad Khan and Muhammad Yar Khan at Dihli, and to many

other subadars, enjoining them to seize the fugitive Jahandar Shah

wherever he might be found. At the end of the day His Majesty paid

a visit to Husain ‘Ali Khan who was confined to his tents by his

wounds. After the battle was over, he had been found about midnisrht

lying naked and insensible under a heap of the slain. When informed

of the victory, new life was breathed into him. The following day,

the 15th (12th January), the emperor attended at the large mosque

attached to Akbar’s tomb at Bihishtabad Sikandra, and there heard the

Khutbah read in his own name. More nobles and leaders now presented

themselves. On this date ‘ Abd-ullah Khan brought in as a prisoner

A‘azzu-d-din, who had been found hiding in the underground chambers

of the mansion at Agrah known as Dara Shukoh’s.2 3 Public rumour

asserted that Jahandar Shah and Zu-l-fiqar Khan had gone to Dihli;

the latter had been seen at Mathura on the way to that place.5

On the 17th (14th January), a move was made to the neighbour¬

hood of Bagh Nur Manzil, also known as Bagh Dahrah.4 The stream

of officers lately serving under Jahandar Shah continued to flow into

the camp. As there was still great uncertainty about the future move¬

ments of Jahandar Shah, and a renewal of the struggle by Zu-l-fiqar

Khan was feared, it was thought advisable to take steps to secure

possession of the capital as quickly as possible. ‘Abd-ullah Khan

1 Warid, I486.

2 Yahya Khan, 121 a, says that A‘azzu-d-din and his wife were captured in a

grove near Agrah, and that Farrukhsiyar ordered them to be kept prisoners. Kam.

Raj’s story, 52 a, is that they were found in a milk-seller’s house.

3 Kamwar Khan, 126, Ijad, 100 b, Warid, 148 a, Khafi Khan. II, 724, 727.

4 Of this grove the only thing now left is a large well, which from its size is

known as the well of the 52 water-bags (Bdwan lao Jet leud) — T dr ikh-i- Agrah , Husaini

press, Fathgayh, p. 28. The site is three miles south of the fort, it is now within

the cantonments, and is called Khawaspurah (private letter from Mirza Wiqar ‘Ali

Beg, dated 20th February, 1893). The epithet Nur Manzil was given with reference

to the Emperor Jahangir’s name, Nuru-d-din Muhammad, Madairu-l-umard , III, 79.

1898.]

143

W. Irvine — The Later Mnghals (1707-1803).

was therefore invested with tlie usual dress of honour and despatched on

this day (14th January, 1713), upon that service. With him went Cin

Qilic Khan, Muhammad Amin Khan, Cin, Hamid Khan, Jan Nisar

Khan. Khwajam Quli Khan, Lutf-ullah Khan, Sadiq, Turktaz Khan, and

others. His orders were to attach all the property of the men belong¬

ing to the other side. An imperial rescript was also sent to Asad Khan

by the hand of Ikhlas Khan. It was then Farrukhsiyar’s intention to

follow as speedily as possible with the rest of his troops.1

On the 18th (15fch January, 1713), another visit was paid to Husain

‘Ali Khan. The 19th was passed at the Taj, where the tombs of

Shahjahan and his queen, Mumtaz-i-Mahal, were visited. The Govern¬

ment of Akbarabad was confirmed to Sayyid Amir Khan, Thathawi, or

Sindhi, (grandson of Qasim Khan, Namakin).2 The jizyah, or poll-tax,

was abolished after it had been levied for thirty-four years. On

the 20th submissive letters were received from Asad Khan at Dihli,

reporting the imprisonment of Jahandar Shah and the restraint

placed on Zu-l-fiqar Khan. As Farrukhsiyar could not trust Asad Khan,

it was decided to await full reports from £Abd-ullah Khan before any

further action was taken. On the 22nd the emperor attended the

public prayers at the Great Mosque near the Caulc, or market-place, in

the city of Agrah, gold and silver coins being scattered on the way.

The next day ‘Abd-ullah Khan sent the good news from Dihli that

Jahandar Shah had been made a prisoner and Zu-l-fiqar Khan dissuaded

from continuing his resistance. As there was no longer the same press¬

ing necessity for haste, re-assuring letters were sent to Asad Khan, and

a leisurely advance to Dihli was ordered by the usual stages.3

On the 25th (22nd January, 1713), a start was made for Dihli, the

first camp being near Sikandrah. The other marches were, 27th, Sarae

Godrayah, 1st Muharram, Iradatnagar, 3rd, a place near Sarae ‘Azim-

abad, between Mathura (Islamabad) and Bindraban, 5th, Siyai, 6th

Shergarh, 8th, Shahpur, 9th, Sultanpur, 11th, near Fathpur, 12th, near

Qabulpur, 13th, Ismahlpur, 15th (10th February, 1713), a grove in

Khizrabad, five miles south of Dihli city.4

1 Mirza Muhammad, 150, 151, Kamwar Khan, 127, Ijad, 104 b, Khafi Khan II

727. ’ ’

2 For this man, see Blochmann, Ain, 470, and Ma’ asiru-l-umdra, 111,74. The

rock-salt plates and bottles from which he got his nickname are described in Anand

Ram’s Mirdtu-l-istilah. For Amir Khan himself, see M-ul-U, I, 303.

3 For abolition of Jizyah , see B. M. No. 1690, fol. 163.

4 Kamwar Khan, 127, 128, Ijad, 105 a. Khafi Khan, II, 728 and Ma’asir, I, 318r

say the army arrived on the 14th Muharram at Barahpnlah, which is If miles

nearer the city (Carr Stephen, plate 1). SarSe Godrayah, Iridatnagar and Shergarh,

I have not traced. Mathura and Bindraban are well known. Siyai (Seyee) and

144

[No. 2,

W. Irvine— -The Later Mughals (1707-1803).

2. ‘Abd-ullah Khan at DihlI.

We now return to Dihli. The first news of Jahandar Shah’s defeat

at Agrah was received at Dihll after midday on the 15th Zu-l-Hijjah

(12th January, 1713). We have already described the subsequent

arrival there of Zu-l-fiqar Khan and Jahandar Shah, and the measures

adopted by Asad Khan. Sayyid ‘Abd-ullah IOian, who started from

Agrah on the 17th arrived at Barapula near Dihli on the 25th Zu-l-

Hijjali. The principal men of the city came out to pay their respects,1

and on the same day Zu-l-fiqar Khan, to whom Iklilas Khan had been

sent, rode out to the camp. His interview with the new wazir lasted

over an hour. The Sayyids never doubted for a moment that Asad

Khan and his son, as soon as they presented themselves, would be admit¬

ted to favour and high office. Thus they thought it wisest for their own

future benefit, to put the two men under an obligation by acting as their

introducers. Sayyid ‘Abd-ullah Khan promised his predecessor that,

if he would entrust himself to his and his brother’s care, they would

arrange that he and his father should not only be presented to the new

emperor, but that not a hair of their heads should be injured.2 Visitors

returning from the Nawab’s camp met at the Turkman gate of the city3

the retinue of Mahabat Khan, son of Mun‘im Khan, who had just been

released from prison along with Jahandar Shah’s other prisoners.

Aminu-d-din Khan, who was one of them, found his way to Mathura

and was presented there to Farrukhsiyar on the 3rd Muharram (29th

J anuary ) .4

On the 26th Zfi-l-Hijjah, ‘Abd-ullah Khan entered the city and

occupied the mansion known as Ja‘far Khan’s.6 He busied himself in

restoring order in the capital and the rest of the country. Khwaja

Husain (Khan Dauran), Hifz-ullah Khan (son of Murtaza Khan).

Murid Khan and other partisans of the late emperor were seized and

Shahpur are on Sheet No. 60, Sultanpur, Fathpur (F. Biloc, Qabulpur, and

Isma’Ilpnr on Sheet No. 49 of the Indian Atlas.

t Among others Mirza Muhammad, the historian, with his brother and a cousin,

was presented to the Nawab by Lutf-ullah Khan Sadiq. Barahpulah is 3£ miles south

of the Dihli gate of the modern city (Carr Stephen, Plate 1 and p. 209).

8 Yahya Khan, 12lb, calls the overtures made by Sayyid ‘Abd-ullah Khan to

Asad Khan his “ deceit” (fareb).

5 This gate is on the south side of the city, having the Dihli gate between it

and the river. See Constable’s “ Hand Atlas,” Plate 47, and Carr Stephen, 244.

4 Mirza Muhammad, 153, 157, Kamwar Khan, 129, Yar Muhammad, 26, Khafi

Khan, II, 732, M.-ul-u., I, 317.

6 It had belonged to Kokaltash Khan and was sometimes called ‘All Mardan

Khan’s. A'zam Shah had owned it in ‘Alamgir’s reign— (B.M. 1690, fol. 162a). It

was afterwards granted to ‘Abd-ullah Khan.

.1898 ]

W. Irvine — The Later Mugkals (1707-1808).

145

t]ieir property confiscated. The same course was adopted with the

estate of the late Kokaltash Khan (‘All Murad). Sabha Cand,

Zu-l-fiqar Khan’s chief man of business, who had been promoted by him

to the office of dlwan of the Khalisah, or Imperial Revenue Office, with

the title of Rajah, was summoned by ‘Abd-ullah Khan. Finding that

this man was sent for, Zu-l-fiqar Khan began to fear for himself, and he

told Sabha Cand not to obey the order. ‘Abd-ullah Khan sent re-assur¬

ing messages and advised the ex-wazir not to interfere. Zu-l-fiqar Khan

was not satisfied, until in a few days farmdns arrived, addressed to him¬

self and his father, promising them the new emperor’s favour. Some of

these letters went so far as to promise his restoration to the office of

wazir. As there was no other way out of the difficulty, Sabha Cand

was now sent in charge of Davvar Dad Khan to Sayyid ‘Abd-ullah Khan»

Sabha Cand was put into prison and his house confiscated.1 2

3. Death of Zu-l-fiqar Khan.

Although one month had barely elapsed since Farrukhsiyar had won

an empire almost entirely by the exertions of the two Sayyid brothers,

a party adverse to them had already been formed in the imperial camp.

At its head was ‘ Ubaid-ullah, Shari {at-ullah Khan,8 a Turani, who

when qdzl of Dhakah ( Dacca) had acquired great influence over

Farrukhsiyar. Allied with him were other personal friends and de¬

pendents of the new emperor, the principal man being Khwaja ‘Asim

(Ashraf Khan),3 a native of A grab. Shari‘at-ullah Khan, although

possessing little capacity for high office, was a bold ambitious man,

whose chief object was to clear his own road to power by destroying

as many as possible of the old nobility, and sowing in Farrukhsiyar’s

heart the seeds of suspicion against the Sayyids, whom he hoped soon

to supplant.4

When it was known in Farrukhsiyar’s entourage that Zu-l-fiqar

Khan had visited ‘Abd-ullah Khan and that some kind of friendly pro¬

posals had been interchanged, it was resolved to interfere at once.5 * * The

1 Mirza Muhammad, 158.

2 Afterwards Mir Jumlah. To give him a status in the court he had been,

made ddrdgha of the pages (Khawass), on the 20th Zu-l-Hijjah (17th January, 1713)

and the title of ‘Ibad-ullah Khan was conferred on the 26th of that month.

3 Afterwards Samsamu-d-daulah, Khan Dauran, who was made ddrdgha of the

Audience Hall on the 1st Muharram (27th January, 1713).

4 Mirza Muhammad, 158, 159.

6 Yahya Khan, 121b, makes out that Farrukhsiyar asked the Sayyids for

advice as to the conduct to be pursued towards Jahandar Shah, Asad Khan, and

Zu-1 fiqar Khan. ‘Abd-ullah Khan, Husain All Khan and Lacin Beg held that on no

J. i. 19

146

W. Irvine — The Later Mugjidls (1707-1803).

[No. 2,

man selected as their envoy was one Muhammad Ja‘far, who had long

been steward to Farrukhsiyar and had lately been raised to the title of

Taqarrub Khan. As he was a native of Iran, it was thought that he

would be more trusted than any one else by Asad KMn and Zu-l-fiqar

Khan, who were also from that country. Taqarrub Khan swore the

most solemn oaths on the qnran that no harm should happen to Asad

Khan or his son. He hinted to them that it was dangerous to accept

an introduction through the Sayyid brothers, as in secret Farrukhsiyar

was already displeased with them, and was not likely to turn a gracious

ear to any representation from them. Persuaded by these arguments,

Asad Khan proposed that he and Zu-l-fiqar Khan should set out to¬

gether. His son preferred that, in the first instance, Asad Khan should

go alone, that they might see what sort of fate was in store for them.

Asad Khan would not listen to any such proposal. He was convinced

that, as their services could not be dispensed with, no harm could come

to them. Finally on the 15th Muharram the two nobles accompanied

Taqarrub Khan to the camp at Khizrabad and passed the night in their

own tents, it beiug arranged that they should be received in the morn¬

ing. Their too ready acquiescence bears out the truth of the proverb,

“ When Heath arrives, the physician becomes a simpleton.”1

We are told by Warid, I know not with what amount of truth,

that after Zu-l-fiqar Khan’s death the hand which Taqarrub Khan had

employed in taking the false oath on the quran began at once to wither.

He could not move it, and it grew continually worse. He lived on asses’

milk, he tried every remedy, nothing was of the least use. Thus the

hand remained a witness to his false oath until three years afterwards

his end came.2

On the 16th Muharram the presentation of Asad Khan and his

son took place. Zu-l-fiqar Khan, as he entered the imperial enclosure,

felt a presentiment of his impending doom. He said to his father that

he would withdraw and greet the Emperor the next day, when on his

march into the city. Asad Khan lost his temper and gave a sharp

answer. Zu-l-fiqar Khan was silenced, and they entered the enclosure

account could they be allowed to live. Thereupon Farrukhsiyar decided that Asad

Khan was innocent ; but they were at liberty to kill the other two.

1 Yahya Khan, 121b, cun qazd dyad, tabib ablah shawad. Mirza Muhammad,

159, Kamwar Khan, 129, Warid, 113, Khafi Khan, II, 732, 733.

2 T. Kh. died on the -9th Kabi‘ II, 1128, 1st April, 1716, Tdrikh-i-Mhdz. Mirza

Mhd., 261, says he died of diqq (hectic fever, consumption, atrophy), of which he

had been seriously ill for one year. He left sons, one of whom, Tahir Khan,

was on the 7th Jumadi II, 1128 H. created Taqarrub Khan, see Kamwar Khan, 163,

161.

1898.]

W. Irvine — The Later Mughals (1707-1803).

117

together.1 2 * * * * Asad Khan went into the Justice Hall and sat down. His

presence was announced to the Emperor. Farrukhsivar came from the

Chaplet tent ( tasbih-khana ) and Asad Khan rose, made his bow, and

pronounced his salutation. The emperor advanced quickly, embraced

him, took his two hands, and seated him close to himself. Many

flattering remarks were pronounced and robes and jewels were brought,

with which he was then and there invested. Asad Khan now said, “ I

have brought a culprit with me, may I hope for the pardon of his

offences ? ” The Emperor replied, “ Brother, let him be brought in.”

Zu-l-fiqar Khan came in, unarmed, his two hands tied together, and stood

before the sovereign. Farrukhsivar. making a gesture of repugnance

at seeing his hands tied, ordered them in an agitated voice to be untied.

The Khan was then told to approach. He came and fell at the emperor’s

feet, but he was raised up and embraced and kindly spoken to. A robe

of honour and jewels were brought for him. Farrukhsiyar then, address¬

ing Asad Khan, said that he was just on the point of starting for a

visit to the shrine of Nizamu-d-dm Auliya, 8 he (Asad Khan) had better

go home and “ Brother,” that is, Zu-l-fiqar Khan, would remain. Before

their arrival, the orders for the visit to the shrine had been given, and

the imperial retinue and the men of the Haft caiikl (personal guard)

had all assembled. s

Asad Khan returned to his tents and Zu-l-fiqar Khan remained

in the emperor’s camp. Farrukhsivar rose and went out, saying to

Zu-l-fiqar Khan. “ I am going now ; I must get something to eat and see

“ to my equipage ; I will send some food for you, you can eat it here.”

He then went inside, leaving Zu-l-fiqar Khan seated with Khwaja

‘Asim. * In a few moments trays from the imperial table were brought.

Fearing that the food might be poisoned, Zu-l-fiqar Khan hesitated to

eat. Khwaja ‘Asim, penetrating his thoughts, said : “ If his lordship

permit, this slave, too, will take a share.” Thus reassured Zu-l-fiqar

1 MIrza Muhammad’s account of Zii-l-fiqar Khan’s death was obtained from a

friend, whose truthfulness he fully believed in. This gentleman had gone that morn¬

ing, in Indian fashion, with a dull or basket of fruit and vegetables from his own

garden, to be laid at the new emperor’s feet. By this means he had been admitted

into the Privy Chamber and Justice Hall. Before he could come out, the approach

of Asad Khan and his son was announced. When he tried to make his exit, he

found that of those inside no one was allowed to leave the place. He was thus a

witness of all that happened (M. Mhd., 161, 162),

2 Kamwar Khan, 130, says “the Qutbn-l-aqtab,” i. e.f the shrine of Khwaja

Qutbu-d-din, Balchtiyari.

S M. Mhd., 160-2, Ijad 119 b, Warid, 114.

* He had just been made Khan Dauran, Bahadur, Ijad, 119 a. His titles were

afterwards added to, and he became Samsamu-d-daulah, Mansur Jang.

148

W. Irvine — The Later Mughals (1707-1803),

[No. 2,

Khan began to eat. The Khvvaja then remarked that to eat food in

the tent used as Hall of Justice was not fitting, had they not better

move to the screens outside and eat there ? It so happened that two

canvas screens had been put up in the space before the Hall of Justice,

an entrance having been left at one end only. The two nobles came

out. As soon as Zu-l-fiqar Khan had entered within the screens, and

while Khwaja ‘Asim was still outside them, the tent-pitchers with the

greatest expedition brought the screens together and closed the entrance.

In an instant about two hundred men, each armed with sword and

shield, sprang from their place of concealment and drew up round the

screen, shoulder to shoulder, leaving no space whatever between them.

When the capture was reported to Farruldisiyar who was seated in the

Chaplet tent ( tasbih-Jchdna ), ‘Ibad-ullah Khan, ddroaha of the Pages,1

was sent out. Entering between the screens, he said loudly, “ His

“ Majesty asks what reason there was for you to imprison Muhammad

“ Kara Bakhsh and inflict injury on his followers. Does it accord with

“ the rules of loyalty and of submission to a gracious master to act

“thus to his sons?” Zu-l-fiqar Khan answered: —

“ The imprisonment of Kam Bakhsh was by his father’s order •

“ I was ‘Alamgir’s servant and Kam Bakhsh, his son. If he had told

“ me to make my father a prisoner, I should have obeyed.”

After each answer ‘Ibad-ullah Khan returned to Farrukhsiyar and

came back with a new demand. The questions and answers continued

on this wise as follows :

“You were generalissimo and chief adviser of Muhammad A‘zam

“ Shah. Was it fitting for a general to flee, as you did, and leave his

“ prince all alone?”

“ As long as he was alive, I remained with him ; when he was

“ slain, what right had I to continue a contest in the field.”

“ What was your quarrel with the martyred Prince, ( i.e . ‘Azimu-

“ sh-shan, Farrukhsivar’s father) ?”

“ He did not look on me with favour, thus I was not in a position

“ to join his side. All the officers of the State took one side or

“ another. I, too, took a side ; nor did I thereby commit any crime.”

“ Why did you kill Mukhlis Khan and Rustam Dil Khan ? ”

“ I had nothing to do with that matter. These things were done

“ on the advice and by the instigation of Kokaltash Klian.”

“ All the other princes survive : what was Muhammad Karim’s

“ offence that you should seize him, bring him to your house, and slay

1 Afterwards Mir Jumlah, Mu'azzam Khan, Khan Khauan, Bahadur, Muzaffar

Jang.

1898.]

149

W. Irvine — The Later Mu ghals (1707-1803).

“ him ? Are you not aware that he was our "brother, and that his

“ blood cannot go unavenged ?” 1

Zu-l-fiqar Khan, by this time, knew that his death was resolved

on, and that any further display of meekness would avail him nothing.

He changed his tone and returning taunt for taunt, cursed Farrukhsiyar

and said, “ If you want to kill me, kill me in any way you like, what

is the use of all this talk.” Upon this Lacin Beg and several Qalmaq

slaves2 3 fell upon him, threw him to the ground, twisted the strap from a

shield round his throat and strangled him. The others stamped upon

his chest till the breath left him. But to make quite sure a dagger

was plunged into his body several times. Ropes were tied to his feet

and he was dragged to the outside of the railing in front of the public

Audience Hall. There the body was left exposed. Officials were

deputed to confiscate the houses and property of both father and son.

Zu-l-fiqar Khan’s retinue, which was drawn up outside the artillery

park at the entrance of the camp, dispersed on hearing what had hap¬

pened, and the men sought safety wherever they could find it. All this

took place at the time of afternoon prayer. s

The official statement of the case against Zu-l-fiqar Khan, as found

in Ijad, whose narrative was corrected weekly by Farrukhsiyar himself,

follows the lines of the conversation reproduced above. The misleading

letters and messages sent to him through Taqarrub Khan are exultingly

referred to as an exhibition of consummate policy and statesmanship. 4

. i . 'v V

4. Death of Jahandar Shah.

On the same day that saw the end of Zu-l-fiqar Khan (16th

Muharram, 1125 H., 11th Feb., 1713), Saif-ullah Khan 5 was sent to the

citadel with a letter in Farrukhsivar’s own hand- writing addressed to

Muhammad Yar Khan. The ncizim , although sorrowful at Jahandar

Shah’s fate, complied with the order and admitted the messengers.

When the group of men entered the prison room, Lai Kumwar shrieked,

1 Mxrza Muhammad, 163-166.

2 The name is sometimes given as Ilac! Beg and Dilacin Beg. Ijad, 119 &,

and Kamwar Khan, 130, say“NiirBeg and other Qalmaqs of the brotherhood of

Ilacin Beg.” Khafi IOxan, II, 734, has Lacin Beg (Bahadur Dil Khan) “ or as some

say, one of the celas.” Mhd. Qasim, Lahori, 172, desci'ibes the man as a servant of

Khwaja Qutbu-d-din, son of Maulana Sharf Husain, Kajlciyah (?) He received the

title of Bahadur Dil Khan at the request of Mir Jumlah.

3 M. Mhd. 166, Khafi Kh*n, II, 734.

4 Ijad, 116 a, Khizanah-i-‘amirah. 28.

& B.M. No. 1690, fol. 162 a says Taqarrub Khan (alias Nusrat Khan), Yahya

Beg, was the messenger.

J50

W. Irvine — The Later Mughals (1707-1803).

[No. 2,

clasped her lover round the neck, and refused to let go. Violently

forcing them apart, the men dragged her down the stairs. Then laying

hands on Jahandar Shah, they tried to strangle him. As he did not

die at once, a Mughal, with his heavy-heeled shoes, kicked him several

times in a vulnerable place and finished him off. Word was sent to the

nazim that life was extinct, that an executioner was needed to cut off

the head. Muhammad Yar Khan, who was standing down below,

bathed in cold perspiration, answered “ What is left for an executioner

to do ? Cut off his head, and carry it to His Majesty.” They cut it

off. The body was then thrown into an open litter ( miyana ) and the

head placed on a tray (Jchwdn). Half an hour after nightfall, they

reached the camp with the lifeless head and trunk and laid them at the

entrance to the emperor’s tents, alongside the body of Zu-l-fiqar Khan.

Lai Kumwar was sent to the settlement of Suhagpura, where the

widows and families of deceased emperors lived in retirement. 1

5. Procession into Dihli.

Next morning, the 17thMuharram (12th February, 1713), Farrukh-

siyar left Kliizrabad and marching in state into Dihli took possession

of the palace and its citadel. The artillery of all sorts went in front.

Behind the guns came the new emperor mounted on an elephant, and

at his back sat ‘ Ibad-ullah Khan (Mir Jumlah) waving a peacock fan

over his master’s head. Largesse was scattered among the crowd as

he went by. The head of Jahandar Shah was carried on the point

of a long bambu held by an executioner seated on an elephant ; his

body was laid across the back of another elephant. The corpse of

Zu-l-fiqar Khan, with head and feet bare, was tied by the feet to the

tail of a third elephant. These followed about one hundred yards

behind the elephant on which the emperor rode. The procession was

met by Sayyid ‘Abd-ullah Khan (now Qutbu-l-mulk) near the city wall,

at the inside of the Dihli gate. The crowd in the streets was im¬

mense, a greater had rarely been seen. Some of the spectators were un¬

able to restrain their grief, their eyes filled with tears, lumps formed in

their throats, and they muttered to each other, under their breath,

l Kamwar Khan, 130, Ijad, 122 a, KhiifT Khan, IT, 734, Khushhal Cand, 395 a,

Rustam ‘AIT, 225 6. Suhagpura (Hamlet of Happy Wives) or the Bewa-Khana

(Widow-house) was one of the establishments ( Kdrkhdnajdt ) attached to the Court

“ where in the practice of resignation they pass their lives, receiving rations

*i and a monthly allowance,” Dasturu-Wamaly B. M. No. 6598, fol. 55 a. The name,

Suhagpura, may have been due to delicacy for the feelings of the ladies, or it was

perhaps given in derision.

W. Irvine — The Later Mughals (1707-1803).

151

JS98.]

“ Glory be to God ! Yesterday lords over thousands, to-day fallen into

this calamity.” 1

The bodies of the unfortunate Jahandar Shah and of his wazir

were thrown down on the sandy waste before the Dihll gate of the

palace. Asad Khan’s family, taking with them nothing but the clothes

they had on, were removed in palkis from their house to one known

as the peshkhana, of Khan Jahan where they were kept under surveil¬

lance ; and Taqarrub Khan, the new Khansaman or Lord Steward, brought

in two elephants loaded with the jewels and jewelled vessels from1

Asad Khan’s house, and also sixty-two of his horses. The fallen vice¬

gerent himself had been forced to appear in the triumphal procession

into Dihli, seated in a palki and accompanied by a few men on foot,

all that was left of his former grandeur. At the Akbarabadi mosque

he was halted, and there he sat in his palki unheeded for four or five

hours, until Farrukhsiyar ordered his removal with his women to the

office rooms of the Dlwan above referred to. Some temporary screens

were put up, and there he and his family sought shelter. Food was,

sent to them at night by Husain ‘All Khan.8

It was not till the 19th (14th February, 1713), that Arslan Khan re¬

ceived orders to bury the bodies of the murdered Jahandar Shah and

Zu-l-fiqar Khan. The prince was laid in the vault of the emperor

Humayun’s tomb, at the side of other members of the family. Zu-l-

fiqar Khan’s remains were interred close to the shrine of Shaikh

‘Ata-ullah, which is situated at the gateway of the same tomb. Zu-l-

fiqar Khan was a little over fifty-nine (lunar ) years of age at the time of

his death ; he left no sons. No memorial was erected over him for

several years. At length some of his eunuchs, who had been trans¬

ferred to Sayyid Husain ‘Ali Khan, mentioned this fact to their new

master. The Sayyid ordered a tomb to be built, and on a tablet

were inscribed the following lines, composed by Asad Khan : —

J-jy )j J —

1 MIrza Mhd., 168, Xjad, 123, Khushhal Cand, 395-6. The Dib.ll gate is on the

south side of the city, it is the one nearest the Jumna. MIrza Muhammad and

his brother witnessed the entry into Dihll from the roof of the Akbarabadi mosque,

which is in the Faiz Bazar, the street running north and south from the Dihll gate

of the city to the Dihll gate of the fort. (Asdru-8-§anddtd, 70, Carr Stephen, 246,

248). Khushhal Cand, also, was one of the onlookers and “ into the skirt of this

“humble one, too, fell a silver rose, weighing seven mashas.”

8 Kamwar Khan, 131, Ijad, 124-6, Khafi Khan, II, 734, B. M. No. 1690, fol.

162-6.

152 W. Irvine — The Later Mugfuls (1707^-1803). [No. 2,

i i.e., “ A hidden voice, lamenting with blood suffused eyes, said, ‘ Ibrahim

made of Isma’Il a sacrifice ’ ” (1125-H.).1

In connection with these lines, Warid tells a story in praise of

Asad Khan’s strength of mind and vigour of intellect, even at tho

extreme age that he had then reached, which, if true, would seem

rather to prove his want of common feeling. At the moment that his

son’s death was announced to him, he hung his head for a little while,

and then said to the bystanders, “ My thoughts repeatedly recur to

“ the words ‘ Ibrahim made of ‘Isma/il a sacrifice.’ ” As the numerical

value of the letters in these words accords with the year of Zu-l-fiqar’s

death, the coincidence, if the words came spontaneously into his mind,

was very wonderful. If not, this excogitating of a numerical puzzle

was a curious use of the first moments following the news of an eldest

son’s violent death. As there was no member of the family left to

support its name and fame, and Asad IQian now disappears from our

history, it will be sufficient to note that he survived until the 25th'

Jumadi II 1128 H. (15th June, 1716), when he passed away at the

great age of eighty-eight lunar years.2

Zu-l-fiqar Khan had obtained great renown as a soldier in the

Dakhin, and there can be no question that he was a man of great ex¬

perience in matters of state. But during the period that we are treat¬

ing, commencing with the battle between A‘zam Shah and Bahadur

Shah in 1707, his generalship was prudently displayed more in further¬

ing his own interests than in winning battles for the master that he

might be serving at the moment. Danishmand Khan (‘All) has a

passage, taunting him with his conduct in the battle of Jajau, and

accusing him of acting on the maxim that discretion is the better part

of valour. An anecdotist3 states that Zu-l-fiqar Khan offered the poet

and historiau a large sum if he would erase this passage from his work,

but to ‘All’s. credit be it said, the words still stand in the copies which

have come down to us.4

1 The father’s original name was Ibrahim and the son’s ‘ Isma'il, Ijad, 127-b

Warid, 147-a, Khnshhal Cand, 395-a.

2 Warid, 146-b, TdrlJch-i-Muhammadt, year 1128-H., Kamwar Khan, 165.

Ma? dsiru-l-umard, II, 319, says 94 years ; also Khafi Khan, II, 771, where the

year is 1129-H. Kam Raj makes the age 98 years. An allowance of Rs. 50,000

a year had been given to him by Farrukhsiyar, B. M. Or. 1690, fol., 164a.

3 Anand Ram, Mukhlis, “ Camanistan,” p. 22.

4 Bahadur -shah Naina, B. M. Or. 24, fol. 37 b. “The first to show his back was

“ Muhammad Isma‘il, entitled Zu-l-fiqar Khan. To A‘zam Shah’s face he made

“ great protestations, but instead of sacrificing his life, he made off at the earliest

“ moment. Receiving from an arrow a skin wound near the mouth, he cast away

“ his honour through excessive love of life. If he is abhorreut ( maViin ) to the

1898.]

W. Irvine — The Later Mughals (1707-1803).

153

The greatest blot on the life of Asad Khan and Zu-l-fiqar Khan

is, however, the base ingratitude displayed towards Jahandar Shah.

Even native historians do not defend this act of treachery. Jahandar

Shah had many claims upon them for favours conferred ; and he had

placed his life in their hands. If Asad Khan had thought fit to excuse

himself from joining any further in the prince’s fortunes, he should have

left it open for the fugitive to seek some other refuge. But he should

not have seized him or delivered him over to his mortal enemy to be

killed with indignity. Apart from this harsh and fruitless act, Asad

Khan was superior in character to the other nobles of his time. He

did little oppression, was long-suffering, full of dignity and of a hand¬

some presence. He was of a correct disposition, which means, we are

told, the showing of benevolence and sympathy to the lowly, and of

ostentation and hauteur to your equals. His rise was rapid and un¬

checked, or as it is put, “ he threw without intermission double-six

“ from the dice-box of desire.” 1

6. Hew Officials and new Appointments.

On the way from Agrali to Dihli, and after arrival at Dihli, many

new appointments were made and new titles conferred. Sayyid ‘ Abd¬

ullah Khan (now made Nawab Qutbu-l-mulk, Yamlnu-d-daulali,

Sayyid ‘Abd-ullah Khan, Bahadur, Zafar Jang, Sipah-salar, Yar-i-

wafadar) became chief minister. The diwdn-i-Khalisah , or Exchequer

Office, was given to Muhammad Baqir, Muta'mid IQian, who had been

for a time Prince Muhammad A‘zam Shah’s lord steward, and then dlwdn ,

or comptroller of the household, to Prince Jahan Shah ; the diwan-i-tan

went to Lutf-ullah Khan, Bahadur, Sadiq, who in Bahadur Shah’s reign

was agent at Court of Prince Jahan Shah, and in Jahandar Shah’s was

comptroller (diwdn) to that sovereign’s eldest son, A‘azzu-d-din. Sayyid

Husain ‘All Khan, was appointed first Bakhshi with the titles of ‘Um-

datu-l-mulk, Amiru-l-umara, Bahadur, Firuz Jang, Sipah-sardar.g As

the reward for the Turani betrayal of Jahandar Shah, the place of

second bakhshi was conferred on Muhammad Amin Khan, Cm, Bahadur,

who now became rtimadu-d-daulah, Husrat Jang. The third bakhshi

“ people, his excuse is notorious (ma'lum). He had risen to fame and place in the

“Dakhin; from his youth np, his training in valour had been in running after

“ the traces of the Marathas, a tribe of cats, whose occupation is robbing and

“ running away. He had never seen a battle between kings ; had never met in

“ battle field with tigers from the forest of valour. In brief, to stand firm in such

“ violent contests you must be a hero.”

• Ma’asiru- l-umara, II, 317, 318.

3 Shiw Das, fol. 2, has Mansur Jang, which seems a mistake.

J. i. 20

154

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[No 2,

was Afrasyab Khan, Bahadur, a Wdlashaht, or personal follower of

Farrukhsiyar, with whom he had been in Bengal and had there taught

him wrestling.1 2 The pay-mastership of the Ahadls® was given to

Qamaru-d-din lOian, Bahadur, son of the above-named Muhammad-Amin

Khan. Islam Khan (grandson of the late Islam Khan), formerly

Mir Atash to Bahadur Shah, who had retired from court, was

restored to his rank of 5,000, 3,000 horse, and appointed to be first Mir

Tozak , or quarter-master-general.3 For the period of one month from

the victory at Agrah, Sa’d-ullah Khan 4 * (son of ‘Inayat-ullah Khan,

Kashmiri) was continued in the office of Khansaman. or Lord High

Steward; but at the camp in Khizrabad, this office was transferred to

Taqarrub Khan (Muhammad Ja‘far, Shirazi), who already held the

place of Private secretary.6

Some smaller court offices were conferred on Farrukhsiyar’ s personal

favourites. Although these offices were of the second rank, their holders

exercised, as we shall soon see, as much if not more power than the

nobles who were nominally their superiors. For instance, against the

opinion of Mir Jumlah, who was officially no more than head of the

pages and messengers, the chief minister himself found it impossible to

act. The office of Confiscations and Escheats ( buyutdtl ) was given

to Saif-ullah Khan, Bahadur, a Wdld-shdhi ; Khwaja ‘Asim, now

created Samsamu-d-daulah, Khan Dauran, Bahadur, Mansur Jang, was

superintendent of the Audience Hall and Bakhshi of the personal

1 Afrasyab Khan, Bahadur, Rustam Jang, was Suhrab, known as MIrza Ajmeri

son of Garshasp. He died at Dihll on the night of the 25th Ramazan, 1130 H., 21st

August, 1718, Tarikh-i-Mhdi. His elder brother was the Rashid Khan sent in 1124

H., 1712, to oust Jaffar Khan, ndzim of Bengal, Gladwin, “Transactions,” 96. MIrza

Ajmeri was of such strength that once he lifted a small gun and its carriage out

of the mud on the road from Akbarnagar to Raj Mahal, Akhbdr-i-Muhabbat, 277.

2 Ahadi (one, single) means a gentleman trooper serving under no chief or

noble, but directly under the Emperor.

3 This Islam Khan (d. 1144 H., 1731-2), was one Mir Ahmad, first Barkhurdar

Khan, then Islam Khan, son of Safi Khan (d. 1105 H., 1693-4), the second son of

‘ Abdu-s-salam, first Ikhtisa? Khan, then Islam Khan, MashhadI, (d. 1057 H., 1647-8),

M.-ul-u., I, 162, II, 740.

4 His former titles were Hidayat-ullah Khan, and then for a time, after the

death of Mun‘im Khan, Bahadur Shah’s Wazlr, he was Wazarat Khan. We shall

speak of this man again presently.

6 MIrza Muhammad, 169, KamwarKhan, 121, 143, Khafi Khan, II, 728, Warid,

149b, Kam Raj, ‘ Ibratnamah, 53 b. Khafi Khan says the third baHshi was Ghazlq-d-dln

Khan (Ahmad Beg). Yahya Khan, 122a, on the contrary, says that this man was

made Mir Atash. This latter statement is confirmed by Mhd. Qasim, Lahorl, 170,

the date being 12th Sha'ban, 1125 H., (2nd September, 1713), vice Zu-l-fiqEr Khan

( Gfiulam ‘Ali Kh»u).

1898.]

155

W. Irvine — The Later Mughals (1707-1803).

troops, or Wala-shdhi ; ‘Ibad-ullali (Shari‘at-ullah Khan) created

Muta’midu-l-mulk, Mir Jumlah, Mu'azzam Khan, Khan Khanan,

Bahadur, Muzaffar Jang, held the office of superintendent of the Khawass ,

or attendants, and of the ahusbhhana , or privy council room. Grhulam

‘All Khan, a wala-shahi , received the title of Zu-l-fiqar Khan, Bahadur,

and the command of the artillery • being soon supplanted, however,

(12th Sha‘ban 1125 H., 2nd September, 1713), by Gchaziu-d-din Khan

(Ahmad Beg). This latter had already obtained charge of the retinue

( jalau ), vice Islam Khan, who had held it in addition to his principal

office of Mir Tozak. The command of the cauki-khass , or bodyguard,

was made over to Faiz-ullah Khan, a wala-shalii. Aminu-d-dm

Khan, Sambhall, became head of the ‘ Arz Mukarrar , or office for the

examination and confirmation of appointments. The department of

Branding and Mustering ( dagh,-o-tashihah ) was given to Sayyid

Shuja‘at-ullah Khan, Barhah, sister’s son of Qutbu-l-mulk, the Wazir.

At first Fida Khan 1 was retained, as in Bahadur Shah’s and Jahandar

Shah’s time, as qur-begi , or head of the armoury ; but the place was

shortly afterwards transferred to Amir Khan (Muhammad Ishaq) 2 3 son

of the late Amir Khan ; then in a few months he gave way in favour of

IQiwaja Muzaffar, Panipati, now created Zafar Khan, Bahadur, who

was known by the nickname of Turrah-i-baz.s The Sadarat-i-kull, or

superintendence of charitable and religious grants, was given to Sayyid

Afzal, who had taught Farrukhsiyar to read the quran , with the title

of Sayyid Afzal Khan, Bahadur, Sadr Jahan.4

The provincial governments were next provided for. Kabul was

left in the hands of Nasir Khan, Bahadur, Nasir Jang Kashmir was

taken from ‘Inayat-ullah Khan, whose viansab even was cancelled, and

1 Formerly Tahavvur Khan, then Fida Khan, son of Salabat Khan, Khwaja

Mir, KhwafI, (d. early in 1104 H., 1693-4), M.-ul-u., II, 742, 745.

2 Afterwards ‘Umdatu-l-mulk, A. K., assassinated 1159 II., 1746-7.

3 Turrah , waving ringlets, or the hanging end of a turban ; Turrah-i-bdz, ‘ a

falcon’s crest. ’ Zafar Khan and all his men wore their turbans in the same way,

with an end sticking out, and from this peculiarity the nickname arose. Khushhal

Cand, 4033, explains that the Turrah were of gold and silk brocade ( badalah ), and

were used extensively as ornaments to Zafar IQian’s equipage. In lot No. 698 in B.

Quaritch’s catalogue, No. 161, of July 1896, there was a portrait of Rdshanu-d-daulah

(i.e., Zafar Khan) which I inspected. It showed a rather stout and not very tall

man, with a broad and slightly heavy face, white beard and moustache, the latter

slightly black still at the corners of the mouth. To the band or ribbon round the

centre of the turban was attached an ornament ( sarpec ) and from it hung a long

feather, falling backwards and ending in two small points. Perhaps this feather

represents the Turrah-i-hdz ?

4 MIrza Muhammad, 169.

J 56

W. Irvine — The Later Mughals (1707-1803).

[No. 2,

he was replaced by Sadat Khan,1 the new Emperor’s father-in-law, to

whom permission to govern by deputy was accorded. Zabardast Khan

entitled ‘All Mardan Khan (III), son of Ibrahim Khan, ‘All Mardan

Khan (II), son of Arairu-l-umara, ‘All Mardan Khan (I)2 died at

Labor before he could be removed ; he was replaced by ‘Abdu-s-samad

Khan, Bahadur, (subsequently made Diler Jang, after his victories over

the Sikhs). Multan was conferred on Qutbu-l-mulk, the Wazlr, but

Sher Afgan Khan, Bahadur, (brother of Lutf-ullah Khan, Sadiq), who

had been in charge on behalf of Kokaltash Khan (‘ All Murad) remain¬

ed on as the deputy of the new governor). For the preceding fifteen

or sixteen years Dihli had been held by Muhammad Yar Khan, and he

was left undisturbed. Ajmer was made over to Sayyid Muzaffar Khan.

Barhah (recently created Sayyid Khan Jahan, Bahadur), maternal

uncle of Qutbu-l-mulk. Shahamat Khan (son-in-law of ‘ Inayat-ullah

Khan, Kashmiri) who had been governor of Gujarat in Bahadur Shah’s

reign, received the new title of Mubariz Khan and was confirmed in his

old appointment. Rajah Chabelah Ram,3 a personal adherent of

Farrukhsiyar’s family and a brave soldier, whose welfare was dear to

the heart of the Emperor, was sent at first to Agrah, his birthplace,

but on the pretext that he was unable to cope with Curaman, Jat, he

was soon replaced by Samsamu-d-daulah, Khan Dauran, also a native of

Agrah. Audh was given to Sarbuland Khan, the Emperor’s uncle by

marriage, and Allahabad to Khan Jahan (son of the late Khan Jahan,

Bahadur, Kokaltash, ‘Alamgiri). The latter had been recently re¬

moved from the Government of Bengal. His titles were now increased

to A‘azzu-d-daulah, Khan ‘Alam, Bahadur. Shahamat Khan (Mubariz

Khan) had lately held Mai wall in addition to Gujarat. Malwah was

now taken from him and given over to Rajah Jai Singh of Amber. To

conciliate the Rajah, he was told that he need not come to Court, but

might march straight from his own country to his new government.

‘Azimabad Patnah (Bihar) was confirmed, as before ’ to Husain ‘All

Khan, Amlru-l-umara ; his sister’s son, Ghairat Khan, who had been

left behind in charge, continuing to act as his deputy. Bengal was

conferred on the infant prince, the Emperor’s son, Farkhunda Bakht,

entitled Jahangir Shah, with the former dlwan , Murshid Quli Khan,

1 Mir Muhammad TakkI, HusainI, MazandaranI, Isfahan!, son of Sadat Khan,

wounded on the day of Farrukhsiyar’s deposition, in Rabl‘ 1131 H., February 1719,

and died a few days afterwards aged over eighty years — TariJch-i-Muhammadi.

8 Mhd. Khalil, entitled first Zabardast Khan, then ‘All Mardan Khan, Zlk, died

a little before the 9th JumadI I, 1125 H., 2nd June, 1713, Tdrikh-i- Muhammadi and

Kamwar Kh^n. For this family, see M.-ul-u., 1, 295-300, II, 795, and III, 155.

8 Clxabell Ram in MIrza Muhammad; sometimes Chabela Ram in other works.

157

1898.] W. Irvine — The Later Mughals (1707-1803).

as his deputy. The latter’s titles were increased to Ja‘far Khan,

Naslrl.1 In a few months’ time, when the infant died of small pox, the

subah was granted to Mir Jumlah, with the same deputy. To Orissa,

Murshid Quli Khan (Ja‘far Khan) was appointed §ubahdar in his own

name.2 * * * * *

For the six provinces making up the Dakhin special arrangements

were made. The supreme control of the whole country was confided to

Cin Qilic Khan (son of the late Ghazlu-d-dln Khan, Firuz Jang), who

on this occasion was created Nizamu-l-mulk, Bahadur, Fath Jang. He

was empowered to select the lands to he held in jagir for furnishing the

pay of himself and his followers, and to suggest the rank ( mansab ) to

he granted to the chief landholders. His headquarters were fixed at

Aurangabad. In Burhanpur his deputy was to be Shukr-ullali Khan, to

make room for whom Daud Khan, Panni, was removed as deputy-

governor to Ahmadabad in Gujarat; in the two Karnatak, Sa‘adat-ullah

Khan ; in Barar, ‘Iwaz Khan, who was married to the late Ghaziu-d-diu

Khan’s sister, and was, therefore, Nizamu-l-mulk’s uncle by marriage.

Bidar, Bijapur, and Haidarabad were to remain as before under Amin

Khan (son of Khan Zaman, Bahadur, Fatfy Jang, deceased), Mansur

Khan and Yusuf Khan respectively. Haidar Quit Khan, Isfaraini, a

protege of Mir Jumlah, was sent as dlwan of the whole Dakhin, with

authority over every department, except those of the Nazim, of the

report writers, and of the deciding of suits.8

The Sayyid brothers are generally accused of grasping all powTer

and office for themselves and friends to the exclusion of everybody else.

It is curious to note, after going through the chief appointments, that

this accusation should have so little foundation. Besides the two offices

which were the price of their services, they received the government

of two subahs for themselves and one for an uncle. They seem to have

1 MIrza Muhammad gives plainly enough, but generally it is written

nasiri or nusairi. Basin means “ the prudent,” “ the circumspect,” nasirit

“the ally,” “the helper,” and nusairi “faithful to ‘All as was Nusair,” or “one

ready to sacrifice his life out of devotion.” Anyone of these meanings would be

equally appropriate.

2 MIrza Muhammad, 174.

8 MIrza Mohammad, 177, KhafI Khan, II, 740. Biographies of some of the

above men will be found as follows. Daud Khan, Panni, d. 1127 H., 1715-16, (Ma’-

asiru-l-umara, II, 63). Sa'adat-ullah Khan, a Nawayat ( see Wilks, I, 242), died 1145

H., 1732-3, ( M-ul-u , II, 513). ‘ Iwaz Khan, d. 1143 H., 1730-1, ( M-ul-u , II, 832).

Amin lOian, d. 1137 H., 1724-5, ( M.-ul-u ., I, 352), fourth son of Shaikh Nizam, Khan

Zaman, d. 1108 H., 1696-7, (id. 1, 794), captor of Shambha JI, Mahrattah. Mansur

Khan was a ftdz Bahanl.

158

W. Irvine — The Later Muyhals (1707-1803).

[No. 2,

obtained very little else, while the Emperor’s friends and the Turani

chiefs obtained the lion’s share. A crowd of new men were thus

brought on the stage, and it is necessary for the sake of clearness that

we should say something about the most prominent of them, their

origin and antecedents.

7. 1‘timadu-daulah Muhammad AmIn Khan, Bahadur, Nusrat Jang.

Muhammad Amin Khan was a native of Samarqand in the king¬

dom of Bukhara. His grandfather, ‘A lam Shaikh, a learned man and

a descendant of the Shaikh Shahabu-d-din, Quraishi, Tarmani, Sadiqi,

of Sahrward, had two sons, Khwaja ‘Abid and Mir Bahau-d-din. The

elder son came to India and was the father of Grhaziu-d-din Khan.

Firuz Jang ; the second son, Mir Bahau-d-din, Muhammad Amin’s

father, entered the employ of the ruler of Bukhara, and was by him

executed on suspicion of complicity with his rebellious son. This event

happened about the year 1098 H. (1686-7), when Mir Muhammad

Amin must have been about twenty-five years of age. He escaped to

India and was favourably received by ‘Alamgir, then in the Dakhin, by

whom he was sent to serve with his cousin, Eiruz Jang. In the forty-

second year, 1109-10 H., 1697-8, when ‘Alamgir was anxious to find in

the Turanis a counterpoise to Asad Khan, the Wazir, and his son,

Zu-l-fiqar Khan, Muhammad Amin Khan was brought to Court and made

sadr , or head of the charitable and religious endowments. In 1115-16

H., 1704-5, and again in 1116-17 H., his rank was raised in reward for

military services, and in the very last year of ‘Alamgir’s reign

(1118 H.), after defeating the Mahrattahs, he received the special

addition of Cln Bahadur to his other titles. Although the Turanis had

not shown any great zeal for his rival, A‘zam Shah, still Bahadur Shah

did not receive them into the same favour as before. Muhammad Amin

Khan was sent to Muradabad as faujddr ; but towards the end of the

reign, he was brought back to headquarters, and took a leading part in

the campaign against the Sikhs. When Jahandar Shah decided to march

against Farrukhsiyar, Muhammad Amin Khan was recalled from Sah-

rind. He was present in Jahandar Shah’s ranks at Agrah, but as we

have related, took no serious part in the fighting. This betrayal was

now rewarded by his appointment to be second Bakhshi of the empire.

At this time he was about fifty-two years of age, and since the death

of Firuz Jang in 1122 H., 1710-11, he had become the acknowledged

leader of the Turani soldiery, his cousin, Cin Qilic Khan (Nizamu-1-

mulk), son of Firuz Jang, being about ten years his junior.1

1 Ma’ dsiru-l-umard, I, 346.

1898.] W. Irvine — The Later Mughals (1707-1803). 159

8. Samsamu-d-daulah, Khan Dauran, Bahadur, Mansur Jang.

Khwaja ‘Asim’s ancestors, emigrating from a village in Badakh-

shan, took np their residence in Agrah. Some followed the profession

of soldiering, others gained reputation as men of learning and holiness,

living secluded from the world. They were of the Naqshbandi sect.

His father’s name was Khwaja Qasim: and as his birth took place

about 1083 H., 1672-3, he was now about forty-two (lunar) years of age.

He began life as a trooper of Prince ‘Azimu-sh- shan’s regiment, and

when that prince, at the time of ‘Alamglr’s death, left Bengal for

Agrah, Khwaja ‘Asim remained with Farrukhsivar in the former

province. One author asserts that he had been a play-fellow of

Farrukhsiyar’s, but as he was at least eleven years older, this can hardly

be correct. His intimacy with the prince was founded, however, on his

joining him in wrestling, archery, riding, polo playing and other war¬

like exercises, of which Farrukhsivar was passionately fond. He soon

obtained such great influence with the young prince that the other

courtiers complained to ‘Azimu-sh-shan. The Khwaja was accordingly

sent for to head-quarters at Lahor. Soon after this, Bahadur Shah

died and Khwaja ‘Asim (now become Ashraf Khan) upon the death

of his master, ‘Azimu-sh-shan, fled to Agrah. Here Khwaja Ja‘far,

his elder brother, tried to make him renounce the world and thus

save his soul. For a time he stopped at home and occupied himself

with Shirazi pigeon-fancying and archery. When Farrukhsivar be¬

came next heir to the throne, Khwaja ‘Asim “ felt like a falcon newly

moulted.” He began to collect some men, but his doings were reported

to the governor. Being warned by a disciple of a resolve to seize him,

he fled at midnight in the disguise of a faqir. On reaching Patnah,

he was introduced by the two Sayyids to the prince, his former inti¬

macy with whom he is said to have concealed. From this point the part

he took has already appeared in our history.1

Khan Dauran was the perfect type of the Indian courtier, and

from this time until his death in 1151 H. 1738, he retained his position

at Court, whoever was in power. He is described as a man of smooth

plausible speech, with no learning and little knowledge of Persian,

prefixing to every sentence the catch word Mera sahib! (my good sir).

To conceal his limited acquaintance with Persian, he used to begin by

speaking in elegant Urdu, so that he might charm his hearers at the

outset and prevent their noticing his defective scholarship. He used

to say that for a man born in India to attempt to speak Persian was to

make himself ridiculous by his own act. But he could quote occasional-

1 M-ul-umard , I. 817, Ahivdlu-l-khawdqin, 496, Tdrikh-i-Muhammadi (year 1151 H.)

100

W. Irvine — The Later MugJials (1707-1803).

[No. 2,

ly with good effect Persian couplets or proverbs. An elder brother

had been formerly in the service of ‘Azimu-sh-shan and was killed in

the campaign in Bengal against Rahim Khan. Afghan. Much of Khan

Dauran’s prestige may have been derived from his commanding presence.

A contemporary tells us that when he walked up the audience hall with

a group of followers, his head would be seen towering far above the

others. From all accounts he and his brother, Muzaffar Khan, were

boasters of a most extravagant order, while their courage was more than

doubtful. At any rate, they rarely put it to the test. Khan Dauran

might, indeed, have qualified as a member of the Peace Society, for

whenever the subject was broached, he would ask, “ What is to be gained

by going to war ? ” He was one of those men, never absent from

Eastern courts, who do absolutely nothing, either in war or in peace,

as a return for the rank and wealth which have been showered upon

them. His hand was in every intrigue, and never without profit to

himself. Throughout his career, he was the favourer of the Hindustani

party in the State, the person through whom Jat or Rajput chiefs

put forward any claim they might wish to advance. Especially was

this the case with Rajah Jai Siugli, for whom as we shall see, Khan

Dauran obtained many favours.1 2

9. GrHAziu-D-DlN Khan, Ghalib Jang, (Ahmad Beg).

When Farrukhsiyar first reached ‘Azimabad Patnah, Shari ‘at-

ullah Khan (Mir Jumlah) and Khwaja ‘Asim (Khan Dauran) not

being present, Ahmad Beg became for a time his most active assistant

and principal confidant. He was one of the foster brothers of Jahandar

Shah,8 but having quarrelled with that prince on account of the pre¬

ference shown for ‘Ali Murad, Kokaltash Khan, he sought a refuge in

Bengal. When Farrukhsiyar’ s more particular favourites returned,

they supplanted Ahmad Beg in the prince’s good graces, and from that

time he seems to have fallen a good deal into the back ground. Ahmad

Beg, a man of Turani race,3 was born about 1076 H. 1665-6. From the

scantiness of his beard, he bore the nickname of Kosah, or Goatbeard. 4 * * *

His further part in history is confined to two occasions, the day of

1 Ma? dsiru-l-umard, T, 819, Yahya Khan, 1196., Ashob, 73.

2 Yahya Khan, 119a, says he was the nawdsah (daughter’s son) of Qaim Beg,

Shahjahani.

3 The Ahwdlu-l-Jchawdqin, 61a, gives him the epithet of Ashtarlab {?).

4 The epithet is borne ont by a portrait that I saw lately at Mr. Qnaritch’s (one

of the drawings mentioned on the cover of his catalogue No. 155, December 1895).

Ghalib Jang is shown seated, and is dressed in a pale mauve coat of thin muslin.

His beard consists of four or five short, straight hairs.

1898.]

W. Irvine — The Later Mughals (1707-1803).

161

Farrukhsiyar’s deposition, when he fought in the streets on his master’s

behalf, and again at the time when he took the side of Qutbu-l-mulk,

after the murder of Husain ‘ All Khan. When Muhammad Shah

• ■ — —

pardoned him, it was proposed to take away his title of Ghalib Jang,

as it liad been granted to a brother of Lutf-ullah Khan, Sadiq. Grhaziu-

d-din Khan made loud objection, and claimed that, as both he and the

new “ Conqueror in War ” were present, they should fight it out in

single combat, the victor becoming in both senses “ Ghalib-i-jang.” The

emperor smiled and left him in undisturbed possession. He died on

the 12th Safar, 1139 H., (8th October, 1726), at the age of sixty-three

(lunar) years.1

10. Mir Jumlah.

The name of this man, a native of Samarqand in Turan, was

‘ Ubaid-ullah,2 son of Mir Muhammad Wafa, and he was born about

the year 1081 H., 1 670- J . Early in life he abandoned bis native country

and repaired to Hindustan, where lie arrived in the reign of ‘ Alamgir.

He obtained in time the post of Qazi at Jahangirnagar Dhakah in subah

Bengal, and finally the same office at ‘ Azimabad Patnah in subah

Bihar. He seems to have wormed himself into the confidence of Prince

‘Azimu-sh-shan, then Governor of Bengal and Bihar, and to have ob¬

tained complete control over the mind of his second son, Earrukhsiyar.

He was with Prince ‘Azimu-sh-shan at Lah5r, and as we have already

stated, was making his way eastwards to Farruklisiyar when he met

and joined that prince at Agrah. He had secured himself a very

favourable reception by his successful negociations with the Turani

leaders in Jahandar Shah’s army. Erom this time his name will recur

frequently in our narrative. Plis titles were first Shari‘at-ullah Khan,

then Tbad-ullah Khan, Bahadur, Muzaffar Jang, and finally Muta‘midu-

-1-mulk, Mu‘azzam Khan, Khan Kbanan, Bahadur, Muzaffar Jang, Mir

Jumlah, Tarkhani, Sultani. He is described by one writer as a man

who, in spite of his great learning, was blind to the essential meaning

of things.3

11. Nizamu-l-mdlk.

Perhaps the most important person in the group of men that rose

into the very first rank upon Farrukhsiyar’s accession, was Uizamu-

-1-mulk, now a man of nearly forty-three (lunar) years of age, who

1 Ma’ asiru-l-umard II, 879, Tdrikh-i-Mhdi., year 1139 H.

2 The Ma' asiru-l-umard has “ ‘Abd-nlltih ’* and “ ‘Ibad-ullah.” Th commonest

form is MJjtXxAP which may be either ‘Abid-ullah or ‘Ubaid-ullah.

3 Ma' asiru-l-umard, III, 711, T-i-Mhdl, year 1144 H., Ahwdlu-l-khawdqin , 61a.

J. i. 21

162

W. Irvine — The Later Mughals (1707-1803).

[No. 2,

was already a distinguished soldier and provincial governor, even in

‘Alamglr’s reign. Hitherto, however, he had been overshadowed by his

father, Grhaziu-d-dln Khan, Firuz Jang, who had died only two years

before this time, and by his cousin, a much older man, Muhammad Amin

Khan, Cm, Bahadur. But on Nizamu-l-mulk’s appointment in 1125 H.

(1713) to the six siibahs of the Dakhiu, he rose to a position of pre¬

eminence, which he never for one moment lost till his death in 1161 H.

(1748), thirty-five years afterwards.

As stated a few pages back, when speaking of Muhammad Amin

Khan, the family of Nizamu-l-mulk came from Samarqand. His great

grand-father was ‘Alam Shaikh, son of Allahdad, son of ‘Abdu-r-

rahman, Shaikh ‘Azizan.1 They are said to have come originally from

Sahrward. Khwaja ‘Abid, son of ‘Alam Shaikh, moved to Bukhara,

where be was first of all Qazi, then Shaikhu-l-islam. A year or two

before ‘ A lamgir ascended the throne ( 1066-7 H., 1655-6), he passed

through India on his way to Mecca. He returned at the time when

‘Alamgir was about to start from the Dakhin to seize his father’s

tbrone. ‘Alamgir accepted his services and gave him a high command.

He filled various offices, such as that of $adarat-i-kull , or superin¬

tendent of endowments, governor of Ajmer, then of Multan. In the

twenty-fourth year (1091-2 H., 1680-1) he fell into disgrace, but was

soon pardoned and again given the $adarat-i-kull. A year afterwards

he was sent to the Dakhin, and then in the twenty-ninth year ( 1096-7 H.,

1684-5), he became governor of Zafarabad Bidar. He continued to

serve with distinction in the Dakhin, until on the 24th Rabi‘ I. 1098 H.

(30th January, 1687), at the siege of Gulkandah, he was shot in the

arm and died of the wound. In the twenty-third year (1690-1) he had

received the title of Qilic Khan. He had five sons, the two youngest

of whom died comparatively early in life without rising very high.

The second and third sons, Mu‘izzu-d-daulab, Hamid Klian, and Nasiru-

d-daulah, ‘Abdu-r-rahim Khan, were men of some fame and distinction.

1 The table (furnished by the present Nizam) in J. D. B. Gribble’s “History of

the Deccan,” I, 380, gives the same steps in the genealogy thus : —

Nizamu-l-mulk, Asaf Jah,

I

Firuz Jang

. I

Mir ‘Abid (Qilic Khan),

I

Khwaja Mir Isma'il

I

Khwaja ‘Azizan (Aluna)

Mhd ‘Alam Shaikh, Sadiqi ‘Ulvi,

and so on, back to Muhammad, son of Abu Bakr, in the 33rd generation.

W. Irvine — The Later Muahals (1707-1803).

163

1898.]

But the greatest of all was the eldest son, Ghaziu-d-din Khan, Firuz

Jang, and to him we now turn.

Mir Shahabu-d-din was born at Samarqand about the year 1060 H.

(1649-50) ; and followed his father to India in the twelfth year of

‘Alamgir ( 1079-80 H., 1668-9), when he was in his nineteenth or

twentieth year. He received the rank of 300 Zat, 70 horse. His

special favour with ‘Alamgir began ten years later when, at the peril of

his life, he brought speedy information from a general who had been

sent in pursuit of the Rana into the hills of Udaipur, and of whose

safety no tidings could be obtained. For this service he obtained the

title of Khan and from that time rose rapidly, especially after he had

proved his loyalty by rejecting all advances from the emperor’s rebel

son, Prince Akbar. He accompanied the emperor into the Dakhin

and took part in all the campaigns there for the succeeding five and

twenty years. He conquered Ibrahimgarh-Ekar (also called Firuz-

garh) ; was conspicuous in the taking of ■ Haidarabad ; AdonI (Imti-

yaz-gark) also fell before him. He was sent against (Jambhaji, son of

fivaji, in 1099-1100 H. (1687-8), and served against Deogarh

(Islamgark), which he captured. In the forty-eighth year, 1115-16 H.,

1703-4, he pursued the Mahrattahs into Malwah. At the time of

‘Alamgir’ s death in 1118H., 1707, he was at Elicpur, in charge of

the subah of Barar. As we have already recounted (under Bahadur

Shah’s reign), he took no part in the war of succession between A‘zam

Shah and Bahadur Shah. The Turanis were not in favour with the

victor, Bahadur Shah, and thus Firuz Jang was moved out of the

Dakhin, where he was dangerous, to the government of Ahmad abad

in Gujarat. There he died on the 17th Shawwal 1 L22 H. (8th December,

1710) at the age of sixty- two (lunar) years. He held the rank of 7,000

zat. Following the usual Mughal system, his estate was confiscated on

his death. It consisted of 1| lakhs of rupees in bills on bankers,

133,000 gold muhrs , 25,000 Hun (gold) and mm-paoli (gold), 17,000

gold Paoli, 400 adhell (half) and 8,000 whole silver Paoli , 140 horses,

300 camels, 400 oxen and 38 elephants.

Ghaziu-d-din Khan is described as the most exceptionally gifted

among the Turani nobles, good-natured, dignified, fortunate in war and

an excellent administrator. His first wdfe was the daughter of Sa‘d-ul-

lah Khan,1 Wazir of Shahjahan ; after her death he married in succes¬

sion two of her nieces, daughters of her brother, Hifz-ullah Khan

(Miyan Khan), but by these two wives he had no children. For the

last twenty years of his life he was totally blind, his sight having been

1 S. K. died 1066 H., 1665-6, see M-ul-u, II, 441 and T-i-Mhdi, year 1066 H.

164

W. Irvine — The Later Mu a hats (1707-1803).

[No. 2,

destroyed by an epidemic which raged in the army under his command.

In spite of this privation, his active career continued as before ; such a

case having been until then unknown in India, of a blind man continu¬

ing to command an army in the field or govern a province.

Mir Qamaru-d-dm, son of Ghaziu-d-din Khan by the daughter of

Shahjahan’s Wazir, Sa‘d-nllah Khan, was born on the 14th Rabi‘ II.

1082 H., (11th August, 1671). 1 In 1095 H. (1682-3) when in his thirteenth

year, he received as his first appointment in the service of the state,

the rank of 400 zat, 100 horse. In the following year the title of Khan

was added to his name. In 1101 or 1102H., (1690-1), he received the

title of Cin Qilic Khan, and at ‘Alamgir’s death in 1118 H., 1707, he

was governor of Bijapur. His father and he took no part in the contest

for the throne between the sons of ‘Alamgir : and when Bahadur Shah

had succeeded in defeating his rival, he removed the Turanis from the

Dakhin, possibly on the advice of Zii-l-fiqar Khan, who looked on them as

his personal enemies. Ghaziu-d-din Khan. Firuz Jang, was sent to Ahma-

dabad in Gujarat, Muhammad Amin Khan, Cin, went to Muradabad a3

faujdar and Cin Qilic Khan was appointed Subahdar of Audh and faujdar

of Gorakhpur (15th Ramazan, 1119 H., 9th December, 1707). At the same

time the title of the last named was changed to that of Khan Dauran,

Bahadur, and he was raised to 6000 zat , 6000 horse. A few weeks after¬

wards (5th Zu-1-Qacdah, 27th January, 1708), he resigned all his titles

and appointments ; but at the desire of Mun‘im Khan, the Wazir, he

withdrew his resignation and wras promoted to 7,000 zat , 7,000 horse.

When his father died and the deceased’s property was confiscated, Cin

Qilic Khan (Khan Dauran as he then was) sent in his resignation

afresh, 18tli Zu-l-Hijjah 1122 H., 6th February, 1711 ; this time it was

accepted, and 4,000 rupees a year were granted for his support. Quite

at the end of Bahadur Shah’s reign, he returned to the active list with

the titles of Ghaziu-d-din Khan, Bahadur, Firiiz Jang. On Bahadur

Shah’s death, he attempted to espouse the cause of ‘Azimu-sh-shan,

1 In many works there is a curious mistake as to Nizamu-l-mulk’s age. He is

said to have died in 1161 H., ( 1748), at the age of one hundred and four years.

Orme, “ Military Transactions,” Madras reprint, I, 122, is the first to make this

statement. Orme was in Madras at the time of the Nizam’s death (1748), and ought

to have known the truth; but then he had no knowledge of Persian and no access

to written authorities. Grant Duff, “ History of the Mahrattahs,” Bombay reprint,

265, repeats the statement, probably copying from Orme. Grant Duff was acquaint¬

ed with both the Ma? dsiru-l-umard, and the Khizdnah-i-' amir ah. a reference to

either of which would have shown him that Nizamu-l-mulk’s birth year was 1082 H. ;

and therefore, in 116 L H., when he died, he could have been no more than 79 lunar

or 77 solar years of age. This is the age given by Elphinstone, “ History,” 64 1.

1898.]

W. Irvine — The Later Muahals (1707-1803).

165

who long before bad promised him high office, and he had made one

march from Dihli at the head of 3,000 or 4,000 men, when he heard of

the prince’s death. Thereupon he discharged his men and retired into

private life. ‘Abdu-s-samad Khan was the brother-in-law of his cousin,

Muhammad Amin Khan, and this man’s services to Zu-l-fiqar Khan had

been so great, that on his account Cm Qilic Khan’s hostile attitude was

overlooked. Towards the end of Jahandar Shah’s short reign, he was

appointed to the defence of Agrah. There he and his cousin were

brought over to Farrukhsiyar’s interest, as already related, through

Shari‘at-ullah Khan (Mir Jumlah), and as a reward for his neutrality

he was now made governor of the whole Dakhin, with the new titles

first of Khan Khanan, and then of Nizamu-l-mulk, Bahadur, Fatlj.

Jang.1

LIST OF AUTHORITIES.

(In addition to those formerly given).

Printed Books (European Languages).

1. Orme— History of the Military Transactions in Indostan,

3 vols. 8 vo. (Reprint of edition of 1803), Madras, 1861.

2. Grant Duff. — History of the Mahrattahs, by James Grant Duff,

3rd ed., 8vo., Bombay 1873.

3. Carr Stephen. — Archgeology and Monumental Remains of Delhi.

8vo., Simla, Ludhianah and Calcutta, 1876.

4. Gribble. — A History of the Deccan by J. D. B. Gribble, 8vo.,

London, 1896.

Lithographed Books (Persian).

1. Khizanah-i-^amirah by Ghulam ‘All, Bilgrami (Azad), composed

1176 H., 1762, pp. 462, Kanhpur (Naval Kishor), 1871.

2. Camanistan of Anand Ram, Mukhlis (composed 1159 H., 1746),

pp. 68, 8vo., Lakhnau (Naval Kishor), 1294 H., Novem¬

ber 1877.

Manuscripts (Persian).

1. Dasturu-l-lamal, British Museum, Ms. No. 6598.

2. Dasturu-l-‘‘avial) British Museum, Ms. No. 1690.

1 Fath Jang is the title by which he is most commonly referred to by KhafI

Khan. MIrza Muhammad, 399, is the authority for Khan Khanan. For the rest of

the above paragraphs, see Met dsiru-l-umard, III, 120 (Qilic Khan), II, 872, (FIruz

Jang), III, 837 and 875-883 (Nizamu-l-mulk), also Tdrikh-i-Khurshzd-Jdhi , p. 372

(lithographed, Haidarabad, 1287 H.), Madsir-i-'Alamgm, 242, 249, 259, 340, and Kam-

War Khan.

166 W. Irvine — The Later Mughals (1707-1803). [No. 2,

3. Shiit Das, — Munavviru-l-kaldm , by S. D. composed c. 1134 H.,

1722-3, British Museum, Oriental, Ms. No. 26.

4. Rustam '‘All. — Tarikh-i-hindi by Rustam ‘All, Shahabadi, com¬

posed 1154 H., 1741-2, British Museum, Oriental Ms.

No. 1628.

5. Mirdtu-l-Istildh by Anand Ram, Mukhlis composed 1157 H.,

1744-5, British Museum, Oriental Ms. No. 1813.

6. Ashdb. — Tdrlkh-i-shahddat-i-Farrukhssyar-o-julus-i-Muhammad.

Shah, by Muhammad Bakhsh. Ashob, composed 1198 H., 1783-4,

India Office Library, Ms. No. 250, 251 and B. M. Or. 1832.

1898.] C. R. Wilson — An unrecorded Governor of Bengal.

167

An unrecorded Governor of Fort William in Bengal. — By C. R.

Wilson, -M. A.

[ Read April, 1898. ]

It is well known that the commonly received lists of the early

Governors of Bengal are very imperfect. Quite recently, in 1888, Mr.

F. C. Danvers, Registrar and Superintendent of the India Office Records,

drew np a statement and memorandum tracing the Bengal Chiefs,

Agents, and Governors, from the earliest dates. Yet even he has

failed to notice the Governor of whose history this paper is intended

to be a brief record. He was, it is true, Governor for little more than

a single day, but his life more than covers the interval between

Charnock and Clive, and the man himself is an interesting personality

in the factory period.

Edward Stephenson1 was born in Cumberland in the year 1691,

his baptism being recorded in the parish register of Crosth waite under

the date of the 8th October of that year. His father was Edward

Stephenson of Keswick. Through his mother Rebecca, he was con¬

nected with the Winders of Lorton and of the City of London. The

pedigree of the Winders of Lorton has been investigated with great

care by Mr. F. A. Winder of Southsea, Portsmouth,2 to whom I am

indebted for much of the information which follows. Here it will be

sufficient to say that John Winder of Lorton, who died in May, 1696,

left behind a numerous family among whom were his eldest son and

heir John Winder, barrister-at-law of Gray’s Inn ; Samuel Winder, a

merchant at Mark Lane, London; Jonathan Winder, his third son, who

entered the New East India Company’s service, and was from 1705 to

1707 one of the two Chairmen of the United Council in Bengal ; and

Rebecca who married, as has been said, Edward Stephenson of Keswick,

by whom she had two sons, Edward and John, and a daughter, Debora.

1 He signs “ Edwd. Stephenson,” and so the India Office Records always spell

the name. The parish register has “ Steavenson.”

* See his paper on the subject in Yol. X1Y. of the Transactions of the Cum¬

berland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society.

168

C. R. Wilson — An unrecorded Governor of Bengal. [No. 2,

On the 3rd November, 1708, the Court of Directors of the East

India Company read a petition from Edward Stephenson, then seventeen

years old “ praying to be entertained a writer in the Bay or elsewhere,”

and ordered the Committee of Accounts to examine the petitioner’s

qualifications.1 On the 24th November Edward Stephenson was elected

a writer in the Company’s service.2 On the 17th December following,

Mr. Samuel and Mr. Jonathan Winder were accepted as securities for

Edward Stephenson in £500. 3 Edward Stephenson arrived in Bengal

on the 2nd February, 1710. 4 In the seventy-fifth paragraph of a letter

from Bengal to the Court of Directors dated the 10th December, 1712,

he was specially commended.5 On this account he was advanced one

year in service and accordingly became a Factor on the 2nd February,

1714.6 In a list of the Company’s servants drawn up in November,

1711, he appears as Sub- Accountant.

On the 5th January, 1714, he was elected third in the embassy to

Delhi.7 On the 26th February he was given two hundred and fifty

rupees to provide himself with clothes and necessaries.8 In April the

boats which carried the present for Farrukhsiyar were sent up the

river to Patna, and Stephenson must have left Calcutta at the same

time or soon after.9 When the Surman Diary opens in August,

1714, we find him with John Surman in Patna preparing to start

for the Mogul Court. On the 6th April, 1715, the embassy actually

began its journey. On the 7 f h July it made its entry into Delhi.10

The next two years were spent in long, tedious, but successful

negotiations. After many disappointments Farrukhsiyar and his

vizier, Sayyid ‘Abdu-llali Khan, were prevailed upon to issue a

number of imperial rescripts and orders increasing and securing the

commercial privileges of the English in every part of India. In his

1 See Court Book XLIII., p. 231.

2 See Court Book XLIII., p. 275.

8 See Court Book XLIII., p. 344.

4 See the lists of the Company’s servants which come at the end of the

volumes of Consultations in the India Office Records.

5 This letter is lost, but an abstract of it will be found in the Correspondence

Papers, Yol. I., 1713 to 1715.

6 See Bengal General, dated 13th January, 1713 ( i.e ., 1714), para. S8.

1 See Bengal Public Consultations of that date. On further discussion, Khojah

Sarhad being appointed second, John Pratt became third, and Stephenson, Secre¬

tary. Finally Pratt withdrew and on the 4th March Stephenson was ayain appointed

third.

8 See Bengal Public Consultations of that date.

9 lb.

1° See the Surman Diary under the dates given.

169

1898.] C. R. Wilson — An unrecorded Governor of Bengal.

old age Stephenson was consulted by Orme about the history of this

embassy in which he played no small part and of which he was in 1765

the sole survivor. On the 18th July, 1717, the embassy left Delhi and

returned to Calcutta on the 22nd November.1

From the embassy Stephenson went to Balasor to be Chief of the

local factory ; but in July, August, 1718, he was transferred to the

Council at Patna of which he became Chief on the 25th June, 1719. 2 In

September, 1720, he was confirmed in this appointment, and given a

gratuity of £300 for his services in connection with the embassy.2

After eight years of uneventful service, first as Chief at Patna,

and afterwards as Chief at Cassimbazar, he was suddenly called

upon to fill the highest post of all. “ On Friday, the 23rd August,

1718,” says the Consultations Book, “the Hon. Henry Frankland,

Esq., late President, having, after a sickness of about twelve days,

departed this life at one o’clock this morning, and the Worshipful

Edward Stephenson, Esq., being next in succession, who is now

Chief at Cassimbazar, it is unanimously agreed that we despatch

a pair of qasids to advise him that thereby the government of this

place devolves on him.” The Consultations Book continues the story

on Tuesday the 17th September. “ This morning at nine o’clock the

Hon. Edward Stephenson, Esq., arrived here from Cassimbazar and took

his place at this board as President and Governor of Fort William in

Bengal to which he succeeds by the death of our late President, the

Hon. Henry Frankland, Esq., and accordingly the commission and keys

of the fort were now delivered him.” His rule was short. On the

evening of Wednesday the 18th John Deane who had already held

supreme authority, from 1723 to 1726, returned from England and

resumed his former position. “ At eight o’clock in the night arrived

here John Deane, Esq., who produced the Honorable Company’s

commission for appointing him President and Governor of all their

affairs in Bengal ; which commission was rend in the Consultation Room,

Fort William, in the presence of all the Company’s servants, &c., and

accordingly the keys of the fort were delivered to him by Edward

Stephenson, Esq.” 4

1 See the Surman Diary and the Bengal Public Consultations of the dates given.

8 See Bengal Public Consultations as before. S J&.

4 No notice of these changes is to be found in any of our authorities. Even

Mr. Danvers in bis carefully compiled list of Bengal Governors has omitted Edward

Stephenson and the second governorship of John Deane. According to him Henry

Frankland assumed office on the 30th January, 1726, and returned to Europe on the

25th February, 1732. Whereas, as I have said, Henry Frankland died on the 23rd

August, 1728, and was succeeded by Edward Stephenson, who after actually holding

office for a day and a half was superseded by John Deane on the night of the 18th

J. i. 22

170 C. R. Wilson — An unrecorded Governor of Bengal. [No. 2,

Stephenson accordingly returned to Cassimbazar where he remained

another year. At the end of 1729 he resigned the chiefship of that

place, and came down to Calcutta, whence he sailed for England on the

Eyles at the beginning of 1730.1

It was probably after his return home that “ Governor Stephenson

married the lady whose death on the 24th February, 1744, is recorded

in the Gentleman’s Magazine.8 In 1764 Orme, who was collecting

materials for the second volume of his history wrote as follows to

Stephenson8 : —

“Concerning the embassy to Furruckseer.

To Mr. Stevenson.

Sir,

It is not impossible that you may have seen my work of the military

transactions in India, and if your opinion of it has induced you to wish for

the continuance of it, my present requests to you will carry their excuse

with them ; otherwise this intrusion will scarce admit of an apology.

In order to explain the late revolutions in Bengal, it appears to me

absolutely necessary to explain the embassy to Furruckshir on which you

went with Mr. Surman. These papers are in the India house where I am

suffered to peruse them, but from whence I am not permitted to take them.

As I am very infirm it is very seldom that I can go there, and when there,

my attention is distracted by the variety of clerks and business, which sur¬

round me. If you have these papers in your possession, I shall be very

much obliged to you for the loan of them for a few days. I will take great

care of them, and return them punctually at the limited time. Should you

be induced to comply with this request I beg the favour you will omit no

scrap however insignificant in appearance, for it has often happened that a

few words lead to very material knowledge.

I have always looked upon the Phirmaunds, which you obtained from

Furuckshir, as the Magna Charter of the Company until of late years. It is

true that the great Phirmaund, as published by Mr. Frazer, seems to imply

a general permission of trading to all places in all articles. But I much

doubt whether the Mogul ever intended that we should extend our sales

beyond what was importation from foreign parts, or our purchases beyond

what was intended for exportation. At least I am sure that all the while

I was in Bengal, no Englishman dared to trade in salt, beetle or tobacco,

and if they carried any others of the productions of the country from one

port to another of the province of Bengal, they were permitted only because

the profits were known to be very small and not worth the attention of the

September. It was John Deane who, having thus become a second time Governor

returned to Europe on the 25th February, 1732,

1 See Bengal Public Consultations,

8 Gentleman’s Magazine for 1744, p. 108.

8 Orme Co elections XV. Letter from Mr. Orme to Mr. Stevenson, pp. 4131-4133.

1898.] C. R. Wilson— An unrecorded Governor of Bengal.

171

natives to make a quarrel about. I should be glad, therefore, to know from

you, Sir, who are the only man alive that can tell me, whether these restric¬

tions were not intended, although they may not be expressed in the Phir-

maund.

It was a report whilst I was in Bengal that you had obtained from the

Mogul an addition of 84 villages to the ground which contained all the

Company’s territory ten years ago ; that is from Perrin gs to Surman’s

garden: but that the Nabob Jaffeir Khan set his face against this accession

of territory, and would not suffer the company to take possession of it. It

was likewise a common talk, that Mr. Surman offended Jaffeir Khan on his

return from Delhi, by asserting that the title of his Munsub being higher

than the Nabob’s, the Nabob ought in some ceremonies, which were to pass

between them, to give him the precedence. I was young when in Bengal

and never thinking of the work I am now engaged in, took these stories as

they were told at table talk, and having forgot one half of the particulars,

have little confidence in, nor indeed a clear idea of the rest. But by the

Phirmaund published by Mr. Frazer it appears that the Mogul only granted

40 vingas, that is about 30 acres of ground to any settlements which the

Company might make in Bengal or Orissa. So that the 84 villages must

have been, if granted at all, in a separate Phirmaund.

Again, Sir, I should be glad to know what particular and extraordinary

oppressions from the Government the Company suffered, to induce them to

be at the expense of your embassy.

It was in consequence of great oppressions that in the year 1685, the

old Company sent out an armanent and ordered Job Chanock to fight. The

papers of old date which came from abroad, are in such extreme confusion

at the India House, that there is no possibility of divining where Job Cha-

nock’s letter to the Company, informing them of his expedition, lies ; so that

I despair of ever seeing it. Perhaps, Sir, you by being ill’ India, not many

years after that event, may be able to give some account of it. Where he

marched from and to ; whom he fought ; and the success ; which by a letter,

wrote by the Directors after the expedition, seems to have been no wise

satisfactory to them.

I am far from expecting that you should be at the trouble of giving me

in writing all the details concerning the informations I want ; but an hour’s

conversation with you will, I hope, be deemed no unreasonable request,

although I am a perfect stranger to you. If, therefore, y<5U will permit me

to wait on you the first time you come to town, I shall be much obliged for

notice the day before, when I can have the pleasure of seeing you at your

house in Queen Square. All I can say, Sir, is, that as you are the only

person living who can give me these informations, my obligation will be

equal to the difficulty of obtaining them elsewhere, very great indeed.

I am, Sir, with much respect,

Your very obedient humble Servant,

Harley Street, Cavendish Square, R. ORME.”

August 4 th, 1764.

172 C. R. Wilson — An unrecorded Governor of Bengal. [No. 2i

From this it would appear that Edward Stephenson at this time

resided chiefly in the country, perhaps at Borfield Lodge, Essex, and

only occasionally came to town where he had a house in Queen’s

Square. Orme has preserved the following “ memorandums of a con¬

versation1 : ”

“ Memorandums of a conversation with Edward Stephenson, Esq., who went on

the Embassy to Furruckseer ; taken on the same day I visited him

January 17th, 1765.

He says that all the Lands in a province in Indostan excepting such as

are governed by Rajahs, consist either of Colsa lands or Jagueers.

Jagueers are lands given to the Nabobs, Phousdars, or other Officers of

the State, by the Crown, to be held only during their administration or

continuance in favour, of which lands the temporary Lord receives the

revenues or advantages, on condition that he keeps up the number of horse

at which his Munsub or title of nobility is rated, and likewise the number

of foot which are always in one settled proportion attached to the number

of horse, this Mr. Stephenson believes to be double. So that a Munsub of

4,000 horse is to maintain besides those 4,000 horse, 8,000 foot, and he

receives the rents of his Jagueer without deductions or taxes due to the

Crown.

The Colsa lands are such as being neither governed by Rajahs, nor

portioned into Jagueers remain to the Moorish Government to be admi¬

nistered by their own officers. All the Colsa lands are under the adminis¬

tration of the Du an, who farms them out to Renters for 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, etc.

years, and the rents forthcoming from them are brought by the Duan into

his account with the Emperor.

The territories governed by Rajahs are for the most part the same,

which the ancestors of these Rajahs ruled at the time of conquest. It

sometimes likewise has happened that Rajahs, who for the convenience of

the Government, have been removed out of their hereditary lands, have been

placed in other vacant territories.

These Rajahs govern according to the ancient institutions of their

forefathers over the Indians their subjects; but over Mahomedans estab-

ished in their territory they have not except by particular permission any

authority of life or corporal punishment, for a Mahomedan always calls

upon the Koran and the Cadi who is the interpreter of the Koran for this

[his] Judge.

The Rajahs pay the stipulated tribute to the Duan.

The Duan therefore must be an officer of very great power, equal almost

to the Nabob, His functions are :

1st. Supreme authority over the Colsah lands in all cases where the

land is concerned.

i Orme Collections O. V. 12, pp. 107-109.

1898.] C. R. Wilson — An unrecorded Governor of Bengal. 173

2nd. Receiver general of all the Customs established in the Mogul’s

name. In the Jagueer lands the Nabob or Jaggueer Lord

collects the customs, but cannot impose them in detriment

to the interests of the Crown, against the will of the Duan.

In the Rajahs’ lands the Rajahs have likewise the same rights

as the Nabobs in the Jaggueer lands; but with the same

limitations.

3rd. He is Agent for the Crown or rather Executor to the estates of

all the feudatories who die.

The dependance which the Duan has on the Nabob consists in being

obliged to apply to him for forces, for keeping in order the Rajahs or the

Colsah inhabitants who do not regularly and punctually pay their debts to

the Crown.”

Whether Orme ever saw Stephenson again, whether they ever

talked upon any other points, I cannot say, but perhaps Stephenson

was too infirm to enter into lengthy discussions. Three years later, on

the 7th September, 1768, “ Governor ” Stephenson died at his house in

Queen’s Square ;l * and was buried in the family vault at Keswick in

Cumberland.8 He left no will and the administration of his property

was granted on the 23rd September “ to John Stephenson, Esq., the

natural and lawful brother and next of kin of the said deceased.” 3 John

Stephenson died in 1771, aged 72, at Mount Pleasant.4 * He left a very

lengthy will, of which the most important provisions are the fol¬

lowing6 : —

I, John Stephenson, late of East St., Red Lion Square, London, but now

of Tottenham High Cross, Esquire, make my will. Body to be burried in

my family vault at Keswick, Cumberland, where my late brother Edward

Stephenson is interred. I give and bequeath, unto Rev. Mr. Christian of

Keswick, clerk, £50 ; to Henry Littledale gent, £500 ; to William Battie,

doctor of Physic, £20; my steward Joseph Clarke of Bodybury, Kent, Han¬

nah Wilson of Keswick, my Steward William Graham of Sikeside, Cumber¬

land, Hannah Basford, John Fletcher, (servant of my son Edward Stephen¬

son) each £20 for mourning. To Anthony Askew, of Queen’s Square, London,

doctor of physic, and my cousin Rowland Stephenson, of Lombard St.,

London, Banker, my two Executors, £500 each. To James Farrer, of Bread

St. Hill, gent, and Thomas Lewis of Theobald’s Row, London, carpenter, my

Trustees, £500, each.

William Battie and Anthony Askew to have care of my son. To James

Farrer and Thomas Lewis, heirs and assigns, all my freehold and copyhold ;

1 See Gentleman’s Magazine for 1768, Yol. 38, pp. 447, 494.

* See the Will of John Stephenson given below.

3 P. C.C., A. A. 1768.

4 Gentleman’s Magazine for 1771, p. 239.

6 Proved 1771. P. C. C. Trevor, No. 230.

174 C. R. Wilson — An unrecorded Governor of Bengal. [No. 2,

manors, messuages, lands, etc., for uses herein after expressed :—viz :

£1000 yearly for use and support of Edward Stephenson, my son, during

life and heirs . if my son die without issue ... then to Anthony Askew,

For these details I am indebted to Mr. F. A. Winder, who also tells

me that Edward Stephenson built “ Governor House,” Keswick, and

that a descendant of the family is still living in Paris at a place called

“ Governor’s House.” The following inscription is cut in stone on the

chancel floor of Crosth waite Parish Church.

“ Edward Stephenson, Esquire,

“ late Governor

“ of Bengal.

“ ObK Sep. 7, 17ti8.

“ iEtat. 77.”

1898.] H. P. Shastri — Discovery of a woi'k by Aryadeva.

175

The discovery of a work by AryadBva in Sanskrit. — By Mahamahopadhyaya

Haraprasad Shastri, Professor of Sanskrit , Presidency College.

[Read January, 1898.]

When in Nepal I paid a visit to His Excellency Deva Shamsher

Jang Rana Bahadur, Comraander-in-Chief of the Nepal Army. At the

interview were present a Hindu Pandit and a Buddhist Bsda. There was

a collection of Manuscripts and I was asked by His Excellency if I knew

anything of these Manuscripts. There were some volumes of the fata-

sahasrika-prajna-paramita, a MS. of the Astasahasrika-prajna-para-

mita written in the reiga of Ramapala who is said to have been a king

of Eastern Bengal and who reigned about the year 1000 A.D. ; a

MS. of a work on the influence of the heavenly bodies on human diseases*

But there was a bundle of palm-leaves which I could not identify at

first sight. It had no beginning and apparently no end. I solicited

the permission of His Excellency to give me an opportunity of examin¬

ing the MS., once more. It was therefore deposited with the Head

Master of the Durbar School, Babu Phanibhusana Adhikari. I called

on him a few days later, examined the MS. very carefully and took a copy

of it in Bengali. It was written iti old Nevari and was in many places

altogether obliterated. The first leaf was missing. There were eight

leaves from 2 to 9 but the obverse side of the 7th was altogether ille¬

gible. There were altogether 125 verses from 6 to 131. Of the 6th verse

only the last two caranas remain. Of the 3rd carana the first letter

was missing. That letter I had no difficulty in guessing. It was Ma

because the second leaf begins with the letters hay Hue. After the 131st

verse the following statement occurs.

Pnfacw i fsm; htjbt: sufapti «r«rr i

The name of the work is not given but it is stated in the colophon

that it was the work of Aryadeva a name familiar to every reader of

Buddhist Literature, and especially of the Siyuki. He was a disciple

176

H. P. Shastrl — Discovery of a ivorTc by Aryadeva. [No. 2,

of Nagarjuna and one of those great men who helped the spread of the

Mahayana doctrines of Buddhism. Beal says, “ he had a great contempt

for external forms of worship. ‘A Spirit’ he said, is ‘ Spiritnul.’ We are

not surprised to find therefore, that his teaching was of a mystical

character.” I find, the same thing exemplified before me. Thus he

speaks of the bathing in the Ganges in my Manuscript : —

5KJ fiUTSt fraf'ereftcr: I

*r aif ^r?ff n i ® 11

•gsrs i^r: i

fwtsfir *r n <(» 11

Bereft Ji^x^ri gfsflvfir i

cTQJTcT g fttlpw || II

bwt *r%<r ^xifai senw i

aft’ERi w^jrft’rng srsit i u

*rcft n n

Thus this lump (of flesh, meaning the human body) is produced

by and is full of impure substances. How can it be purified by bath¬

ing in the Ganges ? An impure waterpot though washed again and

again by water, cannot be pure ; so the lump full of impurities can

never be pure. A dog swimming in the Ganges is not considered pure,

therefore the bathing in holy places is absolutely useless. If bathing can

confer merit the fishermen are very meritorious, not to speak of the fishes

and others who are immersed in water, day and night. It is certain

that from bathing sin even is not dissipated because people who are in

the habit of making pilgrimages are full of love, hatred, &c.

Thus in the course of five short verses, Aryadeva denounces the

uselessness not only of bathing in the Ganges but of all bathings and

pilgrimages. They are not only incapable of conferring merit but are

also incapable of dissipating sin.

The ninth verse of the MS. corresponds to the first verse of the

Dhammapada in Pali but the Pali verse has six caranas while my verse

has four only. The last letter of the second carana is mandjavdh in my

MS. while in Pali it is manbmaya.

The work appears to be a complete one as at the end Aryadeva says :

177

1898.] H. P. Shastri — Discovery of a work by Aryadeva.

Let people be happy by making their hearts pure by the merit which

I have acquired by making my heart pure.

Then comes the colophon ; after the colophon we have the name of

the scribe and then a portion of the well-known formula SfSJTclW fsRTP

I The writer apparently had no space in the

leaf to complete the couplet and at first sight I could not make out that

the work came to an end there.

(*i)vTn% ii i u

lltsfil «4gcCTsT 3*535 lf3*TjpWT n « n

*5T31VW35n(55V533r) JT#t3Tl 5fcT 'qtftcRT I

35T3*5sf3 fr 13135 ftn*! 3513513515 || *= ||

153:35=) 115 l*lf «*[: $$ 13>sI3T: I

1315 =3 l^tl *5131 35 liittl 35 0 i. II

ltfqc55 f*5WJBTf^: l^fl pftcrJT I

31335 1 *Z1 ifnytilTl^jn JJffl « \» II

^jgT33Trcnf?3:: mi iftitfim i

mwnfaw: i *zi ifm ft3*T53< n * * n

M s ' »

3RH#tfl 3538Ff *55131 I

U%m f333 35® 3 TNt 5^%c51T*T || #

3 ijimir 3tmiinr5*f335 hot i

%31 USTCTfii: HT^I3U*t3aftjni?T II 8

1351331 3(35 llJjfit 1*55SH5^ I

3531^3 135 3515 1553 351*535^1: 8 \8 II

H5535«5HJ15 % 3T335^53J3fl5f3: I

5®3i*5T33 3U51 3T3frT! 13%115*5 || \4. ||

3tTfs5^333tJlT?m mi^tSiiNl**: I

WT3t f3H51 3^5515151 3 if^fl || ||

333 f333(3^ (3315^33 3^33 I

%31 gni 15lt ^t*513f^ 1531 8 V® II

«T3Tflftf3-33Jsf33*;-^55*5fSf3*T |

33^53 llpsfNl f3T 353 3fl 1531 8 II

* 19th verse is not in the MS.

J. i. 23

178

H. P. Shastri — Discovery of a work by Aryadeva.

treTOT ^TPrT *nwn i

ftg^ II ll

ftftsgg xjfft ^sj ^qerraspiTftftOT i

rs

gswtsifta ft; w wT®3i n-H-JlRriw n ii

^fftj 5TTW cTOT fftf 5R^=T=nftfacr: i

>1

sftcra^ aanraH » ^ n

s» s

*TcT ^srfftfcT ^T^TT^ri <rf*3TOT |

S. J N

g ««nK *t ^ gqft n ^ n

?f«TT %3 ft^fTST H5g% <Tf^ftpi: |

5T *fttR 5f ftsrflff TRf% cTr^fsft: 11 5^8 ||

ft®53jt ft ATTOTf: SreTCftftW®: I

**ift®TOr irnsnsft' *ppr*piT?r g ^ n

snqfqtnn qram ft^JiN i

■V

crmqfcnm^l ftjjqf ftRTcf II R< II

5®fe®: qr^ainn l

crfq f<rrTCs|5g qrarottijncftfr^ n ||

STtiR ^STRttff ft® ftfUCffl®^ |

^nftgs«ffq? ft^tmsnftqt^ n ^ n

rtTO^st <r&q q^reraftirf^w i

^xftt?qcftni5f fgTift^^nftaiT n g

KTinftrftw^®! ^rtfipri g^%crei i

qnftcn! tsrt ®Tft=5J: qrraraftjqraTWT: i^il

to ^inft arnsT ftq ftw*r i

N*

®jctft ft- ft® «tst «r fttnsnfipjjRr ii n

j q ftrcft »qR5r |

V

^mrftcrftfcT ’jfcP II ^ II

sftfafclTr wfafr licf%cT^T |

CT3T% ^ ^5? 3RRJ35WT5prT || ^ ||

f^vnwnfa^ |

sflRf *n%*T *T ^ || ^8 0

[No. 2,

9

I

1898.] H. P. Shastri — Discovery of a work by Aryadeva.

ftftRsr ^cTTJjnifw^JT l

xaxr%cr xmfxxirxf *x gxq% » ll

ftf f5?: fxrfxiWT XHTOffixp I

fg^T^TTCin)^ xrcn sfffxgftxwN g fttfiji II D

^xxnf'sf^f 5ra«R 3fxjz%xR i

Tjxtnnx ftXJT TXJtgSKfrl IRlfw || ||

xrere xc^^ff ^ *x%*N g i

fxsjff^xsraTijnn xx%^ g fa&rajx n ^ 11

xrxtx xpxfcx Ksftfxr^^w l

frftfcTxg cxxn ft^f^x^ftxnspt: n n

xfftTfqagt' 9i% f^xft g %3*ig l

XTT^tSicr cx^xxg eTRXTcT a^fcT ^XfJT || 8 ° II

cl^g xn^tlixf f%rf H^hTTXXfgtXKcfl I

xjlTitT g^ra xxrrw xfNxiispraprftf n e\ n

%facr: ^iTTf: xrafex spew** i

XX XJcl %ftc% fxrsp ^nxfr xrt^q^TXRf: II 8^ I

srf«j£ ^nx’ ftqfxpn^pjg i

cx%w wfinfixt ftxr gax;t ftxrdhxg g sg n

51% xrgifTO ?'xx: fiptfcf Mfeff: |

fxraxrNw&xtigHixa qfefr: naan

xffi f%xffixxuz?tTXf% |

S»

^npaft snwrcTxg fwmxx% 11 8«u

fw ^tT gftf^Tof Wctf*' gvr: I

pTTT^* *nfcT UlifcTfw^JT II 8 < ||

^WRUf^felEr: I

d

fttft fxnx^I^xq: f%rcfxjlfJTX«rT?t5f: II 8® ||

xrxn $yjr w^Tx^wfacr i

8tTJ3X-XJ5I-qi^ci JTTT^^ftxjlxr^' 11 0

■rfxsTgxffxfxftitx^JiifxTiTfHfcr gjor i

q^qxxrflxxixftitt^vxg C?XJT fgg: || at ||

179

180

H. P. Shastri — Discovery of a work ly Aryadeva.

*n*i*r ftrecri sjifcr i

s» S» N

^ ii i? g

Wt 5W W%cT I

gn’ragrenn ifrn! iwp ^snws&'ragn: n ^ g

■ft’tmsnffl^UTgT «3T9H’T i

* s»

wcn*mggmg (^ ?rci) gg srafwn g I5?, n

*T? TNlstTfa^T^ ^gjnradmfjgcr: I

sraT’rcra-pifait sm^gwmg: n «

HTPETigt fITtmg: 0*R^fgwf%cf: I

f5T(^T ^TCTeraW cTRg’HJ'rcwfiT || *8 II

qsritsf<T % fgjiJW ^rPTOm*TTOT: I

wjigsfgimmct f^n «pit! ii ma. ii

sftcRTHlf^glTfjr ^m^wqgr: I

siiRnggriTO g ^rer g % g ^ »

snwragfa ^=irrt% m^fw: i

^tcrarcnf^i^Tpi firsm^Tcj; g g

fsifgfagrer *r g ffww i

^nsrarH’ g UWtJHT g uj= g

^^ifejfl^iM: f<ig: ^ft^RKgT: I

flre?ftfaict%9nf? grgsrtfijcrawJT n »#. g

5:?8jflgfg««fcf: fwt frafwfor1 1

«- C\

mv en cnfg; Jt^raT^r gmfir g i » g

*f graf^^s’st^r: WTf^«ftrf*T tfp i

crs^gfww g ftgsgfcr g ^ g

n^rat n3 gfg«gfcr i

cWg’gftlNi g'frreiTspf ftapWJ g ||

wi «%cf wrcig; aaiwr i

^aifM ufw^T'tt g ^ II

HTtTcTqtif'T ^tpN wnfcfff prgg: |

gcff fsg% ^terelf^TiT g <8 g

[No. 2,

1898.]

H. P. Shastri — Discovery of a work by Aryadeva.

Knft WVrg s*sn ^ gsfct i

gurrci jjwHgiTg ggi wN’m it 11

^rrani^rei?T%% siNhuj i

?ftsf«r n « n

sfafftHbiT gfs?% i

^rrasj^^f^Ttr *nfa fsfq^Rwftetg II «£® #

*nr^fgqw v*fz*£ f*ra^ i

gnfgr spflfn i <*= n

«aif fg’grcns^rTpr i

si gjr; grcrftsr Wfi? n it n

^<ii*igfq«'^= fror TrafcrfjrSra: i

cT^J H&i: *R*f II «® II

*rcffaireprgifir i

^wt^g^inftr fggnafwifeiftp n ®\ n

gsrff^nrfTCW I

<=\ Q

*i«t«rhn n «=? n

creNreggreqgr i

^gf&raRwfaftsg gvngtrerTtftfr: 11 n

^fsRn^^TTf%ff f^TtftjflTOfin: 3W5T I

sraw f^gl^T Sfitsfw D «8 ||

*r i

ftTtfgfhraq^ fgf^fjRmwfjjpar: || u

gWlTtrlg gmTgJP I

IWTffcreffisi gf<r || ®< ||

TWfg^hPft fg: «re®ft I

grara ngpwsrl' jpgfj ii <s® n

gfTg: ^tTWt WI fng^TJJ I

*r4 *rew ggT ^frjft fgxir^ gigunsrar- n «'= g

ftrgT5^ Prf*hretfto^ iftw 1

g«njgf *4iiTrai 11 ««. n

181

182

H. P. Shastri — Discovery of a work by Aryadeva.

f*WWt 3T 3T Wt**m || II

3t TOfron?n5ifir i

^Tfyl^c^JTWT ftnqfcl II II

^d^ftoT ^oS^^cf eEJ I

cTtTO: WtftfcT 5T || ||

*tm SITlior^ ?T*m I

II ^ K

*rrhn*n wTSpnfwt^cr* 11

HlPTPT^gf^ lfm*T II <=8 II

yrHSRNRNlTC «I HTH Sf^fuTTcf: I

51=?T^J§R g3<# tJTRJ% 5f ^ « Wy: B *=i. II

ntrr^j ®m<wra gwsT’ng ®jjto i

w *reft 3i*3rf*r n ii

^nrrafcrf^rn g NTRFi' g i

^rcpngsem^TCTTST^: HaRTS5J% || <=« II

^tfyyTftsin b

3RiT iw+wferNra n ^ B

5fflW ftw^TTO? fg5C I

SI

to mfir ^niifafrJTOij ii ii

faVcl3i®RT3lT® f«Kj4«55%St^t I

ytfjRry tmr ■sir srsnf«t4«i^4w: g i.® n

gs^isrftf: ^ny«Ty% || t\ g

^pn«^?*n9tRf jr: i

tr^i^sirasf^ cnps^ifir g g

ysn sspstfei i

^Tf^Ttw^gs’- ® I w*gy«Ty^: g g

H'-srfRT'-ISflwtuTgtllT^ cTCH fg^: |

yyl^yftTtssr ^sfPcyNTfacp g «*b g

[No. 2,

1898.]

H. P. Shastri — Discovery of a work by Aryadeva.

TOT WT*T TOT WV TOTOW I

s» x

STTSITf^f^WHi ^WT^faUg^cT II f.<L II

HW'^knTt^raf^^wsRtfsr^ n £< ll

^CJUTspSTJjf^ R'srt'rTOpTOTTT: I

ftftrsft f? t?t T<f%T wkii’Zcnj?!;? n 4.a n

fog??3rsng: « g*ng«fTTTsiT! i

*ren ^crr«g55T ^ Ncih; b 4.,= A

saTKTTWTcTT I

. WJBTCPninf^frjT n 4.4. a

Ttaft f^Troirwr i

. *119?: TWt^l? B V »

^rats^Tfir nTT«ffl?k9i’n<r i

. STOTT? <T?TOcr: I

I? ITTTOTf gif iftf®cr^Tft( cnf^lJT || II

cr**??: TsRT fusts? Tit ft?: Ti^ TIT??: I

. . 9TTtT T5? fflTJT: II n

Tlf?? ? TTf?? ? stTfcTOT? I

$T?fjTO*WTO: Tif%? . B t»8 II

I* »

fTO TOT 'SJTTO TO^STO^HoT: |

v ^

Trsfrrwtuitjits^ tw? gfficrtsurra- n ll

*TT WST Tlf?I T: UT TW?t ^falfiTr: I

W’fT^fiTireTfT TTcUiftro^fcT || \\T II

ftf IT: ‘STTOTK Tn?: TiTOfflt?ft%feliT I

srreicnm?frc: iftsjrg Twrf?crt n a

SratirafWRT fn^TftitTT^flrqT-d- |

IJTTO T?T ITf IfTtlT fsITO? n B

«T ftrSJTf I

fTOKSWJ II H

to^tto^ ... . . i

^Tfa^TOfrl^I **facT || ||

183

184

H. P. Shastrl — Discovery of a work by AryadBva.

VTOcT fqrRmt: I

. STTHT || \V= ||

HSSn *ra<TSl% I

^sjftiSTfsr fgsrfasi’jram: 11 11

ashrRiiftarwr . writer n v*° n

«5pre? «tow ^u^sfa ftrarffr i

^fcisi 5T <TOT JJ^W || II

=r ITTnRT WTfin’T: %$fa Wrarstdftj^^cJ I

JTfTTgf Wh: II \=?R ||

~ tt^TRmfa^cT i

«wsi +i«y 4^ f^Ti^iWhi'ra^: ii ^ n

Hfa^TRlftpOT I

ft^nafir^m n v*.u 11

^unwwi -?jiit «i«sri f*cP tffT^^for 1

^ITSflKTf^^l^ gjif I »|cH *I*H II II

SpcftT^ wrwffq; *f ^tf^cr i

pirer© Wfi fhn g g

«wji(?) f^gr: ^tTCHTEHira gi |

<*rrensh TOrf ^ trsi^fa: srsrsr<r: i

C\

tt^tt «‘fejcr: g t*« g

©\ *

sreft^wfju: qpsrcft^niitop |

V SJ

^3JJ?f®«TOT H>SiT^3fITMftlfN^: || ^ g

grafgw ussm ggrfij srgixlwOraMcP I

0\ v»

^TT^cT: ^TRTH^nfvinTTfw^TH || II

irrtft’ wwm i

iisfapf *t ii ii

^q^fhnf^ci i

f^f^fs^rraw ?Pn^ sru \\

Tftcrifir TT^r ftfecW |

^itinsr: few nmv infe^T^T i

[No. 2 ,

1898. J G. A. Grierson — Gujarati -Dialect discovered in Midnapur. 185

Note on a Dialect of Gujarati discovered in the District of Midnapur. — By

George A. Grierson, C.I.E., Ph.D., I.C.S.

[Read July, 1898.]

Several interesting facts have come to light during the progress of

the Linguistic Survey. Amongst them may he mentioned the discovery

of a number of people who speak a dialect of Gujarati in the Dantan

thana of the Bengal District of Midnapur.

Amongst the languages returned to me as spoken in that District

was Siyalgiri. The Siyalgirs are a criminal, nomadic tribe, numbering

about 120 souls, who have a language of their own. They are not men¬

tioned by Dalton or by Mr. Risley in their Ethnographical works. This

language was unintelligible to the other inhabitants of the District, and

was believed “ to resemble Santali.” This was an easy supposition to

make, as there are some 118,000 Santalls in the District, whose language

is equally unintelligible to the multitude.

In order to obtain materials for the second part of the Survey,

specimens of every language spoken in each District are being collected.

The specimens are all to consist of translations of the Parable of the

Prodigal Son, and in order to assist the preparation of these, books of

translations of the parable which had been already made into the prin¬

cipal languages of India have been distributed to the translators. In¬

cluded in these last was a Gujarati version. In sending the Siyalgiri

version to me, the Collector of Midnapur drew attention to the remarkable

points of resemblance between it and the Gujarati version to which I

have just alluded. An examination of the Siyalgiri specimen fully

justified the Collector’s remarks.. The very first sentence is almost

pure Gujarati. The resemblance was so unexpected that I thought it

advisable to make further enquiries, so as to make sure that the speci¬

men is a genuine one. There can now be no doubt on that point. The

translation had originally been obtained through the kind offices of

Babu Krishna Kisor Acharji, the Secretary of. the Midnapur District

Board, and that gentleman has been good enough to send me the follow¬

ing note on the subject.

J. i. 24

186 G A. Grierson — Gujarati Dialect discovered m Midnapur. [No. 2,

“ A Sub-Inspector of Schools under the District Board was deputed to

Dantan with copies of the English and Bengali versions of the parable of the

Prodigal Son, and he got the parable translated into the Siyalgiri dialect

with the help of two men belonging to that tribe and of the Sub-Inspector

of Police, Dantan.

These two Siyalgiris were both by their age and intelligence, best able

to translate the parable, and as they could speak both Bengali and Hindi the

parable was fully and correctly explained to them before they translated it,

and so it is certain that they perfectly understood what they had to

translate.

I then went through the translation very carefully, and by comparing it

with the specimens of other dialects given in the printed book became con¬

vinced that it was altogether a separate dialect resembling Gujarati.

Neither the Sub-Inspector of Schools nor the Sub-Inspector of Police

knows Gujarati, and I do not think the two Siyalgiris who translated the

parable of the Prodigal Son into the language spoken by them have ever

heard of Gujarat or know anything of Gujarati.

In these circumstances there is I should think no room for doubt that

the specimen sent correctly represents the dialect spoken by the Siyalgiris.

I have since obtained some additional particulars relating to the Siyal¬

giris which 1 beg to give below with a view to facilitate their identification

with any other tribe in India.

Unfortunately there is nothing like tradition prevalent among them as

to whence they came and when they came to Dantan. This is apparently

due to their having been a wandering tribe for many generations before they

came and settled in this district. People like the Siyalgiris generally have a

short memory, and they do not appear to have any songs or ballads in

their language throwing any light on their previous history.

They do not even know whether there are any other sections of their

tribe living in any other part of India.

In this district the Siyalgiris are found in the following villages : —

1. Nimpur. 4. Dhukurda.

2. Gomunda. 5. Saipur.

3. Lalmohanpatna.

And also in Suga and Simla in District Balasore.

From the information that I have been able to collect regarding this

tribe it would seem that they first appeared in this district about 150 years

ago.

During this period both their manners and customs have become

thoroughly Hinduised.

They are now divided into four classes : —

1. Jana. 3. Das.

2. Patra or Patar. 4. Har.

All these are Hindu patronyms.

How they became so subdivided — either by intermarriage with their

Hindu neighbours, or by their desire to raise themselves up to the level of

1898.] G. A. Grierson — Gujarati Dialect discovered in Midnapur . 187

the latter by assuming their patroityms — is not known. But the contempt

with which they are treated by the Hindus, owing to their thieving pro¬

pensity, precludes the possibility of intermarriage between these two classes

of people. Indeed the name of Siyalgiri has become a bye-word — a term

of reproach — and whenever a Hindu takes to thieving as his profession ho

is said to have turned a Siyalgiri.

The Siyalgiris have Brahmans for their priests, and so* they have lost

all traces of their original religion — if they had any when they first came

into the district. These Brahmans do- not appear to1 have some with them,

for most of those who officiate as priests at the religious ceremonies per¬

formed by the Siyalgiris belong to the class of low-caste indigenous Brah¬

mans, and in society they occupy the same position as the Brahmans of

Mucins, Chamars, and other similar castes.

They worship the same gods and goddesses as their Hindu* neighbours

But their widows remarry and they bury their dead.

They do not appear to- have any peculiar custom as to inheritance. As

most of them are generally very poor and leave very little property when

they die, the Siyalgiris abide by the decision arrived at by their priests in

the event of any dispute arising as to inheritance in any particular case.

I do not think these details will be of any material help in tracing the

origin of this tribe whose appearance in Midnapur, occurring at a time

beyond the memory of the present generation, cannot be satisfactorily

accounted for.

Their features also do not give any clue as to their origin. If they had*

any peculiarity it has disappeared altogether, and the Siyalgiris can now be*

hardly distinguished from ordinary Bengali peasants.

It is therefore through their dialect alone that their origin can: now be*

traced, and it is for these reasons that I give here the Siyalgiri equivalents

for “salt” and “curry” — the two most common necessaries of life — which

they call foar [mitlm = sweet) and (Khalan for Hindi Satan) respec¬

tively.

The other peculiarities of their dialect will appear from the specimen,

already submitted.

An examination of the* specimen shows that the language is a*

variety of the language of the Blnls. The Blnls speak a corrupt form

of Gujarati, and Siyalgiri. agrees with Bhlli when it differs from the

standard form of that language. Thus, the Gujarati for “ I ” is hit ,

but the Bhlli is wo, and the Siyalgiri is mu. There are some words which,

so far as I am aware, are not in Bhlli, and which I have been unable

to identify as belonging to* any known language, Munda, Dravidian,.

Tibeto-Burman, or Aryan, of India. Such are badithei meaning

“ against,” aga meaning “father,” and klidm-loydn “to hear.”

I may mention that an excellent grammar and vocabulary of the' *

Bhll language has been prepared by the Rev. C. S. Thompson.* The

* Ahmadabad, United Printing Press, 1895,

188 G. A. Grierson — Gujarati Dialect discovered in Midnapur. [No. 2,

habitat of the Bhils is to the south of M§war, where the Central Pro¬

vinces, Rajputana, and Gujarat meet. As already stated, their language

is a dialect of Gujarati, but, according to Mr. Thompson, there is, in the

vocabulary, a substratum, of about six per cent, of words, which, while

not corrupted from Gujarati or Arabic and Persian, have no connexion

with the Dravidian Languages of Southern India, or with Gondi, Santali,

or Kol. The Siyalgiri seems to have preserved some of these words,

which have been lost to Bhili. It would be interesting, if possible, to

trace the wanderings of this tribe from their original home.

The following is the Siyalgiri version of the Parable of the Prodigal

Son : —

*TICS fire I ffa

X X

pdrha giya . Aur tithe

country-to went. And there

khab urai

all (whole property) wasting

fisfir <Tt

kharach-patra kidhi to

expenditure doing that

(was thrown away). (having ran through the whole property)

apnu

his-own

X N

khab hinksa lein

all share taking

ghanu kharach-patra karin

much expenditure doing

didliu.

was-given

X

eglasta

distant

apnu

his-own

So

He

X

khab

all

man-of-rank shelter taking remained. By him his-own field-in

f^'sr i sft *<rfw

ghusri carana mukli didha Ghusri jo chatriya khdin

swine to-feed sending was-given. Swine what husks were-eating

^ I

kahu ,

it-was-said,

tut srrer*r %^*tt ^Tffr-'qT^r ^t%^c

‘ mar a bdbdn ketld jhdnd darmo-paun caker

‘ my father-of how-many men wage-getting Servant

*TT*r ! g & *rr* i*r

Tinha kahis , “ bab ! mu gokhai baditliei tuhu agal

To-him will-say, “ father ! by-me God against thy before

fti* I $ <UT 5fT<?rf%

x vj x x VJ

kidhu. Mu au tar diked bull olakhi

sin has-been-done. I again thy son being-called described

sfftfsr i ^ ^Tyr-^T^r ^i%t

pdris koni. Minhe tu ek darmo-paun caker kari

will-be-able not. Me-to thou a wage-getting servant making

I TTTW tfT5T^

x vj x

rakh.” 1 Pdchu tinJia

keep.” ‘Afterwards he

^r*T5T

X NSj

uthin apnu

having-risen his-own

^TJTT%# |

dgdkene giya.

father- to went.

190 G. A. Grierson — Gujarati Dialect discovered in Midnapur. [No. 2,

I again thy son being-called described will-be-able not/

xnr to, w

N N X X •

Dab dpnd cakerne kahu , ‘ helu khan lukfd

By-the-father his-own servant- to it-was-said, ‘soon good cloth.

t i xft

li din inhe pardiha de. Inhd hate iti

mx fa^xx fax sifax xttx

V# V \ N \

khusi rahin. Jes5 mara dikrd mari-giya , jibat thain y

merry remain. For my son dead-went (was), alive is.;

^TfsT faxX Xr'XTX I <T TX XTX; XrXX

x V \j v

hdji giyata pdota Idyaha / Tar bad khusi thdyan

lost- went (was) found has-been.’ After- this in-happiness to-remain'

<ST3IT I

lagd.

began.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — Gujarati Dialect discovered in Midnapur. 191

sfTsrg xrre i rvz f?TTO w

lacu bajnu kham-loyan pail. Tab tinha ek cakerne

dancing music to-hear was-got. Then by-him a servant-to

X

kanhe

near

X

inlie

boldyin

calling

TO,

kahu ,

5W, <9T

puchu , * a

it-was-asked, ‘ this

TO

X

khab

all

^ I

khit;

So

<u<

X

1 tar

bhaiya

aiva

fro,

khan khddu taiyar kidhu,

v - y - > preparation h

dinner v> -

has been prepared

dgdne kahe, ‘ etna barakh-se tari seba karu.

father-to says, * so many years-from thy service has-been-done.

192 G. A. Grierson — Gujarati Dialed discovered in Midnapur. [No. 2,

aft i f%*r

jo kaliabin klidte Tallin tar Jchabja khadu , Jiiya

by-whom harlots with remaining thy property eaten-up, he

sr ^ri^rar <w\\ fare i

jab diva tu ini-guriye khddu-khdu taiyar kidhu

when came by-thee for-him dinner prepared was-made.’

*TT 3R* rTTC I

'J ' si

Mdru jetlu thd so khab taru . Khusi

My all-that is it all (is) thine. (Being) merry (for his return)

i

i <tit «fa fare* ^tt^t

(yafn riha. Tar eyab blidiya mari giyata, jibat thdin

right is. Thy this brother dead went (was), alive being

awa ; hdji giyata , pawad

has-come; lost went (was), has-been-found.’

1898.]

G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kdgmln.

193

On Primary Suffixes in Kagmlrx. — By G. A. Grierson, C.I.E.,

Ph.D., I.C.S.

[Read August, 1898.]

These are treated in the Krdanta-prakriyd of Icvara-kaula’s Kag-

mira-gabddmrta. They form nouns (including adjectives and participles )

by direct accretion to verbal roots. Many of them would be properly

classed as verbal forms.

1. ^iT*r an. This is used to make present participles. It does not

change for gender or number, and is added direct to the root (ix. i. 2).1

Thus, —

Root. Present Participle.

kar , do. «fna«T kar an, doing.

boz , hear. ^faT«T bozdn , hearing.

If the root ends in a vowel, the letter ^ w is inserted (3). Thus, —

fa di , give. fa^TT^ diwan, giving,

fa khi , eat. khyawan , eating,

fa ci, drink. 'S3TWT«T cyawdn , drinking.

Note that all verbs ending in ^ i change i to ya , except fa ni ,

take, fa di, give, fa yi, come.

i

This form is frequently used adverbially (4). Thus tpn*T

pardn, pardn, karun, coming, coming, he made it.

This form corresponds to the Sanskrit present participle.

2. itli. Used to form a past participle absolute or conjunc¬

tive participle, corresponding to the Sanskrit conjunctive participle in

tvd , or ya (<3J tya). Thus, —

kar , do. karith, having made.

1 References, here, and elsewhere, to I^vara-kaula’s Kagmira-ga'bddmrta.

J. i. 25

194

G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Ka^miri.

[No. 3,

A preceding long ^rr a (not short ^ a) is modified. Thus, —

ddr, place.

• •

o and ^ e become u and t * respectively before this prefix (14,15).

Thus,—

sftoT bdz, hear.

ir*T men, measure.

If a root ends in ^ i, the final

ydth (ix. i. 7, 8). Thus, —

hi, take.

khi, eat-

Exceptions are —

■ >

fsr ni , take,

fa di , give,

fa; yi, come.

buzith, having heard.

minith , having measured.

i, together with the suffix become

hyath, having taken.

<^re kliyath , having eaten.

fa*? nith, having taken,

fa^ dith, having given,

fa^ yith, having come.

When the root <1^ wad, fly, signifies moksa, final release, it becomes

<jfapq wujith, having obtained final release ; but wudith , having

flown (ix. i. 9).

The root iJ^TTl«T masarav, cause to forget, usually forms iWrjfaiej

masaravith, regularly, but in the phrase ‘ to cause to forget death,’ it

becomes mdsawith. Thus, —

iT^iT irrcfre marun mdsawith , having caused (so and so) to forget

death (ix. i. 10);

The suffix kydtli, may be added to this form. Thus,

karith kydtli, having done (ix. i. 6).

3. T i (ix. i. 11-15). This is used instead of ^ ith, when

the word is repeated to represent frequentative action. In this case

both a preceding a and a preceding a are modified. Thus, —

kar, do. qjfa kpr1 kar % having made

over and over again.

mar , beat. q\fx q\fx mar 1 mar % having beaten

repeatedly.

kar , boil. cfiifa kar 1 kar\ having boiled

repeatedly.

1808.] G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

195

As in tlie case of ^ ith , preceding ^ B and 6 become t l and

^ \u respectively. Thus, —

Uet, pound. iflfa tsit1 isit\ having pound¬

ed continually.

sftoT boz, hear. |far buz' buz ', having heard

continually.

So also we have —

beh, sit. fafa faf? bih' bih1, having sat

continually.

When a root ends in \ i, the final vowel together with the suffix

become ya (e) ; or the form in tli may be used (12). Thus, —

fa khz, eat.

fa ci, drink.

Exceptions are, as usual, —

fa ni , take.

fa di , give.

fa yi, come.

used to form nouns of agency (ix.

kccr, make.

If a root ends in ^ i,

y. Thus, —

fa khi, eat.

fa ci, drink.

Exceptions are, —

fa ni, take,

fa di, give,

fa yi, come.

^ ^ khe khe or khydth

khydth, having eaten fre¬

quently.

^ cd cd or cydth cydth ,

having drunk frequently.

fa fa ni ni or fa'Sf fa's? nith nith,

having taken frequently.

fa fa di di or fa*? fas? dith dith,

having given frequently.

fa fa yi yi or fa*J fa*? yith yith,

having come frequently.

plur. masc. wan1, fern, wane)

l. 25-27). Thus,—

karawunu, a maker,

is inserted and the X i changed to

khyawaivunu.

cyaivawun u.

•»*

niivawunu,

's

diwawunu .

'v

fa^5*f yiwawun'11.

196

[No. 3,

G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

5. sfj^T wol”, (fern, icajen ; plur. masc. wal\ fem.

V> 7 ' '

wajene) is also used to form nouns of agency. For examples,

see below (ix. i. 28-31).

6. grakh (fem. grakgn, vide ante , p. 34). Also used to

form nouns of agency (ix. i. 28-31).

These two last suffixes are really secondary ones, (see Sec. Suff.

No. 9, 10). They are added to abstract verbal nouns, especially to

that in un (No. 16), the un being changed to W an. Thus, —

"SfiX Tear , make. karun , making. karanwol ®, or

karangrdkh , a

maker.

TIT par, read. parun , reading. paranwol ®, or

parangrakh.

If the abstract noun is feminine (see No. 31?n) and ends in *r n,

that «r n is changed to or n,

an*T zan, (31?n) know. 3TT*f («fi«pTT^) zdnwwolu

zdn (fem.) or 5TT5T*r zanun zdmvdlu) or ^\n*f<r\^zananivol11',

(masc.) knowledge. or orNniTTsf zdn^grdkh, (srispn^

zdngralch), or «Tr?T*nTPir ' zanan-

grdkh, a knower.

These two suffixes can only be used with feminine abstract nouns

when the verb expresses a condition of the body or mind. Thus or7T*T

zan, know, expresses a condition of the mind, and therefore we can sny

zanwol ®. But the verb graz, roar, which also has a feminine

abstract noun (see No. 310.) TJ5T graz, cannot form grazwdlu,

because the verb does not express a condition of the mind or body. We can

only use the masculine abstract noun, thus, grazanwolu.

If a root ends in T i , the X i becomes ^ y before an, and W an

becomes ana. Thus, —

khi, eat. TgjipfT^l kliyanxivvl ®,

* ? an eater.

khyanagrakh, )

cyanawol ®, a drinker.

ft ciy drink.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kdgmiri .

397

Exceptions are, —

fa ni, take.

fa di, give,

fa yi , come.

7. nal.

8. lal.

9. al , ^ It

These three are used as follows with the roots fa di and dav

in special senses, all obscene. Thus, —

faif^r dinaly an unchaste woman.

irr^faipsr mdjedinal, “ mdtrgdmi ; ” 5SJ«Tfa*r^! behedinaly “ svasrgami”

*tftfafa*TO koridinal, “ kanyagami.”

*tt^fa^l majedilal , “ mdtrgdmi.”

dawal, an unchaste woman.

in^T^PsT majedawal , “ mdtrgdmi benedawal , “ svasr -

garni)” ^frffaT^t koridawal , &c.

^I^fat^ majedil , “ mdtrgdmi ,” &c. (ix. i. 32-35).

faif^far nmaicol ®, or fasrain nma -

*

grakh , a taker.

fasret^j dinawbl ®, &c., a giver,

fawt^l yinawol ®, &c., a comer.

10. ^ * (fern. ®; plur. masc. ^ *, fern. e). This is the termi¬

nation of past participles. This form is now, however, always used as a

past tense, and the true participle is described later on (No. 12) (ix. i.

36-39). Examples are, —

^ kar , make.

*nc par, read.

&&aw, dig.

^ ftar®, (it was) made,

par®, (it was) read.

khan ft, (it was) dug.

This suffix is added to all transitive and impersonal verbs (i. e.y verbs

of the first conjugation), and, as a verbal form, is used when the logical

subject (in the case of the agent) is in the first or third person.

It cannot be used when it is in the second person. Thus, karu

may mean, ‘ it was done by me,’ or * it was done by him,’ but cannot

mean * it was done by you.’ So sk as®, it-was-laughed by me or by

him.

198

G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

[No. 3,

^ i&alu, lie fled.

In the case of Intransitive Verbs, it follows the conjugation of

these verbs, and is only used in the case of those verbs which are

known as “ Listed Verbs ” (vide A List of Ka^miri Verbs, ante , Vol.

LXV, Part I, page 306). These I shall in future call verbs of the

second conjugation. It is then used only in the 3rd person. Thus, —

inal, flee.

Non-listed Intransitive Verbs, which I shall in future call verbs

of the third conjugation, do not use this form in ^ w, but take

the Aorist form in auv , or SEfT^ or, used in their case for the Past

third person sing. Thus, —

vyath , be fat. vyathyauv, (not 973 vygthw)r

he was fat.

The final 3r v is dropped before suffixes, and we thus got srefte

vyatliyau-s , I was fat.

The following verbs are irregular (ix. i. 37, 38), —

ci, drink, makes cyauv (it was) drunk.

f*3 khi, eat, khyauv (it was) eaten,

fif ni, take, nyuv (it was) taken.

Besides this there are other irregular forms, such as ^Jrf dyutuy

from >y/ diy ‘ give ’ ; which will be subsequently described under the head

of verbs.

This suffix, ^ w, is frequently met in other nouns, which are not

verbal forms, e g., sjcf vygthu, fat.

11. auv , or ov (fern. VJf eya ; plur. masc. VQ ey, fem.

eya).

This is the termination of the Aorist Participle of verbs of the

first and second conjugations, and of the Past Participle of verbs of the

third conjugation. As regards its use, see No. 10. The final «[ v

and *1 y are omitted before suffixes. The form is an old past parti¬

ciple, and can be used with all verbs.

12. matu (fem. »ivr mats11 ; plur. masc. «ffT mat *, fem. ^

mats®). This is used to form the true Past Participle. It is compounded

with No. 11, in the case of verbs of the first and second conjugations

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmirl. 199

and with No. 12 in the case of verbs of the third conjugation, and both

members of the compound change for gender, number and case.

The word is also written and pronounced mutn, (fern. mats* ;

I ^ ^

plur. masc. *r|?r mat1, fern. maisa) (ix. i. 40).

Examples of the use of this participle are, —

A. First Conjugation. (Form 10).

karnmatu , or karnmutu. made.

S yi * • ' '

Singular.

Note, — 1. The irregular declension of the first half of the compound.

2. The feminine termination of the singular, matse . We

should (according to iv. 51) except ^ matsa , but my

pandit assures me that matse is the correct form.

Compare p. 59, ante.

The above declension is as given by my pandit, and is not given

by I-k.

B. Second Conjugation. (Form 10).

tsalumatu, or tsalumutn, fled.

s s s X

Sing. Masc. tsal‘amat'a.

Fern. tsaj^ynats?1 ( vide ante , pp. 32, 33).

A *$v-

Plur. Masc.

Fern. tiajeniats**

200

G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kftgmirl

[No. 3,

C. Third Conjugation. (Form 11).

Singular.

Masc.

Nora. vyathySmat *.

Acc. vyafhyematis.

Ag. 3jwf?T vyathyematK

Plural.

Masc.

Nom. vyathyemat1 .

Acc. sreWST'r vyathyematyan.

Ag. vyathyematyan.

The following forms are irregular : —

Fern.

zj^^vyathyemais”.

gjifrpST vyathyematse.

vyathyematsi.

Fern.

vyathyBmats9.

vyathyematsan .

201

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

The forms for mud^matu are.

" |

Sing:. Masc. mudumatv'.

o v»

'e

i

Fein. 3^3 mumats™.

Plur. Masc. mud} mat1.

Fem. mumgtsa.

In other words mudv,mat'u' is only used in the Masculine.

13. ijff mut w, see No. 12 wr mat w.

N >

14. anay. This gives the force of the past conjunctive

participle, negatived (ix. i. 51).

Tear , make.

JPC gar , make.

xtt; par, read,

xft? potli, be fat.

fa hi, buy.

Irregular are, —

fa ni , take,

fa di , give,

fa yi , come.

Tear anay, not having made.

garanay , not having made.

paranay , not having read.

*fi3*T5J path anay, not having be¬

come fat.

henay, not having bought.

fa*r*7 ninay, not having taken.

fa*T*T dinay, not having given.

fasT^T yinay, not having come.

15. aril. This is the first of a series of forms, connected with

the Sanskrit participle in aniyah. It is used as an impersonal

future passive participle, like the Latin faciendum (ix. i. 50). Thus, —

sr?; har, make,

xptf pah, go.

wotli, rise.

fa ci, drink,

fa hi, buy.

Irregular, as usual are, —

fa ni take,

fa di, give.

fa yi, come.

J. i. 26

karani, it is to be made.

V3T*ft pakani, it is to be gone.

wothani, it is to be risen

(one must rise).

cent, it is to be drunk.

hem, it is to be bought.

fasft nint, it is to be taken.

fa«ft dinl, it is to be given.

fa#ft yini, it is to be come.

202

G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kdgmiri.

[No. 3,

16. <3ST un.

17. anu.

* •

18. sgsr unu.

*

These three are used indifferently for one another (ix. ii. 2, 3).

The first is of the first declension, and the second and third of the

second. Their declension is as follows : —

Singular.

Nom. karnn.

Acc. 3PC*P9r karanas.

A g. <fK5f*r Jcaranan .

Obi.1 karan0,

Nom. karanu or karun11.

* * 'ft

Acc. (not used).

Ag. JfirfiT karW.

Plural.

karan.

karanan.

karanau.

Tift karanau.

^■rf*T karW.

N ^

(not used),

(not used).

Obld karani.

If the root ends in ^ i, the first and third forms are not used

(ix. i. 21, 24). We only have forms like, —

Nom. Masc.

i|gR khyanu.

^•T hygnu.

'3R cyan11.

Acc. Sing.

khyanas.

hyanas.

cyanas.

f^H khz, eat.

f% hi, buy.

ci, drink.

Exceptions, as usual, are, —

fa ni, take. fiR or 3R nyunw. fif«R ninas.

di, give. or dyunu. f^5R din as.

fa yi , come.

This is used, —

(a) As an adjective.

(h) As an abstract verbal noun.

(a) As an adjective, it is equivalent to the Sanskrit participle in

aniyah . Thus, 3R?r karun or karan11 , means ‘ it is to be

1 The oblique form is that form which the agent case assumes before post¬

positions.

fa*T or SR yyun 11 . fa*R yinas.

203

1S98.] G. A- Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

made ’ (masc. ). Its feminine is Tear an. Examples of its use are, —

TTT3 WX (or vr^t) yih path (masc.) chuh parun (or

paranu ), this lesson is to be read.

yih puth1 (fern.) cMh parah this book is to be read.

This adjective is used in a peculiar idiom with the verb gatsh ,

go, be proper (Cf. French ga ira ). The past of this verb, in this sense

is JTW ggtsh w, not jvfa gauv. It is billy used in the future and past

tenses, not in the present. Examples of the idiom are (ix. i. 42).

*TTT«r (or iTT^«r) tsah gatshakh margnu (or marunu) you

deserve a beating, literally you will go with propriety to be beaten.

31% tse gatshi suh margnu, you ought to beat him,

'n

literally, he will go to be beaten by you.

31% aj*TT«r *TR??r ise gatshi sa zanana 7nargh, you should beat

that woman, literally, that woman will go to be beaten (fern.) by you.

3fW 3^%^ 3TK*T tse ggtshu suh nechyuv11 maranu , you should

SJ 'i

have beaten that boy, lit., that boy went to be beaten by you.

3i w ^ tse ggtsh & sa zanana mar ah , you should have

beaten that woman.

The same form is used with the verb ^r?r lag , be proper, in much

the same sense. This is only used in the Future and Past Conditional

tenses (ix. i. 43). Thus, —

?lci ^ 3i^»r tat u lagi tse gatshanu, you should go there. Here

the participle is impersonal, and the phrase is literally, the going there

by y°u will be proper. If the object is feminine, the participle must

be feminine. Thus, —

^ 3TPC5T aT*ri«T tse lagi margh sa zanana, you should beat that

woman, literally, that woman will be proper to be beaten by you.

So, also in the Past Conditional rjrf *3%% tgtu lagihe gatshunv'

S* O'*

one (I, you, &c.) should have gone there.

The root paz , be proper, is used in exactly the same way

(ix. i. 44). Thus, ^ 3TT^*T tse pazilie suh marunu you should

have beaten him. Lit. He would have been proper to be beaten by you.

204

G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmiri. [No. 3,

Instead of the agent case, the genitive can be used, in all these

idioms (ix. i. 45). Thus we may say, —

^5^ *TK«T cydnu (instead of tse) gatshi suh maranu.

^ ^r*n«T cyan (fern.) gatshi sa zanana maran.

So also in the plural, —

^||sr cyan * gatshan iim martn1, you should beat

them.

frjiT cyane gatslian tima marane, you should beat

them (fern.).

Pronominal suffixes can also be added to the main verb (not to the

participle) (ix. i. 46). The formation of these suffixes will be dealt with

in the chapter on verbs.

qatshu-s karun11, it should have been done to him.

o' s* ,7 ‘ ~

gqtshu-y kargnu , it should have been done for thee.

lagy-as karun , it should be done for him.

pazy-am karun , it should be done for me.

■. (b) As a substantive, the form is used as a masculine Abstract

Verbal Noun, or Infinitive (ix. ii. 2, 3 and ff). Thus, —

kar , make. karun , ^iT*r karann. or

7 x • VJ

karun w, the act of making, to

make.

The accusative singular is used with the post-position %<T or

351ft kyut ® (ix. i. 17) to form a dative. I?.#., 1PC*PJ paranas kyut11 ,

for reading. Thus, —

xr?CiT^ w paranas kyut * prayg , a couch for reading. kyut *

'x 'x

is an adjective.

We thus have, —

faffT W paranas kyutu pragg, a couch (masc. sg.) for reading.

JTT paranas kit * gara, houses (masc. pi.) for reading.

^•f^T paranas kits * cult1, a chair (fern, sg.) for reading.

paranas kitsa coke , chairs for reading.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmlri.

205

In all the above it will be seen that the essential meaning of the

verb is active. A conch for reading means a couch for reading some¬

thing, — e.g ., a book, — and the verb is not changed whatever the gender

of the object may be. Thus puth\ a book, is feminine, but we

still say

^ qfsf ( or fqrrr W yih putlrix ( or yith yotlie)

paranas hyutu prayg , a couch for reading this book.

We may also use the dative of other verbal nouns in the same

way. Thus, fai<T isefanas hyutu or (No. 30 d.) f%«T tsetas

(masc.) Jcyutu , for grinding to powder; f%rT grazanas kyut'w or

(No. 31 g.) ufoT faff grazi (fem.) kyutu, for roaring.

But if the verb is used passively then it agrees with the subject in

gender, and the form is no longer substantival but adjectival. Thus,

‘ a book for reading ’ means ‘ a book for being read,’ and we must say, —

qf«I varan hits'* vuth1.

On the other hand we say paranas hits * euk % be¬

cause the phrase means a chair for reading, and not a chair for being

read.

Note that when the verb is used passively, it is in the form of the

nominative feminine, not in the accusative, although preceding fqrq hits*.

We may also use the nominative masculine before f%<T hyutu

(ix. i. 22, 23) when the verb is used passively. Thus qqq (or

| "

or xpc«r) qqnq parunu (or parun or pargnu) hyutu postukh (masc.

■N. ^ ^

sg.), a book for reading. We thus get the following adjectival forms

when the verb is used passively, —

Masc. Sg. faRrj qqW paranu hyut w postukh , a book for

reading:.

(We cannot say qr*r qif pargnu hyutw prayg, a couch for

^ 's

reading).

Masc. PI. f%f?T qpsf ranW hit 1 hakh , vegetables for

cooking.

Fem. Sg. qfq parah hits* piith *, a book for reading.

206 G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmiri. [No. 3,

Fern. PI. karahe kitsa kdme, businesses (fem. pi.)

to be done.

These are all capable of declension. Thus, — (ace.)

’SJWT-T paranas kitis posta/ca.s cliuh thawdn , he places a book

for reading.

The oblique base of the form in gnu is used to indicate a pur-

pose (ix. i. 18). I note that in poetry the form ends in ^ ane, not

in ani. Thus, —

xpcf*r (or poetical parani (or poetical parane) gatslian

chuh, he goes to read. ranani gauv , he went to cook.

When the word samakh , meet, is used in this form, it means

to pay a visit of condolence. Thus, samakhani gauv , he

went to pay a visit of condolence Otherwise the ordinary dative of

the verbal noun in un is used. Thus, ^ samakhana

putslty rudu, he stopped to meet him (ix. i. 19).

This verbal form is used to form Inceptive and Desiderative com¬

pounds. Thus, —

Inceptive compounds, are made with the infinitive in gnu or

and the verb f% hi, take (viii. i. 57). Thus, ^ ^

7 x 'J x Vj

X ^

suh chuh Width lekhun u hyawan , he begins to write a letter ;

«P^«T ^ karun hyawan chuh , he begins to d •. If the object is

feminine, the feminine infinitive is used. Thus, ^T«TT«r

suh chuh zandna m argil hyaivan, he begins to beat the woman.

These forms are however, almost always used in the past tense. Thus,

"flrpT karun liygtun, he began to read, (and is doing it now).

ri|*T TjJrWrf tgm 1 chuh Width lekhun w hygtumgtu, he has

VJ VJ VJ VJ

begun to write the letter. Literally, by him the letter to-be-written

has been taken. So rtfiT «T*TT«r tarn1 chheh zandn a

mar an hebs^mgbs®, he has begun to beat the woman (ix. i. 41).

Another way of forming inceptive compounds is to use the oblique

form of the infinitive with the verb <?NT lag already mentioned. Thus, —

^ J suh karani lggw, he began to do.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

207

^ ^JT snh lggu khdth lekhani , he began to write the letter,

aT«TT*T suh lagw zandna mdrani , he began to beat the

v ''i

woman. It will be observed that this form of the verbal nonn does

not change for gender.

Similarly, Desiderative compounds are made with the verb

TW yitsh , wish. Thus, —

suh chuh khdth lekhun% yitshan , he wishes to

write the letter.

*TK«T ^WT*T suh chuh zanana maran yitshan , he wishes

to beat the woman.

?i{fr I^«T*rT*r tam* yitsh * zandna maran , he wished to beat

the woman.

In the formation of this abstract noun the following irregularities

appear (ix. ii. 4). Only one form of the infinitive is given, but the

others follow the same rule, —

tal , fry. talun or <T^SFT talyun.

baz , fry, serve. bazun or bazyun.

Some verbs only use their Abstract Noun in the Feminine, and,

moreover, are then sometimes irregular in their formation (ix. ii. 24

and ff.). They are the following : —

Abstract Nouns.

tsar , be inwardly wrathful tsarin , inward wrath,

(impersonally).

tsuv, quarrel (impersonally). tsuvin.

[These two, when used with other verbs, take the regular feminines

in phrases like, —

amis hets^n tsaran} he began to be angry. Liter¬

ally, being angry began to him] .

ifp^T morav , bear (of pain, imper- morav^n.

sonally) .

^ ^

marts , be impatient (used im- marts^n.

personally).

208 G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmiru [No. 3,

%

19. an.

\ •

20. in.

21. ™n.

These are all Feminine forms of the masculine verbal adjectives,

and of the masculine abstract nouns or infinitives, in un , an™ , or

unu (Nos. 16-18). No. 19 is the regular feminine of all three, and

is discussed under the head of those suffixes.

It is also specially used to form a feminine abstract noun in the case

of the following verb.

tsen , know by a sign, tsenavan the giving of a sign

(ix. ii. 43).

In the case of the following verbs it is only used in the fern, pi .

( SIR ana) (ix. ii. 42), —

TOT lead , bring out. 1cadana , blaming.

Trtarr pdsar , blame. xci^XoT pdsarana , blaming.

gruTc , weep. grukan °, weeping.

A few verbs (mostly connected with female ideas, and mostly

used impersonally) have no masculine forms, and are also discussed

under the head of Nos. 16-18.

They have only feminine abstract nouns or infinitives in in, or

grsr ™n. For easy reference, I repeat them here.

The two following form their abstract or infinitives in TR in, and in

no other way (ix. ii. 24). That is to say they have no infinitive in un.

tsar, be inwardly wrathful, whether referring to a man or

a woman, always used impersonally, and always in the feminine. Thus,

tas tsar™ (fern.), of him or her inward wrath was felt, i.e,,

he or she was inwardly angry. Abstract noun or infinitive ^fts^

tsarin, not tsarun or tsaran, inward wrath. tsarun, does

/

occur, but it is the abstract noun or infinitive of another verb,

^ fear, increase.

Other examples of the use of this curious verb is cR

tas tsaran chheh (fern.) he or she is inwardly angry. Tift tas teciri,

he or she will be angry.

189S.] G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

209

tsuv , (ix. ii. 24) quarrel, also used impersonally, and in the

feminine. Abstract noun or infinitive isuvin , quarrelling.

Examples of use, —

Present tense, ^TTiT suh clihuh tsuvan , he is quarrelling.

Future tense, suh tsuvi , he will quarrel.

Past tense, only used in the feminine, —

tain * tsuv *, by him quarrelling was done.

^ tami tsuv11, by her quarrelling was done.

Note, that in the Past, it is always used impersonally, and in the

feminine gender though it may refer to males.

We thus see that ^ tsar is alwrays construed with the genitive

( tas ), but tR tsuv, in the Present and Future as an ordinary

Intransitive Verb, and in the Past as an Impersonal Verb.

The two following verbs, form their abstract nouns or infinitives

in 9f«r "ii, and in no other way.

morav, (viii. iii. 25) bear pain, used impersonally and in the

feminine in the past tenses only. Abstract noun or infinitive

morav^h.

Examples of the use of this verb, —

Present tense, suh chuh moravan, he is bearing pain.

Future tense, suh moravi, he will bear pain.

Past tense, crfa tam* morav * (fern, impersonal) (pain) was

borne by him, he bore pain.

H’lf marts (ix. ii. 25), be impatient. Abstract noun, or infinitive,

marten.

Examples of use, —

Present tense, tas chheh (fern.) martsan , of that man,

or of that woman, there is impatience.

Future tense, iff5! tas martsi , of that man, or of that woman,

there will be impatience.

Past tense, tas marts' l, of that man, or of that woman, there

' ^

was impatience.

It is thus construed exactly like ^ tsar.

J. i. 27

210

G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmiri, [No. 3,

The following verbs optionally form feminine abstract nouns or

infinitives in in addition to the ordinary masculine one in ’gif

un (ix. ii. 26).

?$r^ kh°s, pluck the hair. In the case of this verb, khasun

(masc.) is used when men are referred to, and khasPn (fern.) when

women are referred to ( sensu obscoeno).

fa^ phits, forget ; ^ phog, be inwardly angry ; phuh, be

inwardly angry. In the last two the fern, abstract noun is used of the

wrath of females.

wazav , moisten ; ^ wuts , be burnt.

The following verbs optionally form the feminine abstract noun in

in, in addition to the ordinary masculine one in un (ix. ii,

27-32).

sdr, feel (see No. 26) ; khut , dig from below ; 2R tuv , close

(of a flower) ; n duv, sweep ; dal , pass over; ^ truk (see No. 30a),

bite in pieces ; theh, praise ; nats , dance ; nat , tremble ;

•TO nam , bend ; wuz , appear (as water from a spring) ; wuth , twist ;

wup, burn inside ; faR liv, smear (makes or faf x& Upin) ;

^r lyav , lick ; 3RX kar , do (qrffaT^ karin , however, only means a mason’s

trowel) ; ivat, twist ( watin means a collection) ; qR phar ,

steal (qjfa^T pharin means a female thief). Thus, sarin, feeling.

If the secondary suffix al (sec. suf. No. 6) is ever used with

any abstract verbal noun, it cannot be used with the masculine form,

but only with the feminine form in (ix. ii. 27). This qjqr al

is only used with a few verbs. Thus, thekiiial, a praiser ;

•rfksRr natinal , a trembler, and so on.

x

22. an, (masculine). Used to form masculine abstract nouns

in the case of three verbs (ix. ii. 41). Thus, —

fa ci, drink. cyan (masc.) drinking. > >

fa khi, eat. ^jsr khyan (masc.) drinking,

fa Jii, place. ^pT hyan (masc.) placing. ;

20. qpT an (fern.). Used to form feminine abstract nouns in the

case of the following verbs (ix. ii. 35, 37) kapat, cut ; dant

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kdqmiri. 211

shake out dust ; nahav , obliterate ; fw pil, arrive ; fqrc pliir, turn

over (pages); irrsr maz, be intent upon; milav, unite;

mutsar , open ; 33; mur, shell (pease, &c.) ; lyav , lick ; ^3 wuth ,

twist ; wuh , be not extinguished ; adar, mix ; 4’<SR; khgndar ,

divide; §[23 $shotar , make small; dftsnc zithar , make long; jpnc totar,

have insufficient means of livelihood ; xftaR; pithar , blame and instruct ;

phutar, break ; isx bgdar, make great ; q{?n; bggart divide ; *323

mdtar make thick ; wowar, shave metal.

Thus, kapalan (fern.) cutting.

The verb gilav , whirl about, forms fJT^r«r gilan , which means

‘ an attempt ’ (ix. ii. 36).

The verb *rq nav, be new, forms ^3^ novaran , raking up an old

story against a person (ix. ii. 38).

The verb Idr, touch, forms ^TTT»T Idran , which means ‘ tremb¬

ling ’ (ix. ii. 40).

Some people use this form with the roots rjsn: tgnary dilute ;

tgtsar , make hot; ^53 sygzar , make straight (ix. ii. 39).

24. rab. This is optionally used in the case of the root

mas, to form a masculine verbal abstract noun (ix. ii. 5). Thus,

masrab, forgetting.

25. ^ ® , this is optionally used to form masculine verbal abstract

nouns from the three following roots (ix. ii. 6).

dodar, rot. dodgr*, rotting.

zozar, wither. zozar *, withering.

sosar , decay. sosgru , decaying.

26. ^ * is used optionally to form feminine verbal abstract nouns

in the case of the following verbs (viii. ii. 62, 63, 68, 72, 79).

tach , pare, tgch*, scratching (also 3* tack) ; ^ rack,

protect, TW rgchi &, protection ; isliad, search, tsdd*, searching ;

A A

^7^ isliad, search (with a nasal), makes either tshdd*, or wfs

A " * '

t§had ; wi*f chan , sift, chan* ; don , card cotton, dun* ; ^pr

*§\ * ,/K

212

G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kaqmiri. [No. 6,

ihar , be quick, thdr* ; babar , be quick, babar u ; sar,

feel, (vide p. 210) ; handar , be cold} hand ?r*.

27. a (masc.) ; used optionally to form masculine verbal abstract

nouns in the case of the following verbs (ix. ii. 7).

chbmb , husk ; zos , cough ; tott bagar , fry in oil ; beh,

sit ; lam, pull ; Ids, be weary ; wun, be unlucky.

Thus, chomba, the act of husking, and so on.

28. 3T a (fern.) used optionally to form a feminine abstract verbal

noun in the case of the verb g’jr wuyg, to howl like a dog, in a special

meaning (ix. ii. 57).

Thus, |[JT wurjga , lying awake at night on account of some care.

g’JT wurjg , means a dog’s howl.

29. av. Used optionally in the case of the verb ^ lad,

send, build, elevate, push, when it means ‘ build,’ to form a masculine

abstract noun. ladav, also means, the wages of building (ix. ii. 8).

30. ■" ■ (masc.). Several verbs optionally drop all suffixes to

form abstract nouns. In such cases roots ending in hard consonants

aspirate them in the nominative singular and plural. These roots are

classed according to their final letters. In the case of causal roots

ending in av, the av is dropped.

(a) * h, certain verbs in m k and ** kav, make optional verbal

abstract nouns by changing the qf k or ^ kav to kh (ix. ii. 9).

These verbs are, —

chokav, wash.

ishok, become speechless.

zqi tak, bite in two with a noise.

tuk, bore like a rat.

vJ

tokav, cause to disappear.

thuk, bury.

^ truk, cut to pieces, eat (vide p. 210).

thak, be weary.

pdkav, cook.

phuk, blow up fire.

brak , clench with the teeth.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Eapmiri. 213

Thus, chokh , the act of washing. tehokh, speechlessness

and so on. The root phuk becomes phokh , when it means

‘ to puff.’ Otherwise it is simply phukh , the blowing of a fire.

(6) * <7. This case is exactly similar to the preceding one. It

occurs in the case of three verbs (ix. ii. 10). Thus, —

, « * , ) v i

Optional form of Abstract Noun.

dogav , husk. dog , husking.

varjg, paint. T*T ragg , painting.

sagav, water plants. W sag , watering.

(c) ^ (ix. ii. 11). It occurs only in the case of the verb, —

wdte, cheat ; abstract noun ivfteh, cheating.

(d) Z t (ix. ii. 12).

feet, powder ; lilt, rob ; wat , join. These can form

abstract nouns in S’ th. Thus, iseth, pounding to powder.

(e) V d (ix. ii. 13).

jfe gand , tie ; optional abstract noun, Jte gan$, tieing.

(/) n ii* 14).

?g«r khan , dig ; 5fsf tehen, cut ; optional abstract nouns, W khant

digging, tehen, cutting.

(g) ^ p. The following verbs optionally make their abstract

nouns in W ph (ix. ii. 15).

kgmp , tremble ; krp , cut with scissors ; ^PT te&p , chew

(Cf. No. 31w.) ; zap , mutter prayers ; zv tap , kick of a horse, Ac.

Thus, kgrnph , trembling, and so on.

(/t) H m (ix. ii. 16).

q«T bram, be in error ^ abstract noun, optionally, ^ bram.

(i) X. r (ix. ii. 17).

car, tie tightly.

cir, wring out.

ffTT tar , cross over (active).

xj^iTT phukdr , speak in anger, bubble up (of steam).

214

G. A. Grierson — On Primary Svffixes in Kdgmiri.

[No. 3,

TOT?; phyar, strain (liquid).

mar , beat.

sor , remember.

Thus, optional abstract noun, ^TT car, tieing tightly.

(j) l (ix. ii. 18).

tsel , force inside (active).

W*T tshal , cheat.

zal , scrape.

?fr^r ZoZ, weigh.

dal, split (active)

mel, meet.

Thus, optional abstract noun, £$£Z, forcing inside.

( k ) ^ w; (ix. ii. 19).

y

zuv, live.

^ duv , sweep.

cTT^ Zdr, heat,

scj^ woJiav, curse.

These optionally form their abstract nouns in 3 v. Thus, 5T^ znvy

life ; wohav , cursing.

(Z) ^ s (ix. ii. 20).

ras , be juicy.

hasav, incite.

Thus, ^ ras, juiciness ; to has, inciting.

(m) ^ h (ix. ii. 21, 22).

JT^ gah , grind.

TO tsah , suck.

TO gah, grinding ; TO[ tsah, sucking. The former also makes TO

gas , grinding.

31. - (fern.). Several verbs optionally drop all suffixes to

form feminine abstract nouns. In such cases, roots ending in hard

consonants aspirate them in the nominative singular. These roots are

classed according to their final letters.

1898.] G. A. Grierson— On Primary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

215

In the case of causal roots ending in ^ av , the av, is dropped.

The following are the verbs : —

(а) k (ix. ii. 56).

chak , scatter.

chik, sprinkle.

camak , shine.

tak , run.

pkuk, smell.

9 Sk, doubt.

•sji-

Thus, chakhj (fem.) a scattering, a sowing of seed; gekh

(fem.), doubting.

(б) *3 kh (ix. ii. 75).

There is only one, and it is irregular. lekh , write, makes

leph, a writing (nom. pi. lepha).

(c) 31 g (ix. ii. 57).

«TT3T zag, be watchful.

«T JI tag , emit a loud cry.

^3i dag , beat.

3T3T mayg, ask.

^f3i lag , be with.

^IT3T lag, imitate.

3f3i wurjg , bark (of a dog).

^31 goyg , sleep.

Thus, 5TT3T zay, watchfulness. ^3T wugg , is, specially, a dog’s howl.

«pr icugga, means the lying awake at night owing to some care.

(d) w cli (ix. ii. 61).

cfW tach , pare.

mandach , be ashamed.

Thus, scratching. The first may also form (62).

( e ) ^ t£ (ix. ii. 58).

pats, trust with a loan.

rots, be preferred.

’sfT^f grots, be pure.

216

G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kaqmiri. [No. 3,

Thus, tjv pdtsh, trust (of all kinds), rotsh, preference.

( / ) W tsh (ix. ii. 59).

TV yitsh , wish,

fav pritsh, ask.

Thus, TV yitsh , wishing. We say favJTT^ pritsha-gdr *

«-a.9, asking, &c., was done by him for him.

(g) 5T 5 (ix. ii. 64).

graz , roar.

Thus, Tjsi ^ras, a roaring; faff grazi kyutu , for roaring (ix. i.

17).

(Ji) v t (ix. ii. 65).

Wv break wind with noise.

•C\

VV t§hat , winnow.

qRP p7iwt, be broken.

Thus, v* tshdth , winnowing.

(i) 3 /7i (ix. ii. 66).

£ya£7i, be bitter. The abstract noun, ^jar tydth,

means necessity, necessariness.

Thus, TfV tamale 1 tydth , the want of tobacco.

(j) v d (ix. ii. 67, 68).

mad, mix.

VTV tshad , search.

The latter makes VT^ tshad , or vtv hshfid”. [The verb v^r tsdd,

\*\

search, without the nasal, always makes isgd*~\.

(k) ?r t (ix. ii. 69).

•3J?T nyat , shear.

latav, kick.

Thus, nydth , a shearing ; Idtli, a kick.

(7) V d (ix. ii. 70).

pad, break wind.

HfT pyad> be cognisant of.

xiV pond, sneeze.

Thus, m pond, a sneeze.

1898.] G. A. Griei’son — On Trimary Suffixes in Kdgmivi, 217

( m ) *T n (ix. ii. 71).

*JTH5T dman, change for the bad.

aTT*r zan, know.

Thus, aman , a change for bad.

(n) p (ix. ii. 73).

Udp, gnaw.

Thus, tsdph, a gnawing (Cf. No. 30 g.).

(o) ^ ph (ix. ii. 74).

wuph , fly.

Thus, wuph a flying.

(p) ^ b (ix. ii. 76).

. *■

^ ramb, be beautiful.

$ub, be beautiful.

Thus, ^ ramb , beauty.

(?M 2/ (ix- ii* 77 )•

spsy pray , be pleased with.

| i . ... i , . 4 . *

Thus, pray, love.

(r) T r (ix. ii. 78).

awar , cover. ,

dakhar, depend upon.

tar, be cold.

4f*n; thathar, be quick.

dor , run.

mur, husk.

^TTT Idr, touch.

saJchar , set forth.

lar, means absconding. The verb duntshar, separate,

forms dunish, separating (ix. ii. 60). The verb, wadar, bury

makes wad (ix. ii. 67).

J. i. 28

218 G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmirz. [No.

( s ) l (ix. ii. 80).

gdgal, )

_ > be disturbed in one’s work.

qTJl^T gragal , )

tal , go away with indifference.

tambal , change one’s mind.

mokal , be released.

wolal, adorn.

gahal, be cold.

Thus mokal. release.

\ 7

(t) ? w , (ix. ii. 81).

dap, run.

Thus, dar, running.

32. ^ ig Ux* ii* 33). This is used optionally to form feminine

abstract nouns or infinitives, in the case of the following verbs.

tsok, be angry ; <rq tap , become hot ; *TJI layg , be lame.

Thus, tsokig , anger.

The v' milavt unite, irregularly forms milamig (ix.

ii. 34).

33. qftr ah (nom. sg. akh ) (fern.), used to form a feminine

abstract noun in the case of the verb tfrsr poth , be fat ; e.g.,

pothakh , fatness (ix. ii. 45).

34. <3ffT at (nom. sg. ath) (fem.), used to form feminine

abstract nouns in the case of the following verbs (ix. ii. 44).

arz , earn ; bav, declare one’s intentions ; wopaz, be¬

come ; W $rap, decay ; syad, succeed ; jtc; gar, make ; WZ wat ,

twist ; gahal , be cold ; hyaJc , be able.

Thus, arzat ; nom. sg. arzath , earning.

35. SfST ay (fem.), used to form feminine abstract nouns in the

case of the following verbs (ix. ii. 46).

wakhan , tell ; khar , ascend ; sfui zfig, be watchful ;

sfT^T wal, take down ; nats , dance ; ir*sf hokh, be dry ; aman,

change for the bad.

£898.] G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kdgmiri. 219

Thus, wakhanay , telling. The verb vfrr marjg , ask, forms 5RTJR

mag ay, asking (ix. ii. 47).

The verb bagar , divide, forms bdgay , division, or

bdganay (ix. ii. 48, 54).

• • • ' * t

The verb zen , conquer, forms fsR ziy , victory (ix. ii. 49).

<>

From the verb ^TR sav , sleep, comes the derivative, udasdvay ,

waking, lying awake (ix. ii. 50).

The simple word sdvay , means ‘ happiness’ (ix. ii. 51).

From the verb ^rst dman , change for the worse, already mention¬

ed, we also have ^t*rsj hamanay , a false charge (ix. ii. 52).

From the verb ^R lag , cultivate, we have ^tr*r laganay , culti¬

vation (ix. ii. 53).

From the verb sad, accomplish, we have sddanay, a

chief cause (ix. ii. 55).

36. awaii (fern.) (with unmodified vowel). This is added

to a verb to signify wages (ix. ii. 82, 83, 84). Thus, —

karawan , (fern.), the wages of doing; parawan, the

wages of reading ; ^TRe^ lonawan , the wages of reaping ;

rvzawan, the wages of remaining.

If the root ends in a vowel the suffix is <^sr wawan. Thus, —

(f^ di) diwawan, the wages of giving; niwawan ,

the wages of taking ; khyawawan , the wages of eating ;

cyawawan, the wages of drinking.

37. anhar, used to signify fitness (ix. ii. 91). Thus,—

karanhdr, fit to be done.

gandanhdr , fit to be bound.

If the verb ends in a vowel, the suffix becomes *R^fPC anahdr .

Thus, —

khyanahdr , fit to be eaten.

cy anahdr, fit to be drunk.

hy anahdr, fit to be placed.

220 G. A. Grierson — On Primary Suffixes in Kagmiri. [No. 3,

But as usual, —

ninahar , fit to be taken ;

dinahar, fit to be given ;

yinahdVj fit to come.

The verb lag makes lagali&r , which simply means

* worthy.’

1898,] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmiri.

221

On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmiri. — By G. A. Grierson, G.I.E.

[Read August, 1898.]

The following account of Secondary Suffixes in Ka^miri is based

on the fourth part of ^vara-kaula’s Kagmira-gabdamrta. Some of the

so-called suffixes are evidently merely nouns in composition, but I have

thought it best to retain them.

The following suffixes express Relationship.

1. q<T put * (iv. I).1 This Suffix (the Skr. TTTfP potah) added to a

noun in the form of the instrumental singular case (the if n of the

first declension being dropped), signifies son, e.y., —

^ dary (instr. daran ) a certain caste, dara-putuy the

son of a man of that caste.

haul, a certain caste, kaula-piitP, the son of a man

of that caste.

tyuku (instr. tik *), a certain caste, titf-put11,

the son of a man of that caste.

kdv , a crow, kdva-putv,y a young crow.

^ hat, a ram, kata-piitu , a young ram.

Apparently irregular are, —

jqf-tjnrf myU-'putu'i a young ram ; kbkar-piitu a chicken ;

kotar-putu a young pigeon ; and pachin-putu,

a young bird.

This Suffix can only be used with generic terms, such as the

above. It cannot be used with proper names (iv. 2).

Note. — The word tsura-put^y either means the son of a

thief (^r isur), or may be applied to children as a term of endearment

(iv. 3). K

1 References here and elsewhere to the Kagmira^abddmrta.

222

G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmtri.

[No 3,

When the Suffix is added to the word fas? min. a kiss, fasf-qrf

mine-putu, or J^-tTrr mone-putu, means simply a kiss (iv. 4).

C\v>

2. hath. This word also means son, but is rarely used, except

in abuse, or anger (iv. 5), e.g ., —

tsura-kath , son of a thief.

JTprT-tira; gdna-kath, son of a pimp.

TTJT-^T pdga-kath , son of destruction.

wdza-kdth , son of a cook.

rdsa-kath, son of adultery.

ko-kath, ( a bad son.

We also, however, find so-kath , a good son (<5g*p) and

sbkha-ka(h, a son of happiness (Q^g^: ).

3. kg,tu. This Suffix, on the contrary is used as a term of

praise, with words signifying castes or professions (iv. 6), e.g., —

bata-kgtu, a real son of a brahman ( i.e ., a good brahman).

So dara-kat‘u', kaula-katu-

't *

iPT5f-^ chdna-katu, a real son of a carpenter, a good carpenter.

Apparently irregular in not having a final 0 for the first member,

are words like, —

sdnar‘kgtu, a real son of a gold-smith, a good gold-smith.

7nanar-katu, a real son of a shell-worker, a good shell-

worker, cf. No. 38.

We find also (from ag^r mUs, a buffalo, ante, p. 63), mazsa-

katu, a buffalo-calf.

4. turu , fern, tar. This Suffix is associated with the rela¬

tionship of first-cousin (iv. 8, 9, 10). Thus, —

■SPffgpr pophaturu boyu, the son of a paternal aunt (lit., brother

by a paternal aunt).

masaturu boyu, the son of a maternal aunt.

mdmaturu boyu, the son of a maternal uncle.

p6phatQr bene, the daughter of a paternal aunt*

223

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

sejst mdsatar bene , the daughter of a maternal aunt.

>* N '

*THT<TT mdmatar bene, the daughter of a maternal uncle.

Irregular is pituru boyu (fern. farTT pitar bene), the

son (daughter) of a paternal uncle.

So also we have wipT popliatar bay 1 kdkan , the wife of

the son of a paternal aunt.

Similarly for the other wives, masatar bay 1 kale an ;

mamatar bay1 kdkan, and pitar bay1

kakan.

5. ^ thar , fern, al za indicates, with a change in the termination

of the root-word, the relationship of nephew (iv. 11, 12, 13). Thus, —

bdbathar, brother’s son (sffa boyu, a brother).

bdwaza, brother’s daughter.

byanathar, sister’s son bene a sister).

byanaza, sister’s daughter.

dyarathar, son of a husband’s brother, (tip* dryuyu, a

husband’s brother).

dydraza, the daughter of a husband’s brother.

The following Suffixes form adjectives Of possession.

6. al, fern. al. This Suffix is restricted to natural posses¬

sions, i.e., when a thing or quality is spoken of as not only accom¬

panying an object, hut as actually forming part of it (iv. 15-19), cf.

No. 9. When added to verbal nouns, they must be in the feminine

form, see p. 210.

As usual, the noun to which the suffix is added takes the form of

the instrumental singular, but before a, X i becomes y, and m a,

224 G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri. [No. 3,

word does not mean possessing a tongue, which is zevisgst ®, or

zeviwolu , (No. 9).

When this suffix is added to the words bene, a sister, and

kur ”, a daughter, the compound implies incestuous sexual connexion,

thus, benel, koryal. To convey the idea of possessing a

sister or a daughter we must say benewola, kdrewol ”,

(No. 9). * *

The word dgr *, a beard, optionally takes the suffix yal

thus daryal, or dgr'yal, bearded (iv. 19).

The word yad, a belly, becomes «nRT yadal, having a large

belly, pot-bellied (iv. 30). On the other hand yadal , means

‘gluttonous ’ (iv. 31). So from ^ har, a quarrel, we have har°l,

1898.] G. A. Grierson— On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmiri.

225

fgqr tshok, slyness.

§>qf chok , a sore.

W a cry.

dokh, pain.

SfTJT drag , a famine.

quarrelsome (iv. 32), and from jat, Lair, sj^r jatsal, very hairy

(iv. 33).

7- lad, fern. lad. This suffix is sometimes used instead of

al , but usually in a bad sense (iv. 20, 21). Thus, —

phak, a stink. phakalad fern. phakalad stinking.

tshokalad , sly.

chokalad, full of sores.

bakalad , prating.

dokhalad , pained.

dragalad , afflicted with

. . / famine.

This termination cannot be substituted for al in every case.

For instance we cannot say gotshalad, dakhalad , or

babalad. But with some words both al and lad can be

used. Thus besides iqsrer genal , we can have genalad , wrink¬

led ; besides syasal , syasalad , warted ; and besides

t

tsasal, tsasilad (sic). When the word qro phag means eccen¬

tricity, it takes the termination thus phagalad, mad,

eccentric. When it means brightness, it takes the termination

thus qr3T^[ phagal.

f \ ‘

8. yoru, fern. yar™. This suffix occurs in the following

words. It is added as usual to the instrumental in the first two cases.

In the last it is irregular (iv. 22, 23) : —

paz11, truth.

paz^yor^,

apgz w, untruth. Vrfapfrs apaziyor'u',

fern, pgzlygv^,

truthful,

fern, apgz'ygr®,

untruthful.

mgnzyumu ,

manzyumv,yoru ,

a go between,

a medium.

The last word is really a compound substantive and its fern, is

m anzim^yaren .

• <*\

J. i. 29

226

(x. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

[No. 3,

9. <n*l wdla, fem. wajen ; a suffix signifying possession, when

the thing possessed accompanies the possessor, but does not actually

form part of it (iv. 24). (Cf. No. 6).

As elsewhere, the suffix is added to the instrumental singular.

Thus, —

^jTT dyar , (masc.) wealth. dyarawolu fem. ^JTW5q«T dyarawajen,

lariwolu,

lar *, (fem.) a house.

% •

cfiy, (fem.) a place.

3^ kur'ii, a daughter.

necyuv w, a son.

gayiwol'1,

JcoriwdV %

wealthy.

lariwajen ,

possessing a house.

gdyiwdjen ,

possessing a place.

koriwajen ,

possessing a daughter.

neciv'wa-

jen , possessing a son.

But, —

gwpun, a quadruped.

JIT gara , a house.

3TTT«r^t^r gupanwolu , possessing herds.

irtfo garwdlu , the master of a house.

JPC^T^T garawol11, possessing a house.

10. grdkh , fem. UT3\5T grakan. This may be used instead of

«n*»r wdlu in the same sense (iv. 24). Thus, —

lgru, a house, larigr&kh, fem. larigrdkan ,

possessing a house, and so on.

11. hatu. fem. hats'1. This suffix denotes inconvenience

S’ ‘ *

experienced by the mind or feeling, but not by the corporeal body

■ •

(iv. 25). The usual rule is followed in adding the suffix. Thus, —

’ 4 | j

nyandar (fem.), sleep, nyandHihat^^iem.

nyandarihgtLs'i , afflicted with sleep.

■^T tres (masc.) thirst,

spf bdcha , hunger.

kriid, anger.

3* gum a, sweat.

wiff tresahgtu , thirsty.

bochahat *, hungry.

krudahgtu , angry.

gumahptu , sweaty.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmiri. 227

taph , sunshine. ?rre4?J tdpahqt *, feeling the sunshine.

gT tur , cold. turihqt*, feeling cold.

dr, pity. arahat* , pitiful.

In the two following the adjectives formed do not necessarily refer

to mind or feeling, —

^ lawa , dew. lawaliqt* , dewy.

?TT^ tdw , warmth. tdwahat* , warm.

x 7 • 7

| __ _

E.q., tdwahats* butarath, warm ground.

12. 4fT vyat*, fern. 4^ vyats *. This suffix is added in the case of

the words mandacha, shame ; iff^ mdda , respect ; *n*T mdna , honour,

in the same meaning as «ft^ wblu (iv. 26). Thus, —

mandachavyat *,

l ^

JTT^ajcr modavijat* ,

i ^

iTTST^TiT mdnavyat* ,

So also, —

barsavyqt *,

13. ^ITST fern, ^isr an, added to the words dand, a tooth, and

•T^T nast , a nose, in a bad sense (iv. 28).

Thus, ^T«T dandan , fern. ^Tij dandan , having an ugly tooth.

•rerriT nastdn, having an ugly nose.

14. w,' fern. *. This is used with the same words in the same

x %

meaning (iv. 29).

nast*, fern. •W nast®.

i.* ' '

dand*, fern. dand*.

Si \«\

fern. V^^^mandachavyats*, ashamed,

fern. ifT^^modarT/afcs'5', respected,

fern. honoured.

fern. wealthy.

15. W ur *, fern. ur*, a variant of the preceding (iv. 29).

nastier *, fern. nastier*.

C\ ' C\ '

dandier *, fern, dandier ®.

16. at, fem. at, added to «r^r wais, age, gives waisat ,

meaning ‘ very old.’ Added to ras, malice, we have rasat,

malicious (iv. 34, 35).

228

G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmirl. [No. S7

17. it, fem* T? it, is used as follows (iv. 36-38).

From acid, the eye.

?§nr rup, beauty.

lub , desire.

C\'

tssjw zyav, tongue.

achit, fem. aclilt, Laving

tLe evil eye.

rupit, very beautiful.

liibit. covetous,

cs

zevit, a calumniator.

• Nv 9

18. ufli, fem. iitli, as in lyakh (fem.) abuse,

lyakal, or lyakaluth , abusive (iv. 39).

The following suffixes form Abstract Nouns.

19. ar, (masc.) added to adjectives (iv. 41). This termination

, N # j

is added in the usual way to the form of the case of the agent, i becom¬

ing y. Thus, —

byuy11, stale.

| ^

tsaru, much.

phahuru, hard.

1

*1^ navu, new.

HU pap"11, ripe.

| ^

UiUr p1xapliw, stammering.

3UU gob w, heavy.

dm71, unripe.

\ **

rr’ ’ JT3J gag71, silent.

tsdsu, acrid.

pharig *, hard (fem).

A

The last adjective is only used in the feminine.

The main word is also subject to the following changes, —

(a) If the adjective is of three or more syllables, ar becomes

dr (iv. 42). Thus, —

biyyar, staleness.

tsaryar, excess.

pliaharyar, hardness.

navyar, newness.

•' 1

quK papyar, ripeness.

phaphyar , stammeringness,

gobyar, heaviness.

dmyar, unripeness.

JUST gagyar, silence.

TfrujT tsasyar , acridity.

pliar7 gyar, hardness.

wozul71, red.

”s» V>

mokidu , free.

o^opsrr?: ivozajyar, redness (see i.

below).

mokajyar, free.

229

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmir'i.

(b) This rule is, however, not universal (iv. 44). Thus, —

apazar, untruthfulness (see

h. below).

krhaiiar, blackness (see h.

below).

4 *

Jcdisaryar , tawniness.

kdwaryar, dark-blueness.

4

krpanar miserliness (see h.

below).

kayaryar, the nature of

pinewood.

khbwaryar , leftness.

gegydmyar , light black¬

ness.

tsataryar , skilfulness.

wisamyar , unevenness.

(c) The word 3T3' tdthv', dear, beloved, forms tdthandr or

tdchyar, belovedness (iv. 43).

(d) When the word ^ bag, a mother-in-law, takes ar, the

word hagar is only used in low abuse. The right word for the

condition of a mother-in-law is hagatonu (No. 27) (iv. 45).

^ .

(e) The suffix is optional in the case of the following (iv. 46).

kgbu, hunchbacked. &o&w, or kobyar , hunch¬

backedness.

i

JT?T gggu or gagyar , silence.

apgz™ , untruthful.

lf4*r krhan u, black.

katsarn , tawny.

kawuru , dark-blue.

kxpun *, miserly.

kdyuru , pinewood.

khowurv', left (not

right).

TOigTO gegyom *, light black.

tsatur w, skilful.

wisam't'j uneven.

Ji*T gggu, silent.

VJ

(/) When the adjective ends in u-mdtrd preceded by ^ k, ^ kh, or

3T g , these letters become ^ c, w ch, and or j respectively (iv. 47).

Thus, —

fsr^f nyuk *, little. nicyar, littleness.

| ^ _

taku , sharp. tacyar, sharpness.

N

| ^

^*3 hokh w, dry. 3?izp: hochyar , dryness.

230 G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Iiagmiri. [No. 3,

tryukhPi clever. tricky ar, cleverness.

5JT drpg*y dear.

c* J

I

srog1*, cheap.

drojyar , dearness.

srojyar , cheapness.

Exceptions are (iv. 48), vide antet pp. 32, 182, —

4^ tsokv', sour. Uokyar, sourness.

?S<§r khnkh u, speaking

G\»

khukhyar, nasality of voice.

through the nose.

( g ) Under similar conditions, z: t becomes c, <J th becomes

W ch , S' d becomes of j, and ^ n becomes of n (iv. 49). Thus, —

mocyar , fatness.

gacyar , darkness.

5TWT dr achy ar , hardness.

mazchyar , laziness.

Jcj’SEjr monjyar , bluntness.

bajyar, greatness.

^Tispc pranar , oldness, (see for

elision of y).

(ft) Under similar circumstances, c[ £ becomes ^ £g, ^ th becomes

$ ^ d becomes ?r, and «r w becomes of w, after all of which

® y is elided (iv. 50, 51). Thus, —

iks mot11, fat.

, * '

icz gat w, dark,

ifar drothu , hard.

J

\ lazy.

| ^

JEJ^ mondu , blunt.

I ^

^ great.

v» • . ’ o

»*»

sfT^T pronu , old.

rTcT <a£w, hot.

| ^

mai*. madness.

* ’

T?r ra£tt, good.

7 °

I "

wath w, open.

thadu, high.

mgndv \ sick.

V>

| "

fl*r tann. thin.

* *

gumanw , slightly dirty.

rT*?*T tamanu , black.

i i

^5T turan^j cold.

cp^C tatsar, heat.

maisar , madness.

ratsar , health of body (iv. 41).

watshar , openness.

VfoTT thazar , height.

manzar, sickness,

fisp: tanar, thinness.

gumandr (see a) slight

dirtiness.

rffiofpc tamandr , blackness.

turandr, coldness.

231

1898.] G. A. Grierson— On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

aw® blind. anar , blindness.

\j • ' * ' 7

katamalyun w, half- katamalinar , half-clean-

clean. ness.

* From the word panunu , own, we get irregularly

pdnanar , self ness.

Similarly y is elided in other cases after modified consonants.

Thus, in prdnar in ( g ) above, so, —

§[^ tshots w, empty.

^ atshu , weak.

v»

I "

true.

khal11, open,

'e

TO wulns fickle.

c\S»

%r!$K tslwisar, emptiness.

atshar , weakness.

pazar , truth.

(i) So also, when u-matra is preceded by ^ Z, the ^ Z becomes

«r y (iv. 52). Thus, —

khajyar , openness.

wojyar , fickleness.

kumul ®, delicate (see a). kumajydr , delicateness.

wdzuln, red. wdzajyar , redness.

V> s

I I

ojrTO zayulu, fine. zdyajyar , fineness.

pigulu, soft. pigajyar , softness.

(J) Similarly we have (iv. 53), —

trakuru , hard. ,TO5*7HT trakajydr or

trakaryar , hardness (see 6).

(fc) Similarly ^ 7i becomes W g (iv. 54). Thus, —

hyuhu , like. higyar , similarity.

tsagyar , acridity.

(Z) Similarly ^ s optionally becomes ^ ts/i (iv. 55). Thus, —

kaitsliar or §T*?c kaisar, the

condition of a youngest son.

20. (fern.). This is optionally used instead of ^ ur,

after frarf®, great, thus badimi , or bajyar (No. 19, </),

greatness (iv. 56).

acrid.

'i

i kUsu , youngest.

s*

232

G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri. [No. 3,

^ frubsu, pure.

21. yar* (fem.). This is optionally used instead of ^ ar, in

the two following words (iv. 57).

gruts'yqr* or qrotsar

(20, h ), purity.

tihyat*1, impure. tshePyar * or tshecyar

(20, g), impurity.

22. 5T z (fem.). This is added to words ending in sfps ydrw. Thus

from (iv. 58).

manzyumu-yoru ,

a go-between (see No. 8).

• r r • r

' * / ,ii , i

' Kt

pgz'yor, truthful.

apazlydru , untruth¬

ful.

So (cf. No. 21).

manzimil-yaraz (the

fem. form of manzyumw

is used), the office of a go-

between.

pqz,Lydraz, truthfulness.

apaziydraz , untruth¬

fulness.

qrut^ygr^z, purity, and

Cj N N *

tshepyar^z, impurity.

23. il (fem.), used to form abstract nouns from substances, not

from adjectives (iv. 59).

Thus, panditli , a pandit, xrfqtfTT^ pan dl til, the condition of a

pandit.

WT«T chan, a carpenter. chdnil , the condition of a

carpenter.

jTk gor, a priest. guril, the condition of a

priest.

This suffix cannot be used with every word. Sometimes No. 24,

must be used. We cannot for instance, say, from dosil , a plasterer,

dosHil, the office of a plasterer. We can only say

dosHgz (iv. 60).

The word IStffii, a eunuch, is irregular. It forms

Idtshil, or lutshil (iv. 62).

233

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

24. gz , (fern.), used optionally instead of the proceeding

(iv. 59, 60). Thus, —

pandHaz, the condition of a pandit.

WT«ri?T chdnaz , the condition of a carpenter.

aflTT^T gdraz, the condition of a priest.

dos'laz , the condition of a plasterer.

25. ^rlsr ilaz, (fem.), is a compound of the two preceding which

is sometimes used (iv. 61).

matil or matHtiz, the

condition of a madman. If

i{<T matu is used to mean ‘ mad,’

* '

(as an adjective), its abstract

noun would be matsar

(No. 19, h).

iiar breth, ignorant. brithHgz, ignorance.

So gurHaz , ^{■prr^rjsr chgnHaz.

d?r matu , a madman.

*

26. «r*7 way, (fem.), used to mean the wages of any act (ix. ii.

85-87). Thus, —

chanaway (fem.), the wages of a carpenter.

dosilaway (fem.), the wages of a plasterer.

From stt^ ndv , a boat, we have *rre*7 navay, the hire of a boat.

From bdru or bar, a burden, we have «rN^ bar^vay,

the wages of a porter.

27. ?fT*T ton w (masc.). This gives a meaning of relationship.

It is added, as usual to the agent form (iv. 63). Thus, —

*ft^T nidi u, a father.

VI

^joT mgffi, a mother.

\*\

boyu, a brother.

V*

puthar , a son.

hag , mother-in-law.

mdl'ton9 , fatherhood.

>»

^ifwrfr^T mdjiton motherhood,

^tf^rn^r bdyitonu, brotherhood.

** v» *

putaratdnu , sonhood.

's

hagatonu , mother-in-law-

hood.

J. i. 30

234

G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmirl. [No. 3,

28. xfrsr ponu, used instead of No. 27 when the relationship is not

VJ

intimate (iv. 63). Thus, —

vyas, a comrade. vyasapon *, comradeship.

day , a nurse.

xfioT poffi, low.

^TW*T dayapon ®, nursehood.

TjifsTRt*? pij'pon'*, lowness of posi-

tion (in a household).

29. ut (masc.), used with the following words (iv. 64).

gathar, an enemy. gatarut, enemyhood.

jRjsjy: myathar , a friend.

pitur, a father.

i

rsu , a saint.

*• * 7

band , a relation.

myatarut , friendhood.

piturut , fatherhood.

rsyut, sainthood.

bandut , relationship.

30. <3?r (masc.), used with the following word (iv. 65).

-v

ffa maith, a corpse. maitun , the condition of a

corpse.

31. ^ us (masc.), used with the following words (iv. 66, 67).

mond, a widow. *=pn3^ mondus , widowhood.

4^ dobu , a washerman (Cf. dobus , a washerman’s club,

p. 34). but 'dobil, the condition

of a washerman (No. 23).

32. 4^ (masc.), used in the following (iv. 68).

^3| son , a co-wife.

sonbad w, co- wifehood.

S’

[So also pitaribadu , fatherhood ; or

bajibadui brotherhood, commensality (iv. 69).

The suffix is used with the numerals 100, and above (iv. 70), as

follows : —

hath, a hundred.

^JT^T sas, a thousand.

*?l4?f hatabadu , hundreds.

(S*

sasabad1* , thousands.

Zac/i, a hundred thou- lachyabadu , hundreds of

sand.

thousands.

2898.] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

235

Applied to vegetables, it means a bundle, —

''fm hdklh spinach, hakabad w, a bundle of

spinach.

muj, a radish. mujibad w, a bundle of

's

radishes.

JWJTSrT gogaj, a turnip. gogajibad a bundle of

turnips.

In all the above, as usual, the suffix is added to the form of the

agent, gsr muj , may also be muj % and it would then form

mujebgdu. Cf. No. 82 post.

33. ^3 bath (fern.), used in the following, bdj'bath, com-

mensality (see No. 32), (iv. 69).

34. TO ulu fern, sr */*, used to form adjectives as follows

S» A

(iv. 72-87).

JTT3 gata , wisdom.

kond , a large spring,

also a large round earthen

vessel.

JH*? gand, a knot.

skilful.

kondul u. fern. kond^j^

» » \<\ *

circular.

JT^^T gand,ulu , fern, gandtj”,

^ 'i. \*\

in quantities, wholesale.

jrq gath , current of a river.

JT^; gad , (not used).

33 tgthu, a weight (usually

of grain) weighing twelve

seers.

dog w, a fist.

’sfff pot*, a child.

JTrr^r qatulu , fern. JlrTST qatQj*.

"J VJ 7 ' v j ^

excessive, very much.

gadulu, fern. gad ’9j*,

very much.

33^T tathulu , fern. 333T tathvi*.

large enough to hold a tgthw.

dogul* fern, dogvj*,

shaped like a fist, lumpish.

potul* , fern, pot*j*j an

''■i ^

image, an idol.

236

G . A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmiri.

[No. 3,

*3*3 mol, price.

sad, taste.

fjiF kotsh, bag.

fW chokh, cleansing.

tsdth, cutting.

xjsj path, trust.

W*l tsdth, the anus.

TTW rath, night.

doh, day.

WW wwn, wool.

35. ynlu, fern. iffi,

(iv. 88-95).'

stj tapu, ringlets.

jata (pi.), matted hair.

dah, burning.

ras flavour.

*a^T mdlulu, fem. motej*,

’ -x«\ •'

costly, high-priced.

sddulu, fem. WT^ST sady*,

sj v \®\

taste, nice to eat.

kotshulu, fem. Jcdtshvj”,

^ s» '

a porter.

§> chokulu, fem. chok^ffi,

clear, distinct.

tsatuln, fem. t£Q>t*j*,

* s> ' A

a thief.

patul'1, fem. W*T*T paWj”, a

* 'A

raft (fem. a mat).

WrJ^l tsotulu, fem. Wcnsj^ tsot^ju, a

sodomite.

TTTf^T ratul9, night-time.

duhulu , day-time.

munulu, fem. muntj*,

woollen (with short ante¬

penult).

used to form adjectives as follows

^uj^T tapyulu, fem. 3E:ffr5^ tapiffi,

having much hair.

5TWW jatyulu, fem. wfew jatij

having matted hair.

dahyulu , fem. dahrj *,

vj A

piteous (with short antepenult).

TWpl rasyul w, fem. Tf%«T rasiffi,

full of flavour, imparting

flavour. E.g., ww

rasyulu chuh gyawdn , he is sing¬

ing sweetly.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmirz.

237

matsh , consolation.

srefi , affection.

A '

vnatshyul ", fern.

>«D ^

ma ts hij™, con solatory .

srihyulu , fem. srihij *,

* •* \*\

J v»

affectionate (with change of

antepenult, vowel).

mis , a rag-nail, a piece misyulu, the same as mis ;

also a splinter or thorn under

the nail.

of loose skin at the nail,

a dolly-idler.

syakh , sand.

^3^ sekyul1*, fem. sehij *,

majti, a mother.

A

sandy, e.#.,

seJciju butardth , sandy soil ; also

sandy-tasty, mealy, of fruit.

mdjyulu , shy, tied to his

mother’s apron strings.

36. 3«T yun *, fem. in, occurs as follows (iv. 96).

mal, dirt. malyunV/, fem. malin ,

x VJ x

dirty.

The termination also implies measure or weight (iv. 109). Thus, —

trakh , a weight or trdhyunu hath , a ram

weighing a ; ^T^cr

^ vj vj

trahyun u natu , a jar holding a

trakh.

siryunu that , a dish

holding a seer.

a measure of ®ft^ hharyun w boru , a load

>»

sixteen trdhhs. weighing a fc/i&r.

tsdtwku , a measure of tsdtrdkyunu, containing

'St J v

that measure.

palyunu , weighing four

tolahs.

pdza$unu, m ensuring half

V.

a trakh (iv. 110).

measure of four and three

quarter seers.

ser, a seer.

four trdhhs.

pal , four tolahs.

V^uvUi a fofikh.

238

G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

[No. 3,

It will be observed that all the above are more or less irregular.

The suffix is also used with the words for sixty and seventy

(iv. 111).

$3 geth , sixty. githyunu, worth sixty.

x <J VJ

satath , seventy. satatyunu , worth seventy.

* _ ^ ^ i

We cannot do this with other numbers. Thus we say ^«r ^

dahan hgndu (genitive) dtid, a bullock worth ten.

It is also used with pronouns (iv. 112). Thus, —

<?jrr tyutu , SO much.

C\V>

S2jfT yyutn, how much.

kutu , how much ?

yiitu, this much.

We also have (iv, 113).

^fx^SI wariJiy , a year.

tityunu, worth so much.

's# VJ

yityunu , worth how much.

vj

fjHpr kutyun^, worth how much ?

J J

yityunu , worth this much.

?rb§*r wgrsyun11 , of one year ; one

year old.

37. unu , is used as follows (iv. 97-98).

^ a beam. kutunu, a small beam, a stick,

day, a blow. dagun w, a club, a mace.

V# VJ

38. X r , is used with the following words to signify profession or

calling (iv. 99-108).

XJI rayg, colour.

son , gold.

*T«T man , a precious stone.

tsam , skin.

X?TX raygar , a dyer.

^^TX sdnar, a goldsmith.

fl«TX manar , a lapidary.

^RX tsamar , a leather worker.

dad, a bull.

ktid (not used).

das , destruction.

phas, discord.

^31 barjga, Indian hemp.

bam , an impediment.

lama, delay.

^TT«r lab, interest.

XT^X dadar, a vegetable seller.

efiT^X kddar, a baker.

^TOX ddsar, a destroyer.

*tfTXX phasar, a causer of discord.

SRX barjgar , a hemp-smoker.

bamar , an impeder.

^PTX lamar , a delayer.

^H«fX ldbar, a money lender.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmiri.

239

sal , invitation.

luth , plunder.

ITU hr am, delusion.

Irregular is, —

lub, covetousness.

«v'

sdlar , a member of a bride-

NX

groom’s party.

latar, a plunderer.

^ bramar, a deluder.

** X 9

%

ladar, a coveter.

[Others write these words ranguru, sdnurv, &c. Thus

making the termination uru, not T r].

39. jt \ ggru, (masc.), fem. gar™, used to signify a profession

relating to anything sold fix. ii. 88, 89). Thus, —

laegaru, (^TT*T Ide is fem. pi.), a seller of parched grain.

gandanggru, a book binder.

harjgana- (plur.) -gar'"', a comb-seller,

mandangaru, a man who kneads cloth in water (to

soften it).

This is not used with words which have other forms, like sonar,

in preceding list.

From dane, paddy, we have, irregularly, dUgaru , a paddy

seller, vide ante, p. 70.

40. «TH yum w, fem. used to form ordinals (iv. 114.)

ahyumu, fem. ahim .*

J J 47 A 7

^ v\

first.

dahyum'"', fem. dahim *,

tenth.

akh, one.

dah, ten.

^ wuh, twenty.

hath, a hundred.

sds, a thousand.

X

afp^ hats ® (masc.) ) , how many ? hatsyumu, fem.

hatsa (fem.) ) , (plur.) hatsim which out of many p

yW (masc. plur.), how yztyumut fem. yztim*,

many. which out of many.

wuhyumu, twentieth.

hatyumu, hundredth.

sgsyumv', thousandth.

240

G. A. Grierson — (Jn Secondary Suffixes in Kagmirl. [No. 3,

?ftfrr tlt\ that many.

^pT ylt1, this many.

41. x *» fem. T h denotes plac

sovpor, Sopor, name

of a town.

fTT*T yiran Persia.

cm, China.

Hindustan , India.

vj

tityumu, fern, titim *,

** a

that out of many.

yUyumn, fem. yitirri *,

this out of many,

of origin (iv. 117). Thus, —

*T*trfc *T1^ sovpur * nav, a boat of

Sopor ; fem. sovpori.

irjpT JTC yiran 1 gurV/, a Persian

horse ; fem. tTTf*T yirani.

*37^ cin1 lchos Vj, a China cup ;

fem. ’ftfsr cini,

hindustan * kapur,

Indian cloth ; fem. ff^^rrfir

Hindustani.

42. ur'w, used as follows (iv. 118).

kagir (fem.), Kash- qjlF kgguru kogg Kashmiri

mlr. saffron.

So kggurn pagmina, Kashmiri pashmeena ;

kdgiru koth (fem.), aucklandia costus from Kashmir.

43. uku, fem. ^ c5. This is used to signify origin, either in

place or time. If uku is preceded by y, yuku becomes id* in

the feminine. It is really one of the genitive particles (p. 37) (iv. 119,

120).

kati , where ?

•Tier tati , there.

yiti, here.

yati, where.

sf*T huti , here.

katyukw , fem. katic *, of

where ?

tatuuku , fem. ?rf<T^r tatic ■*, of

v» ^ A

there.

TiJJ yityuk *, fem. yitid*, of

here.

yatyuk fem. yaticji,

of where.

Hutyuku , fem. ^fiT^ Hutic^, of

here.

241

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmlrl,

^ kar, when.

JIT gara , a house.

rath , yesterday.

parus ", the day before

yesterday.

dachyun ", south.

V# J

khowur ", north.

karuku , fem. karac”, of

what time.

garuku, fem. Jit^r garac ",

domestic.

TTrPF ratuku , fem. ^TfT^ ratac™, of

* N<\

yesterday.

parasukn , fem. par®-

sac", of the day before yester¬

day.

dachinyuk'u ', of the south.

khowaryukuy of the north.

The word az, to-day, makes azyuk ", of to-day.

44, yumu (or t*t), fem. im™. This termination is added

to the post-position TTTpC par1, beyond (cf. No. 70). When phrases like

^ifa kami 'par 1 occur, the fa mi of the pronoun is elided when

Thus, —

this suffix is added (iv. 120).

xrifr; par % beyond.

kamipgr *, in what

direction.

<Tfaxrifa; tamipar % in that

direction.

■^faulfK yamipari , in what

direction.

^faxrrfK humipgr % beyond

that.

Tfa^tfa; yimipar % in this

direction.

^rfWfc amipar % in that

(visible) direction.

J. i. 31

pgryum ", fem. parim?,

born in the country beyond

(the hills). May also be

written and so through-

out.

kapgryumu) of what direc¬

tion.

rPTT^*T tapgryum ", of that direc-

tion.

Wv* yapgryumv', of what direc-

tion.

huparyum ", of over there.

's

| ^ #

yipgryum * of this direction.

apgryum'w, of that direction.

242

G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmiri. [No. 3,

So also we have, —

WT3; broth, in front.

path, behind.

hyuru, above.

pydth, above.

rf^T tal, below.

^•T bon, below.

4^ andar , within.

nyabar, outside,

ira- manz , in.

♦s

45. khyqlu, fem. kheju

3T\W gciv, a cow.

gur ®, a horse.

5^ gupan , cattle.

brUthyum w, of the front.

TJHHT patyumu, of the rear.

hiryum u, of above.

pethyum ■*, of above.

talyum *, of .below.

•J

bdnyum'w, of below.

I ^ ^

qndaryumv> , of within.

?WHT nygbaryumu, of outside.

manzyumw, internal (Cf.

Nos. 8 and 22).

signifies multitude (iv. 121).

qdv^khyaV1 , a herd of

cows. Vide ante, p. 67.

gurlkhyala, a troop of

horse.

gupankhyql ®, a herd of

it

cattle.

tyurn , a ram.

aT»TT«f zandna , a woman.

tir'kliyal *, a herd of

rams.

zandnakhyolv' , a group

of women.

mahanyuvu, a man.

malianivikhyal‘u, a

crowd of men.

It will be observed that the termination is added to the Nomina¬

tive Plural.

46. ay, used as follows (iv. 122).

lukh, people. lukay, a crowd of people.

47. ^r«r unu, fem. ^ n , the genitive termination. It is used to

form adjectives also (iv. 123). Thus, —

*TT*r pdna, self. pantin'01, fem. xft^panan, own.

Note that in this word the long vowel of the base is shortened.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmln.

243

48. ^ udn , fem. of g®. This is used as follows (iv. 124).

\<\ (

VT par, another. parudu , fem. paraz

another’s.

49. ’si used to form adverbs of manner (iv. 125), with

elision of a preceding ^ h (iv. 131). So also in other cases. Thus, —

fcT? till , that. fo’^a, in that manner.

yih , who. ?/{£/&«, bow.

fo/d/i, what ? 3&PT hyatha, how? (vowel shorten¬

ed, iv. 129).

^ yih, this. yitha, thus.

huh, thus. hutlia, in that manner.

50. y thu, fem. vj&h*, forming adjectives of manner (iv. 126).

Thus,—

f?rsf tyuth9 , fem. Gtw titsh9, of that kind.

*

fsfST yyuthu, fem. f^TW yitsh9, of what kind.

Icyuth w, fem. T^^Jcitsh9, of what kind ?

^ yutliu, fem. TW yitsli9, of this kind.

VJ

huthu , fem. hutsh .®, of that kind.

* —

51. vlfar path1 or vifer pdthin, used pleonastically after adverbs of

manner, and similarly after other words (iv. 127, 128, 129). Thus, —

ffHPTTfs’ tithapathy, in that way.

f^sprlfs' yithapdthl, how.

sfclW'fe- hyathapathl , how ?

yithapdth % thus.

huthapatKl , in that way.

So also f*TsjVTfs«T tithapdthin, &c.

So also we have, —

biya, other. hiya pdthin , otherwise.

soruy, all. ^rrf^Vlfa' sdriypdth *, in every way.

W halu, crooked. * hal'pdtlp, crookedly.

244 G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri. [No. <3,

In the same way the termination can be added to the genitive of

any noun.

&g.t tasgnd 1 path ■*, like that.

guv i sand1 path % like the horse.

So also we have phrases like wirnspTTfar Icy atha -tan-path1, in any

manner. ?ri«T ftm = Skr., api.

52. ^JT rayga, used to form adverbs of manner as follows

(iv. 130).

frfaKTT iamiraggv, in that manner.

yamirapg0, , how.

kamirarjga , how P

yimirarjga, thus.

SpffTCJT humirarf , in that manner.

amirarjga , in that manner.

akirapga , in one manner (from SEpir akh, one).

dwayirayga, in two ways (from zah, two).

treyararjga , in three ways (from trih, three).

^Tf^CJT sarirayga , in every way (from 5^!^ soru , all).

yaisirayga, in many ways (from 4^" yats very).

fosrfwi sithahiragga , in many ways (from t%3T? sithdh ,

very).

53. ^ % to form adverbs Of place from pronominal bases (iv.

132). Thus, —

?jf<T tat1, there.

4f?T yat % where.

3\f?T kat1, where ?

Tf*T yit\ here.

hut1, there.

at *, there.

So also we have (iv. 155), formed from words which are not

pronominal bases, —

ilfe broth , before. sjfar brfithK in front.

C\" 7

path behind. -qfrr pvt1, in behind.

1898.] G-. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

245

khowuru, left.

<^FFT dachyunu , right.

<T^T tal, below.

Vyuth, above.

khow^r1 (p. 53), on the left.

dachin 1 (p. 54), on the right.

tal % below.

wf3" pyath *, above.

54. an, am, anas , ^r*riT anan , added pleonastically

to the adverbs of place mentioned in No. 53 (iv. 133, 135). Thus, —

katyan , katyani , 9|w5IijlJ katyanas, or 3u3jifir katyanan,

where ?

rfr^sT tatyan, tatyanl , ?rai«T^ tatyanas, or ffc^-TiT tatyanan ,

there.

yatyan, yatyani, 3?EJ*re yatyanas , or ^<^«f5T yatyanan ,

where.

atyan, atyani, atyanas, or 5fi*j5r«T atyanan,

there, &c.

55. t to form adverbs of motion from (iv. 132). Thus,—

?rf<T tati, from there, thence.

sjf?T yati , from where, whence.

cfif«T kati , from where ? whence ?

yiti, hence.

SjfrT huti, thence.

wf?T ati, thence.

56. xz^ pyatha, added pleonastically to the adverbs of motion

from, mentioned in No. 55 (iv. 134). Thus, —

tatipyatha, thence.

yatipyatha, whence.

katipyatha, whence ?

^fcTEra1 yitipyatha , hence.

hutipyatha , thence.

This is merely the post-position of the ablative. Cf. Hindustani

¥ kaha se.

57. or used to form adverbs of place as follows (iv. 136).

rfK tor there ; sfK yor, where ; kor , where ? sfTC yor , here

hor, there ; dr, there.

246

G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri. [No, 3,

When the suffix y , even, is added, 6 becomes ^ u. Thus, —

<J5T tury , even there ; yury, even where ; hury , even where ?

yury, even here ; <3^ ury, even there.

58. «T tu , or tuth, used to form adverbs Of place (iv. 136).

Thus, —

ff?j tat% or cfcpef tatuth, there ; 4?r yatu or yatuth, where ;

Jcat11 or katuth, where ? T?T yitu or yituth, here ; 3?rf hutu or

i ^ ^

hututh , there ; «H<T at *, or atuth, there.

^ i

With emphatic 3 y, these become, <T?j^ tatuy, tatuth^y, even

here ; ygituy or yatuth^y, even where, and so on (p. 88).

59. gftT ora, used to make adverbs of motion from (iv. 137).

Thus, —

rfTT tora, thence ; yora , whence ; Jcora , whence ? yor*,

hence ; hdra, thence ; or®, thence.

60. ^lf% ali or ad, used to make adverbs of time ( iv. 138).

Thus, —

teli, or cqf% ted, then ; zjjfrjjT yeti or y?d, when ;

% heli or hel1, when P

This termination is not used with other pronouns. The word for

‘now’ is won. ‘Even now’ is ep*r tmm (iv. 139). ‘When?’ is

also efi^C har (iv. 140).

61. t i, or r *, used to form adverbs of time (iv. 141, 143).

It is really the case of the agent, sometimes masc,, and sometimes

(to agree with wizi understood) fern. Thus, —

From —

ratulu , night time. TTtTf^T ratali, by night.

We also have TTfarfT rathyutu , with the dative post-position (iv.

142). '

doliul », day time. dohali, by day.

nyahapholu , break of nyahapholi, at daybreak,

dawn.

^ suV1, earliness.

suli, early.

247

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmiri.

yats^kdl, delay. yatsukdl % late.

kdl, time. kdl1, at tlie (right) time.

We have also kdtfkyath, the day after to-morrow. 35f«(

kydth is the sign of the Locative. Again tatikdV'kydth ,

two days after to-morrow.

wiz™, time, takes this suffix, which is in this case, clearly the

agent singular, in the following phrases.

^ffhf%P5T kamiwizi , when ? tamiwizi , then ; yami -

wizi, when ; &c.

62. ^ 5, used to form adverbs Of time in the following. It is

really the accusative singular (iv. 144).

3TI5T koj™, the forenoon meal. ^rif^T^T kdjis, at the time of the

forenoon meal.

mimyuz ®, the after- mimizis , at the time of

noon meal. the afternoon meal.

63. an, used to form adverbs of time, especially with regard

to the divisions of the day (iv. 145).

mandyun n, midday.

V>

dupahar, midday.

kalacan, evening.

batanyayg, the time of

the night meal.

batadab , the time of

going to bed after the

night meal.

adrdth, midnight.

mandinan at midday.

dupaharan, at midday.

^TT^r^TfT kalacanan, at evening.

batanyarjgan , at the time

of the night meal.

batadaban, at bed time.

^B*TTT<T«T adratan , at midnight.

patyumupahar , the patimpaharan , in the

last watch of the night. last watch of the night.

We even find this with foreign words, as, —

subah , morning. sub°lian, at morn.

gam, evening. ¥TTii«T gaman, at eve.

64. ^ a, used to signify distribution, with the prefix ^ prdth

(iv. 146). Thus, —

V* doll, a day.

prdthddha, day by day.

248

G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri. [No. 3,

(Also doha, day by day, iv. 147).

pahar , a watch. prdthpahara, at each watch.

warihy , a year. prdthwarihya, yearly,

spg prath , also simply governs the accusative.

Thus, —

W dkh, one.

faoT tow®, time.

*<Sv

mahanyuvu, a man.

'i

oRT«T zanan ®, a woman.

prath akis , one by one.

fafsr prath wizi, each time.

prath mahanivis, man

by man.

sr^[ ofiTTf*r prath zan&ni, woman by

woman.

When y , even, is added to the phrase prdthdoha, the

prath is always dropped. Thus, always, ^^7 dohay , even day by

day (iv. 148). prdthdohay, is not used.

65. path , is also used to signify distribution, as follows

(iv. 149).

^ dohapath ddha, day by day.

warihyapdth warihy a, year by year.

zanipdth zani , person by person.

66. us, used as follows (iv

^ yih, this.

WT3 broth, before.

path, behiud.

proru , belonging to the

year before last.

150, 151, 152).

yihus , this year.

i(T3^T brothus , next year.

parus, last year (with change

of t to r).

praryus, in the year before

last.

67. f%f*r kin % used to form adverbs of direction from (iv. 153) ;

added to No. 55. Thus, —

tatikin *, thence ; yatikin % whence ;

katikin *, whence ? ^fWfarfir yitikin *, hence ; hutikin % thence.

iTff brdth, before. sTfaf^f^r br'Uttfkin1 , from before.

path, behind. *rf*rfejrfir packin', from behind.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

249

dachyunu , right.

^fwf^rfarfsr dachintyin1, from the

right.

khowurw, left. khow^kin1, from the

left.

ff^T tal, below. taV'kin *, from below.

ro&pyath, above. <pethikini, from above.

68. ^fir kani , used to form adverbs of direction from (iv. 153),

t •

with No. 59. torakani , from there ; yorakani , from

where ; korakani, whence ? ^TT^ffsr korakani or

orakani, thence.

So also we have, signifying cause, —

tamikani or fTW^Kfir tawakani , for that reason.

yamikani or ^sfifsr yawakani , for what reason.

kamikani or ^^fiT kawakani , for what reason ?

yimikani or yiwakani , for this reason.

^f*re»fiT Inumikani (not huwakani), for that reason.

amikani or ^aRfsr awakani , for that reason.

It is also used with words of time to signify uncertainty (iv.

154). Thus,—

azkani , perhaps to-day ; VJrr^«Kf*T pagakkani , perhaps to¬

morrow ; kgtfkyatkkani, (see No. 61), about the day after

to-morrow ; sr^fsr utrakani, about the day before yesterday ;

dahumkani, about the tenth (lunar) day ; karakani , about

asdddia .

• *

69. vrr pata, used to form adverbs of time after (iv. 153).

Thus, —

frfavrT tamipata, after then.

tawapata, after then, and so on, as in No. 68.

70. vfp; par1, to indicate direction from or in (iv. 156). Cf.

No. 44). Thus, —

kamipar 1 or kapar *, in or from what direction ?

ctftnlfa; tamipar % or rRTfrapxr1, in or from that direction.

J. i. 32

250 G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmlri. [No. 3,

sjfWp; yamipar *, or yopdr1, in or from what direction.

yimipdr * or yipdr1, in or from this direction.

humipar1 or hupdr % in or from that direction.

amipdr * or apdr *, in or from that direction.

And so on. So also, —

dachin'par *, from or on the right ; khowtr1-

par *, from or on the left; wfgnrift; brUthipdri, in or from the front;

patim'pdr », in or from behind.

From tsdr, four, we have tsopdr 1 or ’sHiqlfr isowdpdr *,

in or from all round, i.e., all four directions.

But tsoripdr *, in or from four directions only (iv. 157).

As usual these nouns take the case of the agent.

71. kun, added to adverbs of place to signify direction

(iv. 158). Thus (No. 57), rflfi«T tdrkun , in that direction; ydrkun ,

in what direction ; korkun, in what direction ? ydrkun, in

this direction ; «T korkun , in that direction ; orkun , in that

direction.

turykun, even in that direction ; yurykun , even in

what direction.

Again (No. 58), rfHepj tabukun , in that direction ; yatukun ,

and so on.

In these last the final <T t * of the first element may be changed to

th. Thus, —

crvjepT tatlilcun , in that direction ; yathkun, in what direction ;

kathkun, in what direction ? yithkun , in this direction ;

huthkun , in that direction; athkun , in that direction.

With emphatic y we get, tathykun , even in that direction ;

yathykun, even in what direction, and so on.

Similarly we have, —

JIT*? gam, a village. gdmkun , in the direction of

the village.

gara, a house. JTCfW garakun , in the direction of

the house.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmirt.

251

kol, (fem.), a river.

war ■*, a garden.

^ liyaru, hyur*, or

^ hyuru , above.

Wf«T bon, below.

The suffix can also be used

tive. Thus, —

*fr^T mol u, a father.

*

wa;", a mother.

kolikun , towards the river.

3lftcpr warikun , towards the

garden.

^j^«T hyarvkun , hyurukun,

or hyurukun, towards

above.

*35pgi«T bonkun, [towards below,

a post-position added to the accusa-

mdlis kun , towards the

father.

jfi^ maj$ kun, towards the

mother.

So cffire fi«T tamis kun, towards him ; sjfire «p[ yamis kun , towards

whom.

72. <3* uv •*, (fem. av*), signifies composed of (iv. 159).

Thus, —

son, gold.

TVFf mebs ®, earth.

hath, wood.

sonuv11 , fem. sonav *

\i^ ^ • »

made of gold.

metsyuv *, fem.

meteyav * made of earth.

kathuv ®, made of wood.

ViVJ

In all the above, the suffix is added to the form of the agent, but

a final a is elided.

73. ysg buzy, fem. the same, signifies dependent on (iv. 160).

Thus, — -

*

lukh, people.

if ^ kliod, a hollow.

kolay, a wife.

lukabuzy , dependent on

people ; belonging to other

people.

khodabuzy, dependent on a

hollow; i.e., buried in the

ground.

kolayabuzy, dependent on

a wife ; having only one rela¬

tion, — his wife.

252 G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmlri. [No. 3,

74. 4*6 lyaku, fem. ^ lec ■*, used with ad, half, as follows

(iv. 161).

adalyaku , incomplete : e.g,

*

adlec 5 kom, an incomplete action.

A (

adalec ® Zars, an incomplete house.

A

75. f^JT nggr, used as follows (iv. 162) to make diminutives.

abar, a cloud. abararirjg, a slight cloud.

dah, smoke. daharirjg, a slight cloud of

smoke.

^T«T wdw, wind. wawarirjg, a little wind.

76. ^ lath, (fem.), used to form diminutives of words signifying

breath or light (iv. 163). Thus, —

VT^T pran, life. vwmq pranaMh, a spark of life.

$dh, breath. gahalHh , a trace of breath.

JTT¥T gag, light. gagalHh, a very little light.

%fJi isog11, a lamp. tsdgHath, a little lamp.

The final th becomes t in declension. Thus, acc. sg.

prdnalHi (not ^pranaltis11').

77. tar (fem.), used to form diminutives of words meaning

cloths (iv. 164).

3*3^, kapur , cotton cloth. kapartar, a piece of cloth.

V2J pat™-, woollen cloth. patHar .

78. chal (fem.), used to form diminutives, especially of

clothes (iv. 165).

kaparchal , a piece of cotton

cloth.

tsocechal, a piece of cake.

burjachal, a piece of bhurja

leaf.

pacechal , a piece of board.

krhnamdz chal , a piece

of liver.

^3^C kapur , cotton cloth.

t

^ tegt*, a cake.

’ A

W burja, a bhurja leaf.

V ^ pat™, O; tablet.

.A

krhnamdz , the liver.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri.

253

79. tilim, also forms similar diminutives (iv. 165).

Thus 3T<PCfiTf%*3[ kapartilim ; tsocetilim ; burja-

tilim , &c.

It is smaller than a thing formed with No. 78.

80. Tvx renvph (fern.) ( vide ante , p. 62), used to form diminutives,

and in pity (iv. 166). Thus, —

guruy a boy.

arc guruy a horse.

mahanyuv *, a man.

gu^remph, a poor little boy.

gur'remph, a poor little

horse.

mahaniv^emph, a poor

man.

^rar ts^thw, an apple. tsutWremphy a little apple.

81. ^ reish (fern.), indicates connexion, including the idea of

partition (iv. 167). Thus,—

<*g*C kapury cotton cloth; kaparrebsh, a piece of cloth.

*n«TT*U^KW matdmalrStsh chehy there is some slight relation¬

ship with his maternal grandfather.

82. sfe zand (masc.), added to words signifying vegetables or

wood, to signify a little (iv. 168). Thus, —

hdkhy spinach.

katliy wood.

TftV poSy a flower.

zyun™, firewood.

^g#r syunwy vegetables, meat,

'&c., (eaten with rice).

mujiy a radish (Of.

No. 32 ante).

hakazand, a little spinach.

3fT3*r3r kathazandy a little wood.

posazandy a few flowers.

zin'zandy a little firewood.

sinlzandy a few vegetables

(not meat. If meat is included

in the idea, zand cannot be

used).

gsjjgfe mujezandy a few radishes.

83. ^rr«T kgn (fern.), used in the same way as No. 82 (iv. 168).

Thus, —

hdkakgny a little spinach ; kdthakan , a little

wood ; posakgn, a few flowers ; so zinlkan ; fof*r^{sT

254

G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kagmiri. [No. 3,

84. tul u (masc.), also used in the same way as No. 82 (iv. 168).

Thus ; — hdkatul a little spinach ; Tcdthatulu) a little

wood : xfrv<J*r posatul *, a few flowers. So zinltulu ;

sin' tul11 ; mujetuln.

We may also add «*T d (iv. 170). Thus liakatulwa, a little

spinach.

85. *ffv thop*' (masc.). also used in the same way as No. 82 (iv.

168). Thus,—

^Tcif*fpT hakathbpu ; katliathop” ; posatkbpu ;

s» s?

fgrfif?fr^ zinHhdpu ; fafsretq sinHhbpu ; mvjethbpu.

86. W phal w, used to signify a little more especially of any

kind of grain (iv. 169). Thus, —

dane , paddy.

tomul , rice.

3T*; kara , peas.

moyg, mung.

So also, —

tsan, charcoal.

' X **

4s bathn, cowdung fuel.

i mets ”, earth.

phal*, in the plural, means ‘ grains,’ and is not used as a

diminutive. Thus, —

dUphal', grains of paddy ; tomalaphal *, grains

of rice, &c.

d may be added to phal11. Thus (iv. 170) bata-

phalwa, a little boiled rice.

87. moy or jrptt moyd, may be used to form diminutives

with any of the words mentioned in Nos. 75 to 86, except kinds of

wood and grain (Nos. 82 and 86) (iv. 170). Thus; —

abHamoy or abaramoyd , a small cloud ;

dahamoyd , slight smoke ; wawamoyd , slight wind ;

dtiphal w, a little paddy.

Vide ante , p. 70.

tomalaphalw , a little rice.

i ^

karaphal a few peas.

i ^

mbrjgaphalv y a little mung.

isanephaluy a little charcoal.

i | ^

bgthiplialvy a little cowdung

fuel.

mbtsephal *, a little earth.

1898.] G. A. Grierson — On Secondary Suffixes in Kdgmiri. 255

hdkamoyd , a little spinach (only used of cooked spinach.

hdkatuld (cf. 84) means both cooked and uncooked) ; posamoyd ,

a few flowers ; tsanemoyd , a little charcoal ; metse-

moyd , a little earth ; batamoyd, a little boiled grain.

88. ban or ^*rr hand , used exactly like No. 87 (iv. 170).

Thus,—

abarahan or abarahand, and so on.

89. bal , is added to any word to indicate the presence of water,

or a place for offering sacrifices to miuor deities or spirits (iv. 171, 172,

173). Thus we have.

vyathabal , wherever the water of the Jhelam flows. E.g.,

(to a man going to bathe) tsah katu gatshakh ?

vyathabal. Where are you going ? (Answer) to vyathabal, i.e ., to

bathe in the Jhelam.

So garjgabal , name of a well-known bathing place.

marshal, vide ante , p. 67, the water of the river Mar. pokharibal ,

a tank (with water in it), name of a well-known tank, krir'bal,

a well ; awarinebal , a place where a funeral pyre is set up

(always on the bank of a river) ; gimgdnabal , a burning

ghat, (always on the bank of a river).

sababal , a place where a wedding dinner party is carried on

wurabal , the place where the cooking fires ( wur ) for a bridegroom’s

party are used ; %T^^T kddabal, a brick or potter’s kiln ; rdzabal ,

a burning ghat ( rdz is the superintendent of a burning ghat. Hence,

here used for a ghat). gratabal , the site of a Persian wheel.

ydrabal , the place where water ( Skr. zrrfx vdri ,) is offered to

ancestors ; i.e., according to K^miri custom, a bathing place.

256

S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft. [No. 3,

An Account of Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft . — By Sarat

Chandra Das, C.I.E., Rai Bahadur.

[Read February, 1897.]

I. — INTRODUCTION.

1. Early accounts of Lake Palti.

In 1730, Orazio Della Penna, a Capucliin missionary, visited this

great lake of Tibet and described it as follows : —

“ The easternmost place is called Kambala, which is the name of a

great mountain, on the slopes of which are many places, and in the

plain at the foot to the south is a great lake called Iandro, which is

eighteen days’ journey round, according to those who have made the

circuit, but within are some hilly islands. The same lake has no outlet

that I know of, and during a day and a half’s march round it, I can

vouch that I saw none ; while as regards the remaining portion, I have

the authority of those who have made its circuit.”

This was the famous ring-like lake of Palti, which has appeared in

all maps since the days of D’Anville. The peculiar lake of Palti,

Piate, or Yam-dok-chu, with its great central island, like a large ring,

first appeared on the map prepared by D’Anville, from the survey of

the Lamas, under Jesuit instruction, which was published by Du-ELalde

in 1735. It has been repeated on all subsequent general maps. Giorgi,

in his ‘ Alphabetum Tibetanum ’ (1762) says, that Palte lake, other¬

wise called Jang-so or Yam-dso, according to native report is of very

great size, so that a man could not journey round it under eighteen days.

It is three days’ journey from Lhasa. From the middle of the lake

rises a continuous chain of hills and islands. On the southern side is a

monastery, the abode of a great queen, who is born a second time,

called Torcepano. She is honoured as a real goddess by the Indians

and Nepalese, who worship her under the name of Bovani. The

Tibetans believe a certain holy spirit is reborn in its divine essence in

this hideous female, just as in the Grand Lama. Whenever she issues

257

1898.] S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft.

from her house, or from the island, or journeys into the city of Lhasa,

a procession precedes her. Mr. Bogle, it will be remembered, made the

acquaintance of this female divinity ; and Dr. Hamilton cured her of

an illness, and visited her constantly : —

“ The holidays at the new year drew nigh, and the Lama’s relations

came from parts of the country to pay their respects to him. His

cousin the Teshu-tzay Debo (Tashi-tse Deba), with his wife and family,

his nieces, the two annis whom I saw at Teshu-tzay, their mother Chum

Kusho; their true brothers, Pyn Kushos ; and a half-sister Durjay

Paumo (Dorje Pliamo), a female Lama, who is abbess of monastery near

the Piate Lake, and is animated by the spirit of a holy lady who died

many hundred years ago. ******

“ They stayed about two months at Teshu Lumbo, during which

time Mr. Hamilton cured Durjay Paumo and Chum Kusho of complaints

which they had long been subject to. * * * * * *

“ The mother went with me into the apartment of Durjay Paumo,

who was attired in a Gylong’s dress, her arms bare from the shoulders

and sitting cross-legged upon a low cushion. She is also the daughter

of the Lama’s brother, but by a different wife. She is about seven-

and-twenty, with small Chinese features, delicate, though not regular,

fine eyes and teeth ; her complexion fair, but wan and sickly ; and an

expression of langour and melancholy in her countenance, which I

believe, is occasioned by the joyless life that she leads. She wears her

hair, a privilege granted to no other vestal I have seen ; it is combed

back without any ornaments, and falls in tresses upon her shoulders.

Her chanea , like the Lama’s, is supposed to convey a blessing, and I

did not fail to receive it. After making presents and obeisances, I

kneeled down, and stretching out her arm, which is equal to “ the finest

lady in the land,” she laid her hand upon my head.”1

Mr. Manning is the only Englishman who ever saw Lake Palti,

and it appears from his narrative that he was not aware that the hills on

the opposite shore formed an island. In his diary he wrote : —

“ Pursuing our course, and gradually descending, the valley at

length opened into a large stony plain, at the end of which stood a

considerable town on the margin of an extensive lake, or little sea,

as it is called. From the opposite or further margin of the lake rose

diminutive mountains in a continued chain, which bounded the whole

prospect in front.”

On the 1st of January 1866, the Pandit, trained and sent on his

travels by Colonel Montgomerie arrived at the banks of the Palti or

Yamdok-chu lake at a small post called Piahte-jong.

• Markham* s Missioti of George Bogle , pp. 244 & 245.

J, i. 33

i

258

S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft. [No. 8,

He describes the breadth of the lake as varying from two to three

miles, and says that it is reported to be very deep. In the centre of

the lake there is a hill at the foot of which, are situated a number of

villages. The circumference of the lake is about 45 miles ; it is crossed

in wicker boats covered with leather.

The Pandit rode along the banks from Piahte-jong to the village

of Demalung, from which point the lake stretches to the south-east

about 20 miles, and then turns west.

This is the Pandit’s account of the lake, extracted from his diary.

He further reported to Colonel Montgomerie, that he was informed that

the lake encircled a large island, which rises into low, rounded

hills, 2,000 or 3,000 feet high, and covered with grass to the top.

Between the hills and the margin of the lake, several villages and

a white monastery, were visible on the island. The Pandit was

told that the lake had no outlet, but he says, its waters were per¬

fectly fresh. Mr. Manning on the contrary says, in the text, that

the water of the lake is very bad. The Pandit’s observations make

the lake 13,500 feet above the sea ; and the island rises to 16,000

feet above the sea.

2. A Short Account of Tibet.

Tibet, to speak in the language of Captain Samuel Turner, strikes

a traveller, at first sight, as one of the least favoured countries under

heaven, and appears to be in a great measure incapable of culture. It

exhibits only low rocky mountains, without any visible vegetation, or

extensive arid plains, both of the most stern and stubborn aspect. Its

climate is cold and bleak in the extreme, from the severe effects of

which, the inhabitants are obliged to seek refuge in the sheltered valleys,

and hollows, or amidst the warmest aspects of the rocks. Yet perhaps

providence, in its impartial distribution of blessings, has bestowed on

each country a tolerably equal share. The advantages that one

possesses in fertility, and in richness of its forests and its fruits, are

amply counterbalanced in the other by its multitudinous flocks and

invaluable mines. As one seems to possess the pabulum of vegetable,

in the other we find a superabundance of animal life. The variety and

quantity of wild-fowl, game, and beasts of prey, flocks, droves and herds,

in Tibet are astonishing.

The climate of the country north of the Himalayas within the

distance of 60 miles, in a direct line from

the Kangchanjunga, is extremely cold. The

summits of the mountains within this zone remain covered with snow

Climate.

1898.] S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft.

259

Products.

all through the year.1 Owing to the high altitude and the rudeness

of the winds which prevail there, the ground composed as it is of sand,

gravel and loose stones, remains hard as if baked in winter. The climate

and soil being alike inhospitable, in this part of the country, there is

little habitation of men. The country is occupied by herdsmen and

shepherds and also by Kyang (wild ass), wild sheep, antelopes, rabbits,

wolves and other smaller wild animals. There are snow leopards but no

tigers or snakes in Tibet. In the southern parts of Tibet are built cities

and castles, and groves of poplar, willows, and stunted trees have been

planted. The mountains are destitute of everything except grass and

dwarf shrubs.

Sowing takes place in the beginning of May ; the Tibetans gather

little wheat, much barley which is their staple

food, and some peas which they bruise and

give to their horses and cattle. The latter crop is gathered in

September. These harvests as well as that of rape from the seeds of

which oil is extracted, yield sixty fold, and in good season eighty fold.

The people grow carrot, turnips, radishes, garlic and onions. In the

south and south-eastern parts are found, walnut, peach, apricots, wild

apples and wild vines which yield a few grapes. There are some

few flowers. The poplar, elm, willow and ash abound in most of the

parks and groves of Tibet.

There are many gold mines in the provinces of U-Tsang, Chang,

Takpo, Kon-bo and Kham. Silver abounds in

the last province which borders on China.

There are also mines of copper and nickel. Sulphur, vitriol, cinnabar,

cobalt, turquoise, stones, amber and alabaster are abundant. The hills

of Tibet have, from their general appearance strong mark of containing

those fossils, that are inimical to vegetation. Tibet is very poor in iron.

It is not that there are no mines of that useful metal in Tibet. It is

probable that the Tibetans either do not know to work those mines or

that they have no fuel, enough to fuse the metal. In the neighbourhood

Mines and minerals.

1 During my residence at Tashi-lhunpo, I took observations from the

thermometer. I had a Fahrenheit thermometer and a pair of maximum

and minimum thermometers. The thermometer during the month of October,

was on an average 37° in the morning ; at noon 45° and in the evening 40°. During

the month of November there was frost in the morning and evening, and the ther¬

mometer stood below 30° in the morning and 36° at noon in the shade. A serene,

clear sky prevailed, during day and night not a cloud was to be seen in it. The genial

warmth of the sun iu the transparent atmosphere made the days very delightful.

The weather in the months of October and November was clear throughout, cool, and

pleasant and the prevailing wind blew from the south and south-west.

260

S. O’. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo- Croft. [No. 3,

of Tashi-lhunpo there is a lead mine. In the province of Chang-thang,

about twenty days’ march north and north-west of Tashi-lhunpo, there

are immense mines of rock-salt which is universally used for all domestic

purposes in Tibet, Nepal and Bhutan.

People in Tibet generally suffer from sore eyes, and blindness.

The high winds which prevail nine months

Diseases. jn the year, sandy soil, and glare from the

reflection of the sun, both from the snow and sand, are evidently causes

of the same. Coughs, colds, and rheumatism are frequent in Tibet.

Simple fevers occasionally arise from temporary causes. They are easily

removed, sometimes without treatment.

Liver diseases with the exception of Pekan , which is produced by

sedentary habit and continual drinking of tea-soup made with rancid

butter, are occasionally met with. Tibet is not exempt from venereal

diseases. People suffer from it apart from other causes, more on account

of the grossness of their food and for want of cleanliness in their

habits of living. Smallpox, when it appears in Tibet strikes the people

with too much terror and consternation. They pay less attention to those

who are infected, thinking their case hopeless. All communication with

the infected is strictly forbidden, even at the risk of their being starved,

and the house or village is afterwards erased.

During the time I was laid up at the monastery of Samding

I observed that the physicians there used roots and bark of roots for

making powders and decoction for administering to their patients. The

bark, leaves, berries, and stalks of many shrubs and trees are used in

a pulverised state or in decoction. Some are astringent, some are of

bitter taste, but the generality is employed to strengthen digestion and

to work as tonics.

The Tibetans drink tea prepared in the manner of soup with butter

and salt and leave a little in the cup, with

which they make a dough with barley meal,

and afterwards eat it. For dinner and supper they make the barley

meal paste with tea and eat it with boiled mutton, kid or beef of yak

when available. They are fond of a gruel made of dried meat, barley

meal, radish, or dried curd. The Lamas seldom eat fish or fowl.

All classes of people eat raw meat, though occasionally. Only the rich

eat rice, bread and meat with sauce, as dainty dishes, called Gya-ze

prepared after Chinese fashion. They drink malt beer : ardent spirit

is seldom taken. The people generally use dried dung of cows, donkeys,

horse and sheep, for fuel. Firewood is used when it is available in some

districts. They cook in earthen-ware vessels. The Tibetans are skilful

potters.

Food.

1898.] S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft, 261

For clothing purposes they have only cloth of wool, serge, or yarn,

blankets, which are seldom more than a foot in

Clothing.

breadth, and skins with the hair on. In winter

House.

they use robes lined with lambskin. Silk robes lined with fur are used

by the rich nobles and official Lamas.

They live in walled houses made of stone and sun-dried bricks, built

with flat or terrace roof. Their houses are

spacious and several storeys high. The grand

Lama’s residence at Lhasa is thirteen storeys and covers the entire

summit of a hill. The temples are generally furnished with gilt turrets

and domes made after the Chinese style. The houses are generally

whitewashed with a kind of lime, their inside is often neatly plastered

and contains paintings. The roof rests on wooden beams and is generally

made of slate or clay beaten on branches of trees placed on the beams.

The floor of their houses are generally kept clean.

Mr. George Bogle and Captain Samuel Turner whom Warren Hast-

_ A _ ings sent to the court of the Tashi Lama,

Character and So- ,

cial Customs. brought back with them a very good opinion

regarding the character of the Tibetans. Visit¬

ing Tibet full one century after Turner’s time, I returned with the same

kind of impression of the character of the people. Humanity, and

an unartificial gentleness of disposition, are the constant inheritance

of a Tibetan. Without being officious, they are obliging ; the higher

ranks are unassuming, the inferior, respectful in their behaviour ; nor

are they at all deficient in attention to the female sex ; in this respect

their conduct is equally remote from rudeness and adulation. The

women of Tibet in higher life enjoy an elevated station in society. To

the privilege of liberty, the wife adds the character of mistress of the

family, and companion of her husbands. Among the humbler classes

the company of all, indeed, she is not at all times entitled to expect,

different pursuits, either agricultural employments, or mercantile specu¬

lations, may occasionally cause the temporary absence of each ; yet

whatever be the result, the profit of the labourer is expected to flow

into the common store ; and when one of the husbands returns, what¬

ever may have been his fortune, he is secure of a grateful welcome to a

social home. The custom of polyandry which prevails here links whole

families together in the matrimonial yoke, cheeking the increase of

population in this singularly unfertile country. It also tends to prevent

domestic discords, arising from a division of family interests, and to

concentrate all the spirit, and all the virtues, inherent in illustrious

blood. Jealousy causes unhappiness and dissensions where several men,

not brothers, live in the company of one wife. The several husbands

are then called namdo-pyun , i.e., brothers on account of a joint wife.

262

S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo- Croft. [No. 3,

In higher life courtship is carried on with little art, and quickly

brought to a conclusion. The elder brother of a family, to whom the

choice belongs, when enamoured of a damsel, makes his proposal to

the parents. If his suit is approved, and the offer accepted, the parents,

with their daughter, repair to the suitor’s house, when the male and

female acquaintances of both parties meet and carouse for the space of

three days, with music, dancing, and every kind of festivity. At the

expiration of this time, marriage is complete. Mutual consent is generally

the bond of union, and the parties present are witnesses to the contract

which is formed for life. In case when one man marries one wife

mutual consent is supplemented by a pecuniary contract which makes it

dissoluble.

The country round the lake does not exhibit a varied prospect ;

it is all a leafless, dreary scene ; one uniform

The Aspect of the russet brown

covers alike the valleys and the

lake country of Yam- . J

do. hills. On the summits of the hills, here and

there, springs are seen arrested in their fall,

and converted into solid monuments of ice. These contribute greatly,

together with the universal nakedness of both hills and valleys, to

impress the traveller with an idea of the extreme bleakness of the region,

and the rigour of its climate. The atmosphere, indeed, is in an extreme

degree keen and pure. The dryness of the soil and scantiness of vegeta¬

tion, contribute little towards charging the air with humidity. It

remains clear even to brilliancy throughout the year. In winter the

water of the lake becomes frozen. Its expanse becomes uniformly

smooth, presenting a most noble sheet of ice.

In the narrowest parts of the lake there are ferries. During

summer and autumn small boats made of an entire skin of a yak ply

across them, carrying one or two sheep, goats or persons. In winter

on the frozen surface, dust and powdered cow-dung are thrown to make

the passage of sheep and goat over them less slippery.

The smaller lakes freeze to a great depth which afford ground for

skating, but the people of Tibet are ignorant of that kind of amuse¬

ment; they, however, are very good sliders.

II.— ACCOUNT OF TRAVELS.

I. A visit to Samding, the Great Monastery of the Lake

COUNTRY OF YAMDO.

On the 15th of May, 1882, while I was proceeding to Lhasa, in the

company of Lhacham Kusho, the wife of Shape Phala, one of the four

Ministers of the Grand Lama, of Lhasa, I suddenly fell ill at Nangar-tse.

1898.] S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft.

263

The kind-hearted lady gave me an introduction to her cousin Dorje

Pha-mo, the incarnate female hierach of Samding. In handing over the

letter to me she said : — “ Fear not Pandubla, Dorje Pha-mo will be as

kind to you as myself. We have no hand in the inevitable consequence

of Karma. You must submit to it, but I am glad that you have fallen ill

here instead of at another place, for here we can send you to Dorje

Pha-mo. Come directly to our house when you recover.” She warned

my two attendants Pador and Lama Tomola surnamed Tshingta not to

desert me. Her two sons exhorted Pador to be a faithful and devoted

servant to Pandubla (myself), and serve him to the last. It was about 9

A.M., when I slowly rode towards Samding. At a distance of about two

miles from Nangar-tse, we crossed a sluggish stream which flowed towards

the Yamdo lake. The rivulet was teeming with a small fish and over¬

grown with a kind of sedge, over which green moss was scattered. The

plain over which we travelled was extensive towards the north and south.

Crossing three or four limpid, but sluggish streams, all on their way

to join the great lake, we arrived at the eastern side of Samding mon¬

astery, which, perched on the top of a barren hill, looked very picturesque.

The flight of stone steps from the foot of the hill to the top of it,

along which a zig-zag pathway wound up, lined by a stone wall about

six feet high and three feet broad, filled me with the greatest dismay :

how could I ascend to that height when my heart throbbed even while

I was seated on the pony ! Arrived at the large Chhorten (stupa)

where pilgrims generally halt and encamp, Tomola asked two men, who

were coming down from the monastery, if Dorje Pha-mo was accessible

to pilgrims, and if the two physicians were at the monastery. Being

answered in the affirmative, I dismounted from the pony, and sat down

gasping on a stone step. After a few minntes’ rest we commenced our

wearisome ascent. Taking rest at every bend of the stair, I reached its

top about 300 feet in height. The top of the steps, however, was not

the end, for a narrow pathway thence lead us further up to the foot of

the monastery. From the eastern edge of the hill we now came to the

north-western face of it, whence we enjoyed a grand view of the

inner lake of Yamdo. Ascending a few steps, we arrived at the northern

gate of the monastery, which faces the inner and higher lake called

Dumo-tsho, the demon’s lake. I saw with surprise several men

walking round the monastery and continually twirling Manikhorlo ( prayer

wheels), for I thought men, excepting women pilgrims, had no access

to the monastery of which the presiding head was an incarnate

nun ; but the number of monks seemed to be large among the cir¬

cumambulators. I was led along a narrow lane towards the north¬

east corner of the monastery. A few minutes after I was waiting

264 S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft. [No. 3,

seated on the plinth of the building. Amchi Chhenpo the senior

physician arrived, and with an appearance of kindness and sym¬

pathy, while feeling my pulse said “ mi-tog , mi-tog do not apprehend

(danger), do not apprehend ; you have come from a great distance,

I will give you good medicine.” He appeared to be about 70 years

in age, quite grey, but with a frame still strong and sturdy, of mid¬

dle stature, with agreeable features, broad forehead and dignified

looks. Helped by Tomola, I followed him, and after ascending two

ladders we arrived at the portico of his residence. The old man, while

twirling his prayer wheel with the right hand, and frequently taking

snuff with his left, observed the working of my lungs with attention as

I walked and climbed up. He gave me two powders to be taken with

warm water and ordered his cook to serve me with a cup of plain tea.

Shortly after being refreshed we went to the place of the venerable lady

Dorje Pha-mo, carrying Lhacham’s letter. Tomola represented my case to

her through the Amchi Chhenpo, and paid five tankas with a scarf for

her blessings and protection. Dorje Pha-mo was at this time performing

some religious service. She received the letter and immediately con¬

sulted certain books on divination to examine my fortune. She then

informed Tomola that she had found my illness to be serious though not

fatal, in consequence of which, the speedy observance of some efficacious

religious service would be urgently needed. As I had come from

Tashi-lhunpo, and with a letter from Lhacham, she would be glad to see

me later on. She also conveyed to me her leave to freely ask for any¬

thing we might require for subsistence during our stay at Samding.

This assurance was most cheeriug, and enlivened my drooping spirits.

Tomola went to the evening congregation of the monks leaving me in

the old physician’s charge. He presented the assembly with enough of

tea and butter, and also a few pieces of silver, together with a scarf,

requesting them to pray for my recovery. The monks with one voice

prayed that the gods might extend their mercy to me, a pilgrim from a

distant land. Next day Tomola arranged to entertain the monks of

the monastery who were about eighty, with food.

The monastery of Samding was built on the narrow neck of land

which connects the peninsula of Donang with the main land of Tibet.

It has the holy lake of Yamdo on its west and the accursed Dumo, the

demon’s lake, on its east. Dorje Pha-mo is venerated for her power to

suppress the demons which, it is believed, infest the latter.

The peninsula of Donang and the smaller islands of the great lake

are frequented by great abundance of water- fowl, wild geese, ducks, and

storks called Tung-tung , which, on the approach of winter take their

flight to the milder regions in the Himalayas.

1898.] S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo- Croft.

265

Large numbers of swans, the largest species of the crane kind, come

here in summer and autumn and lay eggs, some of which are as large

as a turkey’s egg, in the sands and in the crevices of rocks near the

banks. During the rainy season sounds resembling those of a falling

avalanche, or what are called “ Barisal guns,” are heard from Samding

and the neighbouring places to come out of the smaller lake in conse¬

quence of which it is called Dumo-tsho — the lake of the demon.

2. Journey on the shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft (Palti).

On the 23rd of October ( 1882) on my way to the ancient monastery

of Sam-yea, I revisited the place called Dsara tsan-chhur (the nook

of the genii), so called on account of its being a hiding place of robbers

who waylay travellers. Passing it with feelings of dread and danger,

we entered into the tortuous winding of a rugged and gloomy valley,

which passed, we began to see light as the glen widened. We then got

a peep into the table-land of Nangar-tse and descried the famous

monastery of Samding, the late scene of my sufferings. Its white

walls and sombre roofs could be distinctly seen At about 10 a m., we

arrived at the solitary village of "Rhingla. Formerly when Rhingla

was prosperous, a branch monastery of Samding existed here. It

is now in ruins with the exception of a chhorten. There are two or

three families here who make pottery. We cooked our breakfast in the

house of an old potter of 70 whose two sons were engaged in turning

pots. They employed a concave wooden pan, on which pots were

turned by being twirled with the hand. During the rotation of the

pan with the pot the potter shaped the latter with a wooden knife, and

sometimes with his fingers. After breakfast we resumed our journey.

Crossing the Dsara chhur which rising from Kharula empties itself in

the Yamdo lake we ascended along the gentle slopes of a hill to take

the road to Talung.

The contrast between the elevated and the lower platform of this

lake country is most striking. The latter, which extended up to the

margin of the lake, being covered with an extensive carpet of deep

verdure, afforded refreshment to the eye, while the former, the abodes

only of vultures and kites, was of a most repulsive and inhospitable

aspect. The inlets of the Yamdo lake from this side were also

numerous. We passed by a walled enclosure, adjoining which there

were some ruins. We were told that this enclosure was solely used as

a pony market, and that the annual pony fair of Talung formerly used

to be held here. There were many dok sheds, now deserted, probably

owing to the shepherds and herdsmen having retired to more fertile

parts of the country. We now found ourselves in a gravelly plain

J. i. 34

266 S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft. [No. 3,

filled with scattered blocks of rock and boulders. The way, which

threaded sometimes along the edge of the mountains and sometimes

through the middle of the plain, was very rough. I therefore rode

very carefully. The village of Talung (country of ponies), which has

a hillock in its middle, from a distance presented a very imposing

appearance. We arrived at this at 5 p.m. A castle-like monastery with

painted windows and corner towers adorns its top. The village is large,

containing upwards of two hundred houses, scattered over the flat. At

the foot of the central hill there is another monastery belong¬

ing to Sakya. The barley-fields were all stony and evidently sterile.

Far behind were the dok-pa sheds. The yaks of the place appeared

to be of good breed and large size. The people, from the way

they had cultivated the lands, seemed very industrious. This

year’s crop had been much damaged by the frost and hailstorm of Sep¬

tember. The villagers refused us shelter in their houses, suspecting

Phurchung to be a Duk-pa (Bhutanese). The Bhutanese are called

Lhopa (the Southern) at this place, and are very much dreaded,

as they often make raids on this place for plundering the villagers of

their cattle and grain. The skies were filled with rain clouds, and a

slight shower fell. After making fruitless negotiations for securing our

night’s shelter under a roofed house, at last we came to the gate of the

Sakvapa monastery, where many monks, the elders of the villages,

and the villagers, including children and women, were standing in

anxious expectation of the arrival of Je-tsun kusho of Sakya, who

was just returning from a pilgrimage to Mon-chho-nag and other

places of the South. The band was playing hautboys, drums, and

the gigantic trumpets (called Dung-chhen) . Gopon (our guide) winked

at us not to speak, so we kept quiet, while he conversed with

the villagers and succeeded in convincing them that we were not

Dukpas. A kind-hearted Gelong (monk) conducted us to the interior of

the monastery compound through a lofty doorway. The hall through

which we passed was about 18 feet wide and about 15 feet high. Here

the spectators were drawn up in two rows, and the Lamas of the

monastery, dressed in their church costumes, were present to receive

their revered lady, Je-tsun kusho. The Gelong agreed to accommodate

ns in the house of one of his friends. The namo (hostess), though very

good-natured, still suspected us of being bad men from Bhutan, but

being repeatedly assured by Gopon that we were not Bhutanese, she

accommodated us in an out-house where ponies are halted, and furnished

ns with good chhang (malt beer). The stall was far from being com¬

fortable ; but since leaving Gyan-tse I had been a stranger to comfort.

Phurchung gave me a wretched meal. I slept well amidst the clamour

of the religious service occasioned by the arrival of Je-tsun kusho.

1898.] S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft.

267

24th October 1882. — We resumed our journey a little before sun¬

rise. The streamlets were frozen and the ponies slid several times on

the slippery ice ; the wind was howling and extremely chill. My

face, tightly bandaged with a piece of Assam silk cloth, was well pro¬

tected ; but my feet within the boots began to freeze, and I could

hardly draw out my hands from inside the long sleeves of my lambskin

vestments. There were no villages near the way. Far behind were

the dokpa tents, whence the howling of mastiffs was alone heard.

From this distance the village and the monastery of Taling were visible.

After two hours’ journey we came to the edge of the Yamdo lake, a

nook of which we had now almost doubled. We crossed the Shan-

dung-chhu inlet of Yamdo with much difficulty owing to its being

frozen. The Shandung monastery and the valley for some time formed

the only object of importance within view. The morning sun had

lengthened the shadows of the cliffs that overhang the Yamdo; so

that we had to journey a long way under their shade, and could not

enjoy the genial rays of the sun. To add to the discomforts a very chill,

unwelcome breeze blew, freezing our extremities. We had a glimpse

of the Chhoi-khor monastery, which is noted for its supplying the

whole of Tibet with a class of fantastic dancers called Achi-Lliamo

actors. Some of these professional players and dancers annually visit

Darjeeling. As we came nearer we obtained fuller views of the Chhoi-

khor monastery, which commanded a singular view, as it was situated

like an eagle’s eyrie amidst the bleak and sombre cliffs of Yamdo.

Passing along the circuitous margin of another nook of the lake, wo

entered another broad valley with a stream in its middle flowing towards

the lake. The large village of Ri-o-tag, I was told, was on this

side of Yamdo. After an hour’s ride we came within two miles of it.

The plateau through which we now passed was several miles long and

broad. To our right we saw at a distance of eight or nine miles the

ruins of Ri-o-tag Jong. About a mile towards our right hand side we

were shown a place near a village where we could breakfast, shortly

passing the village we crossed the Ri-o-tag stream after which we

crossed a saddle-like eminence. Beyond the latter is a stream flowing

to the Yamdo, on the banks of which we halted for breakfast. This

was a grassy patch of ground filled with cavities and mole hills. Phur-

chung prepared me a dish of boiled phing (vermicelli made of peas)

and mutton with rice. At 10 a.m. we resumed our journey. We were

now ascending an undulating plateau. This rose, as we proceeded, in

successive retiring terraces, the undulations being in an ascending slope.

These were covered with grass, now yellowish brown at the approach of

winter. Presently the tortuous winding of the Yamdo came in view as

268 S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft. [No. 3,

we ascended a gentle acclivity. An hour’s ride brought us to the top

of this ridge, which ran in a lateral direction from right to left till

obstructed by the lake. From this eminence we saw the villages of

Yurop, Kegutag and Khyunpo-do situated on the side of the lake. The

country, though very thinly populated, yields extensive pastures, as could

be judged from the healthy appearance of the numerous cattle — yak,

sheep, goat, and donkeys grazing here and there. At 3 p.m. we saw a

man coming towards us at a swift pace. Gopon accosted him, and after

a short conversation found him to be his friend’s son. As the man was

going on urgent business to his home at Ri-o-tag, he said he could not come

back to Shari in the evening, but begged us to pass the night at the

house of his father-in-law, who was the richest man of Shari. Riding

slowly down a gentle slope, we came to a flat dip, where we met a

shepherd tending about three to four hundred sheep. He saluted me

and pointed out to us the village of Shari, situated on the lee side of a

ridge standing between Yamdo and a small lake about six or seven miles

in circumference. The margin of this fresh water lake and the slopes

on all sides were covered with excellent pasture, on which a number of

cattle were grazing, while the lake itself abounded with wild ducks and

swans, besides other water-fowl, all of which would have been very

tempting objects for sportsmen. The village of Shari, which com¬

mands an excellent view of the smaller lake, being situated on an emi¬

nence on its bank, contained two rich families, the huts of whose misser

(serfs) were scattered round their spacious houses. A long and well

repaired mandang (votive pile of inscribed stones) with a pretty clihorten

(stupa) near it formed the frontage. Alighted near the chhorten , I sat

on its plinth, and sent Gopon to negotiate for our night’s accommoda¬

tion. His acquaintance, who was unwell, was afraid of receiving us in

his house, evidently from apprehension of smallpox. Gopon, however,

after much entreaty, obtained his leave for our occupying the Manilha-

khang (temple of the mani prayer wheel), and a maid-servant with a

kettleful of tea came to conduct us to it. The Manilhakhang was a pretty

turret-like stone house, measuring 8 feet by 10 feet inside with a

small spire rising from the middle of its flat roof. Its outside was

decorated with a dusky red cornice, and the stones of its bonded

walls were painted with Buddhist figures, so it presented an invit¬

ing appearance. On entering I was received by a grey-headed

man, and a small table was placed before me and tea poured in a China

cup for my refreshment. The centre of the room was occupied by

a mani cylinder (prayer-wheel) about three feet in diameter and

six feet high. Its outside was covered with mantras (charms) in the Lan-

tsha (Ranja character of Magadha) and the ever present mystic expres-

1898.] S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yarndo- Croft. 269

sion — Om mani padme hum. I spread my rug to the east of the cylinder,

and accommodated myself in a space about four feet wide. The old

man, whose sole occupation was to turn the prayer- wheel, had his bed at

the opposite side. He continually muttered Om nani padme hum. The

floor was good and remarkably clean ; the walls were painted, con¬

taining basso-relievo figures from the Buddhist pantheon. There was

no forage nor gram for our ponies. Phurchung cooked for me, and Gropon,

after regaling himself with several bottles of chhang (malt-beer), went

to sleep on the lawn-like margin of the lake, tethering the ponies to

graze in the pasture. His friend had assured him that our ponies

would not be removed by anybody during the night. The wind blew

rather strongly during the first part of the night. I gave some rice and

tea to the old man, who, considering me a sacred personage, prostrated

himself several times to salute me, though I vainly tried to explain to

him that being a layman I did not deserve such homage from anybody.

When he came to receive my chhag-wang (benediction from the touch of

the hand), I told him that I was no incarnate being, and could not place

my palms on his grey head, but being equally subject to misery like

himself, I could touch his forehead with mine as a token of sympathy

with him as a brother man. I also pointed out to him the hands

of Pema Juh-ne (Padma Sambhava) the saint, where he could apply his

forehead for benediction.

But this only impressed him with still more pious feelings, and he

called some of his acquaintances, a few shepherds, to prostrate themselves

before me, which they did. The old man told us of the condition of the

monastery of Shari Gonsar, situated on the top of a hill behind the

village, and also of the village where we ought to halt next day. I

passed the night very comfortably.

25th October. — I awoke early in the morning, about 4 o’clock,

refreshed and in good spirits. The ponies saddled, we started for

Khame-do, our next stage. The wind began to blow afresh with much

fury, and the chill was simply tormenting. My body, though well

protected by lambskins, could not escape the penetrating effects of the

cold, and began to freeze. After crossing two large inlets of the

Yarndo, we came to a nook of the great lake. While traversing the

little promontary overhanging this nook, we met a woman of about

40 cutting wild plants resembling brushwood. The cold was so severe

that I could hardly bring out my hands from within the fur sleeves,

yet the woman was doing her work as if it was a summer morning

with her. The nook passed, we came to a solitary village with three or

four huts belonging to two dok-pa families. Some yaks were grazing

on the margin of the lake, which here presented a very desolate and

270 S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft. [No. 3,

solitary appearance. Some pointed rocks interposed here and there.

This passed, we crossed a small La (hill) and descended towards another

lake which, with its grassy flat shores and the undulating slopes above

them, looked very lovely and cheering. The dark blue expanse of

water, now ruffled by the wind, rose in gentle waves. This was the

lake Rombu-dsa, which is fed by a few inlets0 Our way partly lay along

the dried margin of the lake, which was sandy, and partly in grassy

paths above the highest water mark. We passed a caravan of yaks and

donkeys carrying heaps of fuel, consisting of fragrant weeds and some

wood. After a slow ride of two hours along the margin of this lake

and a flat valley beyond it we entered into a gorge, from which we had

a glimpse of the Yamdo lake. Here there are two roads to Khame-do

one by the side of the great lake, and the other via Melung village

across the Lonagla Pass. I was told that the latter was rather difficult

on account of the steepness of the La. I, however, preferred the more

difficult route, having been informed that I would have to use the

saltish water of the Yamdo at breakfast if I went by the easier one.

Half an hour’s ride from this gorge brought us to the village of Melung.

It was past 11 a.m. when I dismounted at the door of the Gambu’s

(village headman) house. He received me with much politeness, and

begged to know how he could serve us. We bought chhang for our

use and hay for our ponies. I preferred to sit in the yard, which was

filled with cowdung, the Gambus house being very low and the ceiling

covered with soot. The Nabo's ( host) brother sat near us and had a

chat with Gopon about the Chinese Ampa’s movements, as TJlag (road

service) was demanded from them. After breakfast we resumed our

journey, intent upon reaching the next stage, which according to Gopon

would be the village of Khame-do. Our guide always sought places for

halting where he had acquaintances; so that sometimes we halted after

marching long distances, and sometimes after very short marches.

Passing a dried-up water-course filled with boulders and broken stones,

we ascended the steep slopes of Lonagla, also filled with splinters, rocks,

and gravel. There were evidently no pastures, but still a few yaks and

sheeps were grazing at this barren place. Gopon picked up some flints,

and told us that the village derived its name from the flints, as me in

Tibetan means ‘ fire ’ and lung a “ valley.” Hence Melung is fire or

flint valley. The La was high, and our ponies were knocked up. From

the village to the top of the Pass it was about a mile’s distance. The

La crossed, we entered another spacious and flat valley intersected by

sparkling brooks. On the slopes of the hills here juniper and other

fragrant plants grow in abundance. The pastures for yaks and sheep

were of luxuriant growth. The grass of this pleasant valley, now

1898.] S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft.

271

growing yellow, refreshed onr eyes. There was a remarkable contrast

in the appearance of the opposite sides of Lonagla. Crossing the bends

of several tiny streams, and passing across the valley, we arrived at

the village of Kha, where the men and women were engaged in thresh¬

ing corn. Heaps of sheaves lay in their yards. We now found our¬

selves in an extensive open country, more resembling a plain. As we

proceeded onward, we caught a glimpse of some jong (castle) standing

on a distant isolated peak. The valley was filled with numerous

villages. The villagers, intent on their work, did not care to inquire

about us, but only now and then stared at us with some curiosity. The

dogs of this place were very fierce and powerful, and kept barking as

long as we remained in their sight. Passing many houses on our left,

and walking a distance of about a quarter of a mile, we entered the

large village of Khame-do, which stands on the flat slope of the ridge

extending to the back of the village of Kha. At the entrance of the

village there were several Mandangs. After inquiring from several

villagers where we could get accommodation for the night, we were

pointed out the house of one of the richest residents of the place who

usually received guests. Several seats made of slabs resembling marble

were placed in the courts of their residences as well as in the open ground.

The houses of the villagers were very good looking, large and white¬

washed. The barley stalks were stout and long. Gropon told me that

some of these altar-like seats were made by potters and painted with

lime. The villagers use them for basking in the sun. At 5 p.m. we

came to the gate of the rich resident whose guest we were to be. After

much knocking we succeeded in getting the door opened by an old

woman, who, after inquiring what we wanted, disappeared. After a

while the nabo, an old man of nearly seventy, made his appearance

and showed us his stable, where we could pass the night. It was on

account of our guide’s foolishness that we failed to get better accommo¬

dation here, for he offered only to pay one tanka (six annas ) as house-

rent, whereas this miserly landlord asked for more. I paid the nela

(rent) immediately, which pleased the old man, who at my request

supplied us with two stuffed cushions and a screen. The latter was

very useful, as at the time a strong wind blew and we had no other

protection against it, for the stables in Tibet are not like those in India.

They are stalls open on three sides. When my rugs were spread and

I took my seat as a respectable man, the nabo drew near and began to

converse with me about the harvest which the people had just reaped.

The crop of this year, he said, was damaged by the September frost.

We bought from him a Phagri (sheep burnt like a pig after slaughter).

This yielded us very fat mutton. Our host was one of the rich-

272

S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft, [No. 3,

est men of the village, which contained upwards of a hundred

families. His house is very large and surrounded by a wall with three

gates. There were plenty of willow, juniper and other fragrant plants

in this village. The juniper plant formed a part of their fuel, which

chiefly consisted of dried cattle dung.

26th October. — I rose from bed at sunrise. Our miserly nabo

came early to take back from us the curtain and the fine articles which

he had lent us. We parted with him after an exchange of polite ex¬

pressions. He begged us to come to his house on our way back. We

resumed our journey at 6 a.m. A villager joined us near the precipi¬

tous rock which stands at the entrance of the village on this side. He

proved a pleasant companion for a few miles. We passed along the

side of another small lake, and were shown the large village of Ling,

the seat of the Jongpon of this side of the Yamdo District. This

fellow talked of certain orders that were received by the Jongpon of

Ling from Lhasa to examine strangers travelling within his jurisdic¬

tion. He also said that similar orders were sent to Sam-yea. We

crossed two little streams with him by wading across them. When we

came to the bank of a third stream, which was the largest, he parted

with us after showing us the rab (ford). My pony, in wading through

the half frozen stream, once sank up to his knees, Gopon extricated

us with much exertion. The pony had several stumbles besides. We

now entered the extensive table-land of Kamoling, the Arcadia of Tibet.

Here were grazing hundreds of ponies belonging to the Government of

Lhasa. The head of the Government stables has one of his establish¬

ments here. It took us several hours to cross a bend of this large

pasture land. Its breadth was ten to twelve miles, but its length

appeared very great. There was no water in the several water-courses

which intersected the plain. In some of the streamlets bulging crusts

of ice were seen. We were very thirsty. At noon we arrived at the

village of Shabshe, containing nine or ten families.

We cooked our breakfast in the court of a poor woman’s house,

filled with goat’s dung and some goats’ hair-bags and hay. Our good

namo kindly lent us some fire-wood. The object of our preferring dirty

huts and stables in a village to clean flats and river banks was that we

got fuel, water, water- vessels, &c., from the host, which, as a rule,

were generally included in the nela (house-rent). The namo was a

very well-behaved and obliging woman. Though very poor, she seemed

to be in good spirits and cheerful. She has three children by two

joint husbands. We bought one-fourth of a sheep at one tanka from

one of her neighbours, and some barley meal, of inferior quality.

After breakfast we resumed our journey. As there were several

1898.] S. C. Das — Travels on the Shores of Lake Yamdo-Croft.

273

ways leading in different directions, our good namo kindly accompanied

us a sliort distance to show us the way to Sam-yea. There were other

villages scattered in this upland plain, which passed we came to the little

village of Tan-tha, situated at the foot of the La, we were about to ascend.

Climbing up a short distance, we came near some well-constructed re¬

cluse’s cells, now empty. These from a distance appeared like some

monastic establishments. Gopon showed to me the monastery, situated

on a dome-shaped hill near the lake, but half a mile off from the place.

The ascent from here was very tiresome. But all these fatigues van¬

ished when the height gradually widening the horizon brought sublimer

scenes to my enchanted eyes. I really thought that the view from the

top of Thib-la, of the snowy country of Tibet, of her far-famed lake and

river, and of an immense congregation of snowy mountains which skirts

like silvery fringes, on the vanishing line of the dark blue sky in the

horizon, cannot be equalled by the sceneries of the glorious Himalaya.

The numerous windings of this scorpion lake , as Yamdo is called, the

countless hills and mountains which they surrounded, and the waving

line in the horizon where the snows of Noijon Kang-Zang mingle with the

blue summits of distant mountain ranges, were all visible from Thib-la.

The valley of the deep and meandering Tsanpo, the dark pine and hr

forests which here and there broke the monotony of the bleak mountain

scenery, and the snowy mountains of Lhobra, bore a striking contrast

to the scenery on the other side. Both defy description. On the

southern flanks of this lofty pass, which appeared to be more than four

thousand feet above the lake, a kind of broad-leafed plants, called yeshi

kogo, grow. The dried leaves rustled as they were blown by the wind.

The wind blew so strongly that I found it difficult to stand. This

increased the fatigues of this exceedingly trying journey along the

steep slopes of Thib-la. The down-hill journey was worse than the

up-hill one. At 5 p.m. we arrived at the village of Thib. There were

about ten houses in this little village, all clustered together and only

separated from one another by narrow lanes and barley fields. Heaps

of hay and unthreslied barley lined these little avenues. There were

some willows of stunted growth in the village. We were conducted to

the house of a well-to-do villager. The namo received us very kindly.

One of her husbands was in the field reaping barley crop. Her elder

husband was gone to Lhasa. We were accommodated in the upper floor

of her house which was spacious enough. A part of the house was under

repair. The night was very fine and the skies bright, and the little

village with its white-washed houses and fields was bleached with

moonlight.

J. i. 35

274

T. Bloch — Buddhistic statue from Cr avast! .

[No. 4,

An ancient inscribed Buddhistic statue from Cravasti. — By Theodor

Bloch, Ph.D.

[Read March, 1898.]

The statue with which I am dealing in this paper, was discovered

by General Cunningham during the working season of 1862-1863

among the ruins of the modern Set-Mahet, in the Gonda District,

Eyzabad Division, of Oudh. It was presented by His Excellency the

Viceroy Lord Elgin to the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1863, and is

now in the Indian Museum. It is a colossal standing figure,1 11' 8"

high, made of a sort of reddish sand-stone, the same material which

the Mathura sculptures of the Kusana period are made of. The bead,

the halo, and the right arm are almost entirely gone ; the left hand is

slightly damaged. The body is represented clad in a large garment,

which leaves bare the right shoulder only. It is tied round the waist

by a girdle, and reaches down to the ankles ; round the left shoulder

it is laid in the fashion of a Roman tunica. The feet are naked, and

a peculiar object of uncertain meaning is represented standing between

them. The statue has always been described as an image of Buddha,

but from what follows it will become clear that this is not quite

correct. It is a figure of a Bodhisattva, and not of a Buddha. But, in

any case, we may fairly well conclude from the analogy of similar statues

that the missing right arm of the figure was represented lifted up in

an attitude which is usually called that of “teaching,” while the left

hand rested on the hip, holding up the end of the long vestment.

The most important part of the statue, however, is its pedestal.

This is due to the fact that it contains in three lines an inscription in

ancient characters of what Prof. Biihler in his Indian Palaeography

has called “ the Northern Ksatrapa type ” of the last century B.C. or

the first A.D. This inscription has been edited before by B. L. Mitra ,

1 The statue has been described or referred to previously by General

Cunningham in Archaeological Survey Reports, Yol. I, p. 339, Yol. Y, p. YII, and

Yol. XI, p. 86, and by Dr. Anderson in his catalogue of the Archaeological Collections

in the Indian Museum, Yol. I, p. 194.

1898.]

T. Bloch — Buddhistic statue from Qravasti.

275

in this Journal, Vol. XXXIX (1870), Part T, p. 130, and Plate VII,

No. XXI, and by Prof. Dowson in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,

New Series, Vol. V, p. 192 and Plate 8, No. XXXII.1 Both these

editions are very unsatisfactory indeed, and it is for this reason that I

now re-edit this ancient document.

The pedestal which contains the inscription, measures 3' by 6" ;

the inscription consists of three lines of writing, the size of which

varies between If" and . Unfortunately the greater portion of the

first line and a few characters in the beginning of the second are

entirely gone ; the remainder, however, is in a fair state of preservation.

The lost portion contained the date, and it is owing to its loss that we

are to resort to palaeograpliic evidence for the purpose of forming an idea

as to the age of the record itself and of the statue on which it is in¬

scribed. I have already above stated my opinion on this point in

describing the characters of the inscription as belonging to the “ Northern

Ksatrapa Type.” This type is to be found in the inscriptions of the

Mahaksatrapa Cudasa or Codasa, the son of Ranjubula , whose reign in

the North-West of India preceded that of the Kusana Kings Kaniska,

Huviska, etc. Of p5dasa, hitherto three inscriptions 2 have been found,

viz. :**■*-

(1) An inscription from the Jail Mound in Mathura: Arch.

Surv. Rep., Vol. Ill, p. 30, and No. 1, Plate XIII;

(2) An inscription from the Kaiikali Tila at Mathura: Ep.

Ind.> Vol. II, p. 199, No. II (with facsimile) ;

(3) The Mora Well Inscription: Arch. Surv. Rep., Vol, XX,

p. 48, and Plate V, No. 4.s

Compared with the considerably larger number of Kusana inscrip¬

tion, the characters of these documents differ in the following points : —

(a) the letter ya when -forming the second part of a compound

(samyuktaksara) is expressed by its full sign, not by the ligature : so

in No. 1 (Mathura Jail Mound Inscription) throughout, viz ., svamisya ,

mahdksatrapasya, Codasasya (A. S. R., Vol. Ill, PI. XIII) ; in No. 2

and No. 3 no compound letter with ya occurs ;

(b) the upper cross-bar of the letter sa consists only of a short

horizontal line attached to the left hand vertical line of the letter,

while in the Kusana sa, as a rule, it reaches as far as the right hand

1 See also Cunningham, Z.c., p. 339, and Yol. XI, p. 87.

2 With the exception of Mathura Lion Capital, of course, which is inscribed in

Khardsthi.

s This is, correctly spoken, only an inscription of a son of Rajuvula. His name

is lost, but, in all probability, he was Qodasa. A photo taken from an impression

of this inscription is in the Indian Museum.

276

T. Bloch — Buddhistic statue from (fravasti.

[No. 4,

vertical line. This rule also holds ^ood throughout in all the three

inscriptions, viz., No. 1, 1. 1 : ksatrapasya , 1. 2 : puskarini (twice) ;

No. 2, 1. 2 : ksatrapasa , 1. 3: ghosena (twice) ; No. 3, 1. 1 : ksatrapasa ,

1.2: vrsnena , 1. 4 : vapusa ;

(c) the more archaic form of qa is preserved, against the Kusana

form of this letter, which is nearly like a sa turned upside down :

compare e. g. the qa of Codasasa with qigini of Nos. II and XI, Ep. Ind.,

Yol. II, p. 199 and 201*;

(d) of compound letters, as a rule, the top of the second lower-most

letter is marked by the serif, this letter being not merely a continuation

of the down-stroke of the first. Thus, in No. 1, 1. 1 : mahaksatrapasy a,

goddsasya, 1. 2 : pagcima, staftiblia ; 1 in No. 2, 1. 2 : svamisa, mahdksatra-

pasa, samvatsare ; in No. 3, 1. 3 : yastd, 1. 4 : jvalatd ;

(e) the writing, as a rule, is done with greater care and shows a

preference for angular forms, against the cursive, slovenly executed

letters of the Kusana Inscriptions. This will become clear at once by

glancing over the facsimile-plates of Prof. Biihler’s articles on Mathura

Inscriptions in Ep. Ind., Yols. I and II.

The same peculiarities of writing which, I trust, will be considered

sufficient proof of an earlier age of the Northern Ksatrapa type, as

compared with the Kusana type, occur also in a number of cognate

inscriptions from Mathura or the country around it. Thus, e.g in the

Anyor Inscription in A. S. R., Yol. XX, Plate Y, No. 5, and in Mathura

Inscriptions, ed. Biililer, Ep. Ind., Yol. I, No. 33 ; Yol. II, No. 4, 5 and

7. Among the Kusana Inscriptions, I know of only one document

which exhibits the same characteristics. It is the inscription on the

Elephant Capital from the Kahkali Tila at Mathura, figured in Plate Y

of A. S. R. Yol. III.3 This inscription is dated in the reign of

1 Of this inscription I have only seen the facsimile in Plate XIII of A. S. R,.,

Ill, which is not altogether reliable as to these minor details.

2 See also p. 20 of text. Of this interesting sculpture, the Indian Museum also

possesses a photograph. In the Inscription it is said to be a Nandiviqdla, which

may mean, that the pillar was “ as big as Nandin,” but which also may be a

technical term of unknown meaning. It is a Jaina sculpture, as may be seen from

the concluding line of the inscription, which records that the monument was

erected Arahamtanam pujaye ‘ in adoration of the Arhants.’ The inscription,

according to the photograph, reads :

(lino i) \_Mai]h[_a]r[a]jasya Devaputrasya Huviskasya sam 30-8

(line 2) he 3 di 10-1 etdye purvaye namdi-viqdlo

(line 3) pratisthapito Qivadasa-gresthi-putrena gresthind

(line 4) \_A~\ryyena Rudraddsena Arahamtanam pujdye.

This means : “ On the 11th day of the 3rd half-month ( palcsa ) of the cold

season, in the year 38, (during the reign of ) Maharaja Devaputra Huviska, on this

date ( specified as) above, this ( pillar which is) as big as Nandin (?) has been set up by

1898.]

T. Bloch — Buddhistic statue from Qravastl.

277

Huviska, in the year 38 (38 in text; the plate gives 18), and here too

the ancient form of sa is preserved throughout ; hut ya in compound

letters is given in its full form only once, in dryyena (line 4), and the

rule as to the seriff on top of the second part of compound letters never

appears to be observed. Thus, this isolated document cannot prove

much against what I have said above as to the difference between the

Northern Ksatrapa and Kusana type of writing.

Now it is the former, not the latter, type to which the characters

of the inscription from pravasti almost decidedly belong. This will be

clear even from the facsimile given by Prof. Dowson.1

Thus : (a) the letter ya in compounds is expressed by its full form

throughout with the only exception of pusya in line 1, where we have a

ligature of exactly the same form as e.g. in the various compound

letters sya in No. 12, of A. S. R., Vol. Ill, Plate XIV ; thus, in line 1 :

bhiksusya , line 2 : saddhyavihdrisya , bhiksusya , Balasya , trepitakasya ,

line 3 : acaryydndm ;

0) sa is written in its ancient form, with a small cross-bar, through¬

out : viz., line 1 : bhiksusya , Pusya , line 2: bhiksusya ;

(c) ga occurs in its archaic form throughout : viz., line 2 : dandagca,

Qdvastiye ;

(d) the rule as to the seriff in compound letters is observed almost

throughout : see line 1 : purvaye, bhiksusya , line 2 : saddhyavihdrisya ,

bhiksusya , Balasya , trepitakasya , bodhisatvo, chdtram, ddnda , Cdvastiye,

line 3 : acaryydndm , sarvastivadinam. There is only one exception from

this rule, viz., the letter gca in dandagca (line 2). This letter exhibits

a cursive form, which looks very much like gya, but there remains no

doubt as to the correctness of my reading, as may be seen from the

context ;

( e ) the shape of the letters is decidedly more angular and reminds

one strongly of the letters in podasa’s inscriptions. In addition to this,

I must call special attention to the da of dandagca (line 2), which is of

a much more archaic form than that usually met with in Kusana. or

even Northern Ksatrapa inscriptions.

It is for all these reasons that I am inclined to believe that the

inscription contained a date referring to the reign of one of the Ksatrapa

the Seth, the noble Rudradasa, the son of the Seth Qivadasa, in adoration of the

Arliants.” Both the Donor’s and his father’s name are compounds mado with Qiva,

the pillar is described as being as big as Nandin, the famous vehicle of (hva ; but

the concluding words dedicate the monument to the Arhants. Jainism apparently

already in those early times was as much mixed up with (^aivism as its greater rival,

Buddhism.

1 I regret that it is impossible at present to publish a photograph of the Statue

or a facsimile of the Inscription.

278

T. Blocli — Buddhistic statue from QrRvasti.

[No. 4,

predecessors of the Kusana Kings.1 The inscription, accordingly, and

so also the statue itself, belong to the last century B.C., or the first

century A.D., for the question as to the date of those Northern Ksatrapa

Kings depends entirely on the date of Kaniska and his successors, a

point, on which, to my mind also, Mr. Fergusson’s phantastical conclu¬

sions have been too readily accepted by Prof. Oldenberg and others. In

any case, there remains no doubt that the statue is one of the oldest

Buddhistic images which hitherto have been found in India.

I now publish my transcript of the inscription, made from the

original stone :

Transcript .

(line 1)

(line 2).

(line 3).

-a ^ •

* N»

straff

Translation.

“ (During the reign of — , in the year — , season — , half -month — , on

the ) 19th (day), on this date (specified as) above ( this statue of) a

B5dhisattva ( together with) an umbrella and a stick, (being) the gift

of the monk Bala, a teacher of the Tripitaka, (and) fellow-wanderer

of the monk Pnsya-(m^m), (has been set up) in £ravastl, at the place

where the Blessed One (i.e., Buddha) used to walk, in the Kosamba-

kuti, for the acceptance of the teachers belonging to the Sarvastivada-

School.”

The language of this inscription is the well-known mixed dialect of

Sanskrit and Prakrit which is met with in all the Mathura Inscriptions

of the Kusana period and thereabout. Practically it is the same

i The date must have contained a reference to the reign of a king. The broken

portion of line 1 is much too long for a simple date, expressed, moreover, only

by sam and similar abbreviations, as is the rule throughout in Mathura and other

cognate Inscriptions.

8 Only the second portion, viz. ya, of this compound letter is visible. It is,

however, evident that this ya belonged to the Genitive-termination of the proper

name beginning with Pusya, which may be conjectured to have been Pusyamitrasya.

3 Traces of the first d of Bodhisatvo are still visible on the stone.

4 The letter vd of Sarvastivddinam has been added later. It is very small and

hardly visible on the facsimile, but clear enough on the stone. Apparently the

“ additional letter ta between sarvasti and dinam, shown in R. L. Mitra’s copy” as

mentioned by Prof. Dowson (1. c. p. 192) is this letter vd.

1898.]

T. Blocli — Buddhistic statue from Qravasti.

279

language in which the gdthds of the Lalitavistara or similar Buddhistic

books are written, and which T consider with Prof. Biilder, Kern and

others to be the result of persons who spoke Prakrit and were un¬

learned in Grammar, trying to write Sanskrit. In fact till very late at

the end of the Buddhistic period, all the Buddhistic Inscriptions are

notorious for their neglect of the rules of spelling and grammar, and

also the Buddhistic Sanskrit Literature, with a few rare exceptions, can

not certainly be called classic as to its style, whatever its merits else

may have been. The fact that the mixed dialect is exclusively used in

the inscriptions of Kaniska and even earlier certainly proves the

correctness of the Buddhistic tradition which places the translation into

Sanskrit of the Buddhistic Scriptures into the time of Kaniska. In the

Qravasti Inscription, we meet with the following instances of mixed

forms, being half Sanskrit and half Prakrit : —

(a) the Loc. Sing, of feminine nouns in d or i is - aye ( i.e , -dye) or

-iye ; thus; etaye purvaye (1. 1), Cdvastiye (1. 2), Kdsambakutiye (1. 3) ;

( b ) of masculine nouns in i or u , the Genitive Sing, takes -sya ;

thus : bhiksusya (11. 1 and 2), saddhyaviharisya (1. 2) ;

(c) compound letters are sometimes given in their Sanskritic, some¬

times in their Prakritic form ; thus camkame (1. 2), parigahe (1. 3.) for

Skt. camkrame and parigrahe, against saddhyaviharisya (1. 2 ; Sanskrit

sadhryagviharin ) and acaryydndm 1. 3 (Skt. dcdryanam). Another in¬

stance is Qavastiye (1. 2) for Skt. Cravastydm ; this form, however,

curiously euough re-occurs in the Bhagavata Purana (see Petersburg

Dictionary s. v. Cdvasti ) ;

(d) long vowels before compound letters are shortened as a rule,

in accordance with Prakrit ; thus : acaryydndm Sarvastivadinam (1. 3 )

for Skt. dcdryanam Sarvastivadinam. The long vowel of chdtrum

dandaQ=ca (1. 2) for Skt. chattram dandag-ca which is perfectly clear on

the original stone, is due to the vernacular pronunciation, and agrees

with such forms as dmtevdsi for Skt. antevdsi in various other Mathura

Inscriptions, and the genitive termination -dsa iustead of -assa in

Bharlmt.1 The sandhi of dandag-ca (ibid.) is, of course, an instance of

the opposite tendency ;

(e) a form of peculiar interest is saddhyaviharin in line 2.. It cor¬

responds to sadhiviharin in Sanchi Inscriptions, I, 209 (Ep. Ind. II,

p. 379), where it has been translated ‘ fellow- wanderer ’ by Prof.

Biihler (l. c.). Its first part is in Pali saddhim, which in the dialect of

this Inscription becomes saddhya. This clearly shows that Pali saddhim

does not go back to Sanskrit sdrdham , as has been hitherto assumed by

most scholars, but to Sanskrit sadhryak, as has been first recognized

by Prof. Pischel.

1 See Biihler, Epigr. Ind., Vol. II, p. 195.

2 SO T. Bloch — Buddhistic statue from Cravasti. [No. 4,

The Inscription records the gift of a Bodhisattva by a monk Bala

to some teachers of the Sarvastivada School, who resided at pravasti.

He is called “a fellow wanderer ( saddhyaviharin ) of the monk Pusya —

(probably Pusyamitra)” and a Trepitaka or in Sanskrit Traipitaka, i.e .,

“ one who has studied or teaches the Tripitaka.” A similar term,

petakin, is met with as early as the Bharhut Inscriptions,1 and in later

time we find the same title in the Inscription No. 6 from Kanheri

(Arch. Surv. Hep. Western India, Vol. V, p. 77), a document written

in characters of the 4th or 5th century A.D., where we read of a

“ traipitakopaddhyaya-bhadanta-Dharmavatsa .2 This clearly proves that

the Tripitaka must have been studied in India till at least the end

of the 5th century A.D. The existence in these days at and near

Mathura of the school of Sarvastivadins, to which the recipients of the

gift belonged, is well-known to us already from cognate inscriptions,

and does not call for any remark.

By far the most important statements of the inscription, however,

are the description of the gift itself, and of the locality where it was set

up. The former is described as “a statue of a Bodhisattva, an umbrella

and a stick ” (Bbdhisatvb chdtram ddndag=ca, line 2). The Bodhisattva

of course is the statue on which the inscription is engraved ; the um¬

brella apparently surmounted the statue, similar ones being frequently

met with among the sculptures from Gandhara. In Bharhut, Sanchi and

Gaya the presence of Buddha is generally indicated by a throne ( vajrd -

sana ) surmounted by an umbrella, and these also remain associated with

him in later Buddhistic art. It is evident that the umbrella belongs

to Buddha because he is a cakravartin , just as the wheel, the sign of

the unrestrained progress of the law, marks him as an apratihatacakra

or ‘ universal king.’ According to the Lalita Vistara, the two signs of

royalty, the umbrella and the two chowrees appeared already at his

birth ; we read here (p. 96) that at that time antarikse dve cdmare

ratnacchattram ca pradur abhut , and among the various relievos from

Gandhara representing this scene, which are now in the Indian Museum,

there is one on which the artist literally followed the poet’s words and

sculptured a chowree hanging in the air. The stick ( dandag=ca ) I believe

to have been a portion of the umbrella by which it was connected with

the halo surrounding the head ; it may have been laid out with jewels

1 See Dr. Hultzsch’s Edition in Zeitschrift d. Deatsch. Morgenl. Ges., Vol. XL,

p. 74 and Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXI, p. 23 £, No. 134.

2 I believe traipitaka and upddhydya are two different titles of Dharmavatsa.

He was one who had studied the three Pitakas, and he had acquired the academical

degree of Upddhydya or “ teacher.” Traipitaka also occurs very often as a distin¬

guishing title in Taranatha’s Tibetan History of Buddhism iu India, where Schiefner

translates, “ Dreikorbhalter

1898.] T. Bloch — Buddhistic statue from Qravastz. 281

or some precious stones, for if it was merely a piece of wood or iron,

no reason seems to me why the inscription mentions it specially. The

umbrella, then rightly might have been called a ratnacchattra d

The statue itself is described as an image of a Bodliisattva, not of

a Buddha. To everyone who is acquainted with the ancient Buddhistic

scriptures, it is well known that these two terms are never used pro¬

miscuously, but strictly distinguished from each other,2 and that such

a supposition would be quite out of place here, may be easily seen by

comparing this word with the other Bhagavato camkame in the same line

of the Inscription, where Buddha is spoken of as Bhagavan. This can be

easily confirmed by looking over other ancient inscribed statues of

Buddha. Here, with one exception only, the term Bodliisattva is never,

employed in describing the image, but such other terms as Buddha ,

Tathdgata , Bhagavan , Casta , etc., which also in literature signify the

teacher after he had reached the state of enlightenment, in distinction

from the preliminary stage of a Bodliisattva or, as it is generally

explained, “a being that in this birth is destined to reach the hodhi,

without being born again.” I refer to the following inscriptions : —

(1) An Inscription on the pedestal of a large statue of Buddha,

in Anyor near Mathura : A. S. R. Vol. XX, p. 49 and Plate

V, No. 5 : the characters of the Inscription belong to the

Northern Ksatrapa type. The statue is described in line

1 as Buddha-pratima ;

(2) An Inscription, incised on the base of a large seated Buddha,

found in the town of Kaman : Epigr. Indica, Vol. II, p.

212 and No. 42 of Facsimile Plate. The date of the In¬

scription Sam 74 with all probability refers to the Kusana

1 I must at least mention one other possible, though highly improbable,

explanation of the words. On the Mathura Lion Capital a samanachatra is men¬

tioned which Prof. Biihler hesitatingly translated by ‘ a stupa of a monk ; ’ see

Journ. Roy. As. Soc., New Ser., 1894, p. 536, note 6. He refers to the modern chatri

which is used for a certain class of tomb-like monuments not uncommon in Northern

India, which, however, to my mind do not seem to have any structural resemblance

with a Buddhist stupa, but rather look like Muhammadan Maqbirahs. But, granted

the correctness of this explanation, then we might take chat-ram in our Inscription as

‘a stupa’; danda might refer to something similar to the yathi ( yasthi ) in the Sue

Bihar Inscription ; see Dr. Hoernle’s edition in Ind. Ant., Yol. X, p. 327, probably ‘ a

metal rod containing the seven precious substances, and deposited inside the

stupa.’ This explanation, though scarcely probable, would however, prove important

for the question as to whether the statue has been found by General Cunningham

in situ, or not.

2 A few isolated instances adduced by Prof. Windisch in his Mara und Buddha,

p. 211, cannot prove anything for the time to which this statue belongs.

.J. i. 36

282

T. Bloch — Buddhistic statue from Qrdvasti.

[No. 4,

Era. The statue is described as Bhagavato Qakyamunind

(read : — munino) pratimd ;

(3) An Inscription on a statue of Bnddha from Mankuar : Fleet,

Gupta Inscriptions, p. 45. The Inscription is dated in the

129 of the Gupta Era, corresponding to 448-449 A.D.

The statue is described as Bhagavato samyak-sambuddhasya

sva-mata-viruddhasya . . .pratimd ;

(4) An Inscription under a figure of Buddha in the Kanheri

Caitya Cave No. Ill: Arch. Surv. Rep. of Western India,

Vol. V, p. 77, No. 6. The Inscription is written in

characters of the Western alphabet of the 4th or 5th

. century A.D. The figure is called Bhagavat-pratimd (line

3 of inscription) ;

(5) An Inscription on the base of a statue of Buddha from

Sarnath, near Benares, now in Indian Museum : Fleet,

Gupta Inscriptions, p. 281. The Inscription, on palseo-

graphical grounds, may be allotted roughly to the 5th

century A.D. The statue is labelled as pratimd Qdstuh.

These are the only ancient Buddha statues, as far as I know,

which contain Inscriptions giving us a clue as to the meaning of the

image. But there is one remarkable statue still left which I have already

been alluding to above. It is a statue of a seated Buddha from Budh

Gaya, figured by General Cunningham in his Mahdbddhi, Plate XXV,

and described ibid., p. 53. This statue is also now in the Indian

Museum, but unfortunately an inspection of the original sculpture does

not give any more help in deciphering the mutilated Inscription on the

base. On the contrary, some more letters have still broken off, and not

even the whole context of Cunningham’s facsimile is now to be found

on the stone. But so much at least seems to me certain that its purport

was to record the fact that a certain Bhiksu set up this statue of a

Bodhisattva, who was represented as seated on a simhdsana , traces of

which are still visible on the sculpture behind the neck of the figure.

Thus, I believe, the words in line 2 of the Inscription, viz., Bodhisattva-

pratimam simharathe pratisthdpayati are best accounted for. Here then

again we have a statue of a Bodhisattva, not of a Buddha.1

How then is this discrepancy to be accounted for ? There is

nothing in the head-dress to distinguish the Gaya Image from any

1 I do not agree with General Cunningham referring the date 64 of line 1 of

the Inscription to the 9a^a Era. The form of some letters of the Inscriptions,

especially of sa, is much later and the true date probably lies 150 or 200 years

behind. I am unable to make anything out of the name of the Maharaja men¬

tioned in the beginning of the record.

1898.] T. Bloch — Buddhistic statue from Qravasti. 283

ordinary Buddha statue of about the same time or even later. With

respect to the fravasti Image, we must leave off this point at all, as

the head unfortunately is broken.1 But the point, on which both the

Gaya and pravasti image are alike to each other, while they differ

from any ordinary Buddha statue, is the shape in which the garment

is laid round the body, leaving naked in both the right shoulder. The

ordinary type of Buddha represents the teacher dressed in the samghdti

that large vestment which covers the whole body of a Buddhist monk,

reaching to the ankles and leaving bare only the neck and the shaved

head. It looks, indeed, very much so as if Buddhist artists in trying

to revive the figure of their divine Lord in painting or in stone, did not

imitate any other type among the Hindu Pantheon, but tried to depict

the Lord so as the pious mind believed him to have been, and the

model from which the first statues of Buddha were made, was the appear¬

ance of an ordinary Bhiksu, just as the Jainas made the images of

their Tirthamkaras look like an ordinary Yati. If General Cunningham,

therefore, with respect to the fkavasti statue says that “ the right

shoulder is bare as in all Buddhist figures ” (Arch. Surv. Rep., Yol. I,

p. 339), this is decidedly wrong. The evidence adduced above rather

leads us to believe that wherever we. find a Buddhist statue which has the

right shoulder bare, this is to be taken as a sign that the statue represents

not a Buddha , but a Bodliisattva .2

It is not my intention here to press this argument. The evidence,

I admit, is but scanty, and the subject is one which still labours under

great difficulties. I merely want to point, in connexion herewith, to

two other facts which tend to corroborate the result thus arrived

at. The first point is taken from the Gandhara sculptures. Here

the type with the right shoulder bare, occurs only in connection with

a particular position of the hands which is generally described as

1 I know of one more Buddha statue of very much the same style as the

QravastI Image. It is only the upper part of the statue, shown on a photograph in

the Indian Museum together with the statue described in A. S. R. X, 5, which Dr.

Fiihrer in his List wrongly calls an image of Agvaghosa, but which really seems to

be an image of a Nagaraja. Here the head is preserved ; it is without any ornament

or dress, the hair represented in the same conventional way as in the Mankuar Image

where Mr. Fleet erroneously speaks of “ a close fitting cap.” The usmsa or * skull-

born ’ is also seen on this fragment. The vestment is very much like the QravastI

Image.

2 There is, of course, one more point in the shape of the dress of this statue

which is against the ordinary fashion of Buddha images, viz., the girdle round the

waist. The vestment of the QravastI image is decidedly not the samghdti, while

those from Gandhara and Bihar, referred to further on, appear to be clad in this

garment.

281

T. Blocli — Buddhistic statue from Cjravastt.

[No. 4,

dharmacahramudra , and which Prof. Griinwedel in his valuable “ Hand-

buck dev Buddhistischen Kunst in Indien ” (Berlin, 1893, p. 146 if) has

from independent reasons, tried to establish as a characteristic of

statues representing not Cclkyamuni , but the future Buddha Maitreya.

Maitreya, according to Buddhist Mythology is not a Buddha yet, and I

question the correctness of Prof. Griinwedel’s words who calls these

statues representations of “ Maitreya as Buddha.” To my mind, it

would be more appropriate to speak of them as “ statues of Maitreya,”

and from the result which I have arrived at above, it is extremely

probable that the fact that such statues wear the right shoulder un¬

covered by their vestment, is due to their being representations of a

Bodliisattva, in this particular case the Bodhisattva Maitreya.1 The

next point in connexion herewith refers to the Bihar Buddhist statues.

Among these, I have met with the type of Buddha with his right

shoulder bare only in connection with a peculiar attitude of the hands

commonly called “ bhumisparga-mudra .” 2 This holds good almost

throughout, as far as I know. Now it is my opinion that this particular

attitude where Buddha touches the earth with the top of the fingers of

his right hand, while the left lies in his lap, always is intended to depict

him as sitting under the Bodhi-tree (which indeed is always represented

on such statues), and calling the earth as a witness during his great

struggle with Mara. This opinion of mine rests on the fact that

in some of the Bihar images belonging to this type the demons of

1 There remains of coarse one donbtfnl point. Some statues of a different type,

representing figures in royal dress, and formerly called “ statues of princes,” have

been explained by Prof. Griinwedel as representations of Maitreya. How then is

this difference in type to be accounted for ? I can see no reasonable explanation.

My above statement rests on carefnl examination of the Indian Museum collection

of Gandhara sculptures, among which there are about 200 images of Buddhas or

BSdhisattvas, coming partly from Swat, partly from Yusufzai (Jamalgarhl, Takht-1-

Bahi, etc.). I have come across only one exception, i.e., a figure seated cross-legged,

the right shoulder bare, and the right hand raised in the attitude of teaching. On

the base of the statue, a small relievo of the Indrasdlaguhd scene is sculptured (see

my note in Proceedings, A. S. B., 1898, July, p. 186 ff). My statement referring

to the Bihar sculptures also is based on the Indian Museum collection ; the number

of Buddhist statues among them may be given approximately as 200. Their date,

as will be known, is the time of the Pala Kings of Magadha.

2 A fair specimen of this type may be seen in Plate II of this Journal, Vol.

LXIII, 1894, Parti. It is a photo-etching of a statue excavated by Dr. G. A.

Grierson near Itajgir, the ancient Rajagrha. In the description given by Babh

Qarat Candra Das on the authority of Lama Slierab Gya-tsho (p. 37) this attitude

is called the dhyanl dsana which seems to be wrong. Also the tree above the head

of Buddha is wrongly called the Kalpavrksa. Other similar statues may be seen in

Cunningham, Mahabodhi, Plate XXI 7, D, E, F, and Plate XX 71.

1898.] T. Bloch — Buddhistic statue from Crdvasti. 285

Mara’s army are still represented, while on the majority of them no sign

of Mara or his warriors is visible. Further it must be noticed that in

Sarnath1 and Ajanta,2 wherever the attack of Mara is represented,

Buddha’s attitude is exactly the same as in those Bihar images above

described. And this holds good also for Gandhara, where Buddha’s

attitude in the Mara scenes is always that of bhumisparga, as called by me

above.3 This point again tends towards the same direction. For when

Buddha was attacked by Mara, he was not yet a Tathdgata or a Buddha ,

he was only a Bodhisattva, and wherever the scene is described in

Buddhist Literature, he is spoken of by that term. Thus, here again, the

right shoulder has been left uncovered, because the artist did not

intend to represent the Divine Teacher after he had reached the perfect

state of enlightenment, but merely in a preliminary stage, as a Bodhi¬

sattva. The evidence, accordingly, derived from epigraphical as well

as sculptural facts, tends to show that wherever we meet with a statue

of Buddha which represents him with his right shoulder uncovered,

we must consider this a priori as a sign indicating that the image is not

meant for a Buddha, but for a Bodhisattva.

But to return to the Inscription, we must now take into consideration

the important statement as to the locality where the statue was set up.

As we have seen already, the image was erected in Crdvasti (spelled

Cdvasti ), in the Kosambakuti, “ in the place where Buddha used to

walk ” ( Bhagavatd camkame ). Crdvasti , or in Pali Sdvatthi, contained the

Jetavana , a place on which Buddhists look with the same veneration as

a Christian does on the house of Lazarus in Bethania. In this garden

or park there were two buildings, as we learn from the famous medallion

in the Bharhut Stupa, labelled as : Jetavana Anadhapedikd deli koti -

samthatena ketd , i.e., ‘Anathapindaka gives the Jetavana (to Buddha ),

having purchased it4 for a layer of kotis (i.e., gold pieces) ’ (see

Cunningham, Stupa of Bharhut, Plates XXVIII and LVII). One of

1 See Plates 67, 68 of Dr. Burgess, Ancient Monuments, Part I.

2 There are two representations of Mara’s attack on Buddha in Ajanta. One

is a sculpture, figured in Plate LI of Burgess and Fergusson Cave Temples, the

other the famous painting, a drawing of which may be seen, e.g., on page 93, wood-

cut No. 31, of Grunwedel’s Handbuch.

3 But on the specimens seen by me, about 3 or 4 in number, the right shoulder

is covered. All of them are, however, very poor with respect to workmanship.

4 Dr. Hultzsch takes beta as Pali form of skt. kretd, but it is a gerund, corres¬

ponding to skt. kritva ; its prototype would be krayitvd, and it corresponds to

kinitvd in the story of the Avidurenidana ( Fansboll, Jataka, Vol. I, p. 92). I also

do not agree with his translation of the words Kosambakuti as “ the Hall at

Kaugambl ; ” see his edition of the Bharhut Inscriptions No. 39, on page 230, Iud.

Ant. Yol. XXI, for 1892.

286 T. Bloch — Buddhistic statue from Cravasti. [No. 4,

those two buildings is described as Kosamhakutz ; it is the building

mentioned in our Inscription, as has been recognized long ago by

General Cunningham. The second building is called gamdliakuti , and

is referred to directly in the tale of the Avidurenidana (Jataka, ed.

Fansboll, Vol. I, p. 92), where we read that Sudatta ( i.e ., Anatba-

pindika) erected this building in the centre of the park (so majjhe

Dasabalassa gandhakutim kdresi). Further it is stated in the same

place, that he also erected ‘ places to walk, to sleep, and to stay during

the day ’ for Buddha ( camkamana-rattitthdna-divdtthdndni ca ), one of

which doubtless was the Bhagavatd camkama, where the statue was set

up, according to the Inscription.

It thus is establised beyond doubt that the statue originally teas

erected in Cravasti , and the only point that remains for our discussion

is the question whether we are entitled to identify the locality where

the statue was discovered by General Cunningham in 1863, i.e., the

modern Set-Mahet with the site of the ancient pravasti ?

It has been done so by General Cunningham ; see his account

on Sahet-Mahet, or Cravasti, in Arch. Surv. Rep., Vol. I, p. 330 ff., and

Vol. XI, p. 78 ff. This identification up to lately, seems to have been

generally adopted, and is repeated by Dr. Fulmer in his List of Anti¬

quarian Remains in the North-West Provinces and Oudh, p. 306.

Recently, however, it appears to have come into discredit again. I

refer to V. A. Smith’s report on the Remains near Kasia in the Gorakh¬

pur District (Allahabad, 1896) where in note 3, p. 4 he states: “I

greatly doubt the correctness of the accepted identification of the site of

£ravastl. I have a strong suspicion that £ravasti should be identified

with Cliarda, or Chahardah, in the Bahraich district, about forty miles

north-west of Set-Mahet (Saliet-Mahet). The latter place, which is

commonly reputed to be the site of fravasti, will probably prove to be

Setawya, which was situated eastward from Cravasti.” It is for this

reason that I take up the question here again.

It would be wrong to infer from a statement contained in the diary

of the Journey of Hiouen Thsang, that the image discovered by General

Cunningham is the same statue which the Chinese pilgrim saw in

(^ravasti. He tells us that (St. Julien, Hiouen Thsang, Vol. I, p. 296)

“ les batiments du Kia-lan (convent) sont completement mines ; il n’en

reste que les antiques fondements. On ne voit plus qu’une petite

maison en briques qui s’eleve toute seule au milieu des decombres ; elle

renferme une statue du Bouddha .” Though this description closely agrees

with the site where the General found the statue in 1863, yet from what

immediately follows in Hiuen Thsang’s account, we learn that the

statue which he saw, was made of sandel-wood, while Cunningham’s

1898.] T. Bloch — Buddhistic statue from Cravasti. 287

statue is made of stone ; and if we compare his account with the

narrative of Fa-Hian (p. 75 of Beal’s translation), it becomes evident

that both refer to the same statue. This was recognized origi¬

nally also by General Cunningham (see Arch. Surv. Rep., Vol. I,

p. 340), but later on, he changed his opinion, and said (Arch. Surv. R.,

Vol. XI, p. 86) : “ When Hwen Thsang visited Sravasti in A.D. 636,

he found the Jetavana so completely ruined, that nothing more than

the foundations remained. ‘ One small brick temple containing a

statue of Buddha rose alone amid the ruins.’ This solitary temple T

have identified with No. 3,1 because the Inscription which I found inside

dates back to the early period of Indo-Scythian rule. The statue must ,

therefore , have been enshrined in this temple several centuries before the time

of Hwen Thsang ; and as I found it inside the temple in 1863, it is certain

that it must have been there in A.D. 636, when the Chinese pilgrim visited

the Jetavana .” This rather bold statement has been accepted without

hesitation by Dr. Fiihrer in his List of Antiquarian Remains, p. 310,

where he says that “ this very statue of colossal size, ( i.e ., the statue

seen by Hiuen Thsang) was found in 1863 by General Cunningham

inside a small ruined brick temple.” We may, of course, admit an

error on Hiuen Thsang’s side, but we have no reason whatever to do so.

And, on the other hand, the fact that the statue does not seem to have

been noticed by Hiuen Thsang, does not appear to me to value much.

It may have been buried below the ground as early as in his time, and

it may be owing merely to this fact that the statue has still been

preserved to us in a country where stone material always, on account

of its rarity, has been valued high and greatly demanded, while, on

the other hand, further excavations conducted by General Cunningham

and Dr. W. Hoey at the same site have been very resultless as to-

ancient sculptures or inscriptions.

While thus the accounts of the Chinese pilgrims become useless

to us in deciding the question whether the image stood at Set-

Mahet already at their time or not, we can, on the other hand, not

derive an argument against the question at issue from the fact that the

statue was made from the same material which was in use at the same

time in Mathura. For, as General Cunningham rightly observes (Arch.

Surv. Rep., Vol. I, p. 339), “ we know that the sculptor’s art was in a

very flourishing state at Mathura during the first centuries of the

Christian era ” and the same fact holds also good for a number of other

ancient sculptures that have come to light in the country around

Mathura. We are perfectly justified in putting all these sculptures,

J This refers to Plate XXV, same Volume.

288 T. Bloch — Buddhistic statue from Cravasti. [No. 4,

which, by no means, all have been, found in Mathura itself, but some

of them at a considerable distance away, together under the class-term

of Mathura sculptures, just as we speak of Gandliara-sculptures, and

such a term rests on much stronger grounds than many a similar one

introduced by Indian Archaeologists. If, indeed, we find a statue with

an Inscription, approximately 19 centuries old telling ns that the place

where the statue was set up, was pravastl and their being no visible signs

that the statue has been transported from some other place, such as

Inscriptions in later characters, etc., we must primarily infer that the site

where it stands is the same place as that mentioned in the Inscription,

until by some independent reasons we have come to the conclusion that

such an assumption cannot be upheld. Such independent reasons, in

our case, would be the distance in miles and the direction according to

the horizon, as recorded by the Chinese pilgrims between pravastl and

other places visited by them.

The next place to which both Fa-Hian and Hiuen Thsang travelled

from QravastI, is Kapilavastu , the birth-place of Buddh,a. The latter

place, by the discovery in 1896 of the famous Paderia Edict of A^oka,

has been identified beyond doubt with a modern site in the Nepalese

Terai to the north of Uska Bazar station. How far its distance from

Set-Mahet in English miles is, I am unable to make out with certainty ;

its direction according to the horizon from Set-Mahet is to the East.

The distance recorded by Fa-Hiang between QravastI and Kapilavastu

is about 14 yojanas in a south-easterly direction ; 1 Hiuen Thsang gives

500 li in a south-eastern direction as the distance between the kingdom

of pravastl and the kingdom of Kapilavastu.2 Both accordingly record

the direction as lying to the south-east, while the actual direction

between Set-Mahet and Paderia seems to be to the east. The question

accordingly is : are we, on account of this discrepancy, justified in

assuming that the statue has been brought to the place where General

Cunningham found it, from somewhere else, while the actual site of pra-

vastl must be searched for somewhere to the north-east of Paderia P

1 From Qravasti to Na-pi-ka, the birth-place of the Buddha Kraku chanda ;

12 yojanas to the south ; from this place to Buddha Kanakamuni’s birth-place (viz.,

the modern Nigliva in Tahsil Taulehva, Nepal) : less than 1 ydjana to the north :

from this place to Kapilavastu : less than one ydjana eastward ; see Chapter XXI

and XXII (p. 85-86 ) of Beal’s translation.

2 St. Julien, Yol. I, p. 309 “ en partant de ce royaume ( i.e ., She-lo-fa-si-ti =

Qravasti), il fit environ cinq cents li au sud-est, et arriva au royaume de Kie-pi-lo-

fa-su-tu (Kapilavastu).” I expect that the distance in lis and yojanas agrees nearly

with the actual distance in English miles between Set-Mahet and Paderia, but I

have no means to work ont this question, and I refrain myself, for this reason, from

taking it into consideration. 500 lis or 14 yojanas both come up approximately to 80

English miles.

1898.]

T. Blocli — Buddhistic statue from Cravasti. 289

To my humble opinion, such an assumption would be very

difficult to maintain. Suppose, a pious Buddhist Monk or layman who

had got hold of the statue at the place where it was standing previous¬

ly, desired to make it a gift to some of his co-religionists who were then

residing at the place which is now called Set-Mahet. For this

purpose, he removed the statue, 11' 8" in height, and of a considerable

weight some thirty or even fifty miles. Is it not then entirely in

opposition to the usual custom in India that he took all this trouble

and, in connexion with it, the considerable expenses upon himself

without recording even his name on the statue ? pravasti in 636 A.D.

when Hiuen Thsang visited the place, certainly was already very

much devastated, and only few Buddhists were residing there. But it

must have been absolutely depopulated and no one must have been

there to claim the possession of the image which even on its size

would have excited the religious veneration of an ordinary Hindu or

Buddhist, if he was allowed to take the statue away, and nobody dared

to object, as it has been done now-a-days hundred of times to Archaeolo¬

gists and Collectors of sculptures for the various Museums. And is it

really in accordance with the usual custom in India that, whenever a reli¬

gious man wants to gain merit by setting up a statue or building up a

temple, he utilizes some old broken stone which he has come across with

at some distant place P On the contrary, in such a case, no respect

whatever for any object of antiquity is shown — a feeling which indeed is

entirely new to the ordinary Indian — and the donor rather boasts himself

of having made a new statue, however ugly, out of some other piece of

venerable antiquity.

These considerations make me inclined to trust the authority of

the Inscription on the statue discovered by General Cunningham and

to look upon the discrepancy in the direction as recorded by the Chinese

pilgrim as a minor point of no considerable importance. There is some

more Epigraphical evidence as to the site of the ancient fravasti which

I may be permitted to add here, though, unfortunately, it does not

help us any further. Qravasti is mentioned also in the following

Inscriptions : —

(1) Madhuban Copper-plate Inscription of Harsavardhana of

Kanauj ; date Harsa-samvat 25=631-632 A.D. ; Epigr.

Indica, Yol. I, p. 72, line 8 ff. of Inscription : Cravasti-

bhuktau Kundadhaiu-vaisayika-Soinakundikd-grama . The

plate was discovered in 1888 by a ploughman in a field near

Madhuban, Pargaua Nathupur, Distr. A‘zamgarh, N.-W.

Provinces.

(2) Dighwa-Dubauli Copper-plate Inscription of Maharaja

J. i. 37

290 T. Bloch — Buddhistic statue from Cravasti [No. 4,

MahendrapaladeVa ; date [Ffarsa]-samvat 155=761-762

A.D. ; Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, 1886, p. 112 ; line 7 ft', of In¬

scription : Crdvasti-bhnlcta.u Crdvasti-mandal-dntahpati-

V alayika-visaya-sambad dha-Paniyalca-grama. The plate is

in the possession of a Brahmin in the Saran District, Bihar,

but seems to have been brought there from some distant

place.

(3) Katak Copper-plate Inscription of the third year of Maha¬

raja Bhavagupta II. ; date 11th century A.D. ; Epigr. Ind.,

Vol. Ill, p. 357 ; line 38 ff., of the Inscription mentions a

Brahman who had come to Katak from the bhatta-village

Kasilll in the Qravasti-mandala ( Cravasti-mandale Kasilli-

bhattagrdma-vinirggatdya ) .

All these localities, however, mentioned as lying in the mandala or

bliukti of pravasti, I have been unable to identify ; for thatValayika

in the Dighwa-Dubauli Inscription (No. 2) may be the modern Ballia in

the North-West Provinces, is nothing more than a mere guess. If it is

possible to identify those places, they would certainly help to settle the

question, but I am unable at present to do this.

To sum up the results of this paper, we learn from the Inscription

on the base of the statue discovered by General Cunningham in 1863 at

the modern Set-Mahet : —

(1) that the statue was erected in the last century B.C. or first

century A.D., and consequently is one of the oldest

Buddhist images found in India ;

(2) that it represents a Bodhisattva, and not a Buddha, this

being recognisable also in the shape of the robe leaving

the right shoulder naked ;

(3) that, finally, the statue originally was set up in (JJravasti

and that the place where General Cunningham found it,

viz., the modern Set-Mahet, has to be considered on

the authority of the Inscription as the site of the ancient

(Jravasti, notwithstanding a certain discrepancy in its

actual direction from Kapilavastu (Paderia), as compared

with the direction recorded by the Chinese pilgrims Fa

Hian and Hiuen Thsang.

1898.]

T. Bloch — Inscription of Maharaja Bhoja I.

291

A new Inscription of Maharaja Blwja I., from Marwar , dated Harsa

Samvat 100. — By Theodor Bloch, Ph. D.

[Read April, 1898].

This Inscription which is edited here for the first time, is engraved

on a copper-plate discovered by Debiprasad, a Munsif of Jodhpur

in Marwar State, Rajputana. It is stated to have come to light

some fifty years ago during a heavy rainfall in a village called

Sevva,1 in Pargana Didwana1 of the Marwar State, where it was lying

buried under the earth, and whence it is said to have come to Daulat-

pur, in the same State ; it is now deposited in the Darbar Hall of

Jodhpur. I edit the Inscription from impressions kindly supplied to me

by Debiprasad, Munsif of Jodhpur, who discovered the plate in Daulat-

pur and arranged for its being deposited in Jodhpur.

Judging from the impressions, the plate measures 1' 9" by 1' 4|" ;

its weight is said to be 30 seers. It is inscribed on one side only in

characters of exactly the same type as the two Inscriptions of the

same dynasty, already known to us, viz., the Digliwa-Dubauli Plate of

Maharaja Mahendrapala, and the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Plate of

Maharaja Vitiayakapala.2 The average size of the letters is fr'. The

seal, measuring, according to the impression, 9|" by Q\" , is soldered unto

the proper right side of the plate ; it resembles in shape exactly the

seal of the two other plates, mentioned above. It contains an Inscrip¬

tion, consisting of 10 lines of writing in relievo, above which there is,

in an arch, the figure of a standing goddess, doubtless the Bhagavati

mentioned in the Inscription as tutelary deity of Maharaja Bhoja. The

same figure is also to be seen in the upper portion of the seal of the

Dighwa-Dubauli and Bengal Asiatic Society’s Plate. The latter which

I had an opportunity to inspect, leaves no doubt that this goddess

Bhagavati is intended for Durga or Parvatl, as she is represented

1 Written an(l respectively, in the vernacular alphabets. *

2 Edited by Mr. Fleet in Indian Antiquary, Yol. XY, pp. 105 and 138, wit

facsimile.

292

T. Bloch — Inscription of Maharaja Blwja I.

[No. 4,

as holding a mirror and water-jar (darpana and kalaga) in two of her

left hands, both of which are among the attributes of this goddess.

The language of the Inscription is Sanskrit. With respect to

orthography, the same peculiarities re-occur here, as in the Dighwa-

Dubauli and Bengal Asiatic Society’s Plates ; viz., the letter b is every¬

where expressed by the sign for v ; parambhagavati (or parambhu0)

stands for paramabhagavati (in lines e and k of the seal, and lines 4

and 6 of the text) ; samvatsro , in the date (line 16), is written for

samvatsara or samvatsaranam ; anga is written for amga (in lines 10

and 14).

The Inscription opens with the well-known Genealogical list of

Maharajas from Bevagakti down to Blwja ; the same pedigree, in exactly

the same words, is repeated on the seal also, and may be seen, too, in

the Dighwa-Dubauli and Bengal Asiatic Society’s Plates of Mahendra-

pala and Vinayakapala. Thereafter, we learn, that the Maharaj a-Cri-

Bhbjadeva, from his victorious camp, pitched up at Mahodaya (line 1)

issued a command to his officials in the village Siva, belonging to the

district ( visaya ) of Bendcanaka, which lay in the country of Gurjjarattrd

{Gurjjarattrd-bhumau ; lines 6 foil.), informing them that a certain

Bhatta-Harsnka (line 8) had reported to him, that the above-named

village (viz., Siva-grama) had been granted by the present King Bhoja’s

great-grandfather, Maharaja Vatsaraja, (line 9 : parama-deva-padanam

prupitdmaha, etc.,) to his (sc. Haisuka’s) grandfather, Bhatta Vdsudeva.

This Vasudeva again by a special deed (pratigraha-pattrena) , had made

over the sixth part of its revenues to a certain Bhatta Visnu (line 10).

Maharaja Bhoja’s grandfather, the Maharaja Nagabhata, confirmed the

original grant; but in the reign of the present King Blioja (deva-rajye,

line 11), both the original grant ( gdsana ) and the record of its being

sanctioned by Nagabhata (anumati) had been lost. The Maharaja

Bhoja, therefore, after he had come to know about the grant, its sanction,

and enjoyment, consented that the said village should be enjoyed by the

Brahmans, the descendants of Bliatta-Vasudeva, who belonged to the

Kagyapa-gottra and were students of the Agvalayana-\_gakha\ of the Rg-

veda, as well as by the Brahmans, the descendants of Bhatta Visnu, who

belonged to the Katyayava-gottra and were students of the Aevuldyana-

\_gakhci] of the Rg-veda, in the same way as it had been enjoyed before,

and as the divison of the shares had been already settled (prdg-bhoga~

kramen=aiva yathdmgam, line 14). Then follows a ^loka (line luff.)

which tells us that the 9asana was drawn up 1 by Prubhasa, and that

1 This is the meaning of the word jprayukta according to Prof. Biihler’s sug¬

gestion; see Mr. Fleet’s note 9, Ind. Ant., Vol. XV, p. 107. The translation of the

first line of the verse accordingly would be: “(This is the writing) of the long-

enduring 9asana, drawn up by Prabhasa.”

1898.]

T. Blocli — Inscription of Maharaja Bhoja I.

293

the Yuvaraja Nagabhata acted as dutaka.1 The date2 of the assignment

( nibaddha ) of the grant is the year 100, the 13th day of the blight half

of Phalguna. As in the case of the Dighwa-Dubauli and Bengal Asiatic

Society’s Plates, the date must be referred to the Harsa Era, correspond¬

ing therefore to 706-707 A.D.

The new information which this Inscription furnishes regarding

the history of this family of Maharajas, is but scanty. It gives us

t lie date Harsa Sanwafc 100 ( =A.D. 706-707) for Maharaja Bhoja,

and mentions the name of a Yuvaraja Nagabhata who has been left

out in the later lists, apparently because he never ascended the throne.

Of greater interest, however, are the localities mentioned in the In¬

scription. The village Siva, the agrahara of the Brahmin families

descending from Bhatta-Vasudeva and Bhatta-Visnn, is described as

lying in the Gurjjarattrd-bhumi , in the Dendvanaka-visaya. The

former I am unable to identify ; but the latter apparently is identical

with the modern Didwana, the name of a town and pargana in Marwar

State in Rajputana.3 The place is shown in the map accompanying

Webb’s Currencies of Rajputana, and also on Plate 27 of Constable’s

Hand Atlas of India; it is situated midway between Jaypur and

Bikanir. Accordingly, the village Siva must be identical with the

modern Sevva, the place where, if tradition can be trusted, the plate

came to light some fifty years ago. The villages granted in the two

other Inscriptions of the same dynasty, lay respectively in the modern

districts of Paizabad in Oudli, and of Benares; but we now learn that

one part at least of the dominions of this family of petty chiefs (Maha¬

rajas) lay also on the other bank of the Jumna, about 500 miles distant

from their Zauriuclaii in Oudh and 700 miles from Benares.

I now edit the Inscription from impressions supplied by Debiprasad :

Text .

The Seal :

(a)

(b)

( d )

1 For other instances of a Yuvaraja acting as dfdalca, see Khalimpur Plate of

Dhnrmapala(Epigr. Inch, Yol. Ill, p. 245), and Mungir Plate of Devapala (Ind, Ant.,

Yol. XXI, p. 258).

2 Expressed by a symbol, not in numerical figures.

8 This has been already suggested to me by Debiprasad.

294

[No. 4,

T. Bloch — Inscription of Maharaja Bhoja I.

(e)

(/) ^VUTST^ftHTJe^W^l

(g) 3TKTg«nct: 3T-

(h) WTf?^T«fRt

( i ) Tj^^ftn?T5uncr: Jsftngnrr^ngftrg;

( k ) trrwwtofiiV «Trcr»isjt*fN^i: [ n* ]

The Plate :

(l) $i [ n* ]

^Tomfltan-

(2) gf OT^afttT?T3'ai'tcf: sffaPwi^iT-

3?Trr: *PCfl-

(3) Ult^TT OT^Ictn^Tg-afTfT: 4tq^€t-

^TgcHg:

(4) tfKJWJi^vrgft3 OT^qigigwcr: 4t-

■ *tft*S2:T%-

(5) TOufcamfirt TifKTsi^iwTg^^i imimTtg-

■sncf: 3ft-

(()) JT?Tirr%3ngcqg: TOWI^t^ait3 JTTtTT5t^tHtsr%^: II jplrm-

wt gsfH-

(7) wnurcn*gsgffi«r vsn^n®rf*ra?RT-

5^c(Tf«ir^

(8) i f^stfucf i ^ftfafcrmuf'Tw^f^re-

%er ^ra^TM-

1 Read xp^WIe^to

2 The reading is quite obvious here as also in the Dighwa-Dubauli and

Bengal Asiatic Society’s Plates. Mr. Fleet’s reading JTT seems erroneous.

c

3 Read

4 Read

295

1898.] T. Bloch — Inscription of Maharaja Bhoja I.

(9) trfwtWT-

(10)

(H)

(12)

(13)

(14)

(15)

(16)

1 Read

* Read ..

# Read oJi^rrf^iSJ .

«• This ought to be either ^RffT^frnT^^ or

& Read

8 Read ojr^tfTiTT .

I Read .

8 Read

9 Metre Anustubh.

10 Read or ^r^Tmf

II Expressed by a symbol.

12 Read

wTUisra'Nsg-

KT^%5r «ffqcmr^wf9Ti%9T9' sn*eN ^fr) ( i* ] %9

=9150 W*Wt1 2 WffTOJ% sr-

ffalTTON ?tT: [ I* ] fqmWT ^=f UT^^TJIfl^qqTgflfcT-

£tIT [ I* ] 79TT5ET g eT^TOqfljpT-

f<re f93ifcTgqn%frfqcei3 * qirequgwfaqffm'gtra*

=5T<9T T?9T fq=?ft: TOTfir-

cnni6 9»T0Tqq?iift=pn,5-

9n05T9’f=9?l9^=9Tft;5«ff99!9s905raT^I9IHT^6 snwfJiqWlBq

9’9T«3OT7 8gflTf%cT sfcT fqftm

[ I* ] nf99Tf«fqT0T=gT5i9qifq ««ff -

97 TOT jrfcT ||

{. t ;

w%*r9 5rq[3i]-

*9 911*19^1 |

sn[Vr] thtcistN fgqj: n

^jqc^rt10 ^oo11 12 qrt^qgf^; v11^ fawns'2 u

296

H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bayazid ( Bajazet ) Biyat.

[No. 4,

The Memoirs of Bayazid ( Bajazet ) Biyat. — By H. Beveridge, Esq.,

I.C.S. (retired).

[Read November, 1898.]

This work, which is still in manuscript, owes its origin to the

Emperor Akbar. We learn from the introduction to the Akbarnama

that when Abu’l-fazl undertook, under Akbar’s orders, to write the

history of the emperor’s reign, considerable pains were taken to collect

the necessary materials. Among other things inquiries were made

among members of the royal family and old servants of the Court,

and all who had knowledge of past events were directed to put their

recollections into writing. It was in obedience to this order that

Bayazid Biyat, who was then holding an office in Akbar’s kitchen,

dictated his memoirs to a clerk of Abu’l-fazl. The same order pro¬

duced the charming memoirs of Princess Gulbadan, Akbar’s aunt, and

apparently also those of Jauhar, the ewer-bearer. There is a copy of

Bayazid’s Memoirs in the India Office, MS. No. 216. This was

Erskine’s copy, and is the one which I have used for this article.

Major Baverty had another copy which he quotes in his Notes on

Afghanistan, but which, he informs me, is no longer in his possession.

I hope that other copies may turn up, and also that some scholar will

one day undertake the editing of the text. If any one undertake the

task, he will do well to consult MS. Additional 26,610 of the British

Museum. This is a nearly complete translation of the Memoirs by

Mr. Erskine, and which might almost be printed as it stands.

Bayazid Biyat belonged to a Turkish tribe, but was a native of

Persia and was brought up in Tabriz. This appears from p. 77 h where

we are told that ‘All Quli ShaibanI (IQian Zaman) was a neighbour of

Bayazid’s in Tabriz when he was little, and also from p. 102a where

it is stated that Bayazid grew up with ‘Ali Quli in the Awa quarter of

Tabriz. Bayazid was the younger brother of Shah BardI Biyat, the saint

and poet, who forsook the profession of arms to become a water-carrier

and whose tomb is at Bardwan.1

I See Professor Blochmann’s article on Bahram Saqqa, the name assumed by

Shah Bardi, in the J. A. S. B. for 1871, vol. 40, p. 281.

297

1898.] H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bayazid ( Bnjnzet ) Biydt.

Bayazid dictated his memoirs at Labor in 999 (1590-91). He was

then an old man, and though still in service, — he was Bakawal Begl,

or Steward of the kitchen, — he had had a paralytic stroke and was

unable to write with his own hand. The facts that he was old and

frail and that he had to dictate his recollections from memory account

for their rambling character and for the inconsecutive style of the

sentences. The Memoirs contain much valuable information, and

in particular they give elaborate lists of Humayun’s followers. They

are also occasionally picturesque, as for instance, in the detailed

account of the meeting between the two brothers, Humayun and

Kamran, after the latter had been blinded, but as a whole they are

badly written and less interesting than the memoirs of Jauliar. They

are styled on the fly-leaf of the MS. Tarikh-i- Humayun, but this

title is not given by the author, who speaks of them only as a

mukhtasar or abridgement, and it is not an adequate description

of the contents, for the latter part of them is taken up with events

of the reign of Akbar. They begin with Humayun’s flight into

Persia in 1543 and come down to the time of writing (1590-91).

Abu’l-fazl has evidently used them a good deal, though he no¬

where expressly mentions them, and they are frequently quoted by

Erskine in his valuable history of Humayun’s reign. Bayazid tells us

that nine contemporaneous copies of his book were made, two of

which went into Abu’l-fazl’s library. I hope that some of them will

be found one day in India. Bayazld’s name occurs in the Ain under

the title of Bayazid Beg Turkman as a commander of three hundred

(Blochmann’s translation, p. 501), and his son Iftikhar is mentioned

lower down (p. 516), as belonging to the class of commanders of two

hundred.

The Memoirs begin with Humayun’s arrival in Slstan, and describe

his journey to Harat, and contain a copy of the elaborate despatch on

which Shah Tahmasp gave directions to the governor of that city for

Humayun’s reception and entertainment. Bayazid, however, did not

meet with Humayun, till the latter had joined the king of Persia at

Zangan, and had gone hunting with him at Solomon’s Throne ( Takht-i -

Sulaimdn) , south of the Caspian. After mentioning (at p. 115) his own

presence at the feasts and hunts, Bayazid tells us that when Humayun

took leave of Shah Tahmasp and proceeded towards Tabriz, he himself

was in the service of His Holiness Saiyid Muhammad ‘Arab, the

Shah’s Imam or chaplain, who had been entrusted that year with the

conveyance of the royal donative to the shrine of Imam Riza at

Mashhad. Apparently when Humayun went westward, Bayazid pro¬

ceeded on the opposite direction towards MaHihad, for he was there

J. i. 38

298

H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bayazid ( Bajazet ) Biydt. [No. 4,

with his father when Humayun arrived on the first Shawwal 951, (16th

December, 1544). It was the day of the ‘ Idu l-fitr or the breaking

of the fast of the Ramazan, but the weather had been so bad from rain

and snow that the people of Mashhad had not been able to see the

moon. Humayun, however, was able to satisfy the Qazi that he had

seen the moon when crossing the Zaqi 1 Pass on the previous evening and

so after 9 a.m. all the inhabitants proceeded to the Tdgah. Humayun

stayed several days in Mashhad, putting up in an upper room

(balakhana) behind Imam Riza’s dome. One night he circumambu¬

lated the shrine and visited the tombs of the poet Mir ‘All Sher and

others, and in his zeal insisted upon acting as a servant of the shrine

and on snuffing the lamps. This incident is also mentioned by Jauhar,

(Stewart’s translation, p. 60), but is referred by him to Humayun’s first

visit to Mashhad. Perhaps Humayun performed the ceremony twice.

Prom Mashhad Humayun proceeded towards Afghanistan, and joined

tiie Persian army on the banks of the Hilmand. He sent a force to

take the castle of Bast, on the Hilmand near the junction of the

Arghandab, and Bayazid went with it, though apparently not in any

official capacity. Prom Bast, Humayun went to Qandahar and besieged

it for some months. Bayazid was here also, and accompanied Bairam

Khan on his embassy to Kabul. On the way they were attacked by the

Hazaras, and Bayazid records the feat of Muhammadi Mirza, a grandson

of Jahan Shah, the last king of the Turkmans of the Black Sheep.

Muhammadi was on a horse which had been sent by Tahmasp as a

present to Sulaiman, the ruler of Badakhshan, and he leapt with it a

ditch which was eighteen cubits wide, in order to attack a Hazara

archer who had wounded several of the king’s troopers. He killed him,

but not before the archer had discharged his arrow and wounded the

horse on the chest. Notwithstanding the wound, the horse carried

Muhammadi for ten miles further and then dropped. Here Bayazid

incidentally mentions that the famous Bairam Khan, whom he styles

Baharlu, claimed to be descended from the same family as Muhammadi.

At Kabul, Bayazid saw the child Akbar, who was then living with his

grand-aunt Khanzada Begam, and heard Maham Begha say, that he was

born in 949 (the 946 of text must be a mistake), that he was then

years old, and that this date had also been written up in Kabul by his

Majesty Humayun.

The embassy returned to Qandahar after about two months, and

apparently Bayazid did not return with it, but joined his brother

1 I cannot find this name on the map, though there is a place Zarki marked N.

of Mashhad. Probably the pass was to the west of Mashhad on the way from

Nishapfir.

299

1898.] H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bayazid ( Bajazet ) Biyat.

Bahram Saqqa who had not then become a darvesh and was in Gardiz,

65 miles S.-E. Kabul, in the service of Mirza Kamran. Later on, p. 19a,

Bayazid tells us that Kamran took Gardiz, Naghaz, and Bangash from

his brother Shah Bardi and gave them to Khizr Khan Hazara with

instructions to guard the line of march from Qandahar and Ghazni.

Shah Bardi alias Bahram Saqqa received in exchange the districts of

Ghurband (N.-W\ Kabul), Zohak and Bamian, but when he came to

pay his respects to Kamran on his way thither, Kamran requested him

to put off his journey to Ghurband till the affairs of the army had

been settled. So Bahram and his brother Bayazid stayed at Kabul

till Kamran had reviewed his troops and till the arrival of Humayun.

This was followed by the desertion of all Kamran’s officers. Shah

Bardi was one of them and joined Humayun along with the famous

Bapus Beg and with Bayazid. Humayun entered Kabul on the 10th

Ramazan1 952, (16th November, 1545), and had the pleasure of meeting

again his wives and sisters, and his little son Akbar. Bayazid records

that Muayyid Beg Duldai Barlas died only a week after the taking of

Kabul, and that this was the cause of universal joy, every body saying

that he was the Satan of mankind, and was the cause of Humayun’ s

losing India, and that now there was hope that Humayun would

recover that country. This is the same Muayyid who was so brutal as

to cut off the hands of about 2,000 men who formed the garrison of

Cunar and had capitulated.2 Bayazid is charitable enough to express

the hope that Munkir and Nakir, the two angels who question the

departed, may not have been so severe on Muayyid as were his fellow-men.

In the spring of 1546, Maryam-makani, Akbar’s mother, arrived from

Qandahar and the circumcision of Akbar, then between four and five

years old, was celebrated in March of that year with great splendour,

the city being illuminated, &c. for forty days. It was on the occasion

of this ainbandi or festival that Bayazid’s brother, Shah Bardi,

came under a spell,3 or was drawn to religion so forcibly that he gave

up his profession of a soldier and became a wTater-carrier under the

1 There is, as Erskine observes, Hist. II. 325, a discrepancy about this date,

but he seems wrong in saying that Bayazid gives the year as 953. His own copy

has 952 ; and that this is correct appears from the statement on p. 224, that the

festivities at Kabul took place in the beginning of 953.

2 The statement that Muayyid was the cause of Humayun’s losing India is

corroborated by Jauhar, (pp. 15 and 16 of Stewart), who says that it was owing

to Muayyid’s advice that Humayun crossed to the south-west of the Granges, a step

which led to the disaster of Causa.

3 Memoirs p. 19a jazaba rasida lit., an attraction or drawing occurred. There

is another reference to this brother at p. 98a.

300

H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Baycizid ( Bajazet ) Biyat. [No. 4,

name of Bahrain Saqqa. His brother adds that he composed a diwan

or collection of poems which has been acceptable to all, both the elect

and the general public, and that he went off to Turkistan, reciting, or

making a rosary of ( tasbih numuda l) the Persian diwan of Shah Qasim

Anwar,2 and the Turki diwan of Shah Nasimi.3 We shall hear of

him again as a water-carrier in the streets of Agra.

After some days of feasting the royal party went to visit Khwaja

Reg-rawan, the site of the moving sand, and there the princes

engaged in wrestling-bouts. Humayun wrestled with Imam Quit

Qurcl, and Mirza Hindal with his cousin Mirza Yadgar Nasir. After

that they went to Khwaja Sih Yaran, the Place of the Three Friends

(Jarrett’s Ain II, 409 n), to admire the arghawan tree blossoms of the

Daman-i-koli. About this time Caghatai Sultan who was a Mughul

prince of great promise and an universal favourite died, and one Mir

Amani made a pretty chronogram about him. After describing him as

a rose and saying that in the season of the rose he meditated a journey,

the verses wind up thus : —

“ I sought the date from the bereaved nightingale and she said

weeping, the rose has gone out of the garden ” (gul az bdah birun shud ).

Here if we take 50, the numerical value of gul, from 1003, the value of

bdah. we get the date 953.4 With this, Bayazid ends the first chapter

of his memoirs.

The next opens with an account of the trial and execution of

Mirza Yadgar Nasir which took place in the end of 953, (January

1547). It seems that a regular indictment was preferred, consisting

of nearly thirty articles. One of them went as far back as the taking

of Campanir in 1535 and was as follows : — “ On the taking of the Fort

of Campanir we (Humayun) had come into the treasury and had

commanded that no one, unless sent for, should come to the treasury-

door, but you came without orders and sent your respects through a

bakdwal (Steward) who had brought us a special dish of soup. We

left coins of all sorts on the tray and sent soup to you, and you had

1 Perhaps tasbi‘ making a seven fold copy.

2 A native of Tabriz which may account for Bahrain's attachment to his poetry.

He was a mystic poet and died 837 A.H. or 1434 near Harat. There is a good

account of him in Beale’s Oriental Dictionary, but the date of his death there given

seems wrong.

3 See Professor Browne on the Hanafi sect in J. R. A. S., January, 1898, pp. 62

and 67. Nasimi was put to death for heterodoxy at Aleppo in 820 (1417). Nasim

is a district near Baghdad. The poet’s real name was Saiyid ‘Imadu-d-din. See

Rieu’s Catalogue of Turkish MSS. 165a.

4 Badaoni has a similar chronogram on the death of Bairam. Lowe’s transla¬

tion, p. 41.

1898.] H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bay azid ( Bajazet ) Biyat.

301

the audacity to lift off a Muzajfari (a silver coin) from it and to

make over the tray 1 and all its contents to the balmwal. This was

disrespect according to the imperial constitutions ( tura ).” Another

was of a more serious nature, viz., that he had conspired with Shah

Husain of Sind against Humayun, and that so Humayun had been

driven to take refuge in Persia. Yadgar Kasir was found guilty and

Muhammad ‘All Taghal (apparently Humayun’s mother’s brother),

the governor of Kabul, was ordered to put him to death. But

he refused, saying that he had never killed a sparrow, how then

could he kill Prince Yadgar Hasir. Mun‘im Beg suggested the em¬

ployment of Muhammad Qasim MaujI, and he the same night had

the Mirza strangled with a bow-string. Yadgar was buried in front

of the citadel gate, but his body was afterwards exhumed and

interred beside his father in Ghazni. Some time after this, Humayun,

we are told, had a drinking party and when he got up was so unsteady

that his foot slipped. His butler expressed sorrow that his master

should take anything that could reduce him to such a state, and

Humayun accepting the rebuke, vowed that he would never touch

intoxicating drinks again. We are told that he kept his vow for the

rest of his life. He also sent for the grave seigniors who had been his

boon companions and told them that it should not have been left to his

butler to warn him against evil courses. He now resolved to go to

Badakhshan in order to coerce Mirza Sulaiman who had failed to

present himself at Kabul. On the way he punished some men who had

offended him. One of them, Mast! Firaq, he ordered to be thrown

under the feet of an elephant. The man cried out that he had the

holy Koran under his arm, and that they should first take this away

in order that it might not be damaged. Search having been made, it

was found under his armpit, and his piety was rewarded by a pardon.

In Badakhshan Humayun fell dangerously ill and when he recovered

found that Kamran had taken advantage of his illness to resume

possession of Kabul. Humayun hurried back and succeeded in driving

out Kamran for the second time. The latter fled to the north and was

afterwards besieged in Tallqan (in Badakhshan ) by Humayun. After

a while he had to surrender and applied to his brother for leave to go

to Mecca. Humayun was, however, too soft-hearted to insist on such

an abdication and so recalled Kamran after lie had gone a little way on

his journey, and bad an interview with him at Tallqan. Bayazid gives a

full and curious account of the ceremonies with which Kamran was

1 Probably the tray ( Tchwdn ) here meant is that containing the food or soup,

and the insolence consisted in the rejection of what the king had sent, and n mak¬

ing over the coins to a servant.

302 H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bayazid ( Bajazet ) Biydt. FNo. 4,

received, and describes the entertainment which followed. There is

also a description of this meeting in Princess Gulbadan’s Memoirs.

One story which Bayazid tells is about a conversation during the

festival between Husain Quli Sultan, the keeper of the seal, and

Kamran. There was various discourse, he says, and Husain Quli

told Kamran it was reported that at a meeting held by ‘Ubaidu-l-lah

Khan, the question had been put whether a man who had not in his

heart hatred to ‘All as big as an orange, could be called a Musulman ;

that afterwards this subject had been brought up again in a meet¬

ing at which Kamran was present and that Kamran was reported to

have remarked that it behoved a servant of God to have such a hatred

as big as a pumpkin. Kamran was indignant at Husain Quli’s remarks

and asked him if he took him for a heretic. To this the other replied

that he was only repeating what he had heard, and that the recital

of an infidel’s language did not make the repeater an infidel. As

the Uzbaks were strong Sunnis it is not unlikely that the question

was really put, and as Kamran was a Sunni or at least was desirous

of pleasing the Sunnis and had married into an Uzbak family it is

likely enough that he improved upon the question in the manner

stated. This story is one of those which Abu’l-fazl has borrowed from

Bayazid.1

The entertainment lasted for three days and was followed by a

council meeting in which the propriety of making an attack on Balkh

was discussed. It does not appear that Kamran was present at this

council, or that he was invited to express his opinion about the expedi¬

tion. Very probably he was not asked for he himself had been a

supplicant to the ruler of Balkh and had obtained some assistance from

him in his contests with his brother.

It is suggested by Erskine that the help which the Uzbak chief

had given to Kamran was one of the motives for the attack on Balkh.

There was considerable difference of opinion among the councillors,

and in the end it was resolved that they should all march south to

Naran where the roads to Balkh and Kabul separated and that they

should there decide what they should do. On the way Humayun

turned off to visit the fountain of Band Kusha near Ishkamish

(in Badakhshan and E.-S.-E. of Kunduz. On the map there is a

place marked Cashma (spring or of fountain) about 7 miles N. E. of

Ishkamish). There he sent for the blacksmiths and bade them prepare

an iron pen, saying that when his Majesty his father Babar returned

1 It is also told by Shah Tahmasp in his Memoirs. See Teufel’s paper in Z. D.

M. G. and Paul Horn’s trs. Strassburg 1892, p. .37. But Mr. Horn has erroneously

made the orange a pomegranate. See Text, Z. D. M. G., Vol. 46, p. 596.

1898.] H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bayazid ( Bajazet ) Biyat.

303

from Samarqand, lie bad written the date and the number of bis com¬

panions, and that it was proper be sbonld make a similar record.

So be engraved the date, &c., with his own blessed band. Abu’l-fazl 1

also tells this story, ( AJcbarnama I, 282), and says that the occasion of

Babar’s patting up the inscription was the submission to him of his

brothers, Khan Mirza and Jahangir. It was, he says, in accordance

with this precedent that Humayun engraved the inscription, for his

brothers, Kamran and ‘Askari, had just been reconciled to him and

performed homage. But I have been unable to find the passage in

Babar’s Memoirs. At p. 101 of these Memoirs Babar records the

cutting of an inscription near a spring, but this was in the neighbour¬

hood of Farghana, and again at p. 233 there is a reference to the

cutting of an inscription, but this too is not the Tshkamish one. If

Abu’l-fazl’s statement is correct, he must, I think, have got it from

some other source than the Memoirs.

It does not appear that there was any fresh discussion at Karan

about going to Balkh, it having already been decided apparently that

the expedition should not take place that year. At Karan therefore

the brothers separated, and Kamran received Kulab as his fief.

Humayun went on to Parian where he repaired the fort constructed

by his ancestor Timur. From Parian he paid a visit to some silver

mines. He sent for miners and had an experimental working made

but found that the produce would not repay the cost of excavation.

After this he resumed his march to Kabul, and on coming to the

Ushtarkaram (?) pass he lost his way. The servants who were ahead

went to find out the road but could not. At last a man was seen

going along on foot. He was hailed and asked his name (p. 416). “ A

servant of God,” he replied. “We are all servants of God,” re¬

joined Humayun, “ tell us your real name.” My name is “ Khak ”

(earth), replied the man. Humayun on this said, “What is your pro¬

per name ? what sense is there in the word khak ? ” He then replied,

“ Then call me what you like.” %iiumayun who had been already put

out by losing his road, now got very angry and said, “ Shall I call you

a kite or a muck-rake ( Guh dalal) ? ” “ During the five or six years,”

says Bayazid, “ that I had been in attendance on him, I had never

seen him so put out before.” After this colloquy the man became their

guide and brought them to the village of Ushtarkaram. Humayun

spent the following winter in Kabul and then set out early in the spring

of 1549 on the expedition against Balkh.

1 The visit of the four brothers to the fountains is also mentioned by Jauhar,

Stewart, p. 92.

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It is strange what a fascination Central Asia seems to have possessed

for Babar and his descendants. We find Babar spending the best years

of his life in fruitless attempts to regain possession of Farghana and to

establish himself in Samarqand, and now we find bis sons engaged in

the same bootless warfare, and neglecting the far more promising field

of India. A war against the Uzbaks seems to have been to this

family what a campaign against the Persians was to the Greeks, or

a crusade to the European nations in the Middle Ages. Humayiin

made his attack in company with his brother Hindal and his cousin

Sulaiman. Kamran and ‘Askar! sent word that they would come, but

they failed to put in an appearance. Kamran indeed took advantage of

Humayun’s absence on this expedition to capture Kabul for the second

time.

We are told by Bayazid, (p. 94??), that Sulaiman of Badakhshan

fought 72 battles with the Uzbaks, and was always successful, but if

so he was the only Timuride wrho ever got the better of them. And

he too eventually found that the Uzbaks were too strong for him, for

he lost his son Mirza Ibrahim, wbo was made prisoner by the Uzbaks

in one of his father’s expeditions and was taken to Balkh and put to

death there. And Sulaiman himself was eventually driven out of

Badakhshan in his old age and forced to take refuge with Akbar.

Where Babar had failed, even with the powerful help of the king of

Persia, it was not likelv that his unstable son Humavun should sue-

ceed. Bis campaign against Balkh ended in disastrous failure, and his

sufferings during the retreat remind us of those experienced by his

father when he fled from Samarqand after having been driven out by

Shaiban! Khan. Bayazid was present in the campaign and was now

a direct servant of Humavun, having begun his career as a servant of

Jalalu-d-din Mahmud of Aubah, the king’s butler, and having after¬

wards served Husain Quli, the keeper of the seal.

As Humayun was marching towards Aibak, one of his followers

shot a. leopard. The seal-bearer remarked that this was a bad omen, and

cited the instance of the Uzbaks who on account of a similar occurrence

had once put off an expedition to Khurasan. But Humayun got over

the argument by observing that the Uzbaks were his enemies and that so

what was a bad sign for them was a good one for him. Aibnk was taken

after a short resistance and Khwaja Bagh, the guardian of Pir Muham¬

mad, the ruler of Balkh, was made prisoner. Humayun took the singular

step of asking the Khwaja how he should proceed in order to be success¬

ful in his expedition against Balkh. The Khwaja naturally replied

that he was an enemy and so his opinion should not be taken, but

Humayun persisted, saying, that the Uzbaks were honest men and

305

1898.] H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bayazid ( Bajazet ) Biyat.

would tell the truth, and that the Khwaja was the most honest of his

countrymen. On this Khwaja Bagh gave him the disinterested advice

to cut off the heads of all his prisoners including himself. Humayun’s

answer was that they were all Musulmans and that he could not put to

death so many of his co-religionists. The Khwaja then proposed a treaty

with Pir Muhammad, but Humayun also rejected this suggestion. He

then continued his march via Khulm to Balkh. At first his enterprise

seemed likely to be successful, but his soldiers got discouraged by the

continued absence of Kamran and apprehended that Kamran would

attack Kabul in their absence, and get possession of their families

who had been left behind in that city. So when victory was

apparently within their grasp the invaders retreated southwards to

Hera Graz. The attempt to execute a change of position in the face

of an enemy had the same disastrous effect that followed a similar

manoeuvre before the battle of Qanauj. The retreat became a flight,

and Humayun had much difficulty in effecting his escape. The hard¬

ships he encountered on the way back to Kabul are minutely described

by Bayazid, but he has not the descriptive power of Babar or even of

Jauhar, and he seems too anxious to magnify his own performances.

As Erskine remarks in his MS. translation, (p. 47), Bayazid is much

the hero of his own tale. One extract, p. 496, may however be given.

“ When we came to the foot of the Sih Paj Pass, which is one

of the passes in the Hindu Kush, his Majesty halted and said that for

some days he had not slept. He then laid his blessed head on Madar 1

Sultan’s knees and told him to sing him to sleep by repeating anything

he knew. Madar begged that Bayazid might be ordered to join his

voice, and Bayazid did so. As his Majesty had represented that he was

hungry, Bayazid endeavoured to get him some food. There was a

shield which had been cast aside as out of repair. It had a steel boss

and Bayazid made ready on it some horse-flesh and a stew and

presented it to his Majesty when he awoke. He partook of it and

often said afterwards in Kabul that he had never eaten anything

so delicious as that dish (ash).” Humayun returned to Kabul on 1st

Ramazan, 956, (23rd September, 1549), in time to save the city from

being taken by Kamran. With this event Bayazid concludes the second

chapter of his Memoirs.

The third chapter begins with an account of the defeat of

Humayun by Kamran in the Qipcaq Valley. Humayun was wounded

in this engagement and had to retire to the hills, while Kamran followed

l Erskine renders this “ mother of Sultln,” but it is hardly likely that any

women were with the party.

J. i. 39

306

H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bayazid ( Bajazet ) Biyat. [No. 4,

up his success by taking Kabul wliicli now fell into his possession for

the third time.

The next event recorded is the negotiation for Humayun’s

marriage with Shahzada Khanam, the daughter of Mirza Sulaiman of

Badakhshan. The story is told at wearisome length, the only interest

in it being the revelation of the haughty and. masterful character of

Haram (or Khanam) Begam, the wife of Sulaiman. She was indignant

that persons of such inferior rank as Khwaja Jalalu-d-din and Blbl

Fatima should be sent to demand the hand of her daughter, and taunting¬

ly told Fatima that her business in Kabul was the enticing away of

men’s daughters. “ Did you think of getting my daughter in that

way ?” she said. “ Why has none of the Begams or Aghacas come ; if

my daughter’s name is not great, the reputation of his Majesty the

king is great.” Haram became mollified after a while and sent a

message to Humayun that she would be proud to give him her daughter

if lie came for her. Presumably the marriage never took place for we

hear no more of it, and the fact that Haram’s son Ibrahim was after¬

wards married to Humayun’s daughter, Bakhshi Banu, would surely

prevent a marriage between Humayun and Ibrahim’s sister. Haram

in her message to Humayun spoke of his traversing the defiles of the

Hindu Kush and this leads Bayazid to observe (p. 59 a) that the name

of these mountains was changed to Hindu K5h by Akbar in 994, ( 1586),

because he perceived that the range extended from the limits of Bengal

to the borders of Tabriz, and because the shrines of Tabriz saints

are to be found on its slopes.1

After this comes the account of the night attack by Kamran on

Humayun’s camp and the death of Mirza Hindal. Bayazid records

the cynical remark made by Mun‘im Khan upon this event. Coming up

to Humayun, he inquired why he was weeping. “ Because I have heard

that Mirza Hindal has been martyred,” replied Humayun. “ You lament

your own good,” said Mun'im, “you have one enemy less.” Upon this

his Majesty stinted his tears. Hindal’s death took place in 958, (1551),

and the word “ BhabMiun ,” (night attack) gives the chronogram. Here

Bayazid digresses to tell a story about Akbar, belonging to this year.

The young prince was having his lessons with the son of Mulla

Hisamu-d-dm, a famous doctor of Samarqand, in a tent in his mother’s

1 Bayazid adds a “ God knows,” to this rather unintelligible explanation.

There are Tombs of Tabriz Saints in India, e. g., of Jalalu-d-din at Pandua, in

the Mai da district. Akbar may have thought of him because his own name was

Jalalu-d-din and may have thought that by calling the range Hindu- Koh he was

grounding a claim to it. At all events, this fact that he invented the name

Hiudu-koh is interesting.

307

1898.] H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bayazid ( Eajazet ) Biyat.

garden. Mun‘im came there to pay his respects, and tlie child put up

his foster-brother, Adharn Koka to ask for a holiday. Mnn‘im made the

desired request to the teacher, and as he was then prime minister and

all-powerful, the tutor at once gave Akbar his liberty. This came

to Humayun’s ears and next day when Shamsu-d-din Atka brought

Akbar to salute his father, Humayun observed to the child, “ Yesterday

you got Haji Muhammad Sultan to ask your teacher to set you free,

do not such a thing again.” When the prince had gone back to his

school, Humayun turned to Mun‘im Khan and said “ I heard that you

got him the holiday, but I mentioned the name of Haji Muhammad to

my son because he is yet young and possibly it might remain in his heart

‘ Mun‘im Khan got me a holiday, and then told the king ’ and

this might lead to your harm some day when I am no longer here. As

for Haji Muhammad, he is a man without any decency and so deserves

any harm that may come to him.”

Bayazid adds that he heard this story in Jaunpur in 978 (1570-71)

when Mun‘im Khan was Khan-khanan.

Bayazid describes the blinding of Kamran but he was not present

on the occasion and his narrative is by no means so detailed as that

of Jauhar. He, however, gives a most affecting description of the

interview between the two brothers afterwards when they met at

midnight, and the blind Kamran was led out as far as the tent-ropes

to meet Humayun. But it has been so well translated in Erskine’s

History (II, 416), that it is unnecessary to repeat the account. I shall

only remark that what Kamran said to the bystanders after acknow¬

ledging that his misfortunes were due to his own fault is somewhat

different in Bayazid from Mr. Erskine’s rendering. According to the

latter, Kamran said, “ If it be known that his Majesty has shown

favour to me, let it also be known how little I have deserved it.”

Apparently what Kamran said was, (Bayazid 646) “If people con¬

sider that his Majesty has dealt kindly by me, I attest the fact.”

( man sijil Jccirdam ). MurJim Khan was now appointed guardian of

Akbar. He took him to Jul Shahi, which is the old name of Jalalabad.

The Jalalabad fort was built by Mun‘im Khan and received its name in

compliment to Akbar, (one of whose names was Jalalu-d-din), and who

got Jui Shahi as his appanage in succession to his uncle Hindal, whose

daughter also he married. Bayazid gives the chronogram of the

building of Jalalabad, which also served, with the addition of one

letter, for the date of the building of the Jaunpur bridge ten years

later. One Qasim Arslan was the composer of the chronograms but

they do not seem to be correctly given in the MS. Apparently they

should run Baniy-i-o an MunHm Khan , and Baniy-i-o in MunHm Khan

which would give respectively 972 and 982.

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H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bayazid ( Bcijazet ) Biyat. [No. 4,

Bayazid was now in the service of Jalalu-d-din Mahmud of Aubah,

as his saman or butler and lie relates how Jalalu-d-din sent him from

Kabul to Jalalabad with a quantity of ice, grapes, riwaj , lemonade and

sugar-candy, as a present to Akbar. In spite of tbe heat of Jalalabad, he

says, the ice arrived intact as the box had bran in it and was wrapt

in felt. Akbar was highly delighted with the ice, ate a portion, and

had some put into his water bottle, and also distributed it to his officers.

He then questioned Bayazid about public affairs. Bayazid had brought

a letter from Jalalu-d-din in which he asked where Akbar would take

up his quarters when he came to Kabul. Akbar asked Bayazid

what season it was in Kabul, and when he replied that the white roses

were in bloom in the Shall Aral garden, Akbar ordered that his dinner

should be prepared in that place. Afterwards Akbar proceeded

to the Bagh Wafa at Adanipar, which was a famous garden made by his

grandfather, and again questioned Bayazid about public affairs, and

about Balkb and Samarqand. He wrote a reply to Jalalu-d-din and

Bayazid went off in the evening with it to Kabul. He travelled with

great expedition for he arrived next day on the Shab-i-barat, (6th

August, 1552), before the people had lighted up for the festival.

This was good going as the distance (from Adanipur) is about 180

miles and he tells us that old soldiers were astonished at his coming so

quickly. He was alone too, and the roads were bad. He now gives

a cook’s chronicle of how he prepared dinner for Akbar in the Awarta

Bagh (? middle garden) and how Akbar arrived next day at noon

and was regaled by him with pheasants’ wings (qul-i-qair gha) and how

the prince sent the remainder of the birds to the Begams.

At p. 696. Bayazid incidentally mentions that Mun‘im Khan’s

father, Miram Beg, was guardian of Mirza ‘Askar! , and had charge of

Qandahar, and that on the occasion of an attack by the Hazaras he

sacrificed his own life in order to let the prince escape. This is a

valuable supplement to Blochmann’s account of Mun‘im Khan which says

(p. 317) that nothing appears to be known of the circumstances of

Mun'im’s father, Miram (or Bairam) Beg.

At p. 72a. we have it recorded that in the spring of 960, (1553), two

sons were born to Humayun in one month. One was Muhammad

Hakim, who was afterwards ruler of Kabul, and whose mother was

Cucak Begam, and the other was Muhammad Farkh Fal whose

mother was Khanish, the daughter of Cacaq Mirza of Khwarizm,

but who only survived for a few days.

The fourth chapter of the Memoirs commences with a very full

list of the officers who accompanied Humayun, Akbar, and Bairam to

India.

309

1898.] H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bayazid ( Bajazet ) Biyat.

From p. 77 b we learn that Bayazid left without notice the service

of Khwaja Jalalu-d-din on account of some injury which he received

from the Khwaja’ s brother. He went to Bangash where ‘All Qull

Shaibani was, whom he had known in his childhood at Tabriz, but even¬

tually he proceeded to Kabul and became the servant of Mun‘im Khan.

The brother of the Khwaja here referred to was Jalalu-d-din Mas‘ud

who was afterwards put to death along with his elder brother,1 by

Mun‘im Khan. See Ma' asiru-l-umara I. 617.

For several pages after this the Memoirs are occupied with an

account of the siege of Kabul by Sulaiman Mirza of Badakhshan, and

his son Ibrahim. It seems that on Humayun’s death Sulaiman con¬

sidered that as the oldest member of the great Timur’s family he was

entitled to a share in Humayun’s dominions. Bayazid, according to his

own account, took a prominent part in repelling the attack, and was

wounded by an arrow. Sulaiman did not take the town, but a com¬

promise was made whereby his Imam was allowed to read the Jchutba

in his name for one day in Kabul.2

At p. 87 b we are told that Mun‘im Khan came out of Kabul as soon

as the siege was over and proceeded towards Bagh-dih-afghanan.

On the way — in front of the royal baths — he met Khwaja Miraki, the

dlwan of Maryam-makani, who had stayed outside during the siege and

had sided with Mirza Sulaiman. Mun‘im at once had him pulled off

his horse and hanged at the door ( ishak ) of a costermonger’s shop.

The interest of this entry lies in the fact that Khwaja Miraki was the

grandfather of Nizamu-d-din the historian.

P. 88a tells that Sultan ‘Adili, the successor of Sikandar, died near

Allahabad, and that the famous Hemu vowed to God that if he

defeated the Mughuls he would become a Musulman. On the next page

Bayazid expresses his satisfaction that God erased from the infidel’s

heart the recollection of this vow after he had defeated Tardi Beg.

As the glory of Timur, he says, had descended to Humayun, and then

been transferred to Akbar, God, on the field of Panipat, put forgetful¬

ness of his vow into Hemu’s heart. The same page describes how

Bairarn Khan put Tardi Beg to death. He had an old grudge against

him, and used his defeat by Hemu as a pretext for assassinating him.

He sent for him, we are told, to his own house, then left the room on

pretence of a necessary purpose, and sent in men who put Tardi Beg

to death on the carpeted floor of the diwanMiana. A few pages further

on (92a) we are told that the reason for Bairam’s dislike of Tardi Beg

1 Bloclimarm calls him the son of Jalalu-d-din Mahmud, 384.

2 The account by Ni^amu-d-dln, Elliot V, 249, may be compared with this.

310

H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bayazid ( [Bajazet ) Biydt. [No. 4,

was that when they were in India together before Humayun’s expulsion,

Bairam, then only Bairam Beg and the Muhrddr (seal-keeper), had

wanted to sit on the same carpet ( zulca ) with Tardi Beg who was at

that time governor of Etawa, and that the latter had refused to make

room for him.

Hemu’s head was sent to Munfim Khan in Afghanistan (at

Quruqsai) and he sent it on to Bayazid at Kabul with instructions to

place it over the Iron Gate, and to have the drums of rejoicing beaten.

It was 3 or 4 hours of the night when the head arrived and Bayazid

at once went up to the citadel to give the good news to the Begams.

They sent out a number of their servants to inquire how it was certain

that it really was Hemu’s head, to which Bayazid replied by sending

them Mun‘im Khan’s letter to read.

P. 90a tells of Bayazid’s being sent for and reproved by Maryam-

makani’s orders for not clearing out a house for a servant of hers. He

pleaded Mun‘im Khan’s commands and was forgiven. On this occasion

Mah Cacak Khalifa acted as interpreter or perhaps as go-between.

After this the Begams, including Salima Sultan and Bika Begam.

went off to India.

P. 93a mentions that Haram Begam, the masterful wife of Sulai-

man, left Badakhshan on account of some disagreement and came to

Kabul. Her husband went to Mun‘im begging him to induce her to

return. He was successful and Bayazid escorted her a part of the way

back.

P. 95a records the death of Mirza Ibrahim, son of M. Sulaiman.

He and his father, who had been in 72 fights with the Uzbaks and had

always been successful, went against Balkh, but this time Ibrahim got

separated from his father, was taken prisoner and put to death. The

date was 966.

P. 98a describes a visit paid by Mun‘im Khan and other

grandees of the Court to the shrine of Khwaja Qutbu-d-din Bakhtvar

Kaki on the occasion of the saint’s anniversary. The shrine was in

old Dihli, i.e ., near the Qutb, which according to some, derives its

name from the saint. Qutbu-d-din Kaki was from IJsh in Farghana,

which perhaps accounts for his popularity with Babar’s descendants,

and his anniversary, i.e., the day of his death, is the 27th November.

There is a long account of him by Firishta at the end of his history

and Abu’l-fazl has also a paragraph about him, (Jarrett III, 363).

Bayazid’s elder brother, the saint and poet Bahrain Saqqa, was living

in New Dihli in the cell of Nizamu-d-din Auliya near Humayun’s tomb,

but he too went off to the “ Uras ” in the discharge of his self-imposed

duty of water-carrying. On his way back he got a fresh attack of

1898.] H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bay azld ( Bajazet ) Biyat. 311

jazaba , (attraction), and was insensible for several hours. Bayazid

here refers again to his brother’s poetry and gives three specimens of

it. He says that his brother took to writing verse at the order of

Shah Qasim Anwar who appeared to him in a dream at Samarqand.

P. 99a. Afzal Khan asked Bayazid to try and procure the release

of Bairam Khan’s diwan Muzaffar ‘All Tarbati who was imprisoned in

the house of Darvesh Muhammad Khan Uzbak. Bayazid mentioned the

matter to his master, Mun‘im Khan who bade Bayazid remind him of the

request when he went to Court. Next day when the Khan -khan an

(Mun‘im) was in the house of Maham Begha, Bayazid gave him a

reminder. Maham was present and observed that the matter was not

of such great importance, and that it was only necessary to send some

one to Darwesh Uzbak’s house to release Muzaffar. The Khan-khanan,

however, said that his Majesty must first be consulted, whereon Maham

volunteered to mention the matter. While they were talking, Akbar

came in from the chase, and after borrowing a needle from Takhta, the

mother of Das tarn Khan,1 proceeded to extract the thorns, which had got

into his feet in the jungle. Maham represented Muzaffar’ s case and

his Majesty granted the prayer and added that Muzaffar was reported

to be able to write tuahra and that the Khan-khanan might, if he

liked, take him into his employment. Akbar, we are told, was highly

pleased with the Khan-khanan for not acting in even such a small

matter as the release of Muzaffar without consulting him.

In pp. 100-101 we have a description of a game of cards at which

Akbar was present. Bayazid played the game on board a boat with

Muqim Qara. Bayazid won, and as Muqim had no money to pay his

losses, Bayazid stopped playing. Thereupon Muqim had to pledge his

postin or great coat and to sit playing in the cold. Mr. Erskine

remarks that the joke seems to have consisted in ]\luqim’s suffering

from the cold. At 1016 we are told of Maham Begha’s kindness to

the author and of her giving him a house in Agra. There was a nim

tree in the grounds and Bahram Saqqa, his brother, got him to put up

a saqqi-Vhana or water-house under it. Darwesh Nazir, one of the

Saqqa’s disciples, put up a saqqi-khdna at the Fort Gate, and when

Akbar rode out he used to take a drink, and also used to listen to

recitations from the Saqqa’s Diwan.

P. 102a tells a story about Akbar’s sending for eighteen rupees

of which the only point seems to be the exhibition of Maham Anaga

or Begha as a sort of centre of affairs. Akbar sent a eunuch to

Khwaja Jahan for the money. He and other officers were in attend¬

ance on Maham Begha. and he peevishly said to the messenger “from

1 Blochmann, 398.

312

H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bayazid ( Bajazet ) Biyat. [No. 4,

whose jaglr shall I take it ? ” Maham got over the difficulty by

telling Takhla, the mother of Dastam, to fetch the money from

her Turkish waiting woman. Akbar was at this time, (968, 1561),

devoted to the amusement of cock-fighting and in connection with

this we are told a story about Shamsu-d-din Atka. This again is

prefaced by a reference to Akbar’s1 orders that every one should shave

their beards. Shamsu-d-din’s beard (or perhaps his hair) was not long*

but still he had not cut it in accordance with the royal orders which he

had only received when on his way from the Panjab. Akbar remarked

upon this, and Shamsu-d-din replied by way of jest, that his hair had

been longish but that when he came to Muttra, he had had it cut after

the fashion of the Hindus of that place. The courtiers applauded

the joke, the point of which was its allusion to Akbar’s Hindu pro¬

clivities. At this time it was the custom that every one who came

to pay his respects, should bring a game-cock and Akbar told Shamsu-

d-din that he must do the same. Next day Shamsu-d-din appeared, but

without a game-cock. When however Akbar noticed this Shamsu-d-

din replied that he had one. “ Where ?” said Akbar, and Shamsu-d-din

answered “ under my arm.” Akbar signed to the attendants to search

if this was so, and when they did so the bird set up a crow. Akbar now

ordered a certain cock of his to be brought. “ Let it be a fighting one,”

remarked Shamsu-d-din, “for mine is famous in Labor.” When the

royal game-cock was brought, Shamsu-d-din uncovered his and it was

found to be a hen bird ( Makiydn ). The two birds, the cock and the

heu, fought and Akbar was greatly delighted.

In the end of 968, (August 1561), there was a hurricane ( jikar ,

dust-storm, Vullers s.v .) in Agra and the bridge of boats was broken.

A fire too broke out in the carpet-house ( farash-khana ) of Maham

Begha, and some of Akbar’s dancing girls who lodged near it were

burnt. The Khan- khan an went to condole with Akbar who seemingly

was cynical enough to say that the burning of the girls was a small

matter ( salil ast) and that they should go and console Maham for

the loss of her property. This is followed by a story of how Akbar

was unable to get his horse across the river owing to one of the

pontoons having got detached, and how Bayazid, who is rather fond of

blowing his own trumpet, contrived to make the horse jump across

the gap.

P. J04a describes an entertainment given by the Khan-khanan

when the guests took opium and also “coloured their teeth,” ( danddn

l See Blochmann, 193 and Badaoni II. 303. Bat Bayazxd’s phrase is hukm-i -

mity-i-sar guzashtan and perhaps this means to leave the hair loose.

1898.] H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bayazid ( Bajazet ) Bhgd,t. 3] 3

rang kardand ). Erskine supposes (in his translation) that this is a

euphemism for drinking wine. It may also refer to the eating of betel

or to smoking. Evidently it was something unusual or improper, for

Bayazid excuses himself for joining in the teeth-colouring by saying

that he always tried to go in for good fellowship.

P. 105a records that Bayazid got the title of Sultan from Akbar.

P. 1056 describes the assassination of Shamsu-d-din by Adham Khan.

When Akbar was roused by the noise and came and saw the body and

Adham, he called the latter kandu, (filth), or perhaps gandu, (sodomite),

and struck him a blow on the ear and stunned him. (According to Abu‘l-

fazl the expression used by Akbar was “ son of a bitch ”). After

putting Adham to death, Akbar went to Maham’s house and said to her

“ Mama, we have killed Adham.” Shortly afterwards he put his

uncle, Khwaja Mu'azzam to death for murdering liis wife. A few days

later Akbar had a conversation with the Khan- khan an. and asked him

what the people said of his reign. The Khan-khanan replied, “ My

king, (may you live 120 years !) the people love you and admire your

perfect justice in killing Adham Khan for the murder of the Atka, and

in putting to death Mu‘azzam Sultan for murdering the daughter of

Bibi Fatima.” His Majesty rejoined, “I have done something better

than this ; it is strange that you don’t mention it, but you know it all

the same, though from certain considerations you don’t refer to it.”

“ What thing is it,” said the Khan Khanan, “ that I know and from

certain considerations do not speak of ? ” Akbar replied, “ What I have

done better is this, that I have brought all the Atka’s relations from

Lahor, and have scattered them like the stars of the ‘ Daughters of

the Bear,’1 giving them fiefs all over Hindustan.”8

The Memoirs now become rather tedious and uninteresting, though

here and there we can glean valuable information.

At p. 1086, we have a reference to one Jabar Bardi Beg who had

served under Babar and had for many years been a darwesh and had

settled in Badakhshan. He was now returning thither after visiting the

tomb of Humayun. Many pages are taken up with an account of

Mun‘im Khan’s return to Kabul and his defeat at Jalalabad. At p. 1176,

1 The expression is dar rang-i-bandtu-n-na‘§h panshan Tcarda haryalcrd bahar

gdjha-i- Hindustan jdgtr farmada im. Bindtu-n-na' sh is the Arabic name for the

constellation of the Great Bear whose stars stand apart and are not clustered like

those of the Pleiades.

2 Probably Akbar thought that Mun‘im did not refer to this act of justice or

generosity because there was an old quarrel between Mun‘im and the Atka and it

was even supposed that Mun'im was the instigator of the murder. See Blochmann,

p. 321.

J. i. 40

314

H. Beveridge-— Memoirs of fifty azid ffBajazet) "ffiy at-. [No. 4,

there is a reference to one Mirza Shah, the" son of Jahnat-a&hiyanl-

However this is not Humayun but a prince of the Deccan. There is a1

long account of Abu-l-niaili. This man killed his mother-in-law, Maham’

Cucak, the wife of Humayun and mother tif Muhammad Hakim. He

was afterwards made prisoner by SulaimSn and put to death by

Muhammad Hakim. ’ }

• •

P. 1226 speaks of a woman named Agha Sarw-qad (cypress-form)

who was formerly in the harem of Babar atid was now apparently H he

wife or mistress of Mun‘im Khan. She came from IQian Zaman’s

camp to MuiTim’s in the capacity of a spy or go-between.

P. 1246. We read of Akbar’s hunting elephants near Cunar, just as

v \ i . •

his grandfather had done. 1 i

P. 1286. Bayazid repairs a saffa or portico in Benares which had*

been erected by Humayun. j

P. 130a gives an account of one of Akbar’s meetings for religious

debates. The mullds of Rum ( mullftyan-i-rum ) are mentioned as having

been present, and probably this means Romish priests.1 One Mirza'

Muflis — a kingdom-less prince, and who is said to have been an adept at

logic, — was present and was being pressed with a question by ‘Abdu-l-lah

Sultanpuri. His rival Shaikh ‘Abdu-n-nabl was also there, and in his

turn propounded a question to the Prince. The latter who had not

replied to 4 Abdu-l-lah’s question, and was probably posed by it, (see

Lowe’s Badaoni, 190) seems to have lost his temper and cried to

4 Abdu-n-nabi “ Slave ( Ghulam-i-Jcor ) ! be a little patient till I have

answered the big slave, and then I will answer you.” Mirza Muflis, (to

whom there is a reference in Blochmann, 541), went to Mecca and died

there in 989, (1581), and Bayazid witnessed his interment. '

P.: 131a. tells of the wonderful feat of a man called Mir FaHdun,

who had some years before swallowed eighty misqals of baras or barask

(an intoxicating drug or drink made apparently from Indian hemp)

and who now, to please the Khan-khanan and his friends took 140

misqals of the stuff. He also drank Koknar (a preparation of opium)

instead of water, and yet for several nights remained in company, and

acted as if the drugs had no effect on him. I

P. 132a. Bayazid came to grief, very deservedly for destroying

a Hindu temple at Benares with pillars bearing an inscription 7(50

years old. He converted the building into a Madrasa, etc. Raja

Todar Mai was annoyed at this and got the inhabitants to complain

against him. The result was that Bayazid lost his appointment

and was for several years a darwesh. After some years he became Mir

Mai or keeper of the Seal (Blochmaiin VI), and subsequently he wa&

made governor of Cunar. '

315

1898.] H. Beveridge -^—Memoirs of Bayazid (Bajazet) Blyfit.

P. 135a;. has mention of Raja Gajpatl, (Blochmann, 399), who is

! called Raja of the country of Aetna ( P ) and is said to have held

the jagir of Bujpur and Bihiya, &c., extending over both banks of the

! Granges..' At that time he was loyal. '4 • r! . n

P. 147a. Gives an account of Mun‘im Khan’s removing his head¬

quarters from Tanda to Gaur (which Bayazid also calls Bangala), and of

.the pestilence which broke out there. He says that the nature of the

country is such that , a pestilence ( wabci ) breaks out there every thirty

years (qarn) and that on ithis occasion the plague was assisted by

{ drunkenness ( kaif ). Mundm Khan was himself a victim, dying there,

. according to Bayazid on the night of Monday, 18 Rajab 9824 On the

v same might Muzaffar, the deposed king of Gujrat, and who afterwards

escaped and1 gave A kbar so much trouble, arrived at Gaur, having been

sent there by Bayazid from Cunar according to Mun‘im’s orders.

.Bayazid tells how lie himself went afterwards to Gaur and of the

difficulty he had in taking charge of Mun‘im’s property. In this

connection he mentions the! names of two women, viz., Seor (Sarw)

Agha, Mun‘irn’s widow, whom lie describes as a reliable woman and one

,wbo had been in tliekar.em of Babar and Humayun, and another lady, who

was the mother of Khwaja Shall Mansur, who was Mun‘im’s bakhsJu.

Bayazid said he had no wish after Mun‘im’s death to remain on active

iservice. • He gave up his! post of governor of Cunar but held for

a time the position of darn aha of the Treasury. In the beginning

of 986, (March 1578), lie got leave to go to Mecca and left for that place

with his wife and children. He was, however, detained for two years

in Surat on account of a charge of malversation which was brought

against him by liis enemies. He got over this difficulty and was able

.to go to Daman, hut 'there he had fresh troubles with the Portuguese

and. had to pay a heavy ransom before he was allowed to sail. They

reached Aden in fourteen days and there a small boat came out to

them, which had been sent by Gulbadan Begam and other ladies

who had been to .Mecca and were on their, return. Bayazid sent the

Begams news of India, &c. He spent a considerable time in Mecca,

and lost his wife and one of his sons there. He buried mother and

child in one grave, and occupied it himself for one or two hours so that

it should not be too small or narrow. He sent his other children home,

hoping that he himself should end his days in Mecca and might be

laid beside his wife. But he had to return to India in consequence of

hearing that his family had been made prisoner by the Portuguese

at Daman. He left in 990, ( 1582 ), but had to wait long in Mocha harbour

for a favourable wind. At last the “olive season” ( mausim-i-zaituni )

1 It should be 983. The English date is 23rd October, 1575.

316

H. Beveridge — Memoirs of Bdyazui ( Bajazet ) Bhyat. [No. 4,

came and brought a wind and they were just about to start when a

boat called a “ tawari ” (see Blochmann, 241) came in from Diu and

reported that all Gujrat was in a blaze owing to the insurrection of

Muzaffar. In this extremity Bayazid consoled himself and his friend

as they were sitting in the ship’s cabin ( dabus ) by taking an omen from

Hafiz, the result of which was to satisfy them that the descendants

of Huraayun would eventually prevail. He was eight months on

board ship and after a voyage of two months arrived at the port of

Kuda (qr. Godhri, or perhaps Ghoga). Bayazid was in danger here

but ultimately escaped to Surat. Apparently Muzaffar let him go on

account of their old acquaintance when Muzaffar was his prisoner at

Cunar. He liked the climate of Surat and was willing to stay there

but his sons Sa‘adat Yar and Iftikhar who were in Akbar’s service,

wrote to him that the Emperor was expecting him. He therefore waited

upon Akbar in Fathpur Slkri in the end of 992, (December 1584), and

was graciously received, getting a house and the pargana of Sanan,

for which however he was to pay a rental of 14J lakhs. Raja Todar

Mai did not like Bayazid and tried to screw a higher rental out of

him. He got the pargana in partnership with his sons, and apparently

it was not lucrative.

In 994, (1586), Bayazid was raised to the rank of a mansab of

2001 and next year he was made Steward ( bakawal ) and chamberlain

(Ishaq Agha ). But he was soon after attacked with paralysis and

had to give up all his appointments. But in 998 he returned to work

and was made a Treasury darogha and amin. In 999 Akbar gave him

(probably in consideration of his bodily infirmity) permission to sit in

the royal presence, and declared before a number of courtiers that

Bayazid was an honest man and had served the state for nearly two

qarn , i.e ., for 60 years. The Memoirs were completed on Sunday, 1st

Ramazan, 999, (13th June, 1591), and with this statement and some

verses the book closes. Previous to this Bayazid describes some build¬

ings that he erected at LahSr, and gives an account of the distribution

of copies of his book.

1 He must have got further promotion for Abu’l-fazl, (Blochmann, 501), ranks

him among the commanders of 300. Probably this was when he became Bakawal

Beg in 995.

/

1898.] N. Vasu — Cdtegvara Inscription of Annrjga-bJiinia II.

317

The Categvara Inscription of Anagga-bhinici II of Orissa. —

By Nagendranatha Vasu, Editor , Vigvakosa.

[Read August, 1898.]

In my article on the copper-plate grant of Njsimha Deva II. of

Orissa, read in May, 1896, in our Society’s meeting, I merely alluded

to this Inscription, expressing, however, my desire to publish it in full

in a later issue. Now, compliant to that promise, I bring in my present

article.

This Inscription, which was first noticed in the V^vakosa1 in 1894,

is incised on a stone-slab in the temple of Cateqvara (or f iva) at Kisna-

pur village in the PadmapurPargana, District Cuttack, and situated nearly

12 miles north-east from the town of Cuttack and 2 miles to the north

of the road from Cuttack to Chandbali. On both sides of this large

temple, there are other temples of smaller size dedicated to Krsna-

Radhika and Parvati, but these latter from their very appearance and

architecture are evidently of a later period than that of Cateqvara.

From the resemblance of architecture the temple of Cateqvara may

he classed as coeval with other temples, built in several places of Orissa

during the 12th and 13th centuries of the Christian era. The whole

temple is built uniformly of basalt stone locally called banl-mdld. The

ornamental beauty and superior workmanship of the architect, are not

a little exhibited in the temple, but much of its former beauty is, for

want of repair, in gradual decay. The interior of this high temple is

all dark, and now affords an unmolested habitation for innumerable bats,

through the callous indifference of its votaries. In the sanctum of the

temple, there is a deep excavation in which lies the Liqga immerged in

perpetual waters, save at the time of festivals when the water being

drawn out the Liijga makes its appearance.

A few people now inhabit the village Kisnapur, and they too, for

the most part of them, are Bhopas , i.e., votaries to the God Cateqvara.

Formerly the temple of Cateqvara had been vested with a large

1 See ViijvakSsa, Yol. VI, p. 229.

V318

N. Vasu — Giltgqvarci Inscription of Anagga-bhinta II. [No. 4,

devottara property, but the votaries had alienated a great part of it,

and consequently the income having greatly deteriorated, no longer are

the offerings and ceremonies conducted in their former grand scale.

One thousand bighas of land and 300 bharanas of paddy per year, are all

that now exist to defray the expenses of the temple. A considerable

sum is added to the income by the gifts from the visitors, during the

two festivals of the (^ivaratri and the lunar Caturdapi of the bright

fortnight in the month of Kartika, when a vast concourse of people

floods into the place.

The tradition as to the origin of the temple, runs as follows : —

The site, on which the temple of Cateqvara now stands, was a tank.

In the vicinity, a village school-master taught his pupils, in his little

. Gatugdla , i.e., school. Mahadeva, the great god, himself came in the

guise of a cata , i.e. pupil, and began to learn with other boys. Now, all

the other boys had to be harassed much for their school fees, and paid

them after several demands made ; but Mahadeva, the disguised cata

paid even before the first demand. Moreover, he would fiot be prevailed

upon to disclose his, parentage even at the injunction of the school¬

master. Doubts now began to grow deep in the mind of the teacher,

* i | .

as to the identity of this extraordinary boy, and one evening he secretly

followed the cat a, when returning from the Catagala. Then to his

great astonishment the boy came direct to the tank, and to the ecstasy

of surprise of the beholding teacher, plunged into the waters and dis¬

appeared ! The night following, the teacher was visited by Mahadeva

in a dream and addressed to the following effect : — “ I was hitherto

learning of you with a view to reveal my greatness, go and celebrate

my name to the world, henceforth I shall be called CatSqvara, the

divine pupil.” After this miracle, many came to study there and went

put profound scholars. By and by, the fame of the virtue of this places

reached the ears of the XJtkala-raja, who thereupon, caused the tank

to be filled with earth, erected the beautiful temple upon it, established

property towards its maintenance.

In this temple, we find an inscribed slab, bearing the inscription of

Anagga-bhlma II of Orissa, which forms the subject matter of my

present article. On the 7th of November, 1893, I went there with my

friend Artatrana M^ra of Mauda, to visit the temple of Cateqvara.

The votaries at our request brought the inscribed slab out of the temple

and placed it, upon the outer door. The darkness of the night was then

fast approaching upon us, and I hurriedly took some rubbings of the

inscription in pencil. Subsequently, however, another set of tracing of

the same has reached my hand.

1898.] ' ! N. Vasu — Gategvara Inscription of Anagga-bhima «27)-; 319 &

The size of this slab is 32’5" x 22". The average size of the letters

is x The Inscription is in 25 lines, running through the entire

length of the slab leaving a margin only of 1^ inches on all sides. The

letters belong to the ancient Bengali type of Kutila character, and

resemble much the characters of the Meghe9vara Inscription published

in this Journal for 1897, and those of the Brahmefvara Inscription,

published in oux* Society’s Journal, by Mr. Prinsep. 1

The Inscription was written by a poet named Bhaskara, the princi¬

pal object of it being to record the erection of a piva temple (of

Cate9vara) by Anarjga-bhlma II.

The language is high-flown Sanskrit and generally correct.

As regards orthography ; — the letter b is throughout denoted by

the sign for v ; p, y and v are sometimes doubled with the superscript

sign r, e.g. in lines 2, 3 and 4. A curious mistake is committed in line

16, where thaddiggajah is written for yaddiggajah.

Opening with the words “Om adoration to C^iva,” the Inscription

first invokes the ocean as the abode of Visnu and the birth-place of the

Moon, who adorns the crest of Mahadeva. It then glorifies the family

of Codagagga born in the lunar dynasty, and gives the following list Lof

Kings: — (1) Codagagga, (2) his son Anagga-bhlma I., (3) his son

Rajendra (Rajaraja), and (4) his son Anagga-bhlma II., together with

the names of two distinguished ministers, namely Go vinda of the Vatsa

Gotra and the renowned Visnu, the terrible foe of the Muhammadan

ruler Turhghana ( Tughril-i-tughan Khan).3

i : ■ ; pv

Transcript. . •_

,» V -s

L. 1. # w firqiq i

« ihnqp wfit

qq=«: ^qrsr J

qrfacr q-

fltqgqfcT 59ft- :

L. 2. • i qtqqngqir: f [1] • 5

wwq’sfswwTqtnq*

1 J. A. S. B., Vol. VII, Plate XXIV. "

* See Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, pp. 740-63, and my article on the copper-plate grant1 of

Nysiriiha Deva II., J. A. S. B., Vol. L£V, Pt. I, pp. 233-31.

8 Metre: (jfikharinl.

320

N. Vasu — CateQvara Inscription of Anayga-bhima II. [No. 4,

mraNmre jjmT'paJn-

gtiMf % n1 [2]

sqt-

L. 3. I

ir^<*Ksrfa%Pas si^f«renfn ^nPrarPr n2 [3]

Ttwwit ftsre«ret*iT-

L. 4. •

afistsfR I

gwT^Tnf%qfl^5t^Wt^«5?nr«®it *r-

fsrNit’i sfa^ifcnr: mPtfar nt^ranff n3 i.4J

srxiN a-

L. 5. ftf^r:

#cw^ara;fiF?rc JRsrai i

"3% tfta^snwRre'tigT

^x^sxcJuuftx^nga^jf^xns^J^t: n1 [5]

L. 6.

^^Tflia^iKHTITat^! asrf'lfH: aTfa'?: |

Tnraijflf^fa wusiroiresr faf*?=g absent

N#

fa«(ajtf=aax;g^cft fasthn^inw » 6]

sn«W

N

L. 7. xnsmnpr aa>

a vro: *rf^TTOgaro^iTOfcratanftiCT i

*rN JT’mronnpforftsnf ftvwTgsrr

5X51^^ qnsrem ?n«n5aHT«Tfgcf »6 [7]

Ifcsrfa-

M

1 Metre: Upajati. 2 Metre: Sragdhara. 8 Metre: Mandakrantl.

* Metre : Qardfila-vikrldita, and of the following verse.

t> Metre, Sragdhara.

321

J-898.'] "I JTi Vasu -^ Cfite$vara Insri'iption of Anaytfa-bhima/ U.

L. 8.[; p

f ~ ■ T" " "

KT'g: *S

flTBnggijTT^r^ I1 18] > . > >

L. 9. • i, ,:. ^ «ng^t3itr?n! i

^T3IK'Tf5(JJTrafWIt: mfnl . W=t

rtw'S *ar»if*r %n fra; 1 1,9] . . ,

si’is^ft cwjf^ftflsanfci *ng sinura^: •»'' . T

oq'reiTtpfftrai QWJnftpgCt?nftt^<^ ’ p

L. 10. . . . *ff< i

sjKmwffiiV uf? s*n fm vochrsT

SITJIT: iTCpfj a^nfq fa*!??! ||2 [10] .v : .! 1

;<■; ;«*aS ftwafjfi '-, .

s ^

L. 11. V . . cp^rfajcnrt ^rsi: I

I c , a«P5ft5fimw*iwwi%'v 'npwrcws i [li] •■'

L. 12.; , :.; :; ..... ....

SI

cKpsTc^H otftraratmra’ I

i sj v

4tcr^repnPr ^ *m«T fawrfa 9s iffit ■

C\

ii [12] -Cr. •> ■

3r *rrai: .

L. 13. [<■ !. Twnfmfto^i^twrt set

«raf ftstf i

'ST’gB? S fSeiST^KI ftairf: if? ■

smn fweft^fcfsnnfaai u-

t '] 1

1 Metre, Vasanta-tilaka ; and of the next verge.

8 Metre, £!ardula-vikrldita j and of the next five verses.

J. i. 41

322

N. Vasu — Catsgvara Inscription of Anagga-bhima II. [No. 4,

L. 14. srfw tnf&n: n [13]

HIJ^BT^Tf^fcT ?raW9f*TOs I

< aren (nsprerroifw?

L. 15.

L. 16.

L. 17.

L. 18.

ft1*

ftap*} *r«n trftjira' g»jTroiw?tn%: i [14]

1^!?t=afacr?n^siv® Pnia:

crw ftw i

ni sfary^nfai’n-

?nf^T: Tlfor: *BKprl ^tpff *jwpn 2

^1% I

««re= n^irre! f’spgjrcai

n ^nf^cT^URP ^Wisgg^f ?ifff:3 | [16]

^rrft i fare^jsrcfip^f *rN%a?r

forar-

sirer H%TfcT *nr ^cjff

^5*ifcr *nr aT faa^fa ^ 4u [17]

?HHa^rTO«rR^cf«f5f j fsR:

ft? wt *<*m

^T5VtaR5t^g«3I«fsi-

L. 19. fwfa I

M

firafaraa5ft<5% «#lf^’nf^5f ^r

smfir sifna^cal^ crt *raft*tftss n [18]

TmhtflsrjnfasrW quafiro-

sfcn^srpj-

1 Read I 2 Read ^fv^i^iT I 3 Metre, Sragdhaif’,

* Metre, ^ardula-vikri^iita. 6 Metre, Harim.

J898.] N. Vasu — Cate^vara Inscription of Anaygci-bhima II.

L. 20. I

ff5tT*rre^S|l5r ^TClfcHT

Srtl^^5f5(Tft% a^fwt: ST 53t;1 II [19]

H3?T*r ai^er KcfWTffm ^Tfi3-.

L. 21. l

gfa^i^fvwPrai:2 n [20]

^ 'Mft ^rare- '.

L. 22.

11^ I

fastrrc: ^raf

*r ins^tfircfa Omwftiftif 3 a [21]

!3'<TRfai^r*i5pr#iT-

L. 28.

L. 24.

W cHl gfaifftl^WT-

^T-

i SKUnifn ^W3Tf*t *r:4 II [22]

^’rarw’srcwrc w^inra *rrat-

nsrfn Jcsfptstlfst wf^P |

^ sftwrfi

um

5 II [23]

f^ygiw^HTfifjj^ir^OT^Tr 6

^swfiT^ gntT f =f?f |

f*TT crreffacrx^ g?tf%: n [24]

srfar-

1 Metre, Prthvi.

2 Metre, £Jardula-vikridita.

3 Metre, Vasanta-tilaka.

* Metre, Varujasthavila.

6 Metre, Maliul ; and of the nex

8 Not clear.

324

N. Vasu- — Oat^vam Inscription of A?tafjpa-bhtmh II [No 4,

L. 25. *rert ^ t

*T gxqfa ^ I t

***? ^ftR* '

$ ^rrfwftr *r .fwr n1 [25] /

‘w,, ..’v

. ? • -’ '* . ; .-

Translation. * -* ' *•

: ... -i- . ,

Om ! adoration to f iva !

Verse 1. Hail to the Ocean, the sole lord of all the rivers, where

the mount Mainaka is enjoying the pleasures of the paternal lap of the

Himalayas, where even the lord of Laksini himself lives as , a son-in-law

in his father-in-law’s house, and who has undergone that process of

churning as a svadhii sacrificp.8 V ; ; , ;

V. 2. From that ocean was born the moon, the wonder of all ej^es,

the love for whose virtues procured him a place in the eye of Murari

and on the crest of Purari. j ».* - h >'

' .V V *

V. 3. From the moon was born a race of kings, the blaming fire of

whose prowess stopped the rutty streams on the foreheads of the

elephants of their adversaries in the field of battle ; swelled by the

streams of their fame, the sea, heaved up, at every moment and thus

enjoying the pleasures of the companionship of the heavenly , river

Mandakini, still displays those sports in wavy frolics.

V. 4. In the line of these sovereigns of renown, the radiant halo

of the person of Narahari incarnated itself as King Codagaijga, whose

sword used to give deliverance to the hostile kings, when they turned,

so to say, Sannyasins oh the banks of the sacred river, which flowed

from the oozings of the elephants in fury of war. i

V. 5. Who, in the battle-fields, used to clutch with the palm of

his hands, first the locks of the goddess of fortune of his adversaries,

and then his sword ; who first deprived the breasts of the wives of his

enemies, of their pearls, and then deprived tbe temples oozipg juice of

rut, of the unruly and maddened elephants, of their pearls.

V. 6. When the hostile kings, frightened by the sharpened arrows

of the leader of the noisy army obtained deliverance by his arrows

it seemed, as if, to avenge their wrongs, these kings proud of their

deliverance, were penetrating through the rCign of the sun which travels

in the sky and which resembled the king in his fiery character.

;• ■ > I'-/};-,'! ?.j >• i

1 Metre, Yasanta-tilaka. .. . • . , -

i j • i • •

3 Svadlia means oblation offered to the Pitra or spirits pf (deceased ancestors.

325

1S9SI] N. Vasti ^O&t&pvara Inscription of Ariayya-Wrfinii if.

: F.7. Hia' sou was Anarjga-bhima, who remained untouched by

the inkdike sea of sin of the Kali-yuga; who obtained possession of the

empire not by taking to any conspiracy or a host of elephants but by

the mere love of other kings. >

F,8. Govinda, who was superior to other Brahmans, took his

birth in the Vatsa Gotra. The Vedas voluntarily served him, i.e., he

obtained a great proficiency in the study of V§das. > This is not a great

glory on his part, as the king appointed him to bear the burden of the

whole empire, i > i : r '■> : • \ *

: F. 9. : From him (sc. Amagga-bhlma) King Raj endra (i.e. Rajaraja)

took 'his birth, the nail-like swan of whose feet-lotus slept soundly on

the moss-bed of locks of those hostile kings, who bowed down to him

in kfrbrais^ioa. ,-j • i ;J ' ;; $ : t; . . i i • ' « l • <

c; > F; JO. Whose; ; son was called Anagga-bhima, whose bounty

triumphs, even if the. golden Sumem be melted by the fire of prowess and

the clouds : take up v the melted .gold and rain constantly to drench the

quarters and slake the thirst of the needy, those showers of rain can

never satisfy, but His bounty always satisfied the desires of all those

who received it from him. ■

F.: ll. Whoseofqme, when it whitens the Heaven, Earth and the

Nether worlds, wipes away the. glory of the heavenly Ganges which

Cqnsists in her pure whiteness ; whose praises when uttered by the throat

makes away with the usefulness of the garland of pearls, the lustre of

the nails of whose feet was the crown of hostile kings, who did not any

more feel the necessity of wearing a turban on their head. 1

V. 12. Whose toes slept (like the domesticated birds) on tbe fore¬

head of kings, which were, as it were, the tops of houses ; whose

ministry was accepted by Visnu (a Brahmin) who appeared like a

second Vifiiuu, whose fame uuified the empire of the kings of three

Kaliggas.. ; > * !

«>.t; F.il-3* Of the hostile kings, they that sought his protection at the

very beginning of the combat, without shooting even an arrow, and they

thkt, confident of the overwhelming . strength of their mighty hands,

raised their Swords* it is; strange that both these classes of adverser

kings obtained, before long, the eternal happiness by gaining the feet

of VisfiU, t.Ci, those that died in the field went to heaven and there

obtained final :;> emancipation at Visnu’s feet, and those that sought

protection were very glad to appear before the minister Visnu and at

his feet established peace. * . ■ . . ' '•

F. 14. The Vaiklianasas could not even by their most austere

penance comprehend the omnipresence and all-pervadimgness of Visnu to-

the extent to which the idea was realised by the Tumghana King (i.e.,

326 N. Vasu — Cate$vara Inscription of Anarjga-bhima II. [No. 4,

Tughril-i-Tughan Khan), when he began, apprehending Visnu here and

there, to look around through extreme fear, while fighting on the banka

of the Bhima, at the skirts of the Vindhya hills and on the sea-shores.

V. 15. What more shall I speak of his heroism ! He alone fought

against the Muhammadan King, and applying arrows to his bow, killed

many skilful warriors. Even the gods would assemble in the sky to

obtain the pleasure of seeing him with their sleepless and fixed eyes.

V. 16. Whose innumerable elephants and horses frolicked in all

directions ; whose white umbrellas when carried on the roads cover¬

ed all the quarters ; who lived in Kataka and trampled over the heads

of the principal kings, wherever any work of the imperial goddess

of fortune of the King of Utkala had not made its progress.

V. 17. Think for a moment, how small is the earth to hold his

famye, of what extent is the sky to spread his fame ; how small is the

vault of heaven again where to give a free scope to it; how small is the

horizon where his fame rests like a garland, and how small is the whole

universe to contain his fame.

V. 18. All the universe being whitened by his fame, MahSdeva

takes Yamuna (mistaking her for the Ganges) up to adorn his crest,

the fair ladies hold the blue water lilies (now white) in their

garlands; . . .

V. 19. On the shores of the sea, which are the favourite of

Purus5ttama, he created several Golden-mountains (Sumeru) by the

performance of the Tula-purusa gift ; and by erecting there hundreds

of comfortable pleasure-houses attracted even Indra’s eyes which were

fixed at the lotus-like face of paci.

V. 20. He constructed several roads with hundreds of ponds, here

and there, about them. The sea-breezes coming to these tanks rested

for a while on the bed of the blooming lotuses and thereby after refresh¬

ing themselves of the fatigue of the journey, and bearing provisions of

aqueous particles, fragrant with the sweet scents of the lotuses, floating

in them, followed the travellers.

V. 21. Whom Logic saw with side-long looks, whose lotus-like

face the Vedas kissed, at whose heart the news roamed voluntarily;

and whom the doctrine of administration of justice embraced heartily.

V. 22. He, who was rich in reputation, renewed with his clear

sight into the Vedas, all the Puranas now destined to be directed in the

wrong ways through the gross-blunder of the expounders of them.

V. 23. He built this temple to piva the destroyer of Kama. The

sun supports its golden pinnacle, the moon himself is its crystal jar full

of water, and the beauty of the banner of its spire is the heavenly river

Mandakiui.

327

1898.] N. Vasti — CdfBgvara Inscription of Anagga-bhima II.

V. 24. As long as the principal mountains do heave themselves up

the sea, and thereby protect the three worlds, so long do their temple

proclaim the fame of its consecration here and sing the eulogy.

V. 25. The poet Bhdskara composed this eulogy whose fame could

not be measured by the fourteen worlds, whose intellectual powers were

not satisfied even with the study of the fourteen branches of learning,

and whose pithy sayings are not to be depreciated even in fourteen

manvantaras.

32.8“ , M. Cha^nv^ifci, — : JdggnnathdTewp le'inPuru .1* [|No. 4,

C !

• ■ ' Uivi

r

..

r »

F i>

i i

t

O' i'VJ f: - va-' I :: • •: ■_> ;

U . ■. ••: ' ; .

/• *. !*J i It il j‘ ( A ».« «J . ■■ . is> V ^

4ffA

t

. Vi

• 0 f; j

•. f i .o •>:ls r:

\ “M ;3i '•

•' ' •» «

; ) !<nj . • 1,1 'o MC? <)0?J

; ' J < a ■••/ i; ) !. • Jott

t , ,.j viiji'4 •' In:;

* V *

% dj'i i \ '■>* $» * \ •* v •:• v »

The date of the Jagannettha Temple in Puri , Orissa . — By Babu Monmohan

CflAKRAVARTl, M.A., B.L., Deputy Magistrate , Gaya, Bengal.

[Read August, 1898.]

The great temple of Jagannatha at Pari is widely known in India;

bat nothing definite is known about the time of its erection. Touching

this point I adduce below some arguments based on recently discovered

inscriptions.

The Gaggavampa copper- plates of Orissa contain the following

important passage1 : —

«xirt *rxg

nr l

htok ssqfcf: ^"t nm 5ir%'

«if tnftr xgata 'gkTfaj^rex^ i

pihwi sriftfrer?ra?iT*ri>xnT-

fwjjt iftiTO wteiNm n

Translation : —

“ What king can be named that could erect a temple to such a

god as Purusottama, whose feet are the earth, whose navel the entire

sky, whose ears the cardinal points, whose eyes the sun and moon, and

whose head that heaven (above) ? This task which had been hitherto

neglected by previous kings, was fulfilled by Gagg§9vara.

“ The ocean is the birth-place of Laksmi, so thinking in his father-

in-law’s house (the ocean) Visnu lodged with some shame, though he

l Journal, Asiatic Society Bengal, Vol. LXIV, (1895), p. 139; Journal, Vol.

BXV, (1896), p. 240. This pantheistic idea and even the very similes of the text

may bo traced as far back as Ilgveda ^X, 90, 13-4).

1898.]

329

M. Chakravarti — Jagannatha Temple in Puri.

got full adoration. Thus ashamed, the god Purusbttama was glad to

get this new house; and Laksmi, too, gladly preferred living in her

husband’s new house to living in her father’s house.”

This passage shows that —

(1) a great temple was erected in Orissa dedicated to Purusottama,

(2) that it was erected by order of Gagge^vara alias CSdagaqga, and

(3) that it was erected on or near the sea-coast.

Purusottama is another name of Jagannatha, whose Ksettra and

Mahatmya are still called Purus5ttama-Ksettra and Purusottama-Mahat-

mya. The description thus leaves no doubt that the temple erected by

Codagngga can be no other than the present temple of Jagannatha.

Codagaqga, however, ruled long, for nearly seventy years. His

anointment (abhiseka) took place formally in 999 ^!aka (17th February,

1078 A.D.). But he is believed to have practically ruled from two years

back, 997 Caka, so far as the numerous inscriptions quoted in Dr.

Hultzsch’s Epigrapliical Report of 1895-96 (particularly those of Mu-

khaliijgam) can be relied on. Similarly, if the date of Vajrahasta’s acces¬

sion be taken as960£aka, thenCodaga.gga, his grandson, came to the throne

in 997 £'aka (960 + 29 + 8),2 or 1075-6 A.D. Orissa has been specifically

described in the inscriptions to have been conquered by Cddagaqga.3

Consequently the temple of Jagannatha must have been begun to be

constructed several years after his conquest. When the Orissan conquest

took place is not known, but at least 8 or 10 years might be reasonably

assumed to have elapsed before it was taken possession of. We thus

arrive at the anterior limit of 1085 A.D., as the date before which the

temple of Jagannatha could not have been built by Codagaqga.

The posterior limit can be arrived at only indirectly. In the

Govindapura inscription of Gaya edited by Prof. Kiel horn, it is said —

+J# facTcTR

+1^ firfsw ref® firat ii4

Translation : —

“ Pleasing with his good fortune and youth, and a person of

good renown, Manoratlia went to the sacred Purusottama, and on the

2 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV, p. 190 ; Professor Kielhorn has thrown doubts on

the English equivalent arrived at (see his note on the covering page 3, Yol. 1Y,

Pt- V).

S Ind. Ant., Yol. XYIII, p. 169 ; J. A. S. B., Yol. LXLY, p. 130.

4 Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 334; for translation see p. 339.

J. 1. 42

330

rNo. 4,

M. Chakra varti — Jagannatha Temple in Puri.

noisy shore of the sea gave away his wealth in charity at the time of

an eclipse of the bright moon ; (and) gladdening his ancestors with the

water thrown from his hands, he for a moment obtained the fellowTship

of the moon, eclipsed at full-moon time.”

This inscription is dated 1059 Caka or 1137-38 A.D. It was com¬

posed by one Gaggadhara, son of Manoratha. The extract shows that

the composer’s father paid a visit to Purusottama, and gave gifts on the

shore of the sea. This visit may be presumed to have taken place 12

or 15 years back from the date of the inscription, or about 1122-25

A.D. The Purusottama-Ksettra and necessarily the temple must have

existed bv that time, and must have attained considerable fame to

deserve such specific mention. Thirty to thirty-five years might be

allowed for this sanctity and the temple can be fairly supposed to have

existed by (1125-35 or) 1090 A.D.

That the Ksettra and the temple existed before the end of the

eleventh century receives some corroboration from another inscription.

In the Nagpur pra9asti of the Malava rulers I find the following

passage : —

Translation by Prof. Kielhorn : —

“ Near the eastern ocean clever men thus artfully proclaimed

his praise, while he, pleased, looked on bashfully: ‘ 0 lord, it w'as the

holy Purusottama to whom fortune resorted, who relieved the universe

by subduing the enemy Bali, and who supported the earth.’ ”

The king referred to is Laksma Deva of Malava, and the verse

extracted is one of several describing his digvijaya. The verses

preceding this refer to the invasion of East India, and the imme¬

diately preceding verse 43 refers to his conquest of Aijga and Kaliijga,

while the immediately succeeding verse 45 refers to the eastern ocean.

The allusion to the “holy Purusottama ” in the extract, and its juxta¬

position with Aijga, Kaliijga and the eastern ocean points clearly to

the Purusottama-Ksettra and consequently its temple. The inscription

is dated Samvat 1161 or 1104-5 A.D. Hence the Purusottama temple

would have existed some time before this, or say circa 1090 A.D.

6 Ep. Inch, Vol. II, p. 187 ; for translation see p. 193.

1898.]

M Chakravarti — Jagannatha Temple in Puri ,

33 L

To resume, the above discussion is intended to establish tlje follow¬

ing conclusions : —

( 1) that the present temple of Jagannatha was built under the

orders of Codagaqga of Gapga dynasty,

(2) that it existed by about 1090 A.D. and might have been built

between 1085-90 A.D.,

(3) that the conquest of Orissa took place very early in the reign of

Codagaijga, probably in the first decade of his reign (1075-1085 A.D.).

The above arguments are not conclusive, but in the absence of

positive proof from any recorded inscriptions, they appear to me to carry

much weight.

332

M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

Notes on the language and literature of Orissa , Parts III and IV 0 — By

Babu M. M. Chakravarti, Deputy Magistrate, Gaya.

[Read December 1897.]

Part III. Oriya Songs and religious Poems.

In Part II. I ha,ve given some glimpses of the Sanskrit com¬

positions in Orissa during the mediaeval Hindu rule. The vernacular

compositions began to flourish from the close of this Hindu rule.

This change was brought on through various causes. The first cause

lay in the study of Sanskrit itself. Sanskrit drifted more and more

from the colloquial speeches, and a study of the Sanskrit language

came to mean years of hard labour. The elaborate and minute

analysis and classification of Sanskrit grammars and rhetorics proved

a heavy burden for ordinary readers, and the study of Sankrit litera¬

ture became more and more unpopular among the leisured classes.

If reading of Sanskrit works was found to be troublesome, the writing

of works in that language was found to be still more so. The non-

Brahmin scholars continued to study Sanskrit literature on account

of its high cultivation, but for compositions they turned their attention

to the simple and familiar vernacular.

In Orissa this tendency was aided by its close connexion with

Telirjgana. By the 14th and 15th centuries the language of Teliijgana,

i.e., the Telugu, had been well developed and an abundant Telugu

literature had been produced. Through trade and through dynastic

influences, Telugu songs, Telugu poems and Telugu grammars came

to be well known in the southern part of Orissa. The leisured classes

saw that the vernaculars were capable of being well-developed, and

in this respect Telugu literature served as an excellent model. Thus

a number of the non-Brahmin scholars took to cultivation of their

spoken speeches.

A further help in this direction was received from the spread of

1 Parts I and II are published in Journal Part I, 1897.

1<8#8.] M. M. Chakra varti — Language and literature of Orissa. 333

Vaisnavism. The sanctity of Pari attracted a considerable number

of devotees, and several maths of Ramanuja and other] sects sprang

up on its sands. About 1510 A.D. Caitanya, the great ,Vaisnavite

apostle of Bengal, first visited Orissa, and later on settled in Puri.

Here lie gathered a considerable following and by and by came to

exercise much influence. Though a good Sanskrit scholar, he aimed

to impart his religious instructions through the vernaculars. With the

Pandits he argued in Sanskrit, but to the laity he preached in their

spoken dialect. His disciples came chiefly from the lower classes, and

■carried out this practice of vernacular preaching more extensively. In

this way religion which had hitherto been a strong prop of the mono¬

polising Sanskrit learning, ceased to be so. In contradistinction to

Brahmins, grew up a body of Vaisnava gurus and mahantas whose

influence gradually increased over the land, and with whose increasing

influence the vernaculars came more and more to the front. The

Vaisnava devotees translated the Sanskrit religious works, composed

new devotional poems, and by sarjkirtans and vernacular songs con¬

siderably developed the power of the vernaculars. To the Vaisnavites

are due almost all the early vernacular compositions both in Orissa and

in Bengal.

Another cause for the change lay in the overthrow by the

Mahomedans of the paramount Hindu power. In 1568 A.D. the

last independent Hindu king Teliqga Makunda Deva was defeated and

killed ; and Orissa was overrun by the victorious army of Sulaiman

KeranI of Bengal. From that year for nearly two centuries Orissa

remained subject to the Mahomedan rule, first under Pathans and

next under the Mughals. On the transfer of the supreme power the in¬

fluence of the Brahmins and of the Sanskrit language received a check.

The Hindu religion itself lost the powerful support of the ruling power.

In the towns the Persian and the Persianised Hindi (Urdu) came into

vogue. They showed the people that Sanskrit was not the oidy highly

cultivated tongue in India. Hence a certain amount of freedom was

produced which was favourable to the cultivation of vernaculars. In

the towns and in the courts of petty Hindu chiefs many turned their

attentions to compositions in Oriya.

To summarise, the difficulties of compositions in the dead Sanskrit,

the example of the early developed Telugu, the influence of Vaisnavism

and the supersession of the Hindu rule by the Mahomedans — all tended

to swell the tide in favour of the vernaculars. Original Sanskrit works

by the Oriyas practically ceased. From the 16th century downwards,

one finds no real Sanskrit compositions by non-Brahmins. Even among

the Brahmins the writers confined themselves chiefly to tikas or ex-

334 M. M. Chakra varti — Language and literature of Orissa . [No. 4,

planatory notes on Sanskrit classics. Small pieces, such as Gundica -

bijay a or Gundica- campu (description of Jagannatha’s car festival), or

Hdsydrnava (collection of comic verses) hardly deserve the name of

works. Gradually even this Sanskrit scholarship declined and Brahmins

fairly well acquainted with Sanskrit classics or philosophy grew smaller

in number. Young students were obliged to go to Benares for studying

Sanskrit grammar or Vedanta philosophy, or to Nadiya in Bengal for

studying Nyaya or logic.

It should not however be understood that because compositions

in Sanskrit dwindled, Sanskrit language itself ceased to influence.

Both Telugu and Urdu did not escape the influence of Sanskrit study,

and so could make no change other than a general inclination towards

the use of the vernaculars. The vehicle of expression alone changed ;

the intellectual atmosphere underwent no great change. Sanskrit

classics, specially the later ones such as the Naisadhiya and the

(fiQupala-vadha were considered models to be closely imitated ; while

Sanskrit grammars and rhetorics supplied the rules of elegant com¬

positions in Oriya. Thus whether in versification or in the senti¬

ment underlying them, in the outer forms or in the inner ideas of Oriya

poetry Sanskrit continued to dominate. At the time of discussing the

later Oriya poets, this preponderating influence of Sanskrit classics and

rhetorics will be more fully seen.

The earliest compositions in Oriya were

(A) Songs or

(B) Translations of the Sanskrit religious works.

These are generally in poetry. Certain prose works, such as

M a data Pdnji or the chronicles of the Jagannatha temple and Vamgavalis

or genealogies of royal families had been begun from old time. They

have however no literary merits and their historical value I will treat

at the end of this article.

SONGS.

Songs are the articulations of man’s heart deeply moved, and are

as common to the civilised as to the savage. They are based on a

single sentiment, or a single incident, and do not require long conti¬

nuous thinking. Hence they precede serious compositions, and take

their birth from the early childhood of a language. Oriya could not have

been an exception, and Oriya songs must have been current from an

early period. The earlier songs are lost. The only song which I am

inclined to think as pre-Mahomedan is Kesaba Kd-ili (^«T of

Markanda Dasa. This is known widely in Orissa, and is taught to

children in the pafhfalas. From its wide popularity it would appear

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. 335

to be more than three hundred years old. Hunter’s list 1 puts its date

as 500 years old ; but the reasons for this conclusion are not given.

The song is based on an incident of the Bhagavata. Qri-Krsna had

gone to Mathura, leaving his mother Ya^oda. Ya^Oda felt unhappy at

the separation and poured out her grief addressing the cuckoo. The

verse runs easy, and the subject — a mother’s lamentation for her absent

son — appeals to Indian hearts. Ho wonder therefore that the song is

so popular in Orissa.

The other songs in current use are much later : but from the works

of the chief Oriya poets the names of several earlier songs can be traced.

These songs passed into favourite tunes, and came to be thus noticed.

Among the oldest may be named Rukmani Cautisa

Madhupa Cautisa (*ryr and Biprasirhha Cautisa

Several other old songs are quoted as tunes by Upendra Bhanja,

and in the Bicitra Ramayana.4’ It is a matter of regret that most of

these songs are now known only by their names.

1 Hunter’s Orissa, Vol. II, App. IX, p. 206. Here Markancla Dasa is credited

wrongly with the authorship of another song — GyanSdaya Ko-ili. This song

was really composed by LSkanatha Dasa, a disciple of one Trilocana, and is much

later. It deals with the mystical doctrines and symbols of Ydga, and some of the

stanzas are really creditable, e.g.

f

i

5tfrf?r jfnaj i

ftq ^fr i

*1^13 i

JJI ^fT^t tt <*H 1 I

“ Lnminous is the door to the universe where shineth the foiunless. Light unto

light darkening, behold, the lamp is burning the whole night. Watch ye with care,

then age after age ye can be a Yogi [26].”

2 DInakrsna Dasa’s Rasakallbla, 25th Chanda; Upeqdra Bhanja’ s BaidehTsa-

bilasa, 46th Chanda.

b Mathura Maggala, 5th Chanda for Madhupa; and for Biprasimha, see Mathura

Mar) gala 27th and 3Uth Chandas, Upendra Bhahja’s Baidehlsabilasa, 45th Chanda.

4 Upendra Bhanja mentions Jadusimha Cautisa Baidehlsa¬

bilasa, 43rd Chanda; Hamsaduta Cautisa ^f<TSU) Baid. Bil. 44th Cli. ;

Gopajlbana Cautisa (jfrq^t«r*r Do. 47th Ch. ; Chap5-i

Rasapancaka 1st Pancaka. Similarly in the Bicitra Ramayana one comes across

Ba Cautisa (cff Adyakanda 16th Ch. ; “ Cala-i R'atha ” (‘ ^53^

Ayodhya Ka. lltlx Ch. ; “ Kusutna Sanrava ” ( ) Aranyaka ivu. 17th

336 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

The existing songs begin with those of Upendra Bhahja. Many of

the later songs are now being compiled and printed. About four

hundred such songs have now been published referrable to some 70 or 80

authors. Among them the most prominent authors are Upendra Bhanja,

Sadananda Kavisuryyabrahma, Makunda Deva, Banamali Dasa, Raja

Jagadeva, Gopalakrsna and an unnamed chief calling himself Asta-

durganatha (or owner of eight forts). The first two. authors will be

separately noticed in Part IV. Makunda Deva appears to be the king

of Khorda who was imprisoned by the British for the Khorda rebellion

of 1804. Raja Jagaddeva was of Par] a Khemdi, District Gan jam ; but his

name I do not find in Mr. Sewell’s list of Khemdi kings.1 BanamaK

Dasa and Gopalakrsna were two Brahmins who appeared from their

songs to have been devout Vaisnavas.

Excluding from consideration the recent ones, the Oriya songs are

mostly Cautisds , that is in four or more couplets. Occasionally they are

either Glidndas (like the ordinary poems)8 or Chamois (in six couplets),

or Bolis .s As a rule, the songs deal with incidents of Radha and

Kjsna. Loves of human lovers and mistresses are rarely treated, and

then the author is most likely of a royal family like Upendra Bhanja.

This exclusiveness in the treatment of the subject-matter originated in

the paramount influence of Vaisnavism and is noticeable not simply in

songs but also in the other classes of poetry as I will point out later on.

The songs while mostly devoted to Radha and Krsna, deal not with

their pleasures but with their pains and describe either the pangs of new¬

born love or the pangs of separation from the beloved. Radha and Krsna

have been reduced to human level, and even of this anthropomorphised

love, not the spiritual but the physical aspect, is generally dwelt upon.

Several of these songs are composed in the true lyric vein, but as they

generally contain descriptions of acts and feelings which would not be

and Uttarii Ka. 39th Ch. ; Urdhaba Cautisa Larjka Ka. 4th Ch. ;

“ Kota-i Gundica ” JTf:^^5,^T,,) Larjka Ka. 6th and 40th Ch. ; Nandaba-i

Cautisa j Laqka Ka. 18th and 64th Ch., etc., etc.

1 Sewell’s sketch of the dynasties of S. India, pp. 45-6.

3 Chanda songs are referred to in Mathura Maggala.

i

JI^TII 23rd Stanza 14th Ch.

“ Some lady, with face handsome as the moon, was singing the Chanda song.

(Seeing Krsna) she missed a line, and ran, leaving singing and dropping her

glances (in surprise).”

S Bicitra Ramayana, Jadu Boli (^ aftfej) Larjka Kanda, 34th Ch.; Dadhi-

mauthana Boli (^fg HSIR Ttfo3) Do. 41st Ch.

1898.] M. M. Ohakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. 337

tolerated in modern society, it is impossible to quote them here. One of

the least objectionable is the following song from the pen of Banamali

Dasa ; it will give some idea of the Oriya songs. The poet compares

love to a sharp knife.

HWfc I cTT^T WrlT ']

iftfa fft ’KTW t I ^WjTTT t I sfal I

TTcftr cfcfTJ | erf#?: %S I

ATT Jlflfe, clfgT SfiSSf fall fqr^TT ^ I \ I

<rte!i % ijr i Sbr *r cfftr i

«ifk tift: JfiSTus;, ^ %i=i ftrit fjur 1 1 R i

& %5? <f sN i 5fifci f os Taj Trfsra i

«r TnftSf ^fft ftif toi ftnj, mm ft§3tT t I ^ l

3*RTT5?t % fTt TW^5f TRTf Tfi: I

*TT?T Tfftftl 3TC3C, 3PCK TpJJT t I 8 I

Saqglta Sagara, first Taraqga, p. 28.

“ Love is like unto a sharpened knife ; its iron hand strikes at the

heart; [chorus]. With care heating the love-iron, and with eye-tears

toughening it, behold, the love god smith has made it carefully, its

rust, alas, being poison-drinking. [1], Very, very sharp is its edge, on

which eye cannot be kept ; it shines like a new mirror, looking new

every time one sees through. [2]. He who touches that knife will have

to forego caste and rank ; he who fails to seize it is sure to die, so deadly

to separated lovers. [3]. Banamali says that this knife (of love)

belongs neither to the old nor to the young ; how much (stronger) the

attachment, lo ! so much (greater) is the uproar. [4].”

A few words about the music of these songs might here be added.

Oriya music is essentially southern. In the mediaeval times Tanjore

was famed for its dancing and singing ; and Teliqgana was not behind

hand. The Telugu music attained its greatest developments during

the later Vidyanagara rule. Telugu songs are still regarded as

among the sweetest in the Indian vernaculars. Orissa which was long

subject to the Telugu influence naturally borrowed from Teliggana its

music. The rdgas or major tunes are almost exclusively Telugu which

adopted mostly Sanskrit names, such as Dei^aksa, Kam5dl, Bhairava,

Mukhari, Maqgala, Gurjari, Ghantarava, Kau^ika, Dhana^rl, etc. In

course of time the major tunes were often modified by local peculiari-

J. i. 43

338 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

ties. These modifications might be considered as minor tunes, and fall

roughly under two denominations: —

(1) Bams

(2) Brttas (2tT).

The difference in musical notation between the two classes I can¬

not say. Some of the ragas slightly modified are occasionally treated as

Banis such as Cakrakeli (^3i3ifo3), Asarhasukla

Kalasfi (^»o3^JT), etc. But the bulk of the Banis are evidently derived

from favourite songs such as Munibara (gfwc), Rukmani Cautisa

Biprasimlia Cautisa Jadu-

simha Cautisa Gopajibana Cautisa (

Chapo-i (WTtli), etc. Brttas are similarly derived from

favourite songs or poems such as Abakasa Brtta €t}), Dhaga

Brtta (^"JI ^ff), Bhagabata Brtta (VTJI^rT Iti), Krsnakaja Brtta

etc.

In the latter part of the Mahomedan rule, the up-country music was

gradually introduced into Orissa. The talas or time- beating thus came

into use. I find in the Vicitra Ramayana 1 one tala named as Adim

Gm^ir 3[TfapC), which looks like an Urdu or Persian name.

The well-known tala Khemta (^^r) is also mentioned in the above

poem.2 This appears to me to have been introduced before the

Mahomedan conquest, and then apparently from the South. The

Khemta was known to Jagannatha Dasa who refers to it thus in his

Bh agabata : —

*!T% Jfm jtu; |

% ^T*r, 3TS n n

10th Skandha, 19th Adhyaya, Printed Ed., p. 117.

(Speaking of the G5pa boys and their sports says) “ some ran sing¬

ing to the Khemta tala, and some ran roaring like lions.”

RELIGIOUS POEMS.

Along with the songs, the Oriya religious poems are among the

earliest. They had their origin in the religious yearnings of the

people. When Sanskrit, the depositary of all sacred and mytholo¬

gical informations, became a dead language, it naturally failed to

satisfy the desires of the populace, flence translations into vernaculars

came to be necessary, and numerous attempts were made to meet the

popular demands. Such attempts must have been made from an early

1 Sundara Eanda, 9th Chanda.

2 Adya Kanda, 7th Chanda ; Laqka Kanda, 27th Ch.

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. 339

time, but the earliest ones are lost. The existing* works cannot be

put before the 16th century A.D.

The chief religious poems in current use are : —

(1) The frimad-bhagabata of Jagannatha Dasa.

(2) The Ramayana of Balarama Dasa.

(3) The Mahabharata of Sarala Dasa.

(4) The Harivann^a of Acyutananda Dasa.

Generally speaking, these poems are not literal translations but

summaries and free adaptations of the Sanskrit original. The verses

are usually simple and unornamented ; the details are lengthy and

tedious. Though they contain occasional passages of good descriptions

and fine sentiments, they cannot be ranked high as literary compositions.

Their importance lies firstly in the fact that they have supplied the bulk

of religious and mythological informations to a strongly religious people

from generations to generations. They have influenced all castes and all

ages. By children their stories are heard with rapt interest ; by adults

they are learnt and talked about ; by women and old men they are

listened for days and months devoutly and patiently as the passport to

some worldly good or heavenly bliss. Secondly, they form important

land marks in the development of the Oriya literature. Before their

time the Oriya was a rude uncouth dialect, poor in ideas, poor in words.

These religious authors nursed it, imported words into it or coined

words for it, and gave it some polish. They showed that the Oriya

language could be made fit for expressing complex thoughts and abstract

feelings, and by their own inperfect efforts made it capable of being

utilised in various kinds of versifications. They .prepared in fact the

way for the later Oriya poets Dinakrsna Dasa, Upendra Bhanja, and

Abhimanyu Samantasiriighara. Any sketch therefore of the progress

of the Oriya intellect would be materially incomplete if it fails to give

some accounts of these old religious poems.

The most influential of these has been the Qrimad-bhagabata or

briefly the Bhagabata. Very little is known about it and its author.

The work itself gives no clue to its time excepting the fact that it must

be later than pridhara Svami, much later because his name is referred

to with high veneration.1 (^ridhara Svami was a Gujarati Brahmin

1 fassn; I II II

| ) II II

rTFztaT % I 31% 11 V* II

MS. Bhiigabata, 12th Skandha, 13th Adhyaya.

“The Brahmin by name Qiudhara was born in Kaliyuga. The Bunina

Bhagabata has glokas eighteen thousand. Its tiled in thousands one-fourth (of the

Purana), £!rldhara has expounded in writing.”

340 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

whose tiled or commentry on the Bhagabata Purana is the best known.

He is believed to have flourished by the 14th century A.D. Hence

the Oriya Bhagabata must be much later than 14th century A.D.

Starting from backward I find that it must be earlier than sana

1143 or 1736 A.D. in which year was copied a MS. of the fourth

Skandha.* 1 It is earlier than Baideldsabilasa, one of the earliest poems

of Upendra Blianja, for the Bhagabata is referred to as a tune

(Brtta) in its 27th Chanda. He preceded Dinakrsna Dasa whose

principal work the Rasakallola is probably based on the tenth Skandha

1st to 52nd Adhyaya of the Oriya Bhagabata. Dinakrsna refers to

a tune Rukmani Cautisa (RasakallSla 25th Chanda), and this tune

is derived from a song which is likely to have beeu based on the popu¬

lar vernacular Bhagabata (10th Skandha 56th to 58th Adhyaya). If

Dlnakrsna’s time be taken at the middle of the 17th century, as I

shall show later on, the Oriya Bhagabata must be still older and cannot

be later than the close of the 16th century.

This is borne out by the general tradition, according to which

Jagannatha Dasa, the author of the Oriya Bhagabata, is identifiable with

the Jagannatha Dasa who founded the Atibara subsect of Oriya

Vaisnavas, and who was a disciple of Caitanya the great Vaisnavite

preacher of Bengal. This tradition is strongly corroborated by the

Jagannathacaritamrta which attempts to give a biography of the

Atibara founder somewhat like Caitanya’s in the Caitanyacarita-

mrta. In that work the author Dibakara Kara remarks in the 5th

Adhyaya : —

^fNr sjifj; wivpicrro i ^rfsr «T*nxifor n n

Sr? affair i Srarc n

fr n? ftnif i n v= n Ms. folio 28.

“ Having understood the slokas of Bhagabata, I rendered them into

Bhdsd. The lines which my GfSsaT (i.e., Jagannatha Dasa) had said before

in Bhdsd, I correctly understood, and wrote following this Bhdsd”

As Jagannatha Dasa was a disciple of Caitanya, he must have

flourished in the 2nd quarter of the 16th century, and the Bhagabata

was probably finished towards the latter part of this 2nd quarter.

The Jagannathacaritamrta has not yet beeu printed. The manu¬

script which I am using consists of 136 folios with four lines on

1 See Supra pfc. I, p. 330, J. A. S. B., Part I, 1897. The passage runs thus : —

Tfa . . . fwr ^ToqT^r: II ° II TTiTtpS

*1$ n 3^ (*) I Ms- Folio 127*

1898.] M. M. Chakra varti — Language and literature of Orissa.

841

each page. It is a curious mixture of Sanskrit and Oriya verses. It

purports to be a biography of Jagannatha Dasa, but the first seven

Adhyayas treat more of Caitanya than of Jagannatha, while the 20th

Adhyaya is exclusively devoted to a description of the Purusottama

Ksettra. The author Dibakara Kara was a Brahmin Yaisnava of

• • •

the Atibara subsect.1 His time is unknown, but from the respect in

which he is held by the Vaisnavas of that subsect, he cannot be less than

150 to 200 years old. The biography is more full of quotations, eulogies

and miracle descriptions than of facts, and after a wearisome reading, I

have been able to cull the following few details about Jagannatha Dasa.

Jagannatha was born at Kapilecvarapura Sasana, District Puri. His

father was Bhagabana Dasa Purana Panda (reader of Puranas), and his

mother was named Padma. The time of his birth is noted as noon of

bhadra 9ukla astami. As he grew into boyhood, he took up the usual

studies of a Brahmin, and he is said to have read up to his eighteenth

year. Apropos of the Bhagabata, it is said in the 1st Adhyaya : — -

ssftwprm n;sf i sftflTJPur %Sf i \<s. i

mm. *nn^cT i #t^ri fenjfwf? n \°<jj

“ Having studied the Ramayana, he applied his mind to (studying)

the Bhagabata ; — the twelve skandha-ed Bhagabata with all its notes

and commentaries.”

After finishing the studies, Jagannatha Dasa took up his father’s

pursuits, viz., reading Puranas in the temple of Jagannatha. Here

Caitanya often met him and was so much delighted with his reading

and religious devotion that he made him a disciple. Gradually Jagan¬

natha became the favourite of Caitanya who gave him the surname

Atibara or “the greatest.” This displeased the other disciples, most of

whom left Purl. Caitanya grew more and more fond of him and

recommended him to king Pratapa Rudra of Orissa. Soon after

Caitanya disappeared (i.e., died). Jagannatha Dasa continued to reside

in Puri. He showed various miracles to the king and converted him

1 In the 5th Adhyaya the author thus speaks of his own ancestors.

iff I facTT ifl'CtT I 8 I

jfre iffCrc i i i ms. Folio 27.

% •

“ My name is Dibakara, a Bipra (Brahmin by caste). Nima Deba is my father,

and Gdpala Dasa my uncle. Their father is Nanda Dasa, whose father is Ba-i

Dasa. My mother is by name Campa. My gotra is Bharadvaja, and (my) pravara

Vrhatyaqepra.”

342

M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

and numerous others as liis followers. Ultimately, Jagannatha Dasa

himself disappeared in the body of the Lord Jagannatha. According

to the author, Caitanya was an avatara of Krsna, while Jagannatha

Dasa was an avatara of Rad ha.

The Bhairabata Parana is the most sacred book of the Vaisnavas,

their Bible or Koran. The Oriyas are mostly Vaisnavas, and hence the

Oriya Bhagabata enjoys an immense popularity. In every respectable

house a room is set apart in which the Bhagabata with the other

religious works is kept on a gadi (raised seat) and periodically or daily

worshipped with flowers, tulsi leaves and sandal pastes. In every

important village a shed is set aside at one end, where the villagers

gather and hear every week the Bhagabata read out by Brahmins. On

auspicious days the Bhagabata is read out in a gentlemen’s house to his

friends and relatives, while the pothi is always handled with care and

respect.

I give below two extracts to let the reader have some idea of

the writer’s powers. The first gives a description of the summer season

in the groves of Brndabana ; and the second attempts to describe in

vernacular the Maya doctrine of Vedantism.

W I

XUR I

*JT |

wa i

5(0 I

^ I

crr^ I

^ I

N>

iwfc srfNa- 1

MW fans %f*r fre i

xrgsr |

ffgfffft 3% i

ftf%55 TITCSf fTO* I

*3*ri% n ^ ||

Wfl cTTfiTcT 51R ||

3% ftsf ||

% 3% gUTH II

frlte 913% ii

ssifcrajtcra ii \° u

R3*T sffir II

*5%% ||

ii

«r ll

ttiit 5ft% snft i ^ij ii

«r?ft 3if% st: gsr ii

w gs n

*r ure ii

f%r^ wr* Rwt *<?% n

=\

«jf% wftwT n k ° n

10th Skandlia, 19th Adliyaya, printed ed. pp. 1.15-6,

1898.] M. M. Cliakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa.

343

“Now listen Pariksita. In due course passed away the spring. [5].

Came hot summer, perspiring all men. (But in Brndabana) every day

the spring breezes blow gently. Spring cannot be rare in the grove

where (^ri-Rama (Balabhadra) and Madhaba (Krsna) are. The deep

springs babbling, make murmurs in the river water. The sprays of

the stream and of the springs mixing, keep cool the woody groves.

[10]. With the breeze shake the river ripples and the blossoming

groves. Playfully the wind wafts abroad the (pollen) dusts of the

flowers in water, the lotuses, the nelnmbiums, and others. Hence this

Brndabana land with its deep woods and groves hot summer never

touches ; hence its residents never feel tired. [15]. In the deep river

water, ripples rise one after another in force ; muddy look both its

banks ; the ripples breaking wash the bathing recesses. Moreover, the

sun never torments this forest grove, this wood by nature blooming with

flowers, and resounding with the screams of the many-colonred peacocks,

with the notes of the cuckoos and the cranes, with the delightful hum

of the bees. [20].”

*ft «TT^T TO eft I

T ^ cft«C I

!

SfpT |

cfWfa *Trar toc \

i

% ftraTS I

%^;fn wfft frit i

snftwr n

eft ftg I!

11

wra ft xrft is

C\

H cft% 1!

& ^ *fft II |

TOT3[ II

*tm f%xJTT ?ft% ||

1st Skandha, 8th Adhyaya, printed ed. p. 40.

“ Salutation to thy feet, oh Lord ! thou, the first cause, the Lord of

the universe. Thon residest beyond Prakrti (nature), and hence art

invisible to beings. [70]. The interior and the exterior of all creatures,

nothing is outside thee. (The ideas of) Atma , i. e., Self and others are

but so many may a curtains, while in essence the Being remains the

same. This Being enjoys through the senses ; and puts on (as masks)

forms like abhaya, and others. How can he know thee, oh Lord! over

whose mind thine may a (illusion) is ? Just as the master among the natas

(jugglers) by his juggleries fascinates the lookers-on ; [75] and bringing

forth various tricks and causing puppets to dance, bewitch®* the minds

of spectators — but in truth they are nothing (so is it with thee, oh

Lord!).”

344 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

The Bhagabata was also translated in Oriya by Krsna Simha, the

Raja of Dharakota in Gan jam District, and this translation is believed

to be more accurate. Bat like the revised version of the Bible it has

failed to be popular. Hunter’s list also mentions an Oriya version of

the Bhagabata by one Krsna Dasa. The influence of Jagannatha

Dasa’s Bhagabata is traceable in many of the later works. It moulded

three large works, viz., Dinakrsna Dasa’s Rasakallola, Bhaktacarana

Dasa’s Mathura Mapgala, and the Premapancamrta of Bhupati Pandita.

Modified by Radha-cultism, it had its effect on the works of Sadananda

Kavisfiryabrahma and Abhimanyu Samantasimghara. It suffused

whether with or without Radha- worship, the numerous songs of the

Oriyas (Cautisas and Pois). As already pointed out it gave rise to a

separate tune and class of versification. Even now various Jatras

based upon and borrowed from the Bhagabata are played to large

audiences in the mofussil, and are watched with much interest. The

importance of this work in the past and even present life of the mofussil

Oriyas it would be difficult to exaggerate.

Next in importance is the Oriya Ramayana (or as commonly

pronounced Rabana) of Bajarama Dasa. Little is known about the

author. He must be earlier than sana 1164 or 1757 A.D. in which

year one of the manuscripts I have seen was copied. He apparently

preceded the poet Upendra Bhanja, as the latter refers to him res¬

pectfully as @qT qqfiil, ( i.e .), one who uttered his verses

inspired by the grace of God.1 This veneration presupposes a pretty

long time back and agrees with the general tradition according to which

Balarama Dasa was a disciple of Caitanya. In Jagannathacaritamrta

that I have already referred to, Jagannatha Dasa is said to have been

initiated as a disciple of Caitanya by iT?f (the enthusiast

Balarama Dasa).2 If he be identifiable with the author, then the Oriya

1 Baidehlsabilasa, 1st Chanda, 4th Stanza, printed ed., p. 4. Upendra Bhanja

does not name him, but this has been explained by his commentator.

2 Jag. caritamrta MS., Folio 10.

stefe *TtT I *TiTW 1 |

(«r) tftsiir I ^nq^r ^q^r i ^ i

i wn 'Ctt i i

“ That enthusiast Balarama. the best among the Vaisnavas, he does not, while

sitting, sleeping, eating, walking, lying, dreaming, know day or night ; but is

phrenzied in his devotion (to God).”

Balarama Dasa has been again mentioned in Fol. 36, as a chief disciple of

Caitanya Deva.

qfasrl I W'U TOTO W<T II

1898.] M. M. Cbakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. 345

Ramayana slightly preceded the Bhagabata and will have to he placed

in the 1st quarter of the 16th century.

Balarama Dasa came of a respectable family. He was a son of an

Oriya minister named Somanatha Mahapatra.

HT^TXH^T I

cTT^T^ ^ II

MS. No. 2, Fol. 308.

“ Cri-Somanatha Mahapatra is the chief of ministers. His son is

Balarama Dasa.”

He became a devout Vaisnava and came to reside in Puri. In the

closing passages of each Kanda he expresses his humility and prays to

Jagannatha for his deliverance. His Ramayana is simple in style and

is generally written in one form of versification. He sometimes uses

grammatical forms not now in existence, e.g. —

tot ll

MS. No. 1, Fol. 447.

“ With the eye of flesh have I seen Lord Jagannatha ; hence have I

been able to expound the work Adikanda.”

Here “ nayanena ” contains an instrumental form of “ ena ” which

was derived from Sanskrit but is not now in use. Similar grammatical

variations are also to be found in the Oriya Mahabharata. It is a pity

that neither of these works has yet been printed. The influence of this

Ramayana is perceptible in several later works, such as Baidehisabijasa

of Upendra Bhanja, Bicitra Ramayana of Bisvanatha Khunti-a, the

Bicitra Ramayana of Harihara Dasa and Ramalila of Sadasiba Dasa.1

The Ramalila Jatras of the mofussil are mostly based on this work.

Krsna Simha of Dharakota translated another version of the Rama-

• • •

yana, which though literally more correct has failed to catch the public

car.

1 This author is not mentioned in Hunter’s list. The manuscript consists of

92 folios with 5 lines on each page. The work describes in verse the story of

Rama from his birth to his abhiseka (crowning). The manuscript was copied in 1229

sana or 1820 A.D. and ends thus—

<TH II 121st Canto, 14th coaplet.

“(Oh God!) Always do this favour to Sadasiba, that his mind may not go

elsewhere except towards Rama and Sita.”

J. i. 44

346 M. M. Cliakravarti — Language arid literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

In addition to the Ramayana, Bajarama Dasa composed numerous

smaller pieces, a list of which is to be found in Hunter’s Orissa , App. ix.

The)T amount to twenty- two and deal with various religious and ethical

topics. Of these I have seen in manuscripts, the Arjuna Gita (No. 2),

Gupta Gita (No. 14), and Tulabhina (No. 23) ; and in print, Bedha-

parikramd (No. 1), Gajanistarana Gita (No. 10), and Mruganistuti

(No. 17). I have also seen in print Kanta Ko-ili (^Tnf which

was composed by Ba]arama Dasa, but which has not been mentioned

in Hunter’s list. This song is put into the mouth of Sita and describes

the events from her abduction by Ravana to Rama’s abhiseka.

The next great epic of Sanskrit, the Mahabharata has also been

rendered into Oriya. The popular version was by Sarola Dasa. He

was a fudra by caste, and while lie professed to be a Vais nava and

speaks devoutly of Jagannatha, he was at heart a worshipper of the

goddess Candi. The closing lines of each parva speak of Sarola Chandl

Thakurani; and in his last page he says —

% jffa i(^I3 ||

“ The (goddess) Higgula Candi Sarol5 dwells at Jakhemrapura.

She is my tulasi ( Ocymum ) garland that swings over the breast.”

Then again his last lines are

h ms. Folio 245.

“ At the feet of pri-Candi, the resident of Jakhempura, the pudra

ascetic Sarola Dasa seeks refuge.”

The goddess Candi is said to be of Jakhem which is probably the

older form of the present village Jhagkara in Thana Tirtola, District

Cuttack. Here the worship of Sarola Thakurani is widely prevalent

and attracts considerable local pilgrimage.

It is impossible at present to fmd out the precise date of this work.

It must be older than the 3rd Agka of Ramacandra Deva, Mithuna21st,

on which date the oldest manuscript I have seen was copied. The 3rd Aijka

of Ramacandra Deva II. falls in 1732-3 A.D.1 How much older he was

there is no means of knowing. But from its popularity and veneration,

from its uneven versification, and peculiar forms of several of its words

and grammatical terminations I infer that the work cannot be later than

1 Appendix IV of this article I have shown that Riiniacandra Deva began to

reign in 1731-2 A.D. His 3rd Aijka or the 2nd year should therefore be 1732-3 A. D

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. 347

16th century A.D. and might belong to its first half. Like the Sanskrit

original it forms a gigantic undertaking and takes up about two thousand

folios. It does not pretend to any literary finish, and the verses often

rhyme unequally. But it has the merit of having superseded the San¬

skrit Mahabharata among the common mass.

According to tradition, Saro]a Dasa was a resident of the village

Kalinaga in Pargana Jhagkara. A casa by caste, he had three more

brothers. He was considered the dunce of the family; but through the

grace of Sarola Devi, the principal goddess of Jhaqkara, he is said

to have acquired the power of versifying. The goddess ordered him to

compose the Mahabharata in Oriya; and when he expressed his inability

to distinguish good from bad verses, she said “ Write on palm leaves

whatever comes to your mind. When you get disgusted, take the palm

leaves so written to the river Candrabhaga, and float them on its water.

Gather those leaves which will float up to you and stitch them according

to the order of receipt. This will be your Mahabharata.” In this way

Sarola Dasa is said to have composed his work. Candrabhaga is another

name for the stream Budha that flows past the village Tentulipada in

Pargana Jhaqkara. After composing, Sarola Dasa took his poem to Puri,

but there the Pandits laughed at it. During the night, however, Lord

Jagannatha appeared in a dream to the Raja, and strongly recommended

the work to him. Then by order of the Raja, the work was re-examined

by the Pandits, who unanimously approved it. Pleased with his poem,

the Raja of Purl gave him, as jdgir , Jhaijkara and three other

Parganas. Sarola Dasa’s descendants still live at Kalinaga, Tentuli¬

pada and the adjoining villages, and now pass as Karanas or members

of the writer-caste.

Another version of the Mahabharata into Oriya was prepared

under the direction of the Raja Krsna Simha of Dharak5ta. But

this version though literally more correct, is hardly known among

the people. The influence of the Mahabharata, both Sanskrit and

Oriya, may be traced in certain brief redactions such as the

Sucitra Bharata of Kesaba Dasa and the Bicitra Bharata of

Bisvambhara Misra. Episodes of Mahabharata were worked into

smaller pieces as Kapatapasa or fraudulent dice-playing, Subhadra-

parinaya or marriage of Subhadra, Gajanistarana Gita or the deliver¬

ance of the elephant in his fight with the tortoise, etc. In addition the

Bhagabatagita which really forms a part of the Mahabharata was

translated into Oriya, ; and a version of the Jaimini Mahabharata was

made for popular use.

The last important religious work I will notice is the Harivamea.

In the original Sanskrit it is a supplement of the Epic Mahabharata.

348 M. M. Chakra varti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

But as it treats of Krsna and his career, it assumed more importance

in a Vaisnava land. Krsna Simha of Dharakota, in pursuance of

his desire to have Oriya translations of the chief religious works trans¬

lated the Hariva 1119a. But it is not known among the mass. They

use two versions which are commonly designated as

(1) Khandhid or single-volumed, and

(2) Sdtakhandi-a or seven-volumed.

The first is later and was made by a Brahmin named Narayana

Dasa. He speaks of himself thus in his last but one couplet : —

mi i

ftsr msnraRW mrs n Ms. Folio 272.

“ At the safety-giving feet of the all-beautiful Lord of the blue

(hill), the Brahmin Narayana Dasa bows at lieart.’?

As usual, nothing is known of him. But I am inclined to think

that he was contemporary with the chief Oriya poets, and probably

belongs to the beginning of the 17th century.

The second work is much older and more popular. It was made by

Acyutananda Dasa. He was a pudra bj caste and was initiated into

Vaisnavism. He preached Vaisnavism among the cattle-keeper caste

(Gauras) and was given the title Mahata. Undoubtedly he was a

devout Vaisnava and his poem is full of expressions of humility. He

lived in Kanapura, a Tributary State adjoining the Puri District and was

supported by its chief, Padmalabha Narendra. According to Banapura

royal genealogy, Padmalabha was the 97th king of the family, and

ruled between 1477 to 1525 A.D. He is said to have accompanied the

Orissa king Purusottama Deva in his raid to KancI (Conjiveram). The

time of tliis Harivam^a should therefore be referred to the beginning

of the sixteenth century. Certain personal informations were given by

the poet himself in his closing lines.

surp; 1 5 gfmtrfs ms 1

sraj %s iffas 11

snfsr t gfr 1^=3? ^?s 1

ftwi ms f fS ms 11

snu %s 1

o

1898.]

349

M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa.

<fNT£ |

^*TT 3Tt?T II

wU t iftcT^T^r II

*rctc§^ 'rt’se^T i

MS. last chapter, folios 231-2.

“ At Akhandacala in Ranapura I reside. Padmanabha Narendra

supports me. I am born of the ^udra caste. Having received initiation

(into Vaisnavism), I stay among the G auras ; and teach and preach to all

the Gopalas (Gauras), taking refuge at the feet of fri-Hari. Among

the Gauras I am called Mahata. The husband of Kamala (i. e., the god

Hari) has taken mercy upon me. This prayer to fri Gdpinatlia’s feet —

Oh yellow-robed ! — preserve the poet Acyuta Dasa. The seven-volumed

Harivam9a is finished; Acyuta Dasa meditates on Lord Govinda’s feet.”

Hunter’s list (Vol. II, p. 197) credits this Acyutananda Dasa with

a Sapta Bhagabata which is evidently a mistake for the Satakhandi-a

Haribamsa. The list also ascribes two smaller pieces to him : (1) Ananta

Goyi or the eternal mystery, and (2) Acyutananda Malika or the

prophecies of Acyutananda.

The other religions works in Oriya are, as might be expected in the

land of Jagannatha, mostly Vaisnavite. They may be roughly divided

into : —

(1) Pauranic, such as translations of Qiva Purana, Padma Purana,

Markanda Purana, and of the various periodical Mahatmyas, as Karttika,

Magha, Vai^akha, Ekada^ ;

(2) Poems, as Dbarani Dhara’s translation of Gltagovinda, and

the translation of Hamsaduta ;

(3) Jagannatha worship — as Gundicdbije or the procession of

Jagannatha on his car to Gundica , the summer house ; Darubrahma,

and the De-o]a To]a — an account of the origin of the god and his

temple ; translation of Purusottama Mahatmya, etc.

These works appeared later, and have no such special literary merits

as to deserve detailed notice. In the next part will be treated the chief

Oriya poets and this will conclude my sketch of Oriya literature.1

1 In Oriya pronunciation, the consonants v, y, and g are hardened to b, j, and z

respectively ; hence the difference in transliteration.

350 M. M. Cliakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

Part IV. The later Oriya Poets.

General Remarks.

The works of the following authors will be dealt with in this

article. They form the most important part of the Oriya literature.

1. Dinakrsna Dasa ( ).

2. Upendra Bhanja ( )•

3. Bhupati Pandita ( ).

4. Bhaktacarana Dasa ( ).

5. Bisvanatha Khunti-a ( ).

6. Lbkanatha Dasa ( ^ffai*rTW ).

7. Sadananda Kavisuryabrahma ( ).

8. Abhimanyu Samantasimhara ( )•

In the treatment of the subject-matter, etc., the poets differ so little

from one another, that a few preliminary remarks will suffice to point

out the general characteristics of Oriya poetry, and enable me to

dispense with the detailed discussion of each poem. The remarks may

be noted under the following heads : —

(а) The subject-matter.

(б) The versification.

(c) The sentiment.

On examining the narrative parts of these poems, two general

tendencies are perceptible, one religious , the other fictional. The

religious tendency is exclusively Vaisnavite. By the time serious

compositions had been begun in Oriya, yivaism in spite of its stronghold

at Bhuvan^vara, and £aktism in spite of its prevalence at Jajapura, had

ceased to influence the popular mind. Visnu-worship was in full swing

and naturally Oriya poetry reflected this popular bent.

Visnu was worshipped in various forms. One such form was

Jagannatha, whose temple and worship at Purl still attract thousands

of pilgrims. His rites were well-known to the above authors, who either

resided at Pari or visited it on pilgrimage. Upendra Bhanja translated

into Oriya verse the local Mahatmya, and Dinakrsna described the

well-known Ratha festival in his Gundicabije. In spite, however, of

the veneration for Jagannatha in Orissa, his worship failed to be a

great religion because it had no great epic or Purana to fall back upon,

and because it had no special organisation to propagate its doctrines.

The priests and their agents busied themselves mainly in drawing

pilgrims to the shrine and not in proselytising them into a sect ; while

no great scholar or preacher arose to elaborate the dogmas in any

famous poem or religious work.

351

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa.

Rama- worship, another variant of Vaisnavism was somewhat more

successful in Oriya poetry. The Ramayana has always been the most

favourite of Sanskrit poems; and the Ramats who came on pilgrimage

or resided at Pari in the various maths generally exercised considerable

influence. Hence the career of Rama was often selected for the subject-

matter, such as Upendra Bhanja’s Baidelnsabilasa, Bisvanatha

Khunti-a’s Bicitra Ramayana, Sadasiba Dasa’s Ramalija. But on the

whole, it failed to be popular in Orissa because the Ramats were few

in number and chiefly confined to Puri, and because it had to contend

with the powerful influence of Caitanya and his disciples.

The most prevalent form of Vaisnavism was and still is in Orissa

the Krsna-worship. I shall not burden this article with the origin and

history of this great religion, interesting as the subject is, because long

before the beginning of serious poetry, Krsna-worship had become the

favourite religion in Orissa. But since then Krsna-worship underwent

an important modification. Gradually a feminine element was added to

the male type of divinity, and the worship of Krsna alone was super-

ceded by the joint worship of Radha and Krsna. A similar and

parallel transformation from the single to the dual type is traceable

in the gradual development of fivaism into faktism, and also in the

Buddhistic hierarchy.

The name of Radha is comparatively modern. It is not to be

found either in the Vedic works or in the older Sanskrit classics and

Puranas. The Harivari^a, the Bhagavata and the Visnu Purana, the

triple Bible of the Vaisnavites, are silent about her.1 The earliest

authentic mention of Radha is to be found in the Brahmavaivarta

Purana and in Jayadeva’s Gitagovinda.2 Brahmavaivarta’s date is

1 The following passage of grimadbhagavata is twisted to mean a reference to

Radha, but obviously it does not.

ffT Vf^T*r I

*7sfT ftaT II ^ II

Bh. 10th Sk. 30th Adh. 23rd gi5ka.

“ Evidently God Hari was devoutly prayed by this (lady), for Govinda has taken

her (alone) to privacy leaving us behind.”

Another passage (same Adhyaya 34th gi5ka) is quoted by the author of

Caitanyacaritamrta as referring to Radha, but the text does not even mention her

(Adilila 6th paricheda).

2 In Laghubhagavatamrta, Rapa Gosvami quotes one passage as being from

Padma Purana.

TBIT ftreTfasjfraSJP IP# fsm rTSTT I

1. c. Cai. Car. Mr. Adilila 4th pari.

352 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

unknown, probably not- earlier than tenth century A.D. Jayadeva

flourished in the twelfth century. Radha- worship cannot therefore be

earlier than ninth century and possibly later. She appears to have been

evolved out of the Tantric wave in East India, which gave rise to the

worship of Tara and Yajra-Yogini in Buddhism, and to that of Durga

and Kali in (Sivaism.

The prevalence of Radha- worship in Orissa is largely due to the

Bengal Vaisnavites. Jayadeva’s exquisite poem was much appreciated

by Oriya scholars, and five hundred years ago was ordered by the king

Pratapa Rudra to be sung every evening before Jagannatba to the

exclusion of all other songs. Jayadeva’s example in treating Radha as

divine was followed in the Bengali vernacular by other poets, such as

Bidyapati, Candi Das, Gdbinda Das. Then came Caitanya, the great

preacher of Nabadvip. Partly influenced by the above poets and partly

by the Vallabhacaris at Mathura, he took to preaching Radha-cultism,

and was ably assisted by his numerous disciples in Orissa and elsewhere.

The worship of Radha became the most prominent part of his rituals,

and after his death he himself came to be regarded as an incarnation

jointly of Radha and Krsna.1 The preachings of Caitanya and his

“ As Radha is the favourite of Visnu, so her Kunda is his favourite. Among all

the Gopis she alone is the most beloved of Visnu.”

The passage seems spurious. Padma Pura.ua is notorious for its large later

additions, and even then no second (J5ka is forthcoming in that voluminous work

about Radha. Besides, Krsna and not Visnu should be associated with her. Further¬

more if the author of Caitanvacaritamrta is to be believed (Madhyalila, 18th pari-

cheda), Radha-Kunda was first discovered by Caitanya, and hence could not have been

mentioned in Padma Parana composed several centuries earlier.

Another passage is sometimes quoted to indicate the antiquity of Radha

( Brhadgautamlya T antra).

VTJ I!

“ Devi Radhika, it is said, is rapt in Krsna, the highest divinity, possessor of all

prosperity and beauty, all-charming, the highest.”

If the <J5ka be genuine, it does not affect my arguments. The date of Brhad¬

gautamlya Tantra is uncertain, but it cannot be much old, as all Tantras are com¬

paratively modern and generally date from eighth century downwards.

1 vn* I WT-

Rapa Gosvami’s Karaca, 1. o. Cait. Car. Adilila, 4th pari.

“ Radha is but transformation of Krsna’s love, his hladinl power. Essentially

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. 353

disciples made numerous converts in Orissa who now pass as Gauriyas,

and further more created a religious ferment that gave rise to several

subsects, such as Atibaris, Bindudharis, Kabirajis, Kalindi Vaisnavas,

and others. All of them accept the dual type (Radha-Krsna) as their

fundamental doctrine.

This change in the popular religious feelings acted on the poets.

The songs were influenced quickly as they needed little learning and

represented the first ebullitions. The chief poets were affected more

slowly, because all of them knew Sanskrit, and the Bhagavata and

Harivamca were silent about Radha. The earlier poets Dinakrsna,

Upendra Bhanja, and Bhaktacarana dealt but little about her. In

Dinakrsna’ s Rasakallola, Radha is named only in three places.1

Upendra Bhanja rarely mentions her in his voluminous compositions.

In Mathura-Maqgala two cantos are devoted to Radha (28th and 29th) ;

but otherwise she is mentioned in three places only. In Bhupati

Pandita’s Premapancamrta, the divine importance of Radha had

been fully established, but other Gopis are still given some prominence.

In the two latest poets, Sadananda Kavisuryabrahma, and Abhimanyu

Samantasimliara, Radha- worship superseded even Krsna, and the

other Gopis sank into insignificance. Their poems are full of her

praises.

The other tendency in the selection of the subject-matter was

towards fiction, purely imaginary stories as distinguished from the my¬

thological. This fictional element was less strong, and appeared later both

in Sanskrit and Vernacular. Imaginary tales were usually of two kinds,

viz.j a collection of short tales stringed together by a slight connecting

thread, or a continuous story with a hero and a heroine. In Sanskrit

several examples of the first kind may be found, such as the Pancatantra

and its variant the Hitopadepa, the Brhatkatlia (as known in the

version Kathasaritsagara), and Da^akumaracarita, with which may

be compared the Buddhistic Jataka stories and the Sanskrito*Bud-

dhistic Avadanakalpalata. In Oriya such a type is wanting. The

nearest approach to it is to be found in Dinakrsna’s Pratapasindhu

which is a collection of maxims and short stories like the Pancatantra.

The other kind which is best exemplified in Sanskrit by Subandhu’s

Vasavadatta and Bana’s Kadambari, found a more fruitful soil in

Oriya. Upendra Bhanja composed some twenty romances, while the

one, (for enjoyment) they appeared before in two separate bodies. They two have

now appeared in one named Caitanya. Him, so full of Radha’s sentiments and

brightness, and so filled with Krsna’s attributes, I salute. ”

1 Rasakallola 10th Ch. 1. 10 (of. Is. 1-16); 20th Ch. 1. 18 (cf. 1-24); 31st Ch,

1. 1, (cf. Is. 1-18 30th Ch.).

J. i. 45

354 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

poems of Lokanatha. and tlie three early poems of Abhimanyu are

purely fictional. Poems of similar nature are also mentioned in

Hunter’s list, such as Balabliadra Blianja’s Bhababati, Haricandra

Deva’s Lilabati, Padma]abha Deva’s Prabhabati. Their contents are

however yet unknown.

The framework of the romances is practically so uniform that it

may be generalised by the following sketch. The story opens with the

description of a beauteous girl attending on Parvatl or Radha (Laksmi)

in the heaven. Some prince (occasionally a Rsi) sees her and falls in

love with her who returns his love. For this Parvatl or Radha- curses

her to take birth as woman ; but on her entreaties changes the curse

to human life with the lover as husband. The girl is born as a princess,

and the lover as a prince. Their childhorfd and youth are then describ¬

ed. The one hears of the other, and falls in love. After some

manoeuvring they meet and fall more deeply in love. This gradually

lends to marriage (occasionally Gandharva marriage). A few months

are spent in happiness, and then the lovers are separated by a deus

ex machina. Each is obliged to live one year apart from the other.

Several cantos then describe the griefs of the lovers and their passionate

outbursts as one season passes and the other arrives. By grace of the

goddess they are re-united and henceforth live a. happy life. They

become king and queen, and after death are taken back into the

heavens.

The next head is versification which includes the prosody, the

selection of words and their signification — in short the outer frame of

poetry as distinguished from the inner spirit. An Oriya poem is

divided into parts which are named Chanda (canto) ; and the Chanda is

divided into padas (stanzas) that are made up of two to six lines.

All the lines rhyme ; blank verses are unknown. The padas can

often be scanned according to rules of Sanskrit prosody, but sometimes

they are not. This arises from the fact that all Oriya poetry, if not

translations of Sanskrit religious works, are intended to be sung, and

not simply to be read. Hence many padas cannot be scanned, if simply

read ; while in singing there arises no difficulty, as the vowels may be

shortened or lengthened according to the convenience of the singer.

For this reason too, the Chandas are much shorter than the cantos of

Sanskrit classics, not generally containing more than a hundred padas.

Each Chanda is also set to a tune. These tunes are largely Sanskritic,

but have also a fair number of local airs, as I have already pointed out

under the head of songs.

As regards the selection and signification of words the Oriya poets

follow the rules of Sanskrit rhetoric as closely as the language permits.

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. 355

Hence verbal formations and word jingles, winch are reckoned ns

excellences in Sanskrit rhetorics, freely abound. The entire canto, or the

entire poem begins every line with the one and same letter, as ka , ba,

ca ; or each stanza begins with the consecutive letters of the alphabet

(a to ksa ) ; or they have lines without any vowel except a or without any

conjunct consonants at all. Alliterations, and other kinds of repetitions

of the same letters or group of letters ( yamakas or anuprdsas) are

lavishly used. Similes ( upamds ), metaphors ( rupakas ), opposite mean¬

ings ( virddhabhdsas ), double and triple meanings, allusions to and

analogies from Sanskrit classics are scattered “thick as leaves in

Vallombrosa.” The Oriya language being too simple and too undeveloped

to bear so much ornamentation, the poets have borrowed profusely

from the immense vocabulary of Sanskrit with its numberless synonyms,

antonyms and compound formations. The wild luxuriance of these

rhetorical forms in Oriya poetry it is impossible to describe; but

some idea may be formed by studying the Ivotibrahmandasundari of

Upendra Bhahja and the Bidagdhacintamani of Abhimanyu Samanta-

simhara.

Many of these formations are real poetic excellences, and many a

line show pretty conceits, surprising fancies, appropriate illustrations,

or happy combinations of words. They generally indicate a fairly

complete mastery over Sanskrit rules and vocabulary. One’s admiration

is further enhanced, when he takes into consideration the imperfections

of the vernacular and the general ignorance of the mass. At the same

time the inordinate use of unfamiliar words and word-combinations and

the constant straining after mere verbal excellences have produced

various defects, such as unintelligibility, artificiality, over-ornamenta¬

tion, and unsuccessful formations. Hardly any poem can be understood

without a tikd or commentary, and hence the lines lose the force and the

vividness of impression that common familiar words would have

conveyed. Then again the too exclusive attention to ornamentation of

words— the mere husk and shell of poetry — has led to the neglect of

the inner essence, and has made the poets careless about the natural

development of plots, the evolution of characters, or the enframing

of high thoughts.

Hence under the third head — the sentiment — the workmanship was

in general crude, incoherent and not elevating. The ideal followed was

that adopted in the later Sanskrit classics (Naisadha, (^icupalavadha).

This Sanskrit ideal was defective compared with modern standard.

Humour was wanting entirely. Vigor and energy were absent in the

male characters, and a low view of women was inculcated. The charac¬

ters were not properly and consistently developed. The action of the

356 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

external events on human feelings and thoughts was not often painted

in a careful or powerful fashion. On account of the low view of women,

obscene descriptions crept in, descriptions which would not he tolerated

in any modern works. All these defects were intensified in the Oriya

poems. Obscenities were multiplied. The hero becomes an unnatural

man, selfish, exclusively bent on gratifying his sensual passions, and

bursting into tears or passionate outbursts at slight obstacles. The

heroine is painted -with the same brush, impatient, without any self-

restraint or self-sacrificing spirit so well-known in Indian wives and

mothers, and as much inclined as the hero to gratify the physical desires.

In truth the Oriya poets busied themselves so much with polishing and

decorating the outer frame, that they quite neglected to develop the

inner spirit.

Dinakrsna Dasa.

With these general remarks, I now proceed to discuss the poets

individually. The earliest poet is Dinakrsna Dasa. Very little is

known about him. According to traditions gathered at Purl, Dina¬

krsna is older than Upendra Bhanja. The latter’s Baidehisabijasa is

said to have been modelled after Rasakallola ; and when the similarity

was pointed out to Upendra by his father, he composed his well-known

poem Labanyabati. A couplet is repeated in which Dinakrsna ques¬

tions as an elder poet, and Upendra replies obediently as a younger

poet. A pair of couplets are repeated in which Upendra Bhanja

refers with respect to Dinakrsna.1 A consideration of the style and

the subject-matter lends support to this traditional priority of Dina¬

krsna. Upendra Bhanja flourished about the end of the seventeenth

century; Dinalqsna’s date might therefore be taken as the third quarter

of that century. He cannot be much older. For apart from tradition,

his Rasakallola refers to Rukmani Cautisa which is evidently based on

Jagannatha Dasa’s Bhagabata — a work of the second quarter of the

sixteenth century. This fact points to a difference of at least one

hundred years between Jagannatha Dasa and the author of Rasakallola.

1 tf^T I

I

qra ii

“ Birabara Upendra, raising his arms, deems none a real poet under the sun.

I pay my obeisance at the feet of Jayadeva and Dinakrsna, but put my left leg on

the heads of all the other poets.”

1898.] M. M. Chakra varti — Language and literature of Orissa. 357

According to Puri traditions, he was a Bharu-a, an illegitimate

class attending on dancing girls and playing on musical instruments in

accompaniment to their dancing and singing. He led at first a strug¬

gling life, and later on became a Vaisnava. He is said to have resided

at Puri and died there. Corroboration of these facts is found in his

works. His illegitimacy partially explains his great humility, and

probably led him to select Vasistha as the speaker in his Pratapasindhu.

Vasistha was known to the author as the son of a prostitute.1 His

Vaisnavite tendency and his residence at Puri his works fully show.

For unknown reasons he was absent from Puri for some time, as a

couple of stanzas 8 in the Rasakallola would seem to indicate. He

knew Jagannatha and his daily services intimately.3 Dinakrsna is

said not to be his original name, but to have been given at the time of

his initiation as a Vaisnava.

• •

Dinakrsna composed several works, of which I have seen in

1 The poet remarks that every object in this world has some defect or other : —

(?) i

yfk 11 II

“ Who can find out a nelumbium without stain ? Blots are found in every

object.”

Then he goes on illustrating this. After quoting several examples he says : —

I

II II Pratapasindhu MS., Fol. 14.

“ (Even) Vasistha Rsi has his blot. He is known to all as a prostitute’s son.”

?rfi, *T Tff,

ii ^ ii

2&R fWT VTO %*JT rn^T,

% rn^T I

WS II n R. K., 24th Ch., p. 89.

“To reside in that Tcsetra (land), Dinakrsna had wished; what bad fate is his—

he could not stay there, the Lord not favouring. [26]. What was in his fate, he

has to suffer. Who can do otherwise, if fate’s master, the giver of salvation,

Bmileth not npon him ? [27].”

8 Rasakallola, 19th Ch., 14-24; Gundicabije, and others.

358 M. M. Cliakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa . [No. 4r

manuscript Pratapasindhu, and in print Rasakallola, Gundicabije

and Artatrana Cautisa.1 Gundicabije describes the car festival of

Jagannatha; Artatrana Cautisa is a prayer to Jagannatha for deliver¬

ance. Pratapasindhu is larger and occupies in manuscript 131 folios

with three lines on each page. The poem purports to have been

delivered by the sage Vasistha in answer to Da9aratha. It contains

mnxims mostly culled from Sanskrit, with illustrative examples and

stories. Occasionally Sanskrit ^lokas are quoted and translated. The

versification is simple and has no special merit. Among maxims a very

low view of woman’s reliability is prominent.

It is on Rasakallo]a that Dinakrsna’s fame rests. The work is in 34

Chandas with 20 to 99 stanzas in each. Its subject-matter is the early

pastoral life of fri-Krsna and is based on the 10th Skandha of the

Bhagavata. The first Chanda is introductory ; the 2nd to 10th deal

with the birth and adolescence of Krsna; 11th to 17th describe the

various seasons beginning with winter and the amorous sports of (^ri-

Krsna with the Gopis in each season ; 18th to 24th poetise the Rasallja

or the dance and dalliance of Krsna and the Gopis in the groves of

Brndabana; 25tli to 29th narrate his march to Mathura and the slaying

of its demon king Kamsa ; the last five cantos are taken up in describing

the griefs of Krsna and of the Gopis on account of separation, and the

embassy of Urdhaba to Brndabana under orders of Krsna. The plot

is thus familiar to most and appeals strongly to the religious instinct

of the highly conservative Oriyas.

In versification the peculiarity of Basakallola is that every line of

a stanza begins with one and same letter ka — a very difficult task in the

case of a whole poem. On the whole, however, the sentences are more

intelligible than in many poems of Upendra Bhanja. Good descriptions

of natural sceneries, though of the conventional type, are not rare ;

while poetical passages reckoned excellences according to the rules

of Sanscrit rhetorics, abound.2 Some of the closing lines are personal,

* Hunter’s list names nine more: — Cakradharabilasa, Madhusudanabilaaa,

Madhabakara Gita, Baramasa K5-ili, Jagamohana, Samudrika, Guna Sagara, Ujjvala-

nilamanikarika, Radha Kanaoa (?), Dvadasakunjalila, and Krsna Dasa Bali. I have

seen in print Baramasa K5-ili ; it is not Dina Krsna’s. I have also seen in manus¬

cript a Guna Guyana Sagara of one Bhabi-a Dasa. Some of the works enumerated,

such as the medical works, are not probably of Dinakrsna.

2 For some of the rhetorically fine passages the reader may be referred to the

description of the various seasons (11th, 12th, 15th and 17th Chandas), and to the

description of Radha’s beauty (10th Chanda). In mere rhetorical excellences,

however, the author cannot vie with Upendra Bhanja or Abhiuianyu Samanta-

simhara.

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa.

359

and are much soberer and often forcible. Two such passages which

are free from obscenity are extracted to give an idea of his poetry.

1- cfftfe ^ Tim I

%% *rk %?T II Ei

ctT^T I

% I

SI

% tfifef traffic ii

%-=sisn i

list!! irf?' *r nfti n 31 ||

R. K. 5th Chanda, p. 16.

“ In the midst of crores after crores of insects I am only one. How

little is my intelligence, my power of moral discrimination. [30]. Who

can write out the stars of the sky ; who can count the raindrops ; who

can take stock of the sea waves ; who can dare swim across the ocean ?

even this may be possible ; but the glory of Krsna none can describe.

[31].”

2. 5Tm SftlT HTogT

ctt'I't %fr ^ i

% ^ % II

%fw ^ I

^ t I

m f^UK ^?T, ^RIcT STTSff %?r

^cT %% ^bricT % | ^ |

R. K. 16th Chanda, p. 63.

u ( Oh Lord !) The name-flowers of thine I have strung with care into

a lovely wreath, which none is so fit to take by paying its equivalent.

Like the wreath-maker, I myself could not take even a part ; who so

fortunate, that would take it ? None there is all round so braided-haired

(Le., blessed), that can put this garland round his neck. Thus am I

thinking in my mind, — the people of this world have constantly become

habited like the Samabedists, (i.e. shavelings, and therefore unfit to put

on the garland). [27].”

360 M. M. Chakra varti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4*

Bhaktacarana Dasa.

As Mathuramaggala appears to be a supplement of Rasakallola

that work will be taken up here, though strictly it might be somewhat

later than Upendra Bhanja’s poems. The author calls himself Bhakta-

carana Dasa. No traditions are available about him. He repeatedly

calls himself a bairagi.1 He probably visited Puri, for he mentions

the “ Gundicabije ” of Jagannatha (10th Chanda, stanza 6). The name

Bhaktacarana seems to be an adopted name after initiation into

Vaisnavism.

• •

The Mathuramaggala is a poem in 30 Chandas with 14 to 106

stanzas in each. The subject-matter is the exploits of £ri-Krsna at

Mathura. These exploits have been described in Rasakallola, 25th to 33rd

Chandas, but is here amplified into 29 cantos. Hence this poem appears

to be later, though from the prominence still given to G5pls generally,

it could not have been much later. Its date might be approximately put

to the first quarter of the 18th century. In versification and sentiment

the author appears to have closely imitated the Rasakalloja. The

verses are simpler, and less loaded with Sanskrit words ; but have on

the whole much less poetical excellences than in Dinakrsna’s poem.

The author is rather peculiar in heaping similes to illustrate the

same idea, an example of which is quoted below2 : —

crNfsft gau I

TO ^Tff ¥3 I

3PsTT *fN I \° I

tot afrrfr *jc5 i

‘fta iN cgx i

fxiT 153 ifti- RR |

to iroft Kfrr cm i! ii

WIT l

sf

% jjjd^ i

Math. Mag. 8th Chanda, p. 23.

“ Krsna said — “Hear, oh ye ladies! Can bhaslcara (the ordinary

camphor) smell as well as Qri-Jcarpura (the essence of camphor) ; can

1 Math. Mag. 3rd Ch. 2 G; 13th Ch. 16; 15th Ch. 22; 18th Ch. 16; 23rd Ch.

54; 29th Ch. 38.

8 For another example of such heaping, see 9th Chanda 11-15, p. 26.

1898,] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. 361

the wild flower bear comparison to the nelumbium ? The man that

puts them on the same level must he shameless. [10]. Can jute have

the same value as silk ; can glass be compared to diamond ? Brass

cannot be equal to silver; darkness cannot stay where the moon is-

Similarly what ladies of Mathura can equal ye (Gopa girls) P ”

Bhupati Pandita.

• •

The early Oriya poems about Krsna may be completed with

Bhupati Pandita’s Premapancamrta. In the last Adhyaya of that

work the author gives an account of himself.1 A Sarasvata Brahmin

from up-country he came to Orissa and attended the court of the king

Divyasimha Deva. His poetical talents so much pleased the king

that he gave him land with cash. He resided at Rathipura Kataka.

Caitanya Dasa, a Vai^nava at Puri was his great friend, and under his

instructions he composed the poem. Its writing was finished on Monday

evening, the £ukla trayoda^ of the month makara, 18th aqka of the

king Dibyasimka Deva. Accccrding to Prof. Jacobi’s Tables taken

with Madaja Panji,2 makara 9ukla tray6da£i fell on Monday, the 3rd

February, 1707 A.D. Bhupati Pandita is thus a contemporary of

Upendra Bhanja.

The Premapancamrta is a religious poem in ten Adhyayas, and

has been printed. It describes the rasalila of pri-Krsna and the

G5pis, but the original story has been amplified by the description of

an imaginary pilgrimage of Vasudeva (7th Adliy.) and by metaphysical

disquisitions of the Caitanya’s school. The lines are bald and generally

unornamented. The versification is of the style adopted by Jagannatha

Dasa in his Bkagabata. An extract is given here to show the author’s

conceptions about Radka : —

hkh ^rrarr hjihth i Tifwr ^tn Hnan sum n ^ n

TTfW Hilt ifhft I S' HOT Hi^ft II 8 n

hk% fSftt Hit: i u v. ii

tch VHf snm i hTct Sxftt fast fan ii i n

ft5! Hpraia | VH1 S f TfnT H7I53 || « ||

ft wi HH? HUT Tt* I Vm S HT5? || *= II

t Hit jftft ^WHfn I S Hit man fSfst II £ II

2nd Adhyaya, p. 11.

1 The passage (10th Adhyaya lines 194-238), though long is interesting, and is

given in extenso in App. III.

8 See App. IV. for “the later kings of Khordii” beginning with this Divyasimha

Deva.

J. I. 46

362 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

“ Bhagabana is the parama atm a (the Highest Being) ; Radhika is

Jiva atmd (the Individual Being). [3]. The G-opis in the Radhika’s

portion, are but so much life of Kysna. [4]. The Individual can be

absorbed into the Highest (i.e. the Infinite) ; for others, this is impossible.

[5]. Know that the Individual and the Infinite are one (in essence),

and different only in enjoyment and union. [6], Just as a seed is

bilobed ; but really single and not double; [7], both halves forming

one whole, and hence one body divided into two. [8]. He who

can get into the body of the Gopis, can get absorbed into the body of

Krsna. [9].”

Upendra Bhanja.

The fictional school begins with Upendra Bhanja. He is the most

famous of Oriya poets. His time can be ascertained approximately.

In his Rasalekha he wrote —

ft?! ffT? Jispiftr WPT ftsfcT

fNPdl in* alter i

R. L. 22nd Chanda, 1. 17, p. 96.

“ This poem was finished on the last date of the 27th Aijka of the

Gajapati king Divyasimha.” Divyasimha began to rule in 1692-93, 1

and his 27th Aqka or 21st year fell in 1713-4 A.D. The last date of

the aqka (simha £ukla ekada^i) was 21 st August, 1714 A.D., a

Tuesday. As Rasalekha appears to have been one of his later poems,

Upendra Bhanja may be said to have flourished in the beginning of the

18th century.

He belonged to the royal family of Gumusara. Gumusara is a petty

hill state forming the north-westernmost corner of the District Ganjam,

Presidency Madras. The surname Bhanja was the patronymic title of

the family. The author names his ancestors in Rasapancaka last page

as follows 2 : —

1 For a discussion of his reign see App. IY. “The later kings of Khorda.”

2 'Cn; spot i sw %% ii ii

mf*ri I II

WTW <T«r*T I || ||

I faf^rT II

’S’m, 7TTW W** I cTI^ || II

rtT^T^ I $cTW II

I ^fr? qfcfirs || ||

Rasapancaka, printed ed. pp. 89-90.

363

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa.

1. Rana Bhanja

I

son

2. Pratapa Bhanja

I

youngest son

3. Gopinatha

i

son

4. Dhanahjava

I

son

5. Nilakantha

married Kasyapi

i

eldest son

6. Upendra Bhanja.

The Gumusara Bamsabali does not mention Upendra Bhanja, but

names his ancestors up to Nilakantha. In a colorless manner it narrates

a series of intrigues and murders, revolts and civil wars, startling enough

even for a melodrama.1 Dhananjaya, the grandfather of Upendra,

ruled long, and in his old age like the emperor Shahjahan turned sensual.

He married several wives who had numerous children. When the Raja,

became too old, his queens with their sons began to quarrel amongst

themselves. The old man, Dhananjaya, was poisoned by his favourite

queen Haru De-i, and his death brought on a civil war. Upendra’s

father, Nilakantha, who was his son by the above Haru De-i, succeeded

in seizing the throne. But he could rule only for two years. He was

attacked on both sides by the partisans of the eldest queen’s infant

grandson, and was driven out of the kingdom.

Upendra Bhanja was the eldest son of this unfortunate Nilakantha.

In all probability he was old enough to have participated in the

“The family of sun (lotus’ master) appearing, gradually became kings in

Gumusara. [16]. With fame white like moon and Kunda flower, with glory

bright, master of battles, appeared the King Kana Bhanja. Of him was born

Pratapa Bhanja, fiery in vigor, from deeds powerful. [17]. His youngest son, by

name Gopinatha, became King. His son was named Dhananjaya, the poet King.

[18] . His son was Nilakantha Bhanja the good, the grateful, the husband of

Kasyapi. His eldest and best prince (am I), well-grounded in poetical powers.

[19] .”

Some of these successions are also mentioned in Labanyabati, 16th Chanda,

stanzas 39-42, p. 65, and Baidehisabilasa 52nd Ch. lines 47-50, p. 536.

1 The portion of the Bamsabali bearing on Upendra’s ancestors is quoted in

cxtenso in App, V.

364 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

fratricidal struggle.1 After expulsion Nilakantba settled, according to

tradition, in the adjoining state of Nayagara. In that state how long

Upendra resided is not known. He visited the PurusSttama Ksettra

apparently frequently, as be knew it intimately.2 Outside Orissa he

mio-ht have travelled, of which travel some faint indications are

traceable in his poems. By religion he was a Vaisnavite, leaning to

Rama- worship, as his numerous closing lines and the Baidehisabilasa

the poem on the career of Rama testify.

Upendra Bhanja was a prolific author and composed some forty-

three poems. The chronological sequence of these works cannot

generally be ascertained. Probably most of the songs were among his

earliest compositions, and Caupadibbusana is referred to in the early

contemporaneous work, Bicitra Ramayana. Baidehisabilasa, accord¬

ing to tradition preceded the Labanyabati. Tbe Kotibrahmanda-

sundari seems to be a work of matured years. The Citrakabya was

composed much later and in its introduction refers to a large number of

works, thus establishing a broad line of demarcation in point of time.3

1 The following stanza in Rasikaharaball (8th Ch. 25th stanza) might have

some reference to his father’s loss of the throne : —

V» V* V#

* si, it ii

“ For a king to lose his kingdom, for a young man to lose his wife — says

Upendra Bhanja Birabara — no misfortune can be greater than these. [25].”

2 Upendra translated the Purusdttama Mahatmya, and composed the Rasika-

harabali, a romance of that place. The Kotibrahmandasundari also begins with a

description of Jagannatha’s temple and festivals.

8 ^ ^ I **if% % ftt I |

vj N

R^fcRT | r|RT#3fe ft Wife I I

JIT^T WW anftT I Wife ^fetcf JTURI cfTff I ^ I

Tsaanfe1^ tt i fetfe ci# fefe W t*r i i

wtf % W*IT wfe I W I ^ |

Tfeif I TJWcIT 1^8 1

1 t I I

I *JT5| fRSTRTT I ^ I

feoJR %fe | I I

;Cfe<T I ife^TfefV f%?| I \

*IT*T after I fnjfe^TUfe SSTWfecT I I

i ^TR<?gFrwt i i

RT^I(3n 1 *IRT qffa Sffe SteTTfeVR I ^ I

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa . 365

Thirty-two poems are herein named. In addition Hunter’s list specifies

the following : — Candrakala, Candrarekha, Icchabati, Kalabati, Rahasa-

lila, Rasamanjavi, Saqgitakaumudl, Sasirekha, Sobhabati and Subarna-

rekha. The last I have seen, and in one passage it admits its posterity

by referring to Rasikaharabali and Premasudhanidhi.1

All these works cannot be discussed in detail in this limited article,

but their subject-matters may be classified in the following way : —

A. Songs : —

1 . C autisa ( ^gfw*n) .

2. Caupadibhusana (’^TSq^hjqm) .

qft fc <TTH qft I «TIi? 1 ^ I

wrssrqTfqq't % Jtcr i wnq qrfa qiw ^ i i

... ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• •»« •••

qt wt ftw i fqq qsjTT^T f^rr i ^ i

Citrakavya MS. Folio 1.

“ The poet thus thinks in his mind — many pieces did I publish in poetry.

[9]. No end of Cautisds and Caupadis, what more can I say on them ? [10]. Gdhd,

ddhd, sodacendu chapo-i, and other poems that cannot be counted. [11]. Of works

on rasa and on Krsna recollecting, I name here some. [12]. Sifting the Puranas,

such works of sweet imagination, as the fine Citralekhd, the Hemamanjari [13]; the

Rasalekhd, the well-composed Kdmakala, the Manorama, and the well-versified

P remalatd [14], the Bhdbabati, the well-exemplified Muktabati, the Barajallld ,

the Chandabhdsana [15], the Sarartu, the fea-initialled Kalakautuka , the sa-initialled

Subhadrasara [16], the ta-initialled Baidehisabilasa, the well-known twelve chandas

without any consonant or vowels conjunctions [17], the RdmalUdmrta full of many

meanings, the Premasudhanidhi full of alliterations [18], the poem named Rasika-

hardball, the lives of Syama as Kunjabihdra and others [19], the Rasapancaka

illustrating rules of rhetoric, the Ldbanyabati the delight of wits [20], the com¬

position of the PurusCttamamdhdtmya, the various dictionaries of words as the

Gitdbhidhdna [21], the Kotibrahmandasundari like a moon among millions of poetical

stars [22], the poems beginning with the Trailokyamohini ; some such five or seven

poems have I composed [23]. Having composed poems of so many kinds, my

thoughts strayed towards illustrated poetry [27.]”

1 qm ^q ^te;*rT q ts qtftq Tfaqr qs* i

% siq q irq i

^q^ ^ q fqf^rT I I

Sub. Rek., 5th Chanda.

“ This rasa comes to its end in five cantos ; it will sway the wits. Oh men !

Here is finished the Premasudhanidhi, and the Rasikaharabali. [18]. All the rasas

in the descriptions of the Suvarnarekhd are to be found in the three poems ; this

is felt and known — so says Upendra Bhanja Birabara [19].”

366 M. M. Cbakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4

3. Caupadicandra ).

4. Chapci-i

5. Gali a (Jir^r).

6. Doha (<T^T).

B. Mythological poems : —

7. Abana Rasataraijga (^5^fT ^»TTir).

8. Brajalila (^f^to?r).

9. Subhadrasai a or Subhadraparinaya

10. Kalakautuka

11. Baidehisabilasa .

12. Ramalilamrta

13. Kunjabiliara

14. Purusottama Mahatmya (g^Tfrro HTOTJITl).

15. Rabasalila (tT^P^Wt).

C. Fictional poems : —

16. Citralekha (f^TO^T).

17. Hemamanjari

18. Rasalekha

19. Kamakala (WTO^r).

20. Manorama (*J«fK*iT).

21. Premalata ($n*rm).

22. Bhababati (vmSt).

23. Mnktabatl

24. Premasudhanidhi (^rgyrfrfV).

25. Rasikaharabaji

26. Labanyabatl

27. Kotibrahmandasundari

28. T railokyam ohi m

29. Candraka]a (^l^foJT).

30. Candrarekha (^3fT.^T).

31. Icchabatl (

32. Kalabati

33. Sasirekha

34. Sobbabati (sftaTC#t).

35. Subarnarekha

D. Rhetorical, etc.: —

36. Chandabhusana (WP^JJPU).

37. Rasapancaka

38. Citrakabya (ftpTOTO).

39. Rasamanjari

367

1898.] M. M. Chakra varti — Language and literature of Orissa.

40. Saggitakaumudi

41. Gitabhidhana (^t^TTfvr'ifT^r) .

42. Sarartu (W*3) •

It will be seen that 20 out of 42 or nearly half are romances. To

Upendra Bhanja belongs the credit of having been the first to shake off

largely the predominating religious tendency. This comparative free¬

dom seems to have arisen partly from his birth in a royal family and

partly from his vicissitudes in life, now a prince and now an exile.

His stories are no doubt confined to princes or high ministers, and thus

belong to the primitive stage of story-telling. Yet they are preferable

to the dreary repetitions of mythological absurdities.

As a master of rhetorical excellences he stands higher than all

Oriya poets except Abhimanyu. He knew intimately the Sanskrit

rules of elegance, and was a successful follower of the standard set up

in the later Sanskrit classics. He was an adept in all kinds of Oriya

verses, writing freely and fully. He was a master-hand in vocabulary

and letter-selection. Sometimes he wrote poems without any admixture

of vowels other than o, e.g ., Abana Rasataragga ; sometimes he limited

the initial letters of each line to one letter only, such as ba in Baidehisa-

bilasa, ka in Kalakautuka, sa in Subhadraparinaya. Sometimes he

used Jamakas throughout a poem, as Premasudhanidhi ; while Koti-

brahmandasundarl sparkles with numerous varieties of rhetorical

gems. In spite of innumerable lines of unequal merits due to his

prolificness and constant attempt to play on words, a large number of

passages contain verbal excellences fit to stand the fierce light of

modern criticism. By intermixing numberless unfamiliar Sanskrit

words and allusions, the text has however been generally made

unintelligible to the ordinary readers, and to most of his poems

explanatory tlkas are absolutely necessary. Hence in spite of his

rhetorical skill, his poems rarely move the heart, or add to one’s

knowledge about nature or the human mind.

On the question of sentiments he does not rise above his age.

Wanting in energy and lifelikeness the heroes and heroines move like

puppets. The low view of women common to the age and to the models

followed still further degenerates in his poems ; and obscene descriptions

abound. Ethical doctrines are generally at a discount in royal families,

and in Upendra Bhanja’s case the grandfather’s sensuality appears to

have had a still worse effect.

To summarise, Upendra Bhanja is in Oriya language, the most

voluminous author, the earliest and most prominent fictional poet, the

most obscene, the most unintelligible, and on the whole the best writer of

rhetorical excellences. His most important works are first Baidehisa-

368 M. M. Cliakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

bilasa on the career of Rama up to Uttarakanda; 1 second Labanyabati,

narrating the story of the princess Labanyabati and the prince Cand-

rabhanu ; third K5tibrahmandasundari, a romance with the princess of

the above name as heroine ; and fourth Rasapancaka, illustrating by

Oriya songs the rhetorical rules about Nayakas, Nayikas and their

loves, and following mainly the corresponding text of the Bengali

alamhara , Sahitya Darpan. A passage from Baidehisabilasa is extracted

lower down, but no single passage can give any reliable idea of the

many-sided talents of this poet.

Bisvanatha Khunti-a.

• •

Such a talented poet as Upendra must influence later poetry. On

the religions side his Baidehisabilasa found an imitator in the Bicitra

Ramayana of Bisvanatha Khunti-a. This author appears to have been

a resident of Puri. His surname Khunti-a is applied to a special

class of sebakas in the Jagannatha temple, and the poem begins with

a brief description of Jagannatha’s festivals. His date is not precisely

known. In his introduction he refers to the king Divyasimha, who

reigned from 1692-93 to 1719-20 A.D.2 He also refers to Upendra

Bhaiija’s Caupadibhusana,3 which is probably among Bhanja’s earliest

works. Approximately therefore the date of Bicitra Ramayana may be

put in the decade 1710-20 A.D.

The poem, as its name implies, is an adaptation of the Sanskrit

Ramayana, and differs from Baidehisabilasa in adding the Uttarakanda

and in following more closely the story of the Sanskrit original. It

is divided into generally very short cantos, and is therefore well adapted

for singing. It is largely sung by dancing boys, and in old days was

generally sung in the festival of Qrirama navami, which occurs in

1 Upendra Bhanja did not poetise the Uttarakanda, because according to rules

a poem should end happily and not in grief or death.

fkvi? to sftfcro srfvrf% i

*tf%*f*r ii ai \\

Baid. Bil., 52nd Ch., p. 535.

«

“ I have not described this (Uttara-kanda), because then the enjoyment of

the rasas will be broken. The learned have said that this is a fault in chdnda

poetry.”

2 “ ft Jrsrefa fterJTsTTw ftrot vf 55 “ i pay my obeisance to

(^n-Divyasimha Gajapati and to the auspicious feet of Qri- Jagannatha.” Ch. I, 1. 5,

Adikanda. For Dibya simha’s reign, see App. IV, “ The later kings of Khorda.”

3 “ TTJI ^r?T?t I if^r?t €% I ” Bic- flam. Aranyaka,

Kanda, Chanda 2nd’s tune.

369

1898.] M. M. Chakra varti — Language and literature of Orissa.

spring (Caitra). The Bicitra Ramayana cannot bear comparison with

the poem of Upendra Bhanja in point of learning and rhetorical skill,

but it is simpler, shorter, and more free from obscenity. To illustrate

their differences, one passage on the Pampa tank is given below with

the parallel passage from Baidehisabilasa.

i 5155 i \ i

| TffT | ^ |

'EFSTrif ^ cT^xRl | H I ^ I

^Rjrnr ^ sxtRT i wr 4t*n i 8 i

I fclfcne I »£ 1

f^TSXfrT *13 «T3 tJcTTI8*: RPT 1 <R^PtT qw ^4 ^fsT^T^T I < I

zkvk^w'ux g-pxf^Pfr ssrafa- i ^ siN I ® I

W[z£\ TTT553 3TTRT*TS3 ITT*! fti 1 %cXaft f% % I *= I

Jxfe^x i «rf< ^fie ftJFrpe i <l 1

^gftcT53 XRrT 1 ^PrT Tfc HW TRtT I I

Kiskindhya Kanda Chanda, I.

“ Rama and Laksmana enter on the bank of the Pampa tank, and

see its clear charming water. [1]. Drunk with honey, the black-bees

are kissing the nelumbiums, the white lotuses, the large red lotuses,

and the blue water-lilies. [2], Trees and flowers surround it on four

sides, and are causing fear in the hearts of the love-sick. [3]. See !

See! Laksmana, the beauty of this tank. At this sight which god

will not be tempted? [4]. Charming it looks with diverse geese,

with the water hens and partridges, with the crows and the cranes.

[5]. The mango flowers are newly blooming, and are spreading their

mild odour unto all. [6], The asoka flowers look like the arrows of

cupid’s bow, and are grieving me for this separation from Sita. [7].

The Bignolias shine like love-fire, while the Pandanus buds seem like the

darts of love-god. [8]. The fragrance of the Jasmines is causing the

bees to hum and to hunt about. [9]. The wind is spreading a cool

intoxicating odour, the cuckoos are singing in full passion. [10].”

w *rc; I ftTTfwcr i

frofsTcT l %■ i at i

fafat 'fN *Rnc i i

Praro ?rfc »3tk i r«flT % i i

J. i. 47

370 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa . [No. 4,

i fans i ,

wens l ^ l i

cTW I ^5 ^tora I

Uf^ ^ta I m ^ & I i^l

mfNe sniPfr ^rtra i fagn att ^ffta |

frc% >?wf i urn v 1*3 1

3f% ^ ^jr to i Prir irfa to to i

frotv^: i Prwt f% %■ i n>8 i

Baid. Bila., Kisk. Kanda, 26fch Ch., pp. 209-10.

“ In the way lies Pampa, the tank of Indra, the best of tanks,

which is graced by the long-necked cranes, and where bloom the

Nelnmbiums. [49]. This tank is by nature free from eddies, is en¬

livened by the black bees, is so delightful that the immortals are

deluded to desire it. [50]. Its water is preferably more lucid than

even a clean mirror, and (so good that) the geese think it better than

that of even the Manasa tank (beyond the Himalayas). [51]. Its

water is so cool as to destroy all touch of heat, is very deep with

flowering blue water-lilies, and is in taste as sweet as honey. [52].

The thirsty deers desiring a drink get satisfaction at the bank of this

tank. The many white lotuses in it give mnch delight to the bees.

[53]. The red ducks in it dip and rise, and delighted, whirl round in

circles with their females, reminding the motion of dust storms. [54].” 1

Lokanatha Dasa.

On the fictional side, too, Upendra Bhanja’s romances stimulated

others, among whom Lokanatha Dasa appears to have been one of the ear¬

liest. His works have not yet been printed. I have seen in manuscript his

Sarbaijgasundari and Hunter’s list credits him with three more, Citrot-

pala, Parimala and Rasakala. The manuscript of Sarbaijgasundari

takes up 63 folios with 4 lines on each page. It contains 15 Chandas ;

apparently the last few Chandas are missing. The story part resembles

the general type of Upendra Bhanja’s romances, and the descriptions are

also on the same line, though of course with much less poetical skill.

The date is uncertain, probably the 2nd quarter of the 18th century.

1 This short canto exemplifies the rhetorical excellence known as “ the final

alliteration ” (anta Jamakas). The force and the jingle music of the Jamakas, it

is impossible to show in the translation.

1898.] M. M. Cliakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. 371

Sadananda Kavisuryabrahma.

The last two poets are closely connected with each other,

Sadananda Kavisuryabrahma being the guru of Abhimanyu Samanta-

simhara. Sadananda founded a little math at Diksitapara, Pargana,

Asuresvara, Thana, Salepura, District Cuttack. From its present

Adhikari most of the following informations have been gathered.1

Sadananda was born at Bhikaripura, Killa Nayagara, in the family of

an Ota Brahmin. In spite of the attempts of his parents he was a

great dunce in his boyhood. When he grew older he felt repentance at

his ignorance and prayed to the fiva Nakule^vara of Nayagara.

Through his favour he became suddenly inspired with poetical powers.

Then he visited Puri, became a disciple of Graqgamata math, and

secured from the Raja of Puri the title Kavisuryabrahma. His

original name was probably Sadhucarana Dasa, which was changed

to Sadananda Dasa after initiation.3 He next went out on pilgrimage

visiting Nabadvip, Brndabana, and other sacred places, and brought

therefrom a considerable number of Vaisnavite works. On his return

he settled at Bali-a (more correctly Golkunda) in Pargana Baru-S.

There he became the guru of the young zemindar Abhimanyu and

taught him to be a poet. This is acknowledged by Abhimanyu

himself in his Premakala.3 Later on however they quarrelled, and

1 The present Adhikari Paramananda Dasa traces his descent thus : —

Sadananda

I

Cela

Dhrubananda Dasa

I

Cela

Gobindacandra Dasa

I

Cela

The present Adhikari

Paramananda

* This is indicated in the following line —

^ I

Namacintamani 12th Chanda, p. 23.

“ Taking refuge at the lotus feet of the guru, Qrl-Kis5ra Dasa, and who was

born of a line (hereditarily) saktas, have I been adhikari here ( i . e., in Vaisnasisin). ”

8 jut gfq i

SRfTOT % % I ^ I

372 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

Abhimanyu is said to have attempted the substitution of his idol

for that of his guru. Disgusted (partly from jealousy too), Sada-

nanda removed his things to Diksitapara, and founded the present

math. This village is situated on the north of Kendrapara canal.

The present Adhikari puts his date roughly at 150 years old. The date

seems approximately correct. At the time Premakala was written

(about 1777 A.D.), Sadananda was the teacher of Abhimanyu and

was probably 30 to 40 years old, nearer 40 than otherwise. Hence

Sadananda was some twenty years older than his pupil, and may

be said to have flourished in the third quarter of the eighteenth

century.

No large work is attributed to Sadananda. He composed numer¬

ous songs and several small pieces, all dealing with Radha and Krsna.

The tradition is that the songs passing under the name of Astadurga-

natha were really Sadananda’s ; he passed them off as Athgara

king’s, probably for good consideration. The present Adhikari has

supplied me with the following list of his works : —

1. Laliarl

2. Bhauri drWt).

3. Cauri (^faft).

4. Tattvataraqgini, Parts l-III

5. PremataraqginI

6. Namacintamani ( ) .

7. Nisthanilamani

8. Premakalpalata rlT,) .

9. Samudra (*OT)-

10. Mohanalata (

11. Bisvambharabihara (f^^rcf^K)*

12. Pataradabali (?)

13. Caitanyabhagabata

14. Curi (?) Cintamani

I have seen only one work of his, Namacintamani (No. 6) and

several songs. Caitanyabhagabata (No. 13) if a poem, is probably an

atrr % i i

MS. Prema Kala, 1st Ch. Folios 1-2,

“ By attendance on the feet of the Guru, Krsna and Vaisnavas, the imaginative

power of poetry took its birth in my heart. Through the favour of (Irimata Sada¬

nanda Kavisuryabrahma I have attained the extreme of poetical path.”

The Premakala was begun in the author’s 20th year, as noted by him later on

1st Ch. 1. Ill, Folio 4.

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. 373

adaptation of the same work in Bengali by Brndabana Das. The

Namacintamani is in 12 Chandas and in print occupies 23 pages only.

Besides praises to Radha and Krsna, one Chanda (the 3rd) is entirely

devoted to Caitanya and his principal disciples. Apparently Sadananda

was a G-auriya Vaisnava. Most extravagant are the praises of Radha,

who should be named first and then Krsna.1 His songs are among the

most popular and are exclusively devotional. But on the whole I think

that he is more famous than his works justify. Probably this fame

arose from his superior personality and from his extensive knowledge

gathered in travel.

Abuimanyu Samantasimhara.

The pre-British poets conclude with Abliimanyu Samantasimhara.

He belonged to a zemindar family, whose descendants still survive.

From one of them Babu Raghunatha Samantasimhara a good deal

of the undermentioned information has been obtained.2

The family was founded by one Kalu Simha. He and his brother

Mahabala Simha came from Jaypur (Rajputana) to Puri apparently on

pilgrimage. They took service under the Raja of Puri and came to be

employed as guards of the king’s bed-room (palagkapahara) . While in

this trusted post they secured for themselves the grant of the zemindari

of Pargana BaruS. On coming to take possession, they found one Ucita

Behei a already in possession by virtue of an older sanad. Fighting

ensued, and at last a compromise was arrived at by a division of the

Pargana. The two brothers got seventy-one villages, which are now

comprised in the Taluks Santrapura, Kesapura, and Radhamohana-

prasada. The two brothers lived together. When Mahabala died, his

1 TT’fcJT % *TPff ^IJT 5ftf% I

t I 8 I

Nama Cintamani, 5th. Ch. p. 8.

“ This is the saying of Rsis — he who names Radha having named Krsna

first, gets then and there the sin of a Brahmin-murder. Not forgetting this, watch¬

fully repeat (her name). ”

2 My informant, a fine old man of sixty, died the year before last (1896). He

traced his descent from Abhimanyu in this manner : —

Abhimanyu

I

Ramakrsna

(son)

Raghunatha

(son)

(my informant).

374

M. M. Cliakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa, [No. 4,

son Jodlii Simha separated taking as bis share the Taluk Santrapura.

The descent from Ka]u Simha is thus given : —

1. Kalu Simha.

i

2. Saratha Samantasimhara

(son )

I

3. Alani Samantasimhara

(son)

i ..

4. Bandeji S.

(son)

I

5. Paramananda S.

(son)

l

6. Khusali S.

(son)

I ..

7. Indrajita S.

(son)

j

8. Abhiraanyu S.

(eldest son)

The author.

Of his father and his zemindari, Abhimanyu has given a short

description in his Premakala.1 They lived at Golakunda which is now

vj

*rfT^f V % II * * 8 II

^ f I

^ uw ^ ii in

^ri*r % u v i ii

^ ^\mj i

% n v n

^ fllT I

MS. Premakala, 1st Chanda. Folios 3-4.

“In Jambu Dvlpa Bharata Khanda, this country (Utkala) is the essence.

Charming is the town Jajanagara on the seacoast of that country. In this land so

well fitted for enjoyment, exists a village by name Golakunda. By the boundary

of this village flows the river Brahmi ; and its meadows are well suited for immense

375

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa.

situated on the left bank of the Brahmini river, 20° 42' lat., and 86° 18'

long. The Jajanagara referred to was the old name of modern Jajapura.

The family quarters have now been removed to Bali-a, a few miles east.

The family have lost the zemindari and now live upon 25 batis (500

acres) lakhiraj land, with which Abhimanyu is said to have endowed

the family idol Radhamohana.

According to local traditions Abhimanyu was precocious in his de¬

velopment, and lisped in number from his very boyhood. In his ninth

year he is credited with the composition of doggrels known as Hugita, and

in his tenth year with other songs, as Jema Gita, Bagha Gita, Gobra-

carei Gita. He then came under the influence of Sadananda Kavi-

suryabrahma and in his twentieth year began his first large poem

Premakala.1 I have got a manuscript of this work. He then composed

various poems as Sulaksana, Rasabati, Premacintamani and Prema-

taraggini. I have got a manuscript copy of the last. His last work

was Bidagdhacintamani. He intended to finish it in 108 Chandas

with a description of the Rasalila, but when he had gone up to 96th

Chanda, he felt a disgust for this life, turned an ascetic Vaisnava, and

abandoning family and home proceeded to Brndabana. There he died

in his 49th year. The Bidagdhacintamani has been printed, and in its

Preface, his death is said to have taken place on Jyestha krsna saptami

of sana 1213 ( = 8th June, 1806 A.D., Tuesday). Abhimanyu was well

read in Sanskrit classics and rhetorics, and knew Hindi and Marathi,

the speeches of the then governing races. Prom his boyhood, he loved

to associate with Pandits and Sadhus and the accidental residence of

Sadananda helped him materially in developing his poetical powers.

He is said to have built a temple to Radhamohana Thakura.

The manuscript Premakala is a moderate-sized volume occupying

186 folios with four lines on each page. It is a romance in 64 Chandas

modelled after Upendra Bhanja’s stories. Though begun in the author’s

twentieth year, it displays considerable knowledge of Sanskrit rhetorics

and indicated the future power of the poet. The manuscript Prema-

taraggini is a small piece based on the Rasapancadhyayi, whose ^lokas

are quoted and versified. Of the other poems two are love stories,

herds of cattle. The ruler of this land is a Mitravarinp Ksatriya, by name

Indrajita Samantasiihhara. His eldest son am I, by name Abhimanyu, by surname

Sa rn ant as i m h ara. ”

1 SRlt I

t II U*. II

Premakala MS., 1st Ch., Folio 4.

“ I began this at the age of twenty, and by attending on the feet of good men

dropped my timidity.”

376 M. M. Chakra varti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

Rasabati and Sulaksana, the initial letters of each line of the latter

being 5a ; while Premacintamani is said to be religions.

The last and the best of Ids poems is Bidagdliacintamani, based

on the Sanskrit Bidagdhamadhava of Rupa Gosvami the well-known

disciple of Caitanya. It deals with the life and love of Radba

and Krsna ; while the last four Ohandas poetise the Caitanyite doctrines

of Prema and Bhafcti (love and devotion). The poem is a store- house

of rhetorical excellences, almost each Chanda exemplifying a different

kind of verbal formations. It thus resembles Kotibrahmandasundari

of Upendra Bhanja ; but it is simpler, less loaded with Sanskrit learn¬

ing and imageries, and therefore more effective. The author’s religious

feelings have made the poem less obscene and have induced him to put

in graceful verses the rather abstruse doctrines of Prema and Bhakti — a

field which Upendra Bhanja did not try. In learning and comprehen¬

siveness he is undoubtedly, inferior to Upendra ; but it may be said for

Bidagdliacintamani that no single Oriya poem contains so many

examples of rhetorical skill or abstract poetry as this work does.

Madala Panji.

Having finished the pre-British period of Oriya poetry, a few

words may be added in the conclusion about Oriya prose. Literary

compositions in Oriya prose are unknown. The Madala Panji and a

few Bamsabalis are the only specimens of prose. These have no literary

merits.1 The Madala Panji is a sort of chronicle of the Jagannatha

temple. Its contents are roughly divisible into three kinds :

(1) A short history of the kings of Orissa (Raj amanagkara

Rajyablioga) .

(2) A history of the erection of Jagannatha’s temple, its modes

of worship, and the duties of its sebakas.

(3) An account of extraordinary events happening in the temple

•with the details of their costs, if any.

The historical value of Madala Panji has been very much overrated.

The original informations were often not correctly entered. Then

again the chronicle being on palm-leaves, it had to be recopied three or

four times in a century, and in re-copying many mistakes crept in,

particularly in figures. Lastly the Seba (worship) was closed several

times on account of the Mahomedan raids, and many volumes must

have been lost at the time. Hence the text is found full of mistakes

and cannot be relied upon, unless corroborated by other evidence. The

later writers have also fallen into mistakes by following exclusively only

1 The remarks by Mr. Beames on the literary value of the Madala Panji (Vol.

II, p. 348) were passed admittedly without any knowledge of their contents.

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. 377

one version of the royal geneology, while there are five or six versions

in the Madala Patiji. The truth often lies in one or other version.

Appendix IY. will give some idea of the difficulties in constructing a

royal geneology from these different versions.

At present the Madala Panji is kept in two sets, one by the Sebaka

entitled Deulakarana, the other by the Sebaka named Tarha-u. The

Deulakarana (lit. the writer of the temple) as his name implies, seems

to have been the original keeper of the records, but a second was added

apparently for check and for better preservation of the informations.

It is not known when these records began to be kept. But from the

fact that a large number of details dates from the time of Anaqga

Bhima Deva, the system would appear to have been established by him.

As a rule the later the accounts, the more reliable they are.

N.B. — Since writing this article, a kind letter of Dr. Fleet has

drawn my attention to his remarks on the Mada]a Panji in the Epigra-

phia Indica.1 Dr. Fleet has analysed the earlier list of kings carefully

and comes to the conclusion that the annal is “absolutely worthless

for any purposes of ancient history.” (p. 335). I came nearly to the

same conclusion when T was studying the original manuscript of the

Madala Panji. In an article read before this Society, an abstract of which

was published in the Proceedings for July 1892, I noticed the general

unreliability of the historical portion of the Madala Panji, and remarked

that at best it can be used only as a corroborative document. Dr. Fleet’s

analysis confirms me in that view.

On some of the points discussed in the very interesting article of

Dr. Fleet, I venture to differ. Firstly, he thinks that in respect of

most of the Ke9arl kings it can only be said that “ not one of them

has any ring of antiquity in the sound of it ; they may possibly be

real names of later rulers, misplaced in order to make out a consecutive

chronological series.” (p. 336). I know at*least of one Orissan inscrip¬

tion not later than tenth century, which mentions K^ari kings. It

is the Brahme9vara inscription of Bhuvane9vara.2 This inscription

mentions Udyotaka Ke9ari, and of his ancestors Janamejaya, Vicitravira,

Candihara and Kolavati. The names of both Janamejaya and Kolavati

are to be found in the Madala Panji. The K^ari kings need not

therefore be considered as myths or later rulers, as suggested.

Secondly, Dr. Fleet has “no substantial doubt that the Yavana

invasions which were repulsed, as the annals say, by Vajradeva and his

1 “ The Records of the SdmavamQi kings of Katak.” Ep. Ind., Vol. III., pp.

334-340.

2 Prinsep, Journ. As. Soc. Vol. VII., p. 558 et. seq, ; 1. c. Dr. R. L. Mittra s

Antiquities of Orissa, Vol. II. pp. 88-9,

J. I. 48

378 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

successors, and the successful invasion by the Yavanas, in the time of

(Jobhanadeva, are (mixed up with the early Gupta rule) simply the

raids into Orissa by the Mussulmans in the thirteenth and following

centuries, and the ultimate conquest of the country by them in the

sixteenth century A.D.” (p. 339). After having so satisfactorily

established the utter worthlessness of the earlier part of the annals,

it is a pity that Dr. Fleet should make such an elaborate inference on

one of the least authentic events of that earlier part. I am inclined

to disbelieve the whole story of Raktavahu the Yavana, as a legend

without any historical value. If any identification be at all required,

I would rather identify him with some Buddhist or Jaina chief of the

South.

Lastly, Dr. Fleet thinks that f ivagupta and his descendants were

kings of a dominion which included “ probably the whole of Orissa,”

and who had their capitals at Kataka (p. 327). This conclusion does

not appear to be borne out by the facts. The epithet “ Trikaliqgadhi-

pati ” is merely an honorific title, just as the old kings of Orissa used

to style themselves “ kings of Gaura and Karnata ” without having

the smallest bit of land in those countries. The word Kataka should be

taken as a common noun denoting “ camp the old name of modern

town Kataka being “ Baranasi Kataka.”1 Of the six copper-plates, five

have, no doubt, been found near modern Kataka ; but this is probably

due to the fact that the donees lived there or subsequently came to

live there. Many Oriya Brahmins living near Kataka and Puri still

hold lands in the eastern part of Central Provinces, or in the northern

part of Madras Presidency. The sixth copper-plate was found in Patna

in the Central Provinces, and does not support the theory of Orissa king-

ship. The river Mahanadi has been mentioned in copper-plates E. andF.,

but that river flows as much through the Central Provinces as through

Orissa. The villages in which the lands were granted cannot be

traced in Orissa ; while many of them have been specifically mentioned

in the grants to have been in Kosala or Daksina-Kosala. The kings

also are specifically mentioned in the inscriptions as “ Kosalendra.” The

inscriptions are not earlier than the lltli and belong more probably to the

12th Century A.D. ; and at that time the Gaggavam^a kings were ruling

in Orissa, as a series of inscriptions have proved beyond doubt. All

these facts and a careful reading of the grants lead me to the conclusion

that f ivagupta and his descendants were really kings of Kosala or

Daksina-Kosala (identifiable with the N. E. part of Central Provinces),

1 J. A. S. B. Vol. LXII., 1893, pp. 100-1 ; the other inscriptions in this article

show how the word “ kataka ” was used in old days ; Vol. LXIV, 1895, p. 134.

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa.

379

and that the lands in the plates B to F. were granted to Brahmins

who either resided at the time in Orissa or subsequently came to reside

there.

Appendix III. Bhupati Pandita’s account op Himself.

• •

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*

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qrsqr qro qfaqq 1 qqq qfoq n't wn 11

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mqnz ™ qqfsr^tT 1 nt=?q qqmq qtgT 11

qft qq mg fnq 1 forerfo sro qnrere 11

380 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

cTPf T W WTsTT *0% I f«T^T3 W W I

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C\

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ftft eft 55T5T5 33 I 3 5TC5 33f 535 I

Premapancamrta, 10th Adhyaya, pp. 122-23.

Appendix IV.

The Later Kings of Khordd.

Considerable confusion exists regarding the times of these kings,

and the confusion has arisen partly from the peculiar nature of the

Oriya aqka and partly from relying on one version alone of the Madala

Panji. The Oriya agka omits several years and begins in bhadra ;

but hitherto it has been taken as an ordinary year. The Madala

Panji, furthermore, gives several versions of the royal genealogies. Of

these one has been followed by Mr. Stirling, which will be called A;

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. 381

another (to be called B) is followed in Baba Bhabani Charan Bandyo-

padhyaya’s Purusottamacandrika and adopted in Hunter’s Orissa (Vol.

II, App. VII, pp. 183-191) ; while a third which I shall call C is still

unpublished. The C version is incomplete taking the genealogy up to

Gopinatha Deva only, but otherwise appears to have been generally

more reliable.

I. Divyasimha Deva.

(1692/93-1719/20 A.D.).

His time is important forOriya literature, as three poets, — Upendra

Bhanja, Bhupati Pandita and Bisvanatha Khuntia mention him. The

king’s initial year appears to be 1692-93 A.D., and for several reasons.

Firstly, A puts it at 1692 A.D. Secondly, Bhupati Pandifa’s poem was

finished in his 18th Aqka, makara £ukla trayoda^, Monday. On

calculating according to Prof. Jacobi’s Tables, makara £ukla trayoda^i

fell on Monday in the year 1707 (3rd February). This being the king’s

18th aijka or 15th year, the first year falls in 1692-93. Thirdly,

reasonings from Mahomedan chronicles support this date. During this

reign Aurangzeb sent orders to break the temple and the image of

Jagannatha : —

“He (Mir Sayyid Mahmud of Bilgram) was a man held in great

respect and had served under Nawab Ikram in Orissa. When Aurangzeb

had sent orders to the Nawab to destroy the temple of Jagannath, Baja

Durup Sing Deo who had the temple under him asked the Mir to

introduce him to the Nawab. The Baja promised to break up the

temple and to send the big idol to the Emperor. He actually did

break the statue of Bakas which stood over the entrance of the temple,

and also two battlements over the door. The idol which was made of

sandalwood and which had two valuable jewels set in the eyes, was

carried off and sent to Aurangzeb at Bijapur where it was thrown by

order on the steps of the mosque.”1

1 Tabsirat-ul-Nazirin, 1. c. Dr. R. L. Mittra’s Ant. Orissa, Yol. II, p. 112. The

breaking of the temple is corroborated by Madala Panji (C version) : —

W) yt f^r

iff i ytct

hw ai^rr f

The event thus described took place on 19th rsava, 7th Aqka of the king

Divyasimha Deva, being 17th May in 1697 A.D.

382 M. M. Chakra varti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

Aurangzeb was at Bijapur in 1697 A.D., conducting the war

against the Marhattas.1 As quoted in the note 1 of page 381, the image

was taken away in the 7th aqka of the King Divyasimha Deva. Hence

his 7th Aqka or 5th year fell in 1696/97 A.D., and his 1st year in 1692/93

A.D. According to C, Divyasimha was crowned on Bicha 23rd, equal to

22nd November 1692, {vide Prof. Jacobi’s Tables).

According to C, Divyasimha Deva ruled for 34 Agkas or 27y. 5m.

lid. That he reigned for more than 33 Aqkas is corroborated by an

Oriya inscription found by me on the wheel at the top of Jagannatha

temple. The Inscription contains the following entry among others : —

“ TOT fK ^ TtT

” The blue wheel was made and put (on the top), on makara

28th, 33rd Aqka of frl-Dribasimha Deba Maharaja.

The 33rd Aqka or 27th year takes us to 1718/19 A.D., and its

makar 28th was 26th January in 1719 A.D., ( vide Jacobi’s Tables).

Dibyasimha Deva was therefore reigning in 1719 A.D. According to

C, he died next year on mesa 31st (34th Aijka), or 28th April 1720 A.D.

{vide Jacobi).

II. Harekrsna Deva.

• • •

(1719/20-1724/25 A.D.)

Divyasimha was succeeded by his brother Harekrsna, whose reign

is put by A. and B. at 5 years and by C. at 7 Aqkas or 4y. 10m. 20d,

( 3 put in C by mistake for 4). All the versions therefore agree. He

died on mina 19th, 7th Agka {vide C.) which according to Jacobi’s

Tables would be 18th March in 1725 A.D. The father of Gadadhara

Rayaguru (the author of Sanskrit Acarasara) was guru of this king.

III. Gopinatha Deva.

(1724/25-1731/32 A.D.)

Harekrsna was succeeded by his son Gopinatha, with whose accession

C. ends. Both A. and B. agree in putting his reign at ■ 7 years. That

he reigned for more than six years is corroborated by an account in the

Madala Panji. During this reign the accidental sitting of an owl on

the Jagannatha’s image necessitated an extraordinary purification with

three baths. (JThe event took place on Makar krsna trayoda^, Monday,

8th Apka of Gopinatha Deva. Makara krsna 13 fell on Monday in the

year 1731 A.D. (25th January). Gopinatha Deva was therefore reign¬

ing in 1731 A.D.

I Elphinstone’s Hist. Ind., p. 6G2 (Ed. 1889).

1898.] M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. 383

IV. Ramacandra Deva II.

(1731/32—1742/43 A.D.)

This king was son of Gopinatha. According to A., he reigned 16

years ; according to B. 1 1 years. B’s statement appears more reliable,

because the reigns of this king and of his two successors amount to 66

years, and the next following king (Makunda Deva) began to rule in

1797/98 A.D., as I shall show hereafter. Hence Ramacandra’ s 1st

year falls in 1731/32 (or 1797/98 — 66) exactly as calculated from his

father’s reign. But A’s total 71 would put his 1st year further back to

1726/27 A.D., which does not agree with the calculations from the

reigns of the preceding kings. Ramacandra Deva was unfortunate.

He was defeated and taken as prisoner to Kataka under orders of Shuja-

ud-din, the Bengal Governor. At Kataka he married a Mahomedan

lady and died.

V. Virakisora Deva.

(1742/43—1779/80 A.D.)

Virakisora succeeded his grandfather as a child. According to A,1

the Marhattas conquered Orissa and drove out the Mughals in his 5th

Aijka or 4th year. This dispossession of the Mughals took place

towards the end of the rains in 1745 A.D.2 The 4th year being 1745/

46 A.D., the first year naturally falls in 1742/43 A.D. According to A.

he ruled 43 years ; and accordiug to B. 37 years. For reasons stated

under Ramacandra Deva and under the next kings I have accepted B’s

figures as more reliable. Yirakisora was reigning in 43rd Agka or 35tli

year as an Oriya sale-deed testifies.3 The king’s rule was nominal

being disturbed by Mughals and Marhattas.

VI. Divyasimha Deva II.

(1779/80—1797/98 A.D.)

This king was grandson of Yirakisora. His reign is put by Mr.

Stirling at 12, and by B. at J8 years. The former is wrong because A.

which Stirling followed, really shows 18 and not 12; and because

Stirling himself has translated an Oriya sale-deed dated 17th Aijka or

1 “V *T5TT^ I

2 Stewart’s Hist. Beng. (1847), p. 293. “ Ragojee accordingly encamped in

Beerbhoom and reduced the province of Cuttack and most of Burdwan, by his

detachments.”

s Toynbee’s Orissa, App. p. XXXIII.

3 84 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

14th year of this king.1 He used to pay tribute to the Marhattas,

and had little of royal power even in his own territory that corres¬

ponded with the present Khorda subdivision plus Parganit Lembai.

VII. Makunda Deva II.

(1797/98—1817 A.D.)

Stirling places the accession of this king in 1798 A.D., and as he

was a contemporary of the king his opinion carries weight. This is

borne out also by two facts. According to A. the British conquered

Orissa in this king’s 9th Agka, and captured and imprisoned the Raja

in his 10th Aqka or 8th year. The British forces captured the Fort

Barabati in Kataka on 14th October 1803, while the Raja himself was

captured the next year in November 1804.2 Hence the 1st year of the

king falls in 1797-98 A.D. The Raja was released subsequently. But

in 1817 on account of the rebellion of Khorda paiks he was recaptured

and put into the prison at Kataka. There he died on 30th November

1817 A.D.3 in his 24th Arjka or 19th year.

Appendix Y.

Gumusara royal Geneology .

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*r I jftfw*rsK sire^r 1

8 I 55 cTTFK I facTK

55 f 5nr cft^TK c(rficfq% 1 Kefir

sifter sfrft aPiTK i 5T?tfk ifrgfjn i

K <r? KTfJi i k: jnjfq i v kt^ gf? srre:

ffc3 ^rtlUHT KiKfrl I K: T5IT WSfif 8Ufrp5?K *R% |

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fsrar i fjJraTs: jrr ^rif^ir s y° ° • jt

IfT^ f 5TTK SfT %5§TK: JJ53 =sir I % ftif 3TK

1 Toynbee’s Orissa, App. p. XXXIII.

2 Toynbee’s Orissa, pp. 4-5 ; Hunter’s Orissa, Yol. II, p. 58.

3 Toynbee’s Orissa, p. 21.

1898.] M. M. Cliakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa.

385

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J. I. 49

386 M. M. Chakravarti — Language and literature of Orissa. [No. 4,

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MS. Gumusara Bamsabalt.

INDEX

TO THE

JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Vol. LXVII, Part I.— 1898.

.A.bdu-1-lah Khan, 142 ff.

‘Abdn-l-lah Snltanpurl, 314.

‘Abdu-s-samad Khan, 156.

Abhiraanyu Samautasimhara, Oriya poet,

373 ff.

Abu-1-fazl, used Memoirs of Bayazid

BIyat, 287, 302.

Acyutananda Dasa, author of Oriya

version of Uarivamga, 348.

Adham Khan, 313.

Afrasiyab Khan, 154.

A glia Snrw-qad, 314.

Ahmad Beg, see Ghazlu-d-dln Khan.

Aibak, n. of a place, 304.

Akbar, lives in Kabul as a child, 298.

- , circumcision of, 299.

- — , lessons of, with Mulla Hisamu-d-

dln, 306.

- , resides at Jalalabad, 307.

- , ices, grapes, etc., brought to him

from Kabul by Bayazid Biyat, 308.

- , releases Muzaffar ‘All TarbatT,

311.

- , game of cards at his court, 311.

- , cock-fighting at his court, 312.

- , religious disputations at his

court, 314.

‘All Qull ShaibanI, neighbour of Bayazid

in Tabriz, 296, 309.

Amlnu-d-dln Khan, 144 ff.

Amlnu-d-din Sambhall, 155.

Anaqgabhlma I. of Orissa, mentioned in

Categvara Inscription, 319, 320, 325.

Anaggabhlma II. of Orissa, inscription

of, in the Categvara Temple, 317 ff.

Aryadeva, Sanskrit work of, discovered

in Nepal, 175 ff.

Asad Khan, 142 ff.

A'zam Shah, 152.

Babar, reference to inscription made by

him , 302.

Bahadur Shah. 152.

Bahrain Saqqa, 311.

Baharlu, see Bairam Khan.

Bairam Khan, 298.

Bakhshl Band, daughter of Humayun,

married to MIrza Ibrahim, 306.

Bala, n. pr. of a bhilcsw in Set Mahet In¬

scription, 278, 280.

Baladeva, n. pr. of a Brahmin in Snalkuci

grant, 123, 124.

Balarama Dasa, author of Oriya version

of Ramiiyana, 344 ff .

Balavarman, king of Assam, 103.

Banamali Dasa, 336.

Band Kusha, name of a. place in Badakh-

shan, 302.

Bapus Beg, 299.

Bast, name of a castle on the Hilmand,

298.

Bayazid (Bajazet) Biyat, memoirs of,

296 ff.

Beveridge, H., article by, on the

memoirs of Bayazid (Bajazet) Biyat,

296 ff .

Bhagavata Parana, Oriya version of,

339 ff .

Bhaktacarana Dasa, an Oriya Poet, 360.

Bhanumitra, coins of, 137.

Bhaskara, a poet who composed the

Categvara Inscription, 324, 327.

Bhlls, notes on their language, 187 ff.

Blioja I., Inscription of, from Marwar,

291 ff.

Bhumispargamudrd, meaning of, 285.

Bhupati Pandita, Oriya poet, 361, 379 ff.

Bisvanatha Kliuntia, Oriya poet, 368 ff.

388

Index.

Bloch, T., article by, on an ancient

inscribed Buddhistic statue from

Qravasti, 274 ff.

— — — — - , article by, on a new In¬

scription of Maharaja Blioja I., from

Marwar, dated Harsa Samvat 100,

291 ff.

Bodhisattva, inscribed statue of, from

Set Mahet (£)ravasti), 274 ff.

- - - , statues of, as distinguished

from Buddha images, 280 ft.

Buddha, images of, on coins, 135.

- - , inscribed statues of, 281.

- , statues of, as distinguished from

images of Bddhisattvas, 281 ft.

Brahmapala, king of Assam, 103, 108,

111 114.

Oaghatal Sultan, chronogram of his

death, 300.

Caitanya, visit to Orissa by, 333.

Qalastambha, king of Assam, 103, 108,

114.

Qarjkaracarya, 20 ff.

Cap, worn by Buddhist monks in Tibet,

27.

Cards, game of, in Akbar’s time, 311.

Cate9vara (i.e., Qiva), temple of at

Kisnapur, Cuttack, 317 if.

Qavasti, i.q.t Qravasti, 278, 279.

Chakravarti, M. M., article by, on

the date of the Jagannatha Temple in

Puri, 328 ff .

' ■ -, article by, on the language

and literature of Orissa, Parts III and

IY, 332 ff.

Chittagong, antiquities of, according to

Tibetan books, 20 ff.

Cin Qilic Khan, 157.

Qivadasa, n. jpr. of a Qresthl in Inscription

of Huviska, 276, note 2.

Qivagupta, king of Orissa, 378.

Cock-fighting, account of, at Akbar’s

court, 312.

Codagarjga, erected the temple of

Jagannatha in Puri, 329.

- - , mentioned in Qate9vara In¬

scription, 319, 320, 324.

£)5dasa, Ksatrapa of Mathura, Inscrip¬

tions of, 275.

Coins of Bhanumitra, 137.

- Hermaeus, 134.

- ■ Huviska, 136.

- Kadaphes, 135.

- Kadphises I., 133.

- Peukelaus, 131.

- Taraki (Satrap), 133.

- Telephus, 130.

- — - Tdramana, 139.

_ _ White Huns, 139.

OravastI, modern site of, 285 ff.

- , name of a bhukti and manilala

in Inscriptions, 289.

Qribhadra, 25.

Qri-Harisa, king of Assam, 103.

Das, S. C., article by, on the antiqui¬

ties of Chittagong from Tibetan sour¬

ces, 20 ff.

- , article by, on the Identity

of the great Tsang-po of Tibet with the

Dihong, 126 ff.

- - - , article by, on travels on the

shores of Lake Yamdo Croft, 256 ff.

Daiid Khan Panni, 157.

Dendvanaka, name of a visaya in Mar-

war plate of Blioja I., 292, 293, 294.

Devadatta, name of a Brahmin in Bara-

gaon plates, 111, 119.

Deva9akti, Maharaja, mentioned in Mar-

war plate of Bhoja I., 293, 294.

Dharmakirti, 21.

Dharmaraksita, 20.

Dihong, course of, 126 ff.

DInakrsna Dasa, Oriya poet, 356.

Divyasimha Deva I., king of Khorda, 381.

Divyasimha Deva II., king of Khorda,

383.

Faizu-l-lah Khan, 155.

Farkhunda Bakht, 156.

Farrukhsiyar, history of his reign, 141 ff.

embassy to, from Calcutta,

168.

Fida Khan, 155.

G, ndhara, reference to, in Ou-kong’s

Itinerary, 14.

Gaijgadatta, name of a Brahmin in Bfira-

gaon grant, 112, 119.

Gaur, head-quarters of Mun‘im Khan,

315.

Ghaziu-d-din Klian, personal account of,

161 ff

Ghulam ‘All Khan, 155.

Grierson, G. A., article by, on the

Ka9miri Noun, 29 ff.

- - , article by, on a

Dialect of Gujarati, discovered in the

district of Midnapur, 185 ff.

- , article by, on Pri¬

mary Suffixes in Ki^mTrl, 193 ff.

. . . . , on Secondary Suf¬

fixes in Ka9miri, 221 ff.

Gopalakrsna, 336.

Gopicandra, 22 ff.

Gopinatha Deva, king of Khorda, 382.

Index .

389

GSvinda, name of a Brahmin, minister

of Anaijgabhima I., 319, 321, 325.

Gujarati, dialect of, spoken in Midnapur,

185 ff.

Gumusara, name of a royal family in

Ganjam District, 362, 384.

Gurjjaratra-bhumi , name of a district in

Marwar plate of BhSja I., 292, 293,

294.

Haidar Qnli Khan Isfaraini, 157.

Haram (or Khanam) Begam, wife of

Mirza Sulaiman of Badakhshan, 306,

310.

Harekrsna Deva, king of Khorda, 382.

HarivamQa, Oriya version of, 347 ff.

Harjara, king of Assam, 105.

Harsaoarita of Bana, quotations from, in

Batnapala’s Inscriptions, 105.

Harsuka, n. pr. of a Brahmin in Marwar

plates of Bhdja I., 292, 295.

Hemu, 309.

Hermaeus, coin of, 134.

Hindu Kush, name of, changed by Akbar

to Hindu K6h, 306.

Hoernle, A. F. R., article by, on two

Copper-plate Gi'ants of Ratnapala of

PragjyStisa in Asam, 99 ff.

Humayun, arrives in SIstan, 297.

- , stays at Mashhad, 298.

- , proceeds towards Afghanistan,

298.

- , enters Kabul, 299.

- , goes to Badakhshan, 301.

- - , meets Mirza Kaniran in Ba¬

dakhshan, 301.

• - , drinking party of, 301.

- , attacks Balkh, 302 ff.

- , goes to Parian, 303.

- , inscription of, 303.

- , marches towards Aibak, 304.

- , defeat of, by Kamran, 3o5,

- , retreat of, from Balkh to Ka¬

bul, 305.

- - -, Negotiation of marriage of,

to Shahzada Khan am, 306.

- - , two sons born to him in 960,

308.

Hurricane, at Agra, in 968, 312.

Husain ‘Ali Khan, 151.

Husain Quli, 302.

Huviska, coins of, 136.

- , inscription of, 276, note 2.

Ibadu-l-lah Khan, 148, 149, 155; see

also Mir Jumlah.

Ikhlas Khan, 143 ff.

‘lnayatu-l-lah Khan, 155.

Inscription of Anaqgabhima II. of Orissa

in the Cate<yvara temple, 317 ff.

- Bhoja I. from Marwar, 291 ff.

- Qodasa, 275.

- Huviska, 276, note 2.

- Ratnapala of PragjyStisa,

from Baragaon, 99 ff.

• - do., from Sualkuci, 120 ff.

- - - on pedestal of Statue of a

Bodhisattva Horn SetMahet ( Qravasti),

274 ff.

• - in corrupt Sanskrit written in

Tibetan chai’acters, from Pema-koi, 128.

- Turkish, from Orkhon, 13ff.

- written in unknown characters,

from Swat and Boner, 1 ff.

Irvine, W., article by, on the later

Mnghals, 141 ff.

Islam Khan, 154.

‘lwaz Khan, 157.

Jabar Bardi Beg, 313.

Jagannatha, temple of, in Puri : its date,

328 ff.

Jagannatha Dasa, author of Oriya trans¬

lation of the Bhagavata Purana, 339 ff.

Jahandar Shah, 142 ff.

- , death of, 149 ff.

Jalalabad, chronogram of its building,

307.

Jaliilu-l-din Mahmud of Aubah, 304,308.

Jayamala, king of Assam, 104.

Jiii Shahi, an ancient name of Jalalabad,

307.

I^atjmiri, formation of Nouns in, 29 ff.

- - , primary suffixes in, 193 ff.

• - , secondary suffixes in, 221 ff.

Kadaphes, coins of, 135.

Kadphises 1 , coins of, 133.

Kamadeva, n. pr. of a Brahmin in Sual¬

kuci plates, 123, 124.

Kataka, mentioned in Categvara Inscrip¬

tion, 322, 326.

KeQarl kings of Orissa, in Madala Panji,

377.

Kesaba-Koili, modern Oriya song, 334.

Khan Jahan, 156.

Khanzada Begam, grand-aunt of Akbar,

298.

Khizr Khan Hazara, 299.

Khorda, history of later kings of, 380 ff .

Khwnja kAsim tKhan Dauran), 147.

- , personal account of, 159.

Kliwaja Bagh, 304.

Khwaja Miraki, death of, 309.

Khwaja Mn‘azzam (also Mu'azzam Sultan),

313.

390

Index.

Khwaja Muzaffar Panipati, 155.

Khwaja Beg-rawan, name of a place, 300.

Khwaja sih yiiran, name of a place, 300.

Kia-pi-shi, geographical name, meaning

of, 14.

Kosambakuti, a building in the Jetavana,

mentioned in the Set Mahet Inscrip¬

tion, 278, 285.

Krsnacarya., 22.

Krsna Simha of Dharakota, author of

Oriya version of Harivamga, 348.

Kfilab, name of a place, 303.

Kuligagrestha, 21.

Kusana Type of Writing, as distingnish-

ed from Northern Ksatrapa type, 275 ff.

Lai Kumwar, 149.

Land System of the Moghul Empire, des¬

cribed by Edw. Stephenson, 172.

L5kanatha Dasa, an Oriya poet, 370.

IVCadala Panji, 376 ff.

Mahabat Khan, 144.

Mahabharata, Oriya version of, 346 ff.

Maham Begha, 311.

Mali Cacak Khalifa, 310.

Mah5daya, name of a place in Inscrip¬

tion of Bhdja I., from Marwar, 292,

294.

Maitreya (the future Buddha ), supposed

images of, 284.

Makuuda Deva, 336.

- - } ting 0f Khorda, 384.

Markanda Dasa, 334.

Masti Firaq, 301.

Mathuramaqgala, Oriya poem by Bhakta-

carana Dasa, 360.

Miram Beg, father of Mnn‘im Khan, 308.

Mir Faridun, 314.

Mir Jumlah, personal account of, 161.

Mir Qamnru-d-din, 164.

Mirza ‘Askari, 303, 304.

Mirza Hindal, accompanied Hnmayun

during his attack on Balkh, 304.

- , death of, 306.

Mirza Ibrahim, made prisoner by the

Uzbaks, 304.

- , married to Humayun’s

daughter, Bakhshi Banu. 306.

■ - , death of, 310.

Mirza Kamran, 299 ff.

- - religious questions put

before him by Husain Quli, 302.

• - , receives Ivulab as his fief,

303.

- , defeats Humayun in the

Qipciiq Yalley, 305.

- , blinding of, 307.

Mirza Sulaiman, 301 ff.

- , accompanied Humayun

during the attack on Balkh. 304.

- , siege of Kabul by, 309.

Mirza Yadgar Niisir, trial and execution

of, 300.

Mixed dialect of Sanskrit, instances of,

279.

Muayyid Beg Diildai Barlas, 299.

Muhammad ‘Ali Tagliai, Governor of

Kabul, 301.

Muhammad Amin Khan, 153 ff.

- , personal account

of, 158, 162.

Muhammad Baqir IOian, 153.

Muhammad Farkh Fal, son of Humayun,

308.

Muhammad Hakim, son of Humayun, 308.

Muhammadi Mirza, 298.

Muhammad Ja'far, see Taqarrub Khan.

Muhammad Qasim Mauji, 301.

Murshid Qali Khan, 156.

Muhammad Yar Khan, 142 ff.

Mulla Hisamu-d-din of Samarqand,

teacher of Akbar, 306.

Muncim Khan, 306 ff.

- , appointed guardian of

A kbar, 307.

- , his father was Miram or

Bairam Beg, 308.

- , Bayazid Biy at enters his

service, 309.

- , death of, at Gaur, 315.

Music, Oriya, character of, 337.

Muzaffar ‘Ali Tarbati, diwan of Bairam

Khan, 311.

Muzaffar, king of Gujarat, 315.

TsTiigabhata, Maharaja, mentioned in

Marwar Inscription of Bhoja I., 294.

* - , Yuvaraja , mentioned ibidem,

293, 295.

Nandivi^dla, a technical term, meaning

of, 276 note 2.

Niisir Khan, 155.

Nizamu-l-mulk, see Ghaziu-d-din Khan.

Northern Ksatrapa Type of Writing, 275.

Orissa, conquest of, by C5dagaqga, 329

- , modern literature of, 332 ff.

Orme, letters by, to Stephenson, 170 ff.

Ou'kong, Itinerary of, quoted, 13 ff.

Palakastambha, king of Assam, 104.

Pali saddhim, derivation of, 279.

Palti, lake, i.q. Yamdo-Croft, 256 ff.

Parian, name of a place, 303.

Index ,

391

Pema-koi, Buddhist monastery, 127 ff.

Peukelaus, coin of, 131.

Prabhasa, n. pr. of a scribe in Marwar

Inscription of Maharaja Bh5ja I., 292,

295.

Pralambha, king of Assam, 103.

Premakala, Oriya poem by Abhimanyu,

375.

Premapancamrta, Oriya poem by Bhupati

Pandita, 361 ff.

Pusyamitra, n. pr. of a bhiksu in Set

Mahet Inscription, 278, 280.

Q,amaru-d-din Khan, 154.

Qutbu-d-din Kaki, shrine of, at Dehli, 310.

Qutbu-l-mulk, 156.

Raja Chabelah Ram, 156.

Raja Jagaddeva, 336.

Raja Jai Singh of Amber, 156.

Rajendra, mentioned in Catetjvara Ins¬

cription, 319, 321, 325.

Ramabhadra, Maharaja, mentioned in

Marwar Inscription of Bhdja I., 294.

Ramacandra Deva, king of Kh5rda, 383.

Ramayana, Oriya version of, 344 ff.

Rasakallola, Oriya poem by Dinakrsna

Dasa, 358.

Ratnapala, king of Assam, Inscription

of, 99 ff., 120 ff.

Rudradasa, n. pr. of a Qresthz in Inscrip¬

tion of Huviska, 276, note 2.

Sa‘adatu-l-lah Khan, 157.

Sabha Cand, 145.

Sadananda Kavisurya-brahma, Oriya

poet, 371 ff.

Sadat Khan, 156.

Saddhyaviharin , meaning of, 279.

Sa‘du-l-lah Khan, 154.

Saifu-l-lah Khan, 154.

Samding, monastery on lake Yanido in

Tibet, 262.

Sarbuland Khan, 156.

Sardla Dasa, author of Oriya version of

Mahabharata, 346 ff.

Sarvastivada School, mentioned in Set

Mahet Inscription, 278, 280.

Sayyid Afzal, 155.

Sayyid Muhammad ‘Arab, Imam, of Shah

Tahmasp, 297.

Sayyid Muzaffar Khan Barhah, 156.

Set Mahet, modern site of £!ravasti, 285 ff.

Shahamat Khan, 156.

Shah Bardi Blyat, i.q., Bahram Saqqa,

296.

— — - , in the service of Mirza

Kamran, 299.

Shiihiyas of Kabul, 13.

Shah NasimT, TurTci DTwan of, 300.

Shah Qasim Anwar, Persian Diwan of,

300 _

Shalizada IGianam, married to Humayun,

306.

Shaikh ‘Abdu-n-nabi, 314.

Shamsu-d-din Atka, 312, 313.

Shastri, H. P., article by, on the dis¬

covery of a Sanskrit work by Arya-

deva, 175 ff.

Sher Afgan Khan, 156.

Shuja‘atu-l-lah Khan, 155.

Sjiukru-l-Iah Khan, 157.

Siddha Baladeva, 22.

Sivdgrdma, name of an agrahdra in Mar¬

war Inscription of Bhdja I., 292, 293,

294.

Siyalgiri, speaking a dialect of Gujarati

in District Midnapur, 185 ff.

Smith, V. A., article by, on Numisma¬

tic Novelties, No. 111. Ancient and

Mediaeval India, 130 ff.

Stein, M. A., article by, on new in¬

scriptions discovered by Major Deane,

Iff.

Stephenson, Edward, personal account

of, 167 ff.

Tahmasp, meets Humayun in SIstan,

297.

Taqarrub Khan, 146 ff.

Taraki (Satrap), coin of, 133.

Tardi Beg, 309.

Tdrikh-i-Humayun, title of Memoirs of

Bayazid Blyat, 297.

Telephus, coin of, 130.

T5ramana, coin of, 139.

Traipitaka, occurrence of term, 278, 280.

Tsang-po of Tibet, identity of, with the

Dihong, 126 ff.

Tughril-i-Tughan Khan, mentioned in

CateQvara Inscription, 319, 322, 325.

Tumghdna , see Tughril-i-Tughan Khan.

Tyagasimha, king of Assam, 103, 108,

114.

TJdyana under Turkish rule, 15.

Upendra Bhanja, Oriya poet, 11, 336,

362 ff .

V amadevapatakii, name of a village in

Baragaon plates, 111, 118.

Vanamala, king of Assam, 104.

Vasu, N. N., article by, on the Ca-

te<jvara Inscription of Anangabhima II.

of Orissa, 317 ff.

392

Index.

Vasndeva, n. pr. of a Brahmin in Sualkuci

plates, 123, 124.

- , n. pr. of a Brahmin, in Mar-

war Inscription of Bli5ja I., 292, 295.

Yasumitra, 20.

Yatsaraja, Maharaja, mentioned in Mar-

war Inscription of llhoja I. 293, 294.

Vicitra Ramayana, Oriya poem by Bisva-

natha Khuntia, 368.

Yidagdha Cintamani, Oriya poem by

Abhimanyu, 375.

Yigrahastambba, king of Assam, 103,

108, 114. ‘

Vijayastambba, king of Assam, 104.

Viradatta, n. pr. of a Bralimin in Bara-

gaon plates, 112, 119.

Virakiijora Deva, king of Kliorda, 383.

Yisnn, n. pr. of a Bralimin, minister of

Anaijgablnma II., 319, 321, 325.

- , n, pr. of a Brahmin in Mar-

war Inscription of Bhdja I., 192, 295.

W hite Huns, coins of, 139.

Wilson, C. R., article by, on an unre¬

corded Governor of Fort William in

Bengal, 167 ff.

Yamdo- Croft, a lake, travels on shores

of, 256 ff.

Ziabardast Khan, 156.

Zu-l-fiqar Khan, 142 ff.

- , death of, 145 ff.

Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal, Vol. LXY1L, Part I, 1898.

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XI

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