CONTENTS

OF THE

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. LXII, Part I,

for 1893.

No. 1.

The Weber MSS. — Another collection of ancient manuscripts from

Central Asia — By A. F. Rudolf Hoernle. (With four Plates.)

On the Early Study of Indian Vernaculars in Europe — By G. A.

Grierson, Esq., I. C. S. (With one Plate.)

Note on the History of the East India Company's Coinage , from 1753-

1835 — By Edgar Thurston

Grseco-Boman Influence on the Civilization of Ancient India. Supple-

mentary Note — By Vincent Arthur Smith, M. R. A. S.,

Indian Civil Service

Page

Uriyd Inscriptions of the 15 th and Noth centuries — By Babu Mon

Mohun Chakrayarti, M. A., B. L., Subordinate Executive Service

of Bengal ... ... ... gg

No. 2.

The Topography of old Fort William — By C. R. Wilson, M.A.

(With two Plates.) ... ... ... >ti

A specimen of the Padumdwati — By G. A. Grierson, B.A., I.C.S. ... 127

No. 3.

Study of Sanscrit in Ceylon — By Pandit Harimohan VidyarhJ-

shan

A brief account of Bhdskara, and of the works written, and discoveries

made by him — By the late Pandit Bapu Deya S'astri

C.I.E.

On some New or rare Muhammadan and Hindd Coins, No. Ill— By

Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle. (With two Plates.)

On a neiv Find of old Nepalese Manuscripts — By Pandit Hara

Prasad S'astri

211

223

245

Contents.

No. 4.

Note on the official Reckonings of the Reigns of the Later Mogliwl

Emperors, and on some of their Mint Towns — By W. Irvine,

Esq., I.C.S. (Retired.) ... ... ... ... 256

Note on the preceding Paper — By Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle ... 265

The Koch Kings of Kamarupa — By E. A. Gait, Esq., I.C.S. ... 268

Bijapur Inscription of Dhavala of Hastihwndi of the Vikrama year

1053. ( From the materials supplied by Munshi Deviprasdd ) —

By Professor F. Kielhorn, C.I.E., Gottingen ... ... 309

The site of Kurna Suvarna — By H. Beveridge, B.C.S. (Retired.) 315

LIST OF PLATES

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OE BENGAL, Vol, LXII, Part I,

for 1893.

•* Plates

•* Plate

4 Plate

' Plate

J Plate

'J Plate

J Plate

I— 1 1 1 — (p. 1). The Weber MSS. Pound near Kugiar

(Yarkand.)

IV — (p. 5). Weber MSS. List of Central Asian Nagar

Characters.

V — (p. 46). Facsimile of the first page and a half of

the Chinese printed book described by Bayer in 1728.

VI — (p. 115). Plan of Fort William and part of the

City of Calcutta, with a project for the fortifying of the Fort.

VII — (p. 111). Plan of old Fort William, Calcutta.

VIII — (p. 230). Some new or rare Muhammadan and

Hindu Coins.

IX — (p. 237). Some new or rare Muhammadan and

Hindu Coins.

/X s

*”c>X

NEW SERIES.

vOe ; exii.

cccxxn.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Vol. LXII, Part I, No. 1—1893.

EDITED BT

The Philological ^Secretary,

“ The bounds of its investigation will be the geographical limits of Asia: and

within these limits its inquiries will be extended to whatever is performed by

man or produced by nature.”— Sie William Jones.

*** Communications should be sent under cover to the Secretaries, Asiat. Soc., i

to whom all orders for the work are to be addressed in India ; or care of )

Messrs. Kegan Paul , Trench, Trubner and Co., Id., Paternoster House,

Charing Cross Road, London, W. C. or Mr. Otto Harrassowitz, Leipzig,

Germany.

CALCUTTA:

jpRINTED AT THE ^APTIST ^AlSSION pp^ESS J

AND PUBLISHED BY THE

Asiatic ^Society, 57, f>ARK £treet

1893 .

Prioe (exclusive of postage) to Subscribers, Be 1-8 —To Non-Subsoribers Bs 2 .

Prioe in England, 3 Shillings.

Issued 19th May, 1893.

JOURNAL

OP THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

Part I.-HISTORY, LITERATURE, See.

No. I.— 1893.

CONTENTS.

Page

The Weber MSS. — Another collection of ancient manuscripts from

Central Asia. — By A. F. Rudolp Hoernli (With four plates)... 1

On the Parly Study of Indian Ver^apfilars in Europe. — By G. A.

Grierson, Esq., I. 0. S. (With one plate) ... ... 41

Note on the History of the Bast India Company Coinage from 1753-

1835. — By Edgar Thurston ... ... ... 52

Greeco-Bom an Influence on the Civilization of Ancient India. Supple-

mentary Note. — By Vincent Arthur Smith, M. R. A. S.,

Indian Civil Service ... ... ... ... 84

TJriyd Inscriptions of the 15 th and 16th centuries. — By Babu Mon

Mohon Chakravakti, M. A., B. L., Subordinate Executive Service

of Bengal ... ... ... ... ... 88

JOURNAL,

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

— -c - —

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. I.— 1893.

The Weber MSS. — Another collection pf, ancient , manuscripts from

Central Asia. — By Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoeenle.

(With four Plates.)

In July last I received from the Reverend F. Weber, Moravian

Missionary in Leli in Ladak, a small packet, containing ancient

manuscripts.

Regarding the circumstances under which the manuscripts were

discovered, and given to Mr. Weber, the latter in two letters, dated the

21st June and 29th July last, gives me the following information. They

were found in the neighbourhood of a place called Kugiar, in a “ house ”

which, apparently, since times immemorial had been ruined and buried.

An Afghan merchant, hoping to discover buried treasure, with much

trouble undertook the excavation of the “ house.” He found, however,

only the bodies of some “ cows,” which on the first contact crumbled

into dust. At the same time he found also the manuscripts. As Mr.

Weber is known to the people to bo a collector of Tibetan curiosities,

the manuscripts were taken to him by a person who had received them

from the finder. He was also shown an “ Urdu ” letter from the latter,

giving the above account of his exploration, but not knowing “ Urdu,”

Mr. Weber could not read the letter himself.

It would have been satisfactory to learn something more accurate

about the identity of tho so-called “ house ” in which, and the “ cows ”

J. i. 1

A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

[No. 1,

with which the manuscripts are said to have been found. But, on enquiry,

Mr. Weber wrote me that he was unable to obtain any further informa-

tion.

The place Kugiar will be found on any good map of Central Asia

at 77° 12' long, and 37° 25' lat., about 60 miles south of Yarkand,

at an altitude of 6450’. A straight line, drawn from Lch to Yarkand,

very nearly passes through Kugiar ; it is a little to the left of that

line, and lies just within the borders of the Chinese territory.

I found the manuscripts enclosed, after the fashion of Indian manus-

cripts, between two pieces of wooden boards. These are of unequal

size, one measuring 9| by 2f inches, the other 7J by 2| inches. They

are, each, pierced by one hole, which is not in the middle of the board, but

towards one side ; in the larger board it is at a distance of 2^", in the

smaller at 1|", from its narrow margin. Corresponding holes, on one

side only, are in all the leaves of the manuscripts. This one-sided jjosi-

tion of the string-hole is also observable in tho Bower Manuscripts, and

it appears to be a peculiarity of Central Asian manuscripts. I do not re-

member ever having observed it in any Indian manuscript. These have

either one string-hole in the middle of the leaf, or they have two holes,

one toward either narrow margin. Facsimiles of leaves with one hole are

given in Dr. Mitra’s SansJcrit Notices, and such of leaves with two holes,

in Mr. Bendall’s Catalogue of Buddhist Sanslcrit MSS. The famous

Horiuzi Manuscript, which originally came from India, has two holes,

as may be seen from the facsimiles published by Prof. Biihler in tho

Anecdota Oxoniensia, Yol. I, Part III. On the other hand, the facsimile

of the Central Asian manuscript, published by Mr. S. Oldenburg, in the

Records of the Oriental Transactions of the Imperial Russian Archmolo-

gical Society, Yol. YII, p. 81, 82, shows the peculiar one-sided hole. This

practice of using an one-sided hole, therefore, would seem to be a mark

by which a manuscript may be distinguished as coming from Central

Asia. Another point to be noted is, that, like the Bower MSS., the

Weber Manuscripts also are of the oblong shape, usual to Indian

manuscripts, as distinguished from the square shaped Kashmirian. The

square shape, indeed, appears to be an exceptional peculiarity of the

Kashmirian manuscripts. All others, Indian, Nepalese, Tibetan and

Central Asian are of an oblong shape.

On examining the Weber Manuscripts, I found that they formed a

collection of fragments of nine (or possibly eleven) different manuscripts.

These are fragmentary in two ways. In the first place, not one of

them is complete, a more or less large number of leaves being wanting

both at the beginning and at the end. Secondly, every leaf is mutilated

on the right or left or on both sides. On the other hand, they are, as a

1893.]

A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

rule, perfect at the top and bottom. The following is a list of leaves of

the several parts composing the manuscripts : —

Part I, consisting of 9 leaves.

III

VII

VIII

Nine Parts consisting of 76 leaves.

All the nine manuscripts are written on paper. Their paper is of

differing qualities. In the main there are two kinds : one kind is thick,

soft, flexible and white ; it is so soft indeed, that its surface is apt to

fret, and thus to injure the writing. The other kind is thin, hard and

stiff, and of a more or less brownish colour. No. IX (Central Asian)

has the softest and whitest texture. Also soft, but less white is the

paper of Nos. 1 and 2 (Indian) and Nos. 6 and 7 (Central Asian).

Harder and darker is the paper of Nos. 3 and 4 (Indian) and No. 5

(Central Asian). Distinctly hard and brown is the paper of No. VIII

(Central Asian). The' manuscripts, written in Central Asian characters,

therefore, are inscribed on paper of the greatest variety, from the

whitest and softest to the stiffest and darkest.

The paper, by appearance and touch, appears to me to be of the

kind, commonly known as Nepalese, which is manufactured from several

varieties of the Daphne plant. Dr. George King, the Director of the

Botanical Gardens, has been good enough to examine the paper, and

agrees with me that probably it is paper “ made of the fibres of Daphne

papyracea, or of Edgeworthia Gardneri, which are still used as raw

material for paper-making in the Himalayas.” The better description

of paper is made of fibres of Edgeworthia Gardneri. A very full account

of this so-called Nepalese jjaper, its material and manufacture, will be

found in Dr. Watt’s Dictionary of Economic Products of India, Vol. Ill,

p. 19, w'here also references to other sources of information are given.

For the purpose of being inscribed this paper appears to have been

specially prepared with some kind of sizing, probably made of white

arsenic. On the leaves of some of the manuscripts this size forms a

thick glazed coat on which the letters are traced. Occasionally this

glazed coat has peeled off, in which case the letters which it bore have

disappeared with it. This is particularly the case with Part V, and may

A. F. R. Hoemle — The Weber Manuscripts. [No. 1,

bo seen on Plate II, fig-. 1. In the case of Part IX, the coat, apparently

under the influence of clamp, has caused the leaves to stick together,

and thus extensive damage has been done, as may be seen from figures

3-5 on Plate III.

A very striking peculiarity of the Weber Manuscripts is, that they

are written in two quite distinct types of written characters. One of

them — that in which Parts I, II, III and IV are written — is the well-

known Indian character of the North-Western Gupta variety, being the

same type (though a different sub- variety) as that used in the Bower

MSS. This type of character is sufficiently well-known, and I need not

say anything more about it here.

The other type of characters, used in Parts V-IX, is what I may

call the Central Asian N&gari. It is a peculiar angular and slanting

form of the Indian Nagari characters. On the whole the several Parts

exhibit these characters in a variety of handwritings, though the

essential type of the chai’acters is the same. There is, however, a

distinct variety, not merely of handwriting, but of type, noticeable

between the characters used in Parts V-VIII and in Part IX. The

test letters are the dental th and dli. In Part IX their shape is angular

and squarish, tli and tT dh, while in Parts Y-VIII it is round, 0 th

and O dli. ( See Plate IV. ) For the purpose of comparing these two

varieties of the Central Asian Nagari, Parts VII and IX (Plate II,

fig. 6 and Plate III, figs. 3—5) are the best, because in their general style

of handwriting they most nearly resemble one another. In the sequel,

I shall refer to these two varieties as the round and the square varieties

of the Central Asian Nagari.

I may here refer to a few other peculiarities of the Central Asian

alphabet. Firstly, the curious form of the super-scribed vowel e, with

its curve turned to the right. Secondly, the curious form of the letter

to. I have observed this form, in a few rare cases, on gold coins of

Samudra Gupta. It has, clearly, grown out of the angular Indo-

Scythian form of to ; and its origination would fall in the early time

of the Gupta period (Samudra Gupta 380-395 A.D.). The series of

changes would be these X, 3, all of these forms being represented

on Gupta coins, and the last being the parent of the Central Asian form.

Thirdly, the curious resemblance between the forms of /i t and A n.

They can only be distinguished by the fact, that the right-hand angle of n

is more decidedly acute-angled. Fourthly, the curious symbol of a double

dot over letters, in fact a double anusvara. It may be seen frequently

in Mr. Oldenburg’s Kashgar manuscript. In the Weber Manuscripts, it

occurs only m Part IX, which, as above remarked, is distinguished by

being written in the square variety of the Central Asian Nagari. It is,

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts. 5

however, not so much the mark of a particular variety of characters, as

of a particular language, and its exact power I do not know. Part IX

is not written iu Sanskrit, nor have I met with the double dot in any

Sanskrit text, except once. On the smaller of the two wooden boards,

three lines are inscribed in Central Asian characters. The board pro-

bably belongs to the work contained in Part VII, which treats of a Bud-

dhistic charm, the lines are written in Sanskrit and run as follows : —

[namoj vidyadharasya dakshine haste — mani dlidrayitavyaiii — o/pi cha

\_purna-~\ratr-ovavustena suchi-snatena — su-vastra~prdvvitena sddhayivyct

[.]e siddhi !|

The words in brackets are broken off and have been conjecturally

supplied. The meaning is Salutation to the Vidyadhara! Let the

jewel be placed in the right hand ; then having fasted the whole night,

washed clean, and put on fresh garments, success will be secured bv

me.” 1 2

Here there is the double anusvara over the akshara vri of pravritena.

But what it is there intended to signify, I do not know. In Part IX, it

is occasionally found on Sanskrit words, thus rnahchamslitharh , which is a

mis-spelling for manjishthd. Here it may possibly mark a modification

in the sound of the vowels ; but its real power is obscure.

I add a table of the Central Asian alphabet, showing the forms of

single as well as compound letters. See Plate IV. They are nearly all

excerpted from the leaves shown in my Plates I to III. In this table are

also shown the ancient numeral figures. They are found in several of

the manuscripts ; viz., Parts I, II, IV, VI.

The Central Asian Xagari has a curious resemblance to the so-

called “Wartu ” characters of the Tibetans. In this Journal, for 1888,

Vol. LVII, will be found two plates (I and II) showing these “Wartu”

characters. It belongs to a paper, published by Babu S. C. Das, on the

Sacred and Ornamental Characters of Tibet (ibid., p. 41). The resem-

blance, however, is still more striking’ to certain characters, shown on

Plate I, in the Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVI (for 1828), and there

designated respectively as Khacheehee, Oramtsodee, Seendoohee, and

Pookangkee. The plate seems to have been prepared by Mr. Hodgson

from “ a vast number of manuscripts, great and small fragments,” as

specimens of “ Bhotiya ” (i. e., Tibetan) penmanship.^

1 Perhaps s&dhayishyate should be read for s&dhayivya[l]e, or sddhayitavyd m$.

With uvavustena compare the P&li upavuttha.

2 The letters on the Plate wpuld seem to be intended for facsimiles, but the ac-

curacy of the copy is not above suspicion. There are certainly some obvious

mistakes in the identification of the letters ; thus the third group (from the loft) in

the last line, is not p, ph, b, bh, m, but t, th, d, dh, n. Again the third letter in the

third lino is not pa, but pd.

A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

[Ro. 1,

The Tibetan tradition with regard to the “Wartu” characters is

rather uncertain. In the paper, above referred to, Babu S. C. Das says,

that the “Wartu” characters were introduced into Tibet by Sambhota

(or Thon-mi, the son of Anu) from Magadha in North-Eastern India,

about 630-650 A. D. Since then he has been re-examining the tradi-

tions of Tibet on this point, and he now informs me that the “ Wartu ”

characters were rather introduced from the North-Western extremity

of India, namely from Kashmir, called in Tibetan Klia-clie. He has

supplied me with the following passage from the JBu-ston Chos byun

(fl. 138) : “ He (i. e., King Srong Tsan Gampo, 630 A. D.) ascended

the throne at the age of 18. He brought the border chieftains under

subjection. He made presents to them, (and) read letters (sent by

them). Before that (time) there was no written language in Tibet.

He sent Thon-mi, son of Anu, with sixteen attendants to learn the

letters. He learnt from Pandit Deva-vid Sirhlia the S'abda Vidya. He

designed 30 letters, adapting them to the Tibetan language. Ho based

the four fundamental vowels, called All, (i. e., i, e, o, u) on a. In form

these letters (vowels and consonants) resembled the characters of Klia-

che. This was done at the fort of Maru in Lhassa. He wrote eight

grammatical works on the orthography and syntax of the Tibetan

Grammar.” The Babu also informs me, that in later days the country

of Liyul or Klioten was included in the general name of Khache ; and

further that the letters which were brought from India, through Nepal,

were the so-called Lantsha (see Plate VIII in Journal, vol. LYII),

introduced in the reign of Tliisroh Deu-tsan.

Here the following points may be noted : In the first place, the

34 original letters o| Tibet (i. e., 29 consonants and 5 vowels) elabo-

rated by Sambhota, are shown on Plate 11(a) in Babu S. Ch. Das’

paper. They are the so-called U-chan or “ headed ” characters. It

will be noticed that among them “ the four fundamental vowels ” are

certainly adaptations of the form of the vowel a. This, so far, bears

out the tradition above quoted from the Bustan. But, for the rest,

the letters show no particular resemblance to the “Wartu” or

“ Khache ” characters, any more than to any other Indian system of

writing (e. g., the Gupta or Lantsha.) Possibly this may be put down

to the fact, that Sambhota may have modified the shapes of the letters

lie adopted ; or it may be due to subsequent alterations, the table not

showing the exact shape the letters received at the hands of Sambhota,

but such as they assumed in the course of time.

But, secondly, it is noteworthy that the letter y in Sambhota’ s

alphabet shows the ancient tri-dentate shape of that letter. In the

table of “ Wartu ” characters, on the other hand, that letter shows its

1893.]

A. F. R. Iloernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

modern (square) form. It is clear, therefore, that the “Wartu” letters,

from which Sambhota copied his own, cannot have been precisely the

same as those exhibited in Babu S. Ch. Das’ table. Now there is an

unmistakable similarity of the letters shown in the table of the Asiatic

Researches, on the one hand, with the Babu’s “Wartu” characters, and

on the other, with the Central Asian characters in the Weber Manuscripts.

In the table there is a series of Khacheehee letters, that is, clearly, letters

of Khache (Central Asia.) These, therefore, should be the letters, from

which Sambhota adapted his alphabet. And, as a matter of fact, it

will be found that the letter y shows in that table its old tri-dentate form.

But further, in that table the letter y appears in three different forms :

first, in the distinctly tri-dentate form ( 1SJ ) in the second line, then in

an intermediate bi-annulate form (/ 2 7 ) in the third line, and lastly in

the (practically) modern square form in the fourth line. The last of

these three forms, the modern one, is never found in any portion of our

manuscripts. The form in which it is usually occurs in them, is the in-

termediate, bi-annulate one. In the most ancient tri-dentate form it

only occurs, optionally, in Part V of the Weber Manuscripts. With

regard to the Tibetan alphabet, the evidence seems to point to this con-

clusion, that Sambhota had before him a “ Khache ” alphabet, similar

to those shown in the Plate of the Asiatic Researches, but sufficiently

ancient, to still show uniformly the ancient tri-dentate form of the letter

y, which, in its turn, explains the presence of that ancient form in

the current Tibetan alphabet. The characters he had before him may

have been something similar to those seen in Part V of the Weber

Manuscripts. On the other hand, the “Wartu” letters, shown in Babu

S. C. Das’ plate had for their prototype a somewhat later “Khache”

alphabet, — one which had already adopted the modern square form of

the letter y.

The whole of the Weber Manuscripts are written in the Sanskrit

language, of more or less grammatical purity, except Part IX. This is

written in the square variety of the Central Asian Nagari, and in a

language which to me is unintelligible. The strange ligatures that

occur in it, such as ITckh, tsts, yl, shsli, pts, Ihb, nh, ys, etc., are foreign

to Sanskrit or any Sanskritic language that I know of ; yet undoubted

Sanskrit words do occur numerously interspersed in the text. Such

are asvalcanda and asvagandha, sirisha (Skr. sirishd)-pushpa, priyahgu,

punarnava, manchamslitham (Skr. manjishthd), sarava (Skr. sdriva),

medha and mahamedha (Skr. meda and mahdmeda), prapundarilcha or

prapuntarikha (both spellings occur for Skr. prapaundarika) , katu-

rohini, kdkori and ksliira-kakori, devaddru, etc. It will bo noticed that

most of the names are not correctly spelled ; unaspirates being ex-

A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

[No. 1,

changed with aspirates, sonants with surds, cerebrals with dentals, etc.

But there can be no shadow of doubt as to the identity of the words.

They are Sanskrit names of medicinal plants. I have not yet been able

to give to the subject any thorough examination, but I suspect that we

have in Part IX a medical treatise written in some Mongolian (Tibetan)

or Turk! language, treating of Indian medicine, and hence using Sanskrit

medical terms.

The curious circumstance, however, with regard to this Part IX is

that, both with reference to the characters (square variety) and the

language, it clearly belongs to the same class of manuscripts as the

Kashgar. MS., published by Mr. Oldenburg. Of the latter manuscript

I shall give some account at the end of this paper.

On the age of the Weber MSS., I am not able to give such a

definite opinion as on that of the Bower MSS., though I am not disposed

to believe that any portion of it can be referred to a date later than the

7th century A. D. In the Indian portions of the manuscript (Parts I

to IV) no other than the old tri-dentate form of y ever occurs. On this

ground these portions should be of the same date as the Bower MSS., i. e.,

belong to the 5th century A. D. In some points they are even more

antique than the Bower MSS. Thus the compound r, preceding another

consonant, is uniformly written level with the line of writing (never

above it, like the vowel marks). The consonant p has also preserved a

more ancient shape.

The Central Asian portions of the Weber Manuscripts show occasion-

ally in Part V, the old tri-dentate form 1SJ of y, and otherwise through-

out the intermediate bi-annulate form Z/J . No trace of the modern square

form is seen anywhere. I call the bi-annulate form “ intermediate,” not

because it presents a stage of development intermediate between the old

tri-dentate and the modern square forms, but simply because it is clearly

a “ current ” form grown out of the older tri-dentate. It seems to me

doubtful whether it was ever superseded by the later Indian “ current ”

square form. On the other hand, it is so easily formed out of the

older tri-dentate form, that it may have been and probably was nearly

contemporaneous with it. I am disposed to believe, that the Gupta ya

(the old tri-dentate form) as it was carried from Kashmir into the more

northern and north-eastern parts (Kashgar, Yarkand, Khoten) of

Central Asia, assumed and always retained the bi-annulate form, while

in the more south-eastern parts (Western Tibet) it retained at first its

tri-dentate form and was afterwards gradually changed into the modern

(Indian) square form. When Sambhota went to “ Khache ” (Central

Asia, i. e. Kashmir, Liyul, Khotan) to bring thence the letters in 630-650

A. D., he evidently found the tri-dentate form in use in the particular

1893.]

A. F. R. Hoernlc — The Weber Manuscripts.

pai’fc of tlio country which ho visited. Towards the end of the 7th century

and early in the 8tli, Central Asia was overrun by the Muhammadan

armies of the Khalifat, and this put an end to the Sanskrit culture of

those regions. Hence our Central Asian manuscripts which still show

evidences of a distinct Sanskrit culture cannot well be placed after

that date.

I now proceed to describe the several parts of tlio Weber MSS.

in detail : —

Part I. (See Plate I, fig. 1.) There are nine leaves, mutilated on

the right-hand side. They measure 7| by 2f inches, and have eight lines

to the page, excepting the obverse of the 14tli leaf, which has 9 lines.

The leaves are consecutively numbered, from 7 to 15, in the old style of

figures. The first six leaves and those after the fifteenth are wanting.

The obverse of the 15th leaf is shown in Plate I, fig. 1. The number

15 (i. e., the figure for 10, and below it the figure for 5) is seen on the

left-hand margin. The page reads as follows : —

2, fsr^nH fsi<T[< 'onwwqRi 3 11 ^

<\ k

3, §, || Trft

4 , 11 ’fcjf^TST^rw^r *i<jisrg%?r fw

5, Ju 37T SficSfFT 5fr%'5 | II VpTWVT WiTlT

6, rnv3r^jfr=rijr n v=?tt^

7, 6^. || ffWPC F?n3>Hl%<T

8 , aftnfgT^K fiju 11

In the following Roman transliteration I have added, in straight

brackets and italics, the missing portions, so far as it is possible to deduce

them from the context and other parts of the manuscript. It will be

seen that from 9 to 11 aksharas are missing in each line, which would

occupy nearly two inches of the leaf. The original size of the leaf,

therefore, must have been 9^ by 2| inches, that is, exactly the size of

the larger of the two wooden boards. This circumstance would seem to

prove that the larger board was one of the two covers of this particular

manuscript.

1, ksliatram chatus-taram gaja-vikkrama-saihsthitam pancha-chatva-

ri[m]sa-muhurta-y6gam madhu-laj-aharam Vaisya-daivata[mJ

M\au~\A.ga\ldyani-g6trena 19 II Abhi-\

2, ji naksliatram tri-taram go-slrsha-sarirsthitam sapta-muhurta-y6gam

J. j. 2

A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts. [No. 1,

vayu-kraksh-abaram Brabmayani-gotrena 20 II S'ra[wrao nalcsli-

atram tri-taram yu-]

3, va-maddbya-samsthitam tinmsa-muburta-yogam pakshi-mams-alia-

ram Yikslmu-devatam Brabmavarnl-gotrena 21 II It=i [mani bho

Pushkarasdri sapta ]

4, pasckima-dvarikani naksbatrani || Dhanisbtlia naksbatram cbatus-

tararh sakuna-samstbitam trimsa-muburta-yogam [ . . -dhdram

Vdsava-dai -]

15 vatam Katyslyani-gotrena 22 II S'atabbisba nakshatram eka-taram

tilaka-samstbitam pancbadasa-muburta-[i/o$am . • • -dhdram

Vanina-]

6, daivatam Taiidayani-gotrena 23 II Purya-bbadrapad& naksbatram

dvi-taram pataka-samsthitam tvims&-ra\ii]\i\urta-y6gam . . . . -

dhdram]

7, Abbiyriddbi-daivatam Jatukarni-gotrena 24 II Uttamra-bhadrapada

naksbatram dvi-taram patakAsamstbita[m pahcha-chatvdrimsa-

muhurta-yogam]

8, go-mams-ab&ram AryamAkalpa-daivatam Hiranyayani-gotrena 25 l|

Revati naksbatram eka \_-tdram . . -sarhsthitam trimsa-muliurta-]

Fifteenth Leaf : Reverse.

1, yogam guda-kamsar-bbojanam 8 Pusliya-daivatam Bbargavan-go-

trena 26 II Asvini naksbatram tri-tara[m . . -samsthitam trimsa-

muhurta-ydgam ya-]

2, krin-mamsa-bhojanam Grandharva-daivatam Asvayani-gotrena 27 II

Bbarani naksbatram tri-taram bbaga-sam[si7wYam trimsa-mu-

hurta-yogam]

3, tandul-abaram Yama-daivatam (artbavam) 4 Bbargavi-gotrena 28 II

It=imani bbo Pusbkarasarin=sapt=6ttara-dv[driA;awi nalcshatrdni ||

Ity=esham]

4, bbo Pusbkaras&rin ashta-vimsatinam naksbatranam katamani nak-

shatrai.ii pancba-cbatv§,rimsa-muM[r7dm’ shat tad-yathd Rohini

Punarva-]

5, sub uttaiA Phalguni Visfikba uttar=Asbadlia uttara Bliadrapada —

pancba naksbatrani pM\ch.&\dasa-mulmrtdni tad=yathd Ardrd]

6, Aslesha Svati Jyestba S'atabhisba ek& Abbiji ashtau mnburta

£esbani trimsa-muburt&ni naksbatram purva-dvdrikdndm ]

8 This was the original reading ; by the interlinear insertion of the akshara h&

it is now changed to guda-Tcams-dh&ra-bhojanam.

4 This word is inserted interlinearly, with a mark indicating the proper place

where it should be read in the lino.

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

7, nakshatranam Kirtika purvam Aslesha paschima dakshina-dvarika-

nam nakshatranam Maghsi, purvam Yisakka, paschi[ma paschi-

ma-dvarikandm na-]

8, kshatranam Anuradha purvam S'ravanah paschimah uttara-dvarika-

iiam nakshatranam Dlianisktka purvam paschima Bka [rani ....

....]

I may add the remainder of the remarks on the nakshatras from

the preceding leaves 13 and 14 : —

Thirteenth Leaf : Reverse.

1, katame Yats& Brahma-charanah Chkandoga kati Chhandoganam

bhed&h shat katame tad=yatha godhu[ ]

2 kapimjaleya atyasanam=iti kim-gotri mata Parasari — pathati bhav&n=

nakshatra-vamsam=atka kim katlia [yatu me tad-yathd Kritilcd 1]

3, Rokini 2 Mrigasirah 3 Ardra 4 Punarvasuh 5 Pushyah 6 Aslesha

7 Magha 8 Purva-phalgu[raf 9 Uttar a-phalguni 10 Ilastah]

4, 11 Chitra 12 Svatih 13 Asakha (sic) 14 Anuradha 15 Jyeshtha 16

Miilah 17 Purvashadha [18 Uttarashddha 19 Abhiji ]

5, 20 S'ravanah 21 Dkanishtha 22 S'atabkisha 23 Purva-bkadrapada

24 Uttara-bkadrapada 25 Re[raf? 26 Asvini 27 Ehara-]

6, ni 28 ity=etany=asktavimsati nakshattrani kati-tarani kim-samstka-

nani kati-muhurtani kim-gottrani \\[m-blidjanani him-']

7, daivatani — Kritika nakshatram shat-taram kshura-samsthanam

trimsa-muhurta-yogam dadhi-aharam Agni-daivatam=Agni[ue-

sya-gotrena 1 II Rohi-]

8, ni nakshatram pancha-taram sakat-oddhi-samstkanam pancha-cha-

tvarimsa-muhurta-yogam vrisha-matsya-bhojanam prajajjMif-

daivatam . . . -gotrena 2 ll]

Fourteenth Leaf : Obverse.

1, Mrigasirasam nakshatram tri-taram mnga-sirsha-samsthitam

trimsa-muhurta-yogarh mriga-matsya-bhojanam S6ma-d[ai]va-

ta[m .... -gotrena 3 ll Ardra na-]

2, kshatram eka-taram tilaka-samstkitam panchadasa-mnhurta-yogam

navanit-aharam Rudra-daivatam Haritayana-go[ifre»a 4 II Punar-

vasur=nakshatram]

3, dvi-taram pataka-samsthitam pancha-chatv&idmsa-yogam sarpi-

mand-aliaram Aditya-daivatam Yasishtha-gotre[wa 5 ll Pushyb

nakshatram tri-ta-]

4, ram vardhamana-samstliitam trimsa-muhurta-yogam madhv-aha-

ram Briliaspati-daivatam Alabaneyavi-gotre[rca 6 II Aslesha nak-

shatram pam -]

A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

[No. 1

5, cka-t&ram akasa-pataka-samstkitam panckada^a-mukurta-yogam

matsa-yakri-bkojanam sarpi-dai [rafcMk .... -gotrena 7 li I-]

6, t=hnani kko Pushkarasari sapta purva-dvarikani nakskatram II

Magka nakskatram pancka-taram nadi-kramja-samstki[tam

trimsa-muhurta-yogam . . -]

7, bkojanam Pitri-devatam Pingayankgotrena 8 II Purva-pkalguni

nakskatram dvi-t&ram pataka-samstkitam [ trimsa-muhurta -

ydgam . . - dlidram ]

8, Bkaga-daivatam Gotama-gotrena 9 II Uttar a pkalguni nakskatram

dvi-taram pataka-samstkitam pamcka-ckatvarim[ia-TOM7iMrta-

yugam . . -dlidram~\

Fourteenth Leaf : Reverse.

P Arya-daivatam Kausiki-gotrena 10 II Uasto nakskatram kasta-sam-

stkitam paucka-t&ram trimsa-mnkurta-yoga[»i . . . -dliaram . . .

-dai-~\

2, vatam Katy&yani-gotrena 11 I! CkitiA nakskatram eka-taraih tilaka-

samstkitam trimsa-mukurta-yogam m\xd'g&-[_bhojanam . . . -daiva-

tam . . -]

3, ki-gotrena 12 II Svatir=nakskatra:m eka-taram tilaka-samstkitam

panckadasa-mukurta-yogam pkal-akaram [. . . -daivatam . . . -go-~\

4, trena 13 II V isakka nakskatram dvi-taram viskana-samstliitam

pancka-ckatvarimsa-mukurta-yogam ti [. . -dlidram . . ■ - daivatam ]

5, S atkrityay ani -go tr6 n a 14 II ItAmani bko Puskkarasarin=sapta nak-

skatrani dakskina-dvarikani || [Anurddhd nakshatram . . -ta-']

6, ram ratna-spkadika-samstkitam trimsa-mukurta-yogam maslia-sup-

odana-bkojanam Mitra-daivatam Alaikba[weya.OT gotrena 15 ll]

7, Jyesktlia nakliskatram tri-taramyuva-maddkya-sariisthitampaficka-

dasa-mukurta-yogam sali-yav-MAram India-devatam Diya . . -

gotrena 16 II [_Mulo nakshatram alia-']

8, tus-taram gaja-yikkrama-samstkitam trimsn-mukurta-yogam nya-

grodka-kaskay-akaraik Apa-daivatam Darpa-katyayani-[</o7reraci

17 II Purvasliddlid ««-]

9, kskatram tri-taram pula . . .-samstkitam trimsa-mukurta-yo[yam]

mula-pkal-akara[mi,] Nariti-daivatam [ . . . -gotrena IS II TJttard-

shddlid ?ia-]

It will bo observed tkat tke spelling and grammar is occasionally

irregular. Tkus we kave a wrong quantity on fl. 13&7 trims'a for trinisa

and ibid, and fl. 15a a muhurta for muhurta, fl. 146 s mitra for mitra, fl.

156 4 chatvarimsa and vimsatindm, fl. 15a 4 (see plate) dvdrikdni for dvdri-

kdni ; ri for ri in fl. 14Z> 9 trimsa for kimsa , fl. 146 7 tritdram for tritdram ;

1893.]

A. F. R. Hoernle— The Weber Manuscripts.

ir for ri on fl. 155 7 in 1 entiled for lcritikd ; d for t on fl. 146® in sphadika.

W ant of sandhi : fl. 136 7 dadlii-aharam for dadhyahdram. Blunder :

fl 15a 7 uttamra for uttar a ; fl. 15a 8 vikshnu for vishnu; fl. 136 4 asakhd

for viiakhd, though these two forms may he synonyms ; in the Abridged

Petersburg Dictionary both forms are given as synonyms of a certain

plant. Similarly fl. 14a 6 sarpi ‘serpent’ for sarpa, fl. 156 1 Bhdrgavdn

for Bhdrgavo. Omission of final consonant in fl. 14a 6 yaJcri for yahrit,

fl. 15a 8 (see plate) and fl. 15J® abhiji for abhijit. Anomalous construction

in fl. 156 6 ekd abhiji ashtau muhurta. I am not quite satisfied that I have

read correctly the words kraksha fl. 15a 8 , Brahmdvarni fl. 15a 8 . In

fl. 15a 8 (see plate) there is a curious symbol above sapta ; and since on

fl. 155® it is stated that Abhijit has eight (ashta) muhurtas, I believe

that the symbol is the numeral figure 8, intended as a correction. The

s of sapta has not quite its proper shape ; I believe the writer or

revisor meant to alter sapta into ashta, but seeing his failure in altering

the shape of sa, he abandoned his intention and over-wrote the figure

8. There are numerous traces to be met with of a revisor’s work ; thus

in fl. 15a 8 krakshahar&m the ra was originally omitted and has been

supplied inter linearly ; similarly the syllable m of katydyani in fl. 15a B .

(See the Plate.)

The portion extracted by me, may be translated thus, observing

the proper sequence of the leaves : — •

(Leaf 13.) Who- are they ? They are the Yatsas, Brahmacharins

and Chhandogas. How many are the divisions of the Chhandogas ? Six.

Which are they ? They are as follows : — Those whose food consists in

(1) wheat, (2) , (3) , (4) , (5) (6) francoline

partridge. 6 To which gotra does their mother belong ? To Parasara’s.

Has your honour any (particular) reading of the list of Nakshatras ?

Tell me! They are as follows: — 1, Kritika, 2, Rohini, 3, Mrigasira,

4, Ardra, 5, Punarvasu, 6, Pusliya, 7, Asleslia, 8, Maglia, 9, Purva-

phalguni, 10, TJttara-phalgunt, 11, Hasta, 12, Chitra, 13, Svati, 14,

Asaklia (Visakba), 15 Anuradlia, 16, Jyeshtha, 17, Mula, 18, Purvashadba,

19 Uttarashadha, 20 Abhiji, 21, S'ravana, 22 Dlianishtha, 23, S'atabliislia,

24, Purva Bhadrapada, 25, Uttara. Bhadrapadi, 26, Revati, 27, Asvini,

28, Bharani. These twenty nakshatras — what are the numbers of their

stars, what are their configurations, what are the numbers of their

muhurtas, what are their gotras, what kinds of food may be taken under

them, what are their daivatas ?

The following part of the translation, I give in tabular form, for

the sake of convenient reference.

6 Atyhsanam 1 take to ho a mis-reading for ity -dsanam (-asanam).

A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

[No. 1,

j Name.

Stars.

Configura-

tion.

-w

■a

Pood.

Dai vat a.

Gotra.

Kritika

razor

curds

Agni

Agnivesya.

Rohini

seat of a cart

beef and fish

Praj apati

Mrigasira

deer’s head

venison and fish

Soma

Ardra

mole

butter

Rudra

Haritayana.

Punarvasu

flag

froth of boiling

butter

Aditya

Vasishtha.

Pushya

vardhamana

honey

Vrihaspati

Alaban5yavi.

Aslesha

flag in the air

fish and liver

Sarpa

These, oh Pushkarasari,

the East.

are the seven nakshatras that are situated in

Maglia

river- arbour

Pitri

Pihgayani.

Purva-plial-

guni

flag

Bhaga

G6tama.

Uttara-phal-

gunt

flag

Arya

Kausiki.

Hasta

hand

Kutyayanl.

CliitrS,

mole

mudga-bean

Svati

mole

fruit

Visakha

horn

Satkrityiiyani.

These, oh Pushkarasarin, are the seven naksharas that are situated

in the South.

Anuradha

crystal

mess of masha-

beans

Mitra

Alambaneyavi

Jyoshthd

waist of a

youth

elephant’s

foot

rice and wheat

Indra

Diya — .

Mula

inf nsion of Ficus

Indica

Apa

Darpa-katya-

yani.

Purvashadha

roots and fruit

Nariti

Uttar ashft-

dha

elephant’s

foot

honey and

parched grain

Vaisya

Maudgalayani.

Abhijit

S'ravana

cow’s head

^8)7

vayu-kraksha (?)

deest

Brahmayani.

waist of a

youth

bird’s flesh

Vishnu

Brahmavarni.

These, oh Pushkarasari, are the seven nakshatras that are situated in

the West.

Dhanishtha

bird (kite)

Vasava

Katyayani.

S'atabhisM

mole

Varan a

Tandayani.

Purva Bha-

drapada

flag

Abhivviddlii

Jatukarni.

Uttara Bha-

drapada

flag

beef

Aryamakalpa

Hiranyayani

Revati

consistent molas-

Pushya

Bhargavan.

Asvini

ses

liver and flesh

Gandharva

Asvayant.

28 Bharani

pudendum

muliebre

rice

Yama

Bhargavi.

These, oh Pushkarasarin, are the seven nakshatras that are situated

in the North.

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts, 15

Of these twenty- eight nakshatras, oh Pushkarasarin, how many

nakshatras occupy a period of 45 muhurtas ? Six ; they are these : —

Rohinl, Punarvasu, Uttara Phalguni, Yisakha, Uttarasliadha, Uttara

Bliadrapada. Five nakshatras take up 15 muhurtas, namely Ardra,

Aslesha, Svati, Jyeshtha, S'atabhisha. One, Abhijit, occupies eight

muhurtas. The remainder are nakshatras occupying 30 muhurtas. Of

the nakshatras, situated in the East, Kritika is the first and Aslesha,

the, last (counting from East to West). Of the nakshatras, situated in

the South, Maglia is the first, and Yisakha, the last. Of the nakshatras,

situated in the West, Anuradha is the first, and S'ravana, the last. Of

the nakshatras, situated in the North, Dhanishtha is the first, and

Bharani, the last.

This work is clearly an astronomical treatise of a very ancient

type. The most ancient astronomy of the Hindus was based on the

lunar zodiac, comprising 27 (or afterwards 28) asterisms, the so-called

nakshatras, the series of which commenced with Krittika or the Pleiades,

and ended with Asvini and Bharani. This system obtained among

them till the introduction of Greek astronomy into India, about the

middle of the 2nd century A. D. (the time of Ptolemy). About that

time the order of the nakshatra series, which was now no more in

accordance with reality, was rectified, and the two last nakshatras were

placed first, so that the series now commenced with Asvini (i. e.,

(3 and y in Aries). This new order is that found in all Indian astro-

nomical works, subsequent to the Vedic period.

Further : the older series, beginning with Krittika, consisted origi-

nally only of 27 nakshatras. It was, apparently, only in the later

stage of the Yedic period of the Brahmanas and Sutras, that a 28th

nakshatra was added ; this was Abhijit, which was inserted as No. 20 in

the original list. The first mention of Abhijit occurs in the Taittiriya

Brahmana, and it formed already a part of the nakshatra series in the

time of the grammarian Panini. 6 The latter’s date is probably at the

end of the 3rd century B. 0. The earliest mention of the 28 naksha-

tras in China (introduced by the Buddhists) is in the middle of 3rd

century B. C. 7

Accordingly we have roughly, as the termini a quo and ad quern

for the composition of our treatise, the third century B. C. and the

second century A. D. This is about the period of the last stage of the

Yedic literature, viz., that of the Sutras. To this period, belong the two

small astronomical treatises, the Nakshatra-kalpa and the Santi-kalpa,

6 See Weber, Die Vedischen Nachrichten von den Naxatra, part II, pp. 279,

307, 325.

I See ibidem, part I, pp. 298, 300.

A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

[No. 1,

which are attached to the Kausilca Sutra of the Atharva Veda. 8 I have

not been able to examine any copies of them, but a brief account of

them has been given by Professor Weber in his Vedische Nachrichten von

den Naxatra (pp. 390-393). From this account it appears that the state-

ments, especially, in the Nakshatra-kalpa, show a curious resemblance to

those in our manuscript. Thus the Nakshatra-kalpa, too, gives lists not

only of the shape, the divinity, the number of stars, and the duration

of muhurtas of every one of the 28 naksliatras, but also of their four-

fold distribution into Eastern, Southern, Western and Northern, of

their gotra (or race of Rishi), and of the kind of food that may be taken

under them. The Nakshatra-kalpa adds some further particulars, cor-

responding statements to which may have been in the lost portion of

the manuscript, or may possibly be found in that portion which I have

not yet been able to examine.

A confirmation of the age of the work may be found in the cir-

cumstance, that the information given in it is ascribed to Pushkarasarin.

This renowned teacher is said to have been a contemporary of Buddha.

He is mentioned as a teacher in the Pratisakliya Sutra ; and is also cited

in the Varttikas to Panini by Katyayana, their author. 9

On the whole, therefore, and subject to the result of an examina-

tion of the whole manuscript, for which I have not yet been able to

find time, I have come to the conclusion that this part of the Weber

Manuscripts contains a hitherto unknown work belonging to the last

stage of the Vedic period of Sanscrit literature.

I will, however, here add a few curious particulars that I have

noticed in my cursory comparison of the manuscript with Prof. Weber’s

account of the Nakshatra-kalpa and similar works. The list of gotras

differs entirely ; the only coincidence is in the gotra of Krittika. Most

of the daivatas agree ; the most striking difference is in the case of the

27tli nakshatra (Asvini ), for whom our manuscript gives Gandliarva as

the daivata, while the Nakshatra-kalpa, in common with all other known

works, gives the two Asvins. Other differences may be mere blunders,

thus Vaishya in No. 11 and Pushya in No. 26, for Visve and Pushan

respectively. Nariti in No. 18 may be a local variety of Nirriti. Curious

are also, in our manuscript, Abhivriddhi and Aryamakalpa in Nos. 24 and

25, for Ahirbudhnya and Aja-ekapad resjDeetively. The transposition

of Apa in No. 17, and of Nariti in No. 18, may be an accidental mistake

for Nariti in No. 17 and Apa in No. 18. In the case of No. 20 (Abhijit)

our manuscript gives no daivata at all, the usually given daivata

being Brahman ; but this, too, may be an accidental omission.

8 See Weber’s History of Indian Literature, p. 153.

9 See Weber’s History of Indian Literature , pp 102, 285.

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts. 17

As to the number of stars, composing the several naksliatras, our

manuscript differs in nine cases from the Nakshatra-kalpa ; viz., in Nos.

2, 7, 8, 16, 17, 18, 20, 22, 27. Curiously enough in five out of these nine

cases (viz.. Nos. 2, 7, 8, 16, 20) our manuscript agrees with Brahma-

gupta’s statements.

^^hh regard to the duration of the muhurtas, our manuscript has

two curious differences. Firstly, it enumerates only five naksliatras of a

duration of 15 muhurtas, while the usual number in the Nakshatra-kalpa

and other works is six. These works add Bharani (No. 28), to which

in our manuscript a duration of 30 muhurtas is given. Secondly, our

manuscript gives to No. 20 (Abhijit) a duration of 8 muhurtas, against

the usual one of one muhurta. The whole list of durations stands thus :

Nakshatra-kalpa, etc.

6 naksh. of 45 muh.

4 5 » » 30 „

0 » >) 15 ,,

1 » » 1 »

I now proceed to Part II of the Weber Manuscripts. See Plate I

fig. 2. It consists of seven leaves, unfortunately mutilated on the left-

hand side, which would have shown the numbers of the leaves. Their

size is 6 x 2 T 3 ¥ inches. Four leaves have 9 lines each to the page ; the

three others, only 6 lines. This may possibly show, that the two sets

belong to two different manuscripts, but I have not yet been able to

examine them more closely. The characters are again a variety of the

North Western Gupta.

The page (obverse of the leaf), figured on Plate I, reads as follows.

The paper is very soft, and some portions being rather fretted, are very

difficult to read.

J ’ 'll ^5fT (X ^ fyrcfr

si fsrTErf irmirTUFP

2, .... fasrisrra ^srutTsi frre jj • (X t ^

t «rtr ; sreafgfw gy frwfr

3, ... . • 95 ^ am

st • C XS

4 ^Tf*r pjrf*r t W • wTffrT wftujfg

' ) • oc^. sfr5w*if

5 . . ^ fu %orr Jrfaujftj • gfiu srm srei 5 ^ fasrer wmr

’smiftTrrr • am mh

Weber MS.

6 nakshatras of 45 muhurtas.

16 „ of 30

5 „ of 15 „

1 „ of 8 „

J. i. 3

18 A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts. [No. 1,

6, .... stw#t • OCJu w?t F’l^r flPU

7, . , sfjfi • OC(§ jjffs^vrf fl^r?rTiiT ^wuimuT •

tmit t^fstfHrrJ

8, . . . ftwfj^TT $553jV 5?T?I^tfTit • P?5H?T V^jr

• OCR) sp^ns^r ^^rr

9, . . . fsf^r • rpf€t ^ rP?#t ^ ^ Wt fT^tr . OCJ W"St

^ ^ «t*TT •

It may be noticed (see the Plate) that the interpunctuation is

indicated by a dot, or occasionally two dots. The numerals are, again,

of the ancient style. In the following Roman transliteration I have

supplied, in brackets and italic type, the missing portions. Here the

metre and context has been a guide, though to some extent, of course,

the restorations are conjectural. It will be seen from these that, as a

rule, the space of four aksharas or § of an inch is lost, i. e., that the

original length of the leaf must have been 6f inches. The work is

written in the sloka metre.

1, t& hy=aham [|]

tasya tad=bachanam Irutva, Rudro vachanam=abravit || 10

Aham S'ivo Visal-akslii tvam S'iva nama namatah [i]

2, [JTama-dem-jvinasaya Daksha-nasaya tishtha tu || 11

Ye cha tbam pujayishanti kirtayishyanti ye naiAh [l]

pradasyasi varam tebhyo ya

3, .... vas=tath£i II 12

Bali-dhupa-pradanena puslipa-dip-anulepanaih [i]

bhaktya cha prayatS, martya tesh&m tvam bhava-kama-da || 13

4, .... pravakshyami yani guhyani te S'ive I

a.hrita yais=tvam=4gamya bhavishyasi vara-prada II 14

Yojananam

5, [sa/m]sre ’pi sthita srutva gamishyasi I om [i]

jaya jayanti vijayS, amogha aparajita I

java jiimbu-

6, [ nada-prabha ] jambhani ripu-nasani || 15

Sahasra-kirana bhadra pumgava brahma- charini I

maya mayavini sadya kambu-gri

[va raiW]-anana || 16

S'ukti-karnt malia-naga ajeya aparajitS, I

1893.]

A. F. R Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

sakti-karn=agni-damshtrala 10 vetadi veda-nirmita l| u 17

8, . . A dirgha-lamgula liuhukka jata-harini |

viddhika vijaya dlianya asi-loma vrik-odari || 18

Dlialandhala sarpa-na

9> \_thd dirglia~\-]ih.vdu maha-gala I

turuki clia tarudl clia baluki oka siva tatka II 19

Aranyi cka srigall oka bhairava bhima-darsana I 11

This may be translated thus : —

(10) Hearing bis (her) -words, Rudra spoke as follows : (11) I am

Siva, ok large-eyed-one ! Thou shalt be called S’iva aftex- my name;

and thou shalt be the cause of KAmadeva’s destruction and Daksha’s

death. (12) Those men that shall worship and extol thee, to them thou

shalt grant gifts, as well as to them that .... (13) Those mortals

that show their faith and devotion to thee by offering of sacrifices and

incense, by flowers, lights and anointings, to them thou shalt be the

bestower of their woi’ldly desires. (14) I will announce to thee, oh

Siva, all the secret things concerning thee ! 13y whomsoever’ thou ai’t

called upon, to him thou shalt come and bestow on him gifts. (15)

Even if thou art at a distance of a thousand yojanas, yet thou shalt

hear and go to him. Om ! Thou art victoi’ious, conquei'ing, triumphant,

unerring, unsurpassable, swift, brilliant as gold, crushing, destroying

(thy) enemies, (16) thousand -rayed (like the sun), good, spouse of

the Puiigava (bull-like man), holy, illusoi’y, ci’eating illusions, ever-new,

shell-necked, red-mouthed, (17) oystei’-sliell-eared, a great Naga, in-

vincible, unsurpassable, strong-eai’ed, fiei’y- toothed, a Vetadi (goblin),

set up by the Vedas, (18) spouse of him with the long liiiga, a l’oarei’,

ravisher of new-born babes, transfixer, conquei’oi’, eni’icher, with sword-

like hair and wolf-like belly, (19) Dhalandhald (?), mistress of serpents,

long-tongued, large-throated, turuki (swift ?), tarudi (young ?), baluki

(strong ?) as well as lucky, wild, jackal-like, awe-inspiring, of fearful

aspect.

I add the Roman transliteration of the revei’se page. It is still

more worn, and still more difficult to read : — ■

1, bandha-mochani || 20

Bkagavatyai namas=tubhyam ehy=aranye sive subhe |

adushte bliattini bliatte gulii

1° The text actually reads sakti-damshtr^gni-Tcarn-iigni-damshtrdld, with a

stroke of cancellation drawn through the first damshtr&gni. For foTcti probably sulcti

should be read, though the epithet iukti-karnt is already mentioned in the preceding

hemistich.

11 The interpunctuation is here indicated by two dots placed one above the

other, like the visarga (:), instead of the single dot used everywhere else.

20 A. F. R. Iloernle — The Weber Manuscripts. [No. 1,

2 .... sini II 21

Ek-akshara-rave dliatre tri-loka-guru-vatsale I

satya-vadiny=ume chande visalye satru-nasani || 22

Bhaya-de dhana-de

3 j .... katu-vinasani |

daityanam bala-hartari mamsa-sonita-bbojani || 2o

Vapa-dhupa-priye rodrl kala-ratri maha-rave I

asi-

4, [Zome] . . danti sulalo (?) siila-bhisbanl II 24

Pamch-ayushye sliad-adhikye na 12 ch=ashtadasa-bhishanl I

krishne gauri pradipti

[ cha ] . . . lamba-chuchuke II 25

Megha-duudubhi nirghoshe sarva-vyadhi-pramochani |

sarva-vyasana-mdktari kali du-svapna-

6, a a • • • [H 26]

. . duti sive gauri karade loliit-anane I

prachande amrit-odgare 13 abhra-yane mano-jave II 27

7 ye vriddhe matri-varga-pracliarini I

srl-lakshmir=vapuh-pushtis=tvam siddhih kirtir=eya cka II 28

Hri santih kanti-rasa

g tu sadhani |

yadi pliia-balam satyam visve deva-balam yadi I 14

nasayishyasi satrunam=ayur=viryam dhanam .

9, • 1

\jMva-rajasya satyena purva-diiT\ yadi sthita, II 30

Dharma-rajasya satyena dakshinasyam yadi sthita I 15

Varunasya

Tbis work appears to be a stotra , or hymn, in honour of S'iva’s

spouse, Parvati, after the manner of the Puranas. Perhaps it may be

possible, hereafter, to identify it with some work already known. I may

mention that, in glancing over another page, I have noticed directions

given as to the particular kinds of sacrifice which are to be offered (to

Parvati ?) in the case of each of the four castes. The passage runs as

follows : —

Amatye ghrita-homali kartavyah II Brahmane dadhi-ghrita-homah

nama-gotrarii sarvesham grahyam II [KshatriyS] ghrita-madhu-homah ||

Vaisye dhanya-liomah || S'udre matsya-homah II Sarva-vasikarane yaclia-

homah.

12 Or navd for nachd.

18 Or perhaps ddbhdrd. The letters are indistinct.

14 Here the number 29 is omitted in the text.

16 See note 11 on page 51.

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts. 21

That is : In tho case of a minister an oblation of clarified butter

should he made ; in tho case of a Brahman, an oblation of curds and

claiified butter, (and) the name and gotra should be mentioned in

every case ; in the case of a ICshatriya, an oblation of clarified butter

and honey (should be made) ; in the case of a Vaisya, an oblation of

rice (or grain) ; in the case of a S'udra, an oblation of fish ; (and)

generally for the purpose of subjecting any one to one’s power, an

oblation of Y acha (or the root of A corns calamus ) .

Part TIT. See Plate I, fig, 3. There are six leaves ; four of them

are mere fragments, but two are fairly complete ; one of the latter has

been figured. These two measure 6f by 2| inches, with 6 lines to the

page. The characters are a North Western Gupta variety. The figured

page reads as follows : —

vtf^ararr — ^fr wfd 11 snfr fesrfsrg?

2 > • • • . 3*? faflTsrfsr— '

3, ^iffrprr nffrw irafarisfr

4, . . . ftr spu II wfrr— ii ^Tfsrgifrriw <pg«ir

5, .. xfk xfk — Tfs ffg—

G, . UTtftf — qqrrcrsjr'i' YTiT — VffispZI —

Roman Transliteration.

1; mena dhovitavya I svastho bliavati II namo Yidyu-

jihva-

2, [ mdtamga-rdjasya ] yuju yuju I yuji yuji | malini | vimanani I amu-

kam nri-

3, [yia-szfZro]mayl pratima karttavya | sa pratim& sarshava-tailena

makshayitavya

4, ... agni juhya II asuko jvarito bhavati II mochitu-kamena | tad=

yatlA

5, . . itti itti I itti itti itti I kshamasi I makshasi I kataka-pali 16 i

6, [/cajtakarh preshami I imam parvata-rajanam ravatu kushtha-

himgu parijapya I

The reverse page runs as follows : —

1, . . m=pitavyo mokslio bhavati || namo Yidyu-jihva-matamga-

rajasya | tad=yatha I kulima-

2, \li hulima]\i \ kulimali I kulimali I svaha II sulbasya pratima kar-

tavya I taila-ghrite-

16 Or, perhaps, only Tcata-pali. The second lea is half deleted.

22 A. F. It. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts. [No. 1,

3, [n = dmuka-nri ] pasya namena so dahyati — II mochitu-kamenat

gandh-6dakam=parijapya | i-

4, mocha I satasati i dhana-dliana svaha II sa pratim&

snapayita-

5, [vya] mah S'abaranaml prakhale prakhale I prakhale pra-

khale | viddhe

6, grihya nisehitavyah II

This appears to belong to some work on sorcery ; and from the

fact that on the second leaf occurs the phrase sarva-siddhdnam pamcli-

dbhijndnam namah it would seem to be a Buddhistic work. For the

“ five knowledges ” are a well-known Buddhist term. The diction is

a barbarous mixture of Sanskrit and Pali. The following is a tentative

translation : —

“ (The image) should be washed with .... He will be well. Sa-

lutation to the elephant king with the lightning-like tongue! Yuju!

Yuju ! yuji ! yuji ! Oh Malini, oh Vimanani ! Of such and such a king

let an image of copper be made ! That image should be rubbed with

mustard oil, (and) having burned (it in) fire , such a one will be

attacked with fever. If it is wished to deliver him ( from fever), the

following ( charm should be used ) : “ Itti, itti, mayest thou forgive, mayest

thou wipe off ; Oh Katakapali ; I send an army ; let him praise this

mountain-king ! ” Having uttered a spell over kushtlia and asafoetida,

(this remedy) should be drunk; (then) there will be deliverance. Salu-

tation to the elephant-king with the lightning-like tongue ! (Then to

be said) as follows : “ Hail to her who bears a chaplet of kuli (Solanum

Jacquinii) ” ! Am image of copper should be made ; (this should be

rubbed) with oil and clarified butter (and heated) in such a king’s

name ; (then) he will burn (with fever). If it is wished to deliver (him),

a spell should be said over fragrant water : “ itti, itti deliver

him, oh Satasati, Dliana-dhana, hail!” That image should be bathed

(with the fragrant water) (worst) of the S'abaras ! oh wicked one !

oh pierced one! Having taken (him), he should be

warded off.

Part IY. See Plate III, fig. 1. No more than the fragment which

has been figured exists of this manuscript. It is, however, of very

considerable interest, as it presents a species of the North-Western

Gupta character, which forms the link between that and the Central

Asian type of Nagarl characters. For comparison the forms of the super-

scribed vowel e and of the consonants j, t, n may be especially noticed.

The figured page reads as follows : —

1 vps ^

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — The T Veher Manuscripts.

2 , . ... ^ wfff ^gPSTrr: 5nm*scr v^r*r . . .

3, . . . ^ ^ . #

4, .... f ^T^rnr: Tjdr^if .....

5, . . . ^JURT v^raiftwr gw OC %

6, 7 TOnit fswf4<g

In the following transliteration, I have, as before, supplied missing

portions, where it was possible, in brackets and italic type. The work

is written in the sloka metre, and it wdll be seen that about four or six

aksharas are lost on each side, on the assumption that the extant piece

formed the middle of the leaf. Accordingly the whole leaf, in its

original state, probably measured 7 inches, allowing a little for the

margins.

1) .... r^’lsa-ya-vichakshanah [i]

asht-anga-samprapurn[o] na [d]v[i]r[a] . .

.... [7 II]

2, .... k[o] bhavati hy-abhirupah su-sa[m]sthitah [i]

jati-smaro dharma-dan . . .

... yatam 8 [||]

Dva-s-tri[m]sal-lakshanany=evam=asiti-vyamjanani cha [|]

6 ,

.... bhavaty=Angirasab katkam 9 [||]

Lakshanaih sarvva-d[d]nena

...[,]

suddhyate sama-chittena bhavaty=Ahgiraso munih 10 [||]

samsigamo jinair=nityarn

h [I]

[11 11 ]

Reverse :

1) danasya chesthitam [|]

t[e]n-asi

2 > ... [ 12 1 |]

[S]mrit[i]m[am]=s=cha katham va syan=matimam=s=cha viclia-

kshana[A |]

3, .... [a]i’hasi 13 [||]

Asatah smritimain hi syan=matimain=s=cha vicha [kslianah I !

4 ... en-api prajnayS, dharma-dlisiraka 14 [l|]

Akshanebhyah ka . . . .

24 A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts. [No, 1,

5, ... gachcliliati [l]

kena pramatto bhavati braviky=etan=mam=anaghah 1 [5 II ]

6, [mnjrga-silena gachcliliati [|]

sunyata-bhavan-abhyasa-tapa [16 ll]

This may be translated thus

(Angirasa is) pre-eminently clever, thoroughly full of the eight-fold

(qualities) (7) He is handsome, well-put-together, a rememberer

of his former existences, an imparter of the Law (to others)

(8) The 32 attributes as well as the 80 marks , how does Angi-

rasa possess them ? (9) By his attributes, his imparting of all things,

his equanimity he is purified, — is the Muni Angirasa. (10)

his intercourse is constant with the Jinas .... (11) his

function is the imparting (of the Law) (12) How is he thought-

full and intelligent and clever art thou able (to tell me ?) (13)

He is guileless, thoughtful, intelligent and clever, .... (full of) wisdom,

versed in the Law. (14) From inopportune things he goes

(away) ; with reference to what he is indifferent and (yet remains)

sinless,— that do thou tell me! (15) .... he walks in the moral pre-

cepts of the path (of holiness), . . . asceticism (and) the practice of

meditation on Sunyata (or Nirvana).

It is difficult to judge from such a small fragment, what the sub-

ject of the whole work may have been. That of the fragment itself

is an eulogistic description of the Muni Angirasa. From the technical

terms, occurring in the fragment, it seems clear that the work is Bud-

dhistic.

Part V. See Plate II, fig. 1. Thei’e are eight leaves, measuring

8| by 2 t 9 ¥ inches. They are mutilated, however, on both sides. There

are five lines to every page. The characters belong to the round

variety of the Central Asian Nagari.

The figured page, being the reverse, reads as follows : —

1, * . . * wwr . . . .

2 } — *?r«r . .

3 ) . . . Qffwfrr *r snfk sr ?r ’tfrra

4, ... ^ f?r gfwtffifaxriisr— 1 wgyfrr wraf « . .

5, . v . — WT«r fh

In Roman transliteration, as before : —

. . . sha . . da sashyata puja ....

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

2, ddhy-arba-dandena parimuchchishyati | yava ,evam=eva

parimuclich [ ishyati ]

3, [na] . . sastra[m] kramati na vislia n=agni n=asi-visba na kak-

kliordda 17 na vaitala na

4, . . [Sajlain karoti atyattra 18 pnrima-karma-vipikona 1 evam-uktfi

Bhagavam ma [hard-']

5, [jam] ya[&s/ia]-senapatim=av6cliat | s&dliu sadliu Manibhadra

anujan&mi mi

The obverse page lias the following : —

manta varnavanta yasasvina 6 [||]

Malia-bala-maha-k[d]ya va [|]

. na . manasa Buddliam vandanti Gautama 7 [l|]

Eumbhakarno Eikumbhas=clia Siddharttham=aparajitam [|]

ma .

. . . danto clia Sahasrakslias=cha Pingala [||]

Kavilo Dbarmadirnas=cha Ugratejo . .

• ' D]

. . tvam saranam y&nti su-p-prasannena cbetasa 9 [||]

tad=yatba kadye-kodye 19 ... .

W This is tlio passage referred to in my paper “ Tlio Third Instalment of the

Bower MSS. ” in the Indian Antiquary, Yol. XXI, p. 369. On another leaf of the

same MS., the word occurs once more, but spelled Uklch6rdda with a long d. I wish

to take this opportunity to correct my reading of the word in the Bower MS. It is

there spelt IcaUkhurda, with the jihviimuliya before kh, not Icavhhorda, as I first read

it. I owe this correction to a suggestion of Dr. A. Stein, who informs mo that in

modern S'arada. writing the difference between a superscribed r and the jihvamfiliya

is very small. He suggests that there may be a clerical error in the Bower MS.

This, however, is not probable. The forms of the superscribed r and tho jihvamfiliya

are widely different in the Bower MS., but on tho other hand (as, for that matter,

in S'arada also) there is a resemblance between tho super-compounded v and the

jilivamuliya. Hence I took the symbol to bo that for v, while I should have recog-

nized it as the symbol of tho jilivamuliya. Dr. Stein, further, informs mo that the

word Icalclchurda occurs also in VII, 298 of the Bajataranginl, in the form Jchurlchuta,

and that it is still used in modern Kashmiri in tho form Tchurilchdkhus. Ho suggests

that it is rather these more modern forms that represent the proper spelling of the

word, with reference to the correct placement of r (i. e., karlchdda, not Icalchorda) .

I do not agree with this; we have, in the Bower MSS. and the Weber MSS., the

earliest (known) spellings of the word, compared with which tho more modern spell-

ings in tho BAjatarangini and in Kashmiri are more likely to be corruptions.

1® Perhaps atyattra is an error for anyattra, and vipdM na may have to bo

separated.

19 The letter which I have read dy is doubtful. For a facsimile of it, see Plate

IV of the alphabet.

J. i. 4

1 ,

A . F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts. [No. ],

6, i . i . . i . i . alia — yattra (sibha-datt&) bha-

gava

This may be translated as follows : —

“ He will be delivered from condign punishment ; and so

forth (as before down to) even so he will be delivered . . . . , no weapon

can hurt him, nor poison, nor fire, nor poisonous snake, nor Kakkhordda,

nor Vait&la, nor can have power over him here (in this world)

through the natural consequence of his deeds (done) in former exist-

ences.” Having thus spoken, the Blessed one spoke to the Maharaja,

the General of the Yakshas (thus) : “Verily, verily, oh Manibhadra ! I

permit thee

The brilliant, the glorious (6), they of great strength, of great

body intently praise Buddha. Gautama, (7) Kumbhakarna, and

Nikumbha (praise) the Siddhartlia, the invincible, and . . . danta,

Sahasr&ksha and Pingala, Kapila, Dharmadirna and Ugrateja . . . . ,

they seek thy protection with a well-pleased mind, (9) (saying) as

follows : “ Kadye, kodyA”

I do not think that much can be lost at the two sides. Lines 4 and

5 of the reverse show this. On two other pages the mahdyaksha send-

pati Manibhadra and four maharaja yakshasendpati are spoken of, which

shows how the lacuna should probably be filled up. The original size

can also be calculated from the slokas on the obverse page. This page

seems to give an enumeration of Mahanagas. Of the slokas, those num-

bered Nos. 6, 7, 8 and 9 are preserved. The rest is in prose. The

whole reminds one somewhat of the snake-charm in the Bower MSS.,

which I have published in the Indian Antiquary , vol. XXI, p. 349 ff.

The full size of the leaf, in its original state, may have been about

9| inches, inclusive of margins. The figured leaf is the best preserved ;

some of the others are in a scarcely legible state. But it seems clear

from what remains that the work contained a charm givon by Buddha

(Bhagavan) to the Maliayaksha Manibhadra.

Part VI. See Plate II, fig. 2 . There are five leaves, measuring 7f

by 2 | inches, with 7 lines to the page. The leaves, though practically

complete on the left side, are greatly mutilated on the right side, by

nearly one-third. The characters are another specimen of the round

variety of the Central Asian Nagari.

The figured page is the reverse and reads as follows : —

1, 3tJ FfT ^ Tjfsiw: . . .

2 , . ^ . : 3

3, . dj . 3VT VfW §

1893.]

A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

4, O g~ y

5, . *. ’JH ss-rar w kw y f«f^5SfJT gP: *r

(3, ffHTi sji^T ?J*g fasi^ fhsjftsfr; g£ xfsy . .

7, ^fsr^msprf *jsrh* g£j- f^'sffTJrnft ....

In Roman transliteration I give the obverse page (not figured)

first : —

1, . . 40 [II]

Vyapeta-roga-maranam vipram sa[m]pariki[r]tyate I

apritis=ch=abliishakta . . . [ 41 II

]

2, tato ’yam kundasl pnmschali-patih [|]

vapa-puskpa-nibham vastram maharaja . . . [. 42 II

]

3, jambukas=ch=eti tat-samam [|]

lehako ’vyakta-vachano dliurtas=tu . rtiva . [. 43 II

]

4, vidhushiko matah [|]

chatur-bhS,gas=tnriyaih sya jaghanyam kati [. . 44 II

]

5, vikramena balena cha |

uttamo yah samanebkyah sa [ 45 II

]

6, ... laukikanam tath=aiva cha [l]

parinislitha-vidhi-jno yah sa [ 46 II

'• •]

7, ni . kah [|]

shad-vamso raja-yajna yas=tan-tu [ 47 II

• • ]

Reverse (figured).

1, [I]

, ndhava vritta vritta cha sanniruktah [. ... 48 II

2, . . va . [|]

rahasa samgatarii kale kartsnitam kavayo viduh 4[,9 ||

]

3, • • m [|]

fprajdattsi purnsha-jnan=cha ramam tam=abhinirdiset 50 [l|

• I]

4, abliipeksham mahatmano raja-putram kul-odgatah 51 [ll]

Ya [ ]

28 A. P. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts. [No. 1,

5, ^ .#['].

sapta prakritayo yasya r&shtram cha nirupadravam 52 [ll]

na [ praki\

6, rtitah [l]

raj&nah kara-da yasya visas=ch=avijayi-kritah 53 [ll]

Islitiya [ I ]

7, anitya-manusham 16k^m=s=tu samjate 20 | 54 [ll]

Nighanda-nigama-pram [ l]

Tho obverse of tlio next leaf continues as follows : —

1, . . -ch-chkatram kshatriyair=Buddka-nirjitaih 55 [ll]

Eka-ch-clikatram mahim vyamkte [ I

]

2, van&d=upavanaih smritam [56 ll]

Padmini reju rajiva-chatra-pattavati smri[ia |]

The remainder is almost illegible.

The leaf that immediately precedes the foregoing two loaves, reads

as follows : —

Obverse.

1, .... shthas=chanda-samjnitam 24 [||]

Parame-slithi matah sreshthah pre . priya . da [. .1

' ’ ■]

2, [&£]rtitam 25 [l|]

Pada-krich=charmakara syat=tapitas=tu vamo matah [l]

lavanyam=ahur=madhu [ 26 II

. . .' ]

3, . svas& tn bhagini mata |

vata-pitta-kaph4tmano vyadhayah [ par ikir Utah 27 II

]

4, . . tt& hy=upadravah [|]

ajfio vesah sam&khyato nuttam preritam=uch[i/ate 28 II

]

5, . . hutah [|]

talpam tn sayanam jneyarh kliatv=eti . . tha vaku 2 [.9 ||

• ; a

6, kilasam panduram jneyam dola prenkh=cti samjnitah 30 [||]

Barhimsi clia [ I

]

20 This verse is blundered ; four syllables are wanting. Perhaps read samjayatS.

Tho final double dot is not a visarga, but the mark of interpunctuation.

1893.] A . F. It. Iloernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

7, . bhavanam=u chyate I 31 [||]

Pradhanam 21 yu[d7ja]m=ity=£Uiur=ay6dhanam=iti [ smritam \

82 ||]

Reverse.

1, . da . 6 dasa-vrittayah sarandlira iti samsmritah [|]

ada [ 33 ||

]

2, . tarn vinirdiset [|]

brindarakas=tu vijneyo yah simlia-natavam tarah [34 ||

•]

3, ban ah preta-raja syach=clihushmi tn Maghavam matah 35 fill

• • [ I

kurii]

4, bh[T]las=tu mato nakrah kurmo gudh-anga uchyate | 36 [||]

. ptsava [ I

• •]

5, . . panama sya karako bhritako matah 37 [||]

Utthyam prasasta[m] vijne [yam |

]

6, . prokto mallerah kekaro matah 38 [|| ]

Paro ’patanam martyam 22 =abhidhyi,[w^]na [. . . |

■•]

7, [sampracha~\'ksh 2 d>& \ 39 [||]

Yotrah sa khalu vijneyo yah sutasy=asuto mata[A |

■. ; • • ; ]

This work is written in slokas, from which it is easy to calculate

how many syllables are lost on the right hand side. The number varies

from about 12 to 18. Those aksharas which are actually lost are in-

dicated by dots enclosed within straight brackets; those, not thus

enclosed, indicate illegible letters. On an average, one-half (or 16

aksharas in each line) is lost of each sloka. The space required for these

lost aksharas would be 3| inches, allowing for a small margin on the

right-hand side. Accordingly the total length of the original leaf must

have been 10| inches.

In the following I give the translation only of those passages which

are complete, taking the proper sequence of the leaves : —

(Yerse 25.) By parameshthin (he who stands foremost) is meant

the best. (26) A pada-Tcrit ,( foot-maker, shoe-maker) should be (under-

stood to be) a worker in leather. By tapita is meant vomiting, (27)

21 Read pradhanam. So in the Amara Kosha.

22 This pada is short by one syllable. Perhaps read ’patdnalcam.

A. F. E. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

[No. 1

By svasd is meant a sister. All diseases (are said to be) due to air, or

bile, or phlegm. (28) A disguise is called ajnci (incognito). Something

dispatched is said to be nutta. . (29) Talpa should be known to be a

bed. (30) Kilasa should be known to be a kind of jaundice. A swing

is termed prenkhd. (32) A war they call pradhana ; it is also known

as aydcUiana. (34) That charm which contains the simha-nata (?, nata

is Taberncemontana coronaria ) should be known to be the Vrinddraka

(i. e., best of its kind). 28 (35) [ Nrijhana should be understood to be the

king of the Pretas. By sushmin (i. e., powerful) is meant Maghavan.

(36) By kumblitta is meant a crocodile. The tortoise is said to be

gudhanga, (i. e., having hidden limbs). (37) By kdraka is meant a

paid servant. (38) TJtthya should be known to be that which is ex-

cellent. By mallera is meant squinting. (39) Excessive spasmodic con-

traction is known by the name of martya (i. e., mortal). By yotra,

indeed, should be known that which is the means of distilling the

Soma extract. (41) A death which is not preceded by any illness

is praised as vipra (i. e., excellent). (42) A kundasin is a keeper

of harlots. A garment [fit to be worn by] a Maharaja is one which re-

sembles flowers and the omentum. (43) A lehaka (licker, lisper) is one

who does not speak plainly. (44) Turiya should be (understood to

be) a quarter. (49) A mystery (plot P) harmonizing in time is what

the poets know as kartsnita ( kritsnata , or completeness). (52) Whose

state possesses its seven constituent elements, and whose country is free

of disturbance (53) To whom kings pay tribute, and whose

people are never conquered (56) An upavana, (grove or small

forest) takes its name from a forest ( vana ). (57) A lotus is known as

reju or rdjiva or chatrapattavati (cf. Skr. satapatra).

This clearly shows that the work is some Sanskrit vocabulary or

“ kosha.” Perhaps it may be possible, hereafter, to identify it with some

one of the existing and known koshas ; or it may turn out to be a new

and hitherto unknown kosha- work. It appears to contain a good number

of new words.

On the left-hand margin of the reverse of the last-copied leaf,

opposite to the 3rd and 4tli lines, there are faint traces left of the

number 6. This, therefore, is the sixth leaf of the manuscript. As

there are, on the average, 8 slokas on a page, or 16 on a leaf, there

should be about 90 slokas (allowing a blank page to commence with)

on the six initial leaves of the work. As the 6th leaf, however, only

brings us down to the middle of the 40th sloka, it may be concluded,

that the work was divided in chapters ( adhyayas ), and that the 40

23 This is puzzling. Perhas tara/i is a clerical error for narah, and the meaning

may be “ one who has subdued a lion is a Vrind6.ra.lca."

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts. 31

slokas, a portion of which has been preserved, belong to the second

chapter, while the first chapter must have contained about 50 slokas.

P erhaps when the remainder of the existing fragment has been read,

this point may be more certainly known. I have at present only read

and copied those leaves, on which I could discern any numbers. These

show us the partial preservation of the following Slokas : 24-40 and

41-57 ; and this, consequently, proves that the figured leaf is the seventh

of the manuscript.

The manuscript is rather carelessly written ; thus we have vidhu-

shilco for vidushiko on line 4 of the obverse of the 7th leaf ; and Jcurmd

gudhanga for Mrmo gudhdhga on line 4 of the reverse of the 6th leaf,

and other blunders.

Part VII. See Plate II, fig. 3. This manuscript consists of 7

leaves, measuring about 5 by 2| inches, but they are mutilated on the

left-hand side. There are mostly six lines to the page ; a few leaves

have 7 lines, but these may possibly turn out to belong to a different

manuscript. The characters are again another specimen of the round

variety of the Central Asian Nagari.

The figured page reads as follows : —

l 5 crw ’Tfsjfrw rrsnw sfjmrfa wji

2 > ... ’I II — 3[fiw — — *?: cfi

3, sprat: frarar *rr ^

4, . . ra * ssftrajffT

5, . . .

6, fa . hm — qfoDrar%"r

In Roman transliteration ; —

1, [ ] . jiia pujitam [||]

Tathagatam namasyami sambuddha-dvipad-ottamam [|]

Bhaga

2, [ ] . . . m ||

Uttile, dale, duttile, siddhir=astu svaha ; yah ka \_s=chid=Bhaga-~\

3, vatah sr[a]vakah bliikshur=va bhikshuui V& upasako va upasika

VEl, i-

4, . . imam cha me hrida[yo]m purva-ratram=apara-ratram manasi

karishyati

5, . . [da]n[d]ena parimuchchishyati, dand-arha-praharena pari-

muchchishya-

6; [t»] i • pena ; pa . i . a . -arlio loma-

A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

[No. 1,

The reverse reads as follows : —

1, [pan«iM]chchisliyati, ime clia . bhadante bliaga-

2, ham=anubhavena sa sagar-anta-prithivim=anuvicha-

3, tpalo naro, kumbha-karno maha-kumbha-karno, ari, kdrl,

ka-

4, le, pelole, &ye, taye, ikshori, kune kunike, yas=cha me

5, . . sukla-pakshasya pratipadam=upadayakrishna-paksho va snata-

su-

6, \_chi] . . . dharme samghe sa-gauravena, ayo-vihitam chittam

variitena Adi . e

The first passage (obverse, lines 1 and 2) is a sloka, which affords

the means of calculating the extent of the lost portion of the leaf. The

dots, inclosed within brackets, indicate the number of lost aksliaras.

They are ten or eleven, and would occupy the space of about 2f inches.

The full size of the original leaf, accordingly, must have been 7f by 2|

inches. This would seem to show that the smaller of the two extant

wooden boards belonged to this manuscript ; and this conclusion is con-

firmed by the fact that the board is inscribed with a line of writing

in Central Asian NAgari (see ante p. 37). The leaf must have been

torn exactly in the place where the string-hole originally was situated.

The remainder of the text is in prose. It seems to be another work

giving the story of a Buddhist charm. From a remark, which I have

noticed on another leaf, it would appear that the charm was communi-

cated by Buddha himself to the Maliayaksha Senapati Manibliadra, with

reference to a son of the latter, called Purnaka. The subject of the

work, therefore, is similar to that in the Vth Part, and it may possibly

turn out to be another copy of the same charm.

The text above quoted may be thus translated : —

I salute the Tatliagata, the best of enlightened men, the Blessed

one Uttile, dale, duttile ! May it bo effective ! Svaha ! If any

disciple of the Blessed-one, any male or female mendicant, or any male

or female lay-devotee, keeps in mind this my heart in the former part

and in the latter part of the night, he will bo delivered from punish-

ment, he will be delivered from any stroke of punishment ; etc.

On the reverse occur tho names of some Nagas, e. g., Kumbliakarna

and Maha-kumbhakarna.

Part VIII. See Plate III, fig. 2. Of this manuscript only 4 leaves

aro preserved, measuring 5x2| inches, but mutilated on the right-hand

side. They aro inscribed with 7 lines to the page, of which the lowest

(or tho uppermost on the reverse) is almost wholly obliterated. The

characters aro again a specimen of tho round variety of tho Central

Asian Nagari, approaching rather more to the Indian Gupta type.

1893.]

A. F. R. Iloernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

The figured page reads as follows :

^wrjr^ffr ii ^fq^rifsj^rr

2. ftff37r f% ’TTfiTSjfimT: ^raftmi*? vrfr ^rfrsfr fnft w ^

^ wfir ii ^xpr 53 : 1 %

4. ^i'? 11 _ 5 % ^gfjgf s^rfttfifsrtsr %fru

5. wf f# ft’TT ®?r*if*ifr

e - . ^ ^ # ^rr f*r^j *Tfy 5 TtrrT 3 jr «nr: sr . . .

7 - . . *r«i . «rr

In Roman transliteration :

T churnena pratyagachclihamti II kapila-jikv&ih grihya

2 , shitavya hi pura-misritayah dova-pratimaya dhupo datavyo tato

sa a

3, sa mumchati gurgulu-dhupena prakriti-stho bliavati II uparu pu-

tali chanda

4, svaka II upacharah krisline chaturddasyam tri-ratr-oposbitena

sveta-pa

5, bliam dandala-sutrena varti kriyate atasi-tailena dipo jvalayita

6 , . jra stliam . . tarn clia sarvva-ratri vidy[«] parijap[i] tavya

tatah pra

7, . . tatha . na . .

Reverse.

1 , . . savi . pasyamti ya ya . . . . pam || .

2 , kili[*]ilikasya jatu-karena sira-golakam karayet tatra tolalcena

3, ... rmadena limpitva tena golakena sasy-ottare ch=chliubliitavye

dhaka

4, . dvitiyah eva bharo bhavati sarvam yashyati tatah prikrich 21 =

chhuddlie

5, dam cha bhavati II tunda-kilikilikasy=akshini grihya pishaye

sronchate

6 , push[p]a-yogen=anjitena gavachyu-pisacham pasyamti tena cha

purusha-virya

7, . . trayam pisacham banati tapyasya kaclichhat=prasevaka griliya

gam [ ]

The text is too mutilated to admit of a satisfactory translation.

What there is may be thus rendered : — -

He approaches with the powder n Taking the tongue of a

brown cow the image of the deva is to be fumigated with incense

The reading is uncertain ; it may be prikrich or pritrich or prinrich

J. i. 5

A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

[No. 1,

mixed with pura ( a fragrant stuff ) ; then that (image) .... he gets

free (from disease and) through the incense of gugguln (a fragrant

gum resin ) he becomes (restored) to good health. Above the figme ....

svalia II The physicking (should bo had recourse to) in the dark half

of the month, on the fourteenth day, by a person after ho has fasted for

three nights and (put on) white (raiment), a wick should

be made of the cord of a dandala (churning- stick ?), (and) a lamp lighted

with linseed oil, and the spell should be repeated throughout

the whole night. Then they see II With rod lac he

is to form a ball representing the head of Kilikilaka (i. e., Siva) . . . ;

then having rubbed it with a tola of • • ■ > with that ball in

sifted fine grain ; the process is repeated once more ; every

thing is brought in one’s power ; then in a thoroughly cleaned,

and it becomes .... II Taking the eyes of ( tunda ) Kilikilaka, he should

grind (them), ho ladles ; with anointed with the prepara-

tion of flowers they can see a pisacha at a distance of a gavachyu

( gavyuti ?, or perhaps the name of a pisacha) ; and with that power of

man he can kill three .... pisachas ; ( then) taking a bag from

the side of the person that does penance

Fx’om the above extract it would appear that the work treats of

medical charms. It is written in the now well-known species of “ mixed ”

Sanskrit, anciently the prevailing literary language in North Western

India and the countries beyond.

Part IX. See Plato III, fig. 3, 4, 5. This manuscript consists

of 25 leaves. Some of them show a numbering on the left hand margin

in very fine and minute figures. Thus, of the three figured leaves, fig. 3

shows the number 30, fig. 4, the number 33, and fig. 5, the number 36.

This circumstance proves that the manuscript is not completely extant,

though from the fact that one of the extant leaves is only inscribed on

one side, it may be concluded that the manuscript is complete at the

end, and that some (10 or 12) of the initial leaves are wanting. Un-

fortunately the last leaf is too damaged to be read.

The leaves are mutilated at the lower corners, but sufficient is

extant to show their full size. It is by 2| inches. Each leaf has

six lines. Unfortunately, the writing is extensively obliterated, owing

to the circumstance that the thick arsenical coating of the leaves, on

which the letters were written, has been greatly damaged, apparently,

by damp. In many cases the leaves firmly adhered to one another, and

on separating them, the coating, together with the letters which it bore,

came off. On the original leaves, portions of the obliterated letters, are

still sufficiently visible to permit of their being occasionally identified ;

1893.]

A. F. R. Hoernle — The T Veler Manuscripts.

but on the photographed facsimiles, they can hardly be seen. Even the

undamaged portions have not come out as clearly on the facsimiles

as one would wish. Of course, my transcriptions, given below, are

prepared from the originals. As a rule, the top-most and the two lowest

lines are, practically, destroyed ; and the three middle lines alone are,

more or less, fully legible. As I have already observed (ante, p. 39), the

writing is in the square variety of the Central Asian Hagan characters,

but, with certain exceptions (see below), in a Non-Sanskritic language:

In the transliterations into Roman, I have observed the following

method : —

1, Aksharas, entirely lost, are indicated by dots enclosed within

straight brackets.

2, Aksharas, extant but entirely illegible, are indicated by dots.

Aksharas, extant, but only doubtfully legible, are written in

italics.

4, Aksharas, lost or partially extant, but conjecturally restored, are

italics within straight brackets.

5, Aksharas, fully extant and clearly legible, but as to the identity

of which I am not fully satisfied, are shown in Roman type

within round brackets.

I have printed every akshara separately ; but those which make up

a Sanskritic word, are joined by hyphens.

The figured leaves read as follows : —

I. (Leaf 30. Fig. 3).

1 , . A . la . ji . . — . . pa . — (kh)i .... — a . . . .

2, sa-ba-ra lo-tri — tri-pha-(u) — pra-pu-nda-ri-kha — ma-iicha-

\_shtha] — \_p{] ssan . . —

yam r.e (ri) — spri-kha — (khe) te ne — ta-ka-rn — po kkha, . ri

30 ke (kh)i ye

. . . shshe pa lyye ma lk(kh)e rsa dha [leslm lie ] d scM [so] to . la

5, [••].. . le ke .e .e so no dha lya po rna [.,,.]

II. (Leaf 33. Fig. 4).

1, tmu . . . stran — ka . la lid kri trau — .... lylca .ika . .sa

2, rna lie — ku nchi dha shshe pa lyye — (kha) ktrau tta — ma

lk(kh)e ri dha rya ka (kh)i trau tta

Q n 11® ^kerii pu (kh)a rsa dha ksha lie — a sche so to dha . .e .i ye p y&

re ru ma tsi tha ske dha (ri) po ka rtse II . rk(kh)i ...[..]

[• • •] — pi Mau •[•]•• ype ya yarn [kshi ye] ...[...]

6 , [ . . .]

A. F. R. Hoernle— The Weber Manuscripts.

[No. 1,

III. (Leaf 36. Fig. 5).

1, .da tri — . ha-ri-dri — pi- . sa — pa-la — pra-pn-nta-

2, ri-ldi — su-kshme-(u) — vi-ra-nkh — ni-ln-tpa- (u) — liri-be-ra

— ke-le-ya-kh — pa-ri-

ve-la-kha — va-ra-iig tva-cliam — mu-stha — sa-ra-ba — sa-la-

36 va-rni —

pri-sna- va-rni — ji-va-nti — de-va-da-ru — 4a . . ri . . . [. .]

6, [..] .e pa ... ke ..[.. .]

6 , [

The reverses of the figured leaves do not yield sufficiently satis-

factory readings to quote. But I add transcripts of two other leaves,

both obverses and reverses, — of as much as is legible.

1 ,

2 ,

4 ,

2 ,

6 ,

1 ,

2 ,

5 ,

IV. (Obverse.)

[..]••[ ]

[• ■] a ;

[.] . pi ssau Z7c(kh)a so k(kh)am rka tha slishi ptsa

. . lyye — ma lk(kh)e rsa dha ksha lie a su sa na pa lie — ka . .

[pra-pM-]nda-ri-kha — ka-tu-ka-ro-hi-ni — a-sua-ka-ndha — de-va-da-

rn — pi ssau .

. . . . a-pa-ma-rga — 7co skhe .o .m rke . .6 [s7»s7j]e ske ta . . — . .

V. (Reverse.)

. lklcli& rsa fri (kh)arh . llye pa ki ye — pi Zjfc(kh)arsa ra nka tsi sau

shpa ka ya

ka-ko-ri — kshi-ra-ka-ko-ri — pi-ta-ri — kshi-ra-pi-ta-ri — smu ri

ysa rna yarn

kshl ye — mi tstsa bh(b)a rka blibha lie— kri nka mna yo ttsa lan

pe kS,

[p^J ya mu sai te sa k& tso pra ka ra . sna ....[..]

. . ka ra — yam [. . .] a . [ ]

[••]•••[ ]

VI. (Obverse.)

ko lye nka rya pi ssan ysa rna yam ksM ye — se kn nc ha ga shslii

yam lyye sam shpam

rka bhbha lie— yo tsa trl (kh)afn bha lie — (tn) mem ka tsa sa lau

pe ya mu sai te sa

ka tso ma lya (kka) tha ske dha (ri) ma yla rya II a-sva-ga-

\ndha'\ in — [a-pa-]

md - rga — ta-ka-rn — pra-pn-nta-ri-kha — ma-ncha-shtha — ni-lu-

[tpa-u — ]

[. .] . m . .e [. , .] . tth — ko ste — po ....[,

]

1893.]

A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

VII. (Reverse.)

1 , ......

2 ,

3, ka ,i ka 116 na kra mo tsa a ine ya . . . lie . [. .]

4, . . rettli sa tke II sa-(kk)a-(ri) de-va-da-ru — sa-?'s7ta-pa — ku-

slitlia

6, kha trai (kli)o sliskai mai ki sa bh(b)a rka blia lie — pla t.ka

re tba licka ke te — se lai ko

II la , — ka — pi

I cannot attempt to translate these extracts, both because they are

too fragmentary, and because they are partially written in a language

unintelligible to me. I may notice, however, that they contain series of

Sanskrit words alternating with series of Non-Sanscritic passages. The

former series consist of Sanskrit names of medicinal plants or drugs,

spelled, however, in a most extraordinary fashion. The following is a

list of these words with their Sanskrit equivalents : —

Citation.

Name in Weber MS.

Sanskrit.

No. I, line 2

sa-ba-ra-16-tri

sabara-lodlira

tri-pha-u

triphala

pra-pu-nda-ri-kha (cf. Nos. Ill,

1, IV, 6, VI, 4)

prapaundarika

No. I, line 3

ma-hcha-shtha (cf. No. VI, 4)

manjishtha

spri- kha

sprikka

No. Ill, line 1

ta-ka-ru (also No. VI, 4)

tagara

ha-ri-dri

haridra

No. Ill, lino 2

No. Ill, line 3

pra-pn-nta-ri-kh (cf. Nos. I,

IV, 6, VI, 4)

su-kshme-u

vi-ra-hkh (cf. No. Ill, 3)

ni-lu-tpa-u (also No. VI, 4)

hri-be-ra

ke-le-ya-kh

pa-ri-vc-la-kha

va-ra-nga

tva-cham.

mu-stha

2 ,

prapaundarika

sukshmaila

varanga

nilotpala

lirivera

kaliyaka

paripelaka

varanga

tvacha

musta

No. Ill, line 4

No. IV, line 5

^a-ra-ba

sa-la-va-rnl

pri-sna-va-rni

ji-va-ntl

de-va-da-ru (also No. IV, 6, VII, 4)

pra-pu-nda-ri-kha (cf. Nos. I, 2,

III, 1, VI, 4)

ka-tu-ka-ro-hi-ni

a-sva-ka-ndha

sariva (?)

saliparni

pridniparni

jivanti

devadaru

pr ap aund arika

katuka-rohini

asvagandha

A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts.

[No. 1,

Citaions.

Name in Weber MS.

Sanskrit.

No. IY, line 6

a-pa-ma-rga (also No. VI, 3 and

below)

apamarga

No. Y, lino 2

ka-ko-ri

kakoli

kshi-ra-ka ko-ri

kshira-kakoii

pi-ta-ri (see bi-da-ri, below)

vidari

kshi-ra-pi-ta-ri

kshira-vidari

No. YI, line 3

a-sva-ga-ndham (see JNo. IV, 5)

asvagandlia

No. VI, line 4

pra-pu-nta-ri-kha (cf. JNos. I, 2,

III, 1, IY, 5)

prapaundarika

ma-ncha-sktha (cf. No. I, 2)

manjishtha

No. VII, line 4

sa-kka-ri

£arkara (?)

sa-rsha-pa

sarshapa

ku-shtha-kha

kushtliaka

On some other leaves I have found the following :

a-mpri-ta-pa-ttri

amrita-patra 26

a-va-ma-rga (see a-pa-ma-rga

above, No. IY, 6)

apamarga

ka-ru-na-sa-ri

kalanusari

kshi-ra-bi-da-ri

kslura-vidari

ta-ma-la-pa-tri and ta-ma-la-pa-

dha-ri

tamala-patra

tri-pha-u 3

triphala 3

pi-ppa-n

pippala

pu-ta-na-ke-si

putanakesi

pu-na-rna-ba

punarnava

pri-hka-ra-chafh

bhringaraja

pri-ya-nku and pri-ya-ngu

priyarigu

bi-da-ri (see above, No. V, 2)

vidali or vidstri

bi-la-pa-tti

vila-patra or vilva-

patra ?

bha-lla-ta-kha

bhallataka

ma-ha-me-dlia

maha-meda

me-dha

meda

lo-tri and lo-dri and lo-tta-ri

lodhra

sa-ri-ba

sariva

si-ri-sha-pu-slipa

sirishapushpa

3ai-le-ya-kha

saileyaka

sa-rja-ra-sha

sarja-rasa

styo- ni-ya-kha

sthauneyaka

The spelling of such -words as tri-plid-u, ni-lu-tpa-u, pi-ppd-u is very-

curious. The identity of the former is clearly established by the numeral

figure 3 which I have found following the word in one place, and which

is intended to explain its meaning “ the three myrobalans.” The liquid

consonant l is apparently omitted, and the vowel attached by a side-

25 Or perhaps for Skr. amrata-patra, a bye-form of amla-patra, a kind of sorrel.

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts. 39

stroke to the preceding atshara. This side-stroke is also used with

final consonants, when they have no inherent vowel ; they are, then,

attached to the preceding akshara by a side-stroke and written a little

below the line, — a practice which is well-known in ancient Sanskrit

writing, being used instead of the modern virdma. Thus in pra-pu-nta-

rikli (No. Ill, 1) and pra-pu-nta-ri-kha (Nos. IV, 5 and VI, 4) we have

an instance of the same consonant ( kh ) being written with and without

the inherent vowel (a).

Part IX of the Weber MSS. appears to me to belong, both with

regard to characters and language, to the same class of writings as the

Kashgar manuscript, published by Mr. Oldenburg. The latter, too,

is not only written in what I have called the square variety of the

Central Asian Nagari, but it also shows occasional Sanskrit words in-

terspersed in the text. Thus we have brdhmanam in the 5th line of the

reverse (syllables 7-9), and again, on the obverse, mahdkarum (Skr.

mahdkara, a name of Buddha) in the 1st line (syllables 14-17),

vajrerhnkusha (Skr. vajrdnkusa ) in the 4th line (syllables 10-13), and

brahma in the 5th line (syllables 8 and 9). More doubtful are the

following: reverse, line 3, bhrihgarehku (Wiring ardhka ?) and sdstrem

(sdstra 7) , line 4 nervdnam (nirvdnam) ; obverse, line 1, enku (ahlca?),

line 3, astrem ( astra ?), and further on klesa. Quite certain is the occur-

rence of numerals. In the obverse, 2nd line, 74 023), 4th line 75

in the reverse, 1st line, 77 022), 3rd line, 78 C%&), 5th line

79 C^Lf). This order shows, that the pages are wrongly placed in Mr.

Oldenburg’s plate. The lower part is really the obverse page of the

leaf, and the upper part, the reverse.

The following is my reading of the Kashgar MS., observing the

proper sequence of the pages : —

Obverse.

1, pa . tsne kta shshe e-nku kha jri a kau ta chche — ma-ha-ka-rum

she khai pe pe nya chche pe shpim nu — dha ryi, ykne yme ttse

smo na shshe jni na na so [. — ]

2, shshe yai nu stmau shna tkha lfie shshe pi su me rttse mra chne

70 + 4 po ysi nna shslie tkhe ylai Sam kte ne stya ltse sai ttsa

lka shshe nchS, nai sai rne Ichya shshe [ — . . .]

3, syi shshem a-strem na 0 kte ttsa kha ldia rpo — kle-sa tma

shshem chem lam tna su rem tspo nam lcshe iichai — dha lsko

shshe chau khe ma vi trem sa . shshe iichai . [ — ]

4, tma sa 70 + 5 nam kchyem ye tkhem tsa yai nu va-jrem-nku-sha

rne no — ylai iiaih ktne khe shsa ka po sta khro chche te lki

ne — krem tpe [ ]

40 A. F. R. Hoernle — The Weber Manuscripts. [No. 1,

5, ysha sta — like smai klyau nka sta bra-hma niiai like rtsyai po sai

skshe — ya dlia shshe iickai i lai na ktem po ylai fiam kte tts§,

shtsa pra lya shslia rkhe [. . — ]

6, pe lai kte skslia na kkro tstsa na — liham rpo rmem skkka tma

pain Isko skslia na rtau sna ya ke — kkai skske ttse khain ttre

a rsko rshem ya, ... . [ — ]

Reverse.

1, so lia ne ne rvsi, tskai — lilia ra sta nil ykka rckla kle ne tna kto

pkka nmtsa ya mna ram ne . . la tma .70 + 7 a nrna la skliie

skslian . shpa [ — • • •]

2, pe skske lilia stsya stre nan sn pe nya ckcke — tkliam ttsa nne jat

snai yko rne sliska yi lie ktse ne la lam sklia sta rya po yse

nne skslian rtsa se ktsan na [. — — ]

3, bkri-iiga-re-iikn 26 su O ke sa-strem i te mai tta rskske 70 + 8 pu

vneiri kte shske tlihe bra nifiam lite spa lmem snai me nakk —

yai tmn tha ktan tra [ — ]

4, ne rmi tya mske ncliai klino lme no ktya line sa sta rem — ne-rva-

nam skskai ke ttsa sai skske dlia rltan ckai cm sklie tstsem ta

ttka slislie . pa kka kta [ — . . . .]

5, spn kka ko ya lcka spa bra-kma-nam 70 + 9 e mpre tma slisha na

. . tma stkha, ra a kslia sta — klai liamttk sa ma skamttk ka rsa

tsi . . klia . [. — ]

6, . rn te pa . ma ga ri — ga lipe lai kte slishai kem tsa cliam i'ka

sta a sta ryai — po pe sai skslie ka 116 yna slitsi pe lai . . nai —

It will be noticed that a mark of interpunctuation occnrs at

regular intervals, i. e., after every 13th syllable ; thus marking off

sections of the text of 13 syllables each. Taking this as a basis of

calculation, it will be found that the text between each pair of consecutive

numbers is made up of six sections ; and that from 9 to 13 syllables

in each lino are lost at the sides of the leaf. The space required for

these would be 3| to 4J inches. The leaf, in its existing state, mea-

sures 14 to 15 j inches in length. The leaf, in its original state, ac-

cordingly, must have measured about 19| inches, allowing a small

margin on either side.

The fact that the text is divided and numbered in regular paragraphs

renders it probable that the work is composed in some kind of poetry,

each paragraph forming a verse or stanza of six sections of 13 syllables

each. I am not aware of any Sanskrit verse of this description. I

suspect, that the language is some kind of Mongolian, with Sanskrit

technical terms interspersed, The nature of the latter, perhaps, suggests

that the work belongs to the Buddhist Tantrik class of literature.

5-6 Or perhaps read sri-ng<%-r&-nTcic.

1893.] G. A. Grierson — Study of Indian Vernaculars in Europe. 41

On the Early Study of Indian Vernaculars in Europe. — By

G. A. Grierson, Esq , F. C. S.

Some years ago, wliile perusing an old number 1 of the Calcutta

Review, I chanced upon the following sentence. ‘ Antonio, a Roman

Catholic Missionary at Boglipur on the Ganges, translated the Gospels

and the Acts into the dialect of the people of that district.’ This was

given as a quotation from a certain Dr. John, who wrote in 1809, and

would refer to a translation of a portion of the New Testament into

the local dialect of the people of Bhagalpur some years previously,

that is to say at the end of the 18th century. The first translation of

the Bible made by Carey was published in 1804 (into Marathi), and

most of the succeeding ones appeared in the second decade of the 19th

century, so that so far as I am aware Father Antonio’s version was

the first translation of the Bible into any language of Northern India,

and, curiously enough, it must have been made into Maithili, a lang-

uage into which the Bible has never been translated since. 8

At the time when this statement of Dr. John caught my attention,

I was occupying a good deal of my leisure time with the vernaculars

of Bihar, and it seemed to mo that, if I could get hold of Father An-

tonio’s translation, it promised to afford me information regarding the

condition of Eastern Maithili a century ago. Such evidence would

have been an invaluable witness on the subject of the rate of growth

of the Vernacular dialects of North India.

I accordingly communicated with Bhagalpur, and learned that Fa-

ther Antonio had been a Capuchin Missionary there at the end of the

last century, and had thence gone to Patna. No trace of the alleged

translation could be found. I enquired at Patna and at A'gra, whither

he had subsequently gone as Bishop, with a similar result. From Agra

he returned to Rome. Being at Rome in the year 1890, I called at the

College of the Congregatio do propaganda Fide, and, though a total

stranger, when I communicated the object of my search, was most

kindly and hospitably received, and given every assistance in search-

ing through the magnificent Oriental Library attached to the Con-

gregation. My efforts wore in vain, so far as the immediate object

was concerned, for no trace of the missing translation could he dis-

covered, though I saw numerous translations into Nepali of about the

same date. Indeed the Jesuit Fathers, who first entered Nepal in 1661, 3

1 Vol. V, p. 722, June 1846. •

2 I omit from consideration a few detached extracts translated by the late Mr.

John Christian.

8 The pioneers were Gruber, and Donville. They were succeeded by Kicanete,

J. i. 6

42 G. A. Grierson — Study of Indian Vernaculars in Europe. [No. 1,

appear to have made the language of that country their own in a very

special manner. The translations which I saw in Rome, were on a far

higher grade of excellence, than those into many Indian languages which

issued from the Serampore press more than fifty years afterwards. Fa-

ther Antonio’s Bhagalpnri translation, however, could not he found, and

there appears little doubt, but that it was destroyed in one of the distur-

bances in Patna, when the local mission of the Roman church was burnt

down by the ‘ barbari id est badmashi,’ as a quaint Latin chronicle

which I was permitted to see at Patna described them. My inquiries at

Rome, however, gave me the clues, by the help of which I have traced

the information which follows, and which may be found interesting, as

showing glimpses of the growth in Europe of the knowledge of Indian

languages.

In the early part of the eighteenth century, Maturin Vcyssiere La

Croze was in charge of the royal library at Berlin. This remarkable

scholar, a profound student in oriental lore, as it was then understood,

carried on a copious correspondence with nearly every learned man

of his time. This correspondence was published in 1742-46 at Leipzig

by Uhl, in three closely printed Latin volumes of about three hundred

pages each, under the name of the Thesaurus Epistolicus Lacrozianus,

which is still obtainable in old bookshops. I do not know a more en-

tertaining book than this collection of letters on many subjects. The

Latin is throughout easy, and the manner in which the various subjects

are treated compels the reader’s admiration for the learning and

ingenuity displayed, while now and then some pit-fall of error 1 into

which the wisest has fallen, warns students of the present day to avoid

generalizations till we have made fast and firm the data on which wo

base them.

In the year 1714 we find David Wilkins writing to La Croze from

Amsterdam, asking him for assistance in compiling a collection of trans-

lations of the Lord’s Prayer 8 into as many languages as possible, which

Wilkins was publishing in conjunction with John Chamberlayno of

London. Amongst other languages mentioned, Wilkins 3 specially states

a Capuchin, one of whose successors, Father Pinna, wrote a Catechism in Urdu, which,

he dedicated to the Rajah of Betia. Father Pinna died in Patna in 1747.

1 E. g., when La Croze maintains that all languages are derived from Hebrew

and cites the Marathi alphabet in proof thereof (Th. E. La C., Ill, 65'.

8 Mott had published a similar collection in London fourteen years previously,

and Chamborlayne’s ‘ Orationum dominicarum sylloge’ was a revised and enlarged

edition of this.

3 Loc. Cit. I, 369, 1 alphabeta Singaloeum, Jauanicum, et Bengalieum ’ The

Bangali version is quite unintelligible. It is reprinted in the Sprachmeister, v. post.

1893.] G. A. Grierson — Study of Indian Vernaculars in Europe.

that he intends to give for the first time specimens in the Singhalese,

Javan, and Bangali languages. This request incited La Croze 1 in Novem-

ber of the same year to write a long communication to Chamberlayne deal-

ing with the subject of the study of languages in general, and vindicat-

ing comparative philology from the charge of inutility. He then

proceeds to describe briefly the inter-relationship of the various lang-

uages as then known to him, and coming to India says, ‘ 1 have, how-

ever, little -to offer concerning the alphabets of this country, except

the conjecture that they are derived from that called Hanscrit.' The

oldest letters of the Brachmans, he adds, can hardly have sprung from any

source except from those of the Persians or Assyrians. But, as already

remarked, the characters used by the other Indians are most probably

derived from those called Hanscrit, which are used by the Brahmans, for

on the one hand it is from them that the other Indian tribes imbibed

their superstitions, and, on the other hand, Xaca, who laid the bonds

of false religions on the peoples of the Bast, was himself brought up

amongst the Brachmans. Moreover the order of the alphabet is the

same amongst the Brachmans, the people of Malabar, the Singhalese, 2

Siamese, Javans, and even of the language of Bali, which is the sacred

tongue of Laos, Pegu, Cambodia, and Siam.

This change of the initial S of Sanskrit, into II is worth noting

from a philological point of view. It seems to point to an authority

coming from Eastern Bengal where s is in popular speech pronounced

as h, and no doubt La Croze’s immediate source of information was

Bernier’s travels (1666 A. D.). As Yule and Burnell in the Anglo-

Indian Dictionary point out, the term Sanskrit did not come into

familiar use till the last quarter of the 18tli century. I am in doubt

as to what religious reformer is referred to under the name of Xaca.

Was it S'akya Muni ?

So much for Chamberlayne’s Sylloge , which was published early

in 1715. It did not give great satisfaction to La Croze, for he com-

plains 3 4 in one of his letters that Wilkins, more suo, had so ‘ edited ’

a Tartar specimen which he had given him, that the donor could hardly

recognize it.

In the following year 1716, Ziegenbalg* a Danish Protestant

Missionary writes from London. It is evidently a letter in answer to

inquiries made by La Croze. The word Brachmann, says Ziegenbalg,

1 L. C. Ill, pp. 78 and ff. What letter writers thero wore in those days ! This

Epistle covers 17 pages of small type.

2 Coilanenses.

8 L. 0. Ill, 20.

4 L. 0. I, 381.

G. A. Grierson— Study of Indian Vernaculars in Europe. [No. 1,

is wrong, and is not understood in India. Tlie correct word is Braman.

So also tlie language of tlie Bramans is never called Hanscrit, the only

name used by Bramans themselves being Kirendum. Here the writer

shows that his knowledge is confined to Southern India, Kirendum being an

attempt to depict the Tamil pronunciation of the word Grantham. 1

He adds that the Bramans claim that this tongue is the root of all

Indian languages such as the Malabaric, the Wartic, (i. e., Telngu), and

the Ziglesic, which are spoken on the Malabar and Coromandel coasts,

but ho cannot believe that others such as the Malaic, the Mogulic, &c.,

have any connexion in it. As for Chamberlayne’s Sylloge it is full of

errors in the versions into the languages of Malabar, and when he

returns to India he will send La Croze some more correct specimens,

correctly translated by the boys of his Malabar school.

In September 1716 commenced La Croze’s voluminous correspon-

dence with Theopliilus Siegfried Bayer, then residing at Leipzig,

and subsequently at St. Petersburg, whose name will occur several

times in these pages. The early letters afford few points of interest

to Indian students. They deal principally with Tangut, Mongolian

and Chinese. Incidentally La Croze 2 complains of the vast extent of

his correspondence. People write to him from nearly every part of

Europe, to the great damage of his time and of his purse.

In March 1717 Bayer 3 ventures to doubt La Croze’s theory that

the Sanskrit alphabet was derived from Persian, and the latter but

faintly defends his opinion, though strongly maintaining that the

modern languages of India are derived from that of the Bradmans. 4

Here there is an interval of some ten years, during which Bayer

moved his residence to St. Petersburg, and the year 1717 may be taken

as closing the first stage of attempts at a scientific inquiry into Indian

languages. Men like La Croze and Bayer had to depend upon the

untrained observations of travellers like Bernier, or to chance communi-

cations from Missionaries on leave in Europe. In their correspondence,

the only vernacular of Northern India which they mention is Bangali,

and I can find no earlier mention o'f that language in any other work,

though Yule 6 quotes the word as meaning a native of Bengal, from

Barros, who wrote in 1552. They make no reference to Hindi or

Hindustani, though the word “ Hindustan ” had been used as meaning

the vulgar language of India for more than a century. 6 Probably the

^ Cf. Valcntijn (1727) (Oud en Eiew Oost Indien), ‘ Girandarn by others called

Eerendum, and also Sanskrita, is the language of the Brahmins and the learned.’

Quoted in Hobson- Jobson, s. v. Grunthum.

2 L. 0. Ill, 59. 3 l. 0. I, 16. 4 L. C. Ill, 22, 23.

6 Ildbson-Jobson s. v.

3 Hotson-Jobson s. v.

1893.] G. A. Grierson — Study of Indian Vernaculars in Europe.

fact tliat it was a purely vulgar language, and was considered a mere

jargon, led to its being neglected.

Tlie foundation of the Imperial Academy of Sciences of St. Peters-

burg, on the lines of the great French Academy, were laid by Peter the

Great, and it was formally opened by the Empress Catherine. The

most learned men of Europe (amongst whom was Bayer) were invited

to join it, and finally it was placed in a permanent position by Peter II.

The first part of the transactions, relating to the year 1726 was pub-

lished in 1728. 1 .These two volumes are very rare, nearly all having

been destroyed in a fire which consumed the Imperial Academy and

Printing Offices in 1741.

In the year 1727 Daniel Messerschmid, who had been deputed by

Peter the Great to explore Siberia, returned to St. Petersburg, and

amongst other curiosities brought with him an inscription, and a Chinese

printed book. These were made over to Bayer, and he describes them

in the third and fourth volume of the transactions. 2 The inscription

consisted of two short lines, one being in Brahmanical and the other in

Tangut letters. It is reproduced here.

It will be recognized that the first line (which Bayer calls Brah-

manical) is in the pointed variety of the Devanagari alphabet used by

the Buddhists of Thibet, and called Lantslia. The second line is the or-

dinary Thibetan character. Bayer with the aid of his knowledge of

Manchu, and of the book to be subsequently described, deciphered this as

‘ Ong ma ni pa dme chPum chi' but was unable to translate it. Messer-

schmid, he says, told him that it was one of the commonest prayers of

the Tanguts (i. e. Thibetans), and meant ‘ God have mercy on us.’

This decipherment of the well-known Buddhist formula, Om, manipadme,

1 Commentarii 1 Academia) I Scientiarum I Imperialis I Petropolitaua) i Tomus

I, Ad Annum clo. locc xxxi. i Petropoli I Typis Acadcmico clo loco xviii.

2 For the years 1728 and 1729, and published in 1732 and 1735 respectively.

2 Pronounced like a Greek x-

G. A. Grici’Son — Study of Indian Vernaculars in Europe. [No. 1,

hum , 1 2 though its translation was incorrect, marks the first step in a new

stage of the study of Indian languages in Europe. For the next few

years, European scholars attacked the languages of Northern India

through Chinese and Thibetan.

The other curiosity, the book which consisted of eight leaves, had

been printed in China, and may be considered as the Rosetta stone

of these explorers. It gave in parallel lines an entire syllabary of

the Lantsha Devanagari alphabet, with a transliteration into Thibetan,

and into what Bayer calls Mongolian. A reference to Bullhorn’s Gram-

matography will show that these last letters are not in the Mongolian

character as now accepted, but more nearly resemble those given as Man-

chu. They are evidently some Tartar alphabet. A facsimile of the first

page and a half 3 is given on plate V. Bayer’s first procedure was to

establish as far as possible the Thibetan characters. This was an easy

task, for the language was already partly known to him, and he had

other Thibetan students and books at his command. Then with the

aid of this and of other specimens, he established the Mancliu trans-

literation, and finally from these two, he was enabled to make a very

fair attempt at transliterating the Devanagari. In the plate, I have

given the transliteration fixed by him. From this he deciphered the

Om mani padme hum of the inscription. It will be observed that the

transliteration is incorrect in many particulars.

Having thus made out the Lantsha alphabet, Bayer sent a copy of

it to Schultz, a missionary in Madras, and was gratified to learn that

the letters could be read by Brahmans of Northern India. 3 Schultz,

himself, to judge from the specimens he gives, cannot at that time

have known Sanskrit, or, indeed, any Aryan Indian language. He

spells the name of Banaras 3irsfT or and talks of '3HMTT! •frsffj’!

Ho, however, describes three alphabets and gives specimens of them, the

Devanagari, the ‘ Balabandu,’ and the ‘ Altar Nagari.’ They have

evidently been sent to Bayer just as they were written down for Schultz

who could not read them. By ‘ Balabandu,’ is meant Marathi, but

the three alphabets are really all Devanagari, as written by different

hands. Schultz also gave instructions for pronunciation. Some of

them may be quoted.

i breue, lingua ad dexteram inclinata.

i longum, lingua ad sinistram mota.

1 See J. A. S. B. for 1892, Part I, pp. 30—33.

2 There were two lines to a page, but as three lines comprise the entire alpha-

bet of simple letters, I have given a page and a half on the plate, in this following

Bayer.

3 ! Brahmanes extraneos et perigrinoB.’

1893.] G. A. Grierson — Study of Indian Vernaculars in Europe. 47

u breue, recto ex ore protruditur.

u, longum, quasi duplex, sono in altum prolato.

dim (d) d formatur lingua quasi apoplectica, vt saliua ad palatum

opem ferat, h admodum auditur : ceterum quasi aliquod n

prcemittitur, quod in primis sentitur, quoties vocalis praecedit,

e. g., ba-ndha, legitur plane ban-dim.

Truly our forefathers must have felt the same difficulties with the

cerebral letters, that we have now-a-days, and the ‘ apoplectic tongue,’

is still found in the mouth of many a griffin.

Bayer relates how a certin Calmuc Ambassador named Bordon, who

was then in St. Petersburg, helped him to acquire this pronunciation,

and concludes with a brief notice, received from India, of the Marathi,

Gujarati, and Maura languages. By the last named, he apparently

means Urdu, what the English subsequently called Gentoo, or Moors.

All this time he was conducting an active correspondence with La Croze,

in which, not only does the Chinese book finds due mention, but we

meet one of the earliest efforts of comparative philology, the first four

numerals in eight languages. 1 2 During the next ten years the two friends

now and then refer to Indian languages, and to the last La Croze adheres

to this old error that the Marathi alphabet is derived from Hebrew.

In 1745, was printed the first grammar of Hindustani, which I have

seen noticed. It was written by the missionary Schultz already mention-

ed. I have not had the good fortune to see the work itself, and my only

information concerning it is the title in the Catalogue of M. Garcin de

Tassy’s Books, 1879, quoted by Col. Yule in his Anglo-Indian Diction-

ary.s

In 1748 was published at Leipzig the Orientalisch-und-occidentali-

scher Sprachmeister, compiled by Johann Friedrich Fritz, and dedicated by

him to Schultz. This very curious work contains accounts of over a hun-

dred alphabets from all parts of the world, followed by some two hun-

dred translations of the Lord’s Prayer. A good deal of the description

of the alphabets of India was contributed by Schultz, whose account of

Hindustani is especially interesting and full. This is a general descrip-

tion of the composition of the Urdu language. Attention is drawn to

the large number of Arabic and Persian words in its vocabulary, but the

student is warned against supposing that it is in any way derived from

those speeches. The ordinary Persian alphabet is given, but there is

1 Thesaurus I, 58. The eight languages are, 1 Camacinienses, Arincenses, Cam-

teschatquenses f. Yedsenses et Coraeenses, Tangutenses et Tibotenses ( l = DscyTc ,

2 = Ny, 3 = Ssuum), Persae, Mogulenses Indi (l = Hicku, 2 = Guu, 3 = Tray, 4 = Tzahr),

Oeselentes, Letti.’ Who are meant by the ‘ Indian Mughals ? ’

8 S. V. Hindustanee.

G. A. Grierson — Study of Indian Vernaculars in Europe. [No. 1,

no mention of tlie Indian cerebralized four dotted letters of that charac-

ter. Among the Indian alphabets described may be mentioned, Bangali,

Tamil, Grantham, Telngu, Burmese (called Pegu), Marathi, Devanagari

(three varieties, borrowed from Bayer), and Singhalese. There is also

a comparative table of fifty common words, in twelve different Indian

languages, including Sanskrit, Canarese, Konliani, and Gujrati.

The versions of the Lord’s Prayer are collected from widely differ-

ent sources. Some are very fair and legible. Others are grossly incorrect.

The Bangali translation, which is taken from Wilkins’ sample given

in Chamberlayne’s Sylloge * is almost worth reprinting as a curiosity

for the number of seemingly impossible mistakes it contains. In fact

it is quite illegible and unintelligible to every native of Bengal to

whom I have shown it. It has evidently been made by some person

who got a copy of the alphabet and a general description of the language

and then 1 2 greatly dared.’ Even his knowledge of the alphabet is in-

complete. For instance, he knew that the form for a non-initial e is C,

but did not know that it must come before the consonant to which it

is affixed. Hence for de, instead of writing cir, he wrote trC. Other

similarly gross blunders occur in the writing, 2 and as for the language,

when deciphered, it is not intelligible. Only here and there can a

Bangali word (usually wrongly spelled) be recognized. The incorrectness

of this version is very curious, for under the head of alphabets, the

Bangali character is given with very considerable accuracy. Most

of the other translations are fair enough. Amongst them I may men-

tion, Hindustani by Schultz, (Persian character ; Commences, asmdn po

(misprint for par ) ralitd, so hamamrd bap), ‘ Brachmanic ’ (the Latin

version transliterated into Devanagari), Sanskrit (Devanagari. Com-

mences urddhva-lolca-sthito mat-pitah), ‘Akar Nagarika ex Caschia ’

(language, Bhojpuri; character, Devanagari), Gujrati, Goanese, Tamil

(five versions), Telugu, Sanskrit (Telugu characters), Marathi, Cana-

rese, Sanskrit (Grantham characters), Marathi (current hand), Singha-

lese, and Burmese (Pegu). Altogether the Sprachmeister is a fairly

correct and interesting compilation.

It held the field as an authority on Oriental languages till 1771

when there appeared, from the press of the College de Propaganda

Fide, a Latin pamphlet entitled ‘ Alphabetum I Brammhanicum | seu |

Indostanum I Universitatis Kasi |’. As its name implies it is a des-

cription of the Devanagari alphabet, and is the first book printed in

1 No wonder La Croze lamented over Wilkins’ editing.

2 For instance the initial form of vowels is sometimes used instead of the non-

initial form, and one consonant is used for another. Thus lappa, father, is spelled

Idinmaa

1893.] G. A. Grierson — Study of Indian Vernaculars in Europe.

Europe from types in that character. 1 It has an interesting preface

summing up the knowledge on Indian subjects gained up to that time.

Mention is made of a MS. Lexicon Linguce Indostanicce, ‘ Quod Auctorem

habet Eranciscum M. Turonensem,’ a monk of the Surat Mission,

which was written in 1704 A.D. 2 There is also a careful and accurate

description of the various appliances adopted in India for writing, and

the manner of their use. One hundred and nine pages are devoted to

a full account of the Dcvanagari alphabet, as written ‘ at the Univer-

sity of Kasi.’ This is followed by an account of the Kaithi, or (as it is

called in the book) the Nagari alphabet. For this character also types

were cast, more than a hundred years before they were again cast,

under the supervision of the present writer, at the Bengal Secretariat

Press. We have then a chapter on numerals, and the little volume

concludes with two versions of the Lord’s Prayer, — one a translitera-

tion of the Latin into Devanagari, and the other a translation into

very fair Hindi, followed by an Ave Maria, and Apostle’s creed in the

latter language.

In the following year (1772) appeared in London, Hadley’s ‘ Gram-

matical Remarks \ on the I Practical and Vulgar Dialect \ of the \ Indostan

Language | commonly called Moors An account of this work will be

found in the Anglo-Indian Dictionary, 8 It is a very incomplete work,

and far behind the one to be next noticed. As Col. Yule gives full

particulars of this, the first English Hindustani Grammar, a passing

notice will suffice here.

Six years subsequently, in 1778, appeared the first attempt at a

scientific treatment of Hindustani. It was in Portuguese, and the

title page runs as follows: — Gramatica 1 Indostana I a mais vulgar \ que

e practica no Imperio do gram Mogol\ offerecida\ aos muitos reverendos l

Padres Missionaries \ do ditto Imperio I em Roma MDGGLXXVIII I

na Estamperia da Sagrada Gongregagao de Propaganda Fide. I Like

the Alphabetum Brammhanicum, this work was published in Rome.

It is altogether an excellent work : and the author or authors had

evidently 0 a good grip of the language. The transliteration is

scientific, though on a system widely differing- from that of Sir

W. Jones. As an example 1 turn ho hahut piar harta Mon ’ is given

as ‘ tom ho h'ohot pear cartahu.’ For the first time attention is drawn

to the use of the particle ne with the past tenses of transitive

verbs, and the difficult question of compound verbs is treated with

1 The Sprachmeister is a collection of copper plate engravings.

8 I searched for this in the College Library at Rome, but could not find it.

3 S. V. Moors.

J. X. 7

50 Or. A. Grierson — Study of Indian Vernaculars in Europe. [No 1,

considerable success. It may be noted that the various postpositions

ha, he, hi, ho, &c ., are treated as declensional forms of the indefinite

article, which are placed after a substantive, instead of before as in

Portuguese.

This concludes my notice of the 1 Early Study of Indian Vernaculars

in Europe.’ A good deal had been done, but the results had hardly

penetrated to India. In 1783, the judicious Colebrooke wrote from

Calcutta to his family ‘ you recommend my being assiduous in acquiring

the languages. It is what I intend, but there is no danger of my apply-

ing too intensely. The one, and that the most necessary, Moors,’ i. e.,

Hindustani, ‘ by being not written, bars all close application ; the other,

Persian, is too dry to entice, and is so seldom of any use that I seek its

acquisition very leisurely.’ 1 The following year (1784) saw the founding

of the Asiatic Society, and it is one of our most legitimate sources of

pride that it took up the clue where it had been dropped by the Roman

Catholic Missionaries, and under the influence of men like Sir W.

Jones, Wilkins, and especially Gilchrist, the Indian Vernaculars ceased

to be despised for ‘ not being written ’ and became the object of investi-

gations which have continued to the present day.

The sacred lamp so lit has never been extinguished, and the

greatest living authorities on the subject, Mr. Beanies and Dr. Hoernle,

are still, I am glad to say, Members of the Society.

ADDENDUM.

La Croze.

I am indebted to Mr. Quaritch for the following extract from the

Nouvelle Biogmphie Generate, which gives a full account of this eminent

orientalist.

Vetssiere, de la Croze (Mathurin). — orientaliste fran^ais ne a

Nantes le 4 Decembre 1661, mort a Berlin 1c 21 Mai 1739. Degoute do

T etude par la severity mal entendue de son maitre, il s’embarqua a

quatorze ans, pour la Guadeloupe, oil son pere negotiant eclaird, avait des

relations d affaires. Pendant le sejour qu’il fit dans cette ile, il acquit

la connaissance des langues anglaise, espagnole et portugaise. A son

retour il entra comme novice dans le couvent des benedictins a Samur

(1677), et y prit l’habit (1682). Bien que la vie studieuse de cette

ongregation fut de son gout, il eut des demeles avec le supdrieur et fut

menace de la prison. Effraye du sort qu’il croyait l’attendre, il reussit a

1 Life, p. 13.

1893.] G . A. Grierson — Study of Indian Vernaculars in Europe.

s’evader et gagna Bale (1696) oil il embrassa le protestantisme. Eii

meme temps il prit le nom de la Croze, que etait celui d’un petit bien de

sa famille. Ayant passe h Berlin, il devint biblioth^caire de l’electeur

(fevr. 1697) aux modiques appointements de 200 ecus par an. Il se

chargea aussi de l’education du margrave de Scliweldt. Leibniz aveo qui

il 6tait lie, le fit nommer professeur a l’universite de Helmstiidt ; mais

il fallait pour remplir ces fonctions faire acte de lutlieranisme ; La

Croze se refusa a ce ckangement de confession. Bientot apres, on lui

confia l’education de la princesse royale, depuis margrave de Baireuth.

Son auguste eleve fit augmenter son traitement de bibliothecaire et lui

procura la cbaire de philosophic au College franjais (1721). Dans son

vieillesse il fut assailli par des affections fort graves, la gravelle et l’liypo-

condrie, resultat de son application excessive a l’etude. Il mourut a

soixante-dix-sept ans, d’un mal a la jambe. Doue d’une memoire pro-

digieuse et d’un esprit penetrant, La Croze fut un erudit fort distingue.

Il ne lui manqua pour devenir un liomme eminent qu’un jugement

d’une plus haute portee. Ses qualites morales, non moins que ses

connaissances etendues, lui firent de nombreux amis, parmi lesquels

il faut citer Spanlioim, Bayle, Beausobre, Lenfant, Leibniz, Cuper

et A. Pabricius, On a de lui : Actes et titres de la maison de

Bouillon; Cologne (Berlin) 1698 in-12: Observations critiques sun

les pieces employees par Baluze dans son histoire de la maison

d’ Auvergne — Dissertations historiques sur divers sujets ; Rotterdam

1707, in 8° : il y en a trois qui traitent : du socinianisme et du makomet-

isme dont les principes fondamcntaux sont les memes, d’apres lui : du

systeme do P. Hardouin sur l’origine supposee des ecrits des anciens : et

de l’etat de la religion chretienne dans les Indes. — Vindicice veterum

scriptorum contra Uarduinum ; ibid 1708 in 8°, refutation d’une hypo-

these qui lui parassait ploine de dangers, et sur laquello il revint encore

dans deux lettres, l’un impr. dans la Relation du Voyage litter, de Jordan,

l’autre dans la Bibliotli. german, t. XXXIII. La Croze s’etait imagine

que le paradoxe du P. Hardouin etait le resultat d’un complot forme par

la societe toute entiere des Jesuites ; sans doute pour detruire le prestige

de la litterature ancienne ; Entretiens sur divers sujets d’histoire, de littera-

ture, de religion et de critique-, Cologne (Amst. 1711 — in 12) ou quatre

entretiens avec un Juif. On y trouve une dissertation sur l’atheisme trad,

en anglais, et une critique aussi injuste que passionee, de YRistoire des

Juifs de Basnage ; — Histoire du christianisme dans les Indes — La Haye 1774

pet. in 8°, et 1758, 2 vol. in 12° trad, en allemand ; c’est son meilleur

ouvrage. Histoire du christianisme d' Ethiopie et d’Armenie ; ibid 1739 pet.

in 8° ; cet ecrit est bien inf erieur au precedant ; — Thesaurus epistolicus La-

crozianus — Leipzig 1743-46 3 vol. in 4°; recueil public par le professeur

52 E. Thurston — History of the Hast India Company Coinage. [No. 1,

Uhle; — Lexicon ceyyptiaco — latinwm — Oxford 1775 in 4°; le mannscrit de

cet ouvrag’e considerable a ete revu par Scholtz, etannote par Woide qui

le fait paraitre au frais de l’Universite d’Oxford. Chaque mot copte est

suivi de son equivalent en grec et en latin, rnais sans autre explication

(voy. Oriental und exeges. Biblioth. de Michaelis, 1. 1 , p. 202, et suivi, et

Recherches sur VHgypte par Quatremere) ; — un grand nombre d’articleS

dans les publications periodiques. Parmi les ouvrages inedits de ce

savant, il faut citer un Dictionnaire armenien qui lui avait coute de

longues recherches ; un Dictionnaire slavon. et un Dictionnaire syriaque.

M. N. en Nouv. Biographie generate, 1866.

Note on the History of the Hast India Company Coinage

from 1753-1835. — By Edgar Thurston.

When I was engaged in collecting material for my 1 History of the

Coinage of tbe Territories of the East India Company in the Indian

Peninsula, and Catalogue of the coins in the Madras Museum,’* the

records of the Madras Mint were placed at my disposal by the Madras

Government, and I expressed a hope that some one would eventually

explore the archives of the Calcutta and Bombay Mints with a view

to clearing up many obscure points in the history of the coinage of the

Company, which constitutes a complicated branch of modern numis-

matics.

My head-quarters having, by the fortune of service, been tem-

porarily transferred from Madras to Calcutta, the opportunity has been

taken advantage of to examine the records of the Calcutta Mint ; and

facilities for carrying out the research in my spare moments were

courteously given to me by Colonel Baird, P. R. S., Master of the Mint,

to whom I have to express my great indebtedness.

The Calcutta Mint Committee Proceedings which are preserved in

the Calcutta Mint, commence with the year 1792 (more than thirty years

after the establishment of the Calcutta Mint), and are, with very few

exceptions, continuous to 1835, where my investigations ceased, as the

history of the Company’s coinage after that year, in which a general

British currency was established, is no longer veiled in doubt and

obscurity.

Of the Calcutta Mint Records from the establishment of the

Mint in 1760 to 1792, I have been unable to find any trace, and this

is the more to be regretted, since the history of the coinage during this

* Madras Government Press, 1890.

1893.] E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. 53

period is beset with difficulties, the problem being, as pointed out by

Dr. Stanley Lane-Poole* to determine where the native coinage ends and

the Company’s begins.

1753.

Calcutta.

In a despatch to the Court of Directors dated 12th Febru-

ary, 1753, it is mentioned that “ the utmost

secrecy was necessary with reference to the

establishment of a mint at Calcutta, as any attempt to effect an ar-

rangement with the Nawab would be immediately overset by Jnggut

Sing.” A vakil was entrusted and consulted, who said that his master,

Hackem Beg, had a son in great power at Delhi, who might be able

to get a phirmaund from the king ; but that this would be attended at

least with the expense of 100,000 rupees, and that, on the arrival of

the phirmaund at Cossimbazar, it would cost another 100,000 rupees

to the mutsuddys and diwans of the Nawab to put the phirmaund in

force.

1759-60. The establishment of a mint at Calcutta finally took

place in 1759 or 1760, and the following is a translation of the par-

wana : “ To the noblest of merchants, the English Company, be the

royal favour. In Calcutta a mint is established. You shall coin gold

and silver of equal value and fineness with the ashrafees and rupees of

Mursliidabad in the name of Calcutta. In the suburbs of Bangala,

Bihar, and Orissa, they shall be current, and no person shall demand

or insist upon a discount upon them. Dated the 11th of the moon

Zihada in the 4tli year.”

1792. In 1792

Bengal.

a Committee was constituted in Calcutta by order

of the Governor- General, Earl Cornwallis, for

superintending the mints and enquiring into

the general state of the coinage in Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa. Among

the instructions given to the Committee were : —

1. To enquire particularly into the cause of the little progress

which had been made towards the establishment of the general currency

of the sikka rupees.

2. To ascertain the causes of the batta or discount that had fre-

quently been levied on the exchange of a gold mohar for silver.

3. To report whether it would be advisable to declare the gold

mohars, and the multiples thereof, legal tender of payment in the

three provinces in all transactions, public and private, at the value at

which they were then received and paid at the general treasury and in

all private transactions.

* Catalogue of coins of the Moghul Emperors, 1892.

54 E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. [No. 1,

4. To enquire into the state of the cojiper coinage.

5. To state their sentiments on the practicability and expediency

of coining the gold moliars, rupees and pice, or either of those coins,

with machinery of similar construction to that in use in the mints in

Europe.

On May 14th, 1792, the Mint Master informed the Committee that

Patna, Murshidabad. J , 6 ^d received _ orders from the Governor-

Oeneral to establish mints at Patna and Mur-

shidabad, to facilitate the conversion of the various species of silver

coins current in the several districts into sikka rupees.

A new gold mohar and sikka rupee of the current coinage were

laid before the Committee, who were of opinion that the size, shape,

and impression of the mohar were perfect, and equal, if not superior'

to the newest English guinea, or any of the gold coins in Europe, the die

being precisely the same size as the coin, which consequently bore the

whole legend, the letters being cut flat, and the coin being difficult to

drill without defacing it, owing to its being milled and of proper thick-

ness. With respect to the rupee, the Committee considered that it was

very defective both with regard to its size, thickness, and impression,

which was struck with a die of twice the circumference of the coin, so

that only a part of the impression appeared on the coin. The letters

were considered to be too prominent, and liable to injury from common

wear and filing, and the thickness of the coin and absence of milling

rendered it liable to be easily filed, bored, and defaced. The Committee,

therefore, recommended that the rupee should be coined in every res-

pect in the same manner as the gold mohar.

In the Calcutta Mint Committee’s Proceedings, 1792, the following

Benares. historical sketch of the Benares mint (con-

cerning which great confusion exists) by Mr.

Barlow, who had been deputed in 1787 to enquire into the trade and

coinage of Benares, is placed on record.

A mint was first established at Benares in the 15th year of the

reign of Muhammad Shah (1734). The assay of the rupee was fixed

at 22 chauwals, but, by the connivance of the Superintendents of the

mint, it was debased to 32 chauwals at different periods before the 30th

and last year of the reign.

During the first three years of the reign of Ahmad Shah

(1748-50) the mint was under the charge of Raja Balwant Singh, who

increased the duties on the coinage by attaching the fees of the officers

of the mint, and establishing new ones to the same amount. In the

1st year the assay was kept up to 22 chauwals, but in the 2nd and 3rd

years the Raja farmed the mint to one Nandram who, to increase his

1893.] E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. 55

receipts, debased the coin to 24 and 32 chauwals. The mint records

•were burnt by Balwant Singh, and no records were kept in the mint

until the 17th year of the reign of Shah ’Alam (1776). The farmers

carried away their books in order tp conceal the profits they reaped

from debasing the coins. The system of farming out the mints, first

adopted by Ratan Chand, Diwan to Farrukhsiyar, at length intro-

duced the custom of changing the value of the rupee every year.

Those who had payments to make were consequently obliged to carry

their old rupees to the mint to have them re-coined into sikkas, tlio

name given to the rupees of the current year. Previous to the 10th year

of the reign of Shah ’Alam (1769), the new coined sikka rupee, after

circulating twelve months, fell 3 per cent., and at the expiration of two

years 2 per cent, more, at which value it continued under the denomi-

nation ‘ sanwat.’ On the 6th August, 1771, this usage was abolished

by the British Government, who resolved that the sikkas coined in the

10th year of the reign should be considered as sanwats, and that those

coined in the 11th and all subsequent years should pass in payment at

the same value as the sikkas of the current year.

From the beginning of the 4th to the end of the 6th and last year

(1754) of Ahmad Shah the mint was under the charge of A'gha Asad

Beg, Kiladar or Governor of the Fort of Cliunar. The assay of the

rupees was from 26 to 32 chauwals.

At the commencement of the reign of ’Alamgfr II (1754) the mint

fell to the Vizier Shuja’ud-daulah. During the 1st and 2nd years

the assay of the rupees was from 26 to 28 chauwals. In the 3rd year

Shuja’ud-daulah made over the mint to his brother-in-law, Mirza ’All

Klmn, who farmed it to Subhaw Chand. The assay of the rupees was

from 24 to 32 chauwals. In the 4th year the mint was farmed to the

agent of an eminent Benares banker, and the rupees were debased to

64 chauwals and, for the first time, half a rati in weight. Raja Balwant

Singh refused to receive them into his treasury. In the 5th year the

rupees were raised to their proper weight of 9 mashas, 7 ratis (or 632

chauwals), but continued at the debased standard of 40 and 48 chauwals.

In the 6th and last year of the reign the rupees were debased to 100

535 95

chauwals assay (i. e. rxx silver and alloy) and half a rati in weight.

OoU DtJU

In the 1st year of the reign of Shah ’Alam, Shuja’ud-daulah ap-

pointed a person on his own part to superintend the coinage, and

the rupee was restored to its former weight, (9m. 7r.) and to 26 chauwals

assay. During the 2nd to 8th years the assay remained at 40 chauwals.

In the latter year (1767) Shuja’ud-daulah, at the recommendation of

Lord Olive, resolved to reform the coin. The Benares mint was, ac-

56 E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. [No. 1,

eordingly, committed to the care of Mirza Hasan, who engaged to

restore the rupees to their proper weight and standard. A Delhi rupee

of the 18th year of Muhammad Shah was sent as a sample for the new

coinage. This rupee was 22 chauwals fine, hut, being worn, had lost 2

chauwals. in weight. The new rupees were, in consequence, 2 chauwals

deficient, and from that time the Benares rupees continued at 9m. 6r.

6 ch., being 2 chauwals less than the original weight of 9m. 7r. In the

9th year the mint was farmed to Monsieur Gentille, the French Agent

at Shuja’ud-daulali’s court, and the same assay (22 chauwals) was con-

tinued until the 15th year (1774). A considerable portion of the rupees

issued in the 16th year contained only 5| oz. of silver, to 10| oz. of

copper.

In the 17th year of the reign of Shah ’A'lam (1776) the mint

was transferred by the Company to Chait Singh, who engaged to coin

rupees of 9m. 9r. 6 ch., weight and 18 chauwals fine, and to continue

the die of the 17th san, in order to put an end to the confusion in the

currency occasioned by the constant alteration of the value of the coin.

“ All rupees, therefore,” the Records state, “ coined in the Benares

mint since the 17th year of the present reign, ought to he of the same

weight and standard, and to pass current as sikkas* of the present

year. The rupees current in the district of Benares may, therefore,

be classed as sanwat and sikka, the former coined under the Mughal

Princes, and the latter since the 17th year of the reign of Shah ’A'lam,

when the mint was ceded to the Company by the Vizier, and by them

transferred to Chait Singh.”

The following table gives information as to the assays, weights,

and names of the rupees coined at the Benares mint from its establish-

ment to 1782 : —

* Previous to the time of Parrukksiyar all rupees coined under the reigning

king were considered as sikkas, and passed at their original value during his life.

At the accession of a new king, the rupees of the former reign were subject to a

batta, and were not received into the royal treasury.

1893.]

E. Thurston — History of the Hast India Company Coinage .

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58 E. Thurston — History of the Hast India Company Coinage. [No. 1,

The fact is incidentally mentioned that, when the Shdhzada (Shah

’A'lam) invaded Bihar, the mint accompanied him, and a large quantity

of Benares rupees were melted down and coined into ‘ rikabees ’ ( rikdb ,

a stirrup) which were lr. 2ch. deficient in weight, and of 64 chauwals

assay, but were made to pass in the camp as sikkas of the established

weight and fineness. It is also noted that two lacs of rupees were

annually melted down for the manufacture of the laces and rich stuffs

for which Benares was celebrated.

From Mr. Barlow’s sketch the following account of the coinage of

copper has been derived.

The pice current in the city and district of Benares previous to

the establishment of the mint, were mostly coined at Gorakhpur in

Oudh from copper brought from the northern hills. The first coinage

of pice at Benares was in the 23rd year of the reign of Muhammad

Shah (1742), when 100 maunds weight were struck with the die of the

sikka rupee. From that period till the 4th year of the reign of Shah

’A'lam (1762), no pice were coined in the Benares mint. In the 5th

year the farmer of the mint purchased some English copper, and coined

it into pice of 10 maslias stamped with the die of Gorakhpur’. The

number exchanged for a rupee was 45 to 48. The coinage of pice was

again discontinued until the 17th year (1776), when it was re-established

by permission of Raja Chait Singh. The new pice were 10m. 3r. in

weight, and passed current at about 50 or 51 to the rupee. In the

following year a quantity of copper was brought to Benares from

Calcutta, and the coining of pice and exclusive privilege of buying and

selling copper in Benares granted to one Kashmiru Mall for Rs. 5,000.

The weight of the coins continued to be 10m. 3r. and they passed in

the bazar at about 52 or 53 per rupee. In the 19th and 20th years

the coinage was declared free, and those who brought copper received

pice in return, after paying duties. In the 21st year (1779) a consider-

able revolution took place in the copper coinage. The Nawab Vizier

issued orders to the officers of the Allahabad mint to reduce the weight

of the pice to 9m. 2r. The merchants, finding that their maund of

copper yielded 3,650 pice at Allahabad and only 3,250 at Benares,

carried all their copper to the former place. The coinage of pice was,

consequently, at a stand still, only 29 maunds being coined during the

year. Large quantities of the new Allahabad pice were brought by

merchants to Benares. Raja Chait Singh at first refused to authorise

their currency, but at length gave his consent, and the Allahabad pice

of 9m. 3r. were declared current, and ordered to be received in payment

in common with the old pice of 10m. 3r. The result was that the

bankers contrived to lower the value of the pice altogether, and were

1893.] E. Thurston — History of the Hast India Company Coinage. 59

assisted in so doing by large importations from Allahabad. In the

22nd year Raja Ohait Singh ordered pice to be coined of the same size

and weight as the Allahabad pice, and this contributed greatly to over-

stocking the circulation. In the 23rd and 24th years, after the expul-

sion of Chait Singh, the same weight (9m. 2r.) was continued, and the

price of pice continued to fall until the famine in the next year, when

they sold at thirteen for a rupee. In the 27th year the Resident at

Benares ordered that no pice should be issued from the mint under

10m. 3r. and that Gorakhpur pice, weighing 10m. to 10m. 3r. and

Benares pice, weighing 10m. 3r. should pass at the same value. The

price immediately rose to 58 per rupee. In the 28th year (1787), when

it was supposed that sufficient new pice had been coined for the city

of Benares, the Gorakhpur pice were forbidden, and only the new

Benares pice stamped with a trisul (trident), and weighing from 10m.

to 10m. 3r. and the Gorakhpur pice, re-stamped and not under 10m. in

weight, were declared current.

As regards the gold coinage at the Benares mint, it is stated that

the gold was assayed there by touch on a species of the salgram* stone

so celebrated in the sastras of the Hindus. Upon comparing the

Calcutta with the Benares gold mohars, it was found (1787) that the

former was about Rs. 2-1-6 better than the latter, i. e., R. 1-14-9 in

weight and As 2-9 in assay. It was suggested, therefore, that the

Benares mohar should be raised to the same weight and standard as

the Calcutta mohar.

1792. On June 26, 1792, the following regulations were submitted,

among others, for the consideration of the

shkfdbdd ^ >a ^ na ’ -®^ ur ' Governor General : —

I. That the rupees coined throughout

Bengal, Bihar, f and the district of Benares, be of the same weight,

standard, size and impression (the rupee of the 19th san then coined

at Calcutta).

II. That the mints of Dacca, Patna and Murshidabad be re-

established.

III. That one species of copper coin be declared current through-

out the Company’s dominions.

In August, 1792, it was notified that directions had already been

given by the Governor Genei’al for the re-establishment of the mints

at Dacca, Patna, and Murshidabad ; and in the same month, the follow-

* S'alagrama stones are fossil ammonites, which, as worshipped by the Hindus,

are commonly perforated by holes believed to have been made by Yishnu.

f 1 have, for convenience, adopted a uniform spelling of the names, of places,

e. g., Bihar and Murshidabad instead of Behar and Hoorshodabad,

E. Thurston — History of the Hast India Company Coinage. [N”o. 1,

iiig propositions were, among others, made by the Calcutta mint Com-

mittee, with a view to drawing the old and light coins into the mints,

and establishing the general currency of the sikka rupee : —

I. That after April 10th, 1794, only the san 19 sikka rupees he

received at the public treasuries, or issued therefrom ;

II. That public notice be given that Government, with a view

to enabling individuals to get their old coin or bullion converted into

sikka rupees without delay, have established mints at Dacca, Patna

and Murshidabad in addition to the mint at Calcutta ;

III. That the rupees coined at Dacca, Patna and Murshidabad,

be made precisely of the same shape, weight and standard as the

19 san sikka rupees coined at Calcutta, in order that the rupees struck

at the several mints might not be recognisable from each other, and

might be received and paid indiscriminately ;

IY. That the dies be made of the same size as the coin, and that

the coins be milled ;

Y. That the hijrah year be omitted, as the insertion of it, by

showing the year in which the rupees were struck, would defeat the

object of Government in continuing the 19th san upon the coins.

The earliest weekly account of the new Dacca mint which I have

Dacca. been able to find, is dated 11th August, 1792,

on which day the Assay Master also submitted

to the Calcutta Mint Committee the accounts of the preceding three

months, and promised in future to forward a weekly account.

On 23rd October, 1792, the Assay Master of the Murshidabad mint

Murshidabad.

reported that he was erecting workshops, etc.,

at the Dutch Factory, and hoped to begin coin-

ing by the end of the following week. The opening of the mint was

announced to the Governor General in a letter dated December

1792.

1793.-

Patna.

On 24th February, 1793, the Assay Master of the Patna

mint announced to the Calcutta Mint Committee

that everything would be ready by the end of

the month for the coining of five lacs monthly.

In 1793 a regulation* was passed, by which the gold and silver

Bengal. coin in Berl S' al > Bihar, and Orissa was reformed,

and the currency of any gold or silver coin in

these provinces, but the 19th san gold mohar and 19th san sikka rupee,

and their respective divisions into halves and quarters, was prohibited.

* See Prmsep, Indian Antiquities, and Thurston, History of the Coinage of the .

East India Company.

1893.] E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. 61

1795. In a minute dated 2nd October, 1795, the defective state

Bengal C0 PP er c °i ;na ge in Bengal was dealt with,

and the principles upon which the copper currency

was regulated under Native administration, and the rules that had

been prescribed regarding it by the British Government were noted.

“ Under the Mogul administration,” the minute states, “ the silver coin

was the only measure of value and legal tender of payments. Gold

mohurs and pice were struck at the mints for the convenience of indi-

viduals, who carried gold or copper to be converted into those coins.

But the Government never fixed the number of pice which should be

equivalent to a rupee, any more than the number of rupees which should

pass in exchange for a gold mohur. From the year 1772, when

the mints at Dacca, Patna, and Murshidabad were withdrawn, no pice

were coined in the Provinces until 1783, when a contract was concluded

with Mr. Prinsep for coining pice on account of the Government. These

pice were of four descriptions, viz., whole or pucka, weighing 20 annas,

half pice, quarters and eighths. These pice were issued by the Govern-

ment at the rate of 32 pucka pice, 64 half, 128 quarter pice, aud 256

eighth pice for the sikka rupee.”

At a council, over which Sir John Shore, Governor General, pre-

sided, held on 2nd October, 1795, it was considered expedient that there

should only be two descriptions of copper coin, a whole and half pice,

to pass at the value of a quarter and an eighth of an anna respectively.

It was, accoiding ly, resolved that a Begulation should be framed, and

published for the establishment of a new copper coinage* for Bengal

Bihar, and Orissa. Among the provisions of this Begulation were : —

I. That people in all parts of the country be apprised of the value

at which the coin was issued by Government, and to be received and

paid by the public and individuals ;

II. That the value be inscribed on one surface in Persian, Bangali

and Nagari — the characters used in business in the Provinces ;

III. That the coin be declared legal tender of payment for frac-

tions of half a rupee ;

IY . That the coin be struck at the Calcutta mint, and not at the

three City mints.

The Governor General approved of samples of the new pice and

half pice in November, 1795, and orders were issued to coin an equal

value of the two coins, until it was ascertained which was likely to be

in the greatest demand. A week later, however, the Governor General,

understanding that the relative values of the whole and half pice would

The existing piece was known as the Calcutta, or Prinsep’s pice.

62 E. Thurston — History of the Hast India Company Coinage. [No. 1,

Dacca, Patna, Mur-

shidabad.

Bengal.

he best understood by the Natives, especially the lower orders, by

substituting- “ ek pal sikka ” and “ adhd pai sikka ” for “paun ana and

(the inscriptions originally ordered) resolved that instructions for

altering the inscriptions be issued to the Mint Master.

Towards the end of 1795 trouble was caused by the debased

quality of the gold mohars issued from the

Dacca, Patna, and Murshidabad mints, and by

the rupees issued from the Patna and Murshid-

abad mints being below sikka standard. It was, after enquiry into the

matter, resolved that the coinage of gold at the Patna mint should be

for the time discontinued, and that, for the present, no more coins

should be struck at the Murshidabad mint. In the course of the cor-

respondence relating to the debased coinage, reference is made to the

distinguishing marks of the three mints, but, for precaution’s sake,

the nature of these private marks (recognisable with a lens) is not

mentioned.

1796. In February, 1796, it was resolved that all the gold bullion

sent to the Calcutta mint should, until further

orders, be coined into quarter mohars, inasmuch

as these coins were in much greater request among the lower orders

than the gold coins of higher value.

In April 1796, in consequence of a report from the Mint Master,

that considerable loss would be sustained annually if Government

adhered to their original intention of coining the whole pice at 16

annas and the half pice at 8 annas sikka weight, Government was

reduced to the alternative of relinquishing the establishment of the

new copper coinage altogether, or reducing its value. It was accord-

ingly resolved that the coining of whole pice of 1 2 annas and half pice

of 6 annas sikka weight, be commenced immediately. The Mint

Master, however, reported that dies could not be made for pice of

smaller diameter than those then in use, as there would not be a

sufficient body of metal to yield a bold impression. It was thereupon

ordered that, in the event of its appearing impracticable to insert the

whole of the inscription, the Persian portion should bo omitted instead

of the Nagari as suggested by the Mint.

1797. The coinage of money at tho Dacca and Patna mints ceased

on 31st January 1797, and December 31st

1796, respectively. The date of the closing

of the Murshidabad mint I have not been able

to find, but the records of 1799 make reference to “ assaying materials

which may be deposited in the late mint at that station, and to the

best means of disposing of the building which was formerly used for

a mint at Murshidabad.”

Dacca, Patna, Mur-

shidabad,

1893.] E. Tliurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. 63

Benares.

1800. In a letter dated 12th December, 1800, on the subject of

the irregularities at the Benares mint, the

Collector of that city suggested the advisabi-

lity of a European being placed in charge of the mint, and of having

rupees coined there of the same standard as the Bihar sikka rupees.

1801. In April 1801, a Committee was appointed to enquire into the

state of the Benares mint, and report on the

expediency of continuing it. From the Com-

mittee’s report it appears that, since the abolition of the Residency, the

mint had been left without the superintendence of a European official,

and that the same species of gold, silver, and copper coins continued

to be struck as at the time when Mr. Barlow reported on the mint (p. 54).

In recommending a continuation of the mint, the Committee stated that

“ a connexion has always subsisted between the mint and the manufac-

turers of gold and silver wire and thread, and the weavers of rich

cloths and embroideries made at Benares, on which the prosperity

of the trade in these articles appears so much to depend that, in the

event of the abolition of the mint, the manufacturers might require

some similar establishment to supply its place.” In reviewing the

report of the Committee, the Governor- General did not think it advi-

sable either to abolish the mint, or to alter the mode in which the

coinage had been hitherto conducted, but ordered that the Agent of the

Govern or- General, the Magistrate of the city, and the Collector of the

Province of Benares be constituted a permanent Committee for the

superintendence and control of the mint.

1802. In 1802 letters were received from Madras and Bombay,

Bombay, Madras. ^ f ^ ** VGI 7 neCeSS ^ that a

general reform of their coinage should be

carried out, and greater uniformity introduced, so as to relieve the

public and individuals from the inconvenience arising from so great

a variety of coins, and from so frequent fluctuations in their values. The

following plan of a new coinage was submitted by the Calcutta Mint : —

I. That the gold and silver coins of Madras, Bombay, and the

Ceded Districts, be of the same standard and weight ;

II. That the gold mohar (gold rupee) weigh 180 grains troy, and

contain 168 grains of gold and 12 grains of alloy :

III. That the silver rupee weigh 186 grains troy, and contain

173 grains of silver and 13 grains of alloy;

IV. That fourteen rupees be equal to, and pass for the gold

mohur.

V. That the mohar and rupee of Bombay be divided into halves,

quarters, and eighths (which last could be milled and stamped without

trouble) ;

64 E. Thurston — History of the Hast India Company Coinage. [No. 1.,

Baraili, Allahabad.

VI. That the Madras quarter mohar pass for 42 silver fanams,

and the Madras rupee for 12 fanams.

In this proposed coinage the quarter gold mohar was of the same

inti’insie value as the Madras star pagoda, but the rupee was, nearly

4 per cent, better than the Madras Arkat rupee. The proposed new

rupee was more than 5 per cent, better than the Bombay rupee, which

had been adopted from the Surat Mint.

In a letter dated July, 1803, stating that the Governor-General

had it in contemplation to establish a coinage

of the same weight and standard throughout

the provinces ceded to the Company by the Nawab Vizier, it was

announced that a Committee had been appointed for the superintendence

of the mints stablished at Baraili and Allahabad, which were to report

to Government their suggestions for the improvement of the coinage

in the ceded provinces. I have not been able to ascertain how long the

coinage of the Allahabad mint continued, but reference is made in

December, 1805, to “ base coin issued from the mint at Allahabad a

short time previously to the coinage at that place.”

1803. In May, 1803, the Collector of Gorakhpur stated that

“ it is the opinion of some sensible shroffs that,

in the course of the ensuing year, it may be

advisable to establish a mint at the town of Gorakhpur. In this case

it is my opinion that the Lucknow siltka rupee of the 28th san should

be gradually introduced as the standard currency of Gorakhpur. On

the other hand, the shroffs would greatly prefer the Gorakhpur rupee

because of the advantages always derived from the fluctuation of batta

on rupees of different standards.”

By Regulation XLV, 1803, it was enacted

that : —

Gorakhpur.

Farrukliabad.

(Sect. II.) A silver coin, to be denominated the Lucknow sikka

rupee of the 4oth san, struck in the mint of Farrukhabad, corresponding

in weight and standard with the sikka rupee at present struck at

Lucknow, in the dominions of the Nawab Vizier, and thence denomin-

ated the Lucknow rupee, is hereby declared to be the established and

legal silver coin in the provinces ceded by the Nawab Vizier to the

English East India Company.

( Sect. IV.) A mint shall be established at, or in the immediate

vicinity of Farrukhabad, in which Lucknow rupees of the 45th san,

and of the prescubed weight and standard, and half and quarter rupees

of the same standard and proportionate weight, will be coined.

(Sect. V.) The Lucknow 45tli san sikka rupee, as established

by this regulation, shall be of the same size and form as the 19th san

1893.] E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage.

sikka rupee struck in the mint at Calcutta, and shall bear the following

impression : —

( Sect. VI.) The half and quarter rupee shall he proportionately

less than the rupee, and bear the same impression as the rupee.

( Sect. XII.) The Mint Master at Calcutta shall cause a private

mark to be put on all dies which may be prepared for the mint at

Farrukhabad, but in such a manner as not to be distinguished by the

naked eye, or by persons unacquainted with it.

1804. In 1804 the Commissioner of Cuttack pointed out that

rent coin of small value, especially for the use of the troops, and

pilgrims resorting to the temple of Jagannath, and proposed that the

coin should bear on one face the figure of Jagannath, and on the other

the value of the coin in Persian and Uriya, and the date. This coin

was never struck.

In this year the Assay Master of the Benares mint expressed a

me to ascertain by experiments what advantage there might be in

introducing the mode at present used in Calcutta, or in continuing the

native method of coining with the hammer only, though the whole

figure of the die is not impressed on the rupees that are made in any

of the native mints. The Riwa rupees, though of inferior value,

have to an inexperienced person very much the aspect of Benares

rupees, and* are sometimes passed as such.”

The Mint Committees in the Ceded Provinces (Baraili and

recommended that a new copper coinage should be issued, bearing the

same impression as the Lucknow rupees struck at Allahabad. there

are,” the Committee stated, “ two kinds of copper coinage in currency.

* The above is quoted from the text of the Regulation. Mr. Rodgers (J . A. S. B.,

Vol. LVII, Part I for 1888J gives a slightly different version. Ed.

Obverse.

Reverse.

Cuttack.

great inconvenience was experienced in the

Province of Cuttack from the want of a cur-

Benares.

wish that “ a coining, milling, and laminating

machine may be sent up to Benares to enable

Baraili.

Allahabad.

Allahabad) were called on, in 1804, to report

their views as to the introduction of a new

copper coinage. The Allahabad Committee

J. i. 9

66 E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. [No 1,

Tlie average exchange of tlio first is two to an anna, and of the second

four to an anna. We recommend that, for the present, the new coinage

be limited to the first sort.”

In their report the Baraili Committee gave the following details

. , concerning the history of the copper coinage

at that mint. “At Baraili no copper coinage

was known nntil about sixteen years ago, when it was introduced by

Mahdi ’All Khan, the amil, who coined pice called shamsher sliahi

from their having the figure of a sword stamped upon them. They

were generally coined out of old pice or copper utensils. This coinage

continued two years, after which the same amil substituted another

species of pice called machhlidars from their having the figure of

a fish stamped upon them. A few years after an improved coinage was

introduced by the then amil of Rohilkhand, whose pice were termed

katar from their being stamped with a dagger. After that, when

Mahdi ’All Khan became amil for the second time in 1205 (1790),

though the name and appearance remained the same, the weight was

reduced from 18 10 17 and even 16 mashas. In this diminished state

the coinage of the katar shahis continued until the cession of the

provinces to the Company in November, 1801. They ai’e still current in

the southern and eastern parts of Rohilkhand, but never obtained

circulation equal to that of the najib khanis, which are current at

Rampur.”

The opinion expressed by the Committee was that there were no

special circumstances of a local nature which urgently demanded the

introduction of a copper coinage, but that it appeared advisable, on

general principles, to introduce a sort of pice which would be intrin-

sically valuable from its purity, and difficult of imitation, and which

should bear the same proportion to the local silver currency which the

pice in the Lower Provinces bore to the Calcutta sikka rupees.

It appears from a report by Mr. Seton that the system of farming

the Baraili mint was abolished in 1802. No alteration was introduced

into the standard of the rupee, except that, to mark the period at which

the change of system took place, the Persian letter ^ (the first letter of

the late Subah Hussain ’All Khan) was discontinued, and j (W) substi-

tuted in compliment to the Lieutenant-Governor.

1805. In February 1805, the authorities of the Farrukhabad mint

recommended the coinage of milled in place

of hammered money as a measure tending to

correct several existing abuses and imperfections. In July a letter

from Government stated that “ The Governor General in Council has

determined oti the immediate introduction of a new silver coin into

Farrukhabad.

1893.] E. Tlmrston — History of the East India Company Coinage. 67

the provinces ceded by the Nawab Vizier to the English East India

Company, and into the conquered Provinces of the Nawab and on the

right bank of the river Jumna, including the Zillali of Bundelkhand, to

be denominated the Lucknow sikka rupee of the 45tli san, struck

at Earrukhabad, corresponding in weight and standard with the sikka

rupee at present struck at Lucknow in the dominions of the Nawab

Vizier; and has it in contemplation to establish a new copper coin in

the provinces above-mentioned, of an uniform weight, to consist of pure

copper.”

1806. In 1806 the Mint Master at Benares, in a report on the

copper currency of the Benares Province, stat-

Benares. e <j that “ there is no regulation for the weight,

size, or impression of pice that can be the least check on any person

making them privately without fear of detection. A great part of the

pice now in circulation have been made in Oudh, the Riwa Raja’s

country, and other places, and smuggled into circulation.” He, accord-

ingly, suggested for the consideration of Government a new copper

coinage (of which specimens were forwarded) to consist of : —

Value.

Number to tbe

rupee.

Weight: Grains

troy.

Diameter,

Inches.

Double Pice.

240

1 |

Single „

120

Half „

128

Quarter „

256

1 O

“ If,” the Mint Master wrote, “ the machinery of the Calcutta mint

could be used in laminating the derabs, it would greatly reduce the

expense of making the pice, but I would by no means advise the

impression being stamped in Calcutta, as the prejudices of the Natives

in Benares should be conceded to.”

In a letter dated 10th December, 1806, the Governor General, in

forwarding a letter from the Court of Directors

General. concerning a plan for one general coinage for

the Company’s possession, expressed his opinion that the coins should

be struck in the name of the king of Delhi, and not of the Company

with their arms, as proposed by the Court. In the letter referred to,

of which the following is a precis, the Court of Directors wrote as

68 E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. [No. 1,

follows': — “ We think the Earl of Liverpool* has established the prin-

ciple that “ the money or coin which is to be the principal measure

of property, ought to be of one metal only.” In applying the argu-

ment to a coin for general use in India, there cannot be any doubt,

in our opinion, that such coinage must be of silver. The standard

weight of the silver coins issued from the mints of our several Presi-

dencies we find to be as follows : —

Calcutta sikka rupee. Troy grs.

Madras Arcot „ „ ,,

Bombay „ „ „

“Wo think it would answer a good purpose to fix the gross weight

in whole numbers, and should prefer the weight of 180 grs. troy. The

British standard for gold coin is alloy and fine. There is no

doubt that ^ alloy of copper would be equally proper for silver coin,

and we are of opinion that this proportion should be adopted, in which

caso the new rupees would have 165 grains of fine silver and 15 grains

of alloy. Should the new rupee be ultimately adopted, there may bo

coined also : —

Half rupee weighing troy grs.

Quarter „ „ „ „

Anna ,, ,, ,, ,,

“ A copper coinage should also bo determined on for general circul-

ation, and it is our opinion that it should consist of 6 pice or half anna,

3 pice or quarter anna, and 1 pice pieces.

“ Wo are desirous of establishing a gold coin on a principle fitted

for general use. This coin should, in our opinion, be called a gold

rupee, and be made of the same standard as the silver rupee, viz., 180

grains gross weight and 165 grains fine, and be divided into halves and

quarters. The quarter gold rupee appears well fitted to supply the

place of the Madras star pagoda in the payment of the Madras army.

“We have thought the adoption of a new coinage for British India

a fit opportunity for giving a new impression to our currency, and the

most appropriate, in our esteem, is the Company’s arms with an ins-

cription “ English East India Company,” as also the denomination and

value of the coin with the year of coinage, and for the reverse a

Persian inscription expressing the English one on the obverse with the

date of coinage and value and denomination of the coin. If the smaller

gold and silver coins [perhaps all below the half rupee) do not present

surface sufficient for a clear impression, it would be proper to substi-

tute for the Company’s arms the Company’s crest, the inscriptions to

remain alike in all.”

* Letter to the King on the coins of the realm.

... 90.

... 45.

... 11 *.

179f.

176f.

179.

1893.] E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage.

Farrukhabad.

1807. A letter from the Mint Master at Farrukhabad dated 24th

October, 1807, asks for new milling dies for

rupees, and states that the mint had not yet

been furnished with dies for the half and quarter rupees, the expe-

dency of introducing which had been suggested by the Mint Committee.

In this year, and early in 1808, proclamations were issued by

the Government of Madras respecting a new

coinage for the Madras Presidency, of which

the following is a resume.

Madras.

A Silver Coinage.

“ All the silver coins of the Presidency coined at the Madras mint

shall be coined direct from dollars -when imported, and be of dollar

fineness.

“ The double rupee will contain double the quantity, the half rupee

half the quantity, and the quarter rupee a quarter of the pure silver

which the rupee contains.

“ There are also coined and issued the following small coins : —

Five fanams, on which is inscribed their denomination in English,

Persian, Gentoo (Telugu), and M.alabar (Malayalam).

Three* „ „ ,, » »

Two ,, j, i) j>

Single „ „ „ >1 »

B. Copper Coinage.

“The Governor General in

Council has been pleased to issue a new

coinage of the following numbers, values,

etc.

Double Dubs.

,.. 24

to the rupee.

Single „

... 48

J? ?> J5

Half

... 96

>5 }9

Quarter „

... 192

55 55 55

“ In case the above coins are issued at the Presidency, etc., they

are to measure with the star pagodas : —

84 double dubs to one pagoda.

168 single „ „ „ „

336 half „ „ „ „

672 quarter „ ,, „ ,,

“ There are also issued the following coins with their denomination

inscribed on them in English, Persian, Gentoo, and Malabar: — 40 cash,

20 cash, 10 cash, 5 cash.”

* The five fanam pieces are now very scarce. Double and single fanams are

fairly common. The three fanam pieces I have never seen, and have met with no

other reference to them. I am inclined to think that the mention of them is a

mistake.

70 E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. [No. 1,

In this Proclamation, which is dated 22nd August, 1807, it is

stated that “ the Governor in Council has also deemed it expedient to

issue a silver coinage of half and quarter pagodas of dollar fineness.”

This Proclamation was repeated on 28th November, 1807, with the

addition of a 2| cash piece as being also issued.”

0-8-9

0-4-4|

C. Gold Coinage.

“ The Governor in Council, having deemed it necessary to establish

a new gold currency, has resolved to coin a gold pagoda of 22 carats

fine, and a double pagoda of the same fineness, with English, Persian,

Gentoo, and Malabar inscriptions.”

In August, 1807, the mint master at Benares received a letter

from Calcutta respecting a new copper coinage

Benares. f or the province of Benares, which was to be

prepared in the Calcutta mint. This coinage should, it was thought,

consist of : —

Number to a Calcutta sikka

rupee. weight.

Double pice ... 32 1-1-6

Single „ ... - 64

Half „ ... - - 128

1809. By Regulation X, 1809, the Calcutta mint was directed to

coin pice for the province of Benares, valued

Benares. a t 64 per rupee.

1810. In a letter dated 11th September, 1810, reference is made

to “ London made copper coins at Fort St.

Madras. Geoi’ge, of which there is stated to be 80,000

pagodas in store, and which cannot be brought into circulation at that

Presidency. We are of opinion that the 20 cash pieces might be circu-

lated here at the value of one and a half of the Bengal pice, and that,

in the present scarcity of copper, it would be advisable to send the

whole of them to Bengal.

1811. A letter dated 16th September, 1811, states that “ Govern-

ment having been pleased to determine that

no change shall be made in the local currency

of the province of Benares, but that it shall be recognised as the legal

currency of that portion of the Company’s territories, we entirely

concur as to the expediency of placing the mint of that province under

the immediate control of the Supreme Government, and of assimila-

ting it in every respect to the mints of Calcutta and Farrukhabad, by

which means the coin which may hereafter be struck in the Benares

mint will be much improved in point of fabrication and appearance.

Benares.

1893.] E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. 71

The same letter states that “ the quantity of gold which has been

coined in the Benares mint since 1782 only amounted to 121,949 mohars

or about 1,768,260 rupees, whilst, during the same period, the silver

coinage has amounted to rupees 51,631,000, and it is accordingly

proposed by the Board of Commissioners that the Benares mint shall

not be open for the coinage of gold bullion in future.”

A Regulation for the future management of the Benares mint, (the

Benares date* of which is not given in the records),

has, among its clauses, the following : —

Preamble. Whereas it has been deemed advisable to continue the

mint at Benares, and to assimilate the internal management of it to

the rules already in force in the Mints of Calcutta and Farrukhabad,

the following rules have been enacted to be in force from their pro-

mulgation : —

I. The silver coin now current in the Benares province under the

denomination of the machhlidar rupee, commonly called the Benares

rupee, shall continue to be the established coin of the province, and

shall be received as such in all public and private transactions.

IT. The Benares rupee is to continue of the following weight, and

half and quarter rupees are to bo coined of the same standard and

proportionate weight : —

Troy grains ... ... ... 175

Pure silver ... ... ... 168-875

Alloy ... ... ... ... 6T25

III. The Benares rupee shall hereafter be struck of the same size

and form as the 19th san rupee struck in the mint of Calcutta, and

shall bear the same impression as is now in use ;

IY. The half and quarter rupee shall be proportionately less than

the rupee, and shall have the same impression as the rupee ;

V. The edges shall be milled, and the dies (to be cut in the

Calcutta mint) shall be made of the same size as the coin, so that the

whole impression may appear;

VI. The mint master at Calcutta shall cause a private mark to

to be put upon all the dies which may be prepared for the Benares

mint.

1812. In 1812 the Lieutenant- Governor of Java asked that a

supply of copper coinage might be sent from

^ ava ' Bengal to Batavia, as the want of a small

currency was felt throughout the colony. The coinage, it was sug-

gested, should consist of 165 coins to one Dutch pound weight, and the

device be cither the figure of a buffalo or elephant, and on the reverse,

Java and the date.

* It was probably 1810, as it refers to “ From and after the first day of 1811.”

72 E. Thurston — History of the Hast India Company Coinage. [No. 1,

Benares.

Ceded Provinces.

In April, 1812, the Madras mint Committee recommended that, in

conformity with the orders of the Court of

directors, the coinage of half and quarter pago-

das and of pie, two, and single fanams be discontinued, and that the

coinage of rupees, half, quarter, and eighth rupees he commenced ; and

that the half and quarter pagodas and five fanam pieces he re-coined

into rupees as fast as possible, leaving the double and single fanams

to remain in circulation until the fractions of the rupee were fully

established.

1813. In 1813 it was pointed out that, since the “ tirsoolee pisa ”

was originally established as the copper cur-

rency of Benares, no measures had been adop-

ted to renew it, and the inscription had, by process of time, become

more or less indistinct, and the shroffs had reduced the value of pice

in which the trisul was defective by reducing it 11 per cent, in current

value for no other reason than the defectiveness of the trisul.”

By a Resolution dated 7tli August, 1813, the Governor-General,

anticipating great convenience and advantage

from the establishment of an uniform coinage

throughout the ceded and conquered provinces, including the districts

dependent on Delhi, resolved that the coinage to be carried on henceforth

at the Delhi mint be confined to new Earrukhabad rupees of the weight

and standard of the coin issued from the Earrukhabad mint, and bearing

the same inscription. The Governor-General also expressed his opinion

that there could be no objection to coining at the Delhi mint a limited

number of rupees bearing the name and title of his present Majesty,

Akbar Shall, these rupees being only intended to be presented to Elis

Majesty on the anniversary of his accession for the purpose of being

distributed as complimentary presents.

In 1813 a Regulation for establishing a copper coinage in the

Province of Benares was passed, among the

clauses of which were the following : —

I. A copper coin weighing 100 grains troy, and consisting of pure

copper, shall be established in the province of Benares (the coin to be

fabricated at the Benares mint) ;

II. The form, size, and impression of the copper coin shall cor-

respond with those prescribed by Sect. XII, Reg. II, 1803, for the

Benares rupee, but the edges shall not be milled or have any mark or

impression.

In November, 1813, the Court of Directors expressed their opinion

Bombay that, the coinage for the Bombay Presidency

should bo executed in the Calcutta mint, and

Benares.

1893.] E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. 73

forwarded a number of coins as showing their views with respect to

manner in which the coinage should be executed.

1816. In September, 1816, the Board of Commissioners, Farrukh-

abad, pointed out that for some time only a

Farrukhabad. small quantity of silver had been brought to

the mint by individuals for coinage, and suggested the expediency of

employing the establishment in the coinage of copper pice on account of

Government. The following draft Resolution was submitted by the

Commissioners : —

I. That Sect. XLIII, Reg. XLY, 1803, prescribing a specified

weight for the copper pice to be struck at Farrukhabad be rescinded

II. That such copper coin be struck at Farrukhabad, weighing

200 grains troy for the whole, or double pice, and 100 grains troy for

the half or single pice ;

III. That such copper coin shall be issued from the mint at the

rate of 32 whole and 64 half pice for each rupee.

In November, 1816, the Mauritius Government wrote to the

Governor General that “ this Colony is subject

Mauritius. to considerable inconvenience and difficulties,

especially since the great fire, from the want of a small money for the

ordinary daily transactions of common life. It would, therefore, be

most desirable to obtain from the mint of the Supreme Government a

coinage for the use of this land. A decimal division of the Spanish

Dollar, which coin is here equivalent to two sikka rupees, would be

the most convenient money for accounts. The books of the merchants

and traders being kept in livres, ten of which are in this Colony equal

to the Spanish Dollar, it would be desirable that each of the silver

coins should be marked ONE L1VRE.

By Regulation XXY, 1817, it was enacted

Bengal. that : —

I. The copper pice struck at the Calcutta mint shall be of pure

copper, and of the weight of 100 grains troy ;

II. The inscription shall be on one side “one pie sikka” in

Bangali, Persian, and Nagari, and the date on the obverse.

HI. That the pice shall be issued from the mint and public

treasuries at the rate of 64 to 1 sikka rupee and be legal tender

at the rate of 64 to a rupee of the local currency throughout the pro-

vinces subject to the Presidency of Fort William.

IV. The pice struck at the mints of Benares and Farrukhabad,

agre'eably to the provisions of Regulation

Benares. x, 1809, Reg. VII, 1814, and Reg. XXI, 1816,

Farrukhabad. shall be also considered as circulating equally

J. i. 10

74 E. Tlmrston — History of the East India Company Coinage. [No. 1,

with the pice of Calcutta coinage throughout the above-mentioned

provinces, and shall in like manner, be received as legal tender in

payment of the fractional parts of a rupee of the local currency at the

rate of 64 pice for each rupee.

Farrukhabad. B J Re §' lllation XXVI > 1S17 » ;t was enacted

that : —

I. Whereas it may from time to time be found expedient to coin

rupees of the weight and standard of the Farrukhabad rupee at the mints

of Calcutta or 13enares, it has seemed advisable to rescind so much

of section II of Reg. XLV, 1803, as tends to limit the coinage of

Farrukhabad rupees to the mint of Farrukhabad, and to direct that the

following enactment be henceforth in force : —

II. Hie silver coin denominated the Farrukhabad rupee, and of

the weight and standard prescribed by section II of Reg. Ill, 1806,

struck at the mints of Calcutta, Farrukhabad, or Benares, or at any

other mint established by order of the Governor General in Council,

is hereby declared to be the established and legal silver coin in the

ceded and conquered provinces.

In 1817 the weight of the pice struck in the Calcutta mint was

Calcutta fixed at 100 grains, and they bore the inscrip-

tion “ one pie sikka.”

1818. In June, 1818, the Wice-Presidcnt in Council expressed his

concurrence with the Resident at Delhi as to

the inexpediency of maintaining the Delhi

Resident was accordingly directed to discontinue its

operations, still causing, however, such a number of coins to be struck

as might be necessary for the purpose of satisfying the feelings of the

king.

In August, 1818, the Calcutta Mint Master submitted for the consi-

General. deration of Government specimen coins of the

weight and standard of the proposed new cur-

rency, and stated that, as the difference in size and weight of the new

coins might not be considered sufficient to enable all persons to at once

distinguish them from the old ones, he had thought it expedient to

affix such further distinctive marks as would be obvious to the most

ordinary observer. The specimens, which were distinguished from the

existing currency by a raised rim and perpendicular milling, were adop-

ted as the pattern for the new coinage.

In 1818 the Calcutta Mint Committee stated that they were not

aware of any objection to the inscription on the rupee undergoing an

alteration, and that it would be more consistent with the dignity of the

British Government of India to authorise its own currencies by its own

Delhi.

mint, and the

1893.] E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. 75

peculiar stamp and impression ; and suggested that, if any alteration

was made, no date should he inserted, as an arbitrary batta on coins

of various issues would thus be obviated without having recourse to any

fictitious inscription.

1819. By Regulation XI, 1819, it was

bad 6nareS ’ FarrUkM ' ^acted that ,

1. The coinage of the Benares rupee shall

be discontinued ;

II. The Earrukliabad rupee shall be considered the legal currency

of the province of Benares ;

III. The Earrukliabad rupee shall be a legal tender in all the

territories under the Bengal Government, wftli the exception of Bengal,

Bihar, and Orissa, whether struck at the mints of Calcutta, Benares, or

Earrukliabad, or any other mint that may be hereafter established

within the aforesaid limits under the authority of the British Govern-

ment ;

IV. The Earrukliabad rupee to be struck at any of the mints

before mentioned, shall bo of the value of the present Eauukhabad

rupee, and of the standard of the present Calcutta rupee, viz. :

Weight Troy grs. ... ... ISO’234

Pure silver „ ■>■ ••• 165'215

Alloy „ ••• ••• 15'019

In addition to the substitution of the new Earrukliabad rupee, the

Mint Committee recommended the temporary establishment of mints

at Ajmere and Sagar, to convert the existing

Ajmere, Sagar. currencies into the new coin. The Sagar

mint was at that time issuing rupees called “ Saugor or Balasliaie.

The Government expressed their opinion that the recommendation of

the Committee was judicious. I can find no further reference to the

Ajmere mint in the records.

1821. The Bombay coinage consisted in

Bombay.

182 1 of the following

Trov grs.

Gold. Mohar

„ Panchia (5 rupees)

„ Rupee

Silver. Rupee

„ Half Rupee

„ Quarter „

„ Eighth „

Copper. Anna

„ Half Anna

„ Quarter „

Pice

180

22'5

400

200

100

33 33

E. Thurston — History of the Hast India Company Coinage. [No. 1,

In this year

Mauritius.

the

Mauritius Government, being put to incon-

venience by the use of paper money for the

small change of the colony, asked that the

Calcutta mint might coin for them small tokens to the value of 100,000

sikka rupees. The -wish of the Mauritius Government was acceded to.

1824. In 1824 an application was made by the Resident at Singa-

Singapore P ore for a SU PP 1 7 ojE sma11 coins to be struck

at the Calcutta mint for the use of that

settlement. In the Resident’s letter it is stated that the small money

in circulation throughout the Malay countries consisted of copper Dutch

duyt and pice of Prince of Wales’ island, the brass coin of China, and of

silver Dutch 2, 6, and 9 silver (stiver?; pieces, and the guilder or florin

commonly called by the natives the rupee. The most universally used

coins were the duyt and two stiver piece. The duyt was the real

money of the most remote and unfrequented parts of Sumatra and

Borneo, and the two stiver piece was the true circulating medium

of the Celebes, the Spanish dollar being only used in foreign commer-

cial transactions. It was suggested that the duyt and two silver piece

should be struck with the same inscriptions, viz. the value in the

English, Chinese, Malay and Bugies languages, and on the reverse the

crest of the East India Company without the supporters, and with the

date and motto of the Company beneath.

By Regulation II, 1824, it was decided that the Farrukhabad

Sugar rupees, to be coined at the Sagar mint of 180

grains, 165 fine and 15 alloy, should be the

legal currency of Sagar and territories on the Narmada (Nerbudda).

A letter from the Bombay Mint Committee, dated 27th September,

Bombay 1824, refers to a communication received from

the Supreme Government, desiring that im-

mediate steps be taken for the coinage of a new rupee of the Madras

standard, aud asking for their opinion on the measures to be adopted

for a general reform of the currency. The Committee snggested, with

reference to the first point, that a proclamation should be issued,

announcing the alteration of the standard, and declaring the new rupee

current at par with the old. They also recommended the division of

the anna into sixteen instead of twelve pice, so that the copper currency

would consist of : — Troy grs.

Anna ... ... ... 400

Half Anna

Quarter ,,

Double Pice

Single „

200

1893.] E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. 77

A draft proclamation was submitted by the Committee, announcing

the alteration of the mint standard, the sanction of which by the

Supreme Government is not recorded in the Records.

1825. In 1825 various suggestions for a change of impression on

General currency were made, and the following

extract is from an able report by Lieutenant

Forbes, who was superintending the construction of the new Calcutta

mint, and who, before proceeding to England in 1820, had been in-

structed by the Bengal Government to bi’ing the subject of the device

for the coin to the notice of the Court of Directors.

“ It is observed,” Lieutenant Foi’bes wrote, “ that the impression

chosen by the king of Oudh for his new currency shows that in

reality no prejudice exists against the repi-esentation of animals

on coins. The common practice of putting Coats-of-Arms on coins

having led to the adoption of those of the Hon. Company as a device

for some of their copper coins executed in England, the propriety

of employing them on the money to be struck for the genei’al cir-

culation of India came first to be considered. From the minuteness

of the scale to which they must be reduced on a coin, it was found that

the Royal Arms situated in the upper left quarter of the Company’s

shield became undecipherable, and that, as its plain was otherwise

blank, the total effect of the piece was feeble and unmeaning. With

the intention of enriching the design, two large lions (the supporters),

and a little one (the crest), were introduced. The portion of sui’face oc-

cupied by such a number of animals in the rampant and strange attitudes

adopted in heraldry, now left so little space for the shield that the

Royal Arms, diminished to a peg, became utterly undistinguishable.

The unanimous opinion of ai’tists that such a device would appear

inelegant and bai’barous was strikingly confirmed by the specimens

produced on the money executed at Soho for transmission to Penang

and the islands to the eastward. Although some of the dies were

engraved by artists of considerable talent, no effort of skill or ingenuity

could prevent the little odd lion of the crest from being mistaken for a

monkey, nor obviate the misapprehension of common observers in con-

ceiving the figures used as supporters to be ill-designed cats. A praise-

worthy attempt to correct such serious defects by the introduction of

lions modelled from life brought the question of the Arms to its final

issue. It then appeared that the animals with which heraldry is con-

versant under the denomination of lions ai’e not “ real lions,” and that

coi’rect similitudes of the animal himself, placed in the splay-footed

position, required as supporters, had a ludici’ous effect.

“ I was induced to propose the simple emblem of the Company, a

E. Thurston — History of the Hast India Company Coinage. [No. 1,

Delhi.

a solitary lion, as a devise for the Indian coins. As an appropriate

type of sovereignty, and as an emblem known and respected wherever

British rule has been extended, I suggested that the ease, dignity, and

strength which he so nobly personified on some of the coins of ancient

Greece would bo still more consistent and characteristic when applied

to India. Moreover, I suggested that ho might be completely localised

by the ever-flourishing Palm, an Asiatic though ancient tasteful

emblem of perpetuity.

“ I have to solicit the attention of the Committee to a model of

this devise executed after a drawing by Flaxman.”

It was agreed that this device was well adapted for one face of the

new coin, and suggested that either the head of the King (George IV),

or the designation of the coin within a wreath, should be placed on the

other face.

1826. In 1826 the Collector of Delhi expressed his opinion that a

proposal to establish a mint for copper coinage

at Delhi would be productive of good to the

people, and a check to the impositions practised by the shroffs, whose

source of livelihood consisted in the exaction of discount on the various

current copper coins.

1823-27. A volume of the records, 1823-27, is devoted to details

connected with the construction of the new

Calcutta. r, , , • ,

Calcutta mint.

In a report on the regulations for the conduct of the coinage subse-

quently to its transfer to the new Calcutta mint it is recorded that : —

I. It was the intention of the Hon. Court that the scale of the

new mint machinery and establishment should be such as would per-

manently enable it to supply two-thirds of the coin required for the

circulation of India ;

II. It was their design that the remaining third should be supplied

by similar apparatus of half the power to be sent to Bombay ;

III. The new Calcutta mint would immediately or eventually

have to perform the work of the Calcutta mint, and of the mints of

Benares, Farrukhabad, and Sagar ;

IV. The Hon. Court held in view that the Calcutta and Bombay

mints would, at any period found convenient, afEord the means of

equalising the coins, and of rendering uniform the coinages of India.

1827. In a letter dated 28th August, 1827, the Mint Master of the

‘‘ new mint,” Bombay, expressed his opinion

that the Bombay division into rupees, quarters,

and reas was preferable to the rupees, annas, and pie of the other side

of India, and that the division of the gold mohur into fifteen parts was

decidedly superior to the Calcutta division into sixteen.

Bombay.

1863.] E. Thurston — History of the Hast India Company Coinage. 79

1829.

Spelter money.

classes as a substitute

In 1829 it was suggested that the new Calcutta mint might

be usefully employed iu coining spelter money,

which would be very useful to the poorer

for cowries, and which might be called the

The question of the re-establishment of the

Delhi mint for the coinage of pice only was

Benares.

establishment of the

quarter or pao pice.

Delhi,

re-opened.

1830. In a letter dated 2nd February, 1830, the Calcutta Mint

Committee was informed that the Governor

General authorised the discontinuance of the

Benares mint, find the disposal of the machinery,

apparatus, and other property of that mint.

In May, 1830, a letter was submitted by the Calcutta Mint Com-

mittee on the subject of the impression of the

General. new coinage, and reiterating their opinion that

the British Indian currencies should bear impressions characterising

the authority by which they were issued either in the form of a head,

emblem, or coat-of-arms. The Committee, in the same letter, express-

ed their opinion that, until this question was settled by the Court of

Directors, the Bombay coinage should continue to bear the same

impression as it did at present. In a further letter, submitting speci-

mens of two Franc pieces, the Committee stated that the French milling

could not be advantageously introduced with the existing milling

machinery, and recommending that a plain milling should be adopted.

In August, 1830, the Calcutta Mint Committee submitted speci-

mens of copper pice with a request that

Calcutta. Government would sanction their coinage, as

they seemed to be preferable to those in circulation at that time.

In December of the same year the Calcutta Mint Master suggested

that a copper coinage might with advantage be carried out at the new

mint for the Madras Presidency and the settlements to the eastward

(Singapore, etc.,) in which latter the demand for copper coin was at

that time very urgent.

1831. A letter dated 11th January, 1831,

Sagar. stated that it had been resolved to abolish the

mint at Sagar.

By an order dated 25th February, 1831, it was notified that “ an

alteration in the Calcutta sikka and Farrukhabad rupees was authorised

by the Governor General in Gouncil under date 13th July last, and

that these currencies will in future be struck at the Calcutta mint with

a plain flat milling only.”

E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. [No. 1,

In August, 1831, the Calcutta Mint Committee submitted the

Bengal following draft of a Regulation for legalising

the circulation of the sub-divisions in the copper

currency authorised to be coined by Government : —

I. That, besides the copper pice now current, which shall remain

unchanged, there shall be coined a copper half-anna piece, and a copper

pie or twelfth of an anna ;

II. The copper half anna pie shall weigh twice the weight of the

present pice, or 200 grains troy, and shall bear on one face the legend

Half anna in Persian, and Hagan, and on the other the same in

English and Bangali. The exchangeable value of the coin shall be

two for one anna, or one for two pice ;

_ Tlie twelfth of an anna piece on one pie shall weigh troy

grains 33 333, and shall bear on one face the legend “ One pai ” in Persian

and Nagari, and the same on the other in English and Bangali. The

exchangeable value of the coin shall be twelve for one anna or three

for one pice.

IY. These coins shall be current at the above rates in all the

provinces under the Bengal Presidency.

1833. In a letter from the Assay Master of the Calcutta mint

Rupee coinage. Pl ' msc P) in April, 1833, some general

information is given with reference to rupee

coinage. “ It has ever,” he says, “ been the expressed desire of the

Hon. Court of Directors to equalise the coin of the whole of the Indian

possessions both in weight and standard. In this they have but

followed the laudable practice of the Muhammadan Governments of

India, which, while they arrogated to themselves the prerogative of

coining, appear to have maintained with care and good faith the weight

and purity of the circulating medium until the Empire was distracted

with internal commotions, and the Viceroys of the Crown and tributary

states assumed to themselves the control of the various mints, reserv-

ing a mere nominal subjection to the sovereign in the legend im-

pressed upon their coin.

The silver rupee was introduced, according to Abul-fazl, by Sher

Shah, who usurped the throne of Delhi from Humayun in 1542. It had

a weight of^llj maslias, which, at the rate of 15i grains per masha,

is equal to 174'4 grains of pure silver. This standard was adopted by

Akbar, and accordingly we find coins of his reign weighing from 170 to

174 grains.

“ The Murshidabad rupee was adopted for the coinage of the

Company’s subali of Bengal, and has accordingly remained unchanged

as the present sikka rupee.

1893.] E. Thurston — History of the East India Company Coinage. 81

“ The Surat rupee was also adopted as the currency of the Bombay

Presidency under the treaty with the Nawab of Surat, who retained

the privilege of coining ; but in 1800 its pure contents were found to

have sunk to 164-79 grains, when, to prevent further depreciation, the

Government assumed charge of the mint, and the rupee was then fixed

at the later valuation of 164' 7 grains pure.

“ The Delhi rupee struck at the Fathgarh mint by the Vizier

of Oudh, in like manner, gradually diminished to 165’2 grains pure,

when, by cession of the Duab to the English, it was there arrested, and

by a Regulation of 1806, was assumed as the standard currency of the

Western Provinces. It was afterwards introduced into the Benares

Provinces, where, (that mint having come earlier into our possession),

the depreciation of the rupee has not reached the same extent : pure

contents 169'2.

“ The Arcot rupee in 1788, according to the assay tables, still

retained 170 grains of pure silver. When adopted, however, as the

standard rupee of the Madras Presidency, it had fallen to 165 grains,

and there of course it has since remained.

“ The alteration of the standard to ^ of alloy in 1818 did not

affect the proportion of pure metal, but the facility of equalising the

three coins (Bombay, Madras, Farrukhabad) had been observed both

in England and India ; and, when the Sagar mint was established in

1825, it was ordered to coin new Farrukhabad rupees of 180 grains

weight, the same as the standard of Madras, or containing 165 grains

pure. The Bombay mint was ordered to assimilate its coin to the same

in 1829. The Benares rupee alone continued to coin Farrukhabads of

180-234 grains until its abolition in 1829 ; and the Calcutta mint has

since coined them of the same weight, although a good opportunity

was afforded by the promulgation of the new system in Bombay to have

effected a simultaneous reform here.”

In the letter under notice Mr. Prinsep recommended (and Govern-

ment saw the expediency of adopting the recommendation) 1 that : —

I. The weight of the Farrukhabad rupee struck at the Calcutta

mint be 180 grains troy instead of 180'234 grains ; and that the weight

of the Calcutta sikka rupee be 192 grains instead of 19F916, correspond-

ing alterations being made in the half and quarter rupee.

II. The sikka weight (contra-distinguished to the sikka rupee) be

equalised with the weight of the Farrukhabad rupee.

In October, 1833, Mr. Prinsep recommended that the armorial

bearings impressed on both the Bombay and

Calcutta. Madras copper coins, should be immediately

1 Reg. VII, 1893. See Thurston, op. cit.

J. I. 11

&2 E. Thurston — History of the Hast India Company Coinage. [No. 1,

adopted at Calcutta and that on the reverse should he the value in

English, Nagari, and Persian, enclosed in a wreath. “ The determina-

tion of this point,” Mr. Prinsep said, “ is the more urgent as it is now

in contemptation to issue a large copper coin to replace the tirsooleo

pice.”

1834. In April, 1834, the following recommendations were sub-

General. mitted for the consideration of Government : —

I- That there should be a common device

for the coins of the three Presidencies ;

II. That this should differ on the three metals, so as to fully dis-

tinguish them from one another, and prevent fraud and imposition by

gilding or silvering ;

III. That the device should be pictorial and essentially English,

as, among other reasons, the adoption of such a device would entitle the

ovemment to claim from the Colonial Governments of the Crown

a recognition of the coin of India as a national money entitled to cir-

culate at its intrinsic value in all the possessions of the Crown. The

rupee m its present form is not so considered beyond the limits of the

Company’s authority.

'^ la ^ ^ l0 mohar of Bengal should in future be equalised

with that of Bombay and Madras ;

V. That the coinage of the sikka rupee should be discontinued

from the commencement of the new Charter, so as to prevent all confu-

sion from the two coins being permitted to circulate together.

A specimen coin, executed by a native named Kasinatli, was sub-

mitted with the letter. The obverse bore a facsimile of the king’s head

on le English Sovereign, and the legend Gulielmus, IIII. D. G

ritaxn i arum, Rex. F. D., and the reverse a laurel wreath with One

Rupee. 1834. m the centre, and the same in Persian, Bangali, and Nagari

on the margin. This device, with the substitution of Mohue, was recom-

mended for the gold coinage. Mr. Prinsep had already suggested that

the copper coins should bear on the obverse the Company’s Arms

and on the reverse a wreath with the designation of the coins in lieu of

the word adil of Bombay or “ ek falus panch kas ast ” of Madras.

*0 ^commendations of the Committee were referred to the Court of

Directors.

Various ^ designs for the new coinage by Mr. Prinseps were also

submitted, viz : —

X. Britannia from tlie English, penny ;

^ Bon from an ancient Greek coin ;

III. An elephant (from the Ceylon coin) •

IV. A Ship; '

1893.] E. Thurston — History of the Hast India Company Coinage.

V. A British senator, between a Hindu and Mahommedan, pre-

senting the charter ;

VI. An emblematical figure of Justice and Plenty ;

VII. Typical figures of Britannia and India ;

VIII. The Pipal tree ( Ficus Indica) from the seal of the Royal

Asiatic Society of London.

1835. Early in 1835 engravings were prepared of the head of the

king with the simple legend WILLIAM, 1III.

General. KING, instead of the titles in Latin, and an

impression in pure gold of the King’s head with the lion as the reverse

(proposed as a double mohur) was submitted.

In April, 1835, the Calcutta Mint Committee was informed that

the rupee having on one side the inscription EAST INDIA COMPANY,

with the nominal value of the coin in English, Persian, and Nagari, and

the representation of a lotus flower and myrtle wreath had been approv-

ed by the Governor General as the model for the future coinage of the

rupee. The Committee were requested to communicate with the

Madras, Bombay, and Sagar mints with the view of effecting a change

in the rupee currency throughout British India with all convenient

expedition. In a subsequent letter, however, it was resolved that on

the obverse of the new silver coinage the title of the king should be

simply WILLIAM, IIII. KING, and that on the reverse should be

eno-raved the denomination of value in English and Persian only.

In June, 1835, it was resolved by the Governor General to abolish

the Madras mint in conformity to the orders

Madras. 0 f the Court of Directors, and the Madras

Government was desired to forward to Calcutta or Bombay such parts

of the mint machinery as, if publicly sold, might be employed m

fabricating coins. c ,

In September of the same year, it was resolved that the bagar

mint should bo abolished, as it was no longer

Sa S ar ‘ considered necessary for supplying coin of the

new legal currency with reference to the capability of the Calcutta and

Bombay mints for the whole coinage of India. .

In October the Calcutta Mint Committee submitted specimens of a

device which they thought suitable for the

Bengal. copper coinage of Bengal, i. e., on the obverse

the Company’s Arms as on the pice of Bombay and Madras, and on the

. . . , . f ru „ co in in English and P ersian enclosed m

reverse the denomination of the com m 0 • • corres _

V. A. Smith — Grceco-Roman Influence on the [No. 1,

A letter from the Government, dated 25th November 1835, states

General. that “ under the circumstances represented,

from which it appears that it would lead to

considerable further delay to prepare and execute a new device for the

gold coin proposed to bo issued (with the name of the coin in English

within a wreath instead of tho lion,) whereas the coinage of double

mohurs can be immediately commenced if the die cut with tho device

according to the design of Elaxman be adopted, the Governor General

has been induced to waive his objection to the representation of an

animal upon the gold coin of India, and to approve the adoption of this

device.”

The details of the new coinage were finally laid down by Acts

XVII and XXII 1835.

Grceco-Roman Influence on the Civilization of Ancient India. Supple-

mentary Note.— By Vincent Aethuk Smith, M. It. A. S., Indian

Civil Service.

Sii Alexander Cunningham has favoured me with communications

which enable me to make certain corrections in and additions to my

second paper on Graeco-Roman Influence on the Civilization of Ancient

India, published in the Journal of this Society for 1892 h

0oncoluill S ^ le ®t l01 ’t record dated in the year 68, and numbered

II. by M. Sonart, I remarked ( page 56 of my paper) “It is not known

o what object it was attached, but doubtless it was a sculpture of some

sort.” M. Senart’s words are (page 21 of his paper) “ Lc lieu d’

engine de cette courte inscription ne m’ est pas connu. II est probable

que, comme presque tous les monuments lAunis au musee de Lahore,

elle vient du pays des Vusufzais, sur la rive gauche du fieuve de Caboul,

de Jamalgarhi, de Taklifc i Bahi, ou des environs.

Les caracteres occupent une longueur de 97 centimetres ; on pent

en estimer a 3 centimetres et demi la hauteur moyenne. La hauteur de

la pierre est de 10 centimetres. Ignorant jusqu’ a sa provenance, nous

n avons bien entendu aucun renseignement sur 1’ objet qu’ elle accom-

pagnait primitivement.”

„ Cunningham, in a letter dated 17th June, 1892, clears up

all doubts as to the place from which the inscription came, and proves

that I was mistaken in guessing that it had been directly attached to a

sculpture of some sort.

1 See J. A, S. B. Vol. LXI, Part I for 1892, p. 50 Ed.

1893.]

Civilization of Ancient India.

He writes : — “ Regarding the inscription of S. 68 published by

M. Senart, I can say that it was on a very large rough stone, which may

have been inserted in a wall, but which could not have been the base of

a statue. It was 5 feet 9 inches long, and from 3 feet to 1 foot 9 inches

in breadth. The legend was on the edge. It weighed 12 maunds

7 seers [= 1008 lbs. avoirdupois, = 457 kilogrammes], when I got it,

but I cut it down to 4 maunds 3 seers, before sending it to the Lahore

Museum, where, as I conclude from your account, it is left unregistered

as presented by General Cunningham— from M&ji, 4 or 5 miles to the

south of Fatehjang, ancient Ckasa, and to the south-west of Rawal

Pindi.” 1

The inscription is certainly in the Lahore Museum, because

M. Senart expressly states at the beginning of his essay that all the

monuments described by him belong to that museum, and were com-

municated to him by the curator, Mr. L. Kipling.

Concerning the dated Hashtnagar inscription ( page 55 of my paper)

Sir A. Cunningham says that “ The date may be either 274 or 284, but

it cannot, I think, be referred to 78 A. D.” I have already given up

the suggestion to refer this date to the S'aka era, and have assumed that

the approximate date of the inscribed pedestal is A. D. 220 or 230. Sir

A. Cunningham observes that the Panjtar inscription of a Gushan, or

Kushan, Maharaja, dated S. 122 is the latest “ which can be referred

to A. D. 78.” If that record is rightly referred to the S'aka era its

date will be A. D. 200, which is not far from the approximate date

obtained for the Hashtnagar inscription by using the era of Moga or

Gondophares. I think it may now be safely assumed that the use of the

Gandharian (Kharoshtri) character in Gandhara survived into the first

half of the third century A. D. The disuse of this character in India

proper docs not imply its disuse in Gandhara. It is, no doubt, true that

the Gandharian character is not used on the coins of Yasudeva, of whom

wc have an inscription in old Kagan characters dated S. 98, = A. D. 176,

and that coins of Kanishka (KANHPKO) and Yasudeva (BAZOAHO)

which Sir A. Cunningham believes to be posthumous, bear legends in

old Nagari. But I see no difficulty in believing that at the same time

the Gandharian character had a limited local currency for some pur-

poses within the region of Gandhara.

When quoting ( page 59) Prof. Rhys Davids, as authority for identi-

fying the “ village ” Kalasi in the “ island ” of Alasanda, where king

Milinda (Menander) was born, with the Karisi nagara, or town of Karisi

1 For a notice of Fatehjang, see Archaeological Survey Reports, Vol. XIV

p. 24.

86 V. A. Smith — Orceco-Boman Influence on the [No. 1 ,

mentioned on a coin of Eukratides ( circa B. 0. 190), I was not aware

that the identification had been made long- before by Sir Alexander

Cunningham, who published it in the Numismatic Chronicle for 1869,

and again two years later in his ‘ Ancient Geography of India.’ 1

Sir Alexander Cunningham is of opinion that in the passage quoted

by me from Prof. Rhys Davids’ translation of the ‘ Questions of king

Milinda,’ — “ There is an island called Alasanda. It was there I was

born,” — the word dipa (Sanskrit dwipa ) should be translated ‘ region ’

or ‘ division of the world ’ rather than ‘ island.’ He cites in support

of this rendering the well known compound Jambudwipa, and takes

Alasandad'ipa to mean “ the country of which Alasanda was the capital,”

Kalasi being “ the same as Alasanda itself.”

If, in the passage quoted, the word dipa does not mean ‘ island ’,

there is, apparently, no reason for supposing the Alexandria in question

to have been on the Indus. Sir A. Cunningham places it, as will be

seen from the passage to be quoted presently, at a village named Opian

or Hupian, 27f miles north of Kabul. Whatever be the true position

of Alexandria or Alasanda, Prof. Rhys Davids’ note at page 127 of the

‘ Questions of King Milinda ’ referring to “Alexandria (in Baktria) built

on an island in the Indus,” is not quite accurate. The Indus was

never included within the limits of Bactria, though the banks of

the river may at times have been included in the dominions of the

Bactrian kings.

My quotation (same page) from Professor Percy Gardner was also

unfortunate. He describes the legend on the rare coin of Eukratides,

giving the name of the town of Karisi as being “ the conjectured read-

ing of General Cunningham.” This remark is inaccurate. The only

word at all doubtful in the reading of the legend on the coin referred

to, was devata, and the reading of this word lias lately, Sir A. Cunning-

ham assures me, been definitely established by a second specimen of

the coin. The reading of the name ‘ Karisi ’ on the coin was never

doubtful.

In order to prevent any further misconception, and to show clearly

Sir A. Cunningham’s views concerning the probable situation of

Alexandria, = Alasanda or Alasadda, = Kalasi, presumably identical

with Karisi, I had better quote in full the relevant passage from the

‘ Ancient Geography of India,’ page 28, which is as follows : —

“ If I am right in identifying Begram with the Kiu-lu-sa-pang of

1 Prof. Rhys Davids informs me that ho also was unaware that Sir A. Cunning-

ham had made the identification previously, and will gladly take the opportunity

of the impending publication of the second volume of tho 1 Milinda ’ to acquaint his

readers with tho fact.

1893.]

Civilization of Ancient India.

tlie Chinese pilgrim, the true name of the place must have been

Karsana, as written by Ptolemy, and not Cartana, as noted by Pliny.

The same form of the name is also found on a rare coin of Eukratides,

with the legend Kctrisiye nagara, or ‘ city of Karisi ’, which I have

identified with the Kalasi of the Buddhist chronicles, as the birthplace

of Raja Milindu. In another passage of the same chronicle, 1 Milindu is

said to have been born at Alasanda, or Alexandria, the capital of the

Yona, or Greek country. Kalasi must, therefore, have been either

Alexandria itself, or some place close to it. The latter conclusion agrees

exactly with the position of Begram, which is only a few miles to the

east of Opiiin. Originally two distinct places, like Delhi and Shah

Jahanabad, or London and Westminster, I suppose Opidn and Karsana

to have gradually approached each other as they increased in size, until

at last they virtually became one large city. On the coins of the earlier

Greek kings of Ariana, — Euthydemus, Demetrius, and Eukratides, — we

find the monograms of both cities ; but, after the time of Eukratides,

that of Opiana disappears altogether, while that of Karsana is common

to most of the later princes. The contemporary occurrence of these

mint monograms proves that the two cities were existing at the same

time ; while the sudden disuse of the name of Opian may serve to show

that, during the latter period of Greek occupation, the city of Alex-

andria had been temporarily supplanted by Karsana.”

The Alexandria above referred to is the city founded by Alexander,

and described by Pliny as “ Alexandria Opianes ”, situated “ sub ipso

Cancaso”. The modern name of the site identified with it is said to be

variously spelled Opian, Opiyan, and (Malik) Ilupian.

The Mahawanso calls Alasanna “ the city, or capital, of the Yona

country”, Yona naggaralasanna. ( Tumour , page 171). Tumour himself

writes the name as Alasadda.

I have not specially studied the ancient geography of Ariana, and

therefore abstain from pronouncing any personal opinion on the geo-

graphical questions raised in the preceding extracts.

1 Milindu-prapia, quoted by Hardy, in ‘ Manual of Buddhism ’, pp. 440, 516.

M. M. Chakravarti — Uriya Inscriptions.

[No. 1,

Uriya Inscriptions of the 15 th and 1 6th centuries. — By BaiM Mon Mohan

Chakravarti, M. A., B. L., Subordinate Executive Service of

Bengal.

These inscriptions are 14 in number ; 12 on the left and right side of

the Jayavijaya door- way in the temple of Jagannatha at Purl, and 2 on

the right side of the door-way in the temple of Mahadeva at Bhuvanes-

vara. They furnish important dates of Orissa history, and are the

earliest known Uriya writings found in Orissa. 1

The Jayavijaya door is that which leads into the Porch of the Jagan-

natha temple. The inscriptions are carved on the door- way. This door-

way is of black polished chlorite. The left side inscriptions begin from

a height of three feet, the right side ones from a height of one foot.

They then take up about f th of the remaining height. The lines run

from west to east, and are nearly, but not always, straight.

The letters are Uriya, and do not generally differ from the present

types except in gj and T. They are j" x|". The language is through-

out Uriya except at the end of the right side 5th inscription, where are

quoted 4 stanzas of Sanskrit slokas. Tho orthography is often incorrect.

The grammatical differences are small.

The inscriptions belong to four reigns, viz.,

(1) Kapilesvara Deva .. ... ... 5

(2) Purusliottama Deva ... ... 4

(3) Prataparudra Deva ... ... ... 2

(4) Managovinda Govinda Deva ... ... 1

Tho above sequence denotes the natural order of tho kings in their

succession ; Kapilesvara Deva being the founder of the Surya-vamsa

and Govinda Deva being the overthrower of that dynasty.

The inscriptions begin with an enumeration of tho various titles of

the inscribing king. It is curious to observe that these titles increase

in number and pomposity, the later we come. All these titles are still

used by tho Raja of Puri, and may be found on the title-pages of Uriya

almanacs.

l A transcript of these 12 inscriptions, and a translation of tenth, have been

given by Dr. R. L. Hittra,in his Antiquities of Orissa, Yol. XI, Appendix, pp. 165-167.

My readings of the same and my translations differ considerably ; hence this article.

1893.]

M. M. Chakravarti — TJriya Inscriptions.

Next come the dates. The phraseology of the dates is peculiar.

Take No. 1 of left side : —

“ Prabardhamana bije rdjye samasta 3 anka SrdM Magilsir km

troyodasi Bhumi bare ” =

On Tuesday, the 13th (tithi) of Margasir dark half iu the third

anka of the prosperous victorious reign of — .

Samasta means here “ during.”

SrdM is a technical word, hut has no particular meaning in the

context.

The dates are of luni-solar months expressed in tithis of dark or

bright half. The ankas are regnal years and something more. Certain

figures are considered inauspicious and left out in counting. These

figures are one, all numbers ending with zero (except 10), and ending

with six. 1, G, 16, 20, 26, 30, &c., should be left out of consideration in

calculating the ankas. Hence 19th anka=16th year, 31st anka = 25th

year, and so forth.

To be of any practical use, the ankas and tithis require conversion

into English calendar dates. Below are given the equivalent calendar

dates arrived at in the following manner. From Madala Panji,* is

found out the approximate year of the king’s accession. Add the regnal

year derived from the anka. The tithis are given as well as the week

days. According to Professor Jacobi’s Table (Part CCIX, Vol. XVII

of the Indian Antiquary), the year in which the tithi in question fell

on the stated week-day can then be easily found. Generally this year

is within 20 years of the approximate year. These dates are next veri-

fied. The sources of verification are —

(1) The dates of the other inscriptions ;

(2) The Muhammadan histories ;

(3) The biographies of Chaitanya ;

(with respect to the reigu of Prataparudra Deva).

Inscriptions.

1. Left, No. 3

2. Left, No. 4

I. Kapilesvaea Deva.

Uriya dates. Equivalent calendar dates.

4tli anka dhanii new

moon, Sunday = 9th December, 1436 A. D.

(0. S.)

41stf anka dhanu

sukla 7, Sunday = 14th December, 1466 A. D.

(O. S.)

* Madala Panji is the chronicle of the temple of Jagannatha. Hitherto it has

beon almost the only source for the history of Orissa in the Hindu period,

t A mistake for 39th.

J. i. 12

[No. 1,

M. M. Chakravarti — TJriyd Inscriptions.

3. Left, No. 5 ...

4. Eight, No. 2...

5. Right, No. 3...

35th anka Mesha Krishna

4, Wednesday = 25th April, 1464 A. D.

(0. S.)

19th anka Mesha new

moon, Sunday = 12th April, 1450 A. D.

(0. S.)

31st anka Kakra sukla

12, Thursday = 12th July, 1459 A. D.

(0. S.)

II. PuRUSHOTTAMA DEVA.

1. Left, No. 1 ... 3rd anka Margasir

Krishna 13, bhau-

mibar = 20th Nov. 1470 A. D.

(0. S.)

2. Left, No. 2 ... ") 2nd anka Mesha, sukla

3. Right, No. 1... J Thursday = 12th April, 1470 A. D.

(0. S.)

4. Right, No. 4... 19tli anka Simha, sukla

8, Thursday = 18th August, 1485 A. D.

(0. S.)

III. Prataparudra Deva.

1. Left, No. 6 ... 4th anka kakra, sukla 10

Wednesday = 17th July, 1499 A. D.

(0. S.)

2. Left, No. 7 ... 5th anka dhanu 3 (P)

Kru (P), Monday = ?

IV. Govinda Deva,

1. Right, No. 5... 4th anka bichha, sukla 3,

Tuesday = 7th Nov. 1542 A. D.

(0. S.)

Inscriptions in the temple of Jaoannatha.

Left side.

No. I.

Length 4-6" x 10"— Lines 5.

L. 1 sjcnq

1893.] M. M. Chak ravarti — TJriyd Inscriptions. 91

3 'srsftefa 5R3% sttsttt Tts^r

4 wtaifa sttqt ?niFir§j wiff i ^Jnurf^'fcwff ^rfs*|

5 «E=fr % =f ts: % =f «fN tits; i

Translation.

On Tuesday, the 13th (titlii) of Margasir dark half of the 3rd anka

of the prosperous and victorious reign of the warrior, elephant-lord,

king over Gaucja and the ninety millions (subjects) of Karnata and

K:\labaraka (probably Kulbarga), of the powerful Purushottama Deva

Maharaja, while at camp Purushottama, (i. e., Puri) it was ordered : — I

remit the levying from the Brahmans of the Chaukidari Tax (Dando-dsi

Ohor) in the south ; I cease to resume the waste lands and the pastures ;

ho who takes, gets the sin in theft.

Left side.

No. IT.

Length 4' — 8" x 1'- 9"— Lines 11.

L. 1 <ftT ^ jrspifcr sram

2 ^ ^ 3Z7it

^ *TT = fRl 5 ni : ^

3 arimra^s 5 *;

^iftnrf^jr

4 ^sturt: wsRr ^i<rr t*r (?)

*tt^ (?) ^muR^

5 55RSR %<RWR|; ^ ^7 iTTl-ITIsiTf- «>JTf

qqnrcfafqii' um

6 -SIR *T m R°°° HTH *E TtVM

TRR HT5T«tT

7 (7 letters illegible)

8 ^tn Jitq

9 it; uro fqf*i «rtn

10 ^ ^jri^?; *dw

J l qocs l

[No. 1,

M. M. Chakra varti — TJriya Inscriptions.

Translation.

On Thursday the 12th (tithi) of Mesha bright half of 2nd (anka)

of the warrior, the elephant-lord, the king over Gauda and the ninety

millions in Karnata and Kalabaraga, of the powerful Purushottama Deva

Maharaja while encamping at camp Purushottama, the (following) gifts of

Purushottama Deva Maharaja in Dakshinad’ga dandapata: — (1) for god

Jagannatlia of Purushottama, a gift of the old mala tracts in the south ;

(2nd) for the bhoga of the god a gift of lands out of the lands of the

sevaks ; (3rd) gifts to the priests engaged in sleeping (?) the god, (these)

I leave to the sevaks. As offerings of Purushottama Deva Maharaja (per-

sonally,) for bhoga, the village Madhotila in Antarodha Bisi, paddy 500

bhai’ans, cowries 2,000 kalians and the village Kamalpur — these are for

the bhoga. For the festivals, &c., of other gods, goddesses andtheMaha-

deva I bestow the village Gopapura in Banchas Bisi of Dakshinadiga

Dandapata. These gifts, these lands, he who takos away, rebels

against Jagannatha.

Note.

Purushottama Deva got on the throne after a civil war. In this in-

scription, he hastens to propitiate by gifts the gods and their priests.

The gifts are of two sorts : — first he confirms the old grants ; secondly

he gives in addition three more villages. The phraseology is tautolo-

gical and somewhat ambiguous. Dakhinadiga Dandapata is the name of

a Division (No. 14 of Sarkar Katak. Abul Fazl). It is not now in

existence. The bisis Antarodha and Biinchas still exist as pergunnahs.

Gopapura is presirmably the present Gope, where a thana has been

located. The other two villages cannot be traced.

Left side.

No. III.

Length 2' - 0 X 1" — Lines 8.

L. 1 ffc Nfrm bb*b g

sir

2 S(Fnf

B^BIT^

3 SiSITS; B^BTT 5 ;! 5f^T?R??*T B^DTR jfjj-

B=f DTPS

4 STr^ftf^TTR: BflRT^ (jLlflTN

XfS^n«ISi BIT

1893.] M. M Chakravarti-— TJriyd Inscriptions. 93

6 ^Niqeft vrfjr qft^T qi^

jffar

6 t q>s;^T w[ %^*r qifvn

^Nftm 3CT

7 5?re ^rtirr sf^ft ^lf<sf% ^Tfef^T qjTf%f*f gu ST51T

Tte %

8 sumra qR5 I

Translation.

On Sunday tho now moon iu Dhanu of the 4th anka of the victori-

ous reign of the warrior, the powerful Kapilesvara Dova Maharaja, at

camp Purushottama while paying respects to the god, in presence of

Mahapatra Kakai Santara, Mahapatra Jalasara Sena Narendra, Mahapatra

Gopiuatha Mangaraja, Mahapatra Kasi Vidyadliara, Mahapatra Belas-

vara Praharaja, Mahapatra Lakhan Purohita, Patanaik Damodara the

generalissimo, before the feet of the God,, and iu the cognisance of Patra

Agni Sarnia, the examiner of Bhogas and the seal-bearer, spoke (the

king) : — Engraver, write on the door of the temple of the God

Purushottama — the tax levied on salt and cowries I remit, remit, remit.

"Whoever being king, violates this, rebels against Lord Jagannatha.

Note.

This is the earliest inscription of the series. According to tho

Madala Panji, Kapilesvara Deva was an usurper, who from a minister

became the king. He remits the taxes on salt and shells, apparently to

popularise his reign. Of the eight officers named, Kasi Vidyadliara

and Jalasara Sena Narendra are mentioned in the Madala Panji to have

been associates of tho king in his youth.

Left side.

No. IV.

2 parts.

Part 1 - 4' - 4" x 11"— Lines 9.

L. 1 ft?: HdTq JTSffR ^

2 ’yg JEnrffT amirm wqrqf

94 M M. Chakravarti — Uriyd Inscriptions. [No. 1,

3 cTtC^TTTSf ^ tTsfi I* TTTPSRI’ TT^f* ^T^JR?

^TTfST ^nf«T *Ti% JTTWT

4 qra Rpf Tn^m^r *n?r

ri^utt^ titt *ft% xr%^r ®r% *if^ Tfi’tonwi 5

5 jnsramr^ Tfarcurc: *fte 1

twiri ^rrfjr TieTHfiS' *= ^rtfTgV

6 st a ^sm frost! sftfT 'rt^Tfnf®^- faf^wpsr ^

*n*rr *rn3r qfc \r. 5 fieri

7 gref^T « ^fcTT ^S^feTTFsT 8 PTfapTfReTT RT 'S JT^cT

'C JOOTicT ^ficn ?rr ^ 8 JTCwff

8 3RTf*r^g^T K^fe 8 gf ctt eft^ro g-gft 5> ^t

9 ht^tpsft ^ Jfim gtsst srtfT T^ f^mrfaFff ^

^if^cTfGF ^

Part 2 ~ 1' - 9" x 7"— Lines 6.

L. 1 JIPTT tT^eTT'f Wt^X \ 8 f feTT ^1=*^ s£

2 ^nfirrsrc^Tc + ^ %t3^t 3T^Tfi*Tne jtt^t y.

3 15TT sftfjTsC ^ sn^T TRTO ^ TIT

4 Tp 1 <S* ^TT + + + jftfeTT *;

5 =>THr sTJPim TI'fTR^li f^{% TTifT ^«T ^

6 f% ^T U** % *HHTW sfr^TIS; I

Translation.

On Sunday, the 7th (tithi) of Dhanu bright half in the 4lst (anka)

of the victorious reign of the warrior, the powerful, the elephant-lord,

the king over Gauda and ninety millions of Karnata and Kalabaraga,

Kapilesvara Deva Maharaja, out of devotion to the lotus-feet of the

Lord Jagannatha of Purushottama, Kapilesvara Deva Raja gave for

sacred use : — Ornamented wrist-ornaments (todhar), and decorated conch

and shells, two for the Lord’s arms. For the bhoga of the god, the

following (men) brought a supply of gold, viz., Hasika Mahapatra,

Jaraasara Mahapatra, Visvesvara Mahapatra, Karamu Mahapatra and

Natha Mahapatra, those (men) supplied, under the superintendence of

Nandi Mahapatra ; all (the articles) were placed in the audience hall

1893.]

M. M. Chakravarti — Uriyd Inzcsptions.

for bhogas of 1400 sorts. In accordance with directions (of the S'as-

tras, the following) were put on the body (of the Lord), viz., one orna-

mented crown, earrings 8, Tungal in pairs 4, small earrings counted at

14 pairs, necklaces set with diamonds and rubies 2, rings set with

various sorts of stones 12, pearl ear-ornaments (jtlulis) 8, large neck-

laces of pearls 4, necklaces of rubies 8, emerald ear-ornaments (jaulis)

8, necklaces of emeralds and pearls 5, lockets set with various sorts of

stones 4, three-rowed emerald neck-ornaments with pendant ruby parrot

4, three-rowed pearl breast-ornaments (uturis) 2, ornamented necklace

1, pearled wrist-ornaments (tocthor) 2, golden feet set with stones

(pada-pallabas) 2, bangles set with various sorts of stones 12 pairs,

balas or wrist-ornaments of rubies and diamonds 2 pairs, netted tor-

dhars 2, bracelets or partardhas one pair, feet-ornaments or pahurahs 4,

pearl bracelets 6, waistlets with golden drops (?) 5, gold Jogibra (?) 1,

the gold of (these) various things, and of the conch and shell is

192 mardas, one (illegible) ; the king Kapilesvara mado a gift of these

to Lord Jagannatha. He who intends to take them, rebels against

Jagannatha.

Note.

The inscription gives an interesting enumeration of the various

ornaments bestowed by Kapilesvara IJova on Jagannatha. Many of

these ornaments are still in use.

Left side.

No. V.

2 , -8"x9"— Lines 6.

L. 1 hsiFh simq- htwtow*: ftir

3 Acf l*

4 + + + t +

5 15; % mil

Translation.

On Wednesday the 4tli (tithi) of Mesha dai-k half in the 35th

(anka) of the victorious reign of the warrior, the elephant lord, the king

over Gauda, the powerful Kapilesvara Deva Maharaja : — Oh Jagannatha,

thy servant thus iuformeth the high officers in the kingdom. From

M. M. Chakravarfci — TJriya Inscriptions.

[No. I,

soldiers and servants (illegible, probably “up to them”), I looked after

(all) from boybood, now they kave forsaken me. I will treat tliem

as they deserve. Lord Jagannatlia, judge the correctness or incorrectness

of mine (acts).

Note.

According to Madala Panji, in the 35th anka of Kapilesvara Deva’s

reign, the Zemindars of Kundajori broke out into rebellion. From the

context they appear to have been assisted by many of tlio king’s own

officers.

Left side.

No. VI.

3'-3"xl'-3"— Lines 10.

fte jtsrfw ^

ScTTlT^t

*Tr?T?:T5Tf|w 8 sjf 5 n

Sui’jTT NUlir

sire Tteq i *wraq

q? ftfJTT?; ^ *rre Tfsrq i sre cr qrfqiNrc:

sn^jftffUT ^®T SEjq^T %5TJTt ^q?;qT ^1%

m ^xqjftcr *r ftnffq i srrcaftcr «i juseq i sire Tfs;

■?q sr *nz fqerc% qsqjm jh^jj

iftcTjftfq^ JftclPf § JTT5[q

*FfT W 31^ ?Jjft jftcTjftfN^ jffafir %

fk*rt% ^ll«Tjftc? q ftTlfjq it'?!

% qCt^T ^iqjftcT *ne mpft % surm^r st’f qrcs I

Translation.

On Wednesday the 10th (tithi) of Kakada, bright half in the 9th

anka of the warrior, the elephant-lord, the king over Gauda and ninety

millions of Karpata and Kalabaraga, the mighty Prataparudra Leva

CONTENTS

OF THE

JOURNAL, Pt. II, for 1892.

No. 1.— K i n g, Materials for a Flora, of the Malay Peninsula. Prain,

Novicioe Indicias v. An undescribed Mezoneuron from the Andaman

Group.

No. 2.— Bigot, Catalogue of the Diptera of the Oriental Region,

Part II. B i g o t, Catalogue of the Diptera of the Oriental Region

Part III. °

No. 3. N i o e v i 1 1 e, Note on the Indian Butterflies comprised in the

subgenus Padeuma of the genus Euploca. Peal, The Communal

Barracks of Primitive Races. Plates I & If. B r ii h 1, De Ranun-

culaceis Indicis Disputationes. (Tab. iii, iv, v, et vi.)

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JOURNAL

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ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Vol. LXII, Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e„

No. II.— 1893.

CONTENTS.

Page

Uriyd Inscriptions of tie Ihth and 16i7i Century— By Babu Mon

Mohon. Chakeavaeti, M.A., B.L., Sub-Executive Service of

Bengal. (Contd. ) ... ... ... 97

The topography of old Port W illtam By 0. B. Wilson, M.A. ... 101.

A specimen of the Padumawati — By G. A. Geieeson, B.A., I.C.S. 127

1893.] M. M. Chakravarti — TJriya Inscriptions. 97

Maharaja according to the ascertained orders : — Dancing will be per-

formed thus at the Bhoga time of the elder Thakur (i. e. Balarama) and

Gitagovinda Thakur (i. e. Jagaunatlia). This dancing will be held

from the end of evening dhupa up to the time of Barasingar (bedtime)

dhupa. The batch (of dancing girls) of Bara Thakur, the fixed female

dancers of Kapilesvara Thakur, the old batch, the Telanga batch, all

.will learn no other song than Gitagovinda of Bara Thakur. They will

not sing any other song. No other kind of dancing should be performed

before the god. Besides the dancing, there ax’e four Yaishnava singers ;

they will sing only the Gitagovinda. Hearing in one tone from them,

those who are ignorant will learn the Gitagovinda song; they should

not learn any other song. That superintendent who knowingly allows

other songs to be sung, and other dancings to be performed, rebels

against Jagannatha.

Note.

This edict directs what songs are to be sung and what dances are

to be performed at the time of night bliogas (from evening to bed-time) .

The songs will be the songs of Gitagovinda and nothing else. The

dancers were in four batches, and they were taught by four Yaishnava

singers.

Left side.

No. VII.

4k ^ Jrsrcfer iris's*: ncnq

^iff (?) + + + men f<t§rtrj??r

(Rest illegible).

Translation.

On Monday, the 3rd (?) of Dlianu in the 5th anka of the warrior the

elephant-lord, the king over Gauda and the ninety millions of Karna(a

and Kalabaraga, the powerful Rudra Deva Maharaja, at camp. . . .

Note.

This inscription is the lowermost. Ordinarily the place is dark,

and the pilgrims while passing through the door, feel the way by touching

the wall. In this manner almost all its lower part has been rubbed

off.

J. i. 13

M. M. Chakra varti — TJriya Inscriptions.

[No. 2,

Right side.

No. I.

in three parts.

Main part : — 2' 9" x 9" — Lines 5.

SJc?HT wHw ilHTCranPC FUTO ^ ^Tlft %*J

^3R5l ^ JZ3T^ ij lit Tiff ^3%

\ \ FSf^fsr \

Western part : — Lines 7

6fxll"

whan wfuciW* ^re

<sTOW R

8 F^aHT

SfTSfe ^fT ^

Eastern part : — Lines 5

1' 0 x 10"

% %?w

srte *ra: i

Translation.

On Thursday, the 12th of Mesha, bright half in the 2nd (anka) of

the warrior, the elephant-lord, the king over Gauda and ninety millions

of Karnata and Kalabaraga, the powerful Purusliottama Deva Maharaja,

while encamping at camp Purusliottama : — Ornamented ivory couch 1,

ornamented throne with flags and jars 1, ornamented umbrella 1,

ornamented bedstead 1, golden-handled broom 1, ornamented-handled

chauris 2.

Eastern part.

Gift of king Purushottama : —

Ornamented couches 2,

Ornamented earrings 4,

Merugarbha wristlets 2 pairs,

Ornamented fan 1,

Cliandia (hair-ornament like

moon) 1,

Western part.

Ornamented mirror 1. He who

thinks of taking these, rebels

against Lord Jagannatha.

1893.] M. M. Chakravarti — Uriyd Inscriptions. 99

Note.

This inscription seems to be a continuation of No. II left side, and

is of the same date.

Right side.

No. II.

2' 5" x 1' 2"— Lines 8.

ft* sft

RT^RiTsiT^ RW W *=SWT

^tl% ^>3^ RTwILT

skijc ^TSJrt Tts^T S^drur*;

jfMnft % ^T^rshe

SJT'ST ^ 1# %«TT5: f^TS^T I

Translation.

On Sunday the new moon in the Mesha of the 19th anka of the

victorious reign of the warrior, the elephant-lord, the king of Gauda,

Kapilesvara Deva Maharaja, having conquered the side of MallikS

Parisa, on the journey hack, at camp Purushottama, while taking his

food, the storekeeper and superintendent Raghu Deva Narendra having

made known (to the king) it was ordered : — I give to god Purusliottam

the Sari cloth known as Pundariksha gopa. Whoever violates this

rebels against Jagannatha. This writing Kelai Khuntia inscribed.

Note.

The Madala Panji mentions the conquest of a Mallika country in

the 21st anka — 21st may be a mistake for 19. “ Pundariksha gopa ”

may bo the name of a village.

Right side.

No. III.

4' 1" x V 4"— Lines 7.

fte Jr^fn ir^i’SK *r5f5frt3t^Jn?3 srerni

RWlt" sft

100 M. M. Chak ravarti — Uriyd Inscriptions. [No. 1,

tj’i'fffl JRTSTJUTffJIfN gjTRfr

^surtr art'f?; giffR rbrbt g sng

fltw*: *cR q^m cit^?: ^=fT g- sRiq*; ^TT-T rr

fsm ^ifi^ jfs; shirt =5T^ cttiit cttu ^Fq

^ jgfRjgni g Nri if ssrgsm *P5 ^ + % i

Translation.

On Thursday, tlie 12th of Kakra, bright half of the 31st anka of the

victorious reign of the warrior elephant-lord, the king over Gauda and

ninety millions of Karnata and Kalabaraga at Camp Purushottama, while

holding court in the audience-hall of the southern block (of rooms), it

was ordered to be inscribed ; — Oh Jagannatha, thou knowest every-

thing of mine both external and internal. Whatever precious things

I have, I will bestow on the .Brahmans as much as I can. He, on whom

thou pleasest to bestow this land, is my (illegible.)

Note.

Herein the king humbles himself before Jagannatha and promises to

make liberal gifts to Brahmans. The inscription appears to be the

outcome of some heavy troubles or impending disasters. The usual

curse at the end is wanting.

Right side.

No. 1Y.

4' 10" x 10"— Lines 7.

L. 1 JTYqfcT Ucnq ^sft

jraqfei -s^Tw^r fiTirrawY

2 fqspRTSY RRRT \<L ^11? t Jpfi *= JJYJR TRRrfR

jrtqrafiRr smcft?: ms

3 RT^TqiW TlWHJfa fR^f msl

%IT ^TSJlT 'TtS/sTT 5THR qffc g^t

4 ’ms; y < 3ErFftaRT3?R ^t^urri; Fccrps Rq

KT^TTRI^ UUf%35qqr RqsftjT

sinn 'qifq e&srrc

5 *1 ^f*;=r I Trfa vrrf*; 0rrrf5j%

1893.]

101

M. M. Cliakravarti— TJriya Inscriptions.

sjijt % drcs w (?) sw di*;*; § (?) gicr^T + + +

%^fc{ sirasq stt^ + fsr

6 srf *r qrf?; ^ ^idi drid dres; % $ sftf I %

Humeri i ^rfcr qra^r fd + dft did dr ^rre: qr*sr die

7 *rd% Ydi’dT fGdfft: STW* 3q^gr ^ j ^ j

Translation.

On Thursday the 8th of the Simha, bright half in the 19 th anka of

the victorious reign of the warrior the elephant-lord, the king over

Gauda and the ninety millions of Karnata and Kalabarga, the powerful

Purushottama Deva Maharaja, at camp Baranasi (Katak) while holding

liis groat leisure in the southern portion of the royal residence named

Gopala-priya, Behora Mahapatra, Mahapatra Patra-s (m. ?)-aui Misra,

and the old Lenka being present it was ordered : — Peeling, hearing and

seeing, I advise the kings of Orissa as long as this world lasts, all yo

kings, ye ar-e to make gifts to the Brahmans with peaceful and attentive

mind. Never deprive Brahmans of these four matters — wealth, wife, life

and land. These four things not being deprived, the Brahmans will

perform the Jagas, will not deceive (?) (illegible). Whoever, violating

these advices and sayings, does otherwise, rebels against Jagannatha.

He is a first class sinner (P), a great sin (illegible) gets the effect of all

the sins. Let all, bearing in mind this fact, according to my edicts do !

do ! do !

Note.

The inscription is long and partly illegible. Some of the letters

have been swallowed up by a crack in the stone ; others have been

effaced by the constant rubbing of pilgrims’ hands. Baranasi is the

old name of Katak and still survives in Birdanasi, the westernmost

part of Katak along the Katjori river. Lenka is an officer whose

duties are not known.

Right side.

No. V.

5' x 2' 3" — Lines 18.

L. 1 dfc JPdqfd srqqfte) didlfe drad^St 3 ^ WtR (ll )

2 jftfd^ 3Q5TT sjdiq ddld ^d

H!IYT 5 TTi : *: fd% *d=3T

102 M. M. Chakra varti — Uriyd Inscriptions. [No. 1,

3 8 Sffff ft^T gfcT^T 3f3rfl>f5T HWN

^swriTO W

4 *tt 5.% 313! gm crt^'smR ^nftrwr sftft tw

*iw fani ^gjftft *r

5 ft qft5i% ijftgft xr?;^ srrffaroj^ Rfa x x x x

6 3Tf 5TTCT?; 3T5TTHT$ X X

7 XIT^T^T 5Jfft% % 3T

8«l ^5i3rmNfi %=f

9 501% sulfur sr*r SR^TI xnq

10 sir^T llft% »3ftthT5T

1 1

12 HTJUI ^TT%

13 «T<s1?lT

Rest illegible by plastering

Translation.

On Tuesday the 3rd of Bichlia bright half of the 4th anka of the

victorious reign of the warrior the elephant-lord, the king over Gauda

and the ninety millions of Karnata and Kalabaraga, king of kings, the

powerful Managovinda Govinda Deva Raja, Pratapa Deva Maharaja,

in the porch and before Lord Jagannatha he thus made known (his

prayer) : — Oh Jagannatha, without going and coming to see your lotus

feet all appear as hell. The gifts of pilgrims (of places) up to Vindhya

and Udayagiri mountains, whotlier native or foreigner (rest illegible).

The kings of Garjat (illegible) will obey. He who violates this order

rebels against Jagannatha, and gets the sin of killing a Brahman with

one’s own hands.

(Here follow four stanzas of Sanskrit slokas).

Note.

Prom the date, and the name, Miina Govinda Govinda Deva appears

to be the same as Govinda Bidyadhara of the Madala Panji. He was a

minister of Pratapa Rudra Deva, and became the prime minister during

the short reigns of his two sons. Finally he murdered them and as-

cended the throne himself.

1893.] M. M. Chakravarti — Uriya Inscriptions. 103

BHUVANES'YARA TEMPLE.

Right side.

No. I.

2' 4" x 6"— Lines 6.

L. l fa* JT^fa Jrei’sre ycrw

S^tW %

2 RlfKT^IR 511# Wlf%3*T Y^l^

3 3% ^5TT ^T^TCt 'SWZfT 'ffastni ^ f=lf% t’fRT 'ES^Uff 3r

4 5tt^ ^tsc %f? cn^ if; *f mtjts: % cTR^f

RfcT »Jd%

5 *§ cU^TS: % m sftwl ^ITJiJgt faf* %fKT

6 H^soi

Translation.

On Sunday the 2nd of Tula, dark half in the 19th anka of the

victorious reign of the warrior the elephant-lord, the king over Gauda

and ninety millions of Karnata and Kalabaraka, the powerful Purushot-

tama Deva Maharaja at camp Kritibas during the puja leasure, it was

ordered : — He who throws magical arrows unto Bisi Behara will not

succeed. In spite of this (order), he vs ho does so, is cursed by (the

oath of) god Bliuvanesvara, he is a rebel. By order of Bisi Behara

inscribed. All (hear).

Right side.

No. II.

2' 3|" x 5" — Lines 6.

L. 1 R’fRTmiR bjrst a ^ ^ift

2 <L Rlf^R ®fcRT3l facR S5TT

3 ^ 535

4 ^fEER jftYYt Ytf^T TtSRTf 3TWY ^Ttff^TT ETS'T %% RT^TT

5 ^5 ?13T ^Tf; WftT ^ 5imi

6 iRff W Iiw ^fct% W3PfR ctllR I

104

C. R. Wilson — Topography of Old Fort William. [No. 2,

Translation.

On Monday the 9th of the Mithuna, dark half Sankranti in the

4th anka of the victorious reign of the warrior Kapilesvara Dova

Maharaja, at camp Kritibas during the inner puja leisure, it was

ordered in the presence of Raiguru Basu Mahapatra and Bhuvanesvara

Mahapatra who caused (this) to be inscribed : — All the kings in my

Orissa kingdom should work for the good of the (paramount) sovereign,

should keep virtuous ways, should not remain in bad ways. If they

act badly towards the sovereign, they will be expelled from the kingdom

and all their property confiscated.

Note.

These two inscriptions are on the right jamb of the doorway leading

to the porch of the Bara Deul at Bhuvanesvara. They are inscribed just

in the centre at a man’s height. No corresponding inscriptions are to

be found on the left jamb.

The general remarks made in the Jagannatha inscriptions apply,

mutatis mutandis , to these also. The dates do not seem correct. The

tithis of the years in question do not fall on the week-days stated.

The Topography of Old Fort William. — -By C. R. Wilson, M. A.

In the present paper I propose to lay before the Society the results

of certain excavations made during the last four months of the year 1891

and the first four months of the year 1892, on the site of old Port

William, Calcutta.

These are not the first excavations which have been made at this

spot. In 1883 Mr. R. R. Bayne, while erecting the East India Railway

Offices in Fairlie Place, came across considerable portions of the old fort

walls. He reported his discoveries to the Society in a paper which will

be found in the Journal for 1883, Vol. LII, Part I, No. II.

The general position of the old fort with its adjacent warehouses is

well-known. It stood on the ground now occupied by the General Post

Office, the New Government Offices, the Custom House, and the East

India Railway House. The warehouses built along the south side of

the fort skirted Khoila Ghat Street. The north side was in Fairlie

Place. The east front looked out on Clive Street and Dalhousie Square.

Behind it was the river which then flowed further east than at present.

The fort was in shape an irregular tetragon. Its walls were built

of small thin bricks strongly cemented together.

According to Orme, “ its sides, to the east

and west extended 210 yards, the southern side 130, and the northern

The old Fort.

105

1893.]

C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William.

side 100. It had four bastions mounting each ten guns. The curtains

were four feet thick, and like the factory of Cossimbazar, terraces,

which were the roofs of chambers, formed the top of the ramparts ;

and windows belonging to these chambers were in several places opened

in the curtains. The gateway on the eastern side projected, and mounted

five guns, three in front and one on each flank towards the bastions.

Under the western face, and on the brink of the river, was a line of

heavy canuon mounted in embrasures of solid masonry ; and this work

was joined to the two westeim bastions by two slender walls,

in each of

which was a gate of pallisadoes. In the year 1/17, warehouses had been

built contiguous to the southern curtain, and, pi-ojecting on the outside,

between the two bastions, rendered them useless to one another. How-

ever the terraces of these warehouses were strong enough to bear the

firing of three pounders which were mounted in barbett over a slight

parapet.” There were also blocks of central buildings within the fort.

It had two gates on the river side besides that on the east front.

When in 1883 Mr. R. R. Bayne began to dig at the corner of

Fairlic Place for the purpose of laying down the

Mr. Bayne’s dis- foundations of the East India Railway House,

he almost immediately came across remains of

old walls built of small thin bricks such as have long ceased to be used.

These were the walls of the old fort. Mr. Bayne followed up the indica-

tions thus found, and in the end was able to put together an almost

complete ground plan of the north end of the fort. As a detailed de-

scription of these discoveries has been already placed before the Society,

it will be quite unnecessary for me to attempt to give any further

account of them here. Nor do I wish at present to offer any criticisms

upon the suggestions and theories which naturally occurred to Mr.

Bayne in connection with his discoveries. I shall at once proceed to set

forth the results which have been obtained since 1883 by a persistent

search of the records and by recent excavations made on the spot.

The first great step towards completing the work so well begun

by Mr. R. R. Bayne was taken by Mr. T. R.

Mr. Munro’s dis- Munro, who discovered in the British Museum

eoveiy. a CO py 0 f a large map of old Calcutta on the

scale of 100 ft. = 1 in., dated 1753. The map, it appears, was drawn by

a Lieutenant Wells of the Company’s Artillery, and was designed to show

a projected new fort, but it also shows the old fort in great detail. A

photograph of this plan was presented to the Asiatic Society in 1889 by

Mr. Munro, and it is with this photograph in my hands that I have been

able to carry out extensive excavations of the site of the old fort in the

years 1891 and 1892 and thus complete the work of defining the topo-

J. l. 14

106

C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William. [No. 2,

The Records.

graphy of tlie place. The plan, it is true, is not quite accurate, but it is

infinitely superior to the little rough sketch of the fort found in Orrne’s

history, which was all Mr. Bayne had to go upon.

The plan suggested a further searching of the records, both here

and at homo, to see if they could cast any

further light either upon the plan itself, or

on the projected new fort of 1753, or on the state of the old fort

generally. Through the kindness of Mr. Forrest, I was enabled to

see such records bearing on the subject as are now preserved in the

Imperial Library at Calcutta, but I found that they were very meagre.

Dr. Busteed, however, most generously devoted a considerable amount

of his valuable time to looking up the records at home, and has

furnished me with a complete list of all the passages to be found in

the extant records which have any bearing whatever on the old fort,

and on the question of improving it, or superseding it, which seems

to have been so often discussed during the four or five years which pre-

ceded the tragedy of the Black Hole. These extracts are provokingly

incomplete. They refer to fuller documents, but those fuller documents

are not now forthcoming, having been all destroyed. Four plans are

mentioned, viz., Colonel Scott’s, Captain Jones’s, Simson’s and Plaisted’s,

but none of these could be found by Dr. Busteed at the India Office.

It is only by some lucky chance that a duplicate copy of Scott’s, or

Wells’s plan found its way into the King’s library at the British Museum.

As, however, these extracts bring before us very vividly the circum-

stances under which the plan was drawn up in 1753, I will here give

them in full, together with Dr. Busteed’s valuable comments on them,

before proceeding to speak of the plan itself.

1. From President and Council, Bengal, to the Court of Directors,

Extracts. Scott and. the 28th February, 1754.

Wells.

Colonel Scott having laid a project before the Board for securing

this settlement against any attack from a country force which, iu the

present juncture, ought to be guarded against, and as we imagine the

expense of it will not be very considerable, we have complied with his

proposal and directed him to set about it as soon as possible. A

copy of that project we transmit yr. Honours in this packet as we did

not chuse for the sake of secresy to enter it after the consultations.

2. From President and Council, Bengal, to the Court of Directors,

the 7 th September 1754.

When Col. Scott proceeded to the coast he requested we would

permit Lt. W ells to carry on the works he had planned at Perrin’s iu

107

1893.] C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William.

his absence which we accordingly complied with. * * * *• Col. Scott

in consequence of Mr. Saunders and Council’s 1 request for relieving

Major Lawrence in the Field, left us on the 18th March, but it is with

concern we informed yr. Hons, he died at Madras on l‘2th May of a

violent fever.

3. From the Bengal Government to Wm. Watts at Moorshedabad,

the 22nd August 1755.

It has hitherto been very unfortunate to this Settlement that every

gentleman, who has had capacity or been appointed by our employers

to fortify this place, have not lived even to make a beginning on the

plans proposed, 2 * * we have therefore agreed to wait our Masters last com-

mands hy this year's shipping , when if they are absolute and the situation

of affairs in Europe portends war we must employ those who have the

most experience and knowledge to execute plans of fortification, and

this we shall put in practice without showing any diffidence to the right

we have of securing our Settlement. 5

4. A letter, signed by Messrs. Drake and Manningham, to the Court

of Directors, the 3rd September 1755.

The death of Col. Scott put a check to our pursuing his plan for

securing this settlement from any attack of the country foices with

much alacrity as we were cautious of laying out much money until yr.

Honours signified yr. approbation of that work which shall now be set

about in as expeditious a manner as the season of the year will permit

our carrying it into execution. Here we must remark that the Go-

1 The Council of Madras. II. E B.

2 See Long’s Selections No. 166.

8 Perhaps it would have been wiser if they had shown some “ diffidence ” now

after having for so long neglected their defences, even in the face of repeated orders

from home. The new Nawab in the following year opened their eyes on this

subject. However, to give the Fort William Government their due, they had con-

sulted Watts, the chief at Cossimbazar, as to the prudence of seeking permission

from the Mursliidabad Government before they took their defences in hand. They

were prepared to conciliate the Nawab and to resort to the customary bribery to

him and his ministers. Watts opposed the idea, chiefly because the Nawab was

really so rich that no bribe which Calcutta could afford would bo likely to convert

him if unfavorably inclined ; he urged moreover that the precedent of asking and

paying for such permission might prove a very embarrassing one in tbe future, and

that if the Nawab should refuse, the English would be worse off than ever. On

the whole Watts advised them to go on with the fortifications and say nothing, and,

if in the meantime exception should be taken by the Mursliidabad Court, Watts

was not without confidence that he could prevail upon tlio Minister “ Ilnckambeg,”

for a consideration, to divert the possible anger of the Nawab. Events did not

justify this confidence. H. B.

108 C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William. [No. 2,

vernment* lias not attempted to frustrate that design though it has a

formidable appearance.

5. From President and Council, Bengal, to the Court of Directors,

the 11th September 1755.

We shall pay due regard to yr. orders in regard to tlio fortifica-

tions Col. Scott projected for the defense of the place against a country

enemy which are carrying on agreeable to his instructions, but not yet

near finished. Mr. Wells who was recommended by the Colonel to over-

look those works being dead, we have directed Mr. Bartliw. Plaisted

to see them executed : for what may relate further to those works or

any others that may be found necessary for the defense of the settlement

we beg leave to refer yr. Hong, to the gentlemen you have entrusted

on that head. 4 * 6

6. From President and Council, Bengal, to the Court of Directors,

the 8th December 1755.

Mr. Wm. Wells, 2nd Lieut, of the Train under whose inspection the

works at Perrin’s were carrying on, departed this life on 8th August.

In his room Mr. B. Plaisted took charge of those works jointly with

Mr. O’Hara. They have our directions to execute the plan Colonel

Scott left behind him.

7. On August 4th, 1755, Captain Jasper Leigh Jones of the

Artillery addresses a letter to the President

Captain Jones. and Council, Fort William, about the state

of the defences of Calcutta. 6

It is with pleasure I hear the Hon’ble Court of Directors have

earmostly recommended unto you an inspection in general regarding the

Buildings Military (sic) and Fortifications. * * * I think it is my

duty to study anything for the good of the service. * * * [He en-

larges on this duty theme and deprecates the circumstance that he is

armed with so little authority to initiate or take up any measures for

the defending of a place whose safe custody he considers himself re-

sponsible for in a great degree. Ho proposes to relieve his conscience

by giving Government his opinion as to the condition of their so-called

defences before he betakes himself to the Coast where he is next for

duty. He then goes on to speak of Col. Scott’s project.] In the

4 The Government of Mnrsliidabad. H. E. B.

6 Probably Drake and Manningkam, as those two only sign tho lotter to the

Court of the 3rd Soptember 1755. IT. E. 13.

6 “ Bengal Consultations,” 1755-56.

109

1893.] C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William.

method I perceive the plan in regard to the inward works may by

the order of the Hon’ble Ot. of Ds. be put into execution, but as

there is no positive order to go to work on that, it is necessary now we

should think for the good of the place wo are entrusted with as well

as the property of our proprietors and our Hon’ble Masters who employ

us. [As there is a probability of a French war in Europe, he counsels

that provision for that contingency should be the chief object in view :

he considers that there is little or nothing to fear from a ‘ country

enemy ’ as ‘ their interest for our continuation will be sufficient ’]. Pro-

vided a general war which is what we have to expect, it is natural to

expect the enemy will attack this place, and in order to do this send

some ships of war into the river whose coming near the town must be

carefully avoided. It is certain the Hon’ble Ot. of Ds. has been always

of opinion that if ever Calcutta was attacked it must be by some means

from the river, and they, like prudent, experienced and good Masters,

have provided their servants in time with the best guns they could

procure which by their nature are for defense and not for sale, lying on

the warfe unmounted from their landing to this day.

How far we have regarded their hint I can’t say, as we have

neither a carriage to mount any of them on, or even a gun already

mounted in the garrison fit for service, and am very sorry I must be

obliged to confess we seem to look more like a ruined and deserted

Moor’s fort than any place in possession of Europeans,, much less a

principal Settlement [There is more to the same purpose ; his main

recommendation is to repair the ‘Line Wall’ on the river bank, the

immediate construction of fascines there as a temporary measure, the

providing of vessels to be used as fire ships, and the manning of the

batteries proposed by the gentlemen of the Militia Corps with trained

Artillerymen intermixed with them]. What guns could be mounted

on the 2 bastions by the river side ought likewise to be kept in good

order with their platform and embrazures repaired, as they would be

of infinite use, being so much higher than the guns of the Line Warfe

Wall.

8. Captain Jones returns to the subject again on 11th Sept. 1755J

Having not met with the pleasure of yr. approval in regard to

my last letter to which this plan is in some measure a reference, and that

it may not be misconstrued by yr. Honors, I hope you will be kind

enough to give me leave to send it home, in the packet, for fear it might

be thought (without an explanation.) I had some views of converting the

7 “ Bengal Consultations,” 1755-56.

110

C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William. [No. 2,

'designs of a more perfect hand — this I hope will show I had no sinister

views of my own. 8

9. It appears from the Consultations of 24th November 1755, that

Plaisted.

Mr. B. Plaisted also furnished to Mr. Prank-

land “a plan he had taken of the town of

Calcutta.”

Colin Simson.

10. On 25th February, 1756, a letter was addressed to Drake and

Manningliam 9 by Colin Simson who thus intro-

duces his own plan. 10

Since the time I have had the honor to be appointed Eno-ineer I

have had an opportunity to examine the plan projected by Col. Scott for

a fortification where Fort Wm. now stands, which appearing to bo

deficient in some of the things principally requisite in a fortification,

I thought it my duty to represent the same to yr. Hons, that if you

think proper the representation with the accompanying plan may be

transmitted to the Ct. of Ds.

[He proceeds to criticise adversely Scott’s plan in many particulars.]

Tho whole Fort when finished will be a narrow slip on the side of

the River, and in order to build it, the whole north side of the Factory

which contains the apartments for most of the young gentlemen in the

Company’s service, the magazine for arms and military stores, shop for

medicine, smith’s shop, &c., must be pulled down immediately, as also

8 This plan was ordered “ to be sent to the Honourable Company in the box of

books per Hardwick.” As for Captain. Jones, £. Drake Junior and his brethren

did not like to be hustled by this plain-spoken and honest man ; his gloomy fore-

bodings — too soon to be realized, but from a quarter which even he did not foresee

were most unwelcome. Like the daughter of Priam he possessed the gift of pro-

phecy which nobody believed, and accordingly he got nothing but rebukes for his

pains. “ On the 4th August Captain Jasper Jones sent in a letter to the Board with

his sentiments on the present fortifications of the place, and what he thono-ht

necessary for its defense in case of war. The Board being of opinion it was irre-

gular, improper and unnecessary, we ordered our Secretary to inform him that our

orders had been issued to his Superior Officer to whom he should have applied if he

had anything material to offer.” Poor Jones did not go to the coast as he proposed :

he died instead on the 22nd November 1755, having been overtaken with monoton-

ous punctuality, by the “ violent fever ” which had already accounted for so many

of those who dealt with the defences of the settlement. The Bengal recording

angels said grandiloquently, in their letter to the Court of Directors, that ho

“ demised,” and this they announced without the hollow customary formality of any

expression of regret. Captain Witherington reigned in his stead, and Lieutenant

Grant became a Captain. II. E. B.

9 Tho special Committee on fortifications presumably. II. E. B.

10 Letters from Bengal 1756.

Ill

1893.] C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William.

tlie Church and Hospital ; all these buildings are in constant use,

they cannot be well spared, and it would be difficult to supply their

place immediately. 11 [He repeats this drawback to Scott’s plan in

another part.] Before the building of the Colonel’s plan can be carried

on there must be pulled down immediately all the north side of

the Factory, the Church, Hospital, godowns of Mr. McGuire’s house, •

the Dockyard, and godowns of the Company’s house. Whereas in

order to go on with building the Square nothing need be pulled down

but the outhouses of the Company’s House and a small part of north-

east corner of present Fort.

Simson’s suggestion was ‘ to save most of these buildings and to

erect a square fort (as by the accompanying plan) which runs from the

north side of the present fort round the Church through the Tank

towards the horse’s Stables and thence down to the waterside between Mr.

Amiott’s house and that of the Company.’ 18

There is only one allusion to be found in Simson’s letter to the Fort

river-bastions. ‘ The gun wharf or low battery on the river side which

is not flanked by any fire from the Fort is proposed to be left in its

present situation, and as its wall projects forward from the angle of the

north-western bastion towards the river, it prevents the face of that bas-

tion from being flanked. Neither is the face of the south western bastion

towards the river flanked, the line of its face running without side the

opposite flank.’

I may now pass on to describe Wells’s plan of the fort to which fre-

quent allusion has been made in the foregoing

Wells’s plan of the extracts and of which I give a facsimile (Plate

fort ' VI). The plan is preserved in the British Mu-

seum having found its way there from the King’s library. It is endorsed

“ No. 11 Duplicate Plan of Fort William and part of Calcutta by Wm.

Wells under Col. Scott drawn in 1753 ” ; and again in another part.— “Re-

ceived per Dunington, 10th October 1754.” The object of the plan is to

show the new fort which Col. Scott projected in 1753, but it incidentally

shows the old fort in considerable detail, the scale being 100 ft. = 1 in.

Looking at the plan we recognise at once the irregular tetragon with its

four bastions, (a, /?, y, 8, ) each having embrasures for ten guns. The north

curtain here measures 210 ft., the south curtain 356 ft., the east 546, the

west 560. The fort has throe gates, c the east gate, £ the main south river

H See Long’s Selections No. 165. By an unfortunate misprint, “ north side of

the factory” has been converted into “sbuth side” in the Selections.

12 Then the Company’s Stables were beyond, i. e., east of, the Hospital, and

Amiott’s house was just south of Douglas’. H. E. B.

112

C. R. Wilson —Topography of old Fort William. [No. 2,

gate, ancl yj the smaller north river gate through which Suraj-ud-daula

entered the fort. 6 is the mound of the great flag-staff, i is the passage

joining the northern and southern divisions of the fort. kX^vott are the

series of rooms south of the east gate, of which the southernmost should

he the Black Hole. £ is the staircase to the south-east bastion a. p is

the verandah in front of the chambers KXpvoir. cr is the landing stage

on which was placed the Company’s crane, r is the river wall armed

with cannon and protected where necessary with palisades shown as dot-

ted lines. Within the fort is a large central block of buildings marked

in the plan as “ The Factorey.” Hamilton calls this the Governor’s

House, and I prefer to use this name to indicate it, as “ the factorey ” is

more commonly used to denote the whole fort. At the same time it

must be remembered that the Governor did not live here in 1753,

but in the Company’s House on the south side of the fort, although he

still retained some rooms or offices in the south-east wing of the building

for his own use. Adjoining the south-east bastion, we see the Export

and Import Warehouses which, as Orme tells us, were added in 1747.

Holwell speaks of them as the new, or colta, warehouses. The roofs was

strong enough to carry cannon, and the south-east corner of the warehouses

when thus armed seems to have been dignified with the title of the new

S. E. bastion. 13 The east gate (e) was also armed with five cannon. The

warehouse yard is separated from another yard to the west of it by a small

zigzag wall. This yard («) was, I conjecture, the carpenter’s yard, since

it is next to the warehouses, and is conveniently situated with reference

to the river. As regards the buildings on the north side of the fort,

mentioned in Simson’s letter of 25th February, 1756, I conjecture that

<p <p are the lodgings occupied by the young gentlemen in the Company’s

service, and that x, the central building in the north division of the fort,

is the armoury. The former conjecture is supported by the very nature

of the ground plan of the buildings, the latter by the fact that when Mr.

R. li. Bayne uncovered the foundations of x in 1883 he found close by it

pieces vitrified as if from a forge. The laboratory was situated in the

east curtain 11 and must have been one of the rooms i/> Generally the

13 Holwell alludes to the new S. E. bastion several times in his long letter to the

Court of Directors. In section 40 he says : “ That [outpost] to the eastward at the

Court House you will find commanded by the battery over the E. Gate and from the

old and new South-east bastions within musket shot.” And again : “ The whole

square between the south face of the fort and the hospital, and gate of the hurrying

ground was commanded not only by the New South-east bastion, but by seven

4-pounders on the new godowns.” In section 48 he says: “Accordingly prepared

with the flag [of truce] on the original S.-E. bastion where Captain Buchanan was

then posted.”

11 I learn this fact from Dr. Busteed who has furnished me with the following

113

1893.] C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William.

plan has every mark of care and accuracy, and, as regards the northern

portion of the fort agrees fairly well with what Mr. Bayne discovered in

1883. There is only one suspicious circumstance to he noted here. The

north and south alignment of the Governor’s House is not parallel to tlio

east curtain. This is primd facie an improbable arrangement.

In the year 1891, all the buildings between the General Post Office

and the Custom House were pulled down and

History of the re- ^] 1C ground dug up for the purpose of laying

cent excavations. the f oun dations of the new Government Offices,

Dalhousie Square. As before in 1883, so now, the excavations revealed

remains of the strangely fashioned walls of thin brick work which had

once formed part of the old fort. In particular the curiosity of the pub-

lic was much excited by the discovery of a small rectangular chamber

faced with hard cement standing in the midst of four larger walls which

looked down grimly on it.

At the beginning of September 1891, having made myself acquainted

with the main features of the old fort, I went down to see the excava-

tions. Almost the first thing 1 did was to measure the small rectangular

chamber and the space between the larger walls which surrounded it.

The small chamber measured east and west 9 ft. 9 in. ; the distance

between the thick walls east and west was 14 ft. 10 in. These measure-

ments and the general appearance of the walls convinced me that the

thick wall on the east was the curtain wall of the fort, that the wall on

the west was the wall parallel to the curtain built for the purpose of

containing the chambers running along that side of the fort, and that

the smaller plastered chamber was a strong-room or godown.

I next identified the remains of the east gate. The walls had been

much cut away by the excavations, but enough remained to show their

true nature. Moreover, on measuring the distance from the spot where

these walls stood to the record plate marking the north-east angle of the

fort as determined by Mr. Bayne, I found that it agreed fairly well with

the measurements given in the plan.

This discovery of the true position of the east gate was most impor-

tant, because it settled finally one of the chief disputed points in the to-

pography of the old fort, and it at once became the starting point for

further investigations and discoveries. The value and significance of the

excavations now became clear to me. If this was the east gate then the

extract from a letter written by Ilolwell to Bombay, 17th July 1756, when just re-

leased from “ Muradabad.” “ The 20th in the morning the enemy formed three as-

saults at once, against the N.-W. bastion, against the N,W. Futtoch or barrier, and

against the windows of the Laboratory on the eastern curtain, and attempted to scale

the North-West window.”

J. i. 15

114 C. E. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William. [No 2,

mutilated fragments of brie It work I had just been touching and measur-

ing were all that remained of the well-known court of guard, barracks

and Black Hole, spoken of by Orme and Holwell. West of them was

the parade ground where the soldiers of Suraj-ud-daula had been drawn

up to keep guard over their captives, and west of this again I should

find the foundations of the Governor’s House in the Fort. On advancing

westward to a distance of about 110 ft. from the east curtain, the walls of

the south-east wing of the Governor’s House were readily discovered ; and

after a certain amount of careful excavation its leading features were all

ascertained. Meanwhile I was anxiously trying to fix the position of the

south curtain wall and the three lines of arches shown in the plan run-

ning parallel to the south curtain. The tradition has always been that

the old arcade in the yard of the General Post Office was part of the old

fort, and althoug'h Mr. Bayne had argued that this could not be the case,

I felt convinced that tradition was right. I was, however, for’ a long

time baffled in my efforts to prove the truth of the tradition owing to the

fact that the actual distances between the lines of the arches of the ar-

cade and the corner of the north-east wing of the factory, which had been

discovered, could not be made to agree with the distances shown in the

plan between that corner and the liues of arches along the south curtain.

It was only after a good deal of excavation that the true position of the

south curtain was established, and it became evident that the south face

of the old arcade is part of the first line of arches within the curtain, that

the pillars in the centre of the arcade belong to the second line of arches,

and the north side of the arcade is on the alignment of the third and in-

nermost line of arches.

The settling of this difficulty necessarily led to a further set of in-

vestigations. If these were the real positions of the south curtain wall

and of .the lines of arches within it, it followed that the plan was inac-

curate in its representation of this part of the fort. Hence doubts

naturally arose as to whether the plan was correct when it represented the

east curtain wall as inclined at an angle to the north and south align-

ment of the Governor’s House. It could not but seem more likely that

they were parallel. To determine this point, excavations were made in

the yard of the Custom House, and by this means the main outlines of the

north-east wing of the factory and also the north and south alignment of

the main building were ascertained. Here too it turned out that the

plan was incorrect.

From this point the work of excavation was comparatively easy.

Further investigations cleared up all that was obscure about the south

curtain wall, and fixed the position of the block of building’s running 1

east and west dividing the fort into two sections.

115

1893.] 0. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William.

The plan given in PI. YII gives the combined results of the excava-

tions made in 1883 and in 1891. It shows the existing buildings on the

site and over them the old fort is drawn. The walls of the darkest tint

are the walls discovered by me, those of a lighter tint are walls discovered

by Mr. R. R. Bayne. The still lighter tint indicates walls whose posi-

tion has not yet been verified. In indexing the plan for reference I have

tried to follow a uniform system.

I shall now describe the different portions of the fort which have

been discovered in 1891, and I shall begin with

The Governor’s “The Factorey” or “the Governor’s House in

House in the Fort. t p e f or t ; ” w hich Hamilton describes is “ the

best and most regular piece of architecture that I ever saw in India. I

have dug up as much of the foundations of this “ Piece of Architecture ”

as was possible without disturbing the existing buildings. I think it

merits Hamilton’s praise. The walls were undoubtedly strong and well-

built, the shape of the building is regular and suggests the quadrangle

of a college. The main building (OPQWVT) faced the river. Its length

north and south was 245 ft .« In the centre of this face was the great

o-ate of the Governor’s House, and from it a colonade ran down to the

south water gate of the fort and the principal landing stage. This was

the way by which Governor Drake escaped to the ships in 1756. Enter-

ing this gate and turning to your left you ascended the great flight of

stairs which led, I conjecture, to the hall and the principal rooms. At

right angles to the main building, and at each end of it, were wings run-

ning back towards the east curtain. Thus these north-east and south-

east* wings, together with the main building formed three sides of a rec-

tangle having°a raised cloister or piazza running all along the three sides.

In the centre, I imagine, was a green grass plat. The south-east wing

contained the apartments of the governor, and the factors probably had

rooms in different parts of the building. Almost the whole of the ground

on which the main building stood is at present occupied with govern-

ment godowns. A trench was, however, dug from east to west m the

passage between the opium godowns and the import godowns, and this

enabled me to determine the positions of the principal walls, which were

uncovered at the places marked p p 1 p 2 . The wall p p 1 is one of the

cross walls of the Governor’s House forming the north side of the grand

staircase. It is three feet thick. At p it meets the west wall of the

Governor’s House which is 3 ft. 9 in. thick, at Pl it meets the east wall

of the principal building (PF) which is 4 ft. 6 in. thick. The internal

distance between these two walls is .30 ft. 9 in. At p' the cross wall p Pl

15 There are at least two or three views givon in olcl prints o£ the west face of

this building.

116 C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William. [No 2,

meets on its south side an inner wall 3 ft. thick, parallel to the main

west wall of the building, and atp' 1( it meets a similar wall 3 ft. 9 in.

thick. The internal distance between the main west wall and the inner

parallel wall at p is 10 ft. 3 in. ; the internal distance between the in-

ner wall at p‘ and the next one at p' x is only 6 ft. 9 in. These inner

walls doubtless served to support the grand staircase. The inner wall

atp'j intersects the cross wallpp l and continues on the north side of it.

I do not know the reason of this. The wall 0 2 p 2 B 2 is the wall which

supported the columns of the cloister, or verandah, whioh ran round the

inside of the quadrangle of the Governor’s House. It has been uncovered

from p 2 to B 2 where it turns to run along the inside of the north-east

wing. The wall 0 2 p 2 B 2 is 2 ft. 6 in. thick, with an offset of 6 in. at the

points where it actually supported the pillars of the cloister. The distance

between the pillars of the west cloister, from centre to centre, was 10 ft.

6 in. Atp 3 , 4 ft. 6 in. fromp 2 , I found a piece of a small wall 1 ft. 6 in.

thick. This wall contained the raised terrace on which the cloister stood.

There is also at p 2 a wall p 2 p\ which bonds with the wall 1 l 2 p 2 0 2 ,

and which runs back towards, but does not meet, the east waif of the

main building PV. The purpose served by this wall p 2 p’ 2 is not clear.

Excavations were also made to find the north-west corner of tho

factoiy (17), and the north-east wing (SBB 2 S 2 ). The north-west corner

(17) was readily found. The walls here are 3 ft. 6 in. thick. From W

the north wall of tho factory continues in a straight line for a distance

of 50 ft. 3 in., outside measurement, to V. Here it is set back 3 ft. 6 in.

From this point (Z7) the wall again runs on in a straight line for a

distance of 18 ft. to T, where it is set back 4 ft. 9 in. {TB— 4 ft.

9 in.), and thence continues as tho north wall of tho north-east wing

(BSS 2 B 2 ). The wall WVUBS is throughout 3 ft. 6 in. thick. F,

tho point where this wall is first set back, is the north-east corner of

the main building, where the wall WV meets the wall VP. The

second set-back occurs at the point where the wall TJT meets the

wall TBB U which runs parallel to FP and forms the east wall of the

staircase on this side of the building. Tho wall TBB is 3 ft. 6 in. thick

and 36 ft. long. Wells s plan shows a kind of projection or porch

VV’T'T against the wall TJT, but of this I found no trace.

PS the main north wall of tho north-east wing is 3 ft. 6 in. thick

and 01 ft. long. Parallel to it and of the same length are the walls

B 1 S l , B 2 $ 2 . B 1 S 1 is the inner wall containing the apartments in the

north-east wing of the Governor’s House. It is 3 ft. 0 in. thick, and is

distant 21 ft. 9 in., internal measurement, from BS. The remains of

the east wall of this wing, are completely buried beneath the

Custom House. The smaller walls rr 1 (two feet thick) qc h , SSl (each

117

1893.] C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William.

2 ft. 9 in. thick) divide off the space between BS and B 1 S 1 . The

internal distance between SS 1 and ss 1 is 13 ft. 6 in. ; between ss 1 and

qq 1 it is 16 ft. 3 in. ; betwen qq 1 and n\ it is 13 ft. 6 in. ; between rr l

and BB r it is 6 ft. B 2 8 2 is the foundation wall carrying the arches of

the north cloister. It is 41 ft. distant, internal measurement, from BS , 16

Where it directly supported the pillars of the cloister it is 4 ft. 6 in.

thick, elsewhere it is 3 ft. 6 in. thick.

Other excavations were made on the site of the south-east wing of

the factory (LL 2 0 2 0), in which the governor’s apartments were situ-

ated, and considerable remains of its walls were discovered. The east

wall of this wing LL X L 2 was traced out, as also portions of the south

main wall of the wing LO, the inner wall containing the apartments

L 1 0 1 , and the wall carrying the pillars of the south cloister L Z L 2 .

These walls are all 4 ft. thick. The distance of L 1 0 1 from LO is 17 ft.

6 in. and that of L 2 0 2 from L 1 0 1 is 35 ft. At the corner of this wing

17 ft. 6 in. south of L stood an isolated pillar 3 ft. square, L' . There

is also a projecting chamber MNN'M' built out against the main wall

LO, the walls of which are 3 ft. thick, LM measures 11 ft. 6 in. The

chamber MNN’M' measures inside 18 ft. by 23 ft. The distance of L

from the east curtain wall is 146 ft., that of S from the east curtain

is 143 ft. : thus the north and south alignment of the Governor’s House

is very nearly parallel to the east curtain.

1 now pass on to speak of the south curtain wall and the arcades

builfwithin it. This side of the fort was in

The South Curtain all probability used for storing the Company’s

goods. As originally constructed it had only

two parallel lines of arches built along the inside of the curtain forming

a double arcade and beyond these arcades, (i. e., on their north side) was

an uncovered raised terrace 22 ft. broad. Afterwards a portion of this

raised platform was covered in by a third arcade. It also seems to have

been found necessary to strengthen the south curtain wall by building

another wall against it to support it. Lastly, in 1741, export and

import wall houses were built on outside the south curtain. Evidently

this side of the fort was subject to a good deal of alteration, and for

this reason, or it may be from a desire to make the fort appear more

symmetrical than it really was, Wells’s plan comes far short of its usual

accuracy. I have, accordingly, had some difficulty in determining the

topography of this side of the fort, but my doubts nave all yielded to

patient excavation. The key to their solution was the discovery of the

third or innermost of the lines of arches parallel to the south curtain.

16 This seems a little doubtful. The walls were very thick here, with a footing.

118

C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William.

[No. 2,

After making a careful search in every likely direction where I might

expect to come across them, I find that the third line of these arches

was built on the alignment of what is now the north face of the waggon

shed in the Post Office yard. The foundations of this wall (P 3 ® 3 )

have been exposed. It is 2 ft. 6 in. thick and is built against another

smaller wall 10 in. thick which is in contact with it, all along its south

side but does not bond with it. There can be no doubt about the mean-

ing of this. The smaller wall contained a raised terrace or platform in

front of the arcades D 2 F 2 . This platform was at first left open,

but was afterwards covered in by an arcade, and a thick wall was built

against the thin wall containing the platform to support the arches

of the new arcade. Clearly then this wall D S F S is the foundation

wall of the third row of arches parallel to the south curtain. If this be

so there can be no doubt about the situation of the curtain and the two

other parallel lines of arches, of which in fact portions still remain

standing. In the yard of the General Post Office there is an old arcade

and arches which at its west end joins on to a very old house. This old

house has been lately used as the store-godown of the Post Office, and

the arches serve for a shed to keep the Post Office waggons in. The

north side of the waggon-shed e 3 i 3 is a modern wall constructed on the

alignment of the third arcade wall of the old fort D 3 Z? 3 ; but the two

lines of arches e^, e a i a (of which the first e 1 i 1 forms the south face of

the shed, and the second e 2 f 2 runs down its centre) are manifestly

portions of the first and second lines of arches D 1 F 1 , D 2 F 2 , which ran

parallel to the south curtain of the old fort. This agrees with the

traditions of the spot and has been proved by my excavations. The

arcade e 1 i 1 i 2 e 2 is a fragment. At its west end I find that four more

of its pillars, i 3 i^ F 1 F 2 , are built into the old Post Office godown ; and

on opening up the ground to the east of the arcade I found that the

line of arches e 2 i 2 has a foundation wall which runs on eastward under-

ground as e 2 e\, and that the line of arches e 1 i 1 rests on isolated brick

piers which are also continued eastward, and one of which I was able

to expose e'-,. 17 Moreover the arcade e 1 i 1 i 2 e t is a fragment of the old

fort. It is built of the old thin bricks, the pillars are sunk deep below

the present ground level. The foundation wall which carries the line

of arches e 2 i 2 is 3 ft. 4 in. thick. The production of this wall e 2 i 2 is

at a distance of 22 ft. 6 in. internal measurement from the wall D 3 E S

which I have identified as the foundation wall of the third or innermost

line of arches parallel to the south curtain. This is just the distance

which Wells’s plan shows between the third and the second lines of these

17 It is 3 ft. 7 in. square at the top, and 4 ft. 8 in. square at its base.

1893.] C. It. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William.

119

arches, and hence I consider that e 2 i 2 is a segment of the second line

of arches. The pillars of these arches are 13 ft. 8 in. distant from each

other from centre to centre. For similar reasons I identify the line of

arches e 1 f 1 f 1 g' 1 g 1 i 1 as segment of the first of the lines of arches

within the south curtain. The line of arches e 1 f 1 is 19 ft. distant from

the line of arches e 2 / 2 , hy internal measurement. From e 1 to f lt a

distance of 42 ft. 9 in., it runs straight on parallel to e 2 / 2 . Then the

whole line of arches is brought out 4 ft. 10 in. farther south

Then again it continues to run parallel to the wall e 2 i 2 for 82 ft. 10 in.

(f\g\) after which it returns to its old alignment Both as

regards its distance from the wall e 2 i 2 , which I have argued is the

second line of arches parallel to the curtain, and as regards the irregu-

larity of its conformation, the line of arches e l f 1 f' 1 g\g 1 i 1 corresponds

to the representation given in Wells’s plan of the first line of arches

within the south curtain, and I think there can be no doubt that it is a

segment of that line of arches. Near the south-west corner of the old

waggon shed a wall ilc about 9 ft. thick projects in front of and parallel

to the ai’ches ; another portion of it is hidden away in the old Post

Office Store Godown. This is all that actually remains of the south

curtain, but by opening up the ground in the yard of the Post Office

I have been able to trace out its position and foundations. The original

curtain wall was 3 ft. 2 in. thick. Within it, i. e., on its north side,

there was built another wall which was intended to support and streng-

then the curtain wall. This wall is irregularly constructed and varies

in thickness. At first it is about 3 ft. 8 in. thick with a space of 6 in.

left in some places between it and the curtain wall. At / it ends in a

buttress about 2 ft. 4 in. thick. The south curtain wall is met on its

south face by a wall about 2 ft. 2 in. broad, at a point h, 53 ft. distant

from k where the curtain is now cut away. Tire 2 ft. 2 in. wall runs

southwards and a little to the eastwards, for a distance of 24 ft. Then

it turns off eastwards. This wall is the wall shown in Wells’s plan

dividing the warehouses from the yard co. Its discovery in the position

indicated for it in Wells’s plan places the identification of the south

curtain wall beyond dispute.

I have already pointed out one serious inaccuracy in Wells’s plan.

He makes the east curtain inclined at an angle to the north and south

alignment of the Governor’s House in the Fort, whereas they really are

parallel to each other. I have now to call attention to another serious

inaccuracy in Wells’s plan. I have shown that D a F 3 is the northern-

most of the three lines of arches built inside the south curtain wall. Its

distance from the centre of the east gate in 1G2 ft. whereas Wells makes

it only 150 ft.

120

C. R. Wilson — Topograplnj °f oid Fort William.

[No. 2,

As regards the north side of the fort, I have not much to add to

The Writers’ Build- w l' a ^ Mr. Bayne discovered in 1883. 1 have,

ings on the north side however, verified by excavation the position

ofthefoit. of the range of rooms which divided the fort

into two, and which, I believe, to have been the 1 Writers’ Buildings ’

in the old fort. The south wall of these buildings, JG, is about 60 ft.

distant from W, the north-west corner of the Governor’s House. At

J, 99 ft. from the west curtain wall, there is a passage through the

block of buildings 15 ft. wide. The wall JG is 3 ft. 2 in. broad, 18 north

of it, and parallel to it, at a distance of 19 ft. internal measurement, is a

wall J 1 j a . I also found a cross wally a j s to the west of J J 1 and distant

from it 24 ft. internally. These cross walls J J lt andy 2 j s , are 2 ft. 1 in.

thick, J 1 j% is 2 ft. thick. East of the passage we have no continuous

wall corresponding with JG, but we find instead the bases of a row

of columns YZ. These bases are 11 ft. apart from centre to centre,

and measure about 3 ft. by 2 ft. each. At a distance of 9 ft. internally

from the row of columns and parallel to it, is an inner wall Y^Z X , 2 ft.

thick. The wall T Tj is 2 ft. 8 in. thick. I have not thought it

necessary to trace out the walls YZ, Y^Z^, along their whole length. I

have merely exposed Z lt the termination of the wall Y 1 Z 1 , where it

meets the wall Z 1 Z. The south face of the wall Y l Z 1 is here 22 ft.

6 in. distant from tlio wall of the present Custom House. Z x is also about

190 ft. from the centre of the east gate of the fort, and 30 ft. from the

east curtain wall by internal measurement. The whole length of wall

Y 1 Z l internally is 174 ft. 6 in. The breadth of Y 1 Z 1 and Z is 2 ft.

All these walls are of poor construction. The buildings here were,

in fact, low, one-storied structures, as is evident from the old views

of the fort. This also agrees with the supposition that they were

inhabited by the writers, for we gather from the records 19 that their

lodgings were very damp and unhealthy.

As regards the west curtain I have little to say. Its alignment

was determined by Mr. Bayne. I have verified

it by excavation at three different spots X lt X it

X 3 . At X 1 near the south-west bastion of the fort, the curtain wall is

unusually thick and measures 6 ft. This is probably due to the same

cause which led to the strengthening of the south curtain wall in this

direction.

The west curtain.

18 I have not been able to trace this wall westwards from J for more than about

40 ft. At this point the remains bocamo vory confusing. I conld only find a small

wall 1 ft. 10 in. broad which met the thicker 3 ft. 2 in. wall on its northern face,

and which I traced westwards up to the west curtain.

19 See a letter from the Court of Directors, February 11th, 1756, para. 60, in

Long’s Selections.

121

1893.]

C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William.

The East Gate and

the east side of the

fort.

It now remains for me to speak of the east side of the fort. The

central line of the east gate is 427 ft. from

the comer of the north-east bastion, the posi-

tion of which was fixed by Mr. Bayne in 1883.

the gate measures internally 20 ft. from north

to south and 36 ft. from east to west. The east face measures exter-

nally 26 ft. 6 in. Its salient angles B B’ O', B' O' 0 are angles of 120

degrees. The walls are 4 ft. thick. The south wall of the gate O' O x 0 2

was pierced by a drain which was met at an angle by a second drain

running north-east.

On each side of the east gate there ran a double row of arches

A X B X , A 2 B z , and CfD^ 0 2 D 2 , parallel to the east curtain wall AB, OB.

The space between the curtain wall and the line of arches next to it

(i. e. between AB and A l B l and between GD and was divided up

by cross walls into chambers. The second row of arches A^B^, C Z D Z

supported the verandah or piazza which extended on each side of the

gate before the ranges of chambers.

As regards the rooms to the north of the gate between the east

curtain and the line of arches A^^ there is

little to say. Wells’s plan shows that the first

cross wall occurred after the fifth arch. The

arches thus cut oh were left open to the verandah and formed the

north court of guard. But the whole interest of these investigations

centres in the topography of the range of rooms on the other side of

the gate where were situated the court of guard, the barracks, and the

Black Hole spoken of by Orme and Iiolwell. There is no doubt about

the position of the curtain wall (CD) and the parallel lines of arches

within it ( 0 [B., C z Df). They have been traced out from the east

gate right up to the north face of the General Post Office. The curtain

wall GD is 3 ft. 9 in. thick. The foundation wall which carried the

first line of arches G i B l is 2 ft. 9 in. thick, that which carries the

The rooms north

and south of the gate.

second line of arches

wall and the wall O^D^

CtjBg is 2 ft. 3 in. thick. Between the curtain

a distance of 14 ft. 1 0 in. and between the

curtain and C 3 D 2 a distance of 31 ft. 3 in. from inside to inside. The

wall Cy) 2 meets the wall X> 3 ® 3 at a distance of 162 ft. from the centre

of the east gate. So far the topography of this part of the fort is per-

fectly clear.

There is, however, considerable difficulty in determining the posi-

tions of the cross walls which sub-divided the

The cross walls g e k e t wee n CD and G l D l into rooms. Here,

south of the gate. ^ j noticed beforG) Wells’s plan is quite inac-

curate. It shortens the distance between the east gate and the south-east

J. i. 16

122

C. R. Wilson-

-Topography of old Fort William. [R 0 . 2,

bastion, and so vitiates its whole representation of this corner of the fort.

In the case of the cross walls it is not easy to check the errors of the

plan by actual excavation, for we cannot always expect to find trace of

the cross walls which may have been very slightly constructed. As a

matter of fact only two cross walls have been actually discovered by ex-

cavation. One of these dd v was found by Mr. Bayne in 1883 and was

again brought to light by me in 1891. This wall is 1 ft. 6 in. thick and

is 145 ft. 6 in. from the centre of the east gate. Mr. Bayne thought

that this wall was the north wall of the Black Hole, I shall show that

it is probably the south wall of the prison. The other cross wall (56 )

is a much more solid wall than the wall just described (dd,). It is

ft. thick and is at a distance of 100 ft from the centre of the gate.

The position of two other cross walls may be inferred in the follow-

ing way. A little to the south of cross wall bb L there was a subter-

ranean chamber or vault b'b\ c'c\ which attracted much notice when

it was first discovered. Internally this vault measured 19 ft. 3 in. north

and south, by 9 ft. 9 in. east and west. It was 7 ft. 2 in. deep. Its

walls were 1 ft. 6 in. thick and were covered with a hard coating of

plaster. The floor over the vault was carried across by four beams,

the holes where the ends of the beams rested being clearly visible!

The west wall of the vault (b\ c\) was built against the foundation

wa of the first line of arches G x D x . The north face of the north

wall of the vault b'b\ was 3 ft. 3 in. distant from the south face of

the cross-wall 66^ The internal distance between the east wall of

the vault (5V) and the curtain was 2 ft. 3 in. In this part of the

curtain wall (6c) an iron grating was found, built up inside the brick

work of the wall just below the level of the floor. It seems to have

served no special purpose. The south wall of the vault cV, was

coated with plaster on both sides. Its north face was plastered down

to the level of the floor of the vault. Its south face was plastered down

tea foot below the level of the floor of the chambers along the east cur-

tain. This would seem to show that wall c'c\ was continued up above

the floor level so as to form a cross wall ec, dividing up the space be-

tween bb L and dd L , and, I believe, that this was so because there must

surely have been a cross wall between bb x and dd L , and I do not see

where else it could have been conveniently placed except above c'c', as cc,

The north face of this wall will be distant 126 ft. from the centre of the

east gate.

There is somewhat similar evidence for the existence of another

cross wall cwj north of bb v Inside the curtain wall (at ab) there was

built another wall a’a\ 1 ft. 6 in. and 24 ft. long which was carried up

to within a foot of the floor level of the range of chambers along the

123

1893.] C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William.

east curtain. This wall and the north face of the wall bh L were plaster-

ed to a depth of about 7 ft. below the floor level almost to the founda-

tion of the walls. This seems to show that there was another vault

immediately north of the wall bb^, and that the wall aa± carried the

flooring of the room above. As the wall a a j is about 24 ft. long, I infei

that this was the length of the vault and also of the room above it and,

I think, that at 24 ft. north of lb y there was another cross wall like bb t

which below the floor level served as the north wall of a vault and above

the floor level was a cross wall sub-dividing the space between the cur-

tain and G V D V

In this way I have been able to prove by excavation the existence

of four cross walls etcq, bb^, cc 2 , dd^. But this is not enough. It is still

necessary to consider whether, as Wells’s plan implies, there were any

other walls besides these four, and in particular whether there were any

to the south of dd v For the Black Hole was the southernmost of the

rooms built along this part of the east curtain. Consequently its site

must be immediately to the north of the last cross wall, and its site is

known if the position of the southernmost cross wall is known. I have

accordingly traced out the wall C^D v which contained the chambers

built against this part of the east curtain, to a point d\, 166 ft. from

the centre of the east gate, where this containing wall stops. Beyond

d\ there is only a small thin wall, built, I suppose, to contain a pave-

ment. There could have been no cross walls beyond d\, and I have

found no trace of any between d L and d\. It therefore follows that dd l

is the southernmost cross wall. I have also traced out the east verandah

wall 0 2 Z) S to j D 3 , 166 ft. from the centre of the east gate, where 0 2 B 3

meets the wall D 3 E 3 which carried the third or innermost line of arches

on the south side of the fort. Thus my excavations prove that dd l is

the southernmost cross wall, and that it occurred at about 20 ft. noith

of the end of the containing wall CjDj, and also at about the same dis-

tance north of the junction of the verandah wall C%D S with the third

line of arches on the south side I> 3 F 3 .

This also agrees on the whole with Wells’s plan which represents

the last cross wall as occurring about 16 ft.

Comparison of or 18 ft. north of the end of the containing

Wells’s plan with the ^ ^ 0 f the i uno ti 0 n between the east

results of excavation. wd * ^ „ , J I1 . ,. e ,

verandah wall and the inner line of arches on

the south side of the fort. Wells’s plan, however, does not exactly agree

with the results obtained by excavation as to distances, but this is ac-

counted for by the fact that the length of the curtain wall between the

east gate and the south-east bastion is too short by about 12 feet.

Whoever it was, who actually drew the plan, he did not discover his

124 C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William. [No. 2,

mistake till he came to put in the details of the rooms along the east

curtain south of the gate. Then, finding that there was not sufficient

room to put those details in properly, he crowded them in together,

This, I think, is clearly the case with the cross walls. The discrepancies

between Wells’s plan and the results obtained by actual excavation may

be exhibited as follows : —

Wells’s plan shows walls at 43, 70, 95, 108, 122, 135 ft. 1 from tho centre of

Excavation shows walls at 75, 100, 126, 146 ft. ) the East gate.

Looking at this comparative table, and remembering that Wells’s

distances are short of the true distances, we easily discover which walls

correspond. The first cross wall shown by excavation (aa L ) corresponds

to the second wall given in Wells’s plan. The second cross wall shown

by excavation (bb^ corresponds to the third wall in Wells’s plan. The

fourth cross wall shown by excavation (cc x ) corresponds to the fifth wall

in Wells’s plan ; and the last wall in Wells’s plan corresponds to tho

last wall shown by excavation. The two missing walls not shown by

excavation are the first cross wall of Wells’s plan, which was the south

wall of the barracks (w), and the fourth wall of Wells’s plan which

must have come between bb l and cc L . This wall could not have been

a very substantial one, as it must have been built over the subterranean

chamber b'bf o'c{. The room tt in Wells’s plan, which is tho southern-

most of the series of rooms built within this part of the east curtain,

and is, therefore, the Black Hole, corresponds with the space cc x dd v

This is the site of the Black Hole. As regards the staircase to the

south-east bastion, I have unfortunately very little to say. This stair-

case is mentioned by Hoi well and is shown by Wells in his plan. It is

a long staircase. Its head is put by Wells at about 8 ft. from the south

face of tho southernmost cross wall, and its foot at a distance of about 50

ft. I have not been able to find any trace of it by excavation, but I

see no reason for doubting its position to be correctly marked by Wells.

If I might be permitted to make a few conjectures I should arrange

tho rooms along the east curtain thus. The

Arrangement of the w h 0 le range of rooms is contained between

rooms along the east &

curtain. Ike south wall of the east gate CG 1 G z and the

cross wall dd± and between the east curtain

CD and the first line of arches parallel in the curtain O l D 1 . The

pillars of these arches were about 8 ft. 9 in. distant from each other

from centre to centre. West of them came a second parallel line of

arches, forming the piazza before the rooms. The first of tho

cross walls dividing off the rooms occurred after tho fourth arch in

the first line of arches C y D v Thus it would be about 35 ft. distant

from tho wall CC L G%. These four ai’clies were left quite open to tho

125

1893.] C. R. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William.

piazza west of them, and formed the court of guard south of the gate.

Three arches further on was another cross wall aa v If this wall oc-

curred exactly after the seventh of the first line of arches G 1 D 1 and

I am right in believing that these arches measured 8 ft. 9 in. from

centre to centre, then the centre of the cross wall aa 1 would he 61 ft.

3 in. from the south face of the wall CG l C 2 . If we rely on the evidence

of the excavations its north face was 60 ft. 3 in. from the south face of

CG i C 2 . The next cross wall bh l occurred after the tenth arch. As

shown by the excavations its north face was 86 ft. distant from the

south face of the wall GG X C 2 , or if we reckon its distance according to the

arches, its centre will be 87 ft. 6 in. from OG l 0 2 . I have argued that

another cross wall cc x was 126 ft. distant from the centre of the

east gate, that is its north face is 112 ft. from the south face of GG 1 G 2 -,

and if we reckon that this wall came after the thirteenth arch its

centre will be 113 ft. 9 in. from 00 1 C 2 . The last cross wall dd 1 is 131

ft. 6 in. from OC y 0 2 , or if we reckon that it came after the fifteenth

arch its centre would be about 131 ft. 3 in. distant. The room cut off

by the walls cc L , dd v is the Black Hole. It measured internally IS ft.

by 14 ft. 10 in. It was bounded on the east by the curtain, on the south

by the wall dd v on the north by the wall cc v and on the west by the

fourteenth and fifteenth arches of the first line of arches parallel to

the east curtain OjH j. These two arches were bricked up and only a

window was left in the centre of each. Along the east wall of the Black

Hole was a wooden platform about six feet broad and raised three or

four feet from the ground, open underneath. It probably projected from

the east wall as far as the door in the north wall cc r This door opened

inwards. The three rooms between the court of guard and the Black

Hole were the barracks. They were bounded on the east by the curtain

wall, along which ran a wooden platform similar to that in the Black Hole.

The nine arches which bounded the bai’racks on the south, (i. e., the

fifth to the thirteenth arches inclusive) were partially closed by a

dwarf wall, or, as Holwell calls it, a parapet wall. The rooms opened

one into another and a door in the wall cc t led to the Black Hole. South

of the Black Hole there were no more rooms, the remaining space being

taken up by a straight staircase, fifty feet long, built against the east

curtain wall, leading to the south-east bastion.

1 believe that this arrangement of the rooms will satisfy all the

requirements of Holwell’s narrative. The barracks according to him

would have been a fairly comfortable place for 146 persons to spend the

ni°ht in. I make the whole area, of the barracks to be 72 ft. by 14 ft.

10 in. This gives 7 sq. ft. 45 sq. in. for each individual. The area of

126

C. H. Wilson — Topography of old Fort William. [No. 2,

Difference between

these views and those

of Mr. Bayne.

Black Hole is 18 ft. by 14 ft. 10 in. This allows just 267 sq. ft. of area

for 146 persons, or less than 2 sq. ft. each. 20

The result of all this fresh discussion is to place the site of the

Black Hole prison immediately to the north of

the site fixed for it by Mr. Bayne, so that Mr.

Bayne’s conclusion was not so far wrong. Mr.

Bayne, however, arrived at his conclusion from

two utterly false premises. His first premise was that the south-east

corner of the fort was just like the north-east corner. This was com-

pletely refuted by Mr. Munro in 1889 when he produced Wells’s plan of

the fort. Mr. Bayne’s second premise was, that the dimensions of the fort

stated by Orme in the text of his history and shown in the accompanying

plan, were absolutely correct, and Mr. Bayne still held to this belief even

though he discovered that there was an error somewhere in Orme’s plan

when he tried to superpose it upon Simms’s Survey of Calcutta. The

excavations which I have made prove that the dimensions given by Orme

are only approximately correct, accurate enough for the purposes of his

history, but not accurate enough for the purpose of settling minute

points of topography. Fortunately for Mr. Bayne, the errors of his two

premises counteracted each other, and thus, when he made an excavation

in the passage north of the General Post Office, where he expected to

find the Black Hole, he actually did come across one of its walls. But,

like words, walls cannot be interpreted apart from their context. Mr.

Bayne was prevented at the time from finding the right context, and he

therefore failed to understand these walls ; I have merely been more

fortunate in my opportunities, and have been able to secure the right

context.

Only a few more miscellaneous points as to the topography of the

old fort remain to be mentioned. Besides the

Miscellaneous two drains already spoken of, which I found by

the east gate, I also came across a piece ot

another old surface drain running along the west side of the verandah

which extended before the chambers built inside the east curtain. This

drain is 4 ft. wide at the top and 2 ft. at the bottom. Its eastern edge is

5 ft. distant internally from the verandah wall 0 2 Z> 2 . There is also an

old well about 50 ft. east of the east wall of the Governor’s House in the

fort, and 23 ft. south of its central line, which may have been part of

2° The only cross wall shown in Wells’s plan which I liavo not accounted for is

the wall botween the rooms v and o. If what I have said as to the other cross walls

is correct, this cross wall should come between 66, and cc,. It could not then liavo

been a substantial wall as it would have boon built over the subterranean chamber

b'b\ c'c'i. Could this wall have boen meant for tlio wall b'b\ ?

127

1893.] Gf. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumdwati.

the old building. The main walls of the buildings are brick in lime,

the minor walls are brick in mud. The parade ground is paved with

brick on edge over one flat, covered with six inches of concrete. Its

level was visible everywhere in section. If we reckon the level of the

curb stone of the footpath in Dalhousie Square as 100 ft. then the level

of the parade ground would be 98'07 ft., i. e., a little less than 2 ft.

lower down. The level of the floors of the rooms varied. The level

of the floor over the subterranean vault was 99'24 ft. At about the

middle of the set of rooms built along the east curtain it was

98-5 ft.

A Specimen of the Padumdwati. — Py

G. A. G-rierson, B.A., I.C.S.

The following is an attempt to give a correct text of a portion of

the Padumawati, 1 or Padmavatl of Malik Muhammad of Jayas in Oudh.

He flourished under Sher Shah in the year 1640 A. D., and numerous

MSS. of his great poem are in existence.

The value of the Padumawati consists chiefly in its age. Malik

Muhammad is, I believe, the oldest vernacular poet of Hindustan of

whom we have any uncontested remains. Chand Bar’dai was much

older, but the genuineness of his Prithiraj Ray’sa is denied by many

competent scholars. "Vidyapati Thakur, who lived in the year 1400

A. D. has only left us a few songs which have come down to us through

five centuries of oral transmission, and which now cannot be in the

form in which they were written. The preservation of the Padumawati

is due mainly to the happy accident of Malik Muhammad’s religious

reputation. Although profoundly affected by the teaching of Kablr,

and familiarly acquainted with Hindu lore, and with the Hindu Yoga

philosophy, he was from the first revered as a saint by his Muham-

madan co-religionists.

He wrote his poem in what was evidently the actual vernacular

of his time, tinged slightly with an admixture of a few Persian words

and idioms due to his Musalman predilections. It is also due to his

religion that he originally wrote it in the Persian character, and lienee

1 The author himself invariably spells the word thus.

128 G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumdwati. [No. 2,

discarded all the favourite devices of pandits, who tried to make their

language correct by spelling (while they did not pronounce) vernacu-

lar words in the Sanskrit fashion. He had no temptation to do this.

The Persian character did not lend itself to any such false antiquarian-

ism. He spelled each word rigorously as it was pronounced. His

work is hence a valuable witness to the actual condition of the verna-

cular language of Northern India in the 16th century. It is, so far as

it goes, and with the exception of a few hints in Alberuni’s Indica,

the only trustworthy witness which we have. It is trustworthy, how-

ever, only to a certain extent, for it often merely gives the consonantal

frame work of the words, the vowels, as is usual in Persian MSS., being

generally omitted. Fortunately, the vowels can generally be inserted

correctly with the help of a few Devanagari MSS. of the poem which

are in my possession.

Besides its interest as a key to a philological puzzle, the Paduma-

wati also deserves notice for its contents. In itself it is a fine poetical

work, and one of the few original ones, not dealing with either Rama

or Krishna, with which I am acquainted in any Indian language. It

is also remarkable for the vein of tolerance which runs through it, — a

tolerance in every way worthy of Kabir or of Tul’si Das. The story of

the poem has been a favourite one with eastern authors. Husain

Ghaznawi wrote a Persian poem on the subject, entitled Qissae Padmd-

wat. Rai Gobind MunshI in 1652 A. D. wrote a version in Persian

prose, called (after the chronogram of its date) Tukfatu'l-Kulub. Again

Mir Ziyau’d-dln ‘Ibrat, and Ghulam ‘All ‘Ishrat wrote a joint version in

Urdu verse in 1796 A. D. Malik Muhammad’s poem was written in

1540 A. D.

Concerning the author little is known. He tells us himself that

he was the disciple of Sayyad Muhlu’d-dln. He studied Sanskrit

Prosody and Rhetoric from Hindu Pandits at Jayas. He belonged to

the Ghistiyd Nizamiyd, that is to say, he was the eleventh disciple in

descent from the well-known Nizamu’d-dm, who died in 1325 A. D.

Muhiu’d-dln’s teacher was Shaikh Burhan, who resided at KalpI in

Bundel’khand, and who is said to have died at the age of a hundred

years in A. D. 1562-63. The poet was patronized by Slier Shah.

The only other fact which we know for certain is that he was blind

of one eye. I have collected the following traditions about him. One

of Slier Shah’s allies was Jagat Dev, (enthroned 1527 A. D. : died

1573 A. D.), Maharaj of Ghazlpur and Bhoj’pur. He was present at

the battle of Bagh’sar (Buxar) in which Sher Shah defeated Humayun.

Malik Muhammad is said to have attended his court. Two of Malik

Muhammad’s four friends, whom he mentions in his poem (22) were

1893.] G. A. Grierson — A specimen of Padumawati. 129

also patronised by Jagat Dev. These were Yusaf Malik and Salone

Siggh (whom Malik Muhammad calls Miya as if he was a Musalman).

It is said that another attendant at Jagat Dev’s court was a Katthalc,

named Gandharv Raj, who was skilled in the art of singing. Malik

Muhammad was greatly attached to him and gave him his blessing,

prophesying that skill in song would always remain in his family, and,

at the same time, begging him to take, as a sign of affection, his title

of Malik. Ever since, Gandharv Raj’s descendants have called them-

selves Malik, and members of the family still live in Taluka Raipura and

at Haldi in Baliyii District, and are renowned singers.

It is said that the Raja of Ametlil was childless, but was granted

a son, in consequence of the prayers of Malik Muhammad. When the

poet died, he was buried at AmethI, and his tomb is still shown,

and worshipped by believers. Malik Muhammad’s two friends, Malik

Yusaf and Salone, died in what is now the district of Gorakli’pur, from

a surfeit of mangoes. Malik Muhammad was with them at the time,

and himself narrowly escaped. The mangoes are said to have been

infested by poisonous insects.

The text of the Padumawati, being in the tligth Hindi language,

and written in the Persian character, is very difficult both to read and

to understand. It has been frequently transliterated into the Ragarl

character, but the transcriptions, whether MS. or printed, are full of

mistakes, generally guesses to make the meaning clear. The best trans-

literated edition is that by Pandit Ram Jasan of Banaras ; but even

in his case (putting instances of sanskritization out of sight) hardly

a line is correct. There are several printed editions in the Persian

character, but they too are all incorrect. 1 have been fortunate enough

to become possessed of several old MSS. of the poem in the Persian

character, and by diligent comparison I have endeavoured to reproduce,

in the Nagarl character, the actual words written by the poet. A glance

at the critical notes will show the labour involved in the task. I have

also endeavoured to give a tentative translation of text as I went along.

To the text, I append an analysis of the whole poem, which may

prove interesting. It must, however, be understood that I do not

guarantee its entire correctness. There are many passages which I do not

yet understand, and which await further examination. I hope, in process

of time, to publish, jointly with Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Sudhakara

DvivedI, P.A.U., a complete and satisfactory edition of the whole poem.

Of that edition, the present specimens may be taken as a provisional

sample, and I shall be most grateful fbr any suggestions which x'each me

in time to improve the larger work.

J. i. 17

130 G. A. Grierson — A specimen of Padumawati. [No. 2,

For the purposes of these specimens, I have used the following

MSS.:—

A. MSS. in Persian character (marked collectively as P).

(1) India Office Library, Pers. Cat. 1018. Dated 1107 Hij.

= 1695 A. D. (Ia).

(2) Ditto No. 1975. Vowel marks freely used. Cor-

rectly written. Dated 1109 Hij. =1697 A. D. (Ib).

(3) Ditto No. 1819. Vowel points inserted in red ink

by a later hand. Dated 1114 Hij. =1702 A. D. (Ic).

(4) India Office Library, Urdu Catalogue, No. 3130. Few

vowel points. In two different handwritings. No date,

(Id).

All these Persian MSS. are very fairly correct. I have taken Ib.

as the basis throughout.

B. MSS. in the Deva Nagari character (marked collectively as N).

(1) India Office Library, Sanskrit Catalogue, No. 2471. A

magnificent copy, profusely illustrated. Written by

Thana Kayath of Mirzapur. No date. Spelling highly

Sanskritized (Is).

I must here express my thanks to Dr. Rost, and the authorities of

the India Office Library, for the loan of the above MSS.

(2) A well written copy kindly lent me by Kaviraj Syamal

Das, belonging to the library of the Maharaj of Udai-

pur. Spelling not so Sanskritized. Dated Sambat

1895=1838 A. D. (U).

C. MS. in the Kaitlil character.

(1) A clearly written copy. With very irregular spelling : and

many important variations in the readings. Written

in Sambat 1812 = 1755 A. D. (K).

In editing the text I have adopted the following principles as

regards spelling. Prakrit words are spelt as in the Persian copies.

When the Persian copies give vowels, those vowels are adopted. When

no vowels are given, I have used my judgment in adopting the vowels

given in the Devanagarl and Kaitlil copies.

On the other hand, for precisely similar reasons, I have generally

adopted the spelling of Arabic and Persian words which is best vouched

for by the Devanagarl and Kaithi copies. Such words are phonetically

spelt in that alphabet.

U and K uniformly write as JJ. I have not followed them in

this. When U, as it frequently does, gives a short u as the final vowel

of a Prakrit substantive, I have generally adopted it, unless the use of

the vowel is contradicted by the Persian copies.

1893.]

Gr. A. Grierson — A specimen of PadumSwati.

131

The termination nh, is capable of being read as equivalent to

either the plural oblique termination or to the singular oblique

termination or f? Unless the context showed that is required,

I have transliterated it f?. Even in the best Persian MSS. the nasal

is inserted so capriciously, that it is at least doubtful whether it should

be used in the singular, and I have accordingly followed the best

Devanagarl MSS., in omitting it, in this case, throughout.

The metre of the poem consists of stanzas of seven caupdls fol-

lowed by a dolid. In the latter, a matrd is frequently omitted in the

first half. In the caupdls, accent is frequently used instead of quantity,

a short accented syllable being treated as a long one, especially at the

end of a line. Malik Muhammad wrote long before Kefav Das laid

down the canons of Hindi metre. Such accented short syllables I have

marked, in transliteration with an acute accent, thus , — niramdre (II, 3).

I regret that the scheme of transliteration into the Roman character

is not that usually adopted in this Journal. For various reasons, which

it is not necessary to give here, I have been compelled to adhere more

closely to that used in the Bihar! Dictionary by Dr. Hoernle and myself.

Scheme or transliteration adopted in this paper : —

^ a , a, X. i, t b ^ m, ^ u, Jt e, qe, '5ft' o, o. * “ , thus ^ ob

S, f T, X i, and so on. — m.

The following vowels occur only in a few Sanskrit words, ri,

it ai, ' 3 ft au. In Tadbhava words it and ^ do not occur. is trans-

literated ai and ^ au. In Nagar! MSS. when it and 'Sft occur they are

plainly stenographic signs for ^ and V3. This is frequently shown by

the metre. There is no danger of confusing ^3, and it, for

they appear in distinct classes of words, are always in Tadbhava

words, or in corrupted Tatsama words, it and occur only in words

lifted bodily from Sanskrit: —

sfi 7c, hh, JT g, hi gh, ^ j?.

'qc, ? ch, j, ffi jh, 'sj n.

^ t, U th, ^ (l, cT dll , iq ii.

rf t, th, X. d, q dh, «f n.

if p, m ph, ^ b, W bh, H m.

■q y, x. r, Z, «r w, (or in Sanskrit words v).

q s, q s, q h.

31 only occurs in Persian words, representing the Persian Jl>, or in

pure Sanskrit words. In the former case it is transliterated sh, and in

the latter by 5 .

Arabic and Persian letters.

A s, ^ h, j- kh, i z, ) z, j zh, u° ?> U® ?, ■*= t, % £ S £ £7 *-» f, d ?•

132

G. A. Grierson — A specimen of PadumHwati.

[No. 2,

i! \ i!

Ckfi i

uCdf m«TH5 I

CHffo -suw sfrfff

^fufC R3 *t gi^f ’I^t i

CH!f% i

€t=tf% ^rT fhl spn?3T I

CtCfa f^*r tCf*rm ure i

CHIfa fN vv ^ wnn l

% fsT^ CN €1=? II

CHfa Cf% xpesw ii

^SrTT ^JT ^T 5 ?! ||

CHsfo ?iTif =n;5r a

Ct=tf*j ^ ^Vt ii

€H?fo SJ^rT rKTjJ»T qfCt ||

fW ii

it'f ^ 5 it <m ^isT *r ^ifC i

trfWs; nf% m 5IT3 <§?; JfreiT wnifC ii \ n

Critical notes .

1. 2. Kinhesi, so apparently lb, wliicli seems to vocalize the final ^ *. The

word may, however, be also read klnhisa for klnhesa. The other copies in the

Persian character simply have which may be read either kinhesi , klnhasi , or

kinhasa. Is and K have klnhegi for kinhesi. U has kinhasa. Throughout the poem

a short e is inserted to form the past tense. Thus, dekhasi, he sees, dekhesi, he saw.

Ia tinhahi prlti kabildsii, Ibc parabata kabildsu, Id parabata kaildsu , Is tehi prlti ka

bilasii, U tihi parabata ka bilasii. In the Persian character c2aJj.j and oj^j and

and are easily confused. In each case it is a question of a dot. There

can be no doubt about the form kabildsu for kaildsu being right. The word is of fre-

quent occurrence in the poem, and is invariably spelt thus in the best MSS. It is a

curious corruption, and has puzzled all copyists with Sanskrit predilections. 3.

Ib has pawana agini, K agni pauna, Is bahutai , UK bahute, P give no clue. 4. Is

awatdrii .

6. I a kinhesi sap at a d/pa brahamandd

lb „ „ logo, „

Ic „ sdta saraga „

Id „ (illegible)? seta peta mahi bhandd

Is kinhesi sata sata brahamandd (sic)

U kinhasa sdta saraga „

K kinhesi „ dlpa „

Two printed editions follow Ia, except having mahl instead of d/pa. Ia is

adopted as making the best sense. 6. Ib duniara , U dinakara, K dunia. Printed

editions dinesa. 7. Is kinhesi slta ghdma. 8. Id klnhasi saba asa. las dusarahi,

U dusaralm. 9. Ia td kara nau, K Icaratd kai nau lei , Ia kathd kahau , Id 8^jf, Is

arigdhu, printed editions and K uragahu.

Translation .

(1). I bear in mind that one and only primal Maker, who gave

life and made tlie world. First made He manifest the Light, then

1893.]

133

G-. A. Grierson — A specimen of PadumHwati.

made He (for the Light.) the mighty mountain Kailasa . 1 He made the

fire, the air, the water, and the dust. He made forms 2 3 of varied hue.

He made the Earth, and Heaven, and Hell ; and he made incarnations in

many persons . 8 He made the mundane egg* with its seven 6 regions.

He made the universe with its fourteen 6 worlds. He made the sun for

the day, and the moon for the night ; He made the asterisms and the

systems of the stars. He made coolness, sunshine and shade ; He made

the clouds and lightning (that abidetli) in them.

All things are so made by Him, that naught is worthy to be com-

pared with Him. First take I His name, and then in deep thought do I

begin 7 my story.

^ ii €Htf% ^ -3RTO i

sjCI strc ws vRTifT i

3ffrr i

€t=fftr ^ gxt i

fist rej-vfur i

C\ c\

SfJT II

sfHlfo fftr ^srrt ||

’Ire ii

ssHcfo 3S e[^ Ctjr ii

1 By 4 * Light,’ the poet refers to Mahadeva, who dwells in Kailasa Indian

Musalmans frequently consider Adam, the first man, as the same as Mahiideva.

The fact that the poet expressly says that Kailasa was made ‘ for ’ the Light, shows

that he cannot be referring to light, the first of created things.

2 An Urdu gloss, translates urelia by design, stamp, drawing. I have

noted it also in 48, 4; 506, 5 , asa murata Tee dal urehz , and in 510, 3, bhai ureha

fpuliwpa saba nama. In the second the Urdu translation gives tsCr^ and in the

latter, the whole lino is translated ( — Igj liyb

The word is still used in Oudh and Bihar by women, in the sense of

racand. It is derived from the Skr. ullehha.

3 Apparently, incarnations in many castes. Alluding to the doctrine that incar-

nations have occurred in all religions in many parts of the world. Or it may only

refer to the various avatars of Visnu.

4 I. e., the uuiverse, alluding to the well known tradition detailed in Manu.

6 Jambu, Plaksa or Gomedaka, Qalmali, Ku 9 a, Kraunca, (Jiika, and Puskara.

6 There are seven worlds (loka) above, viz., Bhur-loka, Bhuvar-1., Svar-1.,

Mahar-1., Janar-1., Tapar-1., and Satya-1. or Brahma-1., and seven below, viz., A-tala

Vi-tala, Su-tala, Rasa-tala, Tala-tala, Maha-tala, and Patala. According to Musal-

mans, there are seven regions ( (JjJs ) above (these are heavens), and seven below

(earths).

7 Two Urdu glosses translate augdhi by a meaning for which I can find

no other authority. It moans litorally to plunge into water, hence to be immorsed

in anything, to have tho mind fully occupied.

134 G. A. Grierson — A specimen of Padum&wati. [No. 2,

^ ll fafam sf fH w ^ i

jut^r ktot ^T5T ll ^ ll

2. 1. SHta-u, so lb, la U K have hema (U reverses the order of the two hemis-

tichs), Is hi wa, Io sdtd with hema as a v. 1. on margin. Id sdta (also Bam Jasan), Ic ?

bawara-, .iigXgS' (Sanskrit for evidently puzzled the Nagari tran-

scribers. Is has hhanda khanda, U kinhasa parabata meru apdrd. The P copies are

undecided between khihhinda and khihhinda. The former is probably the correct

reading. 2. K mdcha. 3. U wctliu bhare, IC jehi bhdle, niramale. 5. U rdhai,

cdhai, N udai. 7. U pliiila au, Id K aukhadha. 8. Ia gagana antaricha, Io gagana

antarikha, lb Jchdbha, U lagai , rdkhai, 1C nimikhi , karata tehi sabhai htnhu chan a eka.

las have ohi, Ibcd U wahi.

2. He made the seven 1 shoreless oceans, &c., and He made the

mountains of Meru and Kukhanda. 3 Rivers made He and streams and

waterfalls ; crocodiles and fish made He of many kinds. He made the

oyster shell, and the pearl which filleth it, He made many flawless gems.

Forests made He and roots 3 ; tall trees made He, palmyras and date

palms He made the wild animals 4 which dwell in the forest ; He made

the fowl which fly where they will. He made colours, white and black ;

He made sleep, and hunger, and rest. He made the betel-leaf and

flowers, and the pleasures of taste ; many medicines made He and many

sicknesses.

He made them in less than the twinkling of an eye ; all made He

in a single instant. He fixed the Heavens in space without a pillar and

without a prop.

ll cf^tfn wt I ^sf vjtfrr wf% <n$ il

tistt ttst i sfNifo iff? mail

?rf% fNw I cjrNfg ^ aifT ^ ^ n

w mi i fsPtw ^ mi II

fa^if | fl'N if ssli ’CNT ll

^ ^sr ^.1 mNre u

sst'ifa arra; ftraifc mt ^i€t i taafu a® swi n

1 These encircle the seven regions ( dvipas ) mentioned in I, 5. Their names,

are Lavana, Iksu, Sura, Glirita, Dadhi, Dugdha, Jala. The author, in stanza 141 gives

a different enumeration, viz., Khara, IChira, Dadhi, Jala, Sura, Udadhi, Kilakila.

2 Meru is the well-known mountain. It represents the northern hemisphere

or pole, and is the abode of the Gods. Kukhanda is Kumeru, the southern hemisphere

or pole, the region of the daitijas or demons. The poet has mixed this up with

Kislikindha, also to the south of Oude, and has confounded the two names.

8 Jari is a root used for medicine, and muri is a root used for food.

4 Sduja is any animal used for food.

1893.]

135

G. A. Grierson — A specimen of Padumawati.

«fr ii iHfg wfr? fggftft

wrcfg 7 ft gw wfr=ifg

€b?fg WTT? WPCWTII i

gfg #H!fg WK II ^ i

3. Tlie order of these sets of caupdis is different in different copies. The

above is the order of lab TJ K, led begin 4, 3, and then go on as above. Is begins

15, 16, and then 3, 4, &c., like la. 1. led dihesi baddi ; lac tehi pad, Id tehi hhdi,

Is tinha jm. 2. Ib hahu sajii, Ic tehi sajii. 3. lac U K bildsii, U IC Icon for hoi.

4. lacs U jehi hoi. 5. Id transposes 11. 5 and 6. Is jiu sadd suhha, U jiyana sadd

tinha, K jiwa sadd saba, U hod. 6. Id U hoti, Is bahu dandu ; Id dhandii, U K

anandd, dandd. 7. U hou, la ati ghani, Id K puni ghani, Is saga ghani, U ju ghani.

8. IX hou for hoi. 9. Iacd chdrahi, Is tinha chdra, K bahuri hinha saba.

3. He made man, and gave him dominion ; He made grain for

his food. He made the king -who taketh pleasure in his kingdom,

He made elephants and horses for his array. He made for him many

delights. Some made He lords, and others slaves. Wealth made He

from which cometh pride ; He made longings which none can satisfy.

He made life which all men ever desire ; He made death, from which

none can escape. Happiness made He and myriads of joys ; sorrow

made He, and care and doubt. 1 Some made He poor and others rich.

He made frequent prosperity and adversity.

Some made He weak, and others strong. From ashes made He

all, and again turned He all to ashes.

gJTI t*TT I g»TT II

jfHfg gw fwgi wgr i wrlwffg g'w ii

fwgi ail gfg wf? ’ait n

gt 1

wjgf fsjg? srft Wit I

wh’tfa g>gi gfa ?g g?t i

wfHrfg gg witw? guff i

€Hifg gfrwT gift i

sft’tfg iiwrg gg wiht i

^t’wfg wig? wr% ws wiitn

jfiHfg gwi wfgr wig WT’Jt 11

^T’ifg Twft grfg gfit n

€Hfg gtw>g tw wgwi 11

<i n scHfg ggg wgiig wig wig 'gwirfsr i

ggfg srg gw wig gwnw giggi gifg n a n

Vi vi

4. 1. Icds bhiwaseni, U bhimasainiyd. 2. P muhha, which spoils the metre.

3. Id makes this line the sixth, Is amiya, Ibd jiuna jehi, Ic jiana jehi, Ibd tehi,

lads TJ K pde, hhae. 4. K lcarui nimi jo phari. 5. K Idwai jo m&hhi, led K bhawara

pataga, Is bhawara ndga. 6. Ia K indura, led doubtful, lbs U clearly undura, Iacd

rahaln. 7. So Iacd IC, lbs hinhasi rdhasa dewa daetd, hinhasi bhohasa bhdta paretd,

U similar except . . . dewa dayantd, . . . bhdta parantd. 9. led K dihisa, Ib TJ

sdbahi.

1 Two Urdu glosses translate danda by grief, but the dictionary meaning

of the word is enmity ( dwandwa ). Here it means opposition of ideas, doubt.

136

G. A. Grierson — A specimen of Padumawati. [No. 2,

4. He made agallochum, musk, and the scented Jthas grass ; He

made the camphors, — bhimaseni 1 and cena , 2 Ho made the snake in

whoso mouth dwelleth poison ; He made the snake-charm which carrieth

off the bite. He made ambrosia, which giveth eternal life to him who

getteth it ; He made poison, which is death to him who eateth it. He

made the sugarcane filled with sweet juice ; He made the acrid creeper

witli its manifold fruit. He made the honey which the bee stores in

its home ; He made the humble bee, the birds and winged creatures. He

made the fox, the rat and the ant j He made many creatures which dig’

the earth and dwell therein. He made demons, goblins and ghosts ; He

made ghouls and Devas and Dciityas.

He made eighteen thousand creations of varied kinds. To all he

gave a means of existence, and with every decoration did he deck

them.

^ II srf% sfi ggn*: |

arrarr STJTrr ^ |

«rr qrfi g«rf% i

qgg g fag^ gftf i

»fw vjrfrr *rs «ff?r i

fIT 5RT sfr gggi fq^vrr i

g^rf? nr grfr grfgr i

ii apr 5 tji f w toi *r€f

oft

g®rf% fsrfrr to g n

g*r qrl njifrf ktGt f%g n

f»r?K gsre ^ grff ii

WTTO Jigrr 5JVT sifjl ^ttll

g grit ii

g^r t?: fg^gr ii

*r ^rs qri: ■ang fgirgr n

'sgT <ro i

g"l g*r m IH n t n

5. 1. las TJ ohi, K dhanaita hai jehi lee san° ; Is U led; P have lea ; lad

sabai, J nahi ghatai. 3. K sabhanha, U icon. 4. Is puts verse 4 after verse

5, U paragati gupati. 5. Ib Tchawawai, U dpuni Tchad, K dpuna Tchad , P might also

be read Jims. 6. K uhai, lads so TchS 1 , Ic salahi bhuguti del au jiand ; Is IC

sabahi dei, V sabaTcaha dehi. 7. Ia sabahi so td lean herai dsd \ ohi na Mhu, &c.

Is hari sasd, ohi, U sabai, td leara, s dsd, ohi na ledhu Td dsi, IC sabhai dsa td leari hari

phen | ohi nahi dsa dhai Teehu Teen || 8. Iao ghatata, U K ghatai, U ubhai, tasi. 9.

Id jo deta, U K dehi, K sabha td leara.

5. He indeed is a master of wealth, to whom belongeth the uni-

verse ; to all He giveth continually, yet his storehouse minisheth not.

To every creature in the world, from the elephant even to the ant, doth

He day and night give its share of nourishment. His eye is upon all :

none is forgotten, whether foe or friend ; nor bird nor grasshopper, nor

aught whether manifest or hidden is forgotten. He deviseth food and

1 The Bhimasena-Tcarpura of Sanskrit.

2 The CTna-Tcarpura of Sanskrit.

1893.]

137

G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumawati.

nourishment of many kinds. All doth He feed, yet eateth not himself.

His meat and His drink is this — that to all He giveth nourishment

and life. All have hope in him at every breath, nor hath He ever

(turned) the hope of any to despair.

AEon after jeon doth He give, yet never minisheth (his store).

Yea, so doth He this with both hands, that whatever hath been given

in this world, hath all been given by Him.

^if^ tflT TP5TT

WfPt fsrwrrefw wrei I

\J 0\

ftT^r wtPc <SSI$ I

'*JTf^S ^jfT TTctT Slf% WF5JI II

5lf% TP5T ||

siiNr sfT »

afur ti

srsrc fs; spsit n

MTJT WJTfff ^ giTT I a&Tj? flKT II

«TT *ST *1 '3TT»TT aRtf I €k; flSf fajTl 5f H

<t ii «nf% *rs %f5q |

5^> ^ wrar ii f H

6. 1. Id ddi eka baranau so raja ; K Mi anddi Icarata jehi chdjd. 2. Ibcd l carat,

ddi, lacs K jehi, telii. Ibcd achata, Is chatrahi achata nachatrahi, U nichatriya, K

chatra nichatra nichatrihi ; K dosara ledi na sarabari. 4. Is dekha, U K dehhu P

give no clue, a third person singular seems required by the sense, Is logd, joga, Is

cithihi, lb karahi, U sajdgd. 5. lac K trina, trinahi, U udhca, tinhai bajara lei dehi

badheu, K tori u{?a)ddi. 6. kahu bh&hha bhilcha dulcha, la bhikha (?) bahuta, U

dulcha bhdrd, K bhauna bhilcha dulcha bhdrd. 7. Ibs K karai so jo mana cinta na hoi,

la karai so jo mana cinta hoi ; K karai soi jo ohi mana hoi. 8. U asthird (which

makes the metre right), las U jehi, K tehi. 9. U aru bhajai, K tehi bhp.

6. Let me tell of Him as that great primal king, who from the

beginning to the end of things is worthy of his rule. Ever and for-

ever doth He rule, and whom He willeth, rule to him He giveth.

Making umbrellaless him who hath the umbrella of royalty, He giveth

it unto him who is without it ; no other is there who is equal unto Him.

The people all look as He upturneth the mountains, and maketh the ant

(that crawleth from beneath them) equal unto the elephant. Adamant

Ho maketh like straw and scattereth it, and again He maketh straw like

adamant, and giveth it honour. To one He giveth the food of enjoyment

and all happiness, another striketh He with sorrow and a home (sup-

ported by) alms. Ho one understandeth what He hath done, for He

dooth that which is beyond the power of mind and thought.

All else is non-existent 1 . Ho alone is ever the same, whose wondrous

1 Urdu gloss transient.

J. i. 18

138 G. A. Grierson — A specimen of tTie Padumaioati. [No. 2,

creations are such as these. He createtli one and destroyeth him, and,

if he will, he formeth him again.

^ II XRX? ’ft SfiXcTI I

TXJI3 JigfJ ft ?XX fwff |

•TT ftf? T3 ? fqm ? HT?! |

i5T?T 3 'RTS «T ft? ftf? ST?T I

?? ?? ^t 1 * * * 5 ? 5 t?t vtfji fr? I

$3 qf?<g? xj? ?? fit i

xra? fr ft? ft ?mx w i

?? ?? xrsr frff ?x?t ii

vxft ft 5 ? ft 5 ? iff? ?Tft n

?T ftff f>3? ? ft? f JT-5TT3T II

ST? siff ux Hr stx ffxsrsT ii

s? ? ft 5 ? sns srx ftf ii

S i? ft X?? x?? ?ff fit II

f^? ^ vrfx ?x? si? f vi is

ft II ft f? V?T ft ft=?ff SiX? ft VI?? ft 5 ? I

SX?5T??TX ? fit ?sf? vrf? ff ^ ft 5 ? II ■a II

7. 1.^ Id reverses the order of 11. 1 and 2. U baranaS so, lb saba oU sau waha

saba maha baratd, K oha saba so saba mg waha baratd, Is has sau. 2. Is K jo saraba

U paragati guputi, la cinha na cinhata, Id cinha na cinhe. 3. Ia na ohi saga Id na

hoi saghdtd, U na Tcod saghdtd. 4. Ic na hoi wahi jand, Is na waha hoi jand U na

hou we jand, K 5 hi sirajdnd. 5. las reverse order of 11. 5 and 6, K waha saba lb

wahuna hinha, Is oha Unha, K unha na Unha. 6. Ia hutd so pahilahi so hai sol, Is

an hai ala sol, K hutd pahilahi aba hai sot, Ic so puni rahai rahai na na hoi, U so puni

K rahai rahihi nahi hoi. 7. Ia auru jo hohi, U aura hahai so, K aura je rahai se bcP

Ia marahi hai, K marai hari. 8. U jo wai cdhasi hinhasi, K jo oha cdha so hinhasi,

Iak harahi , U harahi ju cdhahi Unha. 9. U na had, Io U sabai cdhi, K sabhai

cahahi, U jiya. 5 ,

7. Invisible, formless and nntellahle is that Creator; He is one

withi all, and all are one in Him. Whether manifest or hidden, He

is all pervading. The righteous recognize Him, hut not the sinful.

He hath no son nor father nor mother, no family hath He, and no rela-

tions. He hath begotten none, nor is He begotten of any, but all created

beings proceed from Him. All things, as many as exist, He made ; nor

was He made by any one. He was at the beginning, and He is now ;

He alone remainetli existent and no one else. All else that are, are

mad and blind, for after but two or four days they do their work and

die.

Whate’er He willed that He did, He doeth that He willeth to do

No one is there to prevent Him, and, by his mere will, He gave life to

all.

1 The Urdu gloss translates baratd by “ near,” but I know of no

authority for this meaning. Baratd means batd hud, twisted as a rope is twisted

hence involved in, closely connected with. Compare Bihdri Sat’sai, 59, ditha barata

bddhi atani, twisting their (mutual) glances into a rope, they bind it from balcony to

balcony. 3

139

1893.] Ck A. Grierson-— A specimen of the Padumawati.

^ R

Ff 5 ? fMV 'ft 5 ?® TO |

^ fsm? fruit* I

^tw snf? u? f%w ftUTT i

Utf? ?? U? 5*TT |

uuu uift ?? u? t^i i

•TT 3 rTT flT ?? 'ftf? % W I

sfi ufrf® sif u ^frf? ftsr st4 i

<T II «TT ?? TUUTT U f^TT ^

ff%f«T 3ii fNlX ^

3?u gnu uf f%xtT wtuii

3iX Urff ?T ^X? UUrt* II

hu sfiff srr ftmi^fr ft fwru

f?U uiff uuut u? ir*iT ll

Vj cJ

?>?u vitrj str; ftuxn ll

UT^ftf? 'UU^'UTU'U'WTII

K’a fau fax? 5 ® UX* II

;u k?t ufx vjx i

r gum mi ^fx ii c ii

8. 1. Id cinha jo, K cetahu, lb pwrana mg, Is gidnd, bahhdnd. 2. Icds jiu nahi,

Tv jia nahi or jia ndhi , la Tiara ndhi pai sabdhi haruhi, Is Jcarai sawal , U Tearahi samdd,

K Tcarai saharai (?). 3. Ia reverses the order of 11. 3 and 4, lb jo doldwe so dold,

Id jo doldwahi dold. 4. Io reverses the order of 11. 4 and 5, Is has siind, grind, Ia XT

hiyd ndhi, Id hiyd nahi pai guna saba grind, U gunind. 5. Ic U K bhdti so jap.

6. Ib nd lcoi dhi na ohi he rripa, Ic om. this line. las om. hoi , U nd hou hai ohi, JC

na hoi hoi hai ohi, Ia nd hdhri asa rripa anripa, Id nd ohi Tea, asa taisa anripd, Is na

oha hdhu asa taisa sarripd, IT na hou asa taisa anripd, K na oha hdha asa rripa anripd :

possibly Ia fits in best with the rest of the passage. 7. K na binw ohi thau, Ic

rripa reTeha nahi, IX niraguna ndri. 8. Ic 1C nd hai mild na bichurd , U nd hai mild

na waihard. 9. U andhi murahhi haha, driri, Ibd mriraTchahi.

8. In this manner know ye Him, and meditate upon Him, for so is

the tale written in the holy bookd The Lord hath no life, and yet He

liveth, He hath no hands, and yet He maketh all things. He hath no

tongue, yet He telleth everything. He hath no bodily form, yet that

which He shaketh, is shaken. Bars hath He not, yet lieareth He all

things ; Heart hath He not, yet The Wise One discriminateth all things.

He hath no eyes, yet all things doth He see ; How can anyone discern

as He doth P No one hath a form like unto His ; nor, like Him, is any

one so incomparable. He hath no abiding place, yet He is not without

an abiding place. His form is without flaw, and His name is spotless.

He is not indiscrete, nor is He discrete, yet so doth He dwell

(within us), and fill us (with himself). To those who can see, He is

near, but is far from the foolish blind.

^ || off XHU XfftmT I <TT mi UXU U "HU? ffaT ll

fir w xu-uti^ i fHtfu ?uu urt fuiuT mtini

1 Urdu gloss for pwrana, the Quran. This is quite possible. It will be

seen that Mallik Muhammad frequently uses Hindu words as Musalman technical

terms. E. G. cela, 20, 4.

140 G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumawati. [No. 2,

«ft*tf3 573 9S% 333T | fNf 333 |53T *K3 333T II

fHffxj 3>K-x?§!3 3K 3T3T II

3f N?: 3K3 5713 5lf% Sfl’ff II

f33fT 3 333137 373 337 ||

*fi3 37% 5jf% 373T |

ft=tf3 3K3 •34*1’? 33ir?f i

<?\

57133 3K3 5773 tf?; 331 |

\J C\

3 >K 3K3 3 5173?: K7577 I xgxgf 3773 577 qpt ?|xg 3I57I II

CT II 3737 <fi 3^3 3713 XJ? Ktjjj- niff ^ |

33 3>K 3K3 3131^ 5773?; 5ft 33 33 3KT f33 II <J II

9. 1. Io puni jo dinhesi ratana amuld, Is sctbahi jo dinhesi, U dinhasi, K jdnahi.

Throughout, Is K have dinhesi and U dinhasa, cf. I. 2, n. 2. Is bihusi, II bihase,

IC dasana lihasi mukha jbgw, lab logu for jogu. 4. Iao U jehi maha, IT tihi mdha

Ic reverses the order of 11. 4 and 5. 5. lads soi jdna jehi dinhesi ndhi, K so pai

marama janai jehi ndhi. 6. Id jdna ho, Is jdna hoi, K jobana marama na jdnai

mddhd, la mild ndhi tavundpd dhudha, Ic saba dhudha. , K cahai na tavundpd cdhcii

dhudha (sic), Is has miidhe and dh&dhe. 7. Id sulcha Tcara marama, this makes

better sense, and is also the reading of Ram Jasan, K jehi Tee dulcha bd°. 8. K

bhogi rahai anacinta. 9. Ib saba Tcara marama janu Icaratd, K ghata raha ninta.

9. And the simple-minded knowetli not the secret of the priceless

jewels which He hath given. Ho hath given ns a tongue, and the

pleasure of taste ; He hath given us teeth, which brighten 1 a smile.

Eyes hath He given us to see the world ; ears hath He given us with

which to hear language. He hath given the throat in which dwelleth

our speech. He hath given us fingers and noble arms. Feet hath He

given us with which we gracefully walk. That man knowetli their

secret who hath none. Tea, it is the old who know the secret of youth,

when they find not their young days though they seek for them. The

great man knoweth not the secret of poverty, but the poor man knoweth

it, to whom poverty is come.

It is the sick man who knoweth the secret of the body, while the

healthy man liveth careless ; but the secrets of all are known to the

Lord, who abideth ever in everybody.

3^ II 3jf?7 33 IK 3TK3I 3TK 37X137 I 3Kf3 3 3 IK? 371^ 3K37 ||

373 3K3 573 377J1tE 37T.t I 3K3*t 3T3 3?3) 3% 3Kt II

57733 5733 31X3 33-3TX37 I 57133 %3 KT3 gfxd 3TX37 ||

57733 x§3 K3 573 3lC I ^3 3^ <33 333 3KlC II

33 31? f%xg 331^ | f%f% 3 577?; 3f3 333 37 x 77 x 5 ||

3I?X5 gftsf 33 33 3K337 I "33 W 3^ 3^ 3p| 331 II

3|?3 57lf3 33 J7K3 3 Tft I J7K3 37K? 33 3T3K 3ft II

1 Lit., are fit for.

1893.]

141

G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Pactummvati.

<T II arsRSfr Jmnif TtT t JT I

^ ^*3 JT^t oft JI5T W*X II \° II

j J

10. 1. Ib karata Ice karand, K karata Icai karani, lad barani na koi pawed barand

Io barani na pdru Tcahu Icai barana, Is barani na Jcoi jo pdrai karand, U barani na jai

dhi bahu barand, K barani na Tcdhu parai jo barani. 2. Ib saraga sdta, la sdta saraga

Tcdgada jau Tca°, Ic ledgada hdi, Is K jau Tcdgada, Ic hut for bharai, K dharati sdta

saraga ma°, U has Icarahi, bharahi. 3. Ic makes this line the sixth, Ib transposes 11.

3 and 4, Ib roma, U jdwata Icesa roma au pSkhd. 4. Ia reha kheha, led U kheha

reha duniydi, Ib buna, K nakhata tarai. 5. U UJchai sansdrd, Ic ati samu°, Is lcabf

amu°, U bidhi carita apdrd, K Jcabi carita aparit c-pA is evidently a misreading of oA

6. lacds eta guninha saba guna, U au s aba guniyana guna paragdtd, K aba guna para°,

Ib tehi samuda bUdahi nahi ghdta, Ia bunda, Id aba-hu samuda maha bunda na ghatd

Is aba-hu samuda tehi bunda na ghatd, U aba-hi buda samuda nahi ghatd, K as in text,

except nira for buda. 7. K garaba na uthd, K garaba karai so bdura jhuthd. 8. Ib

bahu guna°, U asa guna°, lac so hoi tehi, Ib cahai so tinha ho bega, U so ho tehi, K karai

so caha tehi bega, Earn Jasan cahai sawarai bega. 9 Idjo guna karahi anega, Is jo

guna cahai, TJ karai na nega.

10. Very immeasurable are the makings of the Maker; no teller

can tell them. If the whole universe took the seven heavens 1 for paper,

and filled the seas 2 of the earth with ink. If it took as many branches

as cover 3 all the forests in the world, and all the hairs and down (of

animals), and all the feathers of birds. If it took the motes of dust and

the like where’er it found them, and all the drops in the clouds and all

the stars of heaven ; and turned them all to pens and wrote, still then

it could not write the shoreless ocean of his wondrous works. So hath

He manifested all His skill, that even now not one drop of that ocean

hath decreased. Think thou of this and let not pride he in thy heart.

Tor mad is he, who, in his heart, nourishetli pride.

Very skilled is the Lord. What He willeth, for him that quickly is.

And so skilfully doth He arrange (creation), that He displayeth count-

less kinds of skill.

II f*TT*TTT I II

TO onfn fiffV rlf? uiw) I w wfvf §tffj ||

ftqjff 5TJI«T efii ft=?T I VT fifWT 3JJT WTTJ[ II

sj# sif? i «r ^iT*potct n

3T# I VTfl II

1 The seven Heavens, see note to I, 5.

8 The seven seas of Hindu tradition, ’see II, 1.

8 Bana-dhSkha, is equivalent to bana ke dh&kliane-wdle, (branches) which cover

the forest. The subject of all these verbs is sansdrd in the fifth line.

142

G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Vadumdwati. [No 2,

^ *rfNf #1=? »rfr •tt'# i <tt *K3i n

’STJm 'ftf* #t=?T | 5UT *tti sits ^ II

II JTSf ^Jt»r fafV qra^r Nlsf? ^<3 sftxg |

oTJIS *$X flm II XX II

11. Ch. 1. Ia nau, XT K ndma; U K niramdld, kdla ; I d pic-no XT punou, K punlu

2. Ia unha kai, Is tinha tcalia, U jdti tinha tel bidhi , Iv td Icctva, Is tinha priti. 3.

lab U dlpaka aisa, U hi id a{a)joTa. 4. Ibcd jaunahota asa purukha ujyard. 5. Id

nail, U that 1 dal K thawa dad, Is U'khe sikhe, K Ukhd ... sikhd. Ia parhatd, K

lhau dharaml bhau pandita sikhe. 6. Is jei nahi, Ia ohi nail, K janama bhara. K

dinha naraka maha. led transpose II. 6 and 7. 7. Ia ohikinhd. Ibds U kinhe ...

Unite. K utima basltha dinha oi klnhd, lbs U K dui, led do. Is U K juga ; Id UK

tarai ndma. led ohi instead of jai, Is U K unha. 8. K aiguna, Ia puchihi, U ho

Icai. 9. lac ohi, Is U unha, Id binawata , K unha age lianta binaiba ; Id karata.

11. He made one man without a blemish, named Muhammad

glorious as the full moon. It was his radiancy that God first produced,

and then for love of him He created the universe. He kindled that

light and ga\e it to the world. The world became clear, and recognized

its (true) way. If that bright man had not been, the dark path would

not have been visible. The deity wrote the second place for him, 1 2 * and

that man became just who learned his creeds For him, who hath not

taken (refuge in) his name throughout his life, God hath prepared a

place in hell. The deity made him His messenger to the world, and

whoever hath taken his name passes safely across both worlds. 8

God will ask of each his virtues and his vices, (when) there will be

the (great) casting up of accounts. But he (Muhammad) will humbly

bend before him, and will effect the salvation of the world.

^ II

Nift affr ai4 1

gfa ITT |

gf^r frfecr ar^t 1

f%'*T Slfw*?: 1

ffa ^ shut ||

WT sw si) ||

fw HTIST vrt ^T^rf gift 11

?ft ^\fq^ ^tji 11

1 That is to say, he was second of all things, God being the first; other

created beings followed. Pandit Sudhakara DvivedI translates this verse, ‘ Those

men became just who learned his teaching, and that God, (i. e., Muhammad) wrote

his name in the second place, (i. e., heaven) ; but for them, who throughout their

lives did not take his name, (t. e., adopt his teaching), ho fixed a place in hell.

2 Lit., teaching. The Urdu gloss gives A*!/, the Musalman creed.

8 The ihaloka and paraloka of the Hindus. This world and the world to come.

1893.] G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumaivati. 143

’gift-'? ^ flUT F* I ^ risj ^ infi WIHT II

aft scurfs hNi i w 'rrgfsf arn ll

•<T II aft gTT«T fafW 13^11 Hit ^«T It<?} I

Oil ^ ^R«Tf% FT% gfsr tfa II ^ II

12. 1. Ia cahu dinha, led cahfi, led duhii. 2. Ia taba ane, Ic wei ane, Is sidilea

daiya unha mane, K uni ane, U dina oi jane. 3. Ibo U puni jo, Id puni telii, Ia jaba

ae, lb ohi tie, Is jau ae, K jinha jaga adala dina leaha lae. 4. Ib balm guni, Id bada

pandita guni, U puni us i mahd bada pandita. Ia UK likha leurana. The correction

as evidently a scribe’s improvement. 5. Ia baridrd, K bala te kdpai. las sauhi na

hod rahd jujhdrd (Is° ru). 1. Kparamdna. 8. K. Kurdna for purdna, . ... sot lilchd

lcari grantha. 9. Is te saha, K te suthi.

12. Muhammad had four friends, who (followed him) in liis place,

and the four had spotless names in hotli worlds. Abu Bake (JiddIq,

the wise, who first truthfully (gidq) brought the faith (into the world). 1 2 3

Then ‘Umar, who adorned the title (of Caliph). Justice came to the

world when he adopted the faith. Then ‘Usman, the learned and wise

one, who wrote the Quran, as ho heard its verses. Fourth came ‘Aid, the

mighty lion. When he attacked, both heaven and hell quaked. All

four had one mind, and one word, one path and one fellowship. Each

preached the same true word, which became authoritative, and read in

both worlds.

The very Quran 8 which God 8 sent down (to this world), that holy

book they read, and they who (have lost their way) in coming (into the

world), when they hear it, find the path. 4 * * *

1 Lit., brought.

2 Here again we have purdna used for the Musalman sacred book.

3 Here vidhi, a Hindu technical term.

4 Abu Bakr ibn Abi Quliiifa was Muhammad’s dearest friend and father-in-law,

and one of his first converts. He enjoyed immense influence with his fellow

citizens of Mecca, and earned by his probity the appellation of 1 al ()iddiq,’ ‘ The

True.’ He accompanied Muhammad in the Plight, and on his death (632 A. D.) he

became the first Caliph. He died 634 A. D.

‘Umar ibn Al Khattab was converted in the 6th year of the call (615 A. D.).

His conversion carried with it so much weight that the Musalman traditions relate

it with miraculous attendant details. Abu Bakr by his eloquence and address, and

‘Umar by his vigour and promptitude, supplied the want of the practical element

in Muhammad’s character. ‘Umar set the example of public (instead of private)

prayer, which was followed by other Muslims. He was the leading spirit of the

Emigrants ( muhdjira ) who had left Mecca at the time of the Plight, and settled

in Medina. He procured the nomination of Abu Bakr to be first Caliph, and, as

a matter of course, succeeded him as second Caliph in 634. He was murdered at

Medina in 644.

144

[No. 2,

G-. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumawnti.

ii gif? f f?<ft gguri?r i ?rfx-s ggi; sjg wig n

^ c\

' 3 stft wr? xr? gig gr^ i gg gisn; yfgTi fgigns n

«nfg gg gfg? ^kt i gg gfggg gg?; Jig g^T ii

^ » Cv

^T-ggtt gg4 wf i gig-g ftg ^sff gg gf n

«rl gifii Tioj gun gT | gwgigT ^gsgiTg oft €i?TT II

?m i#mT %i? gjiSt i suigsgfsigjgft^gf? g;f|-||

^ gfg Jig; s^fg-gfg wt^ | £fg gsfw gg fgfe gwift n

<T li ft 5 ? gjgtg gggig grrs srnf? swi tt? i

J vJ

gifggif? g 5 ? sum % g® gg;R ^?gigj ii ^ n

13. 1. U sera sdha, K sera sdha, TJ s ulatand bhdnd. Ia cdrihi, 1c cdri-u , Is

K jaga. 2. Ib transposes 11. 1 and 2. Ib ohi Tcaha chaja chatara au pdtd, Is chaja

chdld au, U Shi chdtra sdju au, K ohi pai chaja chatra au, la J K pdtd lilatd. Ib

rajai, Ic sabha raja, Id sabha (or sabahi) rdjanha (or rdjahi). Is K sdba rdjanha, U saba

rdjdnu (?; ; 3. Ia K gunawanta, led sabahi, Ib bidhi pdrd, Is nidhipdrd. 4. Is nawdi

nawa Tchadahu, K nawa nau hhadahi. The final word of the half line may be

transcribed either bhai or bhae. All N give the former, but printed editions give the

latter. So also may be either nai or nad. I prefer bhai and nai as giving the

best sense. lad sdtahi. U dipa dunid, Is dipa dunld sira. 6. Ibds taha lagi. la

Tcharaga bala, Icds Tch° para ; la, j ala lcarana na TcinhS,

Ic Id HJ^Iji U julilcandhara Teinha. 6. Ib dewajabahi bhara miithi U juga

kaha jiwa dinha, K jaga Tcaha jiti linha gahi miithi. Ia puhumi bhara 'saba linha

samhdri \ ohi saJcai puhumipati bhdri || K puhumi bhara ohi eTca sabhdrd | tau thira

rahai sakala sansdrd [| 9. Ia pddashdha, Ic bddashdha, K tuha jaga para jaga tohdra.

13. Sher Shah is Sultan of Delhi, who warmeth the whole world 1

‘Usman ibn Afflan was one of Muhammad’s first converts, and married his

daughter. He was elected third Caliph on the death of ‘Umar. The QurSn was

compiled in its present form in his reign. He was killed at the age of eighty in

656, m the rebellion which arose in consequence of the movement, the ultimate

aim of which, was tho deposition of ‘Usman in favour of ‘_A.1T.

‘All ibn Abu Talib was Muhammad’s cousin, and one of his first converts. He

followed him to Medina three days after the Flight. He succee4ed ‘Usrn'hn as

fourth Caliph in 656, and was murdered in 661 A. D.

The first compilation of the Quran was undertaken by Zfiid ibn SSbit, who was

appointed to the work by the Caliph Abu Bakr at the instigation of ‘Umar. Ziiid

had been an amanuensis of Muhammad. This redaction had no canonical authority

and discrepancies in the text soon appeared. Accordingly, about 659 ‘Usman con-

fided to Zaid and three other Quraishites the preparation of an edition which was

to be canonical for all Muslims. This text was completed in 660, and is the one

which is now extant.

1 Lit., the four quarters. The use of Tchanda is uncommon, but it is the only

meaning which I can suggest here. An Urdu gloss gives

1893.] G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumciwati. 145

like the sun. His kingdom and tlirone beseem him well ; low on the

earth have all kings laid their brows before him. By caste a Sur 1 and

with his sword a hero ; wise is he and full of all skilfulness. In the nine

regions the sun (or all heroes) hath set (or bent low) before him, 2 and

the seven continents 3 of the world all bowed before him. All his kingdom

he won with the might of his sword, as did Alexander, the Zti’l Qarnain. 4

On his hand is Solomon’s ring, and, with it, he gave gifts to the world

with full hand. Majestic is he, and a mighty lord of the earth ; like a

pillar he supporteth the earth and maintaineth the whole universe.

Muhammad blessed him and said, reign thou from age to age. Thou

art the Emperor of the World. The world is a beggar at thy door.

sf)' ii gsfti-’ifd ttsjt l

3TJT HTt i

tTfsr Ter rf%f? Jrcrer i

gf farf WSd |

gsffl Sf HR HT5H II

zfk "ttX II

C\ O.

HTRH fn&Pc ?T*n ||

W ^yfrl sfl^l II

1 Here, and in the following stanzas there is a series of puns on the word sura,

which is not only the name of the Afghan tribe to which Sher Shah belonged, but

also means a hero, and the sun.

2 Lit. ‘ In the nine regions there was a bending of sura,’ where, again, there

is a pun on the word sura, ‘ hero ’ or ‘ sun.’ According to the most ancient Hindu

Geographers, India was shaped like an eight-petalled lotus. These eight petals,

together with the central division, formed the nine Tcliandas or regions, viz., Pancala

(central), ICalirjga fS. E.), Avanti (S.), Anarta (S. W.), Sindhu-Sauvira (W.), Hara-

haura (N. W.), Madra (1ST.), Kauninda (N. E.). The Puranas give a different list of

names, viz., Indra (E.), Iiaserumat (N.), Tamraparna, (? S-), Gabhastimat, Kumarika

(Central), Naga, Saumya, Yiiruna (W.), Gandharva. See Cunningham’s Ancient Geo-

graphy of India, pp. 5 and 66.

3 See I, 5.

■1 7/u’l Qarnain, means ‘ The Master of Two Horns.’ Mnsalmiin tradition varies

about this name. According to some, the 55ii’l Qarnain was not Alexander the Great,

but another saint, who lived at the time of Khaja Kliizr, and who was so called from

his having two curls hanging, one from each side of his forehead, or because he

reached both sides of the world, or because he was noble by descent from both his

parents, or because he went through both the light and dark parts of the world,

or because he died when struck on one side of the forehead, and then was restored

to life, and again died on being struck on the other side of the forehead, and again

came to life.

Beale’s Oriental Biographical Dictionary, (Ed. Keene), says ‘ Master of Two

Horns, a title of Alexander the Great, probably based on coins representing him in

the character of Ammon.’ Dr. Hoernle informs me that Alexander’s ooins show his

head adorned with two ram’s horns. They were widely current in the East, and the

Muhammadans probably gave him that name after his coins.

J. i. 19

146

G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumaivati. [No. 2,

5-fK JfifqT |

W?f |

■sfjraf? qns qifir *g=c qfzT i

qigf# sttt q<TRf% ^fqi n

zfz airff II

qfw'sff^ qns sr srt^€ ^fzi ii

II 3TF J13- vrfi ^STff Ttfl *J«f I

®nr-f% gsft-qffr *if% ii ii

14. 1. Id so saja. 2. Ia hai ki rdnu , Is hai gai saina. U hai maimanti

calai. Ia parabata phiiti hoi sama dhuri. Ib uthahi hoi, Is parabata phiiti , K tuti

jhikati. 3. Ia sura rainu hoi dinahi gardsd. Ib parahi rainu , Is K raini renu, Id

omits this line. 3. K pauchhi. 4. lac U K upara hoi chdwai brahamandd. Ia

dolai dharati au brahamandd, U nawa Ichddi dharati sakala brahamandd, K khandai

dharati bhau sata khandd. 5. Ia transposes this and the next line. U patdlahi jlidpd,

lac K patarahi jhapa. 6. Is bhai jdlil. 7. U ghara batd. K kharha kdtd. Ia

pdchai para so kddau, Id kaha nahi, K lcaha kddau nahi dtd. 8. Ia giri tariwara kahd

na rahd calata hota saba cura. Id hohi so cura. Is saina calata giri tariwara hohi

sabai sata cura. U jo gadlia naai na ndai calata hohi te cura. K jo giri tarai na kdhu

te calata hoi sabha cura. 9. las U K jaba-hi. Ia calai.

14. I tell of tlie heroism of this king, Lord of the world, the

weight of whose array is greater than the world can hear. When his

army fall of horsemen advanceth, covering the earth, mountains crash

and fly away in powder, night cometh from the clouds of dust which

eclipse the sun, so that man and bird alike goeth home to bed. The

land taketh flight, and goeth up into the firmament ; eartli-dust adornetk

each continent, — yea the world, the whole creation and the universe. 1

The Heavens tremble, andlndra quaketli in fear ; the snake-god "Vasuki

fleetli and hideth himself in the lowest Hell. 3 Meru becometh a

quagmire, the oceans dry up, and the forests break and are mingled

with the dust. (When his army marchetli to a halting place) some of

his advance guard may receive a share of water and of grass, but for

none of his rear guard is there even sufficient mud.

Citadels which have never bowed to anyone, when he advanceth

all become dust,— when the Lord of the World, Slier Shah, the Sun of

the Universe attacketli them.

ii ^<3 are Tit i spit 11

spa^=c#r sfr qf=?i i ^ wr 11

#1=1 =3*hc <z% ijfC i wt wru uivt II

1 The -v/ mand has two meanings, either ‘to adorn’ ( mandana ) or ‘to crush,’

( mardana ). The passage here is corrupt in all MSS., and the reading is very

doubtful.

3 See note to line 5 of the first stanza.

147

1893.]

G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumawati.

wt*t 'Sir wttt i

wre fgg KJifl tot i

wfa 4N WIWT I

ggw fw^m gw wrai i

<t ii pswf g^fy ^retat

JITJT aHbf ST^r 5TW ^tjff

WKJT wwg g)w ^WKT II

\»

^5-^3 wifw frofi 9w> tot H

<Tlf*r g*T *ff f*T®nXT 11

’pT gyt gw I PUT II

sfrix aft ft p 1

WW gif« ^WT Wl WTW II II

15. In Is this is No. 3. Oh. 1. labs j asa prithimi hoi. J jasu. Kkasahoi.

led edtd. Is eltd, K bdta cdlata dulchawai nahi lcoi. 2. U ddila aha, K ddila ledhd.

Ib sama sou, U so uni rdhd. IC sari juja na tdhd. 3. lab adala jo kinha umara. lab

hhat ani, U sigari, K kiridnd puhumi jaha, tcii. 4. U kou. Ib siina. Iod mdnusa

sail ujidrd. 5. Is U gdi siygha K gde sera. Is dua-u (? diia-u) pdni, U dono. K

dunau pdni pi°. Ia chira, Ib K chdnahi, Is chdni. Ia hoi ninard, Ibod karai nirdrd.

K pdni so karahi ninard. 7. Ib barihi, Ic wahU sama, Id hall du-hi sama. Is dubare

baria dua-u, U laria eka, K dubara ball eka. 8. Iod saba prithimi dsisai, Is sdbai

prithimi asisai, IT saba prathimi mili asisai, K sabhai prathimi asisa dei. Ia Xdi Xdi

bhui matha, Io dui hatha Id kara hatha U jora jora dou hatha. 9. Ia gaga jamuna,

Ibd garjgana jamuna, Ics gaga jauna jau lahi jala. IT garjga jamuni jala jau lahi ,

K gaygd jauna jau lagi jala. Ib ammara ndtha , Is J ammara matha. IT tau lagi, Id

amara to matha.

15. I tell of his justice, 1 how it is upon the earth. Hot even to a

crawling ant doth anyone (dare to) give pain. Hausherwan* was called

< The Just,’ but even he was not equal to the justice of Sher Shah.

He did justice like unto ‘Umar, 3 for the cry for justice to him was (spread

over) the whole world. Ho one dareth even to touch a nose-ring lying

fallen on the ground, (much less to pick it up and appropriate it). On

the very highways do men sweep up gold. The cow 4 and the tiger walk

together on the same road, and both drink water together at the same

landing-ford. He straineth milk and water (mixed together) in his

court, and separateth the one from the other. Sincerity marcheth with

piety and justice, and the weak and the mighty he keepeth on even terms.

The whole earth blesseth him, folding its hands continually, and

crying, may that head endure immortal as long as there is water in the

Ganges and the Jamuna.

1 This reference to Sher Shah’s justice ( ‘adal ) may have a complimentary refer-

ence to his son £ Adal. See J. A. S. B., Pt. I, 1890, p. 167.

8 The celebrated king of Persia, surnamed ‘Adil, or the Just. He ascended the

throne 531 A. D. He was the Chosroes of the Greeks. Muhammad (B. 671) used

to boast of his good fortune in being born when so just a king reigned. He died

579 A. D.

S The second Caliph in succession to Muhammad. See note to 12, 9.

4 Goru is properly any domesticated herbivorous animal.

148

[No. 2,

^ II

16. In Is this is No. 4. 1. Ib lcdhd, cdhd. Id sabahi, K muha. 2. U caudasi

cada dai saward. Iabo U dal, Is daiya. UK td hit. Io cdhi adhiJca uji°. 3. K jai papa.

Is papa ghatai jau, U K jo, P jo or jau. U jagata juhdrai del. 4. Io K sabhai. 5

led purulcha sura niramard. Is bhd asa Suva pu°. U asi bhaye sura purakhi naramdld

(sio). K asa ohi siira ndwa niramdld. Ibo daha. U Mid. K ohi dgari Mid. 6. U

heru. Ia jai jai dekha rahai, Ib jo delchai so raliai, U jo delchd so rahd lubhdi, K jo

delchai so raha sharamdi. 7. Ic saba iipara. Ib surdpa. Other Ps doubtful, N sariipa.

Is darapawanta. 9. Is K medani darasa lobhuni. U medina darasi lu°.

16. Again, how can I describe his comeliness, for all the world

desireth the beauty of his countenance. His comeliness surpasseth in

brightness even the full moon which God created. Sin abandonetli those

who reverently gaze upon him, and the whole world maketh obeisance and

blesseth him. As when the sun blazeth over the world, so, before him,

all things hide their comeliness (,in shame.) Thus did the sun 1 become

a spotless man, with ten times more 8 beauty than the sun itself. No

one can look upon him face to face, and if anyone see him, he re-

maineth with bent head. His comeliness increaseth by a quarter, day

by day, for the Creator formed his beauty above the world.

Comely is he with a jewelled (tiara) on his brow, and the moon

waneth as he waxetli ; while the earth, craving to see him, standeth and

humbly offereth its praises.

''ft II gf*T «C1«TK TO | 5UT ^[Sf vr SfiRT ft 5 !! ||

facfiTTr | ^ifrfJf Sfiyif cR-% II

nfy W3T «r I gny qzft' fjffH n

^ STPfi I €kfrr Jit qTTj ||

^ Here again, the word sura, is introduced with a threefold meaning, hero, sun

and proper name.

a Agari means ‘more than.’ Cf. 381, 2, and 454, 8.

G. A. Grierson— A specimen of the Padumdivati.

gfjr wirf qyimi qn^r i sniff sum nyy n

sff qt toto 1 ^q ifsrwrci n

1 sfJi srqify spy |y 11

Jim sfJi siqy ffTi 1 nqy ^ qftf% ^qr 11

wr gyy? f^rynyT 1 ^y = 5 nf% qn ^mfy ssyi 11

^ %fy 5 f snt 1 sly nt y 5 ?! f%y .fit 11

fy^r fy«r ymi 1 fqfv ^q sui siqy ami 11

1 ^qln jffm nt«iy ^fy ms qytfy yife 1

yin fy^yy sift- 11 ?,«( 11

149

1893.] G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumdwati.

ffh wjt hf® i FiftF wTfli fFFHF jif® H

sj# qrR 5 jit hf< qft htjit i sifh-s hf^ ®r htjit it

FH ^hhh fijjj mx . €l*?r i fif sf nft nt-R h C^ft ii

Ft il frh Fift sfJi 'aq^T *ft gift I

HI FH «F? «f «fl Fift ft FIH II V s II

17. Here Is resumes the correct numbering. 1. Iabc U dal , Is daiwa, U dad .

U badi, asi, ddni. 2. led K transpose ahe and kahe. led U Bali an Bikrama ddni ,

K Bali au K&rna data bada. Is Hetama, U Hotama, K Hetima. 3. U sara-puji ,

Is K ghatai. U sumeru bhaddrl dole. 4. Is ddlca ddna. U ddna daylca. Ia samuda

kai, lb U samundara para. 5. U kancana barasi aura kali. K kancana barisa sara

kali. 6. Ia bdra eka mdgd. Other bira or biri. lac janama na hui bhzikha

au ndgd. U janama hoi nahi bhukhd naga. 7. Ibcs jo klnhd. U K dasi asimeda

jagya jo. Ia tinha-hil su7'asari ddna na dlnhd. Ib dana punna sari tahu na dlnhd.

Id sari sauhi. Is se-u na } U sd uni clnhd. K unha sabha ke dlnhd. 8. UK jaga

upara. 9. U kou dai asi.

17. Again God hath made him so greatly generous, that none in

the world hath ever given gifts like unto him. Bali 1 and Vikramadi-

tya a were famed for their generosity, and Hatim Tae 8 and Karna 4 were

described as lavish ; bnt none of them equalletli Sher Shah, for the very

ocean and even Mount Meru, are ever minishing (as they give up their

jewels and gold). The kettle-drum of his generosity soundeth at his

court, and the fame thereof hath gone even across the ocean. The

world touched this Sun, 6 and became of gold compact, so that poverty

fled and went beyond the borders of his kingdom. He who but once

approacheth him and asketh, for all his life is free from hunger and

from nakedness. Even that (King of old) who performed ten horse-

sacrifice, — even he gave not holy gifts like him.

So genei’ous hath Sultan Sher Shah been born upon the world,

that none hath e’er been like him, or will be, nor doth anyone give

such gifts.

srt ii hrff FHKqr fft iwKr i wTft qw ft5F gftrHm n

fthi fr fftrr i ^ 3 art wtfft w (hkhk Fftn 11

1 The well-known Daitya, who gave Visnu hia famous three paces of ground.

2 “ Clarum et venerabile uomen.”

8 Familiar to readers of the Bagh-o-Bahar (story of the second Darwesh.)

■1 The famous Hero of the Mahablnirata. The son of Kunti by Siirya. He

was more famous for his chivalry than for his generosity.

6 Again the triple pun on the word sura. Sher Shah is compared to a philo-

sopher’s stone which changed all that touched it into gold.

150 G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumdwati. [Wo 2,

HRIt ®rff | HT ^afTT T?5f 3TIifT *rgn ||

^IX Vg^X ’TI'T VtT | Clf%rf VTH ?§W 'ijgiT ||

<3^ Vlfv 9R?: JIWT I mjf ii fitx VI'S off II

«TT 'p=? gig I gi mxt irr% gis; gggfg ctitt ii

Jni % gi«?t i snr ggiri’g tf? <nt giwt n

<i ll 5J^T nk fg€t ojg gig; i

$%, ggfifg 3jJig % ■?€' % sk ii i=; n

18. 1. Ia jehi for jinha) mohi, Is tinhci moM, TJ te. P (exc. Ia) tinha or

tehi. 2. Ia lese-M elca pema. Ibd U K prema, Is ptrama (sic). Ib waM joti, TJ ohi jota,

Id bhai so joti bhd, Io bhai niramala, K bhau niramala. 3. Ib lmta adhera so siijhd, Ic

hutajo adhera asiijhd, Id illegible, Is mdraga hato adhidra so siijhd, so U but adTwra,

K mdraga andha hota so siijhd. Ib bhd ujera, Ic TJ jaga jdnd, Id para siijha saba

jdnd. 4. K rakhu Tcai. 5. N unhi, P ohi or unha. Ia Ic lean, Id ohi Icara

mdra po° . Is poha Tcai, U paudhi Tcai K unha mori Tcairihara (?) paudhi Tcai gahi

ghdta jaha, rahi. Ia jaha aha, TJ ghdti. 6. Ib jd Ice, Ic jd Team aisa hohi, Id U K jd

Icara hohi aisa, Ia gahi bega lei lawai pdrd, Ib K turita begi so utarai, Is turita begi so

pdwai. U turita ei lai lawai. 8. Is oi cisti, K riipa jai se jaga edda. K oi ati bade

jagata maha. Ic ham a unha. Ic unha Tcara.

18. Saiyad Ashraf (Jahangir) 1 was an elect saint, and he it was

who threw light upon my path. He lit the lamp of love within my

heart ; the light burned up, and my heart became pure. My way had

been dark and invisible, and lo ! it became bright and I understood. He

cast my sins into the salt ocean, and making me as his disciple took

me into the boat of virtue. He grasped my rudder firmly, 2 * * * * and I reached

the landing place on the far bank. If a man hath such a steersman, 8 he

graspeth him and bringeth to the other side. He is a protector, and

one who succoureth in time of trouble, and, where (the water) is fathom-

less, there giveth he his hand.

His family title was Jahangir, pure like the moon. He was the

Holy Master of the World, and I am the slave of his house.

1 Saiyad Ashraf was one of the founders of the line of spiritual preceptors,

whose representative in the first half of the 16th century (Muluu’d-dm) taught the

poet. For full particulars see note to stanza 20.

2 This is a difficult passage. Karid is the same as Tcadi, an iron ring, or a beam,

hence a rudder. Either meaning will do here. Other MSS., and printed editions

have unha mora Tcara bddata Tcai gdhd, he grasped my hand as I was sinking. Podhi

Tcai means ‘ firmly.’

8 Kanalidra or Tcanadhara is the Sanskrit Tcarnadhdra.

151

1893,] G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumawati.

^ II

<rf% Tcf»T fsfTflTT I

HR SIT <p ftReR gfsiRITT I

#TI 3JRITR< srfai^ SRTT I

^-x3 gr?f I

CH' 3?r ^ ofTfsr srfaiif I

a€t gR wfV l

sfr <p3p ^ tjt^ts; TiTTjf i

3m ^wms; vitt ii

€*1 |s; crr tirtt ii

3JTI STJIrT frfTflTT II

»t3C f€rf€m fsr^-^ gRTlff II

T13T <pS 5131 RiS; rnC II

% WTT frrf% fsiT Tft II

vtst ^tt fjfTflT vx rurt n

<t II rT=?T fsif^ST tra

sif% t gig ^g ^srei

sir% ^3i ^Tfe[ ftr i

tfji 3rr ffr II VS ||

19. 1. Id ohi or unha. Is U unha , K tinha, U K niramald, bhald. lad

Ibc iiow, lb so bhagai, Ic sabhd guna , U sabai guna , K sabhdgd. Is U tinha gliara.

K tinha Tee ghara dui dipa, Ic ujiard , sawdrd. Is daiya sd°. K dad sd°. 3. lad

ibe U sekha muhammada , la U K kald , niramald. 4. Is khanda khanda .

U khakhanda tahu, K khikhida tahi. 5. Is khdbha, U jag a Id nod. G. Ia tekd, Is teku

taba. U duliu ke bhdra sristi thira raid | dona-hii kara tela saba maid, K tau tehi bhdra

jagata thira. 7. Is jinha darasyau au parasyau, K jinha darasa parasd unha pdyd.

Is bhau, K bhd. 8. K nicinta rahu. 9. All copies insert karid before khewaka ,

except U jehi re ndwa hai kariyd, and Iv jehi re ndwa kariydd. The omission of either

karid or khewaka is required by the metre, but, except U and K, all copies have both.

K begi so Idwai Ur a.

19. In Ms house was a spotless jewel, HajI Sliekh by name, full-

filled with good fortune. In his house were two bright lights, whom

God created to show the way. Shekh Mubarak glorious as a fullmoon,

and Sliekh Kamal spotless in the world. Both were stedfast, immoveable

like pole-stars, exalted even above Meru and Kukhanda. 1 God gave

them beauty and glory, and made them pillars of the world. On these

two pillars supported He the earth, and under their weight the universe

remained firm. Whoever saw them and reverently touched their feet,

his sins were lost and his body became pure.

O Muhammad, there is the road secure, where a saintly teacher

beareth company. When he hath a boat and a rower, a man quickly

gaineth the other side.

ii 3i^ tirri 3i| i rit w ii

^31=51 vrag 1*3 rtrt»t i r'ti ^rrr saf 5 ? fimig 11

) » C\

RfT 31^ I ftg Tlgg II

% RT i • gR’a €3 I?t II

1 See lino 1 of tlio second stanza.

152

G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumaioati. [No. 2,

<^rfsrei<sT jhj i

Wpt MUtjif ^Tf% 'SSTTri wra i

fix *nt SHT i

<r ii f t: €t 3^ ^

aJ<T 'ITF®

nsktt w T5f f^f^c it?; <rut n

€? U??i? T15T ||

ssm *sf% ii

fstfrt HT 'tK |

sfreiif ii u

20. 1. U mohi dai khe°. K guru mahiudi Icaha el: a mai sewd. lad jd Jcara,

V tinha kara, K jinha mohi lchewd. 2. K age, lad Ibo U hada-

hanS ; Ic TJ mohi dinha. 3. U K tinha Ice gdrii, lad Ibc I s K sum-

khu ru, U suralchu ru. 4. las siddhanha purulchanha jelii saga klield (Is has jyau),

Ic jai re siddha purukha saga kheld. K jinha siddhyd purulchanha saga lcheld.

5. U lagde, K ddniara dekhalae. Ibc U jehi pad, K mana Ide. All P give

N khidira. 6. Ia U K tehi haj°. Is je haj°. U ani milae saiyada, K law lagde lei

saidu raje. 7. Id jo pdi karani, N sdba karani, P jibha parama (?) ( ; N kathd.

8. tehi ghara kd hau celd, Id tehi guru led hau, K waha re guru, TJ K liwai cera.

9. Ia ohi tai, TJ jehi tai, K dekhana.

20. Mulnu’d-dm was my preceptor, my steersman, and I served

him. He crosseth speedily who hath the ferry-fare. 1 Before him

was Shekh Burhan, who brought him on the path and gave him

knowledge. His spiritual guide was the good Alhadad, who in the

world was a light and beauteous in the faith. He was a disciple of

Saiyad Muhammad. Who e’er enjoyed 2 * 4 * * * his fellowship, became a perfected

man. To him did Dfmiyal point out the path, — Daniyal, wdio consorted

with Hazrat Khwaja Kliizr. The Hazrat Khwaja was pleased with

him, and brought him (as a disciple) to Saiyad RajI Hamid Shah.

From him (Muluu’d-din) did I win all my (good) deeds. My tongue was

loosened, 8 and, a poet, I (learned to) tell my tale. 1

1 The fare was the service which the poet rendered his master.

2 Lit. sported in his company.

2 Lit. uncovered.

4 The following account of Malik Muhammad’s spiritual ancestors is taken

partly from what the poet himself tells us, and partly from the Urdu gloss and

other sources.

He belonged to the Cislitiyd Nizamiyd, that is to say he bolonged to tho spiri-

tual descent which took its name from the celebrated Nizumu’d-din Auliyfi, the

teacher of Amir KhusrS, who died about 1325 A. D. Ilis disciple was STraju’d-dln.

whose disciple was Shaikh ‘Alau’l-haqq. ‘Alau’l-haqq’s son and disciple was Shaikh

Nur Qutb ‘Alam (d. 1144) of Pandul, and another disciple was Saiyad Asliraf Jahan-

gir (see 18, 1.) Ashraf’s most famous disciple was Shaikh Haji, whose disciples

were Shaikh Mubarak, and Shaikh Kamal. Shaikh Nur Qutb ‘Alam and Saiyad

Ashraf Jahangir were fellow disciples (pir bhai,) and from them eighth in descent

came Malik Muhammad. (FI. 1540 A. D.)

1893.] G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Vadumdwati.

153

He was my master and I his disciple, evermore do I how before

him as his slave. Through him did I obtain a sight of the Creator.

Tlie full genealogical tablo is as follows : —

Nizamu’d-dln (d. 1325 A. D.)

“ 1

Slraju’cl-clm.

Shaikh ’Alau’l-haqq.

Shaikh Nur Qutb ’Alam of PanduT, and Saiyad Ashraf Jahangir ( vide 18, 1),

(son of preceding.)

Shaikh Hashamu’d-din of Manikpnr. Shaikh Haji.

Saiyad Raji Ilamid Shah Shaikh Mubarak

and

Shaikh Daniyfil (d. 1586 A. D.). Shaikh Kamal.

Saiyad Muhammad.

Shaikh Alhadad.

Shaikh Burhan

Saiyad Muhiu’d-din (vide xx, 1.)

Malik Muhammad, (1640 A. D.)

From this it follows that the poet was not an actual disciple of Saiyad Ashraf

Jahangir, as might he assumed from xviii, 1 and if. Malik Muhammad merely refers

to him and praises him as his spiritual ancestor. A tradition makes him the poet’s

mantra-guru, while Muhin’ d-din was his vidyd-guru, i. e., the one initiated him, and

the other taught him, but this seems to bo very improbable, though not inconsistent

with Malik Muhammad’s own language. Shaikh Diiniyal, the fifth in the line

before the poet appears to have been a friend of the well-known Khwaja Khizr,

who introduced him to his preceptor, Saiyad Raji Hamid Shah. Shaikh Burhan,

Malik Muhammad’s spiritual grandfather resided at Kal’pi in Bundel’khand, and

is said to have died at 100 years of age in A. H., 970, or A. D. 1562-63. See Rep.

Arch Sur. Ind. xxi, 131.

As the prophet Muhammad (see xii, 1 ) had four friends, so also had the poet

Malik Muhammad. He tells us their names were Malik Yusuf, Salar Khiidim, Miya

Salone and Shaikh Bade. Concerning these, see the introduction to this paper, and

xxii, 1 and ff.

The Urdu gloss concludes (I insert dates and other particulars in parentheses),

< Those who consider that Hazrat ’Abdu’l-Qiidir Jilani (b. 1078, d. 1166) (God’s mercy

be upon him) is descended from Saiyad Muhiu’d-din, and that Saiyad Raju Qattal

(d. 1403) is descended from Saiyad Raji are far from being in the right. It is clear

that the line of Qadariyas is descended from Hazrat ’Abdu’l Qadir Jilani. His

preceptor was Hazrat Abu Saiyad.

‘ Saiyad Raji! Qattal was full brother of Hazrat Saiyad Jalalu’d-din of Bukhara

(who was known as Makhdum Jahaniyan Jahan (Gasht Shaikh Jalal), and was his

disciplo.) He was a Suharwardiya by sect.

‘ Another disciple of Hazrat Nizamu’d-din (the founder of Malik Muhammad’s

J. t. 20

154

G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Paclumawati. [No. 2,

NR oURT «UI ftfv NNrTKT I

oIJT ^IR NV?rTVT I

5TN *jf% Rfa N Nit I

€t*f HfRT Tlfa NKT |

oF? giR frRR^i fqNreT |

are N#S ®T W I

NR fwRT aR *sf% II

ft 5 ? ft 5 ? 'fffcrerra it

NNT ^3T are NN? 5 ? ?T?T II

?? Nf? «reR ? nR II

?? Nf? NqTM II

BT qi?? faifx NTJT N^THT II

fN NR srf? f?N NU II

ft II ^ sra? are <ucq? ?f? fsrwc um i

*3*r ?qq«T? qtN J[f? gsg afr?f? 3R NIN II ^ II

21. 1. K kali, K kali puni. 3. Ids asa, K ud sura. 4. U K aha ddbha

nahi. Ram Jasan’s edition gives basayana sdi, but all P give 5. Ia tan

suthi, lb tan asa, Io taba ati, Ids tan ati kinha , K tan waha bhaeu. 6. las jau.

7. K kdcu hoi kahcana ki kdrd. 8. U tasa niramala tehi bhdn. 9. K rupavanta

bandwahz, Ia rupawanta gahi joahz, so karahi gahi pan. Ib mukha cahahi kai, J

mukha cahai kai, K mukha dekhana ke can .

21. Muhammad the poet was skilful, though he had hut one eye, 1

and all who heard him were entranced. Even as God created the moon

for the universe, so He put a dark spot upon him, while He made him

bright. With that one eye the poet saw in the world, as Venus is

brilliant among the other stars. 3 Until there come black spots upon a

mango-fruit, it hath no fragrant scent. God made the water of the

ocean salt, but nevertheless He made it immeasurably boundless. Mount

Meru was destroyed by ( Qiva’s ) trident, 8 and then it became a mountain

of gold,* and reached to heaven. Till black firestains defile the crucible,

(the ore) remaineth unsmelted, and becometh not pure gold.

line) was Shaikh Euknu’d-din Abu ’1-fath Ma'sisir (fl. 1310), who was also disciplo of

his own father Shaikh Sadru’d-din (’Arif, d. 1309). This last was disciple of his

father Shaikh Bahau’d-din Zikariya (d. 1260) of Mul’tan, who was disciple of Shaikh

Shahabu’d-dln ( Suharwardiya, d. 1234), who travelled from city to city as missionary

(peace be upon him).’

Makhdum Jahaniyan was a disciple of Euknu’d-din abovementioned. The

Suharwardiyas form a branch of the followers of the qiifl sect, and are named from

Suharward, a town near* Bagdad, the birth place of the founder Shahabu’d-din above

mentioned.

1 This means that he was literally blind of one eye. The poet still, however

thanks God for all His mercies, and points out that every great and good thing in

Nature has some detraction.

3 (Jukra, the regent of the planet Venus has only one eye.

3 I have not traced this legend. It may be a reference to Indra’s cutting off

the wings of the mountains.

4 It is a golden mountain. Sec Visnu Purana II, 2.

135

1893.] G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumdwati.

The poet hath but one eye, but it is (bright) as a mirror, and his

sonl is pure. All that are beantifnl clasp his feet, and desire to see

his face.

^ il ^ifc vtu i

^ jjjT^rr 1

ef% wit ufa htvt 1

ffl^f wrt fo'q 1

^rei 1

’gift-'a Jisr tft 1

ftfK’st aft ^TTfT I

^ftfr fflrfit; *jfc 11

*rrar 11

ffc #rr Tsr ^Kir sntn^ »

3 ;?; fosnr ^ wmi 11

^ »isfrii ifraii jt% 11

'ftfi ffV Kf% *TP 3 T 11

< 1 11 fW fwf% wp afr jpi>v 1

pf% *JIT *3T«T sft ^ftf% PlWTT II ^ II

22. X. P jm, XT sira, K ora. 2. Ia ydsufa mallilea pandita gydni, lb balm

gyiP, Id lada gyif, K jo pandita gyd.° All N have isapha for yusupha. Iao K

pahilahi, Ii pahill. 3. lac ty}!£ Xb Id ^(i, Is handana. Ib lchadahi, U ubhai,

K uthai jo 63°. 4 U apdrd, jujhdrd, Ia leheta aw, K briga sitaraini (?) jo leharaga

joharii. 5. Iabc tSA. w, Id ^aA, Ib K balchani, jdni (K mant), Iabd bada jdnd. Is

sadhunha. 6. Ia catura guna dasa wei, Ib K dasau guna. U card catvra au

dasi guna (sic), led aw saga joga, K au saba joga. Is repeats the last line by

a mistake of the copyist. Printed editions have simha joga. 7. Ib )o roptAi, TJ

joupajai. K purulcha jo ape (^jf for ^^f). Kjaubedhai bdsd. 8. led bhd.

9. Ia satha nibdhd. U yaha jaga ora nibdhd. K sdtha jiwana bhd (Lg^i for

Lgj for Lgii _y^-). Ia U bichurahi.

22. The poet Muhammad 1 2 * * had fonr friends, who by giving him

their friendship raised him to equality with themselves. One was Malik

Yusuf, the learned and wise, who first knew the secret doctrine. The

next was Salar Khadim, of mighty mind, whose arms were over raised

either in (wielding) the sword or in (distributing) gifts. The third

was MiyS Salone, a lion unsurpassed, whose sword fought with heroes

in the battle-field. The fourth was Shekh Bade, famed as a sage. He

greatly honoured those who were perfected by performing their initia-

tory rites. 8 All four were learned in the fourteen 8 branches of knowledge,

and God himself created their association (with the poet). Let a tree

1 So also bad the Prophet Muhammad, see xii, 1. Regarding these four men, see

introductory remarks.

2 Adesa is the initiation of a celd by a guru. t

8 The 4 Vedas, the 6 Vedaqgas, the Puranas, the Mlmnijisa, the Nyaya, and

Dharma.

156

G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumawati. [No. 2,

but dwell near a sandal-grove, and if thou pierce it, the odour of sandal

cometh from it.

O Muhammad, when thou hast found these four friends, and ye all

became of one soul, when thou hast accomplished their companionship

in this world, how can they be separated in the next ?

^ ii ww* i wit <wr; wwnw »

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KWW wfai i g-TW ww-ww wft II

^ f% ms; fwr? ms; wiwt i m 5 ? wf% »pr wtX ml mrwT n

vw t^s; wi wqr i wft witwi wifwm w ii

II ^ww mWT wil Sw ms; WT wf% VmW w I

^ t^l dt; =fwT ^fw wf% l| ^3 II

23. 1. Ibd tahawft 6 ahu Io taha una kdbitanha kit 1 . Is taha awara, K taha

awani. 2. Ibs U au bi°, Id binati kara . U kdbitanha. K au pand'ta so binati

bhdjd lb bhdkhe ... sdlche, Is bhdjd ... sajd. lad mereliu. Is meraehu. U tuti

mirdi saivarahu sajd. K tutala sawaraba au merabai sajd. 3. N panditanha IT

pachilagd ... ddgd. Is gai dagd. K kichu kai cahau kathd kara dgd. 4. Ia jo kachu

P&ji U hiya bhaddra dhi naga p&ji. Is kholu, U lai k&°. Is tdrd lei. K kholau, tala au

led/ 1 . 5. Is U bole bo.° K bolau bo°. Ia K pema rasa, Ids U pema mada. 6. So Ia.

Ib kaha tehi bh&kha kaha tehi kdyd, Io kaha, tehi rupa kaha kai kdyd, Id kaha, tehi

bh&kha kaha tehi mdyd. Is kd tehi bh&kha nida led mdyd. U K kaha, tehi rupa kaha tehi

mdyd. 7. Ia Idai bhesa. 8. kayd, so U K. It makes good sense. P kabi jo prema kd.

Is kabi jo pirama kd bhd tana ralcata. 9. Io sund to. Is sund ta.

23. The city Jayas is a holy spot, there came the poet and told his

lay. There humbly waited I upon Hindu scholars, and prayed them 1

to correct and mend the broken (metre ) and arrangement (of my song).

I am a follower of poets, and I go forward saying my say, and beating

the drum with the drum-stick to proclaim it. 2 My heart is a treasure-

house, and it holdeth a store of precious stones. I opened it with the

key of my tongue and palate. I spoke words, — jewels, and rubies,

sweet, filled with the wine of love, and priceless. He whose speech is

1 Bhajd or bliajd, is equivalent to bhrdjd, i. e., prakdqita kid , ‘made manifest, 5

hence ‘ presented ’ a petition.

2 Pachaldgd and ddgd would give better metre. Ddgd is a drum-stick. The poet

means that he is impelled to publish his lay by beat ofdrum, so to speak, i. e., as

loudly as possible. A simpler rendering is obtained by amending the text to

kichu kahi calata bola dei ddgd, ‘ saying my say, I progress, setting down the feet

of Language j in which language is metaphorically compared to a foot, or stop [ddgd)

157

1893.] G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumaivciti.

■wounded by love, 1 — Wliat is hunger or sleep or shade to him ? He

changeth his appearance, and he remaineth in torture, like a jewel

covered and bidden in the dust.

0 Muhammad, the body which love hath, hath neither blood nor

flesh. Whoever seeth such a man face to face laugheth, but when the

lover lieareth the laughter tears come (into his eyes).

*<fhl xw ?? i

fasrar ft? Kift i

'srerreffa f f?#t i

J13T fVl ^itl

^Tff 51? 3imT ?fft I

fw? t? sfiw ?ft i

xjx w ar? i

Cn Cs,

<fr ii wt ^

?T? ? ?T?t

3i«?T XTW ??? 3<f? qr% II

T«T? ?? US' II

f <r? ft*? 3^1? ii

gw? ?mt ii

f%for wi’ar ??ft ii

ffr ?t fwx ?t gft ii

5J? 3TT ?T?T II

% *tra<sf K? ?i? i

afr ?i? ii ^ a ii

SfrT ^rffrl II \ II

24*. 1. Ia aha ... hahd. K ahi ... hahi All texts agree in giving tlie date (A. H.)

as 947. Ram Jasan’s edition gives 927 which is certainly wrong. Ia tahi dina hahd

2. seni so Is K. J has saina. 3. Ia siiratanu . Is dhill sulitdnii, K dill, cetani ,

so all N. 4. N have saha not sahi, which is the usual spelling elsewhere. 5. Is

hatha dlu . Ia hatha jo ahl, K adl anta hatha asi ahl hahl. U bhdhhd mai caupdl

hdhl. 6. Ic K biasa jasa. Ia diiri jo niarahi niare dun, Ics durihi niara niara bhd

diiri, Id durihi niara jo niarahi diiri. U diiri su niare niare diiri. 7. Ids saga led 0 ,

U sama hd°. Ic K duri niara jaisai gura. Ids diiri jo niare so gura, U diiri so niare

jasa. 8. Ic U K hhanda tai. Is hhandah-u. Id U hi bdsa, Is hai basa. Ib U

pdwahl. 9. Ib jo dchai ohi pasa. Id K sadd jo dchai pdsa. Is achahi.

24. It was the year 947 (of the Hijra,) 2 when the poet began to tell

this tale in words. Of Ceylon and Queen Padmavatl, whom Iiatna Sena

brought to Citaur castle ; of ’Alau’d-din, the Sultan of Delhi, and of

how Pagliava Caitanya told him of her. How the Emperor beard and

besieged the castle, and how there arose the war between the Hindus

and the Mmsalmans. From beginning to end, just as the story runs,

so wrote he it in the language of the people, and told it in verse. The

1 Here we have the first instance of the poet’s use of the word biraha. He

uses it to mean love, especially unhappy love. In countless places it cannot possibly

have the usual meaning of ‘ separation from a beloved one.’ Ohdyd is translated

in the Urdu Gloss by ‘ full of.’ I can find no authority for this.

2 1540 A. D.

158

G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumawati. [No. 2,

poet, the bard, 1 and the lotus full of nectar, are near to what is far and

far from what is near. That which is near is yet far, like the flower

and the thorn (so near and yet so different), and that which is far is

near, like sugar and the ants (who dwell so far from it, yet find it

out).

So the bee 2 cometh from the (distant) forest, and findeth the odour

of the lotus-nectar, while the frog ne’er findeth the odour, though he

dwelleth (in the pond) close to (the flower).

^ II ^ II

sit ’SI *fr ||

VlffcT ftfteiT I

Vfa <1 ftT 5ff «nfl I

HTH ftq tre I

srff i

sfa-f I t <re *rrff i

fill ^TT5T w i

ft 1 ? ?T ’sflTO

flT *r hPc arlir n

<1?: sf rto n

*r«T ^ qfrwrfr II

ffa flsnjW HT»T*J II

Vs*

^rrrr-‘3 ft 1 ? i

ftT Hfftq ii ii

25. 1. Is K gdwau, sundwau, U gSwo, sunawS. Id au bahu padumini, J barana.

2. U niramala darapana, K badana Icudana (?) jasa bhdnu biselchd, la jo jehi bhdti.

Ib jehi jasa rupa sot tasa delchd, Id jo jehi , Is jo jasa rupa, U taisahi, K jehi jasa rupa

so taisahi delchd. 3. Id dhani waha dipa. Is dhanya desa jehi dipaka. K dhanya

dlpa jehi. Ia dat sawdri, Ib au bidlu padumini autdri, la au jo padumini dai sawdri,

Is doiya sawdri, U asa padumini dai autdri, K au padumini dad autdri. 4. Icds saba

baranai (Is baranahi ) logit. Ibe K tehi sari, Id waha sari. 5. Ib wasa nahi uji°,

U nahi asa, K tasa nahi. U transposes 11. 5 & 6. Is sarada-dipa, U sdraga-dipa,

K sard-dipa. 6. U sari ndhi. Ia layka-dipa sari pitja na tdhi, Ib laylca-dipa nalii

pitjai chalii. Ic larjha-dipa piijai parichdhi. Id laylca-dipa pitja parichdhi. U larfcd-

dipa na pitjai chahi, K larjlcd-dipa na puja parichdhi. 7. Eumbhasathala, so lab

U, Ick-s-th-1; Id, k-s-sa-h-1 ; Is Mgasthila, K kosathila. Is U pdrd, hard, K dra

balchdnd. Ia mahasthala, Ib mai asthala, Io mahiisthala, Id U mewasthala, Is mahitsthila,

K mewasthila. 8. Is K prithimi, U prathyumi, Ia au sdta-u saba dipa, lb au saba sdta-u

dipa, U aura ju sdto, K au yaha sata-u. 9, Ia na upama, Ib na itpara, Io na pdS,

U uttama, K dipa tehi sari.

1 Kabi is one who makes poems, bidsa (yydsa) is one who recites poems.

2 I. e., a prophet has no honour in his own country. The author means that

he is aware that his own country-folk, and his own people (the Musalmans)- will not

care for his poem ; but, on the other hand men of distant lands and of other religions

(the Hindus) will be attracted by it, as the bee is attracted by the distant lotus.

1893.] G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumawati. 159

CANTO II.

SlMHALA.

25. Now sing T the tale of Simhala-dvipa, 1 and tell of the perfect

woman. 2 My description is like an excellent mirror, in which each form

is seen as it really is. Happy is that land where the women are lights, 3

and where God created that (famous) Padminl (Padmiivatl). All

people tell of seven lands, but none is fit to compare with Simhala.

The Diya-land* (or land of lamps) is not so bright as it. The land of

Saran 6 cannot bear comparison with it. I say that Jambu-land s is

nowhere like it, and that Lapka-land cannot even fill (the excellence

of) its reflection. The land of Kumbhasthala 7 fled to the forest (before

it), and the land of Mahusthala 8 lost its inhabitants.

In the whole universe, in the world are seven lands, but none of

them is excellent beside the land of Simhala.

wft ii 'gjpr i

giwn afr tiwst-ktw^ i

wftfa giWTT I

tfrc? g^g dK dK^TTi i

gTrf g^J fgW^ '

iff KT3JT m wpc ii

gif% W® <TT WiT ^TSTII

^IW?: ^rfVRfrf JIW-TTWTT II

53TW-WK*f Wm WTWT jp31TT II

wifwwng TPrwfd 11

1 Ceylon. Tlie word dvipa means both island and continent.

2 A Padmini is one of the four classes of women and is supremely the best, see

504 and ii. The Singalese women are all supposed to be Padminis, omne ignotum pro

mirifico.

8 Hero there is a pun on the word ( dtpa = dvipa,) a continent or island, and

dlpaka a light.

A The poet now proceeds to compare Simhala, not with the seven continents of

tradition, referred to in line 4, and catalogued in the note to stanza I, 5, but with half-

a-dozen imaginary continents named after parts of the human body. Diyd-dipa, the

land of lights, means the land of eyes. Sarana-dipa ( sravana-dlpa ) means the land of

ears. Jambfi-dlpa, Rose-apple-land, is the land of bosoms, to the nipples of which the

rose-apple is often compared. Laylea-dipa, is the land of hips. Kumbha-sthala,, jar-

land, is the land of rounded breasts ; a. v. 1. is gdbha-sthala ( garbha-sthala ) the land of

wombs; and finally mahu-sthala ( madhya-sthala ), is the land of waists. Under this

highly figurative language the poet signifies that the women of Simhala surpassed

all these imaginary lands, each in its own peculiar excellence. I am indebted to

Pandit Sudhakara Dvivedi for the explanation of this very difficult stanza.

E The poet does not seem to be aware that Sarana-dipa ( Saran-dip , Serendib) is

actually Ceylon itself. Here, as pointed out above, the words also mean ‘ ear-land.’

6 Hindustan or bosom-land.

7 Or perhaps Gabhastala, one of the nine divisions of Bharata-varsa (India) ;

here used as equivalent to garbha-sthala, the land of wombs.

8 Or Mewasthila.

160

G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumaivati. [No. 2,

m | JT5f-q^t iff JT5T «THT ||

^ ^ *ffr^ I Xfcuft <ff spi ||

ii TTsn ^ 3 ? wr i

we fwr *n *HPF *r ^tc ii ^ ii

26. 1 . Is K seni, U Oandharpa saina suJcha Tchandi y la dhana raja. Is raja au td.

2» U K raja ... sdjd. U tdhu cdhi badi , K tdhi. 3. Ibe U K dala. K edrau disd JeataJea

Aru gadha is very doubtful. Uragahz is a possible reading of the Persian character.

The following are the readings of the various MS. lab &S jJ Ic Id (jj'j*

Sir) la Brdge raja, U ghara ghara raja, K o rarjgama raja. All printed editions have

au gadha-rajd. 4. U sordhi sahdsa, Id sahdsa, K sBraha laccha. Ib sSwa karana bakd

tu°, Io jasa bdka, Id syama Tcarana b&kd tumhdrd, Is sdwa Tcarana cdlUTca tordkhdra (sic),

U bar a gane tu°, K syama Tcarana turadU jo (sic) tokhdrd. The text has no difficulty

if the technical meaning of f ydma-karna is remembered, and if it ia recognized that

tukhdra means 1 horse. ’ 5. Id aru kailasa, Is imi kapild airapati, TJ janu ka bildsa

airdpati, K salcd bandhi rdutapai (sic) ati Uli. 6. Ia sohdwai, Is asa-pati, U asu-pati

kd, gaja-pati kd, K asu-patinha, K gaja-pati sira arjkusa gaja ndwai. 7. Ia nara-pati

kahaujo dhi narindic, Ib nara-paM ka au kahau, Is U nara-pati ka kahdwa, K nara-pati

maha kahaldwai indie, Ia bhii-pati ka m aha, Is bhua-pati K bhua-pati jag a para

dosara endu. 8. las U bhai hoi, K ms hoi. 9. K sabhai.

26. Gandharva Sena was a fragrant 1 prince, He was its king, and

that was his dominion. I have heard of Lapka,* the kingdom of Havana ;

greater even than his was his majesty. Fifty-six times ten millions formed

his battle-array, and over all were princes and commanders of forts.

Sixteen thousand horses were in his stalls, black-eared and gallant steeds. 3

Seven thousand Singalese elephants had he, each like the mighty Aira-

vata 4 of Kailasa. 6 He is called the crown of lords of steeds, and with

his goad he causeth to bow low the elephants of lords of elephants.

Over lords of men I call him a second Indra, and in the world I also

call him the Indra 6 of the lords of earth.

1 There is here an alliteration between Gandhrapa, Gandharva, and Gandha

scent. Some of the MSS. have Seni for Sena throughout the poem. This would

lead me to restore the word to the Sanskrit Sainya, were there not a strong tradition

in favour of Sena.

2 Lagka is, however, a name of Ceylon. The poet neglects this fact.

8 . Qydma-karna, black-eared, is a technical name for a horse. It is the kind

used in sacrifices. Tukhdra means ‘ horse,’ cf. xlvi, 4 • and dli, 4.

* The name of Indra’s elephant.

6 Indra’s heaven.

6 Here Indra is referred to in two aspects. First he is the mighty kino- of the

lower Gods, and hence supreme over lords of men ; and secondly he is the storm-god

giving refreshing showers to the earth, and hence an object of worship to everyone

Who lVflH llTT SYnlf.-iTrQ+isvn 1 J

1893.] G. A. Grierson — A specimen of the Padumawati. 161

So universal 1 a monarch was he, that all the earth feared him. All

men came and bowed their heads before him, no one dared to emulate him.

^ II ffa faxfTRT orrt I

#3XT# <STTJT ^ qmi |

rifxgx xra?; g<sx*f»rfx ^rif i

fl^-xtlx #1X1# WTXT I

mrtl xrfakrx'WHfx i

si# gf% mg; i

ms; mt kx xm^i i

#t ii #hrxi#

fxg

27. 1.

5ig f^ngx wi ^snt n

'xst g^f# 55m ^rm n

mvr x^fg ktr wit li

srm aMii

^fx^x xrx ^re #xirx ii

fagxx ^ xk f%xxig; ii

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«TXf# ST RIX# #<T |

srm# x=a w n ^ a n

lb jolm (?) (iy^.), niardwe, led jo wahi dipa, K jo walii dipa Tee niare j at.

Ia bhau ad, Iabds U Icabilasa, K hailasa tinha niare pad. 2. UK ghani abardd, TJ uthi

bhiimi, K uthai bhiimi, Is laga. 3. U tariwara uce sdbai suhdd, K taruari sabhai

mile ohi jdi, I b bhai tasi chdha, Ic sitala chdha, TJ raini Tcai ae, K ho jaga chdha raini

bhai ai. 4. Ia sohdwana. 5. TJ abu jamu chdha, K au asi chdha raini bha. 6. Ia

jau sahi dwai ghdrnU, TJ panthilca cali dwai sahi. K panthilca pahucai sahi tcai ghdmd

Ibsk, ghdmd, bisrdma,, TJ bisarai bhai suleha bisrdma, K bisarai chana Tcai bisrdma.

7. Is K jinha walia, TJ jo pdwai waha chdha Ia so dhupd, Ic dulcha dhupd, Id tehi

dhupa. 8. TJ asi abardi suhdwani, K asi abarai saghani ghani, Id pdrai, Is parahi

9. Ic cahu disa, K phulahi pharahi chaau, TJ mdnahu.

27. When a man approacheth this land, ’tis as it were lie ap-

proacheth Kailasa the mount of heaven. Dense mango-groves lie on

every side, rising from the earth to the very sky. Each tall tree exhaleth

the odours of mount Malaya, 2 and the shade covereth the world as though

it were the night. The shade is pleasant with its Malaya-breeze ;

e’en in the fiery month of Jyaistha 3 ’tis cool amidst it. It is as though

night comcth from that shade, and as though from it cometh the green-

ness of the slcy. 4 When the wayfarer cometh thither, suffering from the

heat, he forgetteth his trouble in his blissful rest, and whoso hath found

this perfect shade, returncth ne’er again to bear the sun-rays.

So many and so dense are these groves, that I cannot tell their

end. The whole six seasons of the year 6 do they flower and fruit, as

though it were always spring.

1 Calckawai = Calcravarti.

2 The Western Gliauts {ghats) famous for thoir growth of sandal trees.

8 The hottest month in the year, May-June, with its pitiless burning blue-

grey sky.

4 This is an example of the rhetorical figure utprelesa, or poetical fancy, with

the word expressing comparison omitted. The poet fancifully states that this shade

is so dark, that from it is produced all night, wliilo the green shade of the sky is its

reflection.

6 Hindus divide the year into six seasons of two months each.

J. i. 21

162

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumdwati.

[No. 2,

ANALYSIS

OF THE

PADUMAWATI.

CANTO I.

The Invocation.

Praise of God, the Creator of the universe (1), and of all that is

therein, (2) ; the maker of men and of all that man hath, (3) ; of pairs

of opposites (4). His bounty (5), and might (6). He is an everlast-

ing mystery, neither made nor created nor begotten (7). He is omnis-

cient, omnipotent, omnipresent, neither discrete nor indiscrete (8). He

hath endowed man with many blessings, of which he cannot gauge the

length or breadth or height (9). His wondrous works are indescribable

(10). He made one man for the salvation of the world, the prophet Mu-

hammad (11), who had four friends, Abu Bakr (Jiddlq, ‘Umar, ‘Usman,

and ‘All (12). Slier Shah Stir is Sultan of Delhi. His might (13),

valour- (14), justice (15), comeliness (16), and generosity (17). Praise

of Saiyad Ashraf Jahangir, the poet’s spiritual ancestor (18), and his

two descendants Shekh Haji, and Shekh Mubarak (19). Praise of

Muhin’ d-din, the poet’s spiritual preceptor and his spiritual descent from

Saiyad Ashraf Jahangir (20). The poet’s description of himself as

blind of one eye. He is grateful to God for all his mercies (21). Ho

had four friends, Malik Yusuf, Salar Khadim, MiyaS Salone, and Shekh

Bade (22). Pilled with poetic inspiration he came to Jayas, and studied

rhetoric under pandits (23) ; and in the year 1540 A. D., began to write

the poem of Ceylon, of Padmavatl, of Ratna Sena, of ‘Alau’d-din, of

Raghava Caitanya, and the siege of Citaur (24).

CANTO II.

Description of Simhala-dvipa.

I describe Simhala, best of all the seven dvtpas (25). Gandharva

Sena was its king. No king ever was so mighty (26). The dvipa is

covered with cool orchards, throwing inviting shade (27). Its fruit-

1893.] G-. A. Grierson — Analysis of the PadumUwati. 163

trees (28). The singing of the birds (29). Its wells and springs,

surrounded by holy men of various sects (30). Its tanks (31), the

maidens who draw water therefrom (32), the birds that resort thereto

(33). The fruit gardens (34), and flower gardens (35). The chief city,

Simhala (36). Its streets and markets (37), its courtesan quarter (38),

the bazars (39). The citadel, its height (40), its strength (41), its

guards and the regularity with which they are changed (42). Its two

rivers Nira and Kslra, and the spring of Motl Cura. Its golden tree

with magic fruit which gives new youth (43). The four captains of

the citadel and their quarters (44). The doorway of the royal palace,

with the elephants there (45), the royal stables and horses (46), the

royal court (47). The palace buildings (48), the female apartments.

The Chief Queen was Rani Campavatl (49). 1 She becomes pregnant

(50), and a girl is born (51). The naming-ceremony of the 6th night

after birth. The Pandits declare her name to be Padmavatl (52).

The astrologers bless her and go home: She grows up of perfect beauty

and at the same time learned. Kings of all countries demand her in

marriage but are refused (53). She becomes twelve years of age, and

the king hearing that she is fit for marriage, builds her a magnificent

palace, and gives her damsels to bear her company. She obtains a very

learned parrot named Hlramani, and studies the ^stras and vedas

with him. Brahma himself nodded his head as ho heard the parrot’s

explanations (54). Padmavatl becomes apta viro. Her charms (55).

The King, hearing that the parrot gives wisdom to Padmavatl, be-

comes enraged, and orders it to be killed, that it may not eclipse its

pupil. The barber and torch bearer run to kill it, but the Princess hides

it, and sends a respectful remonstrance to the king, 1 the parrot is only a

bird. It loves food and flying, and speaks by rote ’ (56). The parrot

thanks the princess, and says there is no escape from an angry master

(57 ). The Princess replies, 1 1 cannot bear to lose thee, my darling

parrot’ (58).

CANTO III.

The Bathing.

On a certain festival Padmavatl and her damsels go to bathe in a

lake. Description of the various damsels (59). They play on the bank

of the lake, and call upon the princess to be happy while she may (60).

They disrobe (61). They bathe (62). They sport (62a). s A damsel

loses her necklace in the water. They all dive for it (63). The

1 In some copies a new canto commences here.

2 Ram Jasan gives two stanzas the same number, G2.

164 G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumdwati. [No. 2,

lake, at the contact of tlieir beauty, becomes clear and the necklace is

found (64).

CANTO IY.

The Adventures of the Parrot.

While Padmavati was thus sporting, a maidservant went into her

palace to steal her flowers and betel to give to a lover. The parrot

remonstrates (G4a). i The maid in a rage twists the parrot’s neck,

plucks him, and shuts him up in an earthen pot (64 6). The parrot’s

reflections and self-reproaches. He considers what is best to be

done (64 c). The maid takes the vessel and throws it and the parrot

down a well in the forest. The parrot as ho is thrown calls upon

God (64 d). He has hardly finished his prayer when he sees a fig

tree hanging over the well. He climbs into it, finds it full of fruit and

thanks God. His feathers grow again (64 e). 2 He flies away, and

happens on a part of the forest where the birds treat him with great

respect. He praises God (65).

When Padmavati returns, the majoi’-domo tells her that a cat had

come into the house, and that the parrot had flown away from the cage.

Her grief. She orders search to be made (66). Her maidens assure

her that the search is hopeless (67).

When the parrot has rested a few days in the forest, his fellow

birds see a hunter, hidden under a screen of leaves, approaching.

Smitten with terror at the apparently moving tree they fly away, but

the parrot who is absordcd in contemplation, is struck by the bird catcher’s

five-pronged rod, and caught by the bird-lime attached to it (68).

The hunter breaks his wings and thrusts him into a cage with other

birds, they ask him how a wiseacre like him has been caught (69). The

parrot explains that it was his own fault. He had become happy and care-

less, and pride goes before a fall (70). The birds comfort him. They

agree that the hunter should not be blamed for catching them, but

their own stupidity and greed (71).

CANTO Y.

OlTAUR.

Citra Sena is king of Citaur. His son is Ratna Sena. Astro-

logers promise great things for him. Ho will go to Simhala-dvlpa and

1 From 64(a) to 64(e) is an interpolation, found only in some copies of very

small authority. The style is different from that of the rest of the poem.

2 The ordinary editions insert a line here making the parrot escape from his

cage in Padmavati’s house,

1893.] G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the PadumcLwati. 165

bring back a lovely treasure (72). Somo mercliants of Citaur start for

Simhala-dvlpa to purchase goods. One of them is a poor Brahman, who

starts with borrowed capital. Prices of things in Simhala-dvlpa are so

high, that he cannot afford to buy anything (73). The others return

home with their purchase, and he is left lamenting (74). The hunter

brings the parrot for sale in the market. The Brahman sees it, and asks

it if it is learned (75). The parrot replies that when he was free he was

learned, but he lias lost his knowledge, otherwise how could lie be in a

cage and hawked in a bazar (76). The hunter and the Brahman con-

verse. The latter purchases the pairot, and overtakes his companions on

the way to Citaur (77). In the meantime Ratna Sena has succeeded his

father Citra Sena on the throne, news is brought to him of the arrival

of merchants from Simhala-dvlpa, and amongst them a Brahman with a

wonderful parrot (78). The Brahman is sent for, brings the parrot,

saying he had not intended to sell it, but his belly must be filled and he

is poor (79). The parrot introduces himself to the king and praises his

own qualifications. Says his mame is Hlramani, and that he lived

formerly with Padmiivatl (80). The king purchases the parrot for a

lakh of rupees, and is pleased with its wisdom. He becomes fond of it,

and learns much from it (81).

CANTO YI.

The Parrot and the King.

One day the King goes out hunting, and his chief-queen, Nagamati,

adorns herself, and, being filled with vanity at her reflection in a

mirror, asks the parrot if any one in the world is so beautiful as

she (82). The parrot remembering the beauty of Padmavatl, looks in

the Queen’s face and laughs. He says all the women of Simhala

are more beautiful. She becomes angry (83), and considers that if the

parrot is allowed to remain in the palace, the king will hear of their

beauty, and will fall in love with them and turn a Yogi. She calls a

maidservant, says parrots are treacherous things, and orders it to be

killed (84) . The maidservant goes to do so, but pauses to consider that

the king is fond of the learned bird, and will be sure to ask for it (85), so

she only hides it. When the king returns from his hunt he does ask for

it. The Queen says a cat has carried it away. ‘ It was an impudent bird.

I asked about the women of Simhala, and it called me a Naginl (snake),

and said I was not as beautiful as they. The parrot was pretty but un-

bearable like a too heavy golden ear-ring ’ (86). The king is angry, and

maintains that the parrot was learned and wise (87). The Queen is

afflicted at the king’s anger. She goes to the maidservant and laments

166

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of tlie Padumawati.

[No. 2,

(88). The maidservant says the Queen has brought it on herself by

being angry. Anger is a bad thing (89). When the Queen is utterly

downcast, she returns the parrot to the king, saying to the king that

she only wished to test him. She consoles him (90). The king adjures

the parrot to tell the truth about his history (91). The parrot says,

I am Hiramani, the parrot of Padmavati, Princess of Ceylon, a lady of

peerless beauty (92). The king’s curiosity is excited. He asks for

further particulars about Padmavati, and says he would like to go to

Simliala (93). Parrot describes the charms of Simliala and its women.

Its king Gandharva Sena and his lovely daughter Padmavati (94).

The king asks the parrot to say all this over again. It complies, and

the king becomes enamoured of Padmavati from the parrot’s description

(95). The parrot warns the king, that the way of love is hard, and

may cost him his life. ‘ Learn wisdom from the cry of the peacock, “ I

die, I die,” mueu , mueu, for he hath given himself up to love.’ So

also other animals are shown as a warning : — the lizard, the ringdove,

and the partridge (96). The King replies that he knows that the path

of love is hard at the beginning, but he will dare all for the sake of

Padmavati. He asks the parrot for a complete account of every feature

of his beloved, in the form of a nakh’sikh (97 ).

CANTO VII.

A Tale of Beauty (the Nakh’sikh).

The parrot describes Padmfivatl’s hair (98), and its parting (99),

her forehead (100), eyebrows (101), eyes (102), eyelashes (103), nose

(104), lips (105), teeth (106), voice (107), cheeks (108), ears (109),

neck (110), arms (111), bosom (112), belly (113), back (114), waist

(115), navel (116) and thighs (117).

CANTO VIII.

The King’s Passion.

The King is thrown into a fever by this description of Padmavati’s

beauty, and lies senseless (118). His relations and friends come with

doctors. They diagnose the disease as the same as that from which

Laksmana suffered when struck by Havana’s arrow, but the magic root

which alone cures the disease is not available. They recommend that

it should be searched for regardless of cost (119). The King revives,

but only raves unintelligently, or cries like a newborn child. He com-

plains that he has been brought back from the city of immortality t.o

that of mortality. He asks to die (120). They remonstrate, and say it

1893.]

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumaioati. 167

is useless to fight with fate. ‘ Thy love is unattainable, therefore do not

yearn for it’ (121). The parrot gives similar advice. 1 Thou canst not con-

quer Simhala by force of arms. The way is difficult, and can only be

traversed by Ascetics, Sannyasis, Yogis and the like. Thou could’st not

bear the discomforts of such a life. An ascetic who doth not practise

austerities hath no success (122). No success can bo gained without

austerities, and thy body is besieged by the thieves of thy passions ;

awake, fool, ere they steal all that thou hast’ (123). The king, aroused

by these remonstrances, discovers that he is involved in the darkness of

ignorance, and that without a (spiritual) guide he cannot find his way

to Padmavatl ( i.e . wisdom) (121). His Hindu friends remonstrate, but

he refuses to hear them ; without a guide (or guru), he can do nothing

(125). He gives up his kingdom, becomes a Yogi, and puts on the

ascetic dress (126). The astrologers say it is not a lucky day for starting.

He retorts that in love-matters, no one considers lucky times or hours.

They are for people who are in possession of their senses. ‘ Doth a sail

ask if it is a lucky day when she mounteth the funeral pyre ? I must

start on my quest. Do ye all return to your homes ’ ( 127). The captains

of his army call upon all to accompany him to Simhala, after providing

themselves with necessaries (128).

CANTO IX.

The Farewell.

The King’s mother implores the king to stay (129). He asks her

not to tempt him from the right way. ‘ Earthly joys are fleeting. My

guru hath ordered me to journey to Simhala. Farewell’ (130).

Nagamatl weeps. ‘Let me go with thee, as Sita did with Riima. Thou

wilt find no PadminI as beautiful as I am ’ (131). Ho replies, ‘ When

Sita accompanied Rama, Riivana carried her off. I cannot take thee

and be a Yogi. See how Raja Bhartrihari left sixteen hundred wives,

when he took to a life of mortification,’ saying this he starts on his

journey (132). His mother weeps. So also his Queens. They break

their ornaments. Nine maunds of pearls and ten maunds of crystal

bracelets are destroyed. At first there was a great confused sound, aud

then all was silence (133).

CANTO X.

The Land Journey.

The king departs from the city, the people hear of it. Sixteen

thousand knights accompany him. They all become Yogis, and take

jgg G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Tadumaivati. [Ho. 2,

the salmon-coloured vestments (134). The good omens at departure.

Girls with full waterpots ; Goiilins crying ‘buy my tyre;’ flower-girls

with garlands ; fchanjan birds seated on snakes’ heads ; deer to the

right, and door-keepers to the left ; dark-coloured bullocks lowing on the

right, and jackals motionless on the left; white quails in the sky to the

left, and foxes coming out and showing themselves ; crows on the left, and

owls on the right. Vyasa has promised success to him who sets out with

omens such as these (135). He sets out and says, ‘ Let to-day be a short

stage. To-morrow we must take the long journey (i.e., to-day we live,

to-morrow we die) . There are mountains and rivers to be crossed, with

robbers lurking in the bye-ways. He who goeth steadily forward at ten

hos a day will arrive safely (136). Go carefully along the road, picking

your way, with sandals on your feet. The road is rough and thorny.

On the right lies Bidar 1 2 (Vidarblia) and on the left Canderl, one road

goes to Simhala-dvipa and another to Laxjka (sic)’ (137). Then says

the parrot, ‘ Let him be guide who knoweth the way. Can the blind

lead the blind ? ’ So they asked the way of Yijaya-giri, King of Vijaya-

nagara. He says, ‘ Behind are Kunda and Gola (Golconda (?) ). Leave

on the left (?) Adhiara KliatSla. To the south on the right lietli

Tiliqga, and directly to the north is the Karahakatar|ga (? Karnatak). 8

Midway is the main gate of Ratnapura (KancI), and to the left is

the hill of Jharakhanda (Baij’nath). To the left front is Orissa, and

cross ye the sea to the south’ (138). They wander through the

forest, and sleep on the ground, the King alone waking through the

night, playing on his five-stringed lute, and with his eyes fixed on the

road to Padmfivatl (139). After a month’s journey they come to the

sea- shore. King Gajapati approaches and asks who they are. Ratna

Sena asks for boats (140). Gajapati agrees, but warns him of the

danger of the passage. ‘ There are seven seas to cross, viz, — the Ksara, 3 * * * *

the Kslra, the Dadhi, the Udadhi, the Sura-jala, the Kilakilakuta

(and the Manasara). There is no one capable of crossing all’ (141).

The King replies, ‘ To one in love what is death ? I am compelled to

follow my path. I am a disciple of Ragga Hatha (? Krisna, Qri-raqga),

1 The poet’s strong point is certainly not Geography.

2 All this is siroply a tentative paraphrase. The readings have not been

established yet. Pandit Sudhakara DvivedI suggests that the correct reading may

be hoi Icara elcatayga, the fabulous land of one-legged men.

3 Tho enumeration of the Visnu Purana is Lavana, Iksu, Sura, Ghrita, Dadhi,

Dugdha, Jala Kilakila is the boiling sound of rushing water. Kiita is a theth word

meaning 1 uncertainty, guess.’ Aldita means 1 without uncertainty,’ hence ‘ extreme.’

Kilakilakuta is the extremely turbulent sea roaring with the boiling caused by

subaqueous fire (badavagni). The seventh or Manasara sea is not mentioned till

stanza 161. This last name is in direct contradiction to tho Purfujas. Note 8 to

stanza 2 above should bo corrected according to the above list.

1893.]

169

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumdwati.

I must go where he leadeth me (142). The sea of love is deeper than

any of the seven seas. I am not afraid of them (143). I welcome

dangers. I have given away all that I have, perhaps God will pass me

over in return’ (144). Praise of charity ( diyd , with puns on diyd, a

thing given, diyd a light, and diyd, a continent) (145).

CANTO XI.

The Ship.

Gajapati seeing his warnings ineffectual gives fully equipped ships

(146) . They bring the ships to the shore. A minnow, the size of a

mountain, appears. The knights express their devotion to the king

(147) . The boatmen laugh. 1 Sea-fish are bigger than fresh-water

ones. This is only a minnow. Wait till you see a salmon, which can

swallow a thousand of these at one gulp. Then there is a bird, which can

carry off a salmon in its beak’ (148). They catch the minnow on a

fish-line, with an elephant for bait. They pull it in, with difficulty,

and it dies (149). Description of the vast size of the minnow. It is

cut up and eaten. The knights again express their devotion, at the

same time pointing out the dangers of the sea (150). He expresses his

determination to go on in spite of dangers, till ho finds Padmavati

(151).

CANTO XII.

The Seven Oceans.

They embark, set sail and are tossed about. Faith in a spiritual

preceptor leads one across all oceans. They cross the Ksara, (salt) sea

(152). Description of the Ksira (milk) sea (153), of the Dadhi (tyro)

sea (154), of the Udadhi (hot) sea (155), of the Sura (wine) sea (156),

of the Kilakilakuta (boiling) sea. Its flames and whirlpool (157).

Hiramani, the parrot, explains that this is the most dangerous. It can

only be crossed by the elect, and on a path like a sword edge, 1 too narrow

even for an ant. lie who falls goes to hell. He who crosses safely gets

heaven (158). Tho king gives the betel leaf (token of acceptance of a

dangerous task by the recipient) to his followers and encourages them.

He is determined to go on (159). The various ships of the fleet. How

they fared. First goes the king’s ship, and he is led by the parrot.

They all pass the Kilakilakuta sea (160). , They come to the seventh

sea, the Manasara. Description of this sea. Its delights (161).

1 An adaptation of the woll-knovm Muhammadan logond.

J. i. 22

170 G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumaivati. [No. 2,

CANTO XIII.

The Arrival at Simhala-dvIpa.

Tlie king notices that the air is balmy (162). Hlramani congratu-

lates him, and points out the chief town of Simhala-dvIpa (163). He

points out the fort, and describes it, and its inaccessibility (164).

‘ Within it dwclletli Padmavatl. If thou desire to see her, follow my

advice. On that glittering mountain is the temple of Mahadeva. In

the latter fortnight of Magha, 1 occurs the festival of the Qri-Pancami

(now called Yasanta Pancami). The doors of the temple are opened

on that occasion and all the people go there to worship. Padmfivati

will come to worship on that day, and then thou canst meet her. Ho

thou go and wait at the temple, and I will go to Padmavatl and ask

her to come ’ (165). The king says he will climb to heaven if necessary,

let alone a mountain. The higher he goes the better. Description

of the advantages of elevated aims (166), and of the disadvantages

of low aims (167). Hiramani starts for Padmfivati’ s palace, and the

king for the mountain. The latter finds a golden temple there, with

four doors, and, inside, four pillars. It is a popular place of pilgrimage,

for the wishes of pilgrims are granted by it (168).

CANTO XIV.

TnE Garden, the Grove, and the Temple.

The king, escorted by 30,000 Yogis, circumambulates the temple,

and prays for a sight of Padmavatl (169). A mysterious voice issues

from the temple, in answer to his prayers. ‘ Love conqueretli all. He

who serveth a God with all his heart and soul, when the God is pleased,

obtaineth the fruit of his service.’ On hearing this the king seats

himself at the eastern door as a Yogi (170). There, seated on his

tiger-skin, he does austerities, ever muttering the name 1 Padmavatl,

Padmavatl.’ The eyes of his ecstatic sight are ever fixed on her vision.

His very clothes are burned with the heat of his fever (171).

Padmavatl at this time, by a coincidence, falls into the toils

of love. She passes restless nights, and burns with fever (172). Her

condition further described. Her nurse asks her what is the matter

with her (173). She describes her fevered state (174). The nurse

warns her of the dangers of love (175). Padmavatl replies, — ‘The

pangs of separation from a beloved one are intolerable’ (176). Pad-

mfivati not being comforted, the nurse consoles her, and recommends

1 Note that the month is Purnimimta. Tlio <Jri Pancami is tho 5th of the

light half of Miigha.

1893.] G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati. 17 L

virtue, (love, of course, means search for wisdom in the allegory),

and patience. ‘ Just as one who restraineth his breath is a Yogi,

so she who restraineth her passions is a satl, a virtuous woman. The

spring - festival of Qri-Pancami approacheth. Worship God on that

day ’ (177). Till the day of the festival is reached, Padmavati becomes

more and more fevered (178). While she is in this condition, Hira-

mani arrives. She embraces him and weeps. Her companions sym-

pathize (179).

CANTO XY.

The Meeting op Padmavati and the Paeeot.

Padmavati asks after the parrot’s health, and why it had abandoned

its cage. The Parrot replies, and tells the story of its escape. 1 2 The hunter

sold me to a Brahman who took me to Jambu-dvipa. There he took

me to Citra Sena, king of Citaur, who was succeeded by his son (180),

named Ratna Sena. He is all-perfect. I considered him a fit mate

for thee, and praised thee to him (181). Fired by my description, he

hath been filled with love for thee. He is become a Yogi and come to

Simliala with 16,000 knights as his disciples, beside other innumerable

friends and companions, who make a crowd like a fair at the temple

of Mahadeva. There he is watching for thee. Thou art the lotus and

he is the bee ’ (182). Padmavati pleased at the account. She becomes

filled with pride. ‘ Who hath dared to put his hand in the lion’s mouth ?

Wlio will dare to tell my father ? Who in the world is fit to be my

husband?’ (183). The parrot insists that Ratna is a golden jewel,

and is worthy of her, and describes his pitiful condition (184). Pad-

mavati affected by the description. ‘ Let me go and see him burning

thus. Yet gold improves by burning. I am to blame for this burning.

I will visit him. The festival of spring approacheth. I will go to the

temple on pretence of worshipping ’ (185). She rewards the parrot, who

prepares to fly away. She taxes him with faithlessness. He says he

must return and give the news to Ratna, who is anxiously awaiting him

(186). He comes to Ratna, and tells him the news. ‘ I have met the

Guru Goraksanatha, 1 and he (she) sent a gracious message. The Guru

is like the black bee, 2 and the disciple like the fly. That fly alone

meetetli the bee, which is ready to give up its life for one meeting.

1 Here Padmavati (wisdom) ia shown as the supreme preceptor of all Yogis,

Goraksanatha.

2 The Bhrirjga, or potter-bee, devours insects and they are born again as Bhrirjg'as.

It is now-cV'days called the kumhariyd , bilarii, or bisundhan ,

172

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati.

[No. 2,

The Guru hath shown great kindness to thee, and hath given thee

knowledge in a new incarnation. Thou wilt live hy thy death, and the

Bhramara-hee will find the lotus, and drink its nectar. The spring time

cometh, and then the bee findetli the nectar. The Yogi who fully

beareth austerities obtaineth final success.’ (187).

CANTO XYI.

The Spring Festival.

The festival of the Qri-Pancami comes on. Padmavati summons

her companions to attend her to the temple of Mahadeva (188). They

assemble with music, and in gay dresses. All princesses, and of perfect

beauty. It is spring time, and they are like spring themselves (189).

She starts. Her retinue of various castes (190). Continuation of names

of castes (191). They rejoice amongst themselves (192). The fruit

they take with them (193). The flowers (194). The musical instru-

ments. They dance as they go (195). They arrive at the temple.

The Gods, seeing them, are astonished, and say they must be nymphs

escaped from heaven. Other Gods give other similar explanations

(196). Padmavati enters the temple. She makes her offering of

flowers and fruit, and prays. ‘ All my companions are married. I alone

am a maiden. Give me a husband’ (197). Mahadeva being struck

senseless by her beauty 1 gives no answer. A mysterious voice tells her

this. Padmavati complains that it is no use praying to Gods like him

(198). Just then a companion comes and tells her that she has seen

at the eastern door of the temple a remarkable Yogi, who looks like a

prince (199). She goes to see him. Their eyes meet. He falls sense-

less with love (200). Padmavati sprinkles sandal on him to revive him.

Ho does not wake. So, with the sandal, she writes on his chest over

his heart, ‘ Thou hast not learned the art of asking alms. When tho

damsel came thou didst fall asleep. How canst thou get thy living ?

If the sun (i.e., thou) be enamoured of the moon (i.e., me), it climbcth

to the seventh heaven (i.e., the seventh story of the castle).’ She

departs with her companions (201). They leave the hill. Lamentations

of the Gods at their departure. They are all dead (202). Padmavati

enters the palace, sleeps, and dreams a wonderful dream. She asks her

friends to interpret it (203). They interpret it as meaning her mar-

riage (204).

1 Padmavati’s ‘ fatal beauty ’ has this effect on every one who sees her for tho

first time. So llatna (200), lliighava (489), and ‘Alfiu’d-dln (G09).

1893.] G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Paclumaivati. 173

CANTO XVII.

The austerities of Ratna Sena.

Ratna Sena awakes from Lis faint. His desolation at finding-

Padmavati gone (205). The very sandal on his chest burns him (206).

His lamentations (207). He complains of Mahadeva not answering- his

prayers. Mahadeva is a mere stone. There is no good in watering' a

rock (208). Mahadeva explains that he himself was struck senseless

at Padmavati’s beauty, and could not help (209). Ratna admits the

justice of the excuse. He gives up, and prepares for death (210). He

arranges to burn himself to death on a pyre lit by the fire (of separation)

which consumes him. The Gods fear that the intense heat will con-

sume the universe (211). Hanuman, who was the guardian of the

mountain, goes and warns Parvati and Mahefa. 1 ‘ I, who burned up

Laqka, am about to be burned by this Yogi ’ (212).

CANTO XVIII.

Parvati and Maheija.

Mahc 9 a, Parvati, and Hanuman haste to the temple. They remon-

strate with Ratna on the dangers of a general conflagration (213).

Ratna accuses Maheja of wantonly causing his death, and tells of his

hopeless love for Padmavati. As ho says this, the fire of his woe

blazes up still more furiously, and, had not Maheja extinguished it

with nectar, the whole world would have been burnt (214). Parvati

determines to test his passion if it is i-eal or not. She takes the form

of a celestial nymph, and tempts him (215). He withstands the tempta-

tion (216). Parvati recognizes the love as genuine, and recommends

Mahadeva to grant him his desire (217). The king recognizes them as

Gods (or perfected ones) ( sitldha ), for flies do not settle on their body,

they do not wink, they throw no shadow, and suffer neither from hunger

nor from illusion. Judging from his appearance, this must be Maheja.

Without a Guru no one finds the path, and without Goraksanatha, no

Yogi obtains perfection ( siddhi ) (218). He falls at Mahefa’s feet, and

weeps floods of tears (219). The universe is flooded : Mahofa consoles

him. Advises him, — ‘ Until the burglar breaks into the house, he gets

no booty. The fort of Simhala has seven stories, no one returns alive

who once sets foot upon it’ (220). Description of the fort, being at the

same time a metaphorical description of the human body. At the foot

of the fort is a tank with subterranean gallery. Thou must dive into

the tank and enter by this, as a thief enters a house by a mine (221).

i The poet identifies Maheqa and Mahadeva as the same person.

174

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati.

[No. 2,

The tenth or inmost door (i.e., internal perception) 1 is only to he

approached by mystical suppression of breath, 2 and by suppression of

self. He who doeth this, understandeth that the ‘ Ego ’ is all in all, and

alone existeth. He is himself both teacher and pupil, life and death,

body and soul (222).

CANTO XIX.

The Environment op the Castle.

Ratna having thus received instruction in perfection ( siddhi ) from

Maheija, offers thanks to Ganeija, and, under Maheija’s advice, the Yogis

surround the castle. As a thief first examines a house before attacking

it, so intend they to dig a mine. The gates are closed, and the King is

informed that an army of Yogis is surrounding the fort. He sends

messengers to find out the truth (223). The messengers come to Ratna

and ask if they are Yogis or merchants. Directs them to go to a

distance from the fort. The King will be angry. ‘If ye be

merchants, do your traffic and depart. If ye be Yogis, finish your

begging and go ’ (224). Ratna replies. ‘I am come to beg, and will

take what the King giveth. Padmavatl is the daughter of the king,

I have become Yogi for her, and am come here to beg for her’ (225).

The messenger is angry. Threatens Ratna. ‘ If the king hear he will

let elephants loose on thee, will fire thunderbolts at thee. Thou art

demanding a thing thou canst not even see. Art thou mad ? ’ (226.)

Ratna replies, — ‘ I am a Yogi, and can but do what becometh my pro-

fession. Thy power is in the elephants of Simhala, and mine in the

elephant of my Guru. He can destroy thine elephants, and turn moun-

tains into dust ’ (227). The messenger returns and reports Ratna’s

words to the king. The latter is enraged, and orders the Yogis to be

killed. The prime minister remonstrates. ‘ If thou kill them, they are

but beggars ; and if thou art defeated, thou wilt be disgraced. Let them

remain below the fort. How many Yogis have come and gone. Leave

them alone, and they will have to go away for want of food ’ (288).

Ratna wonders why the messenger does not return. He writes a letter

to Padmavatl, and sends it to her by the parrot (229), with a verbal

message, recalling their former meeting (230), and describing his woes

(231). He ties the letter with a golden thread to the parrot’s neck.

The latter carries it to Padmavatl. Her lamentable condition (232).

She addresses the parrot, and laments her separation. The parrot

1 In the previous stanza, the nine openings of the body are described as

doors, and the tenth door is internal perception.

2 One of the oxcrcises of Yogi austerities.

1893.] G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Paehimawati. 175

replies, — ‘ Tlie Yogi whom thou sawest at the temple of Mahadeva is

distraught for thee. He doth nought but murmur thy name’ (233).

His sufferings. ‘ His life-blood is reddening the whole world.’ Her

cruelty in not returning the love (234). ‘ When thou didst sport at the

spring festival, thou didst mix the vermilion of thy forehead with his

blood. He wept, and would have burnt himself upon a pyre had not

Mahe?a and Parvati intervened. They extinguished the fire and showed

him the road, — the road that leadeth to death. The path of love is

difficult. If a man climb it, heaven is at the top ; if he fall on the way,

he falleth into hell. His desire is now but to see thee, whether he

receive consolation from thee or die hopeless. He hath sent a letter to

thee. Now give the order whether he is to live or to die ’ (235). He

gives her the letter. Poetical description of the effect of the burning

words contained in it (236). Padmavati takes the letter, but doubts

the sincerity of his love (237). She writes a letter in reply : — ‘When

I visited the temple, why didst thou not tie the marriage knot ? Thou

becamest senseless, and, for modesty, I could not speak before my

companions. I threw sandal on thee, but thou didst not awake. Now

he, who like the moon, climbeth the sky, and risketh his life, obtaineth

his object (238). Other heroes have unavailingly aspired to my hand.

I am queen Padmavati. I live in the seventh heaven (or story of the

castle). He will obtain me who first destroy eth himself (239). Iam

pleased at receiving thy letter. Dare greatly, and thou wilt obtain me ’

(240).

Description of Ratna’s condition, while waiting for a reply to his

letter. He is at the point of death, when the parrot arrives with

1 admavatl s letter, which was like medicine to lnm (241). He revives.

The parrot gives him the letter and message of Padmavati, viz., ‘ The

Guru calleth his disciple quickly. She wisheth to make thee perfected.

Come quickly. Life dwelleth in thy name. Thy way is within mine

eyes, and thy place is within my heart’ (242). Ratna gets new life.

His delight, and desire to obey her (243). He goes by the path which

Maht^a had pointed out to him, and dives with his disciples into the

tank at the foot of the fort. 1 He finds the door of the secret passage.

Ho finds a zig-zag path, but it is morning when he commences to ascend

the fort. There is a noise in the town that thieves have entered the

castle (244). King Gandharva Sena sends for his pandits, and asks

them what is the proper punishment for Yogis who do house-breaking.

They reply, impalement (248). The Prime Minister warns the king

to bo careful. ‘ Take care lest these Yogis be perfected ones ( siddha ) ’

(246). The king orders his army to assemble to seize the Yogis. The

1 See 221.

176 G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati. [No. 2,

portents which ensue (247). Ratna Sena’s companions wish to fight

the army (248). Ratna Sena dissuades them. He is ready to sacri-

fice himself (249). The king surrounds them. Ratna consoles them,

and sings on his lute in honour of the Guru (250). ‘ I trust in my

Guru and care not for what may happen (251). Padmavati is my Guru,

and I am her Cela. I am her slave ’ (252). Padmavati fades away in

Ratna’s absence (253). She is heart-broken, her companions sym-

pathize with her (254), and try to console her, but in vain (255).

CANTO XX.

The Consolation of Padmavati.

The companions console her (256). She laments, asks for poison.

She calls for Hiramani (257). The nurse brings him. He comforts

her. She faints, and recovers (258). He continues ; describes Ratna

Sena’s condition (259). Hiramani feels her pulse, and finds out that

the creeper of love has really taken root in her heart. He describes to

her the plant (260). Padmavatl expresses her trust in the parrot : asks

him to bring about a meeting between her and her beloved (761). The

parrot tells how Ratna had attempted to approach her, but as morning

came before he had ascended, he had been seized and condemned to the

stake (262). Padmavati’s consternation. ‘ If Ratna dies, I shall die too.

I am no longer Guru. He is Guru, and I am Cela’ (263). The parrot

replies, — 1 Although he is thy Cela, he is now perfected. Thy perfection

hath gone to him, and his sorrows have come to thee. Ye are one in

one. Ho cannot now be harmed by death ’ (264). She is comforted and

tells the parrot to tell Ratna to give up asceticism and act as a king,

for he is king of her heart (265) .

CANTO XXI.

The Impalement.

Ratna is led with his followers to the place of impalement. The

people pity him and say he cannot be a Yogi. He must be a prince in

love. When he sees the stake he laughs. The people ask why (266).

He replies that he is glad to die. He has wished for death. Asks that

there may be no delay (267). They tell him to call the one he loves

best to mind. He proclaims his love for Padmavatl (268).

The Yogis being in this danger, the throne of Mahadeva is shaken.

He discusses with Parvati as to what had best be done. They disguise

themselves as bards (bhats) and go with Hanuman to the scene of execu-

tion and hide themselves. There Gandharva Sena has a large army

1893 ]

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumdwati.

177

(269). Ratna is calling to mind Padmavati, and thanking Malika, who

showed him the way to her. Parvati moved to pity looks at Mahadeva.

She asks Mahadeva to save him (270).

In the meantime Hlramani comes to Ratna with the message of

Padmavati. Ratna Sena rejoices at the message. The parrot, and, in

sympathy with him., all the people, moved to tears. The parrot and

the Bard (Mahadeva) agree to risk their lives, and go towards the king

Gandharva Sena (271 ). The Bard, seeing Gardharva Sena, and unable

to hear Ratna Sena’s ill-treatment, determines to he a man aud risk

his life. He approaches Gandharva Sena, aud salutes him and the court

with his left hand. He says, — ‘ Yogis are water. Thou art fire. When

these two fight, the fire is extinguished (272). This is not merely a

Yogi. He is a great king. If thou kill him there will he a tremendous

battle, and every being will help him. When Mahadeva (his protector)

rings his battle-hell, Brahma, Vasuki, and the eight elephants of the

quarters will appear. Volcanoes will burst forth into action, and

mountains will be rent into dust. Krisiia will come, and a crowd from

Indra’s heaven, thirty-three crores of Gods and ninety-six cloud-armies.

The ninety ndthas 1 and the eighty -four siddhas will come. Garuda and

vultures will hover in the sky’ (273).

Gandharva Sena asks, — ‘ Who is this insolent bard who salutes me

with his left band ? Who is this Yogi who comes to my palace and

enters it by a mine like a thief? Indra, Krisna, Brahma, Yasuki, the

Earth, mount Meru, the Moon, Sun and Sky, the clouds, the mundane

tortoise all fear me. What fear I for all this ? ’ The Bard warns him

to have a care (274), He quotes as an example the case of Ravana

who was killed by two ascetics, Rama aud Lalcsmana. Pride goes

before a fall (275).

The Bard, seeing the king angry, comes forward humbly, and

addresses him. ‘ Bards are sacred persons. Bards are incarnations of

I<jvara. A Bard comes with his life in his hands. He is inviolable. ’

The king asks why the Bard has been so insolent, and tells him to be

more respectful, and to tell who he and the Yogi are (276). The Bard

replies : — ‘ The truth is, there is one Ratna Sena, son of Citra Sena,

King of Citaur in Jambu-dvipa. Him alone do I salute with my right

hand, and none else. My name is Mahapatra, and 1 am his impudent

beggar’ (277).

Mahadeva ashamed (at the king not believing him, and seeing him-

self compelled to disclose his real name), still in his character as a bard,^

2 Jagannatha, Vaidyanatha, &c.

3 Dasaundht, means ‘ bard.” It is the Sanskrit dagadhi, ‘ the man of ten wits.’

It is commonly used together with bhdtci , the two words together meaning ‘ bal’d.

J. i. 23

178

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati. [No 2,

again addresses the king in humble language. ‘ Gandharva Sena,

mighty king, I am an incarnation of Mahe^a, 1 hear -what I say. I must

tell thee what will happen. Why shouldst thou be angry ? This is a

piince, and not a Yogi, who heard of Padmavati, and became ascetic for

her sake. He is the son of a king of Jambu-dvlpa, and what is written

in the book of fate cannot be erased. Thy parrot brought him hither,

and thou becamest angry thereat. Then this matter was heard in Qiva-

loka. Marry the pair and do a virtuous action. He who begged from

thee, will not leave thy door till he dieth. Even though it be a golden

CU P> him alms, and kill him not’ (278). Gandharva Sena angrily

calls him a beggar-bard, and tells him to go. ‘ This Yogi must be im-

paled. I fear no one. Who is powerful as I (279) p ’

Maheja at length brings up his troops, and puts the Yogis behind

them. The Prime minister advises the king not to fight, but the latter

obstinately persists. Aijgada, the hero of the Ramayana, comes to help

the Yogis. He begins by flinging five of the king’s eiepliants into the

sky (280). , The battalion of elephants is ranged so as to protect the rest

of the king’s army. Hanuman comes and sweeps away the battalion with

his tail (281). iQvara’s battle-bell, and Visnu’s battle-conch is heard.

All the Gods, demons, &c , come down to the fight. Gandharva Sena falls

atMahadeva’s feet, prays for mercy, and offers to give his daughter to

whomever he may order (282). Thus Malie ? a performs the office of an

ambassador; at first bitter, then sweet. Recommends Gandharva

Sena to ask Hlramani about Citaur. ‘ Ratna is a jewel ; test him, and

marry him to your daughter ’ (283). The king sends for the parrot and

asks him how the Yogis came to the palace (284). The parrot begins

by flattering the king (285). He tells his adventures and why he

brought Ratna here. The kingis pleased (286). Thekingis convinced

first by the words of the bard, and then by those of Hlramani. He

sends for Ratna Sena. He is identified as a prince by the thirty-two

signs (287). Every one seeing him tb be worthy of Padmavati, rejoices.

The war music is changed to nuptial melodies (288). The king con-

sents to the marriage. The Gods go home. Ratna Sena and his

princes put off their ascetic garments. General happiness (289).

[ Sere an Urdu edition adds : —

The body is Citaur-fort, and the soul is the king. The heart is

Simhala-dvlpa, and Brahma is the Padminl. The guru is the parrot

wio sets one on the way. Illusion is ‘Alau’d-dln, and Satan is

Raghava. Worldly cares are Nagamatl (the snake-queen), who biteth

those who love her.]

* See stanza 212, note 1 .

1893'] G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati. 179

CANTO XXII.

The Marriage.

The date fixed for the marriage. Tlie preparations (290). The

dress for Ratna Sena (291 ). The marriage procession (292). Padma-

vati mounts to the top of the palace and watches the procession (293).

Her companions point out the bridegroom (294). Padmfivati’s happi-

ness at seeing Ratna. She faints from ecstasy (295). She recovers

and explains that she had fainted in sorrow at the thought of leaving

her home (296). The arrival of the procession (297). The feast

prepared. The table arrangements (298). The food at the feast (299).

There is no music, and Ratna and his guests refuse to eat. The Pandit

asks why (300). The king explains that there is no music. Sound was

created before the Vedas. When Adam was created, knowledge

entered into his body with sound. At mealtimes there should he

enjoyment. The eyes, tongue, nose, and ears should all be gratified

(301). The Pandit replies that music is intoxicating and excites the

passions ; hence it is not allowed at meals (302). Sharbat and attar

are distributed; the marriage ceremonies are performed (303). Con-

tinuation of marriage ceremonies (304). Ratna Sena receives the dower,

and is invited by Gandliarva S5na to remain in Simhala-dvlpa (305).

CANTO XXIII.

The Nuptial Chamber.

Ratna Sena is given a palace to live in (306). Description of it

(307). Of the slaves in the nuptial chamber (308). Of the nuptial bed

(309). The bridesmaids separate the bride from the bride-groon till

night-fall, and proceed to adorn the latter. The weariness of the hours

without Padmavati (310). At night-fall the bridesmaids come and

ask him (teasing him) where she is (311). Ratna entreats to bo

allowed to meet her (312). (No. 313 not in any edition). His

entreaties continued 1 (314). The bridesmaids tease him still. They

say they do not know where she is. He is a Yogi. What has he to do

with princesses ? She is busy with the twelve methods of adornment

( dbharana ) which are as follows (315), — bathing, application of sandal,

vermilion on the parting of the hair, a spangle on the forehead, colly-

rium, earrings, nose-stud, betel to redden her lips, necklets, armlets, a

girdle and anklets. Then there are the sixteen graces (griggara ), — four

long, four short, four stout, and four thin (316).

Description of Padmavati adorning herself (317). Her features

1 310-314 are full of similes derived from chemistry.

180

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati.

[No. 2,

(318). Her ornaments (319). Being fully adorned she delays going'

to her husband. She is frightened .at what may happen (320). Her

bridesmaids encourage her (321). She sets out for the nuptial chamber.

Her charms as she goes (322).

She enters the nuptial chamber. Ratna Sena is struck senseless

by her beauty. They revive him, saying his Guru ( i.e ., Padmavatl) is

here (323). He takes her arm and leads her to the bed. She modestly

shrinks back. She says he is a Yogi and she does not like him (324).

He says he became Yogi for her sake. He recounts the dangers he has

gone through (325). She replies that self-praise is no recommendation.

No one ever heard of a Yogi-king. She teases him. ‘ Thou art not a

Yogi, but a mere beggar. A Yogi, by suppression of his breath, can mount

into the air and fly in spirit where’er he listeth. Thou art but a beggar

disguised as a Yogi, as Havana was who carried off Sita. When the

night sees the moon it is no longer dark, and so, Yogi, now that thou hast

become king thou hast forgotten thy austerities ’ (316). He repeats

that he was but a pilgrim of love. 1 Be kind. Even Sita gave alms to

Havana. I have become crimson, (i.e., glorious) from the reflection

of thy colour, and like the sun have 1 mounted to the sky. Where the

moon is cool, how can I be hot ? Therefore, lady, fulfil my heart’s desire

(327)! She replies (teasing him still). ‘Thou sayest thou art

crimson. How didst thou get this colour ? It is not from thy fine

clothes. It seemeth to come from a burning heart. The red majitha

dye cometh from long cooking. The PalaQa tree has to be burnt before

it beareth its scarlet blossoms. Betel and the areca nut do not

become red till caustic lime is added ’ (328). He replies. ‘ 1 have been

burnt in the fire of love’ (329). Padmavatl, — ‘Thou art a wandering

Yogi, thou wilt not remain faithful ’ (330). Ratna; — ‘ Though I may

roam, I will never forget. But I will not even roam’ (331). She

challenges him to play caupar. He consents (332). He admits that he

is beaten by her. Figurative comparison of caupar, and the game of

love 1 (333). Padmavatl laughs. ‘I see indeed thou art crimson from my

colour. I went to the temple when Hiramani told me thou wast there. I

was enchanted at thy beauty, and I loved thee (334). 2 What magic art

thou master of, that thy pains were reborn in me ? I suffered all the

pangs that thou didst suffer. There is naught between us now, all

1 Till a proper text is obtained it will be impossible to translate 332 and 333

correctly. They are full of metaphorical allusions to the game of caupar or causar ,

the Indian Backgammon. I have taken the trouble to learn the game, and have

consulted several good players, but none of them can interpret tho prosont printed

text satisfactorily.

2 It is possible that this stanza represents the words of the Prince.

181

1893.] Gr. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati.

I have, my body, my soul, my yozzth, my life, I dedicate to thee ’ (335).

Again, she adds, ‘ Verily thou art crimson from my colour. Thou art a

Raja of noble family. But thy home is in Jambu-dvlpa, how didst

thou learn of Simliala ? How did Qagkara teach thee this love’ (336).

Ratna replies, 1 1 did what Hlramanl told me, and I became absorbed in

thee’ (337). She smiles and confesses that she fell into a like state

with regard to him at Hlramani’s words (338). * * * * Morning

comes, then Ratna leaves her. The bridesmaids come and'see Padmavati

sleeping (345). They wake her. Her disarray (346). They laugh,

and tease her about her disarray and ask how Ratna had treated her

(347). She replies that she had learned that there is no one dearer

than a husband and that her maiden feaz-s were unfounded (348). She

gives further particulars (349). They comment on her disordered

condition (350). They run and tell her mother Queen Campavatl, that

Padmavati is not well. ‘ She looketh withered, and her colour is gone.’

Campavatl hearing this, knows what it means, and laughs. She goes

with the tiring women to Padmavati, kisses and blesses her (351). The

women sit round and commiserate Padmavati. ‘ The child is restless,’

they say. 1 The lotus bud is full of tenderness, and ‘ slender, and

delicate is her waist. She is like the moon in eclipse, she who shone

like the sun with a thousand rays.’ They anoint and bathe her, and

again she blooms like the full moon (352). They clothe her in beauti-

ful garments (353).

Ratna Sena appears in public. His friends who accompanied him

from Citaur congratulate him (354). He replies and gets 16,000 PadminI

girls, and gives them to his friends as wives (355).

Padmavati calls her companions, and gives them pi’esents. They

rejoice (356). She then goes to Mahadeva’s temple and worships him

(357).

Night approaches. The bride and bridegroom meet again.

Amorous talk. He challenges a fight. She prepares the artillery of

her eyes, and calls on him to fight with an equal. She is a Queen and

he a Yogi (358). He replies, ‘lam a Yogi who conquereth both in

love and in war. I am both Hanuman and the god of love. A master

of horses and of the lower lip. I wound my enemy with the sword,

and thy heart also, &c., &c.’ (359).

CANTO XXIV.

The six Seasons and the t.welve Months.

Spring ( Vasanta ) comes, a season of joy (360). The hot season

( Grtsma ) (361). The rains (Pdvasa) (362). The autumn ( (farad )

182 G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati. [No. 2,

(363). The cool and dewy season ( Qigira ) (364). The winter ( Rai -

manta) (365).

Queen Nagamatl, Ratma’s deserted wife, in Citaur, laments her

lonely lot (366). Her sad state (367). Her companions console her

(368). The Borah Mdsd, Asddha (369), Qravana (370), Bhddra (371),

Agvina (372), Kdrttiha (373), Agrahdyana (374), Pausa (375), Magha

(376), Phdlguna (377), Caitrd ( 378), Vaigdhha (379), Jyaistha { 3S0).

The year of Nagamati’s torture again comes round with Asddha (381),

Thus month by month she weeps throughout the year (382).

CANTO XXY.

Nagamati’s Message.

Nagamatl is distraught and wanders in the forest asking the birds

for news of her husband (383). She tells the birds her woes (384).

A bird named Yihapgama 1 hears Nagamati’s cries at night, and asks

her what is the matter, she tells her woes. ‘ My husband hath become a

Yogi and gone to Simliala-dvlpa. I get no news of him (385). I am

dry and bare as a lute (naught but wood and strings, i. e., bones and

muscles). Who will go and tell my husband (386) ? O, tell Padmavatl

to let my husband return to me’ (387). The woes of Ratna Sena’s

mother Sarasvatl (388).

Y ihaijgama take the message to Simknla. The burning message

parches all the country. He rests on a tree by the edge of the sea

(389). Ratna Sena is hunting in the forest, and turns to the tree.

He ties his horse and sits down. He looks up, sees Yihaijgama, and

asks his name and why he is black. The bird replies 1 Two months

ago I went to Jambu-dvlpa, I saw a city called Citaur. How can I tell

its misery. I am burnt black (390). The Raja became a Yogi and

departed. The city became empty and dark. His Queen Nagamatl is

burnt by unhappy love. Ry this time she is probably burnt to ashes.

The fire of her woe is consuming the universe, and I was burnt black

then, and fled for my life ’ (391). Ratna Sena tells who he is and asks

for further news (392). Yihaijgama reproaches him (393), describes

his mother’s condition (394), and Nagamati’s (395). The effects of

Nagamati’s sorrow on the outer world (396). The Raja welcomes the

bird, and asks it to come down to him. Vihaijgama refuses. He pre-

fers freedom (397), and departs. Ratna goes home sorrowful and

determines to return to Citaur (398). He is distraught and full of

regrets (399).

1 Vihaygama, is also the name of an exercise (mdrga) of Toga. There is of course

here (as throughout) the double meaning.

1893.]

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati.

183

He sends liis compliments to Gandliarva Sena (400). He goes to

liim and says that he has had news that Citaur is threatened by the

Emperor of Delhi, and that his brother is also threatening it. He

must go home (401). The court regrets his departure. He asks for a

lucky day to be fixed for the departure (402). Padmavatl ineffectually

remonstrates (403). Distress of her companions (404). She calls

them and bids them farewell (405). Their lamentations (406). They

counsel her to obey her husband (407).

CANTO XXVI.

The Astrologers.

The astrologers describe the luck of departures on the various

week days (408). On what days of the month the unlucky YoginI

prohibits departure in certain directions (409). The lucky days of the

lunar month (410). The signs of the zodiac (411). When the moon

and stars are powerful on certain days (412). The Naksatras and Yogas

(413).

CANTO XXVII.

The Journey and Shipwreck.

Padmavatl mounts her litter (414). She departs with Ratna. Her

attendants and their glory. The king sends with Ratna valuable

presents (415). Ratna, seeing all this wealth, becomes proud. The

sea determines to ask for toll (416). The sea appears in person as a

beggar, and asks for charity (417). Ratna angrily refuses. The sea

threatens him (418).

Before they get half way across the sea, the wind rises. The

ships lose their course (419). A sailor of Vibhlsana, a frightful

Raksasa, appears in the sea (420). He is delighted at seeing the ships

out of command. 1 These Padminls will be dainty morsels for Vibhlsana.’

He approaches the ship and asks what is the matter (421). Ratna calls

him and asks him to show the way. He promises jewelry if he brings

the ship safe to land (422). The Raksasa offers to conduct the ship to

the Setubandha, if he is given a present beforehand (423). The Raksasa

takes the ship to where the bones of Mahiravana lie, in a great whirlpool.

The ship revolves in it. The King calls out ‘ What are you doing ?

Here is the Setubandha ’ (424). The Raksasa laughs. ‘ This is the city

of Mahiravana. He used to bear the weight of the earth. When he

died his bones remained hero’ (425). The ship is merged in the

whirlpool. The elephants, horses, and men on board all sink. Carnivor-

184 G-. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumaibati. [No. 2,

qus animals assemble. The Raksasa dances with delight, but at that

moment a huge bird comes and carries him off. The ship is broken to

pieces and Ratna and Padmavati are floated off in different directions,

each clinging to a plank (426).

CANTO XXVIII.

The Sea and Laksmi.

Padmavati is borne fainting away. Laksmi, the daughter of the

Ocean was sporting with her friends on the sea-shore, and just then the

plank with Padmavati was thrown up by the waves. They go up to

look at her (427). Laksmi sees the 36 auspicious marks on her, and

takes measures to bring her to life. She takes Padmavati’ s head in her

lap, and has her fanned. Consciousness returns. They give her water.

Then Laksmi kindly asks about her troubles, and who she is (428).

Padmavati opens her eyes. Asks where she is, and who they are.

Where is her husband ? (429). They say they do not know. They had

found her thrown up by the sea. Gradually memory comes to, her.

She is almost mad with sorrow (430). Her lamentations. She wishes

to become Sati (431). She uncovers her head to become Sati. 1 Her

grief (432). Laksmi tries to console her. Promises that her father

(the Ocean) will watch at every landing place for her husband. Laksmi

goes to her father and entreats him to bring the husband and wife

together (433).

Ratna Sena is thrown ashore at a high mountain. He ascends it

and sees no one. When he thinks of his lost wealth he strikes his

beard and weeps. ‘ Where is Padmavati ? I have been lost through

my egoism (434). Where is Padmavati (or wisdom) ? I will search

for her till I find her (435). Where am I to go to find her ? (436).

He addresses God (Gosha, the creator). God’s might (437). 1 Let me

die, murmuring Padmavati’s name, unless thou seest good to reunite us.

Yet 1 fear another separation, if we do meet again ’ (438). So saying

he walks into the sea, and prepares to plunge his dagger into his neck.

The Ocean (seeing that his egoism has diminished) approaches him as

the form of a Brahmana. He blesses Ratna and asks for his story. Warns

him that suicide is a sin (439). Ratna tells his condition. He owned

Padmavati and wealth, and has now lost all in the sea (440). The Ocean

smiles, and says, ‘It is all the fruit of thine egoism. Had all this been

l’eally thine, thou wouldst have it still. All is illusion. Everything

1 To allow the flames to burst forth. A true sati dies of spontaneous com-

bustion That is a general belief of even educated men at the presont day in

Bihar.

1893.] Cr. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumdwati. 185

belongeth to Him who gave them. If he take them back, why dost

thou lament?’ (441). Ratna, — 1 1 care for naught except Padmavati,

The sea hath taken her, and I will go to heaven and complain of the

injustice (442). The Ocean, — ‘ Be brave like Rama, and thou wilt find

thy Sita. Close thine eyes, and I will bring thee to Padmavati.’ Ratna

complies, and immediately the Ocean takes him to where Padmavati is

(443). Padmavati’s sorrow (444). Laksmi takes the form of Padma-

vati and waits at the landing-place by which Ratna is coming. Ratna

seeing her runs to her, but discovers it is not Padmavati, and turns from

her. Laksmi runs to him weeping. ‘ Why art tliou deserting me, my

husband?’ (445). Ratna says, ‘I know thou art not Padmavati.

Thou art like the jasmine, hut hast not the scent’ 1 (447). Laksmi

smiles and offers to conduct him to the jasmine. She brings him to

Padmavati. To Padmavati, she says, 1 Drink, 0 weary lotus. Thy sun

who was hidden in the sea hath risen.’ To Ratna she says, ‘ Lo, I

have brought the bee to the jasmine ’ (448). The meeting (449). The

same (450). Padmavati asks Laksmi to restore also all their com-

panions, followers, and property. Laksmi goes to her father and gets

the request granted. The companions, followers, and property are all

returned (451). The Ocean also gives them presents of many precious

jewels (452).

CANTO XXIX.

The Return to Citaur.

They remain ten days as guests of the Ocean, and then take leave.

The Ocean gives Ratna five priceless jewels (naga), viz., Amrita (ambro-

sia), Ramga (the swan), Simurgh (the father of all birds), the Young

Lion, and the Philosopher’s stone. 2 They mount on horseback, and set

out escorted by a merman (jala-mamisa), after bidding far’ewell to the

Ocean’s wife. The merman conducts them to Jagannath (453). They

worship at Jagannath and spend all their money there. The King’s

reflections to Padmavati on the necessity of money (454). Padmavati

says that Laksmi gave her at starting a betel leaf in which a number of

jewels were wrapped up. He should sell one of these and put himself

in funds. Ratna collects his followers and starts for home (455). They

approach Citaur (456). Their feelings after the long absence (457).

1 446 ia missing in Ram Jasan’s edition.

a These five mystic jewels, the translation of which, it will be seen, presents

some difficulty, have a prominent part in the story, vide 500, 526, 573.

J. x. 24

186

[No. 2,

G-. A. Grierson — Analysis of the PadumUwati.

Nagamati hears of the king’s approach. Her happiness. She

adorns herself. Her companions ask her -why she is so happy (458).

She explains. A herald comes and proclaims the arrival of the King

(459). The general rejoicings in the city. Ratna’s brothers ride out

to meet him (460). Music, liatna arrives and greets his mother. The

temples are adorned. Padnnivati’s litter arrives. Nagamati’s jealousy;

so Padmavati is taken to a separate palace. The news about Padmavati

spreads abroad (461). Ratna mounts the throne. Charity distributed.

He embraces his brothers and relations, and makes them presents.

Music. Holy men of all sects assemble (262).

At nightfall Ratna visits Nagamati ; filled with jealousy of Padma-

vati, she sits with her face turned away from him. She reproaches

him (463). He comforts her. Says he still loves her. He embraces

her (464). She is consoled; laughs, and asks what kind of women he

met in his travels. 1 Is Padmavati as beautiful as I am ? Bees wander

from flower to flower.’ He explains that he cannot compare the two.

There he loves one, here he loves another (465). Night passes in

conversation. In the morning he goes to Padmavati. She reproaches

him for deserting her for Nagamati (466). He says he loves her alone.

She tells him he should not go to Nagamati (467).

CANTO XXX.

The kival Queens.

The beauty of Nagamati’s garden. She goes into it with her com-

panions (468). Padmavati is told of this, ‘ Nagamati is in the garden

and the king is sporting with her and her companions ’ (469). Padma-

vati cannot contain her wrath. She hastens to the garden with her

companions. She meets her co-wife, they smile and sit down together

on the same seat, with sweet words, but hatred in their hearts.

Padmavati remarks on the beauty of the garden, and adds that it is

not right that the Sugadhraw flower should be in the same garden with

the jasmine and the Nagesar. Who cares for Jamun fruit if the Mango

grows with it in the same garden (470) ? Nagamati replies, ‘ That fruit

is the best which the bee loveth. The Jamun, the Kasturi, and the Coa

fruits are (it is true) all black, (but still they are the best). The mango

is set on high but it weepeth in its heart out of jealousy of them, for

the bee loves them and not the mango. So doth the bee love the black

Jamun that he hath planted it in the midst of his garden’ (471).

Padmavati replies that the shrubs in her garden may be thorny, but

1893,] G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Pad-umawati. 18?

the fruit is not so bitter as in Nagamati’s. In the latter there are

no oranges or vines, and so on. ‘ Remain in thine own garden and

do not fight with me. There is no flower equal to the jasmine ’

(472). Nagamati praises the fruits of her own garden. ‘When

a tree bears fruit, people throw clods at it. When a tree bends

humbly down, it is because of the weight of its fruit. I am beautiful,

may she who separated me from my love be burnt to ashes. My love is

a Raja, thine is a Yogi ’ (473). Padmavati, — ‘I am a perfect lotus. I

was created to be worshipped. Thou art the snake ( ndga ) of the world,

to every one. Thou art dark-featured. Thou art a black bird, and I a

swan. I am a pearl-broidered, and thou art a glass-bead-broidered

bodice. Thou art an emerald dulled by being beside a diamond. Thou

art eclipse, and I the moon. A dark night is not equal to the day ’

(474). Nagamati, — Thou art hard within, like a lotus. Thou spend-

est thy night lamenting thy husband’s absence ’ (475). Padmavati, —

‘ I am the lotus beloved of the sun. My heart expandeth when he

shineth ; while thou, gazing regretfully at the sky, art dried and burnt

up. He and I are all in all to each other. Thou art like a wild fig full

of flies, whose wings are born, but when it is time for them to die.

Thou art a ndgin (snake) whose bite is mortal’ (476). Nagamati, —

‘ A lotus bloometh when the sun riseth, but its roots, if touched, foul the

water. It grows in stinking slime, and its companions are fish and

frogs and turtles. If it be washed a, thousand times it will still stink.

What shall I say to that beloved who has put coals of fire on my head ?

In the hope of sport with him, thou hast won and I have lost’ (477).

Padmavati, — ‘Yes, I have won all the charms of the world, my face

from the moon, my hair from the black snake, my eyes from the deer, my

throat from the voice of the koil, &c. To my form I gave the fragrance

of Malaya. Thou art envious of me’ (478). Nagamati, — ‘Why art

thou proud of charms borrowed from others. I am dark with brilliant

eyes, my face is fair, and my voice is like the cataka’s, my nose is like a

sword, my brow like a bow, &c.’ (479). Padmavati unable to bear any

longer cries, ‘ Nagamati, thou snake, speak no more.’ Then each speaks

at the same time. They scream and fight like nymphs wrestling.

Each holds the other’s arms ; bosom to bosom, neither turns back. In

vain each tries to bring the other down. No one dares to interfere

(480) .

The wind whispers in Ratna’s ears what is going on. He hastens

there and remonstrates. ‘ Ho ye not understand that sometimes it is

night, and sometimes day ? Ye are like the Ganges and the Jamuna ’

(481) '. The two wives embrace. He takes them into the palace and

feeds them. He gives Nagamati a golden palace, and Padmavati a

188

G. A. Grierson— Analysis of the Padumawati.

[No. 2,

silver one. They live happily (482). In due course Nagamati has a

son, named Naga Sena, and Padmavatl a son called Kamala Sena.

Astrologers prophesy that both will be great rajas. They are richly

rewarded (483).

CANTO XXXI.

Raghava Caitanya.

Amongst the pandits attached to Ratna Sena’s court was one

Raghava Caitanya. He is the wisest of them all (484). Every one

has his unlucky moment. One day when it was the first day of the

new moon, the king asks when the second of the lunar month would

come. Raghava, by a slip of the tongue says ‘ to-day.’ All the other

pandits say ‘ to-morrow.’ Piqued, he adheres to his statement, and, by

force of magic, when evening comes, makes the moon appear as if it was

the moon of the second day (485). The pandits disgusted. Next day

comes, and, behold, the moon is again the moon of the second. They

accuse him of being a wizard (486). Ratna in a rage orders Raghava

to be expelled from the country as a wizard (487). Padmavatl hears of

this, and by her fore-knowledge perceives that the expulsion will lead to

calamity. She sends for Raghava to the foot of the palace. A Brahman

will go anywhere for hope of a reward, in ccelum jusseris ibit. 1 He

comes there (488). Padmavatl appears at the lattice above, like a spot-

less moon. Raghava blesses her. She gives him a bracelet. As she does

so the string of her necklace breaks, and the stones of it also fall. Ra-

ghava, startled by her glory and the jewels, falls senseless (489). Pad-

mavati smiles and tells her maidens to revive him. They take him to

the shade, and ask him what ails him (490). Raghava comes to himself

with difficulty, and casts his eyes towards the lattice. He speaks inco-

herently of having been robbed. ‘ When Padmavatl looked at me, it

was like a thag’s poisoned sweetmeat’ (491). He tells how he has

been striken by Padmavati’s eyes (492). The maidens conclude that he

has gone mad. They admonish him, and say that many men have been

struck senseless by Padmavati’s beauty, but she is unattainable (493),

He comes to himself . He determines to profit by what he has seen.

‘ I will try and earn another bracelet. The Turk lias come to Delhi, —

Shah ‘Alau’d-din, the Emperor. In his mint gold is melted and

twelve kinds of dinars are made. To him will I describe the lotus, and

he will come and be the sun to it ’ (494) .

1 8varga jae jo hoe bolawa.

189

1893.3 G. A. Grierson— Analysis of the PadumCtwati.

CANTO XXXII.

Raghava’s journey to Delhi.

Raghava starts for Delhi. He reaches the door of the Emperor’s

court. Can get no admission, and is in danger of being trampled to

death by the crowds of horses (485). The Emperor knew all that was

going on. He hears that a Brahman beggar is standing at his gate

with a bracelet in his hand (486). He sends for Raghava. He has

pity on foreigners. He also has been one (497). Raghava appears.

The Emperor asks, ‘ Why dost thou beg when possessed of such a brace-

let?’ He replies that Ratna Sena has a lovely Padmin! of Simhala-

dvlpa, for his wife, in Citaur. ‘ She is beauteous as the moon. She

appeared at the lattice, gave me this bracelet for a reward, and took away

my life ’ (498). The Emperor laughs and does not believe him. ‘ Thou

art praising up a piece of glass. Where is this matchless lady ? I have

sixteen hundred, and, if there is a perfectly beautiful lady anywhere, she

is in my palace’ (499). Raghava replies, — 1 Thou ai’t an emperor, and

I a beggar. I have travelled East and West, North and South, but there

are four things that thou hast not got, the Padmini, Amrita, Harp9a, and

the lion’s cub. 1 I have travelled far and wide and if I am ordered, I

will describe the four kinds of women, the Hastinl, the SimhinI, the

CitrinI, and the Padmini (500) .

CANTO XXXIII.

The tale of Pair Women.

Description of the Hastinl (501), the SimhinI (502), the CitrinI

(503). General account of the Padmini (504). Further particulars

(505). Such is the Padmini who has come to Citaur (506). The

dangers of her beauty (507). The lightning of her smile (503). Her

raven locks (509). The parting of her hair (510). Her brow (511).

her eyebrows (512), her eyes (513), her nose (514), her lips (515), her

teeth (516), her voice (517), her ear (518), her cheek (519), her neck

(520), her arms (521), her bosom (522), her gait (523), her delicate

grace (524).

The Emperor is struck senseless by this description of Padmavatl’s

beauty. He becomes enamoured of her, and asks Raghava once more

to tell him about Citaur and the Padmini (525). Raghava says that

beside her there are five other jewels in Citaur, 2 and describes them

(526). The Emperor richly rewards Raghava, giving him not only

elephants and horses, but a pair to the bracelet, in which were fixed

1 See 453.

2 See 453 and 500.

190 G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padum&wati. [No. 2,

thirty crores worth of jewels. He promises Raghava the throne of

Citanr on the day on which he obtains possession of Padmavati. ‘I

will first take the five jewels and then her.’ He calls Sur’ja the

wrestler, 1 and gives him a letter to take quickly to the king of Citaur-

fort. The king (Ratna) receives the letter which, after the usual

polite expressions, runs, ‘ Send me, quickly, the Padminl of Simhala-

dvlpa’ (527).

CANTO XXXIY.

The War between the King and the Emperor.

Ratna’s rage on hearing the letter read. He will not kill Sur’ja for

the insult. ‘ A thirst which the sea cannot extinguish is not affected

by a little dew ’ (528). Sur’ja replies, — ‘lam come here prepared to die.

The Emperor sent me knowing this. Beware of his power. He can

destroy thee if he will. Citaur existeth but by his favour. If thou

wilt give the Padminl, thou may’st keep Citaur, and will be given

Canderl in addition ’ (529). King, — ‘ If my wife go, what is Citaur, and

what Canderl ? I am ready to fight like Hammira, of Ran’thambhaur ;

like Hanuman, or Rama Candra. I have founded an era, like Vikrama.

If the Emperor want money, I will give it him ; but if he wish a

Padminl, let him go to Simhala-dvipa, and fetch one ’ (530). Sur’ja, —

4 Boast not, 0 king ! All the earth boweth before the Emperor. If he

wish to go to Simhala, he can, but the day he besieges thy fort, he will

take all that thou dost possess. Be advised in time ’ (531) ! King,— 4 Go

and tell the Turk not to run hither to his death, like Alexander, who

hastened to the Kajall forest for ambrosia, but obtained naught but

regrets. My fort is strong. Let him come to attack it when he wisheth ’

(532). Sur’ja returns to the Emperor, and reports. The King refuses

to listen. The Sultan’s rage. He declares he will destroy Citaur like

Ran’thambhaur (533).

He sends out letters in all directions, and calls his nobles. The

countless army which assembles (the stock similes) (534). Enumera-

tion of the various kinds of horses (535). The elephants (536). The

nobles, and the various countries they come from (537). The equip-

ment. They march (538). The terror inspired in the various citadels

on the way (539). Only two citadels stand firm, Citaur and Kam-

blial’ner. 2 Ratna hears of the approach of the Turk. He sends

letters to all Hindu Rajas, — 4 Citaur, the holy place of Hindus, is being

attacked by Turks. The sea is in flood and there is no embankment.

1 See 682.

s This fort plays a prominent part in the poem subsequently ; see 628 and £f.

1893.] G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumd.u>ati. 19]

1 alone am tlie dyke. Help it, for your own sakes, otherwise he will

attack you all. As long as the dyke remaineth standing, it is well, but

once it is breached, the flood cannot be stopped. The betel 1 is ready.’

(540). A similar message is sent by Ratna to the Hindu Rajas who are

bound by feudal ties to the Emperor. They meet and approach the

Emperor, saying, 1 Citaur is the mother of the Hindus, nor can we

forget the relationship, even though it cause us peril. Ratna Sena is

ready to sacrifice himsef, and he is the greatest King amongst the

Hindus. Be friendly and forgive him, or else give us betel as a token that

we may depart. Then will we go and die, that the name of our honour be

not wiped out.’ The Emperor gives them leave to go, and three days’

law (541). Ratna Sena puts Citaur in battle array. The kings come

and salute him. Enumeration of Raj ’put tribes. They are ready to

fight to the death (542). The citadel is provisioned for a seven years’

siege. A strong moat is dug zig-zag round it. Range over range of

cannon. The battlements crowded with warriors, &c. (543).

The Emperor marches. Description of the effect of the cavalry

and elephants (544). The cannon (545). Comparison of a cannon,

with a lovely woman (546). The progress of the elephants (547).

Further description of the progress of the elephants. The dust raised

made the world dark as the Kajall forest, when Alexander went to it

(548). The dust and consequent darkness (549).

The army approaches Citaur. Ratna and his generals mount the

battlements to see it, but its rear reaches so far as to be invisible. The

Queen ascends to the roof of the palace, crying, < Lucky am I in having

a king, against whom the Turks have had to raise such an army ’ (550).

Ratna is undismayed at the sight. He and his friends prepare for a

sally of cavalry (551). Description of Ratna’s steed (552), and of the

royal elephants (553). The cavalry and elephants are ready for the

fray. In front are the chariots, and in the rear are the death-flags,

behind which there is no retreat. The army sallies forth (554). The

two armies meet in conflict (555).

CANTO XXXV.

The Truce.

Description of the elephants fighting (556). The hand-to-hand

fight (557). The terrific combat. Delight of ghouls (558).* The

Emperor urges on more soldiers to meet the ever-advancing Hindus

1 Taken by a hero before going on a desperate fight.

* Throughout the following the King and his army are compared to the moon,

and the Emperor and his army to the sun.

192 G. A. Grierson — Analysis of tlie Fadumdwati. [No. 2,

(559). The Raj’ puts are beaten back by the Emperor’s troops, as a

lily closes before the sun (560). The Emperor attacks the fort in the

day time (561). By night, the ‘ Moon ’ (i.e., the Raja) rises, and fires

blazing bombs at the enemy, which cannot be withstood (562). At

day-break, the ‘ Snn’ (the Emperor) again comes forth, and attacks the

citadel. The fight lasts the whole day, without result, and so affairs go

on day by day (563). The Emperor lays a mine, and bombards the fort.

His artillery is officered by Abyssinians (Habshi), Greeks (Bumf), and

Portuguese (Fircrrjgt). The mine explodes (564). The confusion which

arises and the damage done in the fort (565). The King, so far from

being dismayed, makes arrangements for a dancing entertainment, in full

view of the Emperor. Catalogue of the musical instruments. Every

device of joy is there ; five nautch girls dance. While the Emperor is

besieging the fort, the king is diverting himself with a nautch (566).

Description of the songs. High up on the fort the dance proceeds,

while below the Turks fire off their cannon, as their generals watch

the entertainment, rubbing their hands, beating their heads, and crying,

‘When will these fall into our hands?’ (567). The Dancers (568).

In the course of the dance, one of the dancing girls turns her back

towards where the Emperor is sitting, down below. The Emperor is

angry at the insult. He orders arrows to be fired, and the arrow fired

by Jahangir, Raja of Kannauj, strikes the girl, and she is killed. The

nautch is stopped. The Turks below applaud the shot (569). The

King’s people build ramparts of earth and repair the damage caused

by the explosion ( 570). They make preparations for performing Junhar,

if the worst comes to the worst (571).

The siege goes on for eight years. Trees planted by the Emperor

grow up and bear fruit. He becomes weary of his task. Just then news

comes that, ‘ Harewa, 1 the Lord of the West, who used to fly before

thee, has now stood up to face thee. He whose face was in the ground

has raised his head to heaven crying, “ The Emperor is safe fastened

at Citaur ” ’ (572). Hearing this, the Emperor meditates, and determines

to take Ratna by treachery. He sends Sur’ja, telling him to go to the

king and speak gently to him : say, ‘I will not take the Padminl. If I

am but allowed to see her, I will raise the siege. Take Nehicala and

Canderl, in addition to thine own dominions, and only give me the five

jewels 8 which the sea gave thee ’ ( 573). Sur’ja goes to the king, and com-

mences by explaining that the Emperor has him like a bird in a cage,

and can crush him at any moment, as he did Hammira (574). The

king replies, ‘ I am not an era-maker like Hammira, like Bhoja, or

1 By tradition, Harewii is said to have been a noted thag chief.

a See 453.

1893.] G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the PadumSwati. 193

Vikrama. But still we have withstood the siege for seven years, and

have no want of food. There is also a plentiful natural spring of water.

We are still ready to fight, and are still prepared, if need be, to die’

(575). Sur’ja, — ‘ 0 Icing, he who disobeyeth the Emperor must finally

be destroyed,’ and so on. ‘ Thy fort is on the point of crumbling, take

heed to what I say if thou would’st escape. Let him see thy five jewels.

If his soul is pleased with one, he will forgive all thy wickedness ’ (576).

King, — 1 The Emperor is my elder (or superior). He can forgive me and

do wliat he wisheth. What are my five jewels ? My whole treasury is

his. Can Darius cope with Alexander ? What thou hast said, I

humbly accept, but I will not be satisfied without an oath.’ Sur’ja takes

the oath with intent to act treacherously, and the king accepts it and

summons a herald (577), to whom he makes over the five jewels, and

despatches him to the Emperor, with this message, — ! 0, sun of the world !

light of the earth ! the black crow boweth himself humbly before thee.

Thy glorious light illumineth the world. Nothing in the nine con-

tinents is hid from thee. Anger and mercy are both at thy service,

thou killest in thy fierce sunshine, and revivest in thy shadow. Let

not the Sun be angry with the Moon, who is eclipsed, and confined in a

cage. To-morrow morn, the crow will humbly approach thee ’ (578).

When the herald finishes his message, the Emperor replies. He

reproaches Ratna for disobedience. This disobedience has made the

crow’s feathers black (579). 1 Go tell the king that, if he is true, there

is no fear. He who trusteth himself to me is safe from harm. To-

morrow the Sun, (i. e , the Emperor) will visit the fort, that thou may’st

lay thine arms before him.’ The Herald, taking the betel of friend-

ship, returns to the king, and gives the Emperor’s message. The King

immediately orders preparations to be made for a feast for the Emperor

(580).

CANTO XXXVI.

The Feast to the Emperor.

Description of the animals and fowl brought for the feast (581),

the fish (582), the wheat and cakes (583), the rice (584), the spices for

the meat (585). The pasties and fruit (586). The way the fish are

cooked (587). How the vegetables are cooked (588). The pulse-meal

cakes (hard) (589). The sweetmeats (590). Everything that is above-

mentioned has first to be treated with water before cooking. Praise of

water (591).

They spend the night in cooking. In the morning the Emperor

comes, preceded by Raghava Caitanya (592).

J. i. 25

194

Gr, A. Grierson — Analysis of the Parfumdu-ati.

[No. 2,

CANTO XXXVII.

The Emperor’s visit to the Fort.

Description of tho seven-storied palace. The King meets the

Emperor at the gate. The Emperor admires the fort (593). Beauty

of the palaoo. Its gardens and temples (594). The Emperor, looking

round, notices Padmavatl’s palace. Its beauty, and the way in which

it is guarded (595), He arrives at the seventh story. Its magni-

ficence, with its wonderful mirrors. The Emperor is seated on a magni-

ficent throne amidst the mirrors. But he thinks most of all of

Padmavati (596), who however is not visible. The King’s hospitality.

The Emperor converses with the king, but his soul longs for Padmavati

(597).

Gora and Badal 1 suspect the Emperor, and whisper to Ratna that

they fear treachery (598). Ratna refuses to believe them, especially

as treachery always recoils on itself. Witness the Pandavas and the

Kauravas (599).

Tho King has 1,600 women slaves, out of whom he selects 84,

whom he produces before the Emperor. They all use the artillery of

their eyes upon him. He asks Raghava, which of them is Padmavati

(600). Raghava replies, — 1 These are only her maidservants. These

are merely the pearls which set off the diamond. As long as you look

upwards (towards the lattice windows of the female apartments), she

will not look up.’ The Emperor immediately ceases looking up, ‘ A

guest has no right to do so. I will act like Arjuna, and succeed with

a reflection in a mirror’ (601). He is served with food by damsels

beauteous as Indra’s nymphs (602). He cannot eat (603) or drink,

1 1 would drink with mine eyes, aud not with my tongue’ (604). The

meal being over, the king waits upon the emperor, offers him trays of

jewels, and asks for forgiveness, and that the sun of the Emperor’s

kindness may shine upon him (605). The Emperor expresses himself

pleased, tells him to retain his own country, and to have tho land of

Maro in addition. He leans upon the King’s shoulder, so that, deceiving

him by a show of affection, he may capture him by fraud (606) . The

Emperor sits down to a game of chess with the King, first arranging a

mirror on the wall so that it may reflect the lattice window of the

female apartments. He sits facing the mirror. The game of chess

described metaphorically (607).

The maidens who had served the Emperor go to Padmavati, de-

I See 666.

1893.3 G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati. 195

scribe him to her, and advise her to look at him, or she -will miss a

sight she will not have a chance of seeing- again (608). She goes to

the lattice and looks ont, and the Emperor sees her reflection in the

mirror. He who has been desiring a castle ( ruhh ) in the game of

chess, is checkmated when he sees Padmavatl’s face (ruhh). He falls

into a stupor. The king, not knowing the reason, expresses concern.

Raghava says he is oidy overcome by the betel nut, 1 and has him put to

bed. Night passes. The Emperor comes to himself in the morning

(609). Padmavati has disappeared, and the Emperor rises, looking like

a Yogi. Raghava goes to him, saying, — ‘ Hath the lotus become poison,

when it saw the sun ? Thou art all-powerful. Why art thou so de-

straught?’ (610). Emperor, — ‘I have seen a wondrous vision. A

curtain which had been before my eyes was raised. I saw in my mind

a lake, in which water had been, and was no longer. Heaven came

down and covered the earth. It came upon the earth but I could not

grasp it. Again I saw in it a lofty temple. It was within reach of my

hand but I could not touch it. In it, I saw, in my mind, an image, but

it appeared without body and without life. It was bright as the full-

moon, but, like the philosopher’s stone, it showed itself and disappeared.

Now my life is where that full moon is. How can the sun find the new

moon? The lotus bloomed at night, like a flash of lightning (611).

That beauteous form hath entered into my soul and dragged out my

life. I saw a lion’s waist, the might .of an elephant, snakes for the

elephant goad, and a peacock for its rider. Over it was a lotus bloom-

ing, round which bees hovered and drank the odour. Two fluttering

Klianjan birds, between which sat a parrot, while a two-days-old moon

rose with a bow in its hand. A deer appeared and then became

invisible. The moon became a snake, and the sun a lamp. I saw it

very high, and then start away. Mine eyes followed it, but I could not

reach it. While I gazed at it, it faded away. It went, as I gazed and

meditated on it ’ (612). Raghava explains the vision. ‘ The wondrous

form which thou didst see was certainly Padmavati. She hath a little

waist like a tiger’s, and her gait is that of an elephant. Her neck is

graceful as a peacock’s, and her hair (brilliant as the lamp of the sun)

resembleth black curling snakes. Her face was the lotus, exhaling

gentle odour to the Zephyr, the fluttering Tchanjans were her eyes, and

the parrot her nose. The bow is her eyebrows, and the two-day moon

her brow. She is that deer which appeared and became invisible, whose

locks are like black snakes, and whose soul is a lamp. Thou did’st see

her reflection in the mirror, and therefore the image which thou did’st

1 The Area nut eaten with betel sometimes causes faintness. The idiom used

for it is sopari lag gat hai.

196 G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the PadumRivati. [No. 2,

see had no life within it. Now take thought and act. He tasteth the

fragrance of those locks on whose lips they fall ’ (613). 1 * * * * *

CANTO XXXVIII.

The Capture of the King.

The Emperor asks for his litter, and starts on his return to the

camp. The King, delighted at his kindly words sees him off, and heed-

lessly accompanies him part of the way. The Emperor, conversing with

the King, leans his hand upon his shoulder in a friendly way, and uses

words which are sweet in the month, hut poison in the belly (614). As

the Emperor passes Padmavatl’s palace, she is filled with forebodings.

As they pass the first palace, the Emperor gives the King a robe of

honour, a hundred horses, thirty elephants, a kettle-drum, and a spice

vessel. 8 As they pass the second palace, he gives cavalry j at the third,

costly jewels ; at the fourth, 10 millions of money; at the fifth, two

pairs of diamonds, at the sixth he gives the kingdom of Maro, and at

the seventh that of Canderl ; and when they pass the seventh gate, he

has the King seized and carried off a prisoner (615).

Reflections of the poet. There are many waters in this world.

Some men cross them and some sink. Some are blind, and cannot see

the fire in the way, and others can see clearly and cleverly. To the

King success became a disease, for he left heaven and fell down to

earth. Why should he have trusted an enemy whom he had released

after having him in his grasp,— and so on. A cruel lesson on imprudence

is it to the King (616).

They load the King with fetters, and put him in a cage. The news

reaches Citaur, and spreads over the country. Lamentation of the

people. ‘ To-day the sun is set and Citaur is in darkness’ (61 7 j. The

cry is ‘the Musalman has conquered the Hindu.’ The Emperor marches

off with the King. The moral effect of the capture on the whole of

India. All tremble, and become submissive to him. He returns

to Delhi. All those who had rebelled, again submit (618). The cruel-

ties of the King’s imprisonment. He is taunted and beaten if he asks

but for water. Burning, in want of water, he falls asleep, and wakes

1 I have given a more full translation of these three verses than usual, as they are

of some importance for following the plot. The passage, as printed, is, however, very

corrupt, and tho details cannot be accepted as correct.

8 A caughan, is a silver or gold jewelled case in four (or more) compartments

for holding cardamoms, otto of roses, cloves and the like, when presenting them to

a guest.

1893.] G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati. 197

in the morning after dreaming of oceans (619). They continue taunt-

ing him about his disobedience, and tell him his only chance of success

is to send for Padmavatl if he wishes to escape (620). He gives no

reply, and prepares for death. Description of his ill treatment (621).

Padmavati’s anxiety about her husband’s continued absence. She

can get no news of him. Her sorrow (622). Her lamentations for

her absent husband (623). The same continued (624). Nagamatl’s

sorrow (625, 626, 627).

CANTO XXXIX.

KumodinI.

Raja Deva Pala of Kambhal’ner, 1 a bitter enemy of Ratna Sena,

hears of his imprisonment, and determines to try and get Padmavatl

into his power. He sends for an old bawd named KumodinI, a Brah-

man! by caste, and gives her a betel bird* telling her to go to Citaur

and by force, or fraud, to bring Padmavatl to him (628). She is

ready to go, and boasts of the power of her charms and incantations

(629). She fills a basket with cakes, and starts for Citaur (630), She

arrives at Citaur, and after reciting her incantations goes into the

palace, finds Padmavati’s apartments, and takes the cakes to her. As

she enters, she opens her arms, but Padmavatl does not recognize her.

Then she cries. ‘ Thou and I were born in the same town. My father’s

name was Beni Dube, Gandharva Sena’s private priest. When thou

wast a child in Simhala Dvipa, I used to give thee milk to drink.

I have made a second home in Kamblial’ner, and hearing that thou

art in Citaur, I have come to see thee ’ (631). When Padmavatl hears

the name of her father’s house, she falls on the old woman’s neck

and weeps. She laments fate. 1 Why did my parents give me this

unhappy lot by marrying me, and giving me a husband who hath been

imprisoned ? I wish to die, but my shameless life doth not abandon

me’ (632). KumodinI embraces her and weeps, and washes Padma-

vati’s face. Consoles her. ‘ Who can wipe out what is written on the

forehead ? ’ Padmavatl gives no reply, and remains unconsoled (633).

KumodinI uncovers the trays of sweetmeats, but Padmavatl will not eat

them. She refuses even to touch them (634). KumodinI stays. She

proffers further consolation. ‘ Thou art still a young lotus. Thou art

still in thy tender youth. Why wear these unbeseeming weeds of

1 See 540, Note a.

* Offered to a person entrusted with a dangerous mission, and accepted by him

or her.

198 G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati. [No. 2,

sorrow. Adorn thyself. Sit upon thy throne, and sport. Enjoyment

is hut for a few days, and youth once gone doth not return ’ (635).

Padmavatl refuses comfort. ‘ She hath youth who is in the shadow of

her husband’s face. The jasmine of my body will take new shoots,

when the lord of the house, its waterer, returneth. Till then it will

remain withered ’ ( 636). Kumodini, — ‘ Think not thus of life. As long

as there is youth there are lovers. No husband is ever constant. Youth,

like water, diminisheth day by day, and birds only seek the pond while

it containeth water’ (637). Padmavatl, — ‘What is life and youth

without a husband. She who is wedded to a lion desireth not a jackal.

The true beauty is chastity. Sin maketh the most lovely to be black ’

(638) , Kumodini, — ‘ Old age will come. It will then be too late for

joy. Thy beauty will all disap23ear; now is the time for happiness’

(639) . Padmavatl flames up. ‘May her beauty be burnt up, who

deserteth her own, and lusteth for another. Two kings cannot sit on

one throne. Youth may go, and lovers may go, but not the memory of

my husband’s love. If we meet not in this world, we will meet here-

after. I am sinner enough as it is, for I still live ’ (640). Kumodini, —

‘ No taste is appreciated till a new taste cometh on the tongue. Thou

hast not learned the taste of another man. They only know the taste

of the first, who have tried another. One sip of nectar filleth not the

heart, till another hath been drunk’ (641). Padmavatl. ‘ Thou art

my enemy, not my nurse : with inky words hast thou come to cheat me.

Water is clean till ink falleth into it. The very moon would become

black if defiled with such ink. Thou art insulting me with a smile

upon thy mouth. My husband (gydma)- lover is brilliant as the sun,

other lovers are black (yydma) as ink’ 1 (642). Kumodini, — ‘Thou

hast already black ink upon thee, — I see it in the blackness of thine eyes.

Nay, black collyrium is adornment; so also is the black mole on the

cheek. A line of ink giveth an enhanced charm. The pupils of the

eye are black, and the whole world is seen by them, and so on. How

can there be whiteness where there is no black P How can there be a

body, when there is no reflection ? Deva Pala is an all-powerful king.

Thou wilt forget Citaur, when thou hast gone to Kambhal’ner ’ (643).

Padmavatl bends her brows in wrath. ‘ Deva Pala is my husband’s foe.

How paltry is the bear compared to the lion ; and, lo ! a harlot is telling

me a love-message from him. Were my lord here he would cut thy nose 5

and ears, and paint thy face black. Ho would shave thy head, and

mount thee on an ass ’ (644).

1 So the printed editions. The original was probably a pun, or corrupted form

of svmrii and qyama.

1893.] G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati. 199

CANTO XL.

The false YoginI.

Padmavati founds a Dharma-^ala, in the liope of earning the release

of the king. To every traveller who resorts to it, she gives food and

water. From all she asks for news of her husband. The Emperor,

hearing of this, sends for a harlot, clever in acting. He dresses her

like a YoginI, and sends her to Citaur with instructions to persuade

Padmavati to become a YoginI, and to bring her to Delhi. She arrives

at Citaur, dressed as a YoginI (645). She comes begging to the palace

door. A maid-servant tells Padmavati of her. ‘ A YoginI is at the

door, and beggetk like one who hath lost a beloved. Though still in

her first youth, she is living in austerity. She hath torn her veil and

hath put on the beggar’s blanket. She hath the ashes of separation,

and matted hair, a skin over her shoulder, and a rosary round her

neck. Her voice is wild, and her very footsteps burn the earth ’ (646).

Padmavati calls her, and asks her whence she has come. ‘ Why art

thou so distraught ? ’ ‘ My beloved hath gone to a far country, and for

him am I become a YoginI. What are life and youth and body, when

my love is gone ? So I tore my veil and took the beggar’s blanket. I

wander everywhere and call for him. Though he dwelleth in my

heart, he answereth not (647). I have wandered and wandered. I

have gone to Banaras, to Gaya, to Jagannath and Dwaraka, to Kedara-

natha and Ayodhya (648), to Gaumukha, Haridwara, Nagarakota, the

Tild of Balanatha and Mathura, to Suryakunda, Badarlnatha, Ramanatha,

Gomatl, Gurudwar, Sdtubandha, Sumeru, Alakapura (the city of

Kuvera), Brahmavarta, Beni Saqgama (i. e., the Prayaga), Nilakantha,

Mifrikha, Kurajeta, and Gorakshanatha. I went as far east as Patna,

but found not my beloved (649). I wandered everywhere. I saw the

Turks at Delhi, and the prisoners of the Emperor. Amongst them I

saw one Ratna Sena, exposed to the sun and denied all shade. I saw

other kings prisoners there, who, seeing me to be a YoginI, fell at my

feet, (and implored me to release them). But what could I do. Delhi

is not such an easy place. There is no escape from prison there. My

body hath lost its soul in compassion at his suffering. How can she

live whose husband is such a prisoner ? ’ (650).

Padmavati learning that her husband is a prisoner, her grief is a

hundred-fold intensified. It is like melted butter added to fire. She

falls in horror at the YoginTs feet. ‘ Let me have thy feet, that I may

lay my eyes upon them. O, take me where my husband is ! Show him

to me as thou hast seen him, and I will give my life to thee as a sacri-

fice. I will give thee all the rewards of my chastity and z’eligious virtue,

200

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the PadumHwati.

[No. 2,

if thou wilt only tell me of him. Thou art Guru, I am thy cell. I was

wandering in error and thou hast shown me the way. Wait for me but

for a moment, that I may dress as a Yogini and go with thee.’ Her

maidens advise her to restrain herself. A Yogini cannot divulge her

Guru’s instructions (651). The maidens (suspecting the falseness of

the Yogini, continue to her). 1 Take alms Yogini, apd go/ Then, to

Padmavatl, ‘ Thou wilt not find thy love with such trivial deception.

Remain at home till thy husband returneth. Let thy austerity be to re-

main at home. Instead of thy ascetic’s vessel, wear thy modest veil, and

for thy ascetic’s horn, take thy sighs. For thy matted locks, bear the

pangs of separation,’ and so on. ‘ Before going with this woman, first

seek advice from Gora and Badal ’ (652).

CANTO XLI.

The Counsel of Gora and Badal.

Taking the advice of her maidens, she herself runs on foot to Gora 1

and Badal’ s palace. The two heroes come out to meet her. She refuses

to be seated. They ask her why she comes in such haste on foot and in

public (653). PadmfivatTs tears. Her distraught condition (654).

‘ Ye, Gora and Badal are two pillars. No one is brave in the battle-

field like ye. The creeper of separation hath become a tree, and over-

sliadoweth the earth. Let me become a Yogini and run thither where

my love is a prisoner. Let me he bound, and let mo release him ’ (655).

Gora and Badal are greatly distressed. Say they, 1 We were vexed

with the king and warned him against entering into treaty with the

Turk. 2 Our suspicions have been realized, but as long as we have life

we will not retreat, nor should’st thou become a Yogini while thy

husband liveth. Be of good cheer. The star Canopus 3 is risen, and

the Hathiya asterism roars. The waters abate, the king will surely

return. The rains are over and Canopus appeareth. We will saddle

and away. We will smite the demon of eclipse and release the sun,

and no root or sprout of grief will remain’ (656). Padmavatl gives

Gora and Badal the betel, exclaiming, ‘ To what can I compare you ? Ye

are like Hanuman and Arjgada, like Arjuna and Bhlma,’ and so on.

‘ As Hanuman served Raghava, so do ye the king ; as Bhlma showed

valour in the burning lac house, risking his life for others when he

dragged the blazing beam, so do ye ’ (657). Ye are Rama and Laks-

1 Gora was Padmavatl’s uncle and Badal her nephew.

2 See 598.

3 I. e., Autumn, when Kings go out to fight. The ‘ Vikrama Kala.'

1893.]

201

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati.

mana, Drona and Gaggeya, 1 Nakula and Saliadeva, Yudliisthira and

Duryodhana, Bhoja and Nala., Raghava and Paraiju Rama, Bharata

and Qatrughna, opponents of Kairica and Canura, Pradyumua and

Aniruddha. Help me as Bhlma helped the Panda vas ’ (658). They

take the betel, and tell Padmavati to call her litter and return home ;

she should not walk. She revives, and returns joyfully to her palace

iu a way consonant with her dignity (659).

CANTO XLII.

Tiie Departure of Gora and Badal.

Ya^oda, the mother of Badal, comes and clasps his feet; saying,

‘ Thou art but a child, what knowest thou of battle ? Mighty kings who

opposed the Emperor could not protect Hammira.’ Description of the

Emperor’s power. 1 Where great kings crash to ruin, what hast thou to

do ? To-day is the day for receiving thy bride home from her father’s

house. Remain at home and be happy’ (660). Badal, — ‘Mother,

think not of me as a green boy. I am Badal, the lion of battle. When

a lion heareth a herd of elephants his soul is mightily moved, and his

lion-racehood 2 cannot be hidden. I am ready to fight the Emperor alone.

I would stand before a mad elephant unmoved, and tear its trunk and

out-root its tusks. I will plant myself in the battle-field firm as Aqgada.

Consider me not as a child. Where’er the king is imprisoned, there will

I enter and release him, even if it be hell ’ (661). As Badal equips

himself for battle, the marriage procession of Badal’s bride approaches.

The bride appears, moonfaced, and brave in all her finery. Her beauty.

She laments when she hears of her husband’s departure ; ‘ As I arrive

at my husband’s gate, he departeth to a distant land.’ Her bridesmaids

try in vain to console her (662). She casts aside her veil, and stands

humbly at the door. She casts a piercing glance at Badal and gathers

up her raiment, but her husband looks another way and hardens his

heart. Then she smiles and looks towards him, but he turns his back

to her. Turning his face away he is wroth, ‘ I will not walk towards the

woman’s face.’ The bride wonders at his ill-omened conduct. She is too

modest to address him (663). Then she considers, ‘ I have not gained

my love by my modesty, let me cast it aside and address him ? ’ She

smiles and catches his waist-band, saying, 1 A husband should not refuse

his wife’s request. To-day I am come for the first time from my father’s

house, and thou, my love, art going to the battle. 1 have loft my home

but to meet thee ; what leaving home is that, when my lord leaves me ?

1 The grandfather of Bhlsma.

2 Riij’puts call themselves Simha, lion.

J. t. 26

202 G-. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Tadumawati. [No. 2,

The bride hath not seen her beloved even one eye-full, and the beloved

hath not yet met the bride once in his life. I am a lotus full of hope of

union, and the bee who sippeth my nectar should not desert me. I lay

my forehead at thy feet, (Hear me, my Lord), and, lo, now thy feet are

bound in the tangles of my locks, so, how can’st thou leave me ?’ (664).

Badal, — ‘ Lady, loose my waist-band. When a husband goeth forth to

war, his wife should never grasp it. ’Tis true, fair lady, that for thee

to-day is thy starting for thy new home, but for me it is the starting

for where my king is in prison. Till my king return free, heroism

alone fills my soul, not love. Women and land are hand-maidens of

the sword, whoseso sword conquereth them, to him do they belong .

In whoseso house the sword is pulled from the fist of the wielder, there

is there no virile power, no moustache nor beard. On my face hair

has come, let me play with life for a stake, and earn heaven in my

master’s service. The word of a man ne’er tumeth backwards, e’en as

the tooth of an elephant, once grown, doth not return into his mouth.

Thou art but a girl, 0 lady, and understandest not. He who fighteth

understandetli. A man whose heart is full of war, careth not for love.’

(665). The bride replies,— ‘ If thou would’st fight, I have made pre-

parations for a love conflict. My bosom have I made the van, and the

army of love in wrath is routing the troops of separation. My heroism

is the vermilion on my brow, like the red blood on a naked sword. My

brow is a bow, and mine eyes provide the arrows, ’ and so on. ‘ First

fight with me and then think of war’ (666). She is unsuccessful in her

entreaties. She weeps, in vain (667).

CANTO XLIII.

The Tale of Goea and Badal.

Gora and Badal consult together. They determine to moot deceit

with deceit. They will deal with the Emperor as he has done with

them (668). They prepare 1,600 covered litters, and fill them with

knights. They prepare one special litter to represent that of Padmfi-

vatl, in which sits concealed a smith. They adorn it, and surround it

with maidens with waving chowries. They cover the litters with

jewelled covers. They accompany the litters, proclaiming that Padma-

vatl is travelling. ‘The Queen is going to release the king, offering

liorself as a hostage. Thirty thousand horses is she taking, and sixteen

hundred litters’ (669).

Gfira goes to the jailor in whose charge the king is. Ho gives him

10 lakhs of rupees as a bribe and flatters him. ‘ I supplicate the

203

1893.] G-. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Paduinawati.

Emperor. Padmavati is come, saying, “I am come humbly to Delhi

with the keys of Citaur.” She begs, that as she has the keys of the

treasury with her, she may obtain permission to see the king for one

hour, to make over the keys to him. She will then present herself to

the Emperor in the palace.’ The jailor, when he sees the bribe, becomes

like water. Reflections on the effect on the moral character of taking

bribes (670). Under the influence of the bribe the jailor omits to

examine the litters. He goes to the Emperor, and says, ‘ O sun of the

earth, the moon hath come, and all the planets and stars with her in

1,600 litters. Padmavati has come with the keys of the treasury of

Citaur. She begs, with folded hands, that she may make them over to

the king, for one hour. She begs that she may first see her husband,

and then she will come into thy female apartments’ (671). The

Emperor gives the order to allow one hour’s interview, and the royal

litter goes in to the king with the others. The smith who is inside

disguised as Padmavati gets out, cuts the king’s fetters and makes

obeisance. Eury rises in the king’s heart as he is made free. He leaps

on to a horse and roars like a lion. Gora and Badal grasp their swords,

and the other knights mounting their horses all stand ready. Each con-

siders himself devoted to death and slays his thousands. Hews of the

trick, and that they have cut their way out, is brought to the Emperor

(672). They take the king off to Citaur. They are pursued by the

Emperor with an immense army. Gora says to Badal, ‘ One eclipse is

over, another is about to commence. ' See the immense army.’ Badal

replies, ‘ Do thou accompany the flight of the king, and I will stay

behind and meet the Emperor’s troops. I would play a game of polo

with the Emperor, and do it alone. I will earn my name of Badal,

when I carry off the ball from the field ’ (673). Gora insists on Badal

accompanying the king, while he stays behind. Pie is old, what regret

will there be for his death. He keeps a thousand knights with him,

and sends the others with Badal, and the King. He awaits with his

thousand men, the onset of the Emperor (674). The game of polo

begins in right earnest. Poetical comparison of the game of polo to

the sport of a woman’s love (675). Gora roars a challenge in the

battle (676). The battle. The charge of Gora and his companions

(677). The thousand knights are slaughtered one by one. Not one

turns his bridle, all their wounds are in front; as one falls another

presses forward to die in his place. Finally they are all killed, and

Gora alone remains alive (678). Gora sees that all his companions are

dead, and knows that his fate is at hand. , He flings himself furiously

into the battle, one against thousands, but does not die. He fights

desperately. The Emperor orders him to be taken alivo without delay,

204

[No. 2,

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Paclumawati.

for Ratna Sena is escaping’ (680). The Turks call upon him to

sui’render. He replies not. Ho looks upon his death as certain, and

refuses to be taken alive. No one captures a lion alive. When he is

dead they may drag him as they -will. Ho is determined to cover

Ratna’s retreat (681). Sur’ja, 1 the wrestler’, attacks him, with Mir

Hamza, All, Ayub and Taya, the general who had conquered Landhaur.

Grora is struck in the belly with a javelin, and as it is withdrawn his

bowels fall out. A bard exclaims, ‘ Well done, Prince. Carry thy entrails

on thy shoulder that thy horse may not tread on them’ 2 (682). Horn,

cries, ‘ It is the end, I must fall to the eai’th. It is the end, and my

head must roll in the dust.’ — He rushes upon Sur’ja, who again wounds

him with a javelin, while Gora strikes him with his sword. He strikes

a second blow which Sur’ja receives on his shield, and a third which falls

on his helmet (683). Sur’ja finally strikes a terrible blow and smashes

Gora’s head. 0 The portents which occur at Gora’s death. Thus Gora

dies, and the gods bring him water, while Badal escorts the king safely

to Citaur (684).

Padmavatl’s joy at hearing of her husband’s release (685). The

rejoicings when they meet. She worships his feet, and ho kisses her

head (686). Padmavati expresses her desire to sacrifice herself for him

(687). Then she addresses Badal and praises him (688). The King tells

her the horrors of his imprisonment. His only consolation was the hope

of meeting her again (689). Padmavati tells the story of her sorrow

(690).

CANTO XLIY.

The Tale of Deva Pala.

Padmavati continues, — ‘ In addition to this I tell a thing that

wringeth my soul. A cruel mountain of sorrow fell on me. Deva Pala

sent a bawd, in disguise of a Brahmani, who came to me deceitfully.

Her words were like poison to me. I restrained my five senses, and I

repeatedly mortified myself ’ (691). When he hears the conduct of

Deva Pala, a hard thorn falls into the heart of the King. He deter-

mines to seize Deva Pala before the Turk arrives at Citaur. Ho remains

awake the whole night. Next morning he sets out to besiege Kam-

bhal’ner, a difficult fort to take. He has a terrible fight (692).

1 See 527.

2 This refers to nn old Kiij’put legend. The poet is hardly responsible for it.

8 In the original the sound excollently re-echoes the sense.

1893.]

205

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumdwati.

CANTO XLV.

The Tight with Deva Pala.

Deva Pala roars forth in the battle to Ratna, ! Let mo and thee

fight in single combat.’ He strikes Ratna in the belly with a poisoned

javelin, which pierces through his body and comes out at the back.

Rat.na himself strikes Deva Pfila and cuts off his head. He then falls

senseless, and loses his power of speech. He is brought home on a bed

(693).

CANTO XLYI.

Tire End of the King.

The King dies, after making over charge of the fort to Biidal (694).

Padmavatl dons her silken sari and goes forth with her beloved to the

pyre. She adorns herself to become Satl ( 695) .

CANTO XLVII.

The Sat!.

Both Nagamatl and Padmavatl become Satis (696). They prepare

the pyre, distribute alms, circumambulate seven times, and are burnt

without contortion of a single limb (697).

While they are burning with their beloved the Emperor comes and

besieges the fort. He hears the fate of Ratna and Padmavatl and

throwing a handful of ashes in the air, declares that all the world is

illusion. His whole army does the same, and cries, 1 Until this dust falls

on our tombs, the desire of the world will not be satisfied.’ Then they

take the fort by assault, and Biidal dies fighting in the gate.

Before the Emperor’s army takes it, the women of Citaur immolate

themselves, and the men all die in battle. He destroys the city, and

CITAUR BECAME ISLAM (698).

‘ I asked the meaning of all this from learned men, and they told

me that they understood it not. The fourteen continents are all in

man’s body. Citaur is the body, and the King is the soul. Simhala-

dvipa is the heart, and Padmavatl is wisdom. The parrot is the Guru,

who showeth the right way, without whom the world is void of quality,

and Nagamatl is the cares of this world, and he is saved who is not

caught by her. Raghava, the pandar, is Satan, and ‘Alau d-din, the

Emperor, is illusion. So meditate on this, love-story, and let him who

can understand Turkish, Arabic, Hindul, whatever languages there are,

in whatever tongue the way of love is told, all praise it (699).

206

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati.

[No. 2,

‘ I Muhammad have collected and written this book. He who

hearoth it may gain the pangs of love. I collected and joined it with

my heart’s blood, and, with the love of love, mine eyes flowed tears.

Knowing this did I compose my lay, that so a mark might remain of

me in this world. Where is now that Patna Sena, and where that wisdom-

hearing parrot ? Where is that ‘ Aldu'd-din the Emperor, and where that

Rdghava who told him tales ? Where is that lovely swan Padmdvati ?

Naught of them hath remained, hut their story. Happy is she whose fame is

like unto hers. The flower may die, hut its odour remaineth ever. 1 Who

hath not sold his fame in the world, and who hath not bought it ? If

a man read this lay and also remember me, he hath bought two-fold

weight, (i. e., he benefiteth himself and me) (700).

1 Muhammad, thou art old. Thy youth is gone. Thy strength is

departed and thy body is lean. Thy sight is gone and thine eyes give

naught but tears. Thy teeth are gone and thy cheeks are sunken. Thy

tongue is stiff and thy words are halting. Thy wisdom is gone and

people call thee mad. Thy pride is gone and thy head is b&ut. Thine

ears are gone and thou only hearest those who speak loud. The blackness

of thy locks is gone, and thy head shaketh. The black bee of thy locks

is gone and hath left them grey. Thy youth hath won the game and

carried it off for its prize. As long as there is life, youth remaineth,

but when death comes, it becometh another’s.

‘ When an old man noddeth his head, it shaketh in anger on

that account (that his youth is gone). Who was it that blessed mo

and wished that I might live to (forsooth) a good old age ?’ (701).

APPENDIX I.

List of Flowers and Trees.

In several passages Malik Muhammad gives long lists of names of

flowering plants and of trees. Their identification has been difficult,

the ordinary dictionaries having been found to be untrustworthy guides.

The following is a list of most of the names which occur. The spelling

of the vernacular words is only provisional, pending the fixing of a

correct text.

I know nothing of botany myself, and must express my acknow-

ledgments to Dr. Prain, of the Botanical Gardens, Sibpur, for the

identifications given. The list will be found useful by future lexico-

1893.]

G. A . Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati.

207

graph era. Many of the plants named are little known, and a con-

venient list giving the scientific nomenclature authoritatively has long-

been wanted,

Ajiri, the common Fig, Ficus ca-

rica, L.

Amrita belt, (?) the Black Currant,

Ribes nigrum, L.

Auna, ? Aold, the Emblic Myrabo-

lan, Phyllantlius cmblica, L.

Aba, or ama, the Mango, Mangifera

Indica, L.

Ama, see Aba.

Imili, the Tamax-ind, Tamarindus

Indica, L.

Katahari, the Jack-fruit, Artocar-

pus integrifolia, L.

Kadamba, the Kuddum, Antho-

cephalus cadamba, Miq.

Kamarakha, the Averrhoa, • Aver-

hoa carambola, L.

Karaudd see Rai-karaudd.

Karand, the Citron, Citrus medica,

L., var. acida, Brandis, C. acida,

Boxb.

Kisimisa, the Grape Vine, Yitis

vinifera, L. The same as dahlia.

A Persian form.

Kunda, the Indian Jasmine, Jas-

minum pubescens, Willd.

Kuja, a kind of Rose, Rosa Bruno-

niana, Lindl.

Keord, see ketahi.

Ketahi, or keord, The Fragrant

Screw-pine. Pandanus odoratis-

simus, L.

Kerd, the Plantain, Musa para-

disiaca, L.

Kesara, the Safflower, Crocus

sativus, L.

Khajura, the Date-palm, Phoenix

sylvestris, L.

Kliirani, the Mimusops hexandra,

Boxb.

KliuruTmri, the JDiurhur, Ficus

cunia, Ilam.

Galagala, the Elephant Lemon, or

Kumaon Lemon, Citrus Limonum,

Gulala, the common Basil, see

below. Ocimum Basilicum,

Gud, the Areca-nut palm, Areca

catechu, L. Roxburgh says

this is the Bengali name of

supdri.

Camel l, the Arabian Jasmine, Jas-

minum sambac, Ait.

Campd, the Champak, Michelia

champaca, L.

Ciraujl, Buchanania latifolia,

Boxb. Its kernels are used in-

stead of the desi bdddrna.

Choliard, the Date-palm, Phoenix

daotylifera, L.

Jdbhirl, the Orange Citron, Citrus

medica, L. var.

Jdiphara, the Nutmeg, Myristica

officinalis, L.fil.

Jamuna, the Black Wild Plum,

Eugenia jambolaua, L.

Jala, the Spanish Jasmine. Jas-

minum grandiflorum. L.

Juki, a variety of Indian Jasmine,

Jasminum auriculatum, Vahl.

Tara, the Palmyra Palm, Borassus

flabelliformis, L.

Turunja, the Citron proper, Citrus

medica, L.

Tuti, the Mulberry, Morus Indica,

208

G. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumdwati.

Bdkha, tlic Grape Vine, the Hindi

name of Kisimisa, Yitis vinifera,

Bariii, or darima, the Pomegranate,

Pnnica granatum, L.

Nariara, the Cocoanut, Cocos nuci-

fera, L.

Ndgesara, the Rose Chesnnt, Mesua

ferrea, L.

Naraga, the Orange, Citrus auran-

tium, L.

Nimbu, see Nvu.

Niu, or nimbu, the Sour Lime, Citrus

acida, Boxb.

Newaiiji or nyauji, the Red Cur-

rant, Ribes rubrum, L. The

name is only known in Lahul

now-a-days.

Nyauji. see Newaiiji.

Bakauri, the Abelia, Abelia tri-

flora, Br. Most of the species are

Japanese and Chinese. This one

is found in the N.-W. Himalaya.

Badalian, the Barhal, Artocarpus

lakoooha, Boxb.

Baddma, the almond, not the Ter-

minalia catappa, hut the Primus

Amygdalus, Baill.

Ben or bairn, the Jujube, Zizyphus

jujuha, L.

Bolasari, see mdlasari.

[Ho. 2,

Mahud, the Mahoowa tree, Bassia

latifolia, Boxb.

Mdlati, the Clove-scented Aganos-

ma, Aganosma caryophyllata,

Bon.

Mdlasari or Bolasari, the Mimusops

elengi, Linn.

Bai-karaudd, the Corinda, Carissa

carandas, L.

Basa bell, the Wax-plant, or IToney-

plant, Hoya lanceolata, Wall.

Sarjlchadrciu, Sorrel, Rumex vesi-

carius, L.

Satibaraga or Sadabaraga, the

Marigold, Calendula officinalis,

Siygaraliara, the Weeping Nyctan-

thes. Nyctanthes arbor-tristis,

Sudarasana, the Rose-apple, Eu-

genia jambos, L.

Supdri, see Gud, the Areca-nut palm,

Areca catechu, L.

Seoti, the Dog-rose, Rosa glandu-

lifera, Boxb.

Seu, the apple, Pyrus malus, L.

Sbnijarada, the Oleaster or Wild

Olive, Elaeagnus conferta, Boxb.

Haripharyauri, the Indian Goose-

bery, Rhodomyrtus tomentosa,

Wight.

Dr. Prain continues : —

‘ By the bye, the majority of the names have a Panjabi ring about

them, and most of the plants that are not natives of the N.-W. Provinces

are ones that come from the West (Paiijab to Persia), or that come from

the Kumoan Hills, rather low down.

1 Thus, taking the flowers —

‘ The kadamba, karand, Tcunda, campa, jiohi, mdlati, sirjgdrahdra,

and sudarasana might be natives of the writer’s country. (But the

kadamba may have been introduced from the Lower Provinces.)

‘ The kesara, cameli, jahi, satibaraga, are Western plants introduced

before his time to Oudo. (The jahi may also be from Kumfion).

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

CONTENTS OP VOL. LXI FOB, 1892.

PART I. -HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c.

No. 1.— Waddell, Buddhist Remains at Mount Uren.— Larnaic Ro-

saries— The ‘ Tsam-chho-dung ’ of the Lamas. Chakravarti,

Troy weights and General currency of ancient Orissa. Smit h,'

Grasco-Roman Influence on the Civilization of Ancient India!

Second Paper.

No. 2— K ielhorn, The Dinajpur Copper-Plate Inscription of Mahi-

pala. R a v e r t y, Muhammadan Coins collected by the Afghan

Boundary Commission. Theobald, A symbolical Coin of the

Wethali dynasty of Arakan. Chakravarti, Rama-tankis.

Wilson, The Topography of the river in the 16th century from

Hugh to the Sea. Beveridge, Rajah Kans. — The date of Nur

Qutb Alam’s death. Crooke, Vocabulary of the Korwa lang-

uage. Driver, The Korkus.

No. 3. — W a d d e 1 1, The Buddhist Pictorial Wheel of Life. R a v e r t y,

The Mihran of Sind and its Tributaries.

No. 4.— R averty, The Mihran of Sind and Tributaries, (Continued).

PART II.— NATURAL SCIENCE.

No. 1.— K i n g, Materials for a flora of the Malay Peninsula P r a i n,

Novicias Indicias V. An undescribed Mezoneuron from the Anda-

man Group.

No. 2.— B i g o t, Catalogue of the Diptera of the Oriental Region

Parts II and III.

No. 3. — N iceville, Note on the Indian Butterflies comprised in the

subgenus Pademma of the genus Euplcea. Peal, The Communal

Barracks of Primitive Races. B r ii h 1, De Ranunculaceis Indicis

Disputationes.

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Asiatic Researches, from Vols. VI to XI, and Vols. XVII to X ,

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Ditto ditto, Index,

The Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. I. Translated into English, with Notes

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JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Vol. LXII, Part I.-HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. III.— 1893.

CONTENTS.

Page

Study of Sanskrit in Ceylon — By Pandit Hakimohan VidyabhiJ-

SHAN, ... ... . ... ... ... ... ... 211

A brief account of Bhaskdra, and of the works written, and dis-

coveries made, by him. — By the late Pandit Bapu Deva S'a'stri,

C.I.E., 223

On some new or rare Muhammadan and Hindu Goins, No. III. — By

Dr. A. P. Rudolf Hoernle (with two plates),* ... ... 230

On a new find of old Nepalese Manuscripts. — By Pandit Hara Prasad

Shastri, ... ... ... ... ... ... 245

* Plates VIII andIX will be issued with No. IV, A. S. J.

1893.]

209

GK A. Grierson — Analysis of the PadumUwati.

‘ The kadamba, ketalel, ndgesara, molnsari (perhaps), must have been

introduced, from the eastward by way of the Lower Provinces.

‘The jahl (see however note above), Tcujd, bahauri, rasa-bell, seoti ,

and sbnijarada are natives of N.-W. Himalaya, and, except the jahl,

which also comes from Afghanistan and Persia and can stand a deal of

heat, can hardly have been known to him, unless he was in the habit

of going some way into the hills, for I do not feel sure that they could

have been grown in the plains. At any rate, if he could grow them

below, they came originally from the hills of Kumaon or Kashmir.’

In another communication regarding the trees, Dr Prain writes :

‘ The names of the oranges and lemons are interesting and fall in

exactly with those known to Bonavia, in the very country in which

the poet wrote.

‘ You will note again the very marked Panjabi and Himalayan ring

about the names, e.g., in the red currant, with a regular Hill name.

In this case, I think that the amrita bell 1 must be the black currant.

I cannot think why the author gives (in the same passage) the two

names, suparl and gud, of the betel-nut. They mean exactly the

same now-a-days. The name for sorrel 2 I do not find in any of our

books, I give, however, the Latin name of sorrel. The Indian goose-

berry 3 has not any name quoted so far as my reading goes. I give

its Latin name also. It is an excejition to the rest of his fruits, for it

comes from South India and Ceylon, (the only thing that is restricted

to these parts in his whole list.)

‘ Gulala is the common basil of old-fashioned English gardens.

The name is usually given, not to the green-leaved plant wo know,

but, to a purple-leaved form that one gets in India. By the way, the

plant is generally spoken of as guldl tulsl, so that the word is used as an

adjective. Our basils are, of course, the Indian tulsls, but, owing to

our and their interest centering on different ones, they give their name,

unqualified, to a different one from the one that is unqualified by us.

1 Bell is the Panjabi name for the black currant.

2 Saykhadardu, which I had identified with the Sanskrit S'uykhadrava, which the

dictionaries translate by ‘ sorrel.’ Gt. A. G.

* Ilariphdryauri, translated in all dictionaries by ‘ Indian Gooseberry.’ G. A. G.

Thus

English name. Scientific name.

The Basil. Ocimum basilicum.

Sacred Basil. Ocimum sanctum.

Sweet Basil. Ocimum gratissimum.

Indian name.

Gulal tulsl.

TulsI.

Ram tulsl.

J. i. 27

210

[No. 3,

Or. A. Grierson — Analysis of the Padumawati.

APPENDIX II.

List of Birds.

The poet also gives (stanza 29) a long- list of birds. Unfortu-

nately I know even less about them than I do about botany. I accord-

ingly applied to an acknowledged authority, Dr. Scully. The following is

condensed from the information which he very kindly gave me, tog-ether

with what I have been able to make out from inquiries from natives.

Bdga, the Indian Crow, Corvus splendens, Viellot.

Kdila, the Indian Cuckoo, Budynamys honorata, L. According

to the poet, its cry is ‘ kuTiu, Tculm.’

Guduru. An Urdu glossary translates this by podana, the Smaller

Skulking Warbler, which Forbes says is Sylvia olivacea. Its cry is ‘ tulii,

tuht.’

Papiha. Dictionaries call this the Sparrow-hawk, which is wrong.

It is the Hawk-cuckoo, Hieroccyx varius, Yahl. It is a true cuckoo and

not related to the sparrow-hawk. The poet says its cry is ‘ piu, piu ’

(beloved, beloved). The oi-dinary native tradition is, that it says ‘pi

kahd ’ (where is my love ?) It is the ‘ Brain-fever Bird ’ of Anglo-Indians.

Parewd, the Blue Rock Pigeon, Golumba intermedia, Strickland.

Pdndulci, a sort of family name for many species of doves. Wo

may perhaps consider that the particular species intended is the Indian

turtle dove, Turtur meena, Sykes. Its cry is ‘ a single tuhV

BhTgardja, or Bhimaraja. The dictionaries wrongly call it a Shrike.

It is the Racket-tailed Drongo, Bissemttrus paradiseus, L. Sanskrit

Bhriyga-raja. It is a sort of King-crow. As the poet says, ‘ It speaks

many languages.’ It is an excellent talker.

Mahari, not identified. Its cry is dahi, dalii.

Mora, the peacock, Pavo cristatus, L.

Sard, not identified. Forbes gives sard, a kind of bird, a species of

black-bird. In the poem it is coupled with the sua or parroquet. The

cry of both is said to be raha-caha, which seems to mean twittering.

Sua, see sard. It is a Parrot or Parroquet. Dr. Scully says, ‘ In

the absence of evidence tending to fix the particular species, we may

take the commonest species, viz., the rose-ringed parroquet, Paloeornis

torquatus, Bodd.’

Barewa, a v. 1. for parewd, above, the Gold-fronted Green Bulbul,

Phyllomis aurifrons, Temm. It is a well-known cage-bird and a beautiful

songster.

Barila, the green pigeon, Grocopus phoenicopterns, Latham.

1893.] H. M. Vidyabhushan — Study of Sanskrit in Ceylon.

211

Study of Sanskrit in Ceylon— By Pandit Hari Mohan Vidyabhijshan.

The island of Ceylon lias been known to us from very early times :

first, as a fabulous country inhabited by a class of men called Rakshasas,

who, though civilised in arts and sciences, were yet rude in their habits

of life; secondly, as a country of precious stones during the Buddhistic

period ; and lastly as a country occupied by a large colony from the

city of Sinihapura in Western Bengal, then called Radha. But after

the Arabs, the Portuguese and the Dutch came to trade in the Bast,

and became the lords of the Indian Seas, the Bengalese who used to go

to Ceylon, embarking at the ancient port of Tamralipti, the modern

Tamluk, ceased to make sea-voyages.

It is owing to this fact, that, at present, communication between

Ceylon and Bengal has become a thing of the past. With the exception

of a few natives of India who happen to visit Colombo on their way

to Europe, the people of this country know very little of Ceylon.

At a time when the spirit of adventure awakened the dormant

energy of the Indian people to action, and when the barriers raised by

Hinduism against sea-voyages were removed by the enlightened

spirit of Buddhism, thousands of barks used to sail from Tamralipti

to the shores of Ceylon, (i. e. t Tamraparni or Tamraveni of the ancients).

It was through the efforts of those merchants that the fame of the

mineral wealth of Ceylon became known to the Romans and the Greeks,

who had intercourse with the empire of Magadha. More than two

centuries before Alexander’s conquests in the Bast, Indian merchants

from STavasti, the ancient capital of Oudh, used to visit Ceylon, evidence

of which is now coming to light from the sacred books of the Buddhists,

preserved in the Archives of the Dalai Rama at Lhasa.

Besides what can be gathered from Tibetan sources, something

can be gleauod from the Kalpalata, the Ratnamala, and other Sanskrit

works lately recovered from Tibet by Babu Sarat Chandra Das.

The story of Muktalata, which has been published in the Biblio-

theca Indica Series contains the following : —

ffrr: I

# * # * *

rl^WTi II

i. e., “ Some time afterwards native merchants from STavasti crossed

212

H. M. Vidyabhusli an — Study of Sanskrit in Ceylon. [No. 3,

over the sea and reached the island of Ceylon. Having resided there

for some time they crossed the sea again and reached their native town ;

and after bowing before their Lord they gave him an account of her

(i. e., the princess’) behaviour and handed over her letter to Him.”

Mr. James D’Alwis, in his preface to the descriptive catalogue of

Sanskrit, Pali, and Singhalese literary works, observes “ If the Orient

pearls for which Ceylon has been famed from all antiquity, are still

highly prized amongst the nations of the world, the intellectual pearls

which Oriental scholars of many nations will be enabled to gather from

Lanka’s store-house of Literature, will not be esteemed as less precious

or valuable.” This remarkable passage struck me very much when

I glanced over the pages of his catalogue. Being a Brahman, I did

not attach much value to the numerous Pali and Singhalese Buddhist

works which have been enumerated in it, nor did I wonder at the

mineral wealth and pearls which Ceylon possessed in olden times.

What struck me most was the account of the study of Sanskrit which

prevailed in Ceylon during the early centuries of the Christian era.

So early as the fifth century the study of Sanskrit was considered

essential for all those who passed for literati in Ceylon, and Sanskrit

scholars were respected side by side with the professors of Pali, the sacred

language of the Buddhists. We are told in the Mahavamsa that Brahma-

nism flourished in Ceylon for about ten centuries, till 1000 A. D. This

statement is borne out by facts and also by the Sanskrit works which

were written by Singhalese authors. It is also very interesting to note

that while the nine gems, called nava ratna, adorned the court of Vikra-

maditya during the 6th century A. D., the Augustan age of India,

there should have been a king on the throne of Ceylon, who in

scholarship in Sanskrit and in versification was not less gifted than the

son of Sarasvati — the immortal Kalidasa.

The fame of Kumaradasa as a poet had spread far and wide, and

Kalidasa who had read one of his productions — the “ Janaki-harana”

was so much struck with the true poetic genius of the Royal Poet of

Lanka that he was induced to make a journey to Ceylon to meet him.

Oriental scholars have not yet been able to gather sufficient chro-

nological information about the age of Kalidasa to enable us to enter

into a discussion on the subject. There are so many conflicting state-

ments as to his date, that one is apt to be bewildered by them. There

is a tradition in Bengal that he died in the house of a courtezan.

This statement, whether true or false, is borne out by a tradition which

can be gathered from Singhalese works. The learned Bhikshu Dhar-

marama, in the preface (o his edition of the “Janaki-harana,” gives promi-

nence to this account. It is said that Kalidasa struck with the wonder-

213

1893.] H. M. Vidyabhushan — Study of Sanskrit in Geijlon.

ful poetic genius of Kumaradasa, undertook a long and tedious journey

from Central India to meet the royal bard in his native land.

“ Kumaradasa who was a profound Sanskrit scholar and poet reigned

nine years, and ended his life by throwing himself into the funeral

pile of his friend Kalidasa.” The following lines from the Singhalese

work called “ Perakumbasirita ” fully corroborate the above statement

and further record the very high merits of the king as a poet : —

Ejara Kiviyara pinin J 'analci-haranae mahalcavbendi,

Kwmaradas rada Kdlidas nnm Kivindu Hata Siya dioipidi.

i. e., “ The king Kumaradasa who with immortal poetic felicity

composed the Janaki-harana and other great epics, sacrificed his life for

the great Kalidasa.”

An episode so interesting for the light it throws on the lives of

Kumaradasa and Kalidasa demands our attention. The Singhalese story

in brief is this : —

The king was in the habit of frequenting the house of a woman

to whom he was attached. On one of these visits he wrote on the wall

the two lines —

Padmdt padmam samudbhutam

S'riiyate na cha drisyate.

i. e., “ It is heard, but not seen, that a lotus flower is produced from

another lotus flower.”

Under them he wrote a line offering a reward to the person who

shonld complete the verse. Kalidasa, then on a visit to the great royal

bard whose poem he had seen in India, took lodgings that evening, as

chance would have it, in the same house, and happening to see the lines

on the wall, completed the verse by adding, —

Bale tava muTchdmbhojdt

Tvannetrendivaradvayam.

i. e., “ 0 Maiden ! from the lotus of thy face have sprung up the

two blue lilies of thine eyes.”

The woman to whom perhaps the poet meant the lines as a com-

pliment, influenced by the hope of obtaining the promised reward, mur-

dered Kalidasa that night and hid his body.

When the king visited her the following morning, she demanded

the reward as the writer of the couplet. But Kumaradasa, detecting in

them the genius of a ttue poet, would not believe her, but insisted on her

disclosing the real author. On being threatened, the murderess confessed

her crime. When the corpse of Kalidasa was brought out, the king’s

214 H. M. Vidyabhushan — Study of Sanskrit in Ceylon. [No. 3,

sorrow and consternation know no bounds. He ordered a grand funeral

in honour of the renowned poet. When the pile was lighted, the

generous-hearted monarch, overwhelmed with sorrow, sprang into the

fire and was soon consumed by the flames together with his brother

bard. Five queens of the king instantly followed his example.

According to the Singhalese custom, seven monuments were erected,

and seven bo-trees planted on the spot of the cremation. This sad event

appears to have happened at Matara (or Maliatirtha), where the king

is said to have resided at the time.

Within the town there is a place by the name of “ Hat Bodiwata”

( — the garden of seven bo-trees), which tradition points out as

the scene of this tragedy.

In India a similar tradition prevails regarding Kalidasa, who is said

to have written the following verse : —

si |

*fT# rrq g’sthwt# II

i. e., “ It is a mere hearsay statement, that flower begets flower, but

no one has realized (the truth of it) by actually seeing it. O Maiden,

how is it that I see two lilies on your lotus-face ? ”

It is curious that the traditions that prevailed in both countries

should be substantially the same, though expressed in different words.

Of the two, the Indian sloka is decidedly the better.

Some Oriental scholars have conjectured the date of Kalidasa to be

in the 6th century. That Kumaradasa was a king of Ceylon in the

6th century is a historical fact, as can be gathered from the Mahava-

msa, therefore it is not improbable that the great Indian poet Kalidasa

was a contemporary of Kumaradasa.

It is to be regretted that the original works of Kumaradasa should

have been lost. But quotations from his Janaki-harana are to be

found in Pataiijali’s Mahabhashya, in Rajasekhara’s work, in Ujjala-

datta’s UnadiVritti, and also in Kshemendra’s Auchityalahkara. Prof.

Peterson, in his paper “ On the Auchityalahkara of Kshemendra, with

a note on the date of Patanjali,” made the following remarks : —

FE|3T |

• Ok

( Kshemendra’s Auchityalahkara.)

i. e., “ By Kumaradasa —

O, give up the firm (warm) embrace and leave the lover who is

215

1893.] H. M. Vidyabhushan — Study of Sanskrit in Ceylon.

timid at this first union. O beauteous Maiden ! the rays of the rising

sun are appearing and the cocks are crowing.”

“ The discovery that Kshemendra quotes this verse and assigns it to

Kumaradasa will one day, I hope, prove a valuable datum for the Maha-

bhashya itself. Unfortunately we do not yet know Kumaradasa’s own

date. But the following verses by him are quoted here, as, with the

present example, presenting strong internal evidence that a writer who

quotes Kumaradasa cannot have lived at the date now widely accepted

for Patanjali.”

Prof. Peterson again published the following note in the Academy

for the year 1885, page 277 “ I have lately come across a date for

Kumaradasa and the name of his book. In Jalhana’s ‘ Sukti Muktavali

the following verse of Rajasekhara’s treats of this poet : —

o Vi

“i.e., ‘The poet Kumaradasa and Ravana, if any, are the only

persons who can achieve the Janaki-harana (or Rape of Sita) in the face

of the Raghuvamsa (or unawed by the dynasty of Raghu).’

“It is clear from this that Kumaradasa wrote his ‘ Janaki-

haranam ’ after Kalidasa.”

I think, by writing ‘after Kalidasa,’ Prof. Peterson meant after the

“ Ragliu-Vamsa,” for it is only stated in the above sloka that Kumara-

dasa’s “Janaki-harana” was a later production than the “ Ragliu-

Vamsa.” But it does not necessarily follow that Kumaradasa flourished

after Kalidasa.

The ‘ Pada-Chandrika,’ by Raya-Mukuta, a commentary on the

Amarakosha, which is a work of the 15th century, has numerous

quotations from Kumaradasa’s “Janaki-harana.” This shows that the

work was largely used in India during the 15th century.

We are told by the Singhalese historians that about the 14th

century certain Dravidian kings conquered Ceylou and exterminated

all the Sanskrit and Pali works of that island ; so much so that the

Singhalese, after the downfall of this dynasty, had to bring all tho sacred

books from Burmak. It seems that Kumaradasa s works were also

destroyed at that time in Ceylon. But as the Janaki-harana was extant

in India up to the 15th century, we may hope that it will, some day, bo

discovered by the Pandits who are now engaged in collecting Sanskrit

Manuscripts under the auspices of tho Government.

In 1870 Mr. James D’Alwis, who was entrusted with the work of

searching for Sanskrit and Pali manuscripts in Ceylon, discovered a

manuscript of the Singhalese Sannct , i. e., a literal translation of the

216

H. M. Vidyabliiishan — Study of Sanskrit in Ceylon. [No. 3,

work, the “ Janaki-harana.” Being himself a great scholar, he was able

to appreciate its excellence. He caused a Pandit to restore ten verses

of the work from the said sanna, or Singhalese commentary.

I here quote his remarks on the poem : “ The Janaki-harana is a very

ancient and very interesting Sanskrit poem. A Singhalese Sanna, or

literal translation of it, alone has been discovered. It is, however,

possible that the original work may still be found in sonic nook of an

old monastic library. Like all Singhalese Saunas, tliis translation quotes

the words of the original in their integrity, and it is therefore not

impossible to restore the words to their original poetical form ; though,

we confess, the manuscript in our possession requires much correction

after comparison with other copies, which, we hope, may yet be found.

But its restoration into metro is undoubtedly a very arduous work.

Considering, however, that this poem, according <o the opinion of the

learned in Ceylon, is ‘ not inferior to the works of Kalidasa,’ the

Indian Shakespeare, and that it may be ranked amongst the Maliakavyas,

or great poems, it may be well worth the trouble of some Oriental

scholar in Europe to undertake the work of restoration.”

I am glad to notice here that recently Bhikshu Dharmarama,

the learned Principal of the Yidyalankara Oriental College, Ceylon,

has done great service to Oriental scholarship by restoring Kumaradasa’s

Janaki-harana into metre from the Singhalese literal paraphrase. He

has collected several manuscripts of the sanna, and has built an edifice

with the material contained in them — which, I may hope, will be found

to resemble its prototype — the lost Janaki-harana, if found out in future.

Had Mr. D’Alwis been living now, how glad he would have been to see

the realization of his hopes about the work in the labours of Bhikshu

Dharmarama — twenty years later.

To enable us to form an estimate of the comparative value of tlio

restored verses, I subjoin a transcription in Devanagari of the first 10

verses of the Canto IX from the present edition, side by side with those

restored by Mr. D’Alwis. (See Appendix I.)

Prom a careful examination of the above it will be seen that the

spirit of the verses given by Dharmarama and D’Alwis is the same,

though a slight alteration in the arrangement of the lines may be noticed

here and there.

The occasional deviation of Dharmarama’s slokas from those given

by Mr. D’Alwis is due to the use of synonymous words. This is chiefly

due to the fact that Dharmarama had access to more correct and trust-

worthy manuscripts than Mr. D’Alwis had access to twenty years ago.

It is also to be noted that he took greater pains than Mr. D’Alwis, as

he had gleaned materials from different sources with a view to publish

217

1893.] H. M. Vidyabhushan — Study of Sanskrit in Ceylon.

the complete work of the “ Janaki-harana.” Mr. D’Alwis had frankly

confessed his inability to procure further materials, and so he was

content with restoring to us only ten verses of the entire work.

It is a pity that Bhikshu Dharmarama should have thought it fit to

publish his edition of the Janaki-harana in the Singhalese character,

which is not intelligible to many of us. I believe, if the production were

transliterated into Roman or Devanagari character, it would be sure to

receive the recognition it deserves at the hands of many Oriental scholars.

I beg to submit the first forty-two verses of Canto I, which I have

transliterated into the Devanagari character. I rejoice to say that, in

my humble opinion, true signs of poetic genius can be seen from the verses

I have already transliterated.* (See Appendix II.)

APPENDIX I.

Veeses restoked by Bhikshu Dharmarama.

CANTO IX.

UcnSTlfRcTCcT WTO *0 11 \

Y STt^-WT?! I

crcTTSt STCTOlfiTTiTft RcTT || r

Rfci I

tity suft fiR n ^

tty ssryt g'ser: ^trfcprt i

*fcT ^T TIT RTpffl JUSTTTTJTTT: IlfcTEr?ITYt^cr?ft f? ^itOTcT: II 8

51 TII*H ^ ^ cI^TBfg^rcI-tcI^: |

cifff^wrfsftT T?5p *1 Tfij f^TTfrl faW'B || 1.

JIcTlfq ^ fJTYlSSYT TTW^CtTYt: I

^f*fT wfa ft TTY RTTD^ jprfeYt TTM^5TY1 RpE1% || i

TlfcI5rcIT i^%5f TjWYll qfcIJT I

Torfaen ttytr^ ^yti ii «

* [On Dharmarania’s edition of the “ Janaki-haranaj” see Professor E. Leumann’s

reviow in the Vienna Oriental Journal , vol. VII, p. 226. Ed.]

J. I. 28

218

H. M. Vidyabliuslian — Study of Sanskrit in Ceylon. [No. 3,

fcTfa SSJT'f fcjfsngtJH % f ^ cfcT c^T^JT 1

^fcr sreicr sjws sai wf f *r n «

sis pj^siwt Trc'fa'jft ’CTi’g stm «rt i

sfa sR®3r«:«rt frofat fajzfj w jr^t ii <l

>» si

^ERW fk^T fnT§T-'HW: ^T5}T ^ XlfkMfk€l^s;*TT I

5i*z5g s-irw si*q^t =^*iresrram*j ^f^crifsi^ u \»

CANTO IX.

Verses restored by Mr. D’Alwis.

sfk srexi^r ^cr^r ^Nf^cr nihr w%r ^fen i

^RTfacRcj; *mw *?: 3V Rof^ gf«raT-qftTT% || ^

f%cT^NTtjn ^ *pp ^cTT JXS^fasfiRT f^g: |

ficiisr v^Tfwxpft sretik n ^

5^efti«T ^anr^wf^^’ «fci $xl: ^^cttrt i

«TH flTV JpCfa^ff 51 II ^

^ H^iNT 3JJD75T cXTcft *RJJ |

TfcT R ®TT Hlfsrfsf JRTHTHJTTS ■RfcTP^TTtsfcTJTt ff ^tfWcT: || 8

f^rat «r ’HTO’T cr V3 ergrnfa^fer-^crq: i

crf^f^^iftvSfT HR: fgsrr g %g fa^cr: n ^

ffr^tvSHNT JTT JlcflfCT R?f Hf^^Tl'RRTfJcrJT |

fRf^qfr R(30% f% r*[ sjrtcRR it ^

RfcTsrcTT gaim^H'wsrT ^xTtfcr gft^R Rfcm i

^jRifw: rttr# r^r^Tr <£rt?;r n «©

<^f*r SjrffcT-fRRI^JlJ % ^fcf gjJTrT ^ftcf (RRT^RJT I

*1 ^ srrr *11R[RR gg II T=

^ e^VTuft HRfcsft RTR *I> RRR I

5;fcr R^jjjRTRifR rrht f^u^j rrrt fRRifR^ u g.

3^CRTO! f9IJg^T fuHRIRJn: ^RT tf ^f**TWt%^rt3^^;5IT I

sjjsg sjsqcft ^n^RicURSf ^rf^piTfax^ n ^o

1893.] H. M. Vidyabliushan— Sfudy of Sanskrit in Ceylon.

219

CANTO IX.

Translation.

1. Thus when his (eldest) son had happily spent a few months,

the king got his three remaining sons married and started for his

capital.

2. (The Princess) born of the earth, when about to start in the

company of her husband, touched in reverence with tearful eyes the

feet of her father. Her steps were graceful and slow owing to tho

heaviness of her heart (at the prospect of separation) and also to that of

her limbs.

3. Then her father addressed his accomplished daughter in lan-

guage which was (at once) instructive and also befitting the vows of

purity in the fair sex ; so that she might always abide in virtue.

4. “ O my daughter, being possessed of extraordinary self-respect,

do not be proud of your personal charms, your high accomplishments,

your royal parentage, or of your budding youth ; for the welfare of

the female sex consists in the love of their husbands.

5. “ The wordly success of men is not due to woman. But men are

the source of the good fortune and prosperity of their wives. For

there cannot be lightning without clouds, though the clouds appear

charming when there is no lightning.

6. “ Even when you become angry, do not use a strong word to

your husband. It is said that silence is the best resource of a noble

wife when she is reproved by her husband.

7. “ A wife devoted to her husband by her chastity, charms a good

husband. A wife who has abandoned a virtuous life, incurs the irre-

deemable displeasure of a virtue-loving husband.

8. “ Your behaviour should be good, so that when it reaches my ear,

my heart which is sore and infirm with age, may not be pained in a thou-

sand parts.

9. “ Let not this cherished hope of mine, which is centred in you,

even by chance end in nothing.” When the old man expressed himself

in this manner, sorrow choked his throat and he could not speak any

more.

10. The couple at last set out from their father’s home, having

bowed their head to the feet of king Janaka. The wreaths of flowers

which adorned the crown of the bridegroom which was topped with

glittering gems, and also the dressed locks of the bride now covered the

feet of king Janaka.

220

H. M. V idyabhuslian — Study of Sanskrit in Ceylon.

APPENDIX II.

CANTO I.

ij^TOgl'tgf'cr ijcl ggt^ji y \

?Jcf-^g--3?^iq-^Vi-3T-KTJr-?;^EIHTr^fTc7: ggrT^: (

stJTTPT Vt^Tf^g ^IffcTcW || ^

gg fgfg i

gj ggf% II 8

f^^TC ; rf : *K*Ptfl^nf[f q?j ^TcT^ig: ggjj |

wif^gt gigg-frum^? it it.

HggsggTcIT! I

^fwiwfos Clef HJUJlf ^ffl^TfTt^ftf^q T 5iTJT g (f

faqWI-S^ gjffcjiig |

€t^t®ci ^i^t-jajirra-g^ goclfg g=r «

g^li ggsft fgf^gi fggrgr Titfelt^sg: gq;w»T |

sRTsrotfaf ggg Jjurmgr'frrggqi g^gg: y ■=

51? g^gt-fgs^ fg^nfqrgTgr^gfg ijjgf^g |

gggtggti^fxq *ffgmjf qg fgg gn*g?r*qg5g*T y <l

H flT-fggf%ifgggT geugiT ^iggaft^ggrg g^jur |

fggrfsRT gn^gfg^Anj ggjg g|q ftrfegi^^jr y

** ^#^gnrg-gregifg wsH-^q^ crt^jnrfg i

gftgqglg^ fgggfggifggfjflsig^f fggig y ^

Tjftrc^rnniTsft wif $g> *ngf5m: ggif : t

ggjTiimtsr: y ^

[No. 3,

221

1893.] H. M. Vidyabliushan — Study of Sanskrit in Ceylon.

SRT^ft |

f^gft Wff*n *mi JC^cn^IcTT: II

fsrjftTOsira^^^sft^ trlr I

s* C\ ^

f^g: u \a

^i??rac 3 wrN^ gf^RcTim-q^Piss^jii 1

stisi^vrljn^rfsjcnfq- %% n ^

U=r fMfat: ffcl^ ftffefT^H^: |

cfTq5K-%gf^9nf**W f^SJt ®TC»sffa 3^Tf%%5t ||

sftafcsTfrra *s-ij ^eiir 11

f^f^rari ^4*r-y<s|-*ifajT San sf^ar ^ ii

fafaf^cftS’W ^Tcf |

gfa II \<L

scro^N g^«r i

ii s>o

©V

11 ^

gfa fT5C^t afi)fflSfcn% Etf^*WHT^ I

srfaa^fhi 3^ ^^T^^f^cnfsr 11 ^

^JT^^iu^'aq^TiJfn'WT^yn^ wtoreffr tN: i

5j3^T5i ^TJTcm^TJRiir^sif^^^^sr 11 ^a

JiT^xTW y^fa^saftc^T JFrsto^WgSTO i

3<n*i ii

wm *rf^ ^fe^«TrfsT^ir^r i

%crtx(^% *wy *w *w^r u ^

ftww t^jT : ?i?:ftiTOi*rnT i

m?E?*ira fsTcrTT^f^rtit ll

222

H. M. Vidyabhushan — Study of Sanskrit in Ceylon. [No. 3,

5frsfTJrcTk==r JiTit «r *r =#*r: i

■srcft? siViNir^i crater jnif% n ^

rl^TT fcr JT^^rw'q'ra: 31357 f%VTg *T I

f^I^T f licT^ ^37 cUfasfTO cT^rr ^TJrafw3<& ||

fW»ITOTOT |

^srcTfliN sftjift ^€f^fa*N%crh u

Pfcig^T^ftH suffer HT^T gsRMfjftT |

*f*?IT«R73T ’Erxr^Tf^^t 33T3! 55377: || ^

gsrsirecTT^jT Aw 3TJTT%f?r cpfr. u ^

'3^f%ejntrrcr i

fa^ftfircro flUT?^ T% ^^JRlfsj: II ^

«T^7T 35U3 fqifasfcT 3 ^ |

TO& S^srfSrgWFBfsfa 57 cTSfifftsT || ^ 8

fstf^gg^f^JZJnT^T^ srf^sreTt i

cT«5IT 5^ fatf €|f% cT^ f^=f?T || ^

^asri^ 3^175 I

35JT =f5757 3 : 31 * 33^57 57ir: n

377 * 51:33 3=3537 13373 * 35 ^ 3=357 3 315557 i

f%3f=3 33: 33737 3373 %^f%cT5f f%^tq: || ^a

fafMciw^TJr 3 * 7 ^ 17*3 5333 37575 |

331 5f 51^-g 5i%5 3577 II

**ffa53JT5R3cT331T ^cq^Tfqr 33> ff3iS7>: I

faNtsfa ^37 3^% 3*37*373731*3 cI3773*T5 ?TOTf : ?T || ^<L

337 *^^3f^^-3^-33T^3t(S77f3c73fi , 3®nqT: |

ifttrer ^<5*:® f3f3<5 cr^fafor % f^4-- n u®

33^S73TW3fsm7(33W53J 3T3: ftrfesff 3^5 I

3^77 fcr^infq- sng %t^?r' 57337 ^sjcftfq gi^ur n a^

33 TT 5333331 353 55rNr3379i%g: i

31377 f57cff*33313}7 cTl?JJTHJ[ c 737 353 || 8 S’ ||

1893.] Pandit Bapu Dova S'astri — A brief account of Bhdskara. 223

CANTO I.

Translation.

1 . In this earth there once was a great city of the name of

Ayodliya ; a city that surpassed all other cities in respect of wealth

and prosperity. So prosperous (was it, that it looked) as if it had fallen

down from heaven by the weight of its great wealth. It was a city

which was a great resort of the Ksliattriya race, as the S'ami tree is the

constant abode of fire.

2. The moon became radiant by the reflected refulgence of the

rubies that decked the spires of the lofty edifices of that city. Nay,

her (the moon’s) countenance became florid through jealous wrath at the

sight of the superior charms of the fair females that lived there.

3. The opulence and prosperity of that city brought joy to all,

except to young maidens that sought their lovers. For the lustre that

issued from the gems of the golden gates of that city dissipated dark-

ness and made night bright as day.

4. The glowing flags of China satin, which streamed in the sky

from the lofty steeples of the mansions of that city, seemed like projections

chiselled out from the moon.

5. The swans that were swimming in the moat surrounding the

city-wall cast wistful looks towards the lakes of the city ; but out

of despair, owing to the lofty walls which stood in their way, they were

reminded of the exploits of Parasu-rama, who by his arrow cut a passage

through the Mount of Krauncha.

A brief account of Bhdskara, and of the works written, and discoveries

made, by him.- Br the late Pandit Bapu Deva S'astri, C.I.E.

[Note by Editor. — The following paper was found amongst the papers of the

deceased Pandit after his death in 1890 and communicated to the Society, of which

ho was an Honorary Member, by his relations. It forms a portion of the preface to

his revised edition of Mr. Wilkinson’s translation of the Oolddhydya of the Siddhdnta

S’iromani , published in the “ Bibliotheca Indica,” so far back as 1861. This preface

was, apparently by an accident, not printed at the time, and the Pandit kept it by

him, and spent considerable pains over numerous and careful corrections, which he

subsequently added. There seems to be no doubt that he intended to publish it on

some future occasion, and there cannot bo a better place for its appearance than the

Journal of the Society of which he was so long a valued member.]

Bhdskara was born in 1036 of the Sdlivahana era — or in the year

1114, A. D. — Some authors mention that he was an inhabitant of Bira,

a Maratha village ; but he himself states, at the end of his Golddh-

ydya, that his native place was near the Sahyadri, or the Western Ghats,

224 Pandit Bapu Deva S'astri— A brief account of BbdsJcara. [No. 3,

and it appears to me that he was an inhabitant of Vijapura, the

ancient metropolis of the Karnatik. Some say that he was a Maratha

Brahman follower of the Tajnrveda; but his method of annotating,

which is still current in the Karnatik in annotating poetical works,

shews that he was a Kanara Brahman of Yxjapura. His father, named

Mahesvara, was a very great Pandit and Astronomer, and a virtuous

man. He had acquired the title of Ach&rya (Doctor) in the assembly

of the Pandits.

Bhaskara studied all the sciences acquired by him with his father.

It cannot be ascertained whether he or his father was patronized by

any Raja, or whether he was a rich or poor man. But it is certainly

time that he was expert in science, a very great poet, and an excellent

Astronomer.

In his time, Lalla’s work on astronomy, called S'ishija-dhivriddhida-.

Tantra, more usually styled the DMvriddliida simply, was much used, as

the Siddhdnta-S'iromani is at present. Bhaskara first made a commentai’y

on Lalla’s work, and then wrote his own work on astronomy, called

Siddhdnta-S'iromani, in two parts, Ganitddhydya and Golddhydya, compos-

ing before it two introductory works : the first on Arithmetic, called

Pdti, or Lilavati, and the second on Algebra* He compiled his excellent

work Siddhdnta-S'iromani in the 36th year of his age, or 1 1 50, A. D.

Its first part, Ganitadhyaya, is divided into 12 chapters, viz. : —

Chapter I. Called the Madhyagati, which treats of the rules for

finding the mean places of the planets, contains 7 sections.

Section 1. Kinds of time.

Section 2. Revolutions of the planets, &o.

Section 3. Rules for finding the ahargana (or enumeration of

mean terrestrial days elapsed from the commencement of the Kalpa)

and thence the mean places of the planets, &o.

Section 4. The dimensions of the Brahmanda (universe), and of

the orbits of the planets, and thence the rules for finding the mean

places of the planets.

Section 5. This section, called Pratyabda-Suddhi (the remainders

of additive months at the beginning of each year), treats of rules for

finding the remainders of additive mouths, subtx’active days, &c., at

the beginning of each year, the small ahargana (or enumeration of

the days elapsed from the beginning of the current year) and thence

the mean places of the planets.

Section 6. Determination of additive months and others.

Section 7. The Desdntara correction, &c., and conclusion of the

first chapter.

* [Or Vijayanitu,. Both have boen translated by Colebrooke, — Ed.]

1893.1 Pandit Bapu Deva S'astri — A "brief account of Blidshara. 225

Chapter II. Called the Spashta-gati, •which treats of the rules

for finding the apparent places of tiie planets.

Chapter III. Called the Triprasna, treats of the rules for resolv-

ing questions on time, fiuding the positions of places and directions.

Chapter IV. Called Parva-sambhava, on the possibility of the

eclipses of the sun and moon.

Chapter V. Of lunar eclipses.

Chapter VI. Of solar eclipses.

Chapter VII. Rules for finding the lengths of the shadows re-

flected from the plauets.

Chapter VIII. On the rising and setting of the planets.

Chapter IX. On the phases of the moon and the position of the

moon’s cusps.

Chapter X. On the conjunction of the planets.

Chapter XI. On the conjunction of the planets with stars.

Chapter XII. Rules for finding the time at which the declinations

of the sun and moon become equal.

The second part of the Siddhanta-S'iromani, called Golddhydya

is divided into 13 chapters, with an appendix. Of this part the

translation is given here.

[The translation of the Golddhydya, or Treatise on the Sphere, being

now out of print, the following account of its contents is added for

the sake of completeness : —

Chapter I. In praise of the advantages of the study of the sphere.

Chapter II. Questions on the general view of the sphere.

Chapter III. Cosmography, (including a refutation of the suppo-

sition that the earth is level).

Chapter IV. On the principles of the rules for finding the mean

places of the planets.

Chapter V. On the principles on which the rules for finding the

true places of the planets are grounded.

Chapter VI. On the construction of an Armillary Sphere.

Chapter VII. On the principles of the rules for resolving the

questions on time, space, and directions.

Chapter VIII. The explanation of the cause of eclipses of the

sun and moon.

Chapter IX. On the principles of the rules for finding the time

of the rising and setting of the heavenly bodies.

Chapter X. On the cause of the phases of the moon.

Chapter XI. Op. the use of astronomical instruments, viz., (1) the

gnomon, (2) the vertical circle, (3) the Phalalca (invented by Blias-

kara), (4) the Yashti, or staff, (5) the DU-y antra, or genius-instrument,

(6) the self- revolving instrument, (6) the syphon.

J. l. 29

226 Pandit Bapu Deva S'astri — A brief account of Bhdskara. [No. 3,

Chapter XII. The seasons.

Chapter XIII. Useful questions, — a collection of problems. Ed.].

In this work Bhaskara has variously exposed the errors of Lalla,

whose work he had formerly annotated.

We now proceed to mention the discoveries of Bhaskara.

1. He discovered that the earth has the inherent property of

attracting all things around it,* and

2. r I hat portion of the equation of time which is due to the

inclination of the ecliptic to the equinoctial. "f

3. He found out the tatkalika, or instantaneous motion of the

variable quantities — the planet’s longitude, and the sine of the arc.

Bhaskara says “ the difference between the longitudes of a planet

found at any time on a certain day, and at the same time on the follow-

ing day, is called its rough motion during that interval of time ; and

its tatkalika motion is its exact motion.”

The tatkalika , or instantaneous motion of a planet, is the motion

which it would have in a day, had its velocity at any given instant of

time remained uniform. This is clear from the meaning of the term

tatkalika, and it is plain enough to those who are acquainted with the

principles of the differential calculus, that this tatkalika motion can be

no other than the differential of the longitude of a planet. This tatkalika

motion is determined by Bhaskara in the following manner.^

* ***#*#*#

Now, the term tdtkalika applied by Bhaskara to the velocity of

a planet, and his method of determining it, correspond exactly to the

differential of the longitude of a planet and the way for finding it.

Hence it is plain that Bhaskara was fully acquainted with the prin-

ciple of the differential calculus. § The subject, however, was only inci-

* ISiddhanta-S'iromatni. Chap. Ill, 6. — Ed.]

t [ Siddhanta-S' iromaifi . Chap. V, 16, 17. Ed.]

I [The calculations given by the author are omitted, as they have already

been published in J. A. S., B., Yol. XXVII, pp. 21 3 and ff.-Ed.]

§ [See, however, two papers by Spottiswoode in the Journal of the Royal

Asiatic Society, Vol. XVII, p. 222 and Vol. XX, p. 345. Mr. Spottiswoode con-

sidered that the pandit had overstated his case. He added ‘ Bhaskara undoubtedly

conceived the idea of comparing the successive positions of a planet in its path, and

of regarding its motion as constant during the interval, and ho may be said to have

had some rudimentary notion of representing the arc of a curve by means of auxi-

liary straight lines. But on the other hand, in the method here given, he makes no

allusion to one of the most essential features of the Differential Calculus, viz., the

infinitesimal magnitude of the intervals of time and space therein employed. Nor

indeed is anything specifically said about the fact that the method is an approxima-

tive one.

‘ Nevertheless, with those reservations, it must be admitted, that the penetration

227

1893.] Pandit Bapu Dora Sastri — A brief account of BJidskara.

dentally and briefly treated of by liim, and his followers, not compre-

hending it fully, have hitherto neglected it entirely.

4. The ancient astronomers Lalla and others say that the differ-

ence between the mean and true motion of a planet becomes nothing

wlien the planet reaches the point of intersection of the concentric and

excentric. But Bhaskara, denying this, says that when the planet

reaches the point where tne transverse diameter of the concentric cuts

the excentric, the difference of the mean and true motions becomes 0.*

For let p bo the mean place of a planet at any time on a certain

day, and p that at the same time on the next day ; and e and e be the

amounts of the equation respectively: then p + e and p' + e will be

the true places of the planet ; p'—p + (e — e) will be the true motion

of the planet ; taking p' ~p the mean motion from this, the remainder

e - e is the difference between the amounts of the equation. Thus,

it is plain, that the difference between the mean and true motions of

the planet is the rate of the increase or decrease of the amount of the

equation. Therefore where the amount of the equation becomes

greatest, the rate of its increase or decrease will be nothing ; or the

difference between the mean and true motions equals 0. But as the

amount of the equation becomes greatest, when the planet reaches the

point of the excentric cut by the transverse diameter of the concentric

(see the note on verses 15, 16 and 17 of Chapter V), the rate of its

increase or decrease must be nothing ; that is, the difference between

the mean and true motions will be nothing at the same point. This

is the principle of the maxima and minima, with which, it is thus evident,

Bhaskara was acquainted.

5. He ascertained that when the arc corresponding to a given

sine or cosine is found from the table of sines, this will be not far from

its exact value, when it is not nearly equal to 90° or 0° respectively .+

6. He discovered the method of finding the altitude of the sun,

when his declination and azimuth and the latitude of the place are

given. This is a problem of Spherical Trigonometry, which he first

solved by two rules in the Ganitadhydya. Of these two rules, we

have shown one in the note on verse 46 of the 13th Chapter of the Gola-

dhyaya, and the other is the following : —

shown by Bhaskara in his analysis, is in the highest degree remarkable ; that the

formula which ho establishes, and his method of establishing it, bear more than a

mere resemblance— they bear a strong analogy — to the corresponding process in

modern mathematical astronomy ; and that the majority of scientific persons will

learn with surprise the existence of such a method in the writings of so distant a

period, and so remote a rogion.’ Ed.]

*' [Siddhanta-S' iromani. Chap. V, 39. Ed.]

t [ Siddhanta-S’ iromani . Appendix. Ed.]

228 Paij(Jit Biipu Deva S'astri — A brief account of Bhdslcam. [No. 3,

Multiply the equinoctial shadow by the radius and divide the

product by the cosine of the azimuth. Assuming the result as an

equinoctial shadow, find the sine of an assumed latitude, i. e., finding

the Alcsliaharna from this equinoctial shadow, say : —

as the alesJiakarna

■ the equinoctial shadow or the result

: : the radius

: the sine of assumed latitude.

Now the sine of the sun’s declination multiplied by the sine of

latitude of the given place gives the sine of assumed declination.

Add the assumed declination to the assumed latitude, when the

sun’s declination is south ; but when the declination is north, subtract

it. The result will bo the zenith distance of the sun.*

Demonstration. First of all ho found the shadow of the gnomon,

when the sun, revolving in the equinoctial, arrived at the given vertical

circle, i. e., when the sun has the given azimuth, as follows : — ■

Draw a circle on a level surface with a given radius, and draw two

diameters perpendicular to each other, east and west and north and

south; then, at the equinoctial day, if we place a gnomon of 12 digits

on the level so that the end of its shadow fall on the centre, the distance

of the gnomon’s bottom from the east and west line must be equal to the

equinoctial shadow of the given place. Now draw a line from the

centre to the gnomon’s bottom, and produce it. It will meet the circum-

ference at the distance of the complement of the azimuth from the

east or west point.

Then say—

as the cosine of the azimuth

: the radius

: : the distance of the gnomon’s bottom from the east

and west line, i. e., the equinoctial shadow

: the gnomon’s shadow.

From this shadow find its hypothenuse, then say

as the hypothenuse

: shadow

: : radius

: the sine of the zenith distance when the sun is in

the equinoctial having the same azimuth.

Call this sine the sine of assumed latitude.

Then by similar triangles — ■

as the sine of the latitude of the place in the plane of

the meridian

* That is, assuming the given place of the observer to be in the northern

hemisphere.

229

1893.] Pandit Bapu Deva S'astri — A brief account of BJiaslcara.

: the sine of the assumed latitude in the plane of the

vertical

: : the sine of the sun’s declination in the plane of the

meridian

: the sine of the assumed declination in the plane of

the vertical.

This is the sine of the arc of the vertical circle intercepted between the

equinoctial and the sun’s place.

Add this arc to the assumed latitude, or to the arc of the vertical

circle from the zenith to the equinoctial when the declination is south ;

hut when it is north substract the arc, the result will be the zenith

distance of the sun. Hence the rule.

Then he says that if the complement of the sun’s azimuth be less

than his amplitude, when he is in the northern hemisphere, the vertical

circle will cut the diurnal circle in two points above the horizon.

Hence on the same day the snn will enter the same vertical circle at

two different times, and therefore the sun’s zenith distance will admit

of two different values. Bhaskara determined these two values thus : —

Subtract the assumed latitude above found from 180°. The re-

mainder will be the second value of the assumed latitude. Then from

these two values of the assumed latitude find the two different values of

the zenith distance. The reason is very plain.

7. The ancient astronomers, Lalla, S'ripati, &c., erroneously used

the versed sine and radius in finding the valana or variation (of the

ecliptic). Bhaskara himself refuted their rules variously, and used

the right sine and the cosine of declination in the place of the versed

sine and the radius respectively (see the last portion following the

29th vei’se of the 8th chapter of the Goladhydya).

8. It is stated in the Suryasiddhdnta and other ancient astro-

nomical works, that the end of the gnomonical shadow revolves in the

circumference of a circle, which Bhaskara boldly refuted.

Besides the above Bhaskara discovered many other matters which

are not so important as to deserve mention here. He wrote an annota-

tion called Vdsandbhdsliya on his work himself, the style of which is

very good and plain. Before he wrote this commentary, he composed

two other works, — one a Karana * and the other called Sarvatobhadra-

yantra, to find the hour of the day. Both of these works are now extant.

He wrote another Karana in the 69th year of his age, which is now very

common. It appears, therefore, that Bhaskara lived to the age of more

than 69 years. After him, no great astronomer has appeared among

the Hindus up to the present time.

* A treatise on astronomical calculation, whero the epoch is taken from the

commencement of the work.

230

A. F. R. Hoernle — Muhammadan and Hindu Goins. [No. 3,

On some new or rare Muhammadan and Hindu Goins, No. III. By

Dr- A. F. Rudolf Hoernle. (With two Plates).

[For Nos. I and II of this series, see this Journal, Vol. LVIII,

Part I of 1889, p. 30, and Yol. LIX, Part I, for 1890, p. 169. Compare

also Yol. LII, Part I for 1883, p. 211.]

In the course of examining coins that are submitted to me under

the Treasure Trove Act, I have come across some that deserve a fuller

description than I could give them in my Reports to the Government.

(A) Coins of the Independent Sultans of Bengal.

Towards the end of 1891 I received a lot of coins from Sibsagar

in Assam. Among them there were 38 coins of the Independent Sultans

of Bengal. In July 1892 I received another set of 28 coins of the

same Sultans from Bhagalpur. Reports on both finds are published

in the Society’s Proceedings for August 1893. Among these coins I

found the following new types or new varieties of known types.

(XXXY. ) Jalalu-d-din Muhammad Shah.

817-835 A. H. = 1414-1431 A. D.

(1) See Plate VIII, fig. 1. Now in the Indian Museum. This is

merely a new variety of the coin, published by Mr. Blochmann in this

Journal, Yol. XLIII, p. 294, pi. XIII, No. 2, and in the British Museum

Catalogue, No. 87. The legends on both faces are in tughra characters.

Obv. : ^ j i/| li All, ^

The date 834, in very large figures, is on the left,* and the mint

Chatgdon on the right side, partly illegible. In the specimens published

by W. Blochmann, the date as well as the mint is on the right side.

On the British Museum specimen the mint is said to be beneath. But

I doubt this; it appears to me to be the usual legend ajLLV

The date and mint would be on the sides, but the coin is too badly

disfigured by cuts to show them.

(2) Plate VIII, fig. 2. Now in the Indian Museum. This is

another specimen of that published in the British Museum Catalogue,

* Unfortunately, owing to a knob caused by a shroff mark on the reverse, the

date has not come out very clearly in the photograph. It is however, perfectly

distinct on the coin itself.

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — Muhammadan and Hindu Goins. 231

No. 83, and I only publish it here, because it is in nearly perfect

condition. The beginning of the name Jalal is lost or disfigured in every

other specimen I have hitherto seen. The mint also is a curiosity ;

for it seems to read (left-hand margin) J_ fi al- Wruzabad.

The more usual form is ibl jjjij SaW) fi al-bildat Firuzdbdd. The date

is 824 (Arp bottom, margin). The whole margin reads:

Art 0 <si*o ihi |

The date is in large sprawling figures.

(3) Plate VIII, fig. 3. Now in the Indian Museum. This is a new

type which I do not remember having seen published anywhere. The

obverse legend is new.

Obv. : in circular area :

(.llwjjl li

Margin : ah* ( ) <s£j|

Rev. : lettered surface with usual legend in tughra.

The date is 83(3?); the last figure may be 3 or 4. I cannot

identify the mint name ; it seems to be a new mint of 7 or 8 letters,

ending in X h.

(4) Plate VIII, fig. 4. Now in the Indian Museum. This is

another new type, with an entirely new kind of obverse design. It con-

sists of a small circular centre with the legend Abdu-l-Jabbdr

‘ Servant of the Omnipotent.’ Around is a broad inner circle and a

narrow margin, both covered with arabesques. At the bottom of the

margin there appears to be the date 8*5 (825 or 835), now partly

obliterated by a sliroff-mark.

The reverse has the usual legend in tughra, as, e.g., in the British

Museum Catalogue, No 33.

(XXXVII.) Nasiru-d-din MahmiId Shah.

846-864 A. H. = 1442-1459 A. D.

This Sultan struck a very great variety of coins. Mr. Blochmann

has published nine different kinds in this Journal, Vol. LXIII, p. 295

and Vol. XLIV, pp. 288, 289, PI. XI, Nos. 2-9. I myself have published

eleven other varieties in this Journal, Vol. LII, pp. 217-219, PI. XVI,

Nos. 1-8 and PI. XVII, Nos. 9—11. Here are four additional varieties.

1. Plate VIII, 'fig. 5. Now in the Indian. Museum. This is a new

variety of the same type to which “ Col. Hyde’s ” coin, published

by Mr. Blochmann in this Journal, Vol. XLIII, p. 295, belongs. The

232

A. F. R. Hoernle — Muhammadan and Hindu Goins. [No. 3,

peculiarity of this type is that both its margins are not filled with

legends, but with various ornamental markings. The present coin

differs from Col. Hyde’s in showing on the reverse the “ kunyat ” Alml

Mujdhid, and bearing no date. There are also some other slight differ-

ences in the arrangement of the lettering and in the ornamental

markings.

Obverse : in circular area : —

All)

| j

Margin : ornamental scrolls.

Reverse : in circular area :

I L«J|

Is:*-* JJ)

i . | jjLa,

Margin : ornamental scrolls.

There is neither mint nor date.

2. Plate VIII, fig. 6. Now in the Indian Museum. This is merely

another die of the same variety of coin, which has been published by

Mr. Blochmann in this Journal, Vol. XLTV, p. 289, PI. XI, No. 9,

and by myself in Vol. LII, p. 218, PI. XVII, No. 9. I publish it for

three reasons. In the first place, because it is in very good condition

and shows plainly the “ kunyat ” Abul Mujdhid. In the second place,

because it gives a new date ; and in the third place, because it shows

that my description given in Vol. LII, p. 219 is wrong. The obverse

legend is not (as I then thought, being misled by tlic bad condition

of the coin) distributed over area and margin, but area and margin

have, each, their own distinct legend.

Obv. : in circular area :

fj* tJ

A irk.

Obv. margin :

Apr ( )

Rev. : in circular area, within

ornamental margin :

LieJ|

^.-eG

Ml J

The date (just above of Nasir) is 842. This is noticeable. The

earliest proved date, hitherto known, of Mahmud Shah was 846, and

he reigned up to 864, Native historians give him 27 years (or even

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — Muhammadan and Hindu Goins. 233

32) of reign. Accordingly liis reign should have commenced in 638.

Mr. Blochmann, after discussing the subject (Yol. XLII, p. 269), adds :

“ Wo require, therefore, more evidence to fix the beginning of Mahmud’s

reign.” Here, then, we have evidence carrying that Sultan’s reign

back to 842.

The mint name I am unable to read satisfactorily, but it is ap-

parently the same as that above on No. 3 of Jalalu-d-din Muhammad

Shah. The first part, here, might be al- Balad ; though, perhaps, the

name is only a very crude way of writing Firuzabad ; compare the

appearance of the latter name on No. 3, below.

There were five specimens of this coin. One has no date ; another

has 843 ; on the remaining two the unit figure is not distinctly legible,

it may be 1 or 2 or 3. The specimen dated 843 is now in the British

Museum. The undated specimen seems to be of the Mu’azzimabad mint.

3. Plate VIII, fig. 7. Now in my own cabinet. This is a new type.

Obv. : area in indented quatre

foil :

1L4J| Li

f^l J

Obv. : margin in sections :

upper left : *<**>

lower „ : £?

lower right :

upper ,, : Apt"

It may be noticed that this is again a coin of the Abul Mujdhid

type, and that the date is another early one of 843.

There were seven specimens of this coin ; all, except two, dated

843. On the remaining two the date is lost. One of them is now in

the Indian Museum, Calcutta ; another, in the British Museum.

4. Plate VIII, fig. 8. Now in the Indian Museum ; the only speci-

men of this kind in the find. It is apparently a duplicate of the coin

published by me in' this Journal, Vol. LII, p. 218, PI. XVI, No. 4, but

it is in much better preservation, showing all the peculiarities of this

type of coin.

Rev. : in circular area within

ornamental border :

LijJl

^/^li

bj+s :* 3 OJfcLsr*^|

No marginal legend.

234 A. F. R. Hoernle — Muhammadan and Hindu Coins.

[No. 3,

Obv. : in circular area,

■within ornamental margin :

ill

til*

Rev. : in oblong double-lined toothed

area, within a circle surrounded

by dots :

ydu ! t _*j| <sJ| , LW|

| jsLw

The toothed or fringe-like orna-

mentation is peculiar.

The date 858 is distinct. The mint Firuzdbad is probable.

I wish to draw attention to two points : —

Firstly, these new coins carry Nasiru-d-din Mahmud Shah’s rule back

to the years 843 and 842. The end of his reign is well ascertained to

have been in 864, by Barbak Shah’s inscription of 865 and Mahmud’s

own coin of 864 (Journal LIT, p. 216, No. 86). This gives Mahmud

Shah a reign of, at least, 23 years, and goes some way in support of the

statement of the native historians. Some of them say, that he reigned

32 years, others, that he reigned “ not more than 27 ” years. These

conflicting statements are susceptible of a not improbable explanation.

Giving Mahmud Shall 32 years, his reign would have commenced in 833.

Mr. Blochmann ( Journal , Vol. XLII, p. 268) shows with great probabi-

lity, that Sliamsu-d-din Ahmad Shah’s reign must have commenced in 834

or thereabouts. He was the third member of an usurping Hindu dynasty,

and the native historians relate, that he was so cruel and tyrannical that

Nasir Shah (afterwards Mahmud Shah), a descendant of the old

Muhammadan dynasty of Ilyas Shah, with the support of the old party,

set up an opposition reign. What happened, I suppose then, was this :

Ahmad Shah succeeded in 832 ; soon afterwards, in 833, Mahmud Shah

set up his counter-reign ; Ahmad certainly lived to 836, as shown by

one of his coins (see this Journal, Vol. XLII, p. 268, and Brit. Mus.

Cat., No. 88), and he probably lived to 838, in which year accordingly

Mahmud Shah become sole and indisputed ruler of Bengal. Counting

Mahmud’s reign from 833, we obtain a total of 32 years, but counting

from 838, a total of 27 years.

Secondly, in this Journal, Vol. LII, pp. 212-216, 1 have fully proved,

that Mahmud Shah I made use of the two kunyats, Abul Muzaffar as well

as Abul Mujahid. I gave another proof of the use of two kunyats

in Journal, Vol. LIX, p. 167. The coins I now publish add further

proof^ if any were needed. In the British Museum Catalogue published

m 1885, I see, there are two coins still ascribed to Nasiru-d-din Mahmud

Shah II (Nos. 103, 104), following herein Mr. Blochmann, who in 1873

235

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — Muhammadan and Hindu Goins.

{Journal, Vol. XLII, p. 289) first ascribed that type of coin to Malimud

II. The only reason for this determination, given in the British Museum

Catalogue (p. 42, footnote), is that this type of coin gives the kunyat

Abul Mujdhid, which is said to distinguish Mahmud II from Mahmud I

and Mahmud III, both of whom use the kunyat Abul Muzaffar. . I

proved, already in 1883, that this reason was worthless ; for Mahmud

II uses both Abul Mujdhid and Abul Muzaffar. Row the coin, British

Museum Catalogue No. 104, is not dated, and therefore there is just a

possibility that it may be a coin of Mahmud II (who, however, was

a mere child and only reigned for six months) ; but there is no argument

iu support of that possibility, and the probabilities are all in favour of

Mahmud I. He coined a great variety of types, and the style of the

reverse of that No. 104 reminds one of the very similar style of Mahmud

I’s son and successor Barbak Shah in his coin (Br. M. Cat.) No. 90. For

my part, therefore, I prefer to ascribe the coin No. 104 (Br. M. Cat.) to

Mahmud I, until dated coins of Mahmud II are found to prove the

contrary. For another striking instance of the use of two different

kunyats see below under Shamsu-d-din Muzaffar Shall.

(XXXIX.) Siumsu-d-d£n YIisaf Shah.

879-886 A. H. = 1474-1481 A. D.

(1) Plate VIII, fig. 9. Now in the Indian Museum. Only one

coin of this type, was found. It is an entirely new type.

Obverse : divided by four intersecting lines, so as to form a central

square, with four exterior segments, the centre square itself being divided

by a horizontal line into two equal oblong compartments. Thus

alii id «1| h

• C~

i~*J

lflf| HP]

The two central compartments contain the creed ; the foul seg-

ments, the names of the four Imams, of which, however, only Alls

name is fully legible in the top segment.

23G

A. F. R. Iloernle — Muhammadan and Hindu Goins. [No. 3,

Tlie Reverse is divided into four parallel compartments by throe

horizontal lines. The legend is as follows : —

i_suo

liilkLJl gUiSjjb

[^Ik] LJ| [aU>]

There is no mint name and date on the coin, so far as I can see.

(2) Plate VIII, fig. 10. Now in the Indian Museum. Only one

coin of this kind was found.

Obv. : in circular area :

The Creed.

Below : Mint and date

illegible.

Rev. : in lozenge area :

\ 3 t

&1A b,l[ jjf

JiUotXj jb iylkJLJ|

tiilkJ — f | xU

The marginal segments of the reverse are too much abraded to

distinguish whether they bore any legends or merely ornamental

scrolls ; probably the latter.

(3) Plate VIII, fig. 11. Now in the Indian Museum ; only one coin

of this kind.

Obv. : in circular area :

Rev. : lettered surface :

Ail |

aJ!| J[jm ij

3 l P^t)

U-P.W5

Jj Jj\

(^1 *t£& jb xLi

w lk(JU| & Laj

There appears to have been no mint or date on this coin ; at least

I can discover no space for them.

What is particularly noteworthy, however, is that here we have

again further evidence of the use, by the same king, of the two kunyats

237

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — Muhammadan and Hindu Goins.

Abul Muzajfar and Alul Mujdhid. The usual kunyat of Yusuf Shah,

on coins and in inscriptions, is Abul Muzajfar ; but on the present coiu

it is Abul Mujdhid.

(XLI.) jALALU-D-nfw Fath ShIh.

886-892 A. H. = 1481-1486 A. D.

1 Plate VIII fig. 12. Now in the Indian Museum ; only one coin

of this kind. It is a new variety of the type, given in the British

Museum Catalogue, No. 97. The only difference is in the arrangement

of the lettering on the reverse.

Obverse :

The Creed.

Below : AS • AqjA

(Treasury, 890 A. H.)

Reverse :

(nriO o^ALJt

lAsl\ JlU

[ w lkLJ| SSL*

2. Plate IX, fig. 13. Now in the Indian Museum ; only one coin

of this kind. This is a new variety of the type described in the British

Museum Catalogue, No. 98. The latter is not figured, but, to judge

from the arrangement of the lettering, I assume it to be the same as

that published by Laidlay, in this Journal, Yol. XY, p. 329, No. 15.

There the legends are in circular areas within ornamental margins.

In the present coin, the arrangement is as follows : —

Obv. : area,

double-lined octagon within a circle :

i*j!iil«J[

wWlj

/Wl

The mint is clearly Muhammadabad, and the date 88*.

figure unfortunately is deleted by a shroff mark.

The riddle of this coin is the correct reading of the phrase in the

fourth line of the reverse. This phrase is undoubtedly the same as

that which occurs in the third line of the British Museum Catalogue,

No. 95, and of this Journal, Yol. XLII, pi. IX, No. 8. Mr. Blochmann

(p. 282) read it on the latter coin as ^1 This is unques-

Rev. : area,

double-lined octagon within a circle :

IslA^ 5 " 5

[ ertl ]

,ii U,

A A # efit o+fi ' 0

The unit

238

A. F. R. Hoernle — Muhammadan and Hindu Coins. [No. 3,

tionably wrong, as the letters on the coins are not so many. The

British Museum Catalogue (p. 39) reads it Al-Husain

Shdhi. On the coins, however, there is no letter (s) but the letter (m).

The latter is distinct enough, even in the photograph of the British

Museum specimen, but it is quite unmistakable on the present specimen.

Accordingly I prefer to read al-Hamid Shdhi. This phrase al-Hamid

Shdhi is probably of some historical importance. The similar phrase

al-Husaini is found on coins of the king ’Alau-d-din Husain Shah,

where it is applied to Sayyid Ashraf, the father of Husain Shall. It dis-

tinguishes Sayyid Ashraf as belonging to the line of Husain. In tlio

present case the term al-Hamid Shdhi is applied to Mahmud Shah, the

father of Fath Shah, and distinguishes him as belonging to the guild of

Hamid Shah. Now the Riyazu-s-Salatin (Bibl. Indica ed., p. 108, see

also Stewart’s History of Bengal, p. 93, and Journal, Yol. XLII, p. 260,

footnote) relates that the king Gliiyasu-d-din ’Azam Shah was a pupil of

a Shaikh Hamidu-d-din of Nagor, whom he used to visit to be taught

divinity. Such holy men are not uncommonly popularly called by the

title of Shah. Accordingly Hamidu-d-din would be popularly known as

Plamid Sliah, and pupils of his, or men professing his guild, would be

called Hamid Shahi. Sultan ’Azam Shah would be known as al-Hamid

Shdhi or ‘ the pupil of Hamid Shah ’ ; and this honorific epithet would

be retained by his direct descendants. It would, thence, follow that,

in all probability, Mahmud Shah was a younger son of ’Azam Shah, his

elder brother, who succeeded ’Azam Shah, being Hamzah Shah. Mah-

mud Sliah, in the histories, is simply described as a son of one of the

descendants of Ilyas Shah ; and he took possession of the throne, after

the short-lived usurpation of the Hindu family of Raja Kans, on that

title of being a descendant of the old legitimate royal family. If I am

coirect in my combinations, this coin of Fath Shah would thus prove that

Mahmud was a son (if not a grandson) of ’Azam Sliah. ’Azam Shah,

probably reigned up to 799 H, and Mahmud Shah’s usurpation, probab-

ly (see supra), commenced in 833 H. He may, therefore, have very well

been a j ounger son of Azam Shah, being, at the time of his usurpation,

a man of between 40 and 50 years. In fact, Mahmud Shah may, in

his early youth, have still known Hamid Sliah, and have accompanied

his father in his visits to the saint.

(XLV.) Siiamsu-d-din Muzaffar Shah.

896-899 A. H. = 1490-1493 A. D.

1. Plato IX, fig. 14. Now in the Indian Museum ; only one coin

of this kind. It is a new variety of the type published in the British

Museum Catalogue, No. 105, and by Laidlay in this Journal, Yol. XV,

239

1893.]

A. F. R. Hoernle— Muhammadan and Hindu Goins.

p. 331, No. 19. There is a slight difference in the arrangement of the

lettering, but the main difference is the use of the kunyat Abul

Muzajfar instead of the usual Abun-Nasar, and in the absence of Jchazancth.

Obv. : lettered surface :

ill 51

6+^ illi 5)1

A * A

(8 * 8 A. H.)

Rev. : in circular area :

l^J^ll 3

*U!> jiAax> jAbJl

2 AxLo &JJ

r ajIIxIac ~\

The date, of course, must be 898. The curiosity of this com is the

kunyat Abul Muzajfar. Its letters are absolutely distinct, which is more

than can be said" for the kunyat Abun Nasar, which is usually read on

bis coins. I have never met with any specimen on which Abun Nasar

could be read with equally absolute certainty ; at the same time, I admit

that the reading Abun Nasar on those coins (as on Br. M. Cat., No. 105)

is very probable. Any how, the kunyat Abun Nasar as the usual one of

Muzaffar Shah is proved by his inscriptions which uniformly give it to

him' ( see this Journal, Yol. XL1I, p. 290. ) Here, then, we have another

evidence to confirm the fact that more than one kunyat might be used by

the same king. I may add that Bloclimann in this Journal, Yol. XLIII,

p 297 footnote, affords another evidence in the fact that Aurangzib uses

the two kunyats Abuz Zafar and Abul Muzajfar, on his coins and in his

inscriptions respectively. He calls this a “confusion” (whose?), but

it is simply a well-established practice of some kings.

(B) Coins of the Kalachuri kings of Chedi.

In January last, I received from the Political Agent of the Chhahs-

garh Feudatory States, Raipur, 56 old coins, which, on examination,

turned out to be coins of some of the Kalachuri kings of Chedi. A re-

port on them has been published in the Society’s Proceedings for April

last These coins had been found in the Sarangarh State. In May

last, I received three more Chedi coins, which had been found in the

bed of the river Ang, in the state of Patna, and a report on which is

published in the Proceedings for August last.

As these coins, as far as I know, are the first of their land ever

found, or at least have never been published, I publish them now

the more so, as in one respect I have altered my opinion published in

the Proceedings for April last.

240

A. F. R. Hoernle — -Muhammadan and Hindu Goins. [No. 3,

For information on the Kalachuri dynasty of Chedi I may refer to

General Sir Alexander Cunningham’s Archaeological Survey Reports,

Yol. XVII, p. 71 if., and Professor Kielhorn’s paper in the Indian

Antiquary , Vol. XVII, pp. 135-138. On the accounts there given the

subjoined genealogical list is based : —

Serial

No.

Approximate date

of accession.

Names of kings.

Actual dates from inscriptions.

1000 A. I).

Kokalla

1030 „

Ratnaraja I

1060 „

Prithvideva I

1090 „

Jajalladeva I

1114 A. D. (8C6 IC. S.)

1120 „

Ratnadeva II

1135 „

Prithvideva II

1141 (893 K. S.),* 1 145 (896 K. S.),

1158 A. D. (910 K. S.)

1160 „

Jajalladeva II

1167 A. D. (919 K S.)

11/5 „

Ratnadeva III

1181 A. D (933 K. S.)

1185 „

Prithvideva III

1190 A. D. (1247 V. S.)

The following is a list of the coins that have been found : —

Serial

No.

Names of kings.

Found in

Sarangarh

State.

Found in

Patna State.

Total.

Grand Total.

large

small

large

small

large

small

Jajalladeva ...

Ratnadeva

Prithvideva ...

Total ...

Iwo of the coins are of pure gold ; viz., one large coin of Jajalla

(found in the Patna State), and the large coin of Prithvi Deva. All others

are of mixed metal, containing gold in very varying proportions, which

could only be determined by a regular assay. The other large coin of

Jajalla, found in the Patna State, as well as his small coin, found there,

appear to be of nearly pure gold.

In weight and size they are all practically alike; that is, the

larger coins measure 065, the smaller, 05 inches ; and the larger coins

weigh 57 grains, the smaller, 15 grains. The large gold Prithvi Deva

weighs 59 grains, and one large Jajalla Deva of mixed metal weighs only

56 grains : also one small Jajalla, only 14 grains.

# See Indian Antiquary , Yol. XX, p. 84.

241

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernlc — Muhammadan and Hindu Goins.

In design the coins are all alike. The margin is formed by a circle

of dots. On the obverse is the crude figure of some animal, and on the

reverse, the legend.

The legends are the following : —

I. Jajalla (PI. IX, 15-19). it. Ratna Deva (PI. IX, 20, 21.)

=5ftoo5|T sri-maj-ja .m-rnad-ra

isna^r jalla-deva. tna-deva.

III. Prithvi Deva (PI. IX, fig. 22).

M-mat-pri

thvi-deva.

The Jajalla coins of mixed metal show on the obverse of the large

specimens the akshara AT md, on that of the small, W ma. On the ob-

verse of the gold Jajalla and the gold Prithvi Deva, in the corresponding

places, there is also some mark, which seems to be some akshara, it

resembles the numeral figure 1 (5).

What animal the figure on the obverse represents, I do not venture

to say. At first, I thought it was the standing figure of Hanuman,

and this opinion I expressed in my report, published in the Proceedings

for April last, p. 92. This figure can be recognized, if one takes the coin

(e. y.,the gold Prithvi Deva, PI. VII, fig. 22) with the reverse (legend) side

facing, and then turns over the obverse side, side-ways, from the right to

the left. The obverse side, as then presented to the spectator, shows a

crude figure of Hanuman standing, with his head turned to the left

(showing profile), body to front, and feet to right ; one of the two scrolls

being his tail. The figure, of course, is very crude.

But 1 have since found, that holding the obverse side in a different

position, other figures can be made out ; and accordingly, I wish to with-

draw, for the present, the conclusion which I drew from my recognition of

the figure of Hanuman, in the April Proceedings, p. 93. If, instead of

turning the gold Prithvi Deva side- ways, from right to left, it be turned

downwards from top to bottom, the obverse side, as now presented to

the spectator, shows a distinct small figure of an elephant, in the lower

half of the coin. His head, on the right hand side, is quite clear ; his

trunk is raised up and curves over ; within the curve is seen one of his

tusks ; his body is encircled by a heavy chain (of the howdah) ; the up-

turned tail is just seen on the left margin ; the fore-legs are partially

visible, the hind-legs are cut away. This much is very clear, but what

the marks on the upper half of the coin may mean, I cannot make out,

unless they can somehow be' taken to represent a howdah. See No. 21

on Plate IX.

There is still a third possibility. Holding the obverse side, in nearly

J. i. 31

242

L. F. R. Hoernle — Muhammadan and Hindu Goins.

[No. 3,

the same position as for the elephant, it is just possible to recognize the

figure of a bull (or a horse, or a lion), to the right, in the same recumbent

position as seen on the so-called “ Bull and Horseman ” coins. See

obverse of No. 15 on Plate IX. What was before the upturned trunk

of the elephant, are now the fore legs of the bull turned under his

body. A part of what might be the liowdah (?) is now the head of the

bull (or other animal), near the right hand margin.

I may add, that holding the coin in the position, now described,

the akshara met presents itself upright, which renders it probable

that this is the proper position in which the coin should be held. See

No. 17 on Plate IX.

All this requires some exercise of the imagination, and I will leave

it to more experienced numismatic eyes to determine the real nature

of the obverse figure. Only one thing appears to me impossible : to

recognize in it any figure of the goddess “ Durga, four-armed, seated

to front.” And in this respect, the coins of the present finds still

appear to me very noteworthy. For all coins of the Kalachuri dynasty

that hitherto have become known, show on the obverse the figure of

Durga, which is also said to have been “ the cognizance of the Haihaya

or Kalachuri Princes of Chedi.”*

It is impossible to say, to which of the kings of the above given

list the coins may belong. Ratna Dova and Prithvi Dova, both occur

three times, and Jajalla Dova occurs twice. Coins (gold, silver and cop-

per, see Archceological Survey Reports, Yol. X, p. 25) of the Kalachuri king

Grangeya Deva are known ■ so also gold coins of a Kalachuri king, Prith-

vi Devaf (see Prinsep’s Indian Antiquities, Yol. I, p. 292, and Thomas’

Chronicles, No. 17, p. 19.) All these, however, are of a different typo.

They show, on the obverse, the figure of Durga, seated to front. No

coin of any other Kalachuri king has become known before the finds

now described by me. Gangeya Deva’s date is about 1120-1140 A. D.

There is an inscription of his, dated in (789 K. S.) 1038 A. D.J He

must, therefore, have been a contemporary of Ratna Deva I. General

Sir Alex. Cunningham has shown ( Survey Reports, Yol. XVII, p. 71)

that a Kalachuri king Gayakarna Deva was reigning in (866 K. S., or)

1115 A. D., in the very same year as Jajalla Deva I ; and that, therefore,

there existed two distinct kingdoms of Chedi, the one having its capital

at Triplin', on the Narbada, in Western Chhatisgarh ; the other in Ratan-

pur, in Northern Chhatisgarh. Gangeya Deva was a king of Western

* Archseolog. Survey Reports, Yol. X, p. 25.

t That, this is the Kalachuri Prithvi Deva, and not a Chandol king, is shown by

the form of the name. The Chandol is called Prithvi Varmma.

1 Archgeolog. Survey Reports, Yol. XXT, p, 113,

1893.]

A, F. R. Hoernle — Muhammadan and Hindu Goins.

243

Clihatisgarli or Dalial ; he is called so in one of liis inscriptions (Archceolog.

Survey Reports, Vol. XXI, p. 113). It may be suggested, that the two

Chedi kingdoms had coinages of distinct types. Western Chedi had

the four-armed seated Durga, while Northern Chedi had the coins which

I have described in this paper. In that case the Prithvi Deva, whose

coins show the Durga device, would not be identical with any of the three

Prithvi Devas in the list above given, which is a list of the Ratanpur

kings of Northern Chedi. He would be another king of the Tripuri

dynasty of Western Chedi.

1. See Plate IX, fig. 23. This is a copper coin of uncertain attri-

bution, which I discovered among the coins of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal. It is clearly dated 841 H., and it shows the type current in

those days in the mints of the so-called Pathan Sultans of Delhi.

Compare, e. g., the small copper coins of Mubarak Shah II (824-837),

and Muhammad Shah IV (837-847). It bears, however, the name of

Jalal Shah. There is no Sultan of that name in the known list of the

Sultans of Delhi. Thomas, in his Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi,

p. 375, mentions a Jalal Lodi, who was a brother of Ibrahim Lodi, and

who was placed by the nobles of his own tribe of Lodi on the throne of

the kingdom of Jaunpur. But Ibrahim’s date is 923-937, and his

brother Jalal’s date is therefore too late for the present coin. The first

known interference of the Lodis with the Delhi Saltanat is connected

with Bahlol Lodi, the grand-father of Ibrahim Lodi and of the above-

mentioned Jalal Lodi. He was nominally Governor, but virtually,

master of the dependencies of Lalior and Sarhind, under the Sultan

of Delhi, Muhammad Shah IV bin Farid (837-847). His aid was

called in by that Sultan, to relieve him from the attack of Ibrahim,

king of Jaunpur. This happened before 844, the date of Ibrahim’s

death. Bahlol’s first mention, therefore, goes back to at least 844 H.

(See Thomas, ibid., pp. 320, 336). It might be suggested that Jalal may

have been Bahlol’s father ; but his father’s name is given as “ Malik

Kala ” in Beale’s Oriental Biographical Dictionary. I referred the

question to Mr. Rodgers, who possesses an unrivalled acquaintance with

the Muhammadan coins of that period ; but he was not able to throw

any light on Jalal Shah’s identity. The coin reads as follows -

Obverse :

U>Wl 3

Reverse :

*IA JIU

IkLa

244 -A. E. R. Hoernle — Muhammadan and Hindu Coins. [No. 3,

I give the obverse legend, as Mr. Rodgers reads it, though I am

not fully satisfied as to its correctness.

2. See Plate IX, fig. 24. This is a rupee of Sher Shah from

my own cabinet. It is of a well-known type, but I publish it for the

sake of the strange reverse legend ’Aldu-d-din, which is clearly

shown in the bottom segment. It appears in the place, where one

usually finds Sher Shah’s name Fandu-d-dm. I cannot account for

this anomaly, nor can Mr. Rodgers to whom I referred the coin.

(D) Coins of the Mughal Emperors of Delhi.

1. See Plate IX, fig. 24. This is a square rupee from my own

cabinet. The date is perfectly distinct, 1010 H., and the coin, therefore,

refers itself to Akbar’s reign ; yet its true attribution is not without

difficulties. I referred the coin to Mr. Rodgers, who informed me

that there are two coins like it in the Lahore Museum and that he

possesses one specimen himself. He believes that they are “ Jahangir’s

coins with Akbar’s name, struck in Bengal.” He reads the legends as

follows : —

Obverse :

The Creed-

Reverse :

1 * 1 * afA

U»3j\ ^

Ax - ■ w

He tells me that “ Akbar,” “ Shall Salim ” and mint “ Bangalah ”

are plain on one of the above-mentioned three coins. Jahangir succeeded

his father Akbar in 1014 H. ; his earlier name was Salim Shah, which

appears on some of his early coins, for which see British Museum

Catalogue, Nos. 288, 289.

2. See Plate IX, fig. 25. This is a rupee of Jahangir, of the

well-known type of the months of the Ilahi years. I publish it, how-

ever, for the sake of the mint Rohtas, which is a new one. The legends

run as follows : —

Obverse :

*U a I A

J .V.&

Reverse :

U*’ jjj

245

1893.] Hara Prasad Shastri— Old Nepalese Manuscripts.

3. See Plate IX, fig. 26. This is a new variety of the well-known

type of Shah Jahan’s rupees with two straight-lined square areas. The

novelty is that the square is made with double lines, resembling in this

respect a certain variety of Sher Shah’s rupees, which is less rare, and

a specimen of which is figured in the British Museum Catalogue, No.

544. Shah Jahan’s rupee of this variety is extremely rare. I have

only heard of one other specimen, through Mr. Rodgers who informs

me that he has seen it in the collection of Mr. Dnrkee, an American

who visited India in the course of last year. The legends are the

usual ones ; there is, however, one peculiarity, that the Hijra date is

given twice, while the Jalus year is omitted. The date is 1056, and is

given in the top segment of the obverse, together with the mark of a

“sword;” and it is given_ again in the bottom segment of the reverse

with the mint Katfcak (>-£&’).

Postscript : The above was in print before I discovered that

Jalal Shah’s coin (p. 243) had been already published in the Appendix

to the British Museum Catalogue of “ The Muhammadan States,” No.

500, p. 168, among the “unidentified” coins. In a footnote, it is

suggested by the author of the Catalogue that it belongs to the Gujarat

group of coins, on the ground that it is “ precisely similar ” to the

coins of Ahmad I of Gujarat. It seems to me that the similiarity

is much more striking to some of the Delhi emperial issues, and that,

therefore, the prince who issued these coins was more likely to have

been one who “ made himself temporarily independent ” from a Delhi

emperor than from a Gujarat king. The facsimile of the Brit. Mus.

specimen confirms Mr. Rodger’s reading of the obverse legend.

On a new find of old Nepalese Manuscripts. — By Pandit Hara Prasad

Shastri.

I have been fortunate enough to obtain through the good offices of

my friend Babu Eshirod Chandra Ray Chaudhuri, Headmaster, Chapra

Zilla School, a collection of ancient Sanskrit MSS. from Nepal. They

are twelve in number, eleven of which have been acquired for Govern-

ment. Five of them are Buddhist works, four of which are absolutely

unknown to the learned world. Six of them are Hindu works, five of

which are well-known ; one only being new to the world. The twelfth

work was marked unknown and appeared to be in utter confusion.

The great merit of the five Hindu MSS. which are already well-known,

and indeed that of the whole collection, is their ancient date. The

MSS. were written between 1026 and 1481 A.D.

246 Hara Prasad Sliastri— Old Nepalese Manuscripts. [No. 3,

The most important works of this collection are two; namely a

commentary on the celebrated work on Buddhist philosophy entitled

Bodhicharya vatara, noticed by the late Raja Rajendralal Mitra on

page 47 of his work on the Nepalese Buddhist MSS. Mr. Bendall in

his Cambridge Catalogue ” says that this work is the 9th Section of the

well-known Asokavaddnam&ld. It is divided into 10 chapters, and is

perhaps the only work in which four of the six pdraJtds h^ve been

fully explained. Though it is a part of the Asokavadana, it is always

regarded as a separate work on account of the importance of its philo-

sophical doctrines, which are couched-as all such doctrines are-in a

anguage scarcely to be understood without a commentary. And such

a commentary is furnished in one of the twelve works in the new

collection.

. T f e comment ^7 ^ by Praj Sahara who is styled Bandit a BMJcshn,

e., a learned monk Babb Sarat Chunder Das tells me that Prajnakara

was a famous disciple of the still more famous Dipankara S'ri Jiiana of

Vikramasila who introduced the reformed Buddhist faith into Tibet

where lie is known as Atisha. This is probably correct. The MS was

annearsk h^’ p°“ USe ° f the P hra8e Prajndkarapdddndm,

veai 19S tT Z’ 111 " ^P 16 ’ TllS Work copied in the

yeai 19S of the Nepalese era, t. e„ 1078 A.D., and Dipahkara’s journey

to Tibet is said to have been undertaken in the year 1066. Atislil

was about seventy when he was invited to Tibet, and it is quite possible

that one of his young disciples wrote a running commentary on one

of the most important works of Buddhist philosophy, and that it was

copied by a pupil of this disciple.

213A A t S o a thc P l C r- 0f tllG C °“ tary ’ 1 SUbj ° in - Page

Text |

^rapsiwq^ 'efar. n p. 45, a . b. 42.

^ lT! 1

V™*** 1 ******' I ^

® WI 1

" I,:s ^ T:

247

1893.] Hara Prasad Sliastri — Old Nepalese Manuscripts.

fapw: tihTt *t 5T%*r q%«r qr

I JJ^TPT^T x^lf*; ^THR JTIPRTft

i 3mi *r s^r s\t*r q^Tfarj q%*r qi f*isra-

: qrrwifq ^(^if?; sj^ir snfwun fqqfTrg \ srt t^rtst ^tjt-

^fcr ^TfsrjrfRisr ssnr^fcT ^uctjg jrbt

ipfRTSJ ^tf%?f Xl^-SSTfllsf, fqqfrffilRTST ^TJT^fa ««=([:

^wrrft: tura^t i cT^riifcfh | or^^n jtikt*! JaiRiaft ^tr-

sjTcTirs^r^T^rt JZJnmsrgsrfqsiT asiRj;

smiafimqR®W ^^fcf *T =>? ^TRTMtsfcTq*! ' * ^TcT^FsT-

*trei^j fqqgrt vRfa i w^Rm fa^r iasra^RTqjrcRR-

^rqm??nqfcT9rcJn^TqTTqiir??j fi^JTpfq' flRqftfqnT nf^gj-

qftsfqcifq^q^w q;^?;3nfq^RTr»Tq®^nq\^psE!^?i?jnw

^Rif^jRqmq^q^qqfcfrm^ ^q^fqcriq^w qs£r*RTcqsRq

qn^RTf^qsrim^q *RfrT 3 srrespgT%q

q*qi5m^qnfqR>sf3'ftWR¥R^J ^«T sfN si’f ?t: q^ffafnsRWcVt

Triiq'sf qsicT! w^raT’rjR tffgr^cr: ^wqurfJTR;© *tt?t-

qn^R sprsTfiRW *rtuir%^Tii*n®r^j q^qraqr sftqwR^r fqffiTft-

spiT fqqi sf^Tcrt ®n 5 *i'priOT *n**r^rra iiwpw’ • • it fi

SR'fRTsr cff^PT ^RT *ppr 3RJ!r *PlfcT ! fi^RF! S?tcTTWTf?FSFcTTq:,

fqsqfqui, ^ufjtw st fH ^irai*f Hfaqipa ^i>

cr^pJtqqjr, fqqrfacr^F ijarlcra qgf^cr^ st spotcjurr, ^fifv-

Ci^f WT *TO«ftcT^T qqfqsfr: sn*Fq: trfiiSRmr

VRnftfcT Phsr: I o^TRcR WH^Rl'S

qSP qRfflfas I

T& ^TflRTtHt WTfS^ I

W. II P. 45, b. B. 42.

®v

5.qi«ff ^tipotttoiw*, *cq-

ffl<*Flf<? ^fR^fnCfaplT %: ¥F

smfqcFRt ^T<mf^F§R^mqq9RI«T fSffff 5 # qRT

248 Hara Prasad Shastri — Old Nepalese Manuscripts. [No. 3,

^r%sr fair f^sjt i ^ wfasurw: swfa-

sjumufa i^srrasrrfa i

s^lfa, fIST ^^XTTf^tfcsj'g: I far fa^ranfa-

sRfanfaani - sxsfa'sre?^^! | TjjTgTjijd' %gr:

I ^Hf: ^TTcTTfn w: I

SR^tTOWffewft Jg^rlTJT I

^pEJT^W'f ^5WWWn5?Tfj; II P. 45, b. B. 42.

xfatrt faw* fa:§*mnrfa i

sfaanfa i **p?t ^rf^pr w«rciT , ?Tfafa$«fi'

faujlffT WTSlfawfal ^cJT ^^N^TfallfaT^tfR’frtlD' I ?[i?WT fa-

^^cnfawcmT xr^flra^^j jg^ierraT ^mfagTre^rcr xfa fa:%?r-

%g^i«r^*wTtfafJTTig^f^fi 3<^roi ^^Rfa^gxr^g^n- 1

Sjgmfa i jpizrci ^t*h%= ^wirt sfe*st %*tf?renfjT

?;fa ^5tj: I ^CTfafa fllcri I jffc^H I *1 3?^|?TT %ff tfcfiT-

sqgTT^Hfa ^^^faqTwfaf^^Tgwsw^sr f^qftfeqft.

gxgfa ?JT^cr ^ggxrfacr^^wn^ f^ifsrjmm snsfa cfaqjfasr «§?-

*uifa*r^K9n?g flsq^fflifaqfaqitfcrgfaq-^cigT ^^Tq?;iljrrfTsrfaT9tgrcT

^n^cT^TJIcTlfaJTf]%g^l^r I SSrq^fsfa

-J

»T^fa I

3r Jmft?;sr?n^JiTi-snT?R^Tfa?;^JTT:

^^^Tnxr^fafl^lWtfa^cTi: igpt : |

% 5Ef5?ft ^nxffasifafq ^ SITJC faffl^cft

tnii fa^far? wts?t *rfa n

®r fawift 5 ? re wsncf *igfarer efaw % i

*jg Tnft^ffa JRfawfrfair gfasr ^nwfa h

srfa ^ i

«r: *fa=RTT srsifa *T*r«> 5tprepr ^farr

St^fa *1 ufa: ^ f ni??r^ I

nrr ^ffiTwfa^^m^w^fa^m

If! SNT^xrfaxi^r^: II

1893.] Hara Prasad Shast.ri — Old Nepalese Manuscripts. 249

stsptt «W

ff?T I

ScT ^ f^cTW ?PTT^[ 5i%T

Ttfpjftftqr ^®3TWfcr: 5iT?mr ll

JTtf^^STT^dT^ ^fPTHT I lifcrfoi tff?!f<T-

f*TW SrareRgRRi I

2 c i%^ iT^t i^f^'cT^r ^^rf% 5 ff

^Runw^RJnfufii 5T% ^m^T^tffrf l

511# «m TRUST ^5> *W H

siao ^Runi^t wmt fi5i?n^% ||

Thtft t%^l^T^rit%*TS |

3gw j|

^f%cnj^ i

«?^^TW^5T1W«1 f^l'T^ ^JTcTT^ ||

^ 's^^r i

«TcT «RTf XR3T ^ || *fcT

*rfW u*ft 9 fti: mg *n?t wsw mtim I

'mg *TR5rfcr: 513TT fgsn^rs mg mmin ijgTfmf^: h rfa i

3)UW fafjgTTfflfeT |

The commentary comes down to the end of the 9th chapter of the

Tfodhicharyavatara, the chapter dealing with Pr aj flap aramit a . The

first page of the MS. is missing ; others are missing here and there,

and the number of missing pages is about 29.

The second important work is a complete copy of the Chandra-vya-

karana which represents one of the eight great schools of Sanskrit

grammar as stated in the celebrated verse : —

*m^rrfm€fapiRTm: I

Rrfii®3j*rc«3=?jT ^^Rjsif^JTTfsr^p n

A complete copy of this book is a great desideratum. Mr. Bendall’s

catalogue of MSS. in the University Library of Cambridge mentions

J. i. 32

250 Hara Prasad Shastri— Old Nepalese Manuscripts. [No. 3,

two MSS. of this work, hut both of them are incomplete. Our MS.

was transcribed in the Nepal year 476 corresponding to 1356 A.D

and the palaeography exactly corresponds with that of the 14th

century as given in Mr. Bendall’s Tables of letters and numerals.

It was written at a time when all Nepal was in a state of confusion,

owing to a Kosala invasion led by Hari Singh of Simraon. The

MS. was copied by Kshemendra, the principal Achdrya of a Vihar

named Yosvaccha (?), in the reign of Raiadhiraj-paramesvara-pamma-

bhattaraka-sri-sri-vijaya-raja-deva— a king whom it is very difficult

to identify. Mr. Bendall is perfectly right when he says that “the

Chandra-vyalcarana follows Panini both in style and treatment and

often in actual words, many of the Sutras being identical.” Ibis is

also the case with many other grammars, some of which have been

compiled simply to avoid the study of the cumbrous and diffuse

Panini. Mr. Bendall also says that the Ghandra-vydharana is divided

into six adhyayas , each of which again is sub-divided into four padas,

though in my MS. the 6th adhyaya contains 3 padas only.

The next work in importance is a complete copy (one leaf only

missing) of the Amara Kosha written in the month of Chaitra in the

24th year of Govindapala Deva whose accession to the throne of Magadha

in the year 1161 is known from an inscription in Vol. Ill of Cun-

ningham’s Archeological Report. Thus his 24th year corresponds with

1185 A.D. I have compared portions of the MS. with the printed text

of Colebrooke. In the printed text there are metrical colophons at the

end of every kanda. But the MS. has no metrical colophons. The last

colophon of the MS. is simply Linga-samgraTiah samdptah.

Many lines and verses, which are known in latter MSS. as interpola-

tions, do not occur in our MS.— for instance, the synonyms of

Lakshmi occupy two lines in ordinary MSS. and printed texts of the

Amara Kosha, whereas our MS. has only one line ; and many old

pandits whom I consulted, and who in their early youth committed

the whole of the work into memory, told me that the second line was

always regarded as an interpolation.

The fourth work is a copy of the Ohandakausilca by Arya

Kshemisvara, dated 1331, A.D* So the writing of this work also

falls within the period of confusion in Nepal. The Sanskrit scholar-

ship of Nepal at that time was so poor that they could not correctly

ascertain the name of the work, but labelled it, in the same character

in which the whole book is written, as Ilarischandra-vikriya-pustakam.

1893.] Hara Prasad Sliastri — Old Nepalese Manuscripts. 251

Five leaves, from three to seven, are missing. The hook is in other

respects complete, and it affords many readings which are much better

than those found in the Calcutta editions of the work.

The hook contains some hints about the time when it was composed

in the following couplet : —

fsrJrre

*rtbasr uuguJtfUJnsr ?rpNr

M ahipala has been put down by Cunningham as the 1 1th king of

the Pala dynasty whose reign commenced in the year 1015. But the

question is who the Karnatas, mentioned here, were ? Are they the

people of Karnata, or do they belong to the dynasty of Karnatas who

reigned in Mithila and Nepal for a long time in the next two centuries.

On page 99, Yol. I. of South Indian Inscriptions, Dr. Hultzsch speaks

of a Mahipala Deva whose dominions extended to the sea, and from

whom eleven elephants were wrested by Rajendra Chora Deva of the

Suryavamsa, who reigned from A. D. 1022 to 1063. This is Mahipala

of Magadha, who reigned from 1015 to 1040. The Palas made exten-

sive conquests at this period of their existence. One of their dynasty

has been placed by Albiruni on the throne of Kanauj about this

period, 1020. There is every probability of the Mahipala mentioned in

Chandakau^ika being the same person as the Mahipala of 1015 to 1040.

He had to fight with a South Indian Prince — a Karnata. The Karnatas

were the enemies of Hemanta Sena the great grand-father of Ballala

Sena. Hemanta retired to a place on the Bhagirathi, in Bengal, after a

life-long contest with the Karnatas, and his grandson, Vijaya, is said to

have defeated Nanya Deva, the founder of the Karnataka dynasty of

Nepal. (Epigr. Ind., Yol. I.). These reigned in Nepal for several

generations (see Bendall’s Catalogue) and the Maitliila King under

whose patronage Chandesvara wrote his Smriti works and led his

victorious armies to Nopal, also belonged to the Karnataka dynasty.

(See Eggeling’s Cat. I. O. L. MSS.)

The work was very popular at Mahipala’s court where a nobleman

named Kartika gave the author Arya Kshemisvara a large quantity of

gold, silver, and land, as appears from the last verse.

SfqTJT W3<?|sfiH<TT WTJ

252 Hara Prasad Shastri— Old Nepalese Manuscripts. [No. 3,

qrc 'fkngf^Kft 5fif%*ww wuiwN^ ii

A drama describing tbe self-sacrificing spirit of Harischandra can-

not but be interesting to a Buddhist audience.

The fifth work is S'uddhiratndkara, by Chande^vara, The work

has been noticed by the late Baja Rajendralala Mitra in his Notices

of Sanskrit Manuscripts, Yol. VII, No. 2384, as belonging to one

Bhaiyalala Jha, of Dhamdaha-gram in Pnrnia. The India Office Library

has a very imperfect copy of the work, in which both the beginning

and the end are missing. The MS. is one of the seven great works of

Chande^vara’s digest. Pages 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 39, 77, and some leaves

at the end, in our MS. are missing. The MS. is a much better one

than the India Office copy, which is in modern Bengali characters ;

while ours is in ancient Bengali, and may, on palseological grounds, be

referred to the 14th century.

The sixth work is Buddha-lcapdla-tika. This is a commentary on the

Buddhakapala — a Buddhist tantric work not yet obtained. The MS.

was copied by a pupil of the author— Abh ay akara, a monk belonging

to the Vihara of Yikramasila. The work is complete in \4<patalas. The

name of the commentary is Abhaya-paddhati. On palseographical

grounds the work may be referred to the palmiest days of Vikramasila,

in the 11th and 12th centuries of the Christian era.

The seventh work is Sangita-ratnakara, in ancient Bengali character,

dated 362, i. e., 1481 A. D. The work is complete in three chapters,

and deals with instrumental and vocal music and dancing. It has

marginal notes in Nepalese handwriting. It has already been printed

and published at Calcutta.

The eighth is Samputodbhava, written in Buddhist Sanskrit prose in

the style of the Prajndpdramitd. The MS. is complete, the first two

pages are slightly injured, so portions of them are mounted with paper

in which the injured portions of the text have been restored in a later

hand. It is a Tantric work consisting of ten chapters, each divided into

three to four prakaranas. It was copied in 146 of the Newari era, i. e.,

1026 A.D.

The ninth work is Vajradak-tantra. This is a Tantrik work in 51

patalas, treating of mystic mantras and mystic observances. The invo-

cation of serpents, Dakinis, dead bodies, &c., forms the chief feature of

the work. The work is incomplete and breaks off with the 225th leaf.

The tenth work of the collection is a beautiful copy of the Prajnd-

pdramitd in 8,000 slokas. The work is on palm leaves pressed between

two wooden boards, with sticks inserted through holes in place of

253

1893.] Hnra Prasad Shastri — Old Nepalese Manuscripts.

strings. One of the boards is besmeared with sandal paste, which has

accumulated there for ages. The MS. was evidently an object of worship

and as Prajnaparamita is also called Rakshd-B hag aval i it appears to

have been regarded as a charm for protection against evils. The MS. was

copied in the 38th year of Govindapala who is styled Gauresvara, i. e.,

the year 1198 A.D. Govindapala had certainly lost his kingdom

befoi e that time, because his kingdom is not mentioned as a pravardlux-

mdna-vijaya-rajya, as usual, but as an aUta-rdjya, i. e., that his kingdom was

lost but he was living, perhaps a fugitive. Three of the MSS. belonging

to the same reign have been examined by Mr. Bendall at Cambridge.

In one of them, that belonging to the 38th year of this reign, occurs the

word vinasht a-rajya, showing that the kingdom was lost at that time.

The word used in our MS. is atilii, which is the same as vinashta.

The book was copied at Jayanagara in Magadha Mandala at a Viliara

established by Rani hdietallya Devi by Jainacliarya SVikam ;t hip ala.

It was a gift by a lay disciple belonging to the Mahayana School

named Maluka (? ), the son of Maharohasoshtane (P). Jayanagara at this

time was a sort of second capital of Magadha. Cunningham says it was

situated near Laskhmiserai. That it was a place of importance is testi-

fied by two facts : ( 1 ) by the discovery of a number of inscriptions in the

12th century character, and (2) by a number of coins in the Indian

Museum, belonging to this place. The rulers of Jayanagara seem to

have held a semi-independent authority under the Palas. Govinda

Pala in this MS. is called the king of Gauda ; this was a mere title. He

had no authority in that city which was under the power of the Senas,

and Lakshmana Sena is said to have changed its name into Lakshmanavati,

and one of his inscriptions is dated from Paundravardhana, which is by

many and, indeed, by the late Mr. Blochmaun, identified with Hazrat

Pandua, so near Gaud.

I have compared the first few leaves with the printed text of Dr.

Rajendralala Mitra, and I found them to agree perfectly. This work

has not been acquired.

The eleventh MS. is a collection of S'aiva tantras. On a careful

examination of the whole MS. it appears to be a collection of six S'aiva

works. (1) S'ivapadma, 12 complete chapters, (2) S'ivapadmottara, com-

plete in 12 chapters, (3) S'ivapadma Samgraha, complete in 12 chapters,

(4) Uma Mahesvara Saxnvada, 21 chapters, not complete. Works of this

name, belonging to the Skanda and to the Linga Puranas, are mentioned

in Aufreeht’s Catalogue, but there is no good notice of these works. (5)

S'ivopanishad, complete in eight chapters. This is different from the

S'ivopanishad by Harihar, noticed by Rajendralala Mitra. (6) Uttarottara

Tantra, complete in 10 chapters. The work can safely be placed on

paleographic grounds in the 12th century.

254 Hara Prasad Shastri— Old Nepalese Manuscripts. [No. 3, 1893.

The twelfth MS. is labelled as unknown. The first page is miss-

ing and the end is far away. On examination it is found that pages from

2 to 210 exist, with the exception of the 129th page. The handwriting

is beautiful, much older than the rest of the collection. On examination

it proved to be a portion of the Vrihat-katha, about a-tenth of the whole

work. It is not Somadeva’s Eathd-Saritsdgara, nor Kshemendra’s Vrihat-

Kathdmanjari because in both these works the chapters are divided into

lamb akas and tarahgas, whereas in the present MS. it is divided into

adhydyas and sargas. The work contains one complete adhyaya and

a portion of the second. It has altogether 26 sargas , the colophons of

many of which do not give any information at all. But in some of

them appear these significant words Vrihatlcathdyam-tloka-samgrahe.

In the colophons appear the names of the sargas; they often contain

proper names, none of which 1 have been able to identify either in

Kshemendra’s or in Somadeva’s work. So this fragment appears to be

a third Sanskrit redaction or version of the original Paisachi. Vrihat-

katha by Gunadhya, and the MS. which has been labelled 1 unknown ’

by my Nepalese vendor, turns out to be the most important work of the

whole collection.

The letter in this MS. has a more archaic form than in most

of the Nepalese MSS., which leads me to think that this MS. is of higher

antiquity than the rest. The has the turn of the Guptalipi. I may

therefore be allowed to venture to say that I have laid my hands on a

work copied even before Kshemendr’a and Somadeva wrote their works

on the Vriliat-Katlia. Biililer, in his paper in Vol. I, Ind. Ant., says that

Kshemendra had the Paisachi version of Gunadhya before him. Might

not he have consulted a big Sanskrit version, too, from which to abridge ?

I have read the first sarga in my MS. It treats of king Gopala renounc-

ing the world, because people calumniated him as a parricide, and making

over his kingdom to Palaka, his brother, in spite of the remonstrances

of the Brahmans. This is a very large work, the first adhyaya alone

containing more than 4,200 slolcas. While Kshemendra’s whole work,

according to Biililer, consists of a little more than 7,000 slolcas. I give

here the colophons of this work.

...

trafiST: I

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

CONTENTS OF VOL. LXI FOR 1892.

PART I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c.

No. 1. — W a d d e 1 1, Buddhist Remains at Mount Uren. — Lamaic Ro-

saries. — The 1 Tsam-chho-dung ’ of the Lamas. Chakravarti,

Troy weights and General currency of ancient Orissa. Smith,

Grinco- Roman Influence on the Civilization of Ancient India.

Second Paper.

No. 2. — E i e 1 h o r n, The Dinajpur Copper-Plate Inscription of Mahi-

pala. R a v e r t y, Muhammadan Coins collected by the Afghan

Boundary Commission. Theobald, A symbolical Coin of the

Wethali dynasty of Arakan. Chakravarti, Rama-tankis.

Wilson, The Topography of the river in the 16th century from

Hugli to the Sea. Beveridge, Rajah Kans. — The date of Nur

Qutb Alam’s death. C r o o k e, Vocabulary of the Korwa lan-

guage. Driver, The Korkus.

No. 3. — W a d d e 1 1, The Buddhist Pictorial Wheel of Life. R a v e r t y,

The Mihran of Sind and its Tributaries.

No. 4. — R averty, The Mihran of Sind and its Tributaries, Contd.

PART II.— NATURAL SCIENCE.

No. 1. — King, Materials for a flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

P r a i n, Novicite Indicite V. An undescribed Mezoneuron from the

Andaman Group.

No. 2. — B i g o t, Catalogue of the Diptera of the Oriental Region,

Parts II and III.

No. 3. — N iceville, Note on the Indian Butterflies comprised in the

sub-genus Pademma of the genus Euplooa. Peal, The Communal

Barracks of Primitive Races. B r ii h 1, De Ranunculaceis Indicis

Disputationes.

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JOURNAL

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Vol. LXII, Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. IV.— 1893.

CONTENTS.

Par/e

Note on the Official Reckonings of the reigns of the later Moghul

Emperors and on some of their Mint Towns. — By W. Irvine,

Esq., I.C.S., (retired) ... ... ... ... 256

Note on the preceding Paper. — By Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle . . . 265

The Koch Kings of Kamarupa. — By E. A. Gait, Esq., I.C.S. ... 268

Bijapur Inscription of Dhavala of Hastikundi of the Vikrama year

1053. (From the materials supplied by Munshi Deviprasdd ). —

By Professor F. Kielhoen, C.I.E., Gottingen ... ... 309

The site of Kama Suva,rna.—By H. Beveridge, B.C.S., (retired) ... 315

1893.] Hava Prasad Shastri— Old Nepalese Manuscripts.

255

3SJT5ITf%^K! 5 fT31 : •••

••• ••• *•*

THTwr i

V s

8 ^

8*i

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J. i. S3

1893.] Hara Prasad Sliastri— Old Nepalese Manuscript

255

^i<RT^^T s 5T ... ... ... ...

^TO^Tf^nNs:

JZ.wfWlKi ^TJP ... .1. ...

^PR* ... ... ... ...

sfisn^Vrtvt *rar: ... ...

%3PjaWw *TW 5Ef*r:

®n*r *m 5

^fc^RT ^?iEr’?7% ^JPrate**? ^FR

%jpraW*rt *n*r *i^9r: *rart

jTOs!^TrraT*R*gg^it *n*T i^T*t s wr*

^sf^Tutwl-:

^fa <Tf<*fW?lt stf^f^^T^r^r

fREJ^T^TH^WT^JK ...

rw^estir* ...

fRER¥pn*lT*T ... ... ...

fRR^tRFslTR ...

fg^ai’n^nH fRER^PSPR'^ 5

fRER^J/ff^wn? 5 ... ••• ••• •••

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J. i. 33

256

W. Irvine — Reigns of the later Moghul Emperors.

[No. 4,

Note on the Official Reckoning of the reigns of the later Moghul

Emperors and on some of their Mint Towns.

By W. Irvine, Esq., I.C.S. (retired.)

In tlie Philological Secretary’s Report on a recent find of coins

(Proceedings for June 1893, p. 116), I see that he adopts 1069 II.

(Sept. 1658— Sept. 1659), as the year from which Aurangzib ’Alamgir’s

reign is reckoned. On grounds which I think are overwhelmingly

strong, I propose to substitute 1068 H. (Sept. 1657— Sept. 1658.)

Among European writers we find considerable difference of opinion

as to the year in which ’Alamgir began his reign. To mention the

latest writer first, Mr. S Lane Poole, in his “ The Moghul Emperors

of Hindustan ” (1892), p. xxvi, says “ in May 1659 (1069) he,” i.e.,

’Alamgir, “ was proclaimed Emperor.” I see, however, that in his later

work “Aurangzib” (1893) in the series “Rulers of India,” Mr. Lane

Poole dates the reign from July 1658 (see the Table on p. 21 of that

work). Again, in the “Oriental Biographical Dictionary” of T. W.

Beale, p. 33, we read “but (’Alamgir) was not crowned till the first

“ anniversary of his accession, a circumstance which has introduced

“ so me confusion into the chronology of his reign.” This statement,

in identical words, is found in Elphinstone’s “History of India” (4th

ed. p. 525), and he relies on Khafi Khan. Grant Duff (“History of

the Malirattas,” Bombay reprint, note on p. 72), although ho prefers

1658 (i.e., 1068 H.) to 1659 as the correct year, seems to have suggested

Elphinstone’s remark. Grant Duff writes “Aurungzebe appears to

“ h ave begun by reckoning his reign from the date of his victory over

“Dara, to have subsequently ascended the throne in the following year,

“and then changed the date, which he again altered by reverting to

“ the former date (i.e., 3068 H.) at some later and unknown period.”

Grant Duff, like Elphinstone, relies upon Khafi Khan. Now, Khafi

Khan (in the printed text, at any rate) is not to be altogether trusted

in the matter of chronology; but I think that in this instance Grant

Duff s note misrepresents the facts, even as recorded by Khafi Khan.

Khafi Khan founded his statements, as is tolerably obvious, on the

TArikh-i- dahsala h or ’Alamgi'r-namah of Muhammad Kazim, and on the

Ma,a sir-i-’Alamgiri of Muhammad Said Musta’id Khan. The latter

for the first ten years of the reign, is itself an abstract of Muhammad

Kazim’s work (see p. 65 of the printed text of the Ma,asir). The facts,

then as related in the "Alamgir -namah, the source from which all others

are drawn, are as follows : — •

257

1893.] W. Irvine — Reigns of the later Moghul Emperors.

Muhammad Kazim commences the second year (1069 H.) with

a long excursus on the necessity for a system of chronology and the

varying modes of reckoning time, with some remarks on Akbar’s Divine

Era and that followed by Jahangir. Those two sovereigns reckoned

from the 1st Farwardin and used a solar year. He then informs us

that Shahjahan restored the use of the Muhammadan era ; and that ’Alam-

gir followed his father’s practice. “ And although the first fortunate

“enthronement happened on the 1st Zu,l-ka’dh, 1068 H ; yet, the efful-

“ gence of victory and success and the rising of the world-illuminating

“ light of that founder of the horoscope of felicity and prosperity lrav-

“ ing thrown the ray of joy on the world in the month of Ramzan of

“ their year (1068 II ?), and the appearing of the star of strength and

“ perpetuity of that chosen one, full of splendour, having lighted up

“ the face of Fortune and Good Luck in those days ; the first day of

“ that month of blessed omen, which was the new moon of limitless

“felicity and pregnant with both worldly and spiritual blessings,

“ was chosen as the first day of the years of that reign, rich in

“mercies; and the exalted order obtained issue that in offices and

“ calendars and patents and rescripts, they should make record after

“ that manner, and reduce into writing after that fashion all occurrences

“ and the reports of events. Accordingly, by the rule so fixed, I have

“ to this point written with my descriptive pen the story of one year

“ and twenty-four days belonging to the felicitous epoch of the sove-

reignty and empire of that One worthy of the faith-protecting throne.

“ And previous thereto there are entered the events of four months

“belonging to the auspicious time of his being still only a Prince of

“ the Blood, beginning from the day of the departure of the victorious

“ army, intent on world-conquering and realm-seizing, from the province

“ (khitah) of fortunate foundation, Aurangabad, which took place on

“the 1st Jumadi I,' 1068 H. (in words), ending” [i.e., the said four

months, Jumadi I, Jumadi II, Rajab, and S ha’ ban, 1068 II. ] “ with the

“ 1st of Ramzan of that year, which is the first day of the years of that

« reign full of happiness. Altogether the period covered is 1 year, 4

“ months, and 24 days. Then will follow the second year.” After this

passage he goes on to the festivities held to celebrate the accession, the

abolition of the Nau-roz festival, and the substitution of another to be

amalgamated with that of the Td-ul-fitr. Next, we have the appoint-

ment of a Muhtasib, or Censor, as in Muhammad Said. (’Mamgir-ndmah,

B. M. Addl. MSS., Nos. 26, 229, foil. 102b. to 104a.) I have no copy of

the printed text, and therefore cannot give references to it, but the

passage can, 1 have no doubt, be very easily found.

Next in order of date comes Muhammad Saki Musta’id Khan and

258

W. Irvine — Reigns of the letter Moghul Emperors. [No. 4,

liis Ma,dsir-i-’Alamgm. The parallel passage to that quoted above

from the Alamgir-namah will he found on pp. 22-25 of the printed test.

But I will turn first to an earlier page as it explains the circumstances

of the previous enthronement in 1068 II. Alamgir determined to pro-

ceed to the Punjab in pursuit of his brother, Dara Shukoh. He

set out from Akbarabad on the 22nd Ramzan, 1068 H. (23rd June 1658.)

The astrologers having selected the 1st Zu,l-ka’dh, 1068 H. (31st July-

1658), or lltli Amardad of the Ilahi year, as the auspicious moment for

his enthronement, and there being no time to proceed to the palace at

Dihli and there prepare for this august act, Alamgir halted for several

days at the garden of Aghardbad [also called Shalihmar, it was just

north of Dihli] to take advantage of the said propitious moment. There

lie seated himself on the throne of good fortune As the prepara-

tions for this ceremonial were on a limited scale, most of the observances

of an enthronement were put off to the second anniversary (jalus). On

this occasion no lchutbdh was read, no coinage issued, and no imperial

titles fixed upon. These matters were postponed. [Ma,dsir-i-Alamgiri t

p. 8].

[Idem, pp. 22-25.] Year 1069 H. This corresponds to the ex-

tract above given from Muhammad Kazim. “Since the ceremonial of

“ the first enthronement, by reason of the advance into the Punjab and

“from want of time, was on a reduced scale, while the reading of the

hkutbah, the issue of coin, and the fixing of the imperial titles were

“ postponed ; now that more important affairs had been arranged, orders

“ were issued to prepare for the festival ” “ And on the fortunate

“day, Sunday, the 24th of the blessed month Ramzan, in the year

“ 1069 H. (15 June 1659), or the 25th Khurdad of the Ilahi year, when

“ his age was 40 solar years, 6 months, and 17 days, or 41 lunar years,

“ 10 months and 2 days, Alamgir seated himself on the throne.” The

Mutbah was read, coin issued, offerings presented, and gifts bestowed.

The Muhammadan creed was no longer to be impressed on the coin,

but, instead, a distich, composed by Mir Abd-ul-Baki, was approved.

The new emperor s titles were settled ; and farmans issued to all provin-

cial governors, announcing the new reign. Several chronograms for

the occasion are giveu ; these yield 1069 II. Then follow these words :

“ As the shining of the light of the victory diffused its felicitous rays

on the world in the month of Ramzan, the exalted order was issued

“that they should record in offices and calendars the 1st of that month

“ as the commencement of the years of this reign.” After this comes

a passage about the abolition of the Ncm-roz festival, and the institution

instead of it of a festival to be called Nishdt-afroz. It will be noticed

that Muhammad Said does not expressly state the year, from the 1st

259

1893.] W. Irvine — Reigns of the later Moghul Hmperors.

Ramzan of which the reign was dated. But neither he nor Muhammad

Kazim, from whom he copies, give any countenance to a reckoning

commencing with 1069 II. On p. 30 and p. 34 we find that according

to Muhammad Saki, the third year (not the second) began in Ramzan

1070 H., the fourth year (not the third) in Ramzan 1071 H., and so on,

throughout the hook, to the end of the reign. For his period, the

first ten years, Muhammad Kazim follows exactly the same rule.

Finally, Muhammad Saki [Ma,asir-i-’Alamgm, pp. 520 and 523] records

that ’Alamgir died early on Friday, the 28th Zu,l-ka’dh 1118 H. (2nd

March 1707), in the 51st year of his reign, having reigned 50 lunar years,

2 months, and 27 days. This accords exactly with the mode of reckoning

laid down by Muhammad Kiizim. For, if we calculate from the 1st Ram-

zan 1068 H. to the 28th %u,l-ka’dh 1118 II.), we get as result (1118y.

10m. 28d.) — (1068y. 8m. ld.) = (50y. 2m. 27d.). Kamwar Klian. in his

Tarikh-i-Saldtin-i-Ghaghtaiyah, gives the same number of years, months,

and days ; but I attribute to him no independent authority for this reign,

having found wherever I have compared the two authors, that Kamwar

Khan gives Muhammad Said’s facts, in identical order, but in different

words.

I add two more extracts from Muhammad Saki, as the second of

them records a slight change in the observance of the anniversary, and

this may have been the reason that Grant Duff thought the date of ac-

cession had been twice altered — [Ma,dsir ’Alamgin, p. 30], Year 1070 H.

The third year of the reign commences. The anniversary ceremonies

begin on the 24th Ramzan (4th June 1660). [Idem, p. 34]. Year 1071

H. The fourth year commences. “Although the date of enthrone-

“ ment ( sarir-ardi ) was the 24th Ramzan, and in the previous year

“ the festival began on that day, yet owing to its falling in the time of

“ the Fast, when there is no inclination to enter into rejoicings, the be-

“ ginning of this year’s festival was fixed for the day of the ’fd ” ( i . e.,

1st Shawwal). It lasted ten days.

Khafi Khan’s passage, parallel to those in Muhammad Kazim’s ’Alam-

gir-ndmah, and Muhammad Said’s Ma, astir i ’Alamgirt, will be found in

the Bibliotheca Indica Text, Yol. II pp. 76-79. As it is translated,

nearly in full, by Dowson in Elliot’s History of India, VII, 241, 1 need not

reproduce it here. I only note that Dowson’s “ 4th Ramzan ” is the 24th

Ramzan in the printed text. Although Khafi Khan here expands rather

than contracts what Muhammad Kazim wrote, it is strange that lie omits

the all-important statement that the reign was made to beg-in on the 1st

Ramzan. I have looked through the text on pp. 76-80, and I cannot

find any mention of this fact. Khafi Khan. II, 549, gives the length

of the reign as 50 years, 2| months ; and even these figures, though not

260 W. Irvine— Reigns of the later Moghul Emperors. [No. 4,

strictly accurate, preclude any reckoning from 1069 II., but carry the

first day into 1068 II.

Again, I find in a somewhat later writer, Kliushal Cliand, author of

the Nawadir-uz-Zamam, the following statement. He wrote in the

reign of Muhammad Shah (1131-1161 II.) and was old enough to re-

collect the excitement caused in Dihli by the news of ’Alamgir’s death.

He himself, like his father before him, was a clerk in the Ceutral Revenue

Office, and a man likely to have, if any one had, exact knowledge on the

point under discussion. His words are : “ Although the first auspicious

“ enthronement took place on the 1st of the month Zii,l-ka‘dh, 1068 II.

“(30th July 1658), yet as the blessed rays of the brilliant light of

“ victory and success were displayed to the world in the month of Ram-

“ zan, the first day of that blessed month was assumed as the commence-

“ ment of these years full of miracles, aud the exalted order issued that

“ in all offices, and calendars, aud patents of appointment, and royal

“ rescripts, this rule should be adopted, in opposition to that of previous

“sovereigns, rulers in Islam who, following the practice of Jamshid,

“ Kakhir (Kasru?) and others, held Farwardin to be the most excellent

“ month, and appointed it for the commencement of their reigns. This

“rule was now abrogated, and the years of the fortunate reign were ap-

“ pointed to be reckoned by lunar months from the month of Ramzan ”

[B.M. Addl. MSS. No. 24027, fol. 490b.] For this work and its author,

see Elliot, VIII. 70, 71. Here he is evidently writing with Muhammad

Kazim’s or Muhammad Said’s work before him. The 1st Ramzan, 1068

II. , is equivalent to the 2nd June 1658.

We can now account for Muhammad Said's statement ( Ma,dsir-i -

’Alamgiri, 523), that ’Alamgir reigned 50 years, 2 mouths, 27 days.

I think that these authorities prove, without any room for doubt,

that ’Alamgir counted his reign from the 1st Ramzan, 1068 H , and after

that date had been once fixed upon, no alteration was ever made.

This is the result arrived at by considering the historical evidence alone.

Do the extant coins of the reign conflict in any way with its historians ?

Now, there may be some reason for thinking that occasionally some

numismatists (in this branch of their subject, at any rate), concentrate

their attention too much on the coins themselves, to the neglect of con-

temporary historians from whom they might derive much assistance.

For we are dealing here with a modern period, on the history of which

there is an abundance of material available. Be that as it may, let us,

too, confine our attention for the moment to the coins themselves. The

coins of ’Alamgir, which are already to be found in the British Museum

collection, constrain us, unless some of those coins are a posthumous issue,

to throw back the initial year of the reign from 1069 II. to 1068 II.

1893.]

W. Irvine — Reigns of the later Moghul Emperors.

261

Dated coins for the 51st year of a reign necessarily imply fifty completed

years of that reign. Now, the silver coins Nos. 843-846 in the British

Museum, are dated in ’Alamgir’ s 51st year. On the other hand, there

is no dispute about the date of his death; it took place in 1118 H.

Even if we allow up to the last day of that year, where can you find

room, within that limit, for fifty completed years, unless you throw hack

the first day of the reign into some part of the year 1068 H. ?

As I am led to believe, the argument for 1069 H. is founded on the

rule that the enthronement, the reading of the khutbah, and the issue

of coin, taken together, form of themselves the official act of accession.

In cases where there is no proof to the contrary, I see no reason to

quarrel with this assumption. Indeed, for some purposes, it might even

be the only right date to consider. For instance, if I wished to fix the

date from which ’Alamgir became undisputed sovereign, I should, with

Mr. S. Lane Poole, elect for the year 1069 H. On the other hand, if a

sovereign, in defiance of facts, chooses to fix an assumed or fictitious

date for his accession, it is useless for us to say that he had no just right

to do so. The all-important things for us are: 1st, to know that ho

ordered the adoption of such official date; and 2ndly, to ascertain, on

the best evidence, what that date was. Of all the acts of sovereignty

hardly one can be held more formal and official than the issue of

coinage : and can we suppose that on the face of that coinage any date

would appear, other than, one fixed according to official reckoning?

Over and over again, we find that the official reckoning and the date of

accession, according to actual facts, are altogether discrepant. It is so

in the case of ’Alamgir.

Bahaduk Shah. His father died at Ahmadnagar, in the Dakhin,

on the 28th Zu,l-Ka’dh, 1118 II. (2nd March, 1707). He heard of the

event at Jamrud, west of Peshawar, on the 18th Zu,l-Hajj, [Kamwar

Khan. Tdrikh-i-Salatin-i-Ghaghtaiyah, my copy, and Jag Jivan Das,

Gujarati Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh. written in 1120 H., [B.M. Add!. MSS.

No. 26,253]. He was enthroned at Pul-i-Sliah Daulah Darvesb, about

15 miles west of Lahor, in Muharram 1119 H. Muhammad Kasim,

Lahori, 'Ihratnamah, India Office Library, No. 252, and Jag Jivan Das,

already cited). Muhammad All’s Burhdn-ul-Fatuh (B.M. Oriental MSS.

No. 1884, fol. 162b.), fixes this enthronement on the 24th Muharram

(26th April 707). He gained a complete victory over his brother

Azam Shah at Jajau, near A'grah, on the 18th Rabi’ I. 1119 H. (18th

June 707) — (Danishmand Khan, ’Ali takhallus “ Jangnamah,” and Khafi

Khan. II, 590). But on the 1st' Shawwal 1119 H. (25th Dec. 1707), he

issued an order that his reign should commence from the 18th Zu,l-Hajj >

1118 II. (22nd March 1707), the day that he heard of his futher’s death

262

W. Irvine — Reigns of the later Moghul Emperors.

[No. 4,

[Danishmand Elian. ’All, in his Bahadur Shdh-ncimah , entry of the said

date and Khafi Elian. Text II, 607], The passage in Danishmand Elian

reads as follows : “The 1st Shawwal, 1st year, Gliasi Ram, principal

‘‘ clerk to the Chief Intelligencer, or Wakiahnigdr-i-kul , made a report

‘ asking for orders fixing the date from which the reign was to be

reckoned, that the same might he entered in the official proceedings.

“Orders issued to take the 18th Zu,l-Hajj, and a report was called for

“ as to the New Tear’s day by the solar year. In reply this was stated

to he the 1st Farwardin and a Sunday. That day was accordingly

“ fixed and ordered to be recorded.” [B.M. Oriental MSS. No. 24, fol.

95a.]. This may mean that the 1st Farwardin or the 18tli Zu,l-Hajj

was adojited. If the former, that would be the 10th or 11th March,

equal to the 5th or 6th Zu,l-Hajj, 1118 H.

Jahandali Shah. As he did not survive to begin a second year’s

reign, there does not appear to have been any order passed fixing an

official date for his accession. He was enthroned in the plain east of

Liihor on the 21st Safar, 1124 II. (29th March 1712) [Nur-ud-din,

Multani, Jahanddr-namah and Kamwar Khan. Tdrikh-i-S.-i-Gh.'], his

father, Bahadur Shah, having died on the 20th Muharram, 1124 H.

(27th February 1712) [Kamwar Elian],

Faebpkhsiyar. He heard of his father Azim-ush-shan’s death

near Labor, when he was himself at Patnah-Azimabad. He was enthroned

there, in the ha ah known as Afzal Khan’s, on the 29th Safar, 1124 H.

(6th April 1712) [Muhammad Ahsan, Ijad, Farrulch-siyar-ndmah, B.M.

Oriental, No. 25, fol. 40a.] On the 9th Jumadi II, 1125 H. (2ud July

1713), he ordered that Jaliandar Shah’s reign should be struck out of the

records and treated as non-existent. He directed at the same time that

his own reign should be dated from his enthronement at Patna, namely

the 29th Safar, 1124 H. [Kamwar Khan, Tdrikh-i-S.-i-Gh. : entry of

9th Jumadi II, 1125, aud Khushal Chand, B.M. Or. 3288, fol. 397a.]

Khafi Elian. II, 737, has the wrong year, 1123 instead of 1124. He and

Khushal Chand have the 1st Rabi’ 1, which is, of course, the next day

to the 29tli Safar, so that there is no practical difference, on this point,

between them and Kamwar Elian.

EafI’-ud Darjat. As he reigned for a few months only, no order

was passed fixing officially the first day of his reign. He was enthroned

in the palace at Dihli on the 9th Rabi’ II, 1131 H. (28th February

1719) [Kamwar Khan, Tdrikh-i-S.-i-Gh: and Khafi Khan, II, 816];

he was deposed and sent back into the palace on the 17tli Rajah,

1131 H. (4th June 1719), and he died there on the 24th of the same

month (11th June 1719) [Kamwar Khan, and Khafi Kliaii II, 830].

Rafi’-ud-daulah. This prince was the next elder brother of the

1893.] W. Irvine — Reigns of the later Moghul Emperors.

263

preceding. At his brother Rafi’-ud-darjat’s earnest request he was se-

lected as successor, and raised to the throne some days before his prede-

cessor’s death. The enthronement took place in the palace at Dihli, on

the 19th Raiah, 1131 H. (6th June 1719) [Kamwar Khan, hut Khafi

Khan. II, 831, has tlio 20th]. The prince died in camp near A'grali, on

the 4th or 5th Zu,l-Ka’dh, 1131 II. (17th or 18th Septr. 1719) [Kam-

war Khan]. In his case also no question can arise, as he did not survive

to enter a second year.

NEKiisiYAR. This pretender, son of Prince Muhammad Akbar, the

fourth son of ’Alamgir, was proclaimed by the mutinous garrison from

the battlements of A'grali Fort, on the 29th Jumadl II, 1131 H. (18th

May 1719) [see Khafi Khan, II, 825, Kamwar Khan’s T&rikh-i-S.-i-Oh.,

and Muhammad Kasim’s 'IbratnamaK]. Nekusiyar surrendered to Sayyad

Husain Ali Khan between the 22nd and the 27th Ramzan, 1131, II,

(July 7-12, 1719) [Kamwar Khan],

Muhammad Shah. This prince was brought from Dihli and reached

the imperial camp on the 11th Zu,l-Ka’dli, 1131 H. (24th Septr. 1719)

[Kamwar Khan and Khafi Khan, II, 840]. He was enthroned on the

15th Zd,l-Ka’dh, 1131 II. (28th Septr. 1719), at a village called Bidyapur,

between A'grali and Fathpur Sikri, three hos and a fraction from the

latter place [Kamwar Khan and Khafi Khan. II, 840]. It was directed

that his reign should he reckoned from the deposition of Farrukhsiyar

[Muhammad Ali Khan. Tdrikh- i- Muzaffari and Khafi Khan II, 841],

Accordingly it is counted usually from the 9th Rabi’ II, 1131 H. (28th

Feb. 1719). But the contemporary authority, Kamwar Khan, gives the

first of that month, namely the 1st Rabi’ II, 1131 H. (20th Feb. 1719),

as the exact reckoning.

I may note that the dates of the Christian era, given in this paper,

are all calculated according to the Gregorian or New Style. I have

used the “Practical Tables....’’ of Johannes von Gumpacli, London,

James Madden, 1856.

Although not strictly within the scope of this paper, I append some

remarks on Moghul mint-towns, as likely to be of use to any one inter-

ested in my more immediate subject, and I am not likely to find any

other early opportunity of placing the results on record. These notes

are in continuation of those printed in the Society’s Proceedings for

January 1893.

’Alamgirpuk. Places with this name seem very hard to find; I

therefore note those I know of. 'But in the absence of special reasons

for doing so, it would be hazardous to suggest that either is the mint-

town for coin No. 772 of the British Museum Catalogue. I find by an

J. l. 34

264

W. Irvine— Beigns of the later Moghul Emperors. [Ho. 4,

entry in Earn war Khan’s Tdnkh-i-Saldtm-i-GhagJifaiyali, that on the

22ncl Ramzan, 1122 H. (13th Nov. 1710), Bahadur Shah was encamped

at Azimabad Talaori, “alias ’Alamgirpur,” being the halting place

between Karnal and Thanesar. Also, if I recollect rightly, there is a

village ’Alamgirpur close to the east or left hank of the Jamuna, in the

Saharanpur district. ’Alamgir was in that part of the country, on at

least one occasion, on a hunting expedition to Badshahi Mahal and

pargauah Faizabad (Saharanpur District).

Mu azzamabId. I have little or no doubt that this mint town should

be identified with Gorakhpur, Subah Audh. When I was serving in that

district I recollect seeing the name Mu’azzamabad, Gorakhpur, used in

the Mawazinah and Kanungoi papers of the end of the last century,

which twenty years ago were still in existence. Only a few days ago,

I was reading the autobiography of some un-named dependant on Fazl

Ali Khan, once Amil of Ghazipur. For a few years Fazl ’All Khan,

was Faujddr of Gorakhpur (F. Cur wen’s translation of Khair-ud-din

Muhammad, Allahabadi’s, Tuhfah-i-Tdzah, p. 19). When speaking of

this appointment, this anonymous writer calls the place “ the Sirkdr of

Sarwar, otherwise Mu’azzamabad- Gorakhpur.”

Hasratabad. In the Ma,asir-i Alamgtn (p. 304, year 1098 H.)

’Alamgir, after taking Haidarabad, advanced agaiust Saklchar, a place

between Bijapur and Haidarabad. It was then ruled by Hand (or

Parya, or Paid) Haik, a man of the low Dherh caste. After it had been

taken, the country ( ulhah ) of Saklchar was by the Emperor’s orders re-

named Hasratabad \_ihidem , p. 307]. For other notices of it, under its

new name, see pp. 344, 345, 360, 364, 384, 410, 416, and 513 of the same

volume. It is also mentioned as Hasratabad-Sagar in the Ma,asir-ul-

IJmra, II, 291. Thornton, Gazetteer, 936, states that “ Suggur ” is a town

in the Hizam’s territory, Lat. 16° 36', Long. 76° 51', 124 miles S.-W. by

W. from Haidarabad. On the map of India in Johnston’s Royal Atlas

it appears as Sagar.

Shahabad Kanauj. In the British Museum Catalogue, p. 212,

there is a coin Ho. 1019, which the author assigns (p. lviii) to Shahabad

in Audh, disregarding the second word, which he reads Fatuh. I think

there can be little doubt that this word should be read Kanauj, ^ .

The name is usually spelt by Muhammadans with y, see, for instance,

Khafi Khan, Text I, pp. 63, 73, 109 ; also throughout the Am i Ahhari,

Bloohmann’s translation, I, 32, etc. (entered in his Index under Q). I

was four years in the Farrukhabad district (in which Kanauj is in-

cluded), and my recollection is that the old official name of the place was

Shah&bad Kanauj. It is so styled in Dowson’s Elliot, VIII. 46. I thus

propose Kanauj, Subah Akbarabad, instead of Shahabad, Sirkar Khaira-

Md, Sabah Audh.

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — Note on the preceding Paper. 265

Zafarabad. Since I wrote my former remarks I have found a direct

mention of the occasion when Bidar was re-named Zafarabad. It is also

frequently called Muhammabad Bidar. The passage I refer to is in

Khafi Khan, IT. p. 3. He tells ns that in 1066 II., the thirtieth year of

Shalvjahan, Prince Aurangzib was appointed to make a campaign against

Bijapur, just after he had “ by notable exertions, acquired the fort of

“ Bidar and the Subah of Ahmadahad, and the fort of Kaliyani, and

“ had re-named them the Subah of Zafarabad.”

Note on the preceding Paper.— Bv Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle.

I fully agree with Mr. Irvine that Aurangzib’s reign should be

dated from 1068-1 118 A. H. or 1658-1707 A.D. I had never made any

special enquiries on the exact official date of his accession, and the

initial date 1869, given in my coin-reports in the Proceedings was simply

quoted as that usually assigned. That it is wrong,— if the reign is to

be counted from the officially fixed date, and not from the date of the

actual accession, — Mr. Irvine has amply established ; and I agree with

him, that it is more reasonable to accept the official date as fixed by an

emperor himself.

I should, however, put “ the two all-important things for us ’ rather

in this form : — 1. To know what date was officially fixed by an emperor ;

2, to ascertain whether the date, officially fixed, was actually adhered

to in dating coins and documents of his reign.

How with regard to Aurangzib, nearly all his coins do adhere to

the officially fixed date. There are, however, a few exceptions :

1. Thei’e is the coin, No. 845 of the British Museum, dated in 1119

Hijrah, and 51 regnal. It is the only one with this peculiar date that

I remember to have come across. As Aurangzib died on the 2nd March

1707, and the Hijrah year 1119 only commenced on the 3rd or 4tli April

1707 (or the 1st Muharram 1119), it is clear that either the date 1 119

is wrong, or that the coin is posthumous. That the lattei’ may be

the true explanation, appears from the following facts : Aurangzib s

successor was Bahadur Shah. He heard of his father s death only

three weeks afterwards, on the 22nd March 1707, and his actual

enthronement took place only on the 26tli April 1707, that is, on the

24th Muharram 1119. It was 'ot till the 25tli December 1707, that

the official date of his accession was fixed to be the 22nd Mai’ch 1/07.

It is, therefore, quite possible that coins struck in the time intermediate

between the 2nd March 1707, 'the date of Aurangzib’s death, and the

26th April 1707, the date of Bahadur Shah’s actual accession, were

still issued in Aurangzib’s name. It would thus occur that a coin,

266

A. F. R. Hoernle — Note on the preceding Paper. [No. 4,

struck between the 1st and 24th Muharram of 1119 Hijrah, would be

issued as one of Aurangzib’s, dated iu his 51st year and in 1119 Hijrah.

This practice would cease as soon as the actual enthronement had taken

place, and notice of the fact had been proclaimed in all mint-towns.

It would be interesting to know what the actual practice was' with

regard to coining during a period of temporary vacancy, whether

actual or official, of the throne. When an emperor died, did the coining

in his name cease in a mint-town, as soon as the news of his death

reached that town ; or was coining in his name continued, till news

arrived of the actual accession of his successor; or was it continued

till information was received of the officially fixed date of accession ?

Thus to take Aurangzib’s case as an example, did coining in his name

cease from the 2nd March 1707 (the date of his death) in Ahmadnagar

(the place of his death), and similarly in other mint-towns as soon as

the news of his death was received P Or did it cease from the 26tli

April 1707, the date of Bahadur Shah’s actual enthronement, in Labor

and m other places as soon as information of the enthronement was

received P

2 \ There is no real difficulty in the case of coins like the preceding.

It is different with such coins of Aurangzib as are dated in his first

regnal year, and in 1070 Hijrah. No. 728 in the British Museum is

such a coin of the Patna mint. It is figured on Plate XIX of the B. M.

Catalogue. The regnal year is expressed verbally ahad. In my own

collection, I have two such coins, of the mints Multan and Zafarabad

respectively. The latter is from a treasure trove found in Champaran

m 1892. r

Low, reckoning by the official date, Aurangzib’s first year runs

from the 1st Ramazan 1068 to the last Sha’ban 1069, and the second

year, from the 1st Ramazan 1069 to the last Sha’ban 1070. Accordingly

the coins of his first year might be dated in 1068 or 1069, those of liis

second year, in 1069 or 1070. But no coin could be dated both in his

rst year and in 1070. That dating is only admissible, if the accession

ot Aurangzib is placed at some point of time in 1069.

These coins require some explanation. They certainly do not

agree with the official reckoning. They are undoubtedly exceptional

specimens, but they are not exceptionally rare, nor are they a va-mry of

some obscure or outlying mint-town. They were issued from places so

well-known and so far apart, as Patna and Multan. It does seem

that m the case of these coins, at least, the accession of Aurangzib was

dated from the 24th Ramazan 1069 (15th June 1659), the day on which

the second enthronement took place with full ceremonials. But if so

how is the non-observance of the officially fixed date to be explained P

1893.] A. F. R. Hoernle — Note on the ‘preceding Paper. 267

Is it possible, that there was an interval between the receipt of the

news of the second enthronement and the receipt of the information of

the officially fixed date, and that those exceptional coins were struck

during that interval ? The interval could not have been of long

duration, and this explains the paucity of those peculiar coins. One

can easily imagine that the news of the ceremonies of the second enthrone-

ment travelled faster, than the communication of the matters officially

settled at that time. Still the interval must have been, at least,

three months ; for the Hijrah year 1070 commenced on the 18th

September 1659; and no coin, with the dates 1070 and ahad, could

have been struck before the first month, or Muharram, of 1070 Hijrah

(18th September to 17th October 1659), On the theory, here suggested,

it is quite possible that also some of the extant coins, dated 1069 Hijrah

and ahad (or 1st year) regnal, were struck by the same wrong reckoning,

that is, after the termination of the officially fixed first year. This

would be the case with all those coins which were struck after the

second enthronement and during the three last months of the Hijrah

year 1069. When once the accession was officially antedated on the

1st Ramazan 1068, the three months after the Ramazan of 1069 (and

in fact, that Ramazan itself) fell outside the first year of the reign.

As the months of coining are not mentioned on Aurangzib’s coins

(as they are on some classes of coins of his predecessors), it is now

impossible to determine, whether any of the coins, with 1069 ahad, are

really wrongly dated, if regard is had to the official reckoning.

For easy reference I here re-print, from the B. M. Catalogue (p. 392),

the portion of the comparative table of the years A. H. and A. D. which

is in question. The month, day, and day of the week of the Christian

year are placed under each Muhammadan month, and correspond to the

first of that month. The week-days are lettered from A (for Sunday)

to G (Saturday). The months are indicated by Roman numerals.

Thus the first entry 9 X C shows that the month of Muharram 1068

began on Tuesday the 9th October 1657.

A. H-

A. D.

Muharram.

Safar.

Rabi’ I.

Rabi’ II.

Jumadi I.

Jumadi II.

1068

1657

9 X C

8 XI E

7 XII F

58, 6 I A

4 II B

6 III D

1069

1658

29 IX A

29 X C

27 XI D

27 XII F

59, 25 I G

24 II B

1070

1669

18 IX E

18 X G

16 XI A

16 XII C

60, 14 I D

13 II F

A. H.

A. D.

Rajab.

Sha’ban.

Ramazan.

Shawwal.

Zu-1-

Qa’dah.

Zu-I-Hijrah.

1068

1657

4 IV E

4 V.G

2 VI A

2 VII C

31 VII D

30 VIII F

1069

1658

25 III C

24 IV E

23 V F

22 VI A

21 VII B

20 VIII D

1070

1659

13 III G

12 IV B

11 V C

10 VI A

9 VII F

8 VIII A

268

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

[No. 4,

The Koch Kings of Kamarupa. — By E.?A. Gait, Esq., I. C. S.

Introduction.

Perhaps the most interesting epoch in Assam history is that

in which the Koch dynasty rose to power, and after defeating the

petty chiefs amongst whom the country had been split up after the

fall of the Pala rulers, succeeded in consolidating their rule throughout

the ancient Kamarupa, and in reviving for a time the pristine glories of

that once famous kingdom.

Several accounts of the Koch dynasty are already available,* but

by far the most detailed narrative of the early founders of this king-

dom with which I am acquainted, is that contained in a manuscript his-

tory [ Vams&vali or Furushandma ( Sanskrit ) ] in the possession of

Raja Lakshmi Narayana Kuar, the leading representative of the Dar-

rang branch of the Koch family.

This history is supposed to have been written, about 1806 A. D.,

by Surya Hari Ganaka, under the orders of Raja Samudra Narayana.f

It is inscribed on oblong strips of Saehi bark, and each page is illus-

trated. The story ends suddenly with the death of Parikshit, and as

there is nothing to show that the work was considered finished, it is con-

jectured that the author died before he had completed it.

As no account of this Vamsdvali has hitherto appeared in print, I

propose to furnish an abstract of it now, and to take the opportunity

to give a sketch of what is known of the country before the Koch kings

rose to power, and to examine one or two questions connected with this

dynasty regarding which existing accounts differ, in the light of

the information afforded by this history and also of inscriptions on

temples and other sources. J

* Cf. A'sdmburanjis by Bisveswar and Rai Gunabhiram Barua, Robinson’s

Descriptive Account of Assam, Dr. Hunter’s Statistical accounts of Koch Bihar and

Rangpur, and the accounts by Buchanan Hamilton, Babu Ram Chandra Ghosh and

other authorities cited in Dr. Hunter’s works.

t Surya Hari Ganaka is reputed to have been the greatest Sanskrit scholar of

his time in Assam. He was the author of numerous Sanskrit and Assamese works,

and his descendant, Manbhal Mandal, holds a deed of gift dated 1720 S'ak (1804

A. D .) by which the A liom King made a grant of land to Surya Hari in recognition

of his learning and piety.

t Including the Vamtdvali of Raja Prasiddha Narayana Kuar, a manuscript

copy of the Yocjini Tantra in the possession of a Brahman of Haul! Mohanpur,

in which the prophecies of the gods have from time to time been brought up to

date, and lastly a few inscription in temples, and the references made to the Koch

1893.]

E. A. Gait . — The Koch Kings of Kdmarupa.

269

Extent of Kamarupa.

The early history of Kamarupa is wrapped in mystery, and our

Kamarupa before the knowledge of it is drawn from dubious and

Koc .1 kings. fragmentary references in the Mahabliarata, and

in the Pur Anas and Tantras, chief amongst which may be mentioned the

Yogim Tantra and the Bhdgavata and Kdlika Puranas.

The boundaries of the country varied greatly from time to time.

In the Yogim Tantra it is said that Kama-

rupa comprised the country between the Kara-

toya, and the Dikrai, so that it included not only the whole of what

is now known as the Brahmaputra Valley, but also Rangpur and the

State of Koch Bihar. It was subdivided into four portions, viz :

Kamapitha from the Karatoya to the Sankosh, Ratnapitha from

the Sankosh to the Itupahi, Suvarnapitba from the Rupalii to the

Bharali, and Saumarpitha from the Bharali to the Dikkara-basini or

Dikrai. It is described as bounded on the North by Kunjagiri, on the

West by the Karatoya, on the East by the Girikanjaka, and on the South

by the junction of the Brahmaputra and Lakshina, rivers. It is added

that Kamarupa is three cornered and is 100 yojanas in breadth and

300 yojanas in length.* According to the Kalihd Purana, Kamakhya and

Pragjj’otishapura were situated in the centre of Kamarupa, and the

Vislinu Purana adds that the country extended around it for 100 yojanas

in all directions.!- In the Mahabliarata, Bhagadatta’s Empire of Prag-

jyotisha or Kamarupa is spoken of as extending to the seacoast.,J and

the copper plate of Vanamala, which will be referred to further on, says

that the rule of that monarch also extended to the sea.§

Hiuen Tsiang places the circumference of the country when he

visited it, at 10,000 li, from which General Cunningham infers that

it must, at that time, have comprised the whole of the Brahmaputra

Valley as well as Koch Bihar and Bhotan.||

The name of the country is mythologically explained as follows: —

When Sati died of grief at the reproaches of her husband S'iva, the

Origin of name “Kama- latter, overcome by remorse, wandered about

rupa.” the world carrying her dead body on his head.

In order to put a stop to his penance Vishnu followed him and lopped

Kings by Musalman historians, which have been made accessible by Blochmann in

the J. A. S. B. for 1872.

* Edition published in Calcutta at the Bangobashi press in 1294 Sal, pp. 76, 77.

f Kalika Purana, page 91, of Edition published at the Bangobashi press; and

Vishnu Purana, page 81 of Edition published at the same press.

X Sabha Parva, XXVI, XXY1I. ' The references found elsewhere to the differ-

ent parts of the Mahabharata are to the translation of Pratap Chandra Roy.

§ J. A. S. B. IX, (Part II) 773.

|| Ancient geography of India, Volume I, Buddhist period, p 500.

270

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

[No. 4,

away the body piece-meal with his discus. The body fell to earth

in 51 different pieces, and wherever each piece fell, the ground was held

to be sacred. Her organs of generation fell on Nilachala hill near

Gauhati, and the deity of that place was thenceforth known as

Kamakhya, the goddess of sexual desire. As S'iva still continued

to do penance, the other gods became afraid that he would thereby

acquire universal power, and accordingly despatched Kamadeva, the

Indian Cupid, to make him fall in love again, and thereby break his

penance. Kamadeva succeeded in his Mission, but so enraged was S'iva

at the result, that he burnt him to ashes by a fiery glance from the

eye in the centre of his forehead. Kamadeva eventually recovered his

original form, and the place in which this took place was ever after-

wards known as Kamarupa.

The earliest recorded king of Kamarupa, of whom however, very

little is known, was named Mahiranga Dana-

va. # He was succeeded by his son Hataka

Asura, after whom came S'ambara Asura and then Ratna Asura.f

After this, there was a chief named Gha^aka, the ruler of the

Kiratas, who are said to have been a power-

ful race, much addicted to eating flesh aud

drinking strong drinks.

Ghataka was defeated and slain by Naraka, who was born

of the earth by Vishnu, and had been depu-

ted by him to exterminate the Kiratas. Hav-

ing succeeded in doing this, J he made Pragjyotishapura ( the mo-

dern Gauhati) his capital, § and settled numerous Brahmans at

Kamakhya. His rule extended from the Karatoya on the West,

to the Dikraug on the East. It is said that he married Maya, the

Mahiranga Dana va.

Ghataka Kirata.

Naraka Asura.

* Notices of Mahiranga and his successors will be found in the Kalika Purana

Chaps. 36-42, and on page 81 of the Yoginl Tantra. In the Raghuvamsa, it is re-

lated that Raghu crossed the Brahmaputra with a view to attacking the king of

Pragjyotisha or Kamarupa. The latter is said to have submitted without ventur-

ing to give battle, and to have paid a tribute of war elephants. The name of the

king is not mentioned.

t The names Danava and Asura, indicate that these kings were of aboriginal

origin. According to the VamMvali of PrasiddhaNarayan Kuar, Sarnbar, who is men-

tioned in the text as the grandson of Mahiranga, was the founder of the dynasty. He

is there spoken of as the son of Brahma, and is said to have had his capital at

Rahgamati.

t Apparently he only subdued them. In the Udyoga Parvan, his son Bhaga-

datta is referred to as bringing Kiratas to the aid of Duryodhana. (XVIII, 15-16.)

§ There is a hill near Gauhati which is still known as the hill of Naraka

Asur.

1893.]

271

E. A. Gait — -The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

daughter of the king of Vidarbha or Kundina. Naraka was greatly-

favoured by Vishnu who placed him in charge of Kamakhya, and told

him that so long as that goddess was pleased with him he would do

well, but that if he angered her, he would suffer, and that he himself

would then desert him. It is said that Naraka carried off 10,000 girls

as wives, and that he became so proud that he asked Kamakliya to

marry him. To this the goddess assented on condition that he erected

a temple to her on Nilachala and also constructed a tank and a road

to the temple in a single night. Naraka accepted the terms and had

almost accomplished his task, when the goddess caused a cock to crow

before dawn, and saying that that was a proof that day had come,

evaded her promise and refused to marry him. Overcome with rage,

Naraka slew the cock, and the place where he did this is still known as

Kukuta-Kata ( the place where the cock was killed). But Kanaka's

crowning misfortune was his refusal to permit Vasishtha Muni to go

to worship at Kamakhya, in consequence of which the Muni cursed

Naraka and Kamakhya, saying that thence forward no one who wor-

shipped at Kamakhya’s shrine should see the fulfilment of his desire.

By the aid of S'iva, the duration of this curse was limited to three

hundred years, but Naraka had now completely alienated both Kama-

khya and Vishnu and was eventually slain by the latter in the incarna-

tion of Krishna. Krishna’s invasion of Pragjyotishapura is described in

the Bhagavata and Vi shim Buninas, in the latter of which it is stated that

his attack on Naraka was instigated by Indra.* The capital was defend-

ed by sharp panjis and by numerous outworks erected by the Asura Muni,

but Krishna cut his way through with his discus and slew Muru and

his sons. He then entered the city and engaged in a terrible combat

with Naraka, and after killing thousands of daityas, he clove Naraka in

twain with his discus. He recovered the golden earrings of Aditi and

other property seized by him, and sent the 10,000 girls imprisoned in his

harem together with his 6,000 elephants and his horses to Dvaraka.

Naraka left two sons, Bhagadatta and Vajradat.ta, of whom the

former was appointed by Krishna to succeed

him as king of Pragjyotisha. Bhagadatta

is frequently referred to in the Mahdbharata. In the Sabha Parvan,

it is related that he was defeated by Arjuna after a battle which

lasted for eight days.f Later on, when the forces of the Kau-

ravas and Pandavas were being mustered for the last struggle,

* Bhagavata Purana (Edition published at the Bangobashi press) X, 59, and

Vishnu Purana, pp. 81 — 83 ( V, 29)

t Sabha Parvan, secs. XXVI and XXVII. His troops are described as a host

of Kiratas and Chinas, and numerous other warriors that dwelt on the seacoast.

J. i. 35

Bhagadatta.

272

[No. 4,

E. A. Gait — The Koch. Kings of Karnarupa.

Bhagadatta’s successors.

Bbagadatta went to the assistance of Duryodhana with an Ak-

shauhtni of troops consisting of Chinas and Kir at as.* * * § At the final

battle of Kurukshetra, he performed prodigies of valour, and no less

than four sections of the Drona Parvan are devoted to a narrative of

his heroic deeds, from the time when he rescued Duryodhana from the

onslaughts of Bhima to his fight with Arjuna, in which he was at last

defeated and slain. The issue of this last combat is ascribed to the

masric intervention of Krishna, who rendered harmless the invincible

weapon which he had previously given to Bhagadatta’s father Naraka.f

Bbagadatta was succeeded by others of his line, one of whom,

Pralambha, is described as having been an

unusually powerful prince. By his wife Jivada,

he had a son named Hajara, and the latter, by his wife Tara, who was

an incarnation of Lakshmi, had in his turn a son named Vanamala.

A copper plate containing a grant of land by the latter to a Brahman

which was found near Tezpur in 1840 A. D., is the authority for the

account of Bhagadatta’s successors here given. J

It has been assumed that Vanamala was of the Pala dynasty, but

his asserted descent from Naraka makes this impossible ; this assumed

ancestry, and the fact that he bore the Kshattriya title Varman or Bar-

man, renders it much more likely that he was a converted aboriginal

potentate of the same class as the Khyen and Koch kings.

The so-called Rajas of Rani, in Kamrup, claim to be descended from

the lineage of Bbagadatta.

Krishna frequently appears in Assam Mythology. We have al-

ready seen how he slew Naraka and set up

Kape of Eukrnmi. , , TT . ,

ins son Bhagadatta in Ins stead. He is also

said to have carried off his bride Rukmini from her father Bhishmaka,

the king of Kundilya§ or the country around Sadiya, between the

Dikrang and Dibong rivers. The name of this monarch is still pre-

served in upper Assam, and a ruined fort, some sixteen miles north of

Sadiy r a, is attributed to his reign. || The name of the kingdom sur-

vives in the Kundil river.

* Udyoga Parvan, sec. XVIII.

f Drona Parvan, secs. XXVI — XXX.

J 3 . A. S. B. IX, p. 766. The plate bears a date in an unknown era — “ Samvat

19 ”. Presumably this refers to the date of the king’s succession.

§ According to ordinary Pauranik accounts, Bhishmaka was king of Kundina

or Vidarbha, the modern Berar, in Central India.-Ed.

|| These ruins were described by Colonel Hannay in the J. A. S B. for 1848,

p. 459. It is not unlikely that further research amongst this and other ruins

in the same direction, would add considerably to our knowledge of ancient Assam

history.

1893.]

273

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of K&marupa.

Krishna’s grandson, Aniruddha, carried off Usha, the daughter of

Bana Raja, king of S'onitapura, the city of

blood, now known by the Assamese equivalent,

Tezpur — in consequence of which he was caught by that monarch

and imprisoned. The subsequent invasion of Bana Raja’s kingdom by

Krishna and the rescue of Aniruddha is described in the Bhdgavata

Purana and elsewhere. From the Kalikd Purana it appears that Raja

Bana was the contemporary and friend of Kanaka.*

From these stories, all that we can gather with certainty is that

Conclusion to be drawn the Brahmaputra Valley was known to the

from these legends. Aryan invaders of India at a very early pe _

riod, and that the process of converting the aboriginal tribes to Hin-

duism, which is going on before our eyes to-day, commenced long be-

fore the time of which we have any authentic record.

Kamarupa appears to have been a famous place for pilgrimages and

devotions, and the fame of Kamakhya and the Brahmakunda had spread

abroad at a very early date. In the Tantras it is said : “ Elsewhere

deities are scarce, but in Kamarupa, they are found in every house.”

At the beginning of the S'akaditya era, a king named Devesvara

ruled somewhere in Kamarupa, but the site

of his capital is unknown. He was a Sudra

by caste, and is said to have tried to prevent the spread of Buddhism

and to propagate the worship of Kamakhya, but without any very

great success.

In the Yogini Tantra, mention is made of Nagasahkara or Kaga-

khya, who is said to have been born of the

Nagasankara. Karatoya river, about 378 A. D., and to have

founded a dynasty which ruled for four larndred years. His capital

was above the Nagasahkara temple at Pratapgarh, in Vishnunatha

(Bish nath).

Our earliest authentic knowledge of the country is derived from

Hiuen Tsiang’s account the writings of Hiuen Tsiang, the celebrated

of Kamarupa. Chinese traveller and pilgrim. He visited

Kamarupa about 640 A. D., at which time a Hindu prince named

Devesvara.

# Vishnu Purana, Book V, Chaps. 32, 33, and Kalika Purana, p. 94. The

events described here form the subject of one of the earliest known epics in the

Assamese language. It is known as Kumdra-harana, and is said to have been written

by S'ri Chandra Bharati.

It should be noted that Tezpur is not the only place which claims to be the

site of Raja Bana’s capital. The remains of what is said to be the city of this king,

are still pointed out at a place a few miles south of Dinajpur, which to this day

is known as Ban Rdjdr garh. (Anandnram Borua’s Sanskrit Dictionary, p. 113.)

274

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kdmarwpa.

[No. 4,

Kumara Bhaskara Yarman* was on the throne. He describes this ruler

as a Brahman, but by this it seems doubtful whether he meant any-

thing more than that he was a Hindu and not a Buddhist. Barman is

a well known Kshattriya title, and is one which is commonly adopted to-

day by Kachans, when they accept Hinduism and assume the sacred

thread, on the fiction that they are concealed Ksliattriyas. The method

of conversion by fictions such as this is, doubtless, of very ancient date,

and from the fact that this prince described himself as “ Barman, it,

seems not unreasonable to presume that he was a Hindu convert from

some aboriginal tribe. The presumption is strengthened by the fact

that his subjects are described as being of small stature with dar’k yel-

low complexions, and by our knowledge that subsequent rulers, e.g., the

Khyen and Koch kings, were nothing more than Hinduised aborigines.

Hiuen Tsiang reports that the people adored and offered sacrifices

to the Devas, and adds that although Buddhism was not forbidden, its

votaries were scarce.

The soil is described as being deep and fertile, and the towns were

surrounded by moats filled with water brought from rivers or banked

up lakes. f The people were fierce in appearance, but upright and

studious ; their language differed somewhat from that spoken in Mid-

India. In his time, as now, the country was famous for wild elephants,

which were especially numerous in the south-east. J

After Hiuen Tsiang’s account, we are again left with no autlien-

End of ETaraka’s dy- *ic information regarding the country. It is

nast,y ‘ said that Subahu was born in the 19th genera-

tion beginning from Naraka, in the lineage of Bhagadatta. Subahu

became an ascetic and went to the Himalayas, and was succeeded by

his son Supnrua who was killed by his ministers.

Then a Kshattriya Sannyasi named Jitari, came from the west and

founded a kingdom. He deserted Gauhati and

built a capital further west. His contempo-

rary J alpesvara had his capital where the S'akta temple of Jalpesvara

( which he founded) now stands, in the Jalpaiguri District. Jitari was

succeeded in turn by Subali, Padma Narayana, Chandra Narayana,

* S i-yu-'ki. Beal’s trans. II. p. 196.

f The Ahom capitals were in the same way encircled by moats, and the old

Kac.hari capital at Dimapur was similarly protected on two sides, while the Dhan-

siri flowed along the third side.

t These animals appear always to have been plentiful, for we read in the

Raghuvamsa that the king of Kamarupa or Pragjyotisha gave many elephants

as tribute to Raghu ( IV— 83 ), and in the Vishnu Purana ( p. 81 ) it is stated

that Krishna took 6,000 elephants from Naraka’s capital, after he had defeated and

slain that monarch.

Jitari.

1893 .]

275

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

Mali endi’ a Narayana, Gajendra Narayana, Prana Narayana, Jaya Nara-

yana, Kshobha Narayana, and Rama Chandra.*

The next king to be mentioned is Arimatta, ’who ruled the country

on the south bank of the Brahmaputra from

Arimatta. the neighbourhood of Gauhati, as far as Balia

in Nowgong. He is said to have been born of a princess of the house

of Rama Chandra, f who was raped by the Brahmaputra river. Ac-

cording to the Vams'dvali of Prasiddha Narayana, Arimatta ruled at

Baidargarh until 1160 S'ak. (A. D. 1238. )J

His son Jaiigal Balaliu was a mighty warrior, and and was

engaged in constant feuds with the Kachan

Jangal Balaliu. and Jaintia Rajas. The ruins of a fort said to

have been built by him are still visible in Sahari Mauza, near Nowgong.

He eventually made peace with the Kachan Raja, and married his

daughter, but hostilities again broke out and he was defeated. He fled

covered with wounds, and was drowned in the Kallang river.

Pour kings, named Mimahg, Gajahg, Sribaiig and Mrigang are men-

tioned by Gunabliiram as having reigned for

Mimang, Mrigang, &c. 200 years at Loliityapur in Kamarupa, and as

having been succeeded by Phengua Raja. In Prasiddha Narayana s

Vamsitvali , on the other hand, it is said that Naraiig and Mrigang were

son and grandson of Arimatta, and that the latter being very pious made

over his kingdom to Jaya Simha, a learned Brahman of Darrang. But

these accounts are so vague and uncertain that it seems to be useless to

try to reconcile them or to construct a connected history from them.

The Pala rulers still remain to be mentioned. There is no doubt

that kings of this name at one time possessed

Pala dynasty. great power in the country, but our informa-

tion regarding them is very meagre. Rai Gunabliiram Barua in his

# So Gunabhirnm and an old chronicle in the possession o a Brnhman, to

which reference was made by General Jenkins in the J. A. S. B., IX., p. 766.

Prasiddha NarHyana’s Vamsdvali says that Rama Chandra was 14th in descent from

Jitnri. Hannay (J. A. S. B. 1818, p. 464) identified JitSri with Dharma Pala, and

says that his 'kingdom was in Central Assam and that the dynasty became extinct

with Raja Sukrahka in 1478 A. D. He quotes no authority for these statements.

+ So the VammvaU of Prasiddha Narayana. Gunabliiram says that the prill-

cess was of the Nagakhya line.

j The so-called Dimuria Raja in Kamrup claims to he descended from

Arimatta, and will not touch the Ari fish in consequence. Baidargarh is near Betna

in Kamrup. Gunabliiram says that local tradition ascribes its erection to Phengua

Raja. Traditions regarding Arimatta' and his son are still current amongst the

people, and their history is said to be narrated in an old puthi (now very rare) which

I have not yet succeeded in obtaining.

276

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa. [No. 4,

Buranji gives a list of 17 Pala princes who reigned in Kamarupa, via :

Jayanta Pala, Chakra Pala, Bimini Pala, Prema Pala, Pakslia Pala,

Daks ha Pala, Chandra Pala, Narayana Pala, Madhu Pala, Indra Pala,

Simha Pala, Krishna Pala, Su Pala, Gandha Pala, Madhava Pala,

S'yania Pala, and Lakshmi Pala. He adds that these princes were

Buddhists, and that Lakshmi Pala was followed by a king of the name

of Subahu who died childless and was succeeded by his Mantri Sumafi. #

There is a tradition amongst a colony of Brahmans ( called Basat-

taria, i e. 72) resident at Sualkuclii in Kamarupa, that they settled there

in the reign of one Dharma Pala, and a copperplate in their possession

records a grant of land made fo them by that prince.

Another plate found recently at Benares and deciphered by Pro-

fessor Yenis, records the grant of two villages Bada and Mundara in

the Vishnya of Bada in the Bhukti of Pragjyotisha in the Mandala

of Kamarupa to a Brahman named S'ridhara. The date of the grant

has not been deciphered, but Professor Yenis is of opinion that it was

about 1142 A. D. The name of the prince making the grant is Kumara

Pala, son of Rama Pala and grandson of Yigraha Pala. The inscrip-

tion says that Rama Pala killed a certain Raja Bhima. Kumara

Pala is styled Lord of Gauda, and his General is said to have

slain a rebellious vassal named Timgya, or Tisliya Deva in the East.f

From the mention of Rama Pala and Yigraha Pala and the title

Gandesvara assumed by Kumara Pala, this plate would seem to prove

that the Raja in question belonged to the Pala dynasty of Bengal, and

the probability that this was so is strengthened by the fact that Deva

Pala of that dynasty (who according to General Cunningham ruled

from 850 to 885 A. D. ) is said to have conquered Kamarupa. J

* Xu an ancient-looking chronicle shown by a Brahman to General Jenkins,

Lakhi Pala, Subahu and Sumati are mentioned first, then Jitari and his descendants,

then the Palas, and lastly Mimang and his successors. It is almost impossible to

give reasons for arranging these dynasties in one order rather than in another,

particularly as it seems probable that they ruled in different parts of the country.

It is supposed for instauce that Mimang, and his family reigned at Lohityapura

in Kamarupa, and that the capital of Jitari was outside modern Assam in the

Jalpaiguri District.

The list of Palas in this document differs slightly from that quoted in the text,

and is given by General Jenkins as follows : —

Japandu Pdla, Hari Pala, Dhamba Pala, Rama Pala, Pakshya Pala, Chandra

Pala, Narayana Pala, Mantri Pala, Haina Pala, S'yama Pala, Mactya Pala, Su Pala,

Gandha Pala, Madhava Piila, and Lakhia Pala. The differences are however in many

cases clearly due to misreadings of the original.

t Supplement to Pandit for February, 1 893.

I Vide copperplate found at Bhagalpur and translated by Rajendralala

Mittra, J. A. S. B. 1878 page 407. The conquest of Kamarupa is however uncer-

1893.]

E. A, Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

277

Mr. Westmacott in his “ Traces of Buddhism in Dinajpur,” was of

opinion that the Bengal Pala dynasty at one time ruled the country

north of the Padma, and Mr. Ferguson in his paper on Hiuen Tsiang

says that “ Pala kings were ruling east of the Karatoya long after

“ Bengal had been subdued by the Senas, before whom indeed the Palas

“ probably retreated by' degrees to the north-east.” The only conquest

in Kamarupa claimed by the Sena line, who succeeded the Pala dynasty

in Bengal, is that of Yijaya Sena ( 1046-1066 A. D. ) who is said in the

inscription found at Rajshaliye by Mr. Metcalfe, to have conquered the

Kings of Gauda, Kamarupa, aud Kalinga.*

On the other hand it should be mentioned that the name Pala

alone creates very little, if any, presumption regarding the lineage of

the rulers bearing it. Many of the Bhuiyas were named Pala, and

Dalton speaks of an Aryan dynasty of that name which ruled over

Kundilya or the country around Sadiya, and succumbed to a Chutiya or

Kachari invasion, probably about the same time that the Koches rose

to power lower down the Yalley.

tain. According to Doctor Hultzsch the meaning of the verse is that Deva Pala

supported the king of Kamarupa against the king of Utkala (Ind. Ant. Vol XT,

p. 308). Cf. Dr. Kielhorn’s paper on the Dinajpur Inscription ; J. A. S. B., Vol.

LXI, Part I, pp. 77 and ff. The line of Pala Kings is now established to be as fol-

lows : —

(1) Gopala I,

(2) Dharmapala. Vakpala.

I I ,

(3) Deyapala. Jayapala.

(4) Vigrahapala I.

(6) Narayanapala.

(7) Rajyapala.

(8) Gopiila II.

(9) Vigrahapala II.

(10) Mahipala.

(11) Nayapala.

(12) Vigrahapala III.

It is donbtfnl whether Deva Pala was nephew or son of Dharma Pala.

The dates of Deva Pala, as given, above, are those given by General Cunning-

ham, (Rep. Arch. Sur. Ind., XI, 181). Dr Rajendralala Mittra gives 895-915 A. D.

* J. A. S. B. 1878 page 401. It is however not very clear from his inscrip-

tion whether the conqueror was the Sena prince or the ruler of Gauda.

278

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kdmarupa.

[No. 4,

In Glazier’s Report on Rangpur, I) harm a Pala is mentioned as the

founder of a dynasty. It is said that he was succeeded by his son

Bhava Chandra, whose successor, Pala, was the last of the line. The

remains of a fortified city which even now retains the name of Dharma

Pala, are still to be seen in Rangpur, and in the Baghdwar pargana of the

same district are the ruins of Udayapura, the city of Udaya or Bhava

Chandra.

Leaving the Pala dynasty we come upon somewhat more certain

The Khyen dynasty, ground. Tradition says that there was a cer-

KTiladhvaja. tain jj^ahman who had a most restless and

troublesome cowherd. Going one day to chastise him, he found him

asleep and a cobra shading him with its hood. He then noticed from

the marks on his feet that he was destined to be a king. He informed

him of the fact, released him from menial work and made him promise

to make him his mantri when he rose to power. In course of time,

acting under the advice of the Brahman, the quondam cowherd deposed

the last representative of the Pala race and ascended the throne,

making the Brahman his councillor. He assumed the name of Nila-'

dhvaja, and bringing many Brahmans from Mithila did much towards

re-establishing Vedic observances. He is said to have belonged to the

Khyen tribe, but on conversion to Hinduism, he declared his caste to be

that of High S'udra, just as the next dynasty — the Koch— called them-

selves Rajavariisis. He removed the capital to Kamathapura,* on the

western bank of the Dliarla in Koch Bihar. The ruins still exist, and

are described by Dr. Buclianan-Hamilton who visited them in 1 809. f-

He says that the city was very extensive, being no less than 19 miles

in circumference, of which five were protected by the Dharla and the

rest by a rampart and a ditch. The city was built on the usual plan,

enclosure within enclosure, wall within wall, the king’s palace occu-

pying the centre of the whole.

His son Chakradhvaja succeeded him, and the latter was in turn fol-

Chakradhvaja, milam- lowed by his son Nilambara, who attained to

bartu great power. His dominions included the

* He was on this account known as Kamathesvara. It is doubtful how far

Niladhvaja’s empire extended, and it is not unlikely that in some portions of

Eastern Kamardpa other rulers were at the same time exercising sovereign rights.

The Musalman historians of the time sometimes refer to Kamarupa and Kamatha as

if the kingdoms were distinct, and sometimes speak as if the terms were synony-

mous and referred to one and the same country. “Comotay ” is shown in the Map

in Blaev’s Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, Vol II (Amsterdam 1650) ; but the map is

too sketchy to enable the boundaries of the country to be ascertained from it.

t Buchanan-Hamilton’s account is reproduced almost verbatim in Hunter’s

Statistical Account of Koch Bihar, p. 362. See also Statistical Account of Bang-

pur, p. 314.

279

1893.] E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

greater] part of Kamarupa, Goal para and Rangpur, and also part of

Bengal. His attempts to extend his dominions were facilitated by the

struggles which the Afghan Kings of Bengal were then making to

maintain their independence of the Delhi Emperors.

Nilambara did much to improve communications, and amongst

other works, constructed a magnificent road from Kamathapura to Gho-

raghata, a portion of which still forms part of the main road between

Koch Bihar, Rangpur and Bogra. The fall of this monarch was in

this wise. The sou of his councillor, a Brahman named S'auchi Patra,

was enamoured of the queen, and the king, hearing of it, oideied him

to be killed and some of his flesh to be cooked. He then invited the

father to a banquet, and, after making him partake of Ins son’s flesh,

told him what he had eaten and explained the circumstances under

which the punishment had been inflicted. The councillor at once left

the kingdom, under the pretence of making a pilgrimage to the Ganges

in order to wash away the sin committed by his son. But his real

object was revenge, and to obtain it, he went to Husain Shah, the

Nawab at Gauda, and telling him of the weakness of the kingdom, per-

suaded him to send a large army to invade it. The siege of Kamatha-

pura is said to have lasted for twelve years * at the end of which period

Husain Shah gave out that he was going to abandon the siege and re-

turn to his own country, but that before doing so, his wife wished

to pay a visit to Nilambara’s Rani. Under this pretence some armed

men were introduced into the. city in litters, and with their aid the city

was captured. Nilambara was taken prisoner and put in an iron cage

to be taken to Gauda, but he made his escape, and Buchanan Hamilton

says that in his time the common people of Kamarupa still looked for

his restoration at some future date. The Assam chronicles fix 1498

A. D. as the date of the capture of Kamathapura, and this date is con-

firmed by a contemporaneous inscription found by Mr. Westmacott, at

Maldah bearing date 907 A. H. ( A. D. 1501-2 ), which belonged to a

Madrasah built by Husain Shah in commemoration of his conquest of

Kamatha and Kamarupa.f The author of the Riaz refers to the con-

quest of these and other places, and mentions Rupa Narayana Pala,

Kuril war Gosa, Lakkhan and Lachhmi Narayana amongst the princes

subdued. Husain Shah left his soil Danyal with a strong army to com-

plete the’ conquest, “ but when the rains set in and the roads were closed

“ the Raja issued with his men from the hills and in a short time they

were all killed.” A very similar account is given in the ! athiyah

* This is doubtless an exaggeration.

f J. A. S. B. 1874, p. 281. A. D. 1498 is also accepted by

correct date ( J. A. S. B. 1872, p. )■

J. l. 3t>

Blochmann as the

280

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa. [No. 4,

Turbuk’s invasion.

i ‘Ibriyah, from winch it appears that the Raja who drove out the

Musalmans was the Ahom king.*

A few years later ( J506 A. D. ) a Pathan named Turbuk is said to

have advanced as far as Koliabar, where he

defeated the A'homs and was not finally expelled

from the Province until 1532 A. D., when he was defeated and slain,

and his army chased as far as the Karatoya river. This invasion is

recorded in the Ahom histories, but is not mentioned by Musaiman

writers. The Marias are said to be the descendants of prisoners taken

in this war.f

Although Husain Shah’s invasion constituted the first serious

Earlier Musaiman attempt of the Muhammadan rulers of Bengal

invasions. to permanently occupy Kamarupa, accounts are

not wanting of earlier invasions which, however, seem to have partaken

more of the nature of filibustering expeditions than of real attempts at

conquest.^

Ghiyasu’d-dln Bahadur Shah is reported to have invaded Assam

about 1220 A. D. and to have ascended the Brahmaputra as far as

Sadiya, but in the end he was defeated and driven back to Gauda §

Ikhtiyaru’d-din Yuzbalc Tughril Khan invaded the country in 1256-

57 A. D. For a time he was successful and he celebrated his con-

quest by erecting a mosque, but, when the rains set in, and the country

was flooded, large numbers of his men died. The king of Kamarupa

then returned from his hiding place in the hills and gave battle.

Tughril was killed and his army defeated, and only a few escaped to

Bengal to tell the tale.|| Muhammad Shah, son of Tughluq Shah,

* Blochmann, J. A. S. B. 1872 pp. 79 and 336. The general account of the

Khyen dynasty given above is taken from Gunabhiram’s A'sdm buranji.

t In theFathiyah i ‘Ibriyah it is said that they are the descendants of prince

Danyal’s army. As Turbuk’s name is not mentioned in Musaiman histories, it is

possible that the name is an Ahom designation of Danyal or some other comman-

der of the forces left by Husain Shah in Assam.

t I do not mention Bakhtiyar Khilji’s invasion, because it has been shown that

he did not, as was once supposed, enter Assam and cross the Brahmaputra at Gau-

hati, but that he marched northwards along the Karatoyii river which formed

the boundary of the kingdom of Kamarfipa.

§ Gumibhiram’s A'sdm buranji p. 81.

|1 Gun&bhirama’s A'sdm buranji p. 82 and Tabaqat i Nasiri 263. The practise

of flooding the country here referred to was common in early warfare in this part

of India. Husain Shah’s second invasion of Tippera was frustrated by a similar

operation (Long’s Analysis of the Rajmala, J. A. S. B. 1850 p. 513 ). Cunningham

(Arch: Surv : of India VolXV p. 170) mentions a tradition that Mughisu’d-din was

killed near Sonargaon, but it is not quite certain that the same person is referred

to, and in any case tho version given in the text seems to be moro authentic.

1893.]

281

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kdrnarupa.

invaded the country in 1337 A. D. He sent “ 100,000 horsemen well

“ equipped to Assam ; but the whole army perished in that land of

“ witchcraft, and no trace of it was left. He sent a second army to

“ avenge the former disaster, but when they came to Bengal, they

“ would go no further, and the plan had to be given up. *

In the reign of Barbate, some time about 1460 A. D., Isma’il

Ghazi, the celebrated Pir, is said to have defeated Kamesvara, king of

Kamarupa. The story is told at length in a manuscript found by the

late Mr. Damant in the possession of a fakir in charge of Isma’il

Ghazi’s tomb at Kunta Duar, Rangpur, but no reference is made to the

subject in any Assam Chronicle or tradition.]-

The records of these earlier Muhammadan invasions are very scanty,

and very few traces of them now remain, beyond a few ruined to i ti fi ca-

tions ( such perhaps as the Baidargarh already referred to ), a few occa-

sional finds of coins and the names of places indicating a previous

Musalman occupation.];

Before proceeding further, it is necessary to give some account of

the Baro Bhuiyas. It is generally admitted

Baro Bhuiyas. that they were foreigners, but accounts differ

as to the circumstances under which they came to Bengal & Assam.

Buchanan’s version is that twelve “ persons of very hierh distinction,

and mostly named Pala, came from the west and settled atMahasthan.

He was of opinion that they belonged to the Bhungiya tribe. Cunning-

ham on the other hand thinks that they were Brahmans and that

the name Bhuiya is a corruption of Bhumiliara, a term applied to them

as indication of the fact that they had taken to cultivation as a means

of livelihood. He says that they still call themselves Babhan, and

claim to be Brahmans, but that their enemies say that they are the de-

scendants of men of low caste whom Jarasandha raised to the priest-

hood. He mentions that they form a large part of the population of

Magadha, the chief representative of the clan being the Raja of Tekari,

and from this he surmises that the Pala Rajas “must have been of

“ this caste, as they would appear to have been descendants of some of

“the Baro Bhuihar Palas, while in their inscriptions they are silent as

“ to their ancestry. ”

* Alamgirnamah, p. 731.

t J A. S. B. 1874, p. 216.

J 30 silver coins were recently discovered near Gauliati by a cooly working on

tbe Assam-Bengal Railway. They bore dates from 1310 to 1399 A. D. Most of

them were coins issued by the independent Sultans of Bengal. Mahmud Shah II,

Gbiyasu’d-din Bahadur Shah, Ilyas Shah, &c. A previous find of 33 coins at Gau-

lidtl in 1880 formed the subject of an article by Dr. Hoernle in the J. A. S. B. of

1881, p. 53.

282

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kdmarupa. [No. 4,

Buchanan's identification of the Baro Bhuiyas with the aboriginal

tribe called Bhungiya or Bhuiya was endorsed by Dalton and other

writers, but Dr. Wise has made it clear that the word “ Bhuiyd ” has

nothing to do with caste but is simply a word formerly used to denote

a chief or ruler.* * * § He shows that one at least of the “Bhuiyas” was

a Musalman, and (quotes Janie as follows ; — “ Non se tamen dixere

reges sed Boiones, quasi forsan Principes.” Bhuiya therefore simply

means chief, and connotes nothing regarding the caste of the persons

to whom it is applied.

Why these Bhuiyas should always he referred to as 12 in number

is less clear. It may be that the term was originally “ Bar ” or “ great,”

and somehow got changed in course of time to Baro or twelve ; hut this

seems unlikely. All that can be said in explanation is that twelve seems

to be a favourite number to be fixed for councillors or feudatories in

the constitution of kingdoms in this part of India The Raja of

Jaintia had twelve dalais, and we shall see subsequently that when

Visva Simha came to the throne, he appointed twelve chief Ministers

of State.f

The tradition current in Assam regarding the immigration of the

Baro Bhuiyas of this Province is as follows : — A Raja of Kamathapura

named Durlabha Narayana went to war with another Raja named

Dharma Narayana, who called himself Gaudesvara— the Lord of

Gauda.J When peace was concluded Gaudesvara§ sent seven houses

of Brahmans and seven of Sudras ( Kayasthas ) to Durlabha who

settled them on his frontier as lords of the marches and gave them

lands and slaves. Prom the position accorded to them, it seems

certain that they must have been persons of position in their own coun-

try The names of the seven Brahmans were Krishna Pandita, Ra-

ghupati, Ramavara, Lohar, Bayan, Dharma and Mathura ; and of the

seven Kayasthas — Hari, S'riHari, S'ripati, S'ridhara, Chidananda, Sada-

nanda and Ohandivara. The last mentioned, who was the ablest and

* It is in fact simply the Sanskrit equivalent of the Persian word Zamindar.

The title was sold by the last kings of Cachar to any one willing to pay for it.

Dr. Wise’s essays on the Baro Bhuiyas of Bengal will be found in the J. A. S. B.

1874, p. 197 and 1875, p. 181.

t Cf. also the 12 niisals of the Kh dlisa.

X The whole story is told at length in the Guru Charitra.

§ It appears that this title was often claimed, even by petty princes, and in the

time of the visit to Paundradesa of Jayapida, the Raja of Kasmira (779-813 A. D.)

there were no less than six petty princes in the province of Gauda or Varendra

all of whom claimed the title of Gaudesvara. The same state of affairs is said by

Taranatha to have prevailed in the beginning of the ninth century, immediately

before the rise of the Pala princes. (Arch. Sur. of Ind. Vol. XV, p. 111.)

1893.]

E. A. Gait — The Koch, Kings of Kamarupa.

283

most learned, was chief of the Baro Bhuiyas, and acted as their priest,

from which fact he was also known as Devidasa.* A story is told

of Chandivara to the effect that he and the other Bhuiyasf went home to

fetch their families, and that on starting to return they were seized by

Gaudesvara and cast into prison Shortly afterwards a pandit from

Benares visited the country and defeated all the learned men there in

argument. The king confronted him with Chandivara, who soon over-

came him, and he left the country covered with shame at his defeat.

This so pleased the king that he at once released Chandivara and his

companions and supplied them with boats in which to return to Kama-

riipa. They went and settled at Paimaguri, where Chandivara earned the

gratitude of the peasantry by constructing a bund in Bangs! pargana,

which the Chaudhri of the place, by name Gandharva Rai, had in vain

attempted to make. Subsequently the Bhotias raided and carried off

a number of people including Chandivara’s son Rajadhara. Gandharva

Rai fled to the south bank of the Brahmaputra, but Chandivara with

the other Bhuiyas followed up the Bhotia raiders and rescued their

captives.

After Nilambara had been overthrown by the Musalmans under

Husain Shah and the latter had in their turn been expelled by the

A'homs, the country appears to have been broken up, as it had often

been before, into numerous petty kingdoms, and amongst the rulers of

these small principalities were twelve Bhuiyas, but whether these were

descendants of the Bhuiyas imported by Devesvara or not is uncer-

tain.

* His son Rajadhara was the great grandfather of S'ankara Deva, the cele-

brated religious reformer.

+ The following list of Bhuiyas is taken from Lakshminarayana’s Purushavali :

Charu, Uguri, Kusiun, Kalia, Luki, Jhargaon, Kabila, Karnapur, Phulguri, Bijni,

Dighala and Pratap. Of these Uguri, Luki, Jhargaon, Karnapur, Phulguri, Bijuf

and perhaps Dighala are names of places, and Charu, Kusum, Kalia, Kabila and

Pratap are the names of rulers whose states are not mentioned. The twelve

Bhuiyas were not the only rulers in the country during this period of anarchy.

Amongst others, two brothers named Chandana and Madana are mentioned by Bucha-

nan Hamilton as having ruled for eight years at a place called Maralavasa about

twenty miles north of Kamathapura. In a lecture by Babu Ram Chandra Ghosh,

quoted at page 407 of Hunter’s Statistical Account of Koch Bihar, it is stated

that Chandana and Madana were the children of Haria Mandal by his wife J ira.

But as will be seen hereafter, there is not sufficient evidence to justify this state-

ment. The same Babu adds that Chandana became king in 1511 and was succeeded

by Visva Sim ha, in 1524, after a reign of thirteen years. Gunabhiram mentions

the kings of the following places as having been subdued by Visva Simha : — Dimu-

ria, Beltola, Rani, Luki, Bogai, Pantan, Boko, Bangaon, Moirapur, Bholagaon,

Chaigaon, Barnagar, Darrang, Karaibari, Attiabari, Kamathabari, and Balarampur.

284

[No. 4,

-E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kdmarupa.

Bisu. and Sisu.

The Koch Kings op Kajiarupa.

In the meantime tlie Koch chiefs were gradually rising to power.

In tracing their history I shall follow gener-

ally the account given in the Puruslianama or

Vamsavali of Raja Lakshmi Narayana Knar, but shall collate this with

other versions and endeavour, where they differ, to show which is most

probably correct.

The account begins with the usual attempt to prove that the ruling

tribe was of Kshattriya descent. It says that Sahasra, son of Raja

Haihaya stole the milch cow of Jamadagni. Parasurama, son of the lat-

ter, on hearing of the theft, slew Sahasra and restored the cow to his

father. In revenge, Sahasra’s sons, taking - advantage of Parasurama’ s

absence, killed Jamadagni and cut off his head. When Parasurama re-

turned, he waged a war of extermination against the Kshattriyas and

recovered the head of Jamadagni, whom he (hen restored to life. The

remnant of the Kshattriyas, flying before the wrath of Parasurama,

assumed the guise of Meches and discarded the sacred thread. They

multiplied rapidly, and eventually a chief was born whose name was

Hidri, and who had twelve children — Panbar, Phedela, Aorko Guabar,

Fed Fedu, Barihana, Jukuabar, Kathya, Baihagu, Meglni, Gorata, Jogai

and Dukharu.* These sons founded twelve families and from one of

these sprang Haria Mandal. One day, when his wife Hira was carrying

his mid-day meal to him in the fields, she was met by S'iva, who had

assumed the form of Haria Mandal, and in that gnise consumed the

food intended for her husband and had intercourse with her. There was

some misunderstanding between her and her husband in the evening,

but matters were soon put right, for S'iva appeared to Haria in a dream

and informed him that it was he who had eaten his food and taken

such liberties with his wife, and stated that as a result of his intimacy

with her, a son would be born who would rise to be a mighty chief.

To complete the story, the legend adds that the lady was none other

than an incarnation of Parvati, who had been made to take the form of

a Mechani as a punishment for causing S'iva’s death by a curse. Ten

months later, on the 1st day of the Bihn, the promised son was born,

amidst universal rejoicings, and was named Bisu, in commemoration of

the time of his biitli. By his second wife Jira or Dhita, Haria Mandal

himself begot a son, whom he named S'isu.

The Pnrushandma continues, that in his boyhood Bisu was known

as the chief of cowherds. When he grew up, he at once began to ex-

tend his father’s principality by bringing the country ruled by the

* The occurrence of the number twelve will again be remarked. The Purusha-

ndma also speaks of the twelve sons of Sahasra.

1893 ]

285

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kdmarupa.

Bhuiyas under his power. He defeated the Bhuiyas of Uguri and

Luki* * * § but was defeated by Charu Bliuiya. While wandering about

after this defeat, be was met by Parvati disguised as a Mechani, and

following her advice, be again attacked Charu Bliuiya at the time of

the Baisakh Biliua, when his soldiers had dispersed for the festival, and

thus overcame and hilled him and the few soldiers that were left with

him. Following up this success, ho defeated and slew the Bhuiyas of

Phulguri and Bijni, the former of whom is described as being of the

race of S'iva.f He gradually extended his power, and after defeating

all the Bhuiyas, went and]: built a magnificent city in Koch Bihar.

He worshipped S'iva and Durga and gave gifts to the disciples of Vishnu.

Other accounts mention that he assumed the Hindu name of Visva

Simha and that his brother S'isu called himself S'iva Simha, while the

men of his tribe who accepted Hinduism described themselves as Raja-

vamsis. He gave alms to the priests, and astrologers, and also to the

poor and to the visitors from distant countries. He made S'isu Yuvaraja,

and appointed twelve ministers from the twelve chief families of the

Meches, viz : — Two councillors ( one for foreign and one for internal

affairs), a commander of the army, a brahman, an astrologer, a physician,

a betelnut-bearer, a cook, a store-keeper, an accountant, a thdr (prophet)

and a porter. He also introduced a regular state organization by appoint-

ing Thahurids over 20 coolies, Saikids over 100, and Ilazctris over 1,000,

TJmrds over 3,000, and Nawdbs over 66,000. Excluding the old and the

young, he took an account of his able-bodied male subjects, and fouud

that the number of persons fit to carry arms amounted to no less than

5,225,000. He is said to have possessed numberless elephants, horses,

asses, buffaloes, and camels. It is related that he went to make war on

the A'homs, but fell short of provisions on the way, and thinking it

wrong to plunder, returned home.§ He was preparing to undertake a

second expedition, when Kali appeared to him and told him not to

engage in war himself. She told him instead to marry, and prophesied

that he would have eighteen sons, who would conquer the whole world.

In accordance with the divine mandate, he married in one day eighteen

wives according to the Grandharva ceremony. Two of these wives

* If this account can be relied on, it seems to prove that the Koch Kingdom

rose in Kdmarupa and gradually extended itself westwards, instead of beginning in

Itafigpur as is generally stated.

f It may be interesting to note that the use of firearms is referred to in the

account of his buttles with the Bhuiyas.

t Gunabhirama says that he took from them as tribute muga silk, cotton, cop-

per, tin, lead, silver, gold, iron, potters’ clay, &c ,

§ The Ahom version which says that he was defeated and made tributary, is

more likely to be the real explanation of his return.

286

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

[No. 4,

came from Nepal, two from Kamarupa, one from Kasmira, four from

Benares, three from S'onitapura (the Modem Tezpur) and two from

Mithila. Ten. months later, each of his wives gave birth to a son, the

names of whom were NaraSimha, Malla Deva, who was afterwards known

as Nara Narayana, S'ukladhvaja, Gosain Kamala, Maidan, Ram Chan-

dra, S'ura Simha, Mana Simha, Media, Vrishaketu, Rama Narayana,

Ananta, Dipa Sirhlia, Hemadhara, Megha Narayana, Jagat Chandra, and

Surya.

Being undecided as to who should succeed him, Visva Simha,

following the advice of Sada S'iva, caused 18 different articles (includ-

ing gold, silver, iron, earth, &c.) to be tied up in bundles, and asked his

sons to bring each one a bundle. Nara Simha brought the bundle of

gold, and so was appointed to be ruler of a foreign country. Malla

Deva brought the bundle of earth, and was thus selected to succeed

his father as king. S'ukladhvaja, who brought the bundle of iron, was

made Yuvaraja, while Gosain Kamala, because he brought the bundle

of wheat, was declared to have for his inheritance unspotted fame and

pure glory, and to be destined to construct roads, monasteries and tanks.

Minor appointments were allotted to the other sons, according to the

contents of their bundles.

Visva Simha died, after reigning 25 years, of sores brought on by

the curse of a Brahman,* but before his death, he enjoined his minister’s

never to get brides for his family from foreign races, but only from

amongst the Mech, Koch and Kacharf tribes. It is said that he was

carried up to heaven from S'onitanagara in a chariot driven by Nandi,

who had been sent to earth by S'iva for this purpose.

Gunabhiram tells a story which is not referred to in this Purusha-

nama. He says that Visva Simha re-discovered Kamakhya. The story

runs that he went to Nilachala, where he found only a few houses

of Meches. No one was at home except one old woman, who was rest-

ing under a fig-tree, where there was a mound which she said con-

tained a deity. Visva Simha prayed that his followers might be caused

to arrive, and his prayer was at once granted. He therefore sacrificed

a pig and a cock, and resolved, when the country became quiet, to build

a golden temple there. He ascertained that, the hill was the site of the

old temple of Kamakhya, the ruins of which he discovered, while the

image of the goddess herself was dug up from under the mound. Sub-

* lie had asked the Brnhman why people worship the big toe of a Brahman,

and on being told in reply that it was because it contained white blood, which is the

blood of Brahma, he had his toe pierced through with a chisel. No white blood

was seen, but red blood flowed and could not be stopped, and so the Brahman died

saying, “ As you have caused me this pain, so you also shall die of sores.”

1893.]

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

287

Nara Narayana.

sequently he re-built the temple, but instead of making it of gold,

he placed a gold coin between each brick. He brought Brahmans from

Kannauj, Mitliila, Benares, &c., to perform religious ceremonies at this

and other temples. Gunabhiram adds that in Visva Simlia's time

Raiigalugarli was the eastern boundary of Koch Bihar.

Taking advantage of the absence of Malla Deva and S'ukladhvaja,

who had been sent to Benares to study under

a hermit of the name of Bralimananda, Kara

Simha seized the throne. News of this occurrence was sent to Malla

Deva by his nurse, and he at once returned with S'ukladhvaja and

defeated Nara Simha, who fled to the Morang country. Malla Deva and

S'ukladhvaja defeated the Morang king, and Nara Simha fled to Nepal, but

the king of Nepal was similarly defeated, and he then took refuge in

Kasmira. Being unable to cross the passes Malla Deva gave up the

pursuit and returned to his own country. The Vamsdvali says that Nara

Simha subsequently became ruler of Bliotan, and that Pallavas, or local

rulers were appointed by him. Their names were Dagar, whoso juris-

diction lay in the east ; Tongsar in the south ; and Paro in the west.

Three Jongpons are also mentioned as rulers over Tasirjim, Piirnakhata

and Undipliera, respectively, and reference is also made to the “ great

dewan of Dunerkal,” the ‘ lord of correspondence.’

liteturning to Malla Deva and S'ukladhvaja, it is stated that on their

return Malla Deva became king and assumed the name of NaraNarayana.

He made S'ukladhvaja his Yuvaraja, under the name of S'ilarai, the king

of the kites. He at once began to turn his attention to the extension of

his kingdom, andfirst of all, liedetermined to carry out the decision formed

by his father to conquer the Alioms. Bearing in mind the cause of

his father’s failure, he first of all arranged for the construction of a

road as far as a place called Parasu Kuthar, and this task was entrusted

to Gosain Kamala. The latter set to work with vigour, and at the end

of a year had completed the road, and had also constructed tanks at re-

gular intervals along it.* Nara Narayana then called in Hindu pandits

and astrologers, and, after following the usual Hindu observances, pre-

pared to start. But before doing so, he organized a Kachari dance on

the banks of the Sankosh, and calling in the aid of a Shamanist, went

through the aboriginal rites of his tribe, this leaning to his old tribal

snperstitions being justified in the Vamsdvali by the statement that

S'iva himself had directed him to observe them. He then started. One

night he halted at Tamtumani, where twelve tribes brought him pre-

* The remains of this road are still visible from North Lakhimpur ; the portion

which runs through North Kamrup and the Mangaldai subdivision is still known as

the Gosain Kamala Ali.

J. i. 37

288

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Knmarupa.

[No. 4,

gents, in consequence of which the place was called Baradala. On

another occasion he stopped at Bhramarakunda where he built a fort

and a monastery on a hill called Nil Khamar, a family of Kacharis

being appointed to attend on Trisuladevi, the goddess of the place. It

is said that he fixed the Gosain Kamala Ali as the boundary north of

which the Kachari, Koch and Mech aboriginal forms of worship should

be practised, while south of it Hindu observances were to be followed.

Further on he halted at Singiri Parbat, and after that on the Bharali.

In the meantime, the Ahom king who had heard of the invasion,

summoned a meeting of his councillors, and with their advice, caused

an iron goat to be made. This goat he sent to Nara Narayana, say-

ing that if he could sever its head from its body at one stroke he

should have his kingdom, but not otherwise. Nara Narayana offered

two goats to Kali, and then taking a sharp sword struck off the

head of the iron goat with such force that the sword buried itself

in the earth. On hearing of this, the A'hom king was filled with fear,

and fled to Charai Kharang* Nara Narayana then entered Garhgaon.f

Finding that the Ahom king was not disposed to fight, Nara Narayana,

after halting for a year at Garhgaon sent word to him saying that if

he wished to fight he should come prepared, and that if he did not

come, and at the same time did not surrender, he would go and attack

him at Charai Kharang. On receiving this message, the A'hom king-

agreed to acknowledge himself a feudatory of Nara Narayana, and sent

as hostages a prince named Sundara and twenty families of the Ghar-

matha clan, together with one pot of gold and another of silver, 60

elephants and 60 pieces of cloth. {

After that the Koch king left Garhgaon and proceeded first to

Marahg and thence to Demera.

* According to other accounts, including that in Gunabhiram’s Asdrn Buranji ,

the Ahom king is said to have for a time averted defeat by sending forward an

army of S'udras mounted on cows. A similar stratagem is referred to in the

Rdjamala or Chronicles of the kings of Tippera.

t The Purushanama states that this was formerly the capital of the Chutiya

Raja. The Ahoms were unable to conquer this king and so made peace with him.

Their ruler married his daughter, and through her discovered that her father’s

supremacy was due to the possession of a golden cat. He made his wife steal this

for him, and when he had got it, he attacked and killed the Chutiya Raja, whose

sons fled for refuge to the Miri and Miching country.

$ Sundara and his comrades were subsequently released owing to Sundara ha vino-

succeeded in worsting Nara Narayana in a gambling contest. The Ahom chronicles

add that when they returned to their own country, they took back goldsmiths

blacksmiths, and other artizans with them. (Gunabhiram’s A'sam Buranji pp 68

and 117.)

289

1893.] E. A. G-ait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

Subsequently he deputed Silarai to go and conquer Harme^vara,

the king of Hidamba or Cachar. It is related that Silarai broke open,

the gate of the capital with two strokes of his riding whip.* Seeing this,

Harmesvara feared to offer resistance and at once made his submission.

He gave 84 elephants and other presents and agreed to pay an annual

tribute of 70,000 silver and 1,000 gold moharsand 60 elephants. f The

Koch king then sent messengers to the Raja of Manipur, calling on

him to submit and pay tribute, and the Raja feeling himself too weak

to resist so powerful a prince, at once complied with his requisition.

His tribute is said to have been fixed at Rupees 20,000, 300 gold coins

and ten good elephants. After this Silarai gave battle to the king of

Jaintia and slew him with his own hand. Kara Narayana set up the de-

ceased Raja’s son as king, after making him promise to pay an annual

tribute, and then despatched Silarai to wage war against the king of

Tippera. It is said that Silarai’s army consisted of 40,000 men, and

that in the battle which took place, no fewer than 18,000 men of the

Tippera army were slain. The king is said to have met his death, like

the king of Jaintia, at the hands of Silarai himself. Kara Narayana

placed the deceased king’s brother upon the vacant throne, and made

him pay tribute to the extent of Rs. 10,000, one hundred gold mohars

and thirty war horses. In the meantime, "Vdryavanta the Raja of

Khairam, having heard of Kara Narayana’s prowess and wishing to avoid

the fate which had overtaken the kings of Jaintia and Tippera,

hastened to make submission, His tribute was fixed at 15,000' Rupees,

900 gold coins, 50 horses and 30 elephants. He was also made to

promise not to stamp coins in his own name, but in that of Kara

Narayana.J The next victory was over the Raja of Dimuria who was

taken prisoner, but was subsequently released on his undertaking to

pay an annual tribute of Rs. 7,000. In the course of this expedition,

Kara Narayana is said to have straightened the course of the Rrahma-

putra opposite Pandunatha, a place near the foot of the Nilachal hill,

some four miles west of Gauhati. After stopping some time at a village

* Other similar feats are attributed to Silariii. On one occasion he is said to

have leapt over the Bharali river on the back of his war horse.

f This story of the invasion of Cachar by Nara Narayana is confirmed by a

tradition current amongst the Dehans, a small tribe of that district, who claim to

be descended from the Koches who invaded the district. According to theii

account, however, the leader of the expedition was not Silarai, but his brother

Gosain Kamala.

J No coins of this king have as yet been found, and the earliest coin of the

ltajas of Jaintia which I have seen is dated more than a hundred years later. Ex-

cluding Ahom coins, the only extant coins of this period stamped by kings in Assam

are those issued by Nara Narayana and his successors.

290

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kdmarupa. [No. 4,

named Rolia, Nara Narayana determined to attack the king of Siratha

(Sylhet), whose kingdom is described as being near Jaintia, and who is

said to have been a very powerful prince. Messengers were sent calling

upon him to submit, but this he refused to do, and Silarai was

accordingly despatched with a strong force to overcome him. He met

the army of the Sylhet king, and a battle took place which lasted

three days. At the end of this time as the scales of victory still hung

in the balance, Silarai became impatient, and so seizing his sword and

shield, he rushed forward like the kite, from which he took his name,

and attacked the hostile army. It is related that 100,000 soldiers fell

before his all-destroying sword, and that at last the king of Sylhet

himself was slain. The king’s brother Asirai then tendered his

submission and returned with Silarai to the court of Kara Narayana,

who appointed him king in the place of his brother and fixed his tri-

bute at 100 elephants, 200 horses, 300,000 Rupees and 10,000 gold

coins.*

Being thus victorious in three directions, Nara Narayana. determined

to invade the kingdom of Gaur (Gauda). Before doing so, he visited

the temple of Kamakhya, which he found in ruins. He intended to

rebuild it, but being possessed by S'ani (or the planet Saturn) he post-

poned this pious act until after his proposed expedition. This incensed

the goddess against him, and his army, which was led by Silarai, was de-

feated by the Pasha of Gaur, after a fight which lasted for ten days.

Silarai himself performed prodigies of valour, and after his weapons had

been broken he disdained to fly, and so continued to fight with rushes until

they also were exhausted, and he was taken prisoner. Subsequently,

through the favour of Kali, he succeeded in curing the Pasha’s mother,

who had been bitten by a snake which had been sent into her presence by

Silarai in the form of a rope. In return for this cure, Silarai was released,

and the Ganges was fixed as the boundary between the two kingdoms.

On his return home, he and his brother at once set about the erec-

tion of the Kamakhya temple.f Twice they erected a temple of stone,

and each time it fell in a night. Then Parvati appeared in a dream and

* Sylhet was conquered by the Musalmans in 1384 A. D., but may have boon

temporarily independent at the period here referred to, which was a troublous one in

Bengal. Or it may be that the king of Sylhet here referred to was the ruler of

Laur, who long continued to maintain his independence of the Musalman inva-

ders.

t An inscription within the temple records its erection by Silarai during the

reign of his brother Nara Narayana. This inscription which bears date 1487 S'ak-

(1565 A. D.) will be referred to again further on. Other accounts say that the

temple took ten years to build. (Gunabhiram’s A'sam Buranji page 68.)

1893.]

291

E. A. G-ait — The Koch Kings of Kdmarupa.

said that the Musalmans had destroyed the old stone temple, and as it was

now the Kali Yuga, the new one should be constructed of bricks. The

brick temple, was constructed in six months, and then Kara Narayana

consecrated it with numerous sacrifices, including 140 men, whose beads

he offered to the goddess on copperplates* He made a grant of land

for the maintenance of the shrine, and gave away alms to the extent of

Rs. 25,000. He also caused a statue of himself to be made and placed

within the temple.f At this time he caused roads, monasteries and

tanks to be constructed, and trees to be planted. Under his auspices

the S'astras were published and the Ratnamala was composed, and even

the common people were made to study religious books. S'aktism was

the State religion, but Vaishnavism was more than tolerated, and great

honour was done to S'aiikara Deva, Deva Damodara., and other Vaishnava

divines. The country enjoyed a period of peace and religion, and trade

throve exceedingly.

Two years later, the Gaur Pasha’s mother died, and Kara Narayana

then combined with Akbar to attack him. Silardi invaded his kingdom

with an army from the east, while Raja Man Singh, who was in com-

mand of the Imperial army, advanced upon him from the west.

The ruler of Gaur being thus attacked from two sides at the same

time was easily defeated, and his kingdom was then divided between

the Koch king and the Emperor of Delhi. The Pasha himself fled to

the country of the Feringhis,

While engaged on this expedition, news came from the capital that

a son had been born to Silarai.J The latter, however, was destined never

to see him. He was attacked by small-pox and died on the banks of the

Ganges, after enjoining his brother Nara Narayana to take care of his boy.

Kara Narayana performed the funeral ceremonies with great pomp, and

at the conclusion sacrificed a bull.

After Silarai’s death, a long period of peace ensued, during which

the people enjoyed great prosperity, while Kara Narayana gave such

encouragement to religion that he became known as “ the pious king. ”

* The offering of human sacrifices was by no means uncommon among the

S'aktas of former times. Similar sacrifices were frequently offered at Sadiya, and

at Beltola in Kamrup, and it was the abduction of four British subjects for this

purpose which led to the annexation of Jaintiii in 1835.

t Two statues, said to represent Nara Narayana and Silarai, are still to be seen

within the temple. An older figure carved in the rock on the road leading up to

it is said to represent Naraka, the first-recorded guardian of theshrine.

J It is related that in honour of this event grants of Brahmottar land were

made in the village of Chinakona ( in the Mangaldai sub-division. ) This grant still

exists.

292 E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamcirupa. [No. 4,

In the meantime Silarai’s son, whose name was Raghu Rai, was

growing up. He was a great favourite with the king, and when he

attained the age of 16, two girls were given to him as wives. It is

added that subsequently the nttmber of his wives reached 120.

Shortly after Raghu Rai’s marriage, Kara Narayana himself was at

last blessed with a son, to whom he gave the name of Lakslimi Narayana. *

Up to this time, Raghu Rai had lived in hopes of succeeding his uncle ;

but hearing that he was now likely to be passed over in favour of the

latter’s own son, he left the capital with a small following, and settled

down at Baranagara, or Vijayanagar, where he excavated a tank and

built a town called Ghilajaipur. Nara Narayana sent a messenger,

named Para Karji, to recall him ; but he refused to return, and when

Karji invested the place in order to seize him, he fought with, and

defeated him. On hearing of this, it is related that Nara Narayana

professed to be pleased at his nephew’s prowess, and as an acknowleg-

ment thereof, sent him his wives, together with a large amount of

money and jewels from the royal treasure-chest. A few months later,

a heavy flood occurred, and taking advantage of it, Raghu made an

expedition in boats and raided Bair Baku. When Nara Narayana heard

of this, he went with an army to chastise him, but was prevented from

attacking him by Raghu sending his 120 wives to attack Nara Narayana’s

army. When the latter heard of this, he determined not to fight and

so came to terms.

The kingdom was divided into two parts, and it was settled that

Raghu should rule the country east of the Sankosh and that Lakslimi

should succeed his father as Raja of the country west of that river.

Raghu continued to reside at Baranagara. He visited five places of

pilgrimage, — Ganesa, Kedara, Gokarna, Garna, and Kamesvara; and re-

built the Manikuta Temple, which had been broken by the Musalmans.f

He endowed it with grants of land, and when it was finished, he

sacrificed at the shrine 700 men, whose heads he offered to the goddess

in copper plates. He had a large number of sons, including Parikshit,

Indra Narayana, Jadurai, Bali Narayana, and Mana Simlia. He is said

to have been devoted to religion and to have made liberal gifts to

Brahmans. It is related that he buried 30,00,000 Rs. under the staircase

of his palace. In the end he was killed by a demon ( daitya ) sent by an

ascetic whose company he had exhorted his son Parikshit to eschew.

* It is said that Nara Narayana married Kamala-priya, the daughter of S'ahkara

Deva’s brother Ram Rai. According to other accounts, however, it was Silarai who

married her.

t This is the Hayagriva Temple at Hajo, which stands on the hill called Mani.

An inscription in the temple, dated 1583 A. D , mentions Raghu Deva as the king

under whose orders it was re-built.

1893.]

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kdmarupa.

293

Parikshit, on the death of his father, went to Pragjyotishapnra and

worshipped three times at Kamakhya. An astronomer attached to

the temple foretold that unless he became king' within two days, he

would not get the kingdom for twelve years, and he accordingly set

sail and proceeded with all haste to Baranagara, where he was hailed

as king. It is said that his boatmen were so exhausted by their

exertions that on arriving they all lay as if dead, and were only brought

back to life by the tender ministrations of 140 girls (sent for the

purpose by Parikshit) who anointed their bodies with oil and acid

fruits, and then passed the night with them. Next morning, says the

Vamsavali each boatman was married to the girl with whom he had

slept. Parikshit is said to have built a town where North Gauliati

now stands, and to have mounted cannon at Pandunatha, which were

still in position at the time when the Vamsavali was composed.

Subsequently war broke out between Parikshit and Lakshmi Narayana,

and the latter being worsted, went to Delhi, and giving his sister to the

Emperor in marriage, implored him to send an army to his assistance.

In accordance with his request, Paransubha and Mukarram Khan

were sent against Parikshit. Parikshit was defeated and then

entrenched himself in a fort which he built on the banks of the Saukosh,

which the Musalmans besieged for a year without success. They then

resorted to stratagem, and by floating rafts of plantain trees down the

river by night, made Parikshit believe that they had crossed it and

were marchiug on his capital. Under this impression, he abandoned his

intrenchments and hurried back to Vijayanagara.

In the meantime his brother Bali Narayana, after taking refuge for

a year with a Bara Bliuiya family residing at Maniari village in Dar-

rang, went to the Ahom king, Svarga Narayana, and invoked his aid

against the Musalmans. The latter took the field with a large army,

and defeated the Musalmans, who fled across the Ivaratoya. Svarga

Narayana then placed Bali Narayana, whom he re-named Dharma

Narayana, in charge of the conquered country, the boundaries being on

the east the Bharali, on the west the Karatoya, on the north the

Gomiri mountains, and on the south the hills of Siri.

Comparison of the Vamsavali with other sources of information.

Thus far the Vamsavali of Raja Lakhshmi Narayana Kuar. I now

refer briefly to other accounts of the events

dynsfsty 86 ° f the Koch with which it deals.* And first of all, as to

the parentage of Bisu and Sisu.

* Minor points in which other accounts corroborate it, have been noted passim

in the abstract of the Vamsavali given above.

294

B. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

[No. 4,

Raja Prasiddha Narayana’s Vamsavali agrees with it in all particulars,

and the account given by Gunabhiram in his A'sdm Buranji is also

practically the same. In the latter, however, Hajo is mentioned as the

father of Hira and Jira; it does not appear from his account that either

of them had a husband, and S'iva is said to have been the father of

Sisn as well as of Bisu. Buchanan Hamilton says that Hajo Koch

had two daughters, Hira and Jira, of -whom the former was married

to Hariya Mecli. She had a son, Bisu, while her sister (whose husband

is not mentioned) had a son, Sisu. He adds that S'iva was claimed

as the progenitor of both Bisu and Sisu. The Raikat family of

Baikunthpur claim to be descended from Sisu, and over that he was

the brother and not the cousin of Bisu. Another account says that

Cliandan and Madan were the children of Hariya Mech by his wife

Jira ‘and that S'isu and Bisu were born of his wife Hira by the god

S'iva. *

Prom these accounts we may, I think, conclude that Sisu and

Bisu were the children of Hariya Mech by his wives Hira and Jira,

and that the latter were daughters of Hajo, who was of the Koch tribe,

a fact which is proved not only by the authorities mentioned above, but

also by the fact that the existing representatives of the family still describe

themselves as “ Koch,” and by the Musalman names for the country,

Koch Bihar and Koch Hajo. Ralph Pilch also refers to S'uldadkvaja

as Shukl Koch. There is not sufficient evidence for

Chandan and Madan belonged to this family.

There is less unanimity regarding the kings by whom the Koch

kingdom was consolidated and extended and

The division of the .

country into two king- the period at which it was divided into two

doms.

parts.

According to Buchanan Hamilton)-, it was Hajo who founded the

kingdom, and Visva Simha who divided it into two parts, giving the

position east of the Sankosh to S'ukladhvaja and the position west of

that river to Kara Narayana. The same version is given in the family

history of the Rajas of Bijui. Other authorities however, agree with

Raja Lakshmi Narayana’s Vamsavali. Balm Ram Chandra Ghosh, to

whose lecture reference has already been made, says that Nara Narayana

“ with the assistance and advice of his younger brother S'ukladhvaja,

“otherwise called Silarai, extended his kingdom in all directions. He

“ conquered the whole of Kamarupa and carried off in triumph the

“ chhattra or umbrella of the king of Assam. The king gave to his elder

* Lecture delivered by Babu Bam Chandra Ghosh before the Koch Bihar

Hitaishini Sabha, and printed in Calcutta at the expense of the Raj in 18G5.

t Hunter’s Statistical Account of Rahgpur, page 351.

assuming that

1893.]

295

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kdmarupa.

“ brother, Nava Simha, the pargana of Panga ; and to his younger brother

“ S'ukladhvaja, together with the title of Raja, he gave Bijni, Darrang,

“ Bentali (sic, Beltola ? ) and the northern part of the Kainakhya

“ bshettra.”

In Bisvesvar’s Asa in Buranji, the agreement is still greater. He

says : “ Raja Nara Narayana, having no male issue, determined to appoint

“ his nephew Raghu Deva as his successor. When old, he had a son, and

“ Raghu Deva became hopeless. The latter therefore, quitted one day the

“palace, under the pretext of going a hunting, but the Raja, in order

“ to console him, allotted to him a portion of the Raj. ”

The account given by Gunabhiram on pages 59-71 of his A’sdm

Buranji also confirms that contained in the Vamsavali, and so does the

allusion to the conquest of Garligaon in the Aliom chronicles, and also

the Musalman version of the events dealt with in the Vamsavali as

described in the Ahbarndmah, except that in the latter, Raghu’s rebel-

lion is said to have taken place on the death of Nara Narayana, and not

during his life time.*

In addition, we have contemporaneous evidence iu the shape of two

inscriptions, one of which is inside the Kamakhyfi temple and. the

other in the temple of Hayagriva at Hajo. The former runs as follows :

“ Glory be to ting Malladeva, who by virtue of his mercy, is kind to the people ;

“who in archery is like Arjuna, and in charity like Dadhichi and Karna; he is

‘ like an ocean of all goodness, and he is versed in many Sastras; his character is

“ excellent, in beauty he is as bright as Kandarpa ; he is a worshipper of Kama-

“ khya. His younger brother S'ukladeva built this temple of bright stones on the

“ Nila hillock, for the worship of the goddess Durga, in 1487 S'aka (1565 A. D.).

“ His beloved brother S'ukladhvaja again, with universal fame, the crown of the

“ greatest heroes, who like the fabulous Kalpataru, gave all that was devoutly asked

“ of him, the chief of all devotees of the goddess, constructed this beautiful

“ temple with heaps of stones on the Nila hill in 1487 S'aka. ”

Amongst the stone figures in the interior of this temple are two

which are said to represent Malladeva and his brother S'ukladhvaja.

The inscription inside the temple of Hayagriva may be translated

thus : —

“ There was a ruler of the earth named Vi6va Simha ; his illustrious son, the

“ most wise king Malladeva, was a conqueror of all enemies. In gravity and

“ liberality and for heroism he had a great reputation, and he was purified by

“ religious deeds. After him was born his brother S'ukladhvaja who subdued

* It may be explained here that Muhammadan historians refer to the countries

ruled by Parikshit and Lakhshmi N sir ay ana as Koch Hajo and Koch Bihar respec-

tively. Nara Niirayana was known to the Musalmans as Bal Gosaifi, and S'ukladhvaja

as Shnkl Gosaifi.

J. i. 38

296 E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa. [No. 4,

“ many countries. The son of this S'ukladhyaja was king Raghudeva, who was like

“ the greatest man of the Raghu race : his glories spread out in all directions ; the

“ lord of Kamarupa, in obedience to the order of destiny, is the slayer of the wiek-

“ ed, who was like water to the flames of the fire of sorrow of the vast populace.

“ Of the seeds of Sukladhvaja, a king was born of the name of Raghudeva, who

“ consoles innumerable persons, and is a worshipper of the feet of Krishna ; the

“king coming of age had a temple built on the hillock called Mani hillock, in 1505

“ S'aka (1583 A. D.) The most skilful and efficient artisan S'ridhara himself

“ built it.”

Apart from the authorities quoted in favour of the version given in

the Vamsdvali, it seems probable that that version is correct ; first, be-

cause it is far more detailed than any other, and secondly, because it is

the version given by the descendants of Silarai who would not have

been likely to represent him as a subject of Nara Narayana if he had

really been an independent prince. We may, therefore, accept the story

as told in the Vamsdvali as substantially correct.

The only alternative to accepting the version given in the Yarits'dvali

is by supposing Silarai to have outlived his brother and to have rebel-

led when Lakshmi Narayana succeeded him. This is the version given

in the Akbarnamah (J. A. S. B. 1872, page 53), and if correct would

simplify the meaning of the inscription in the temple at Hajo. The

account given in the Vamsdvali is however, so circumstantial that, in the

absence of further evidence, it seems impossible to gainsay it.

Kala Pahar’s invasion.

Musalman invasions during the period dealt with in the VaAs'avali.

The Vamsdvali says very little about the relations of the Koch

kings with the Mualmans, and it will therefore he useful to supple-

ment it in this respect by accounts drawn from other sources.

And first should be mentioned the invasion of Kala Pahar, other-

wise known as Raju, which took place in

1553 A. D. It is said that Nara Narayana was

afraid to fight him, and allowed him to pass up the Brahmaputra un-

molested. He was a convert from Hinduism, and like all apostates, was

a zealous persecutor of the faith which he had before professed, so that his

name is remembered to this day, both in Assam and Orissa, as the arch

destroyer of temples and images. To him is attributed the destruc-

tion of the old temples at Kamakhya and Hajo, but beyond these acts

of sacrilege, he appears to have left no mark in the country. His in-

vasion is not referred to in the Vamsdvali, except incidentally in the

statement that Nara Narayana rebuilt Kamakhya “ which the wicked

Musalmans had destroyed.* ”

* I have not referred in the text to the narrative of Ralph Fitch who visited

Koch Bihar between 1563 and 1581, and states that the king then ruling was

1893.]

297

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

Another incident not mentioned in the Variis-

■ N sion'to the a Emperor? 1S " is that related in the following extract

from the Akbarnamah : * —

“ To the events of this time (1578 A. D.) belongs the arrival of the

“ Peshkash from Bengal and Koch Bihar. Baja Bal Gosaih (Kara

“Narayana) who is Zamindar of Koch, submitted again, and sent valu-

“ able presents from Bengal, with 54 elephants, ”

On the other hand, the Musalman historians of the period make

no mention of the assistance said to have been rendered by Nava Nara-

yana in the subjugation of Daiid Shall.

The Akbarnamah tells us that when hostilities broke out between

Lakshmi Narayana aud the ruler of the eastern Koch kingdom, the for-

mer made his submission to the Emperor and met Baja Man Singh at

Auandapur. It is added that he gave his daughter in marriage to the

latter, and not to the Emperor as stated in the Vamsdvali.

In the Tuzuk i Jalidngm it is stated that, in 1618 A. D., Lakshmi

Narayana paid his respects personally at court in Gujrat and presented

a nazzar of 500 mohars.

The invasion of Parikshit’s kingdom however, is attributed, not to

Invasion of Parikshit’s the iniliation of Lakshmi Narayana, but to a

Kingdom. complaint made by Baghunatha, the Zamindar

of Sosang, whose family Parikshit had imprisoned.

The Padishdhndmah contains a full account of the invasion which

followed. The following abridgment is taken from the translation

given by Blochmann in the J. A. S. B. for 1872 (pages 53-62).

Mukarram Khan invaded Koch llajo with 6,000 horse, 12,000 foot and

500 ships, and took Parikshit’s fort at Dhubri, at which place he halted

named Suckel Conso (S'ukl Koch or S'ukladhvaja), because the part of the kingdom

which ho visited was west of the S’ankosh (cf. Blochmann, J. A. S. B., page 240), and

this part has never been claimed as having at any time belonged to S'ukladhvaja

or his descendants. It is clear, therefore, that there must be some mistake, and as

S'ukladhvaja was a far more prominent man than his elder brother, the real king,

it is not unlikely that Ralph Fitch thought that he was the ruler de jure as well

de facto. Or it may be, that Ralph Fitch’s visit took place during the year for

which, according to Gunabliiram, Nara Niirayana left his kingdom in charge of

Silarili and wandered about in disguise, in order to avoid the disaster which it was

supposed would ensue from the influence of the planet Saturn, under which the

astrologers asserted that he had had the misfortune to come. The story of his

temporary abdication is not improbable, as the Ganaks have always exercised almost

unlimited power over credulous converts to Hinduism, and we have an exact parallel

in Ahom history in the case of the king S'iva Simha, who abdicated in 1720 A. D.

in favour of his wife Phiilesvari, iu cousoquenco of an advorso prediction by the

astrologers attached to his court.

* Lucknow edition, III, page 207.

298

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kdmarupa. [No. 4,

during the rains. Parikshit was defeated in a naval engagement in

the Gajiidhar river and retreated, first to Khelah and afterwards to

Budhnagar on the Manas, where he at last surrendered, and by the

Emperor Jahangir’s orders, was sent to Court. His brother Bali

Narayana, or Buldeo, as he is called by the Musalman historian, fled to

the Ahom king.

The Musalmans proceeded, under Sayyad Hakim and Sayyad Aba

Invasion of Upper Baqr, to invade the country of the Ahoms, but

Assam ’ were destroyed in a night attack. A fuller

account of this invasion is contained in the Ahom chronicles, where it

is stated that the Musalmans proceeded as far as Bishnunath. They were

at first victorious and took many captives, but were subsequently de-

feated by the Ahoms, who had called in the aid of the Kacharls of

Khaspur. The cause of the invasion is said to have been the murder

by the Ahom garrison, at Koliabar, of a Muhammadan trader who was

suspected of being a spy. It is stated that Aba Baqr (who is called

Babakar in the A'hom Bnranji) and his son Ghivasu’d-dln were slain in

the battle, and that the body of the latter was taken back to Hajo and

buried there.*

The Padishdhndmah continues that Bali Narayanaf then persuaded

* Gunabhiram says that this invasion is described in the Guru Bhatima, a col-

lection of hymns written shortly after the time of the occurrence by S'ahkar Deva

and his disciple and successor, Madhava. I have not been able to procure a com-

plete collection of these hymns, but in a selection of them published by Haribilas

Gupta, the only Musalman invasion referred to (page 79) is one in which the ruler

of Gaur is said to have been utterly defeated by Nara Narayana. In this account,

the destruction of images is not mentioned, and it is possible that some other inva-

sion is referred to.

f The Ahoms called him Dharma Narayana. In Ahom histories it is said that

Bali Narayan or Baghu Deva (accounts differ) gave the daughter of the latter— Man-

galdiii by name— to Pratapa Simha in marriage. Mangaldai town and river are said

to be named after this princess.

Ghiyasu’d-din is said to have been a very pious and learned man, and the sanc-

tity attaching to his tomb was consequently so great, that it became a very sacred

place in the eyes of the Musalmans, and was accordingly known as Powa Mekka.

The origin of this name is differently accounted for by a writer in the Calcutta

Beview of 1867. He says that after the death of Husain Shah’s son, Danyal.

Sultan Ghiyasu’d-dm succeeded him, and brought a colony of Musalmtns to Haj,;

and made large assignments of lands for religious purposes. He resolved to build

a grand mosque at Hajo, and brought earth from Mekka to give additional sanctity

to the place. He died however before completing the mosque, and was buried

under the holy earth. It is not known from what source this writer derived his

information, but it seems on the face of it more probable than the other story, as it

is hard to believe that a vanquished army would carry a corpse so great a distance

as from Bishnunath to Hajo. On the other hand, it is unlikely that Musalmans re-

299

1893.] E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

the Ahoms to invade Hajo, and the latter agreed and sent him

Bali Narayana regains thither with an army. He retook Darrang,

Darrang. and I'einforcing his army by some discontented

Musalman Jagirdars of Hajo, seized also perganas Luki and Bhao-

manti, and finally attacked ‘Abdu’s-salam, the Musalman Governor of

the country.

It is not stated how long these events took, but it would appear

from other sources of information, that a considerable time must have

elapsed between the retaking of Darrang and the attack on ‘Abdu’s-

salam which led, as will be noted further on, to the defeat and death of

Bali Narayana.

The defeat of Parikshit is stated to have taken place in 1614 A. D.

and the final overthrow of Baii Narayana in 1637. The A'hom chroni-

cles place the defeat of Aba Bakr in 1549 Sak or 1627 A. D. and state

that his army was pursued and the A'hom rule extended as far as

Gauhati, and that Bali was set up as a tributary of the Ahoms in Darrang

and Gaja Narayana, brother of the latter, at Beltola. Subsequently, it is

stated, Pratapa Simlia became lord paramount of the Rajas of Rani,

Luki, Mairapur, and other places. These events must have taken time

to bring about, and it may therefore, I think, be assumed that Bali be-

came ruler in Darrang at least, if not also in part of Kamrup, imme-

diately after Aba Baqr’s defeat in 1672, so that he ruled there for ten

years before his final conflict with the Musalmans.*

On being attacked by Bali, ‘Abdu’s-salam reported matters to

War between Bali Nara- IsMm Khkn ’ Governor of Bengal. Reinforce-

yana and Abdu’s-salam. ments were at once sent to him, but owing to

the treachery of Sattrajit, the Tlianadar of Piindu, the dispositions of

the Musalmans were not as effective as they might otherwise have been.

In several engagements in the neighbourhood of Pandu, however, suc-

cess remained with the Muhammadan army.

Subsequently, as ‘Abdu’s-salam was moving his fleet from S'righat

towards Hajo, he was attacked at night by the Ahom fleet which num-

bered 500 ships. Sattrajit took the first opportunity to retire with

his fleet, and the Musalmans were beaten. Bali Narayana followed up

this success by laying siege to Hajo, and after cutting off his supplies,

forced ‘Abdu’s-salam to treat. The latter went with his brother to the

hostile camp, where he was at once seized and sent off to Garhgaoii.

mained at Hajo after prince Danyal’s defeat, as Visva Simlia was then rapidly rising

to power. Besides, the Fathiyah i ‘Ibriyah says that the whole of that prince’s

army was killed or captured. (J. A. S. B.' 1872, page 79.)

* In Gunabhiram’s Asam Buranji it is said that Bali Narayana fixed his capital

at Mafigaldai in Darrang, and ruled well.

300 E. A. Gait— The Koch Kings of Kdmariipa. [No. 4,

Tlie Musalmans then tried to force their way through the enemy, but

were all cut up in the attempt.

In the meantime, Parikshit’s son Chandra Narayana, who had estab-

lished himself with 6,000 or 7,000 Ahoms and Koches at Karaibari, was

attacked by the troops left at Shag-hat and forced to retreat to pargana

Solmari. He was killed shortly afterwards. The Musalmans then

marched to Dhubx-x where they found and arrested Sattrajit, who -was

subsequently executed for his treachery, and thence proceeded to Jogi-

ghopa, at which place as well as at Hirapur on the opposite bank of

the Brahmaputra, Bali Narayana had erected strong fortifications, his

fleet being anchored between the two forts. They were harassed on

their way by the enemy’s troops, but drove them off, and after several

assaults, they forced Bali Narayana to retreat, and followed him across

the Manas river. He retreated to Budhnagar where he threw up a

strong entrenchment, but withdrew to Chothri on hearing that Muham-

mad Zaman was marching against him with a strong detachment, under

the guidance of Uttama Narayana, the son of Sardarbar, Zamindar of

Budhnagar, who was well acquainted with the country.

This detachment halted at Bishunpur for the rains, but was shortly

afterwards attacked by Bali Narayana, who had received reinforcements

which brought the strength of his army up to 40,000 men. He threw

up fortifications at the Kalapani river, about three miles from Bishun-

pur, behind which he encamped on a well-selected site, protected by

rising ground, a river difficult to cross, and dense jungle. From this

vantage ground he harassed the Musalmans by repeated night attacks.

At the close of the rains, in spite of Bali Narayana’s efforts to pre-

vent it, a junction was effected between the detachment at Bishunpur

and the main body of the Musalman army, which had spent the x-ains

at Chandaiikot. Having united their forces they attacked and defeated

Bali Narayana, who fled to Darrang. A son of the A'hom king was

taken pi-isoner in this battle and was put to death together with all the

other prisoners. The A horn forts at Pandu and Srighat wex-e then

taken together with 500 war sloops and 300 guns, and Koch Hajo again

became a Musalman province. Fox-t Kajli (at the junction of the

Kallang and the Brahmaputra) was also taken, and a detachment was

sent to Darrang to hunt down Bali Narayana who fled to Siiigiri, wliero

he and his two sons shortly afterwards died. Gauhati was selected as

the seat of Government of the Musalman proconsul, axxd a financial

settlement of the country was effected.

As already stated, the final overthrow of BaliNai ayana is said to have

taken place in 1637 A. D. Strange to say no mention of this struggle

is made in any local history.

1893.]

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

301

Dates op the kings mentioned in the VamsXvali.

Raja Lakshmi Narayana ’s Vamsdvali mentions only one date — that of

the erection of the Kamakhya temple, and it is not very easy to fix the

exact dates of the kings to whom it refers. Sone dates are given in

the Vamsdvali of Prasiddha Narayana, in Gunabhiram’s A'sam Buranji,

in Buchanan Hamilton’s account of Rangpnr and elsewhere,* but these

authorities often differ amongst themselves, and it is therefore necessary

to examine the matter in some detail.

It will perhaps be easiest to arrive at the truth by dealing in the

Dates of Kaja Nara Nara- first instance with the dates of Raja Nara Nara-

yana. Three different dates are assigned for

the time when he ascended the throne in succession to his father Visva

Simha, viz., 1528 A. D. by Gunabhiram, 1534 in Prasiddha Narayana’s

Vamsdvali, and 1555 by Babu Ram Chandra Ghosh.

His death is said to have occurred in 3584 A. D., and Prasiddha

Narayana s Vamsavali and Gunabhiram’s A.sdm Buranji agree in fixing

3581 as the date of Raghu’s accession to power in the eastern part of

the old Koch kingdom, while the inscription in the Hayagriva temple at

Hajo, which was built during his reign and bears date 1583 A. D., helps

to confirm this as the date of the division of the kingdom.

It is recorded in the Ahharndmah that Lakshmi Narayana who had

then succeeded his father, made his submission to the Delhi Emperor

and paid his respects to Raja Man Singh in 1596 A. D. On the other

hand, the Musalman historians refer to Nara Narayana as still reigning in

1578. f It is thus certain that Nara Narayana died between 1573 and

1596 A. D. and we may therefore, I think, confidently accept 1584 as

the approximate date of his death. J

* I do not refer to the dates given in the manuscript copy of the Yogini

Tantra in the possession of a Brahman of Haul! Mohanpur, as it appears that they

are not trustworthy, so far as these earlier kings are concerned. Prior to the

accession of Mahondra Narayana in 1660, only four dates are given, viz., the erection

of Hajo and Kamakhya and tho accessions of Visva Singh and Raghu Deva. The

two former, which could always be ascertained from the inscriptions in the temples

thomselves are correct, but the two latter — 1495 A. D. and 1555 A. D. are obviously

wrong. It seems probable that the collection of dates in this volume was not

commenced until long after the time of these two kings, and that when it was

undertaken, their dates were filled in by guess work.

t Blochmann, J. A. S. B. 1872, page 53.

J Blochmann, J. A. S. B. 1875, page 306. The name of the ruler mentioned in

the Musalman account is Bal Gosain, but this is clearly only another name for Nara

Narayana. Blochmann says that Bal Gosain was the son of Nara Narayana and father

of Lakshmi Narayana, but this must be a mistake, as neither in the very full account

contained in the Vamsdvali nor in any other local narrative, is mention made of any

302

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

[No. 4,

It is less easy to come to a definite conclusion regarding the date

of his accession. According to the Vamsdvali of Prasiddha Narayana,

this took place in 1534; Gunabhiram following Bisvesvar places it

in 1528 and Babu Ram Chandra Ghosh in 1555 A. D. # The last men-

tioned date may be at once rejected, on the testimony of a silver coin

of this king which was found some years ago in the Garo Hills and

published in the J. A. S. B. for 1875, page 306. f This coin is dated

1477 S'ak (1555 A. D.), or the very year fixed for Nara Narayana’s ac-

cession by Babu Ram Chandra, and as he had to fight with his brother

Nara Simha before obtaining the throne, it is extremely unlikely that

he began to issue coins in the very first year of his I’eign. It is much

more likely that the time when this mouey was coined, formed the se-

cond period in his reign, namely, the interval of peace which followed

his earlier expeditions and preceded the second war against the ruler

of Gaur.

Perhaps the best way of arriving at the probable date of his suc-

cession will be to calculate it from several independent data, and then

to strike an average. The Akbarndmah says that his son was born

when he was fifty years of age. As the latter ascended the throne on

his father’s death without, it would appear, the help of guardians, he

cannot at that time have been less than 15 years of age. On this cal-

culation Nara Narayana must have been born in 1519 A. D., and as he

was still a student when his father died, he cannot at that time have

been much more than 15 years of age. This would bring his accession

to 1534 A. D., which is the very date mentioned in Prasiddha Narayana’s

Vamsdvali.

Another way of arriving at the probable date of his succession is

by calculating what time would be required for the different events

referred to in the history of his reign, which occurred prior to the erec-

tion of Kamaldiya temple, the date of which (1565 A. D.) is known

to us by the inscription in the temple itself and by the concurrent tes-

timony of Prasiddha Narayana’s Vamsdvali, and the manuscript edition

ruler between Nara Narayana and Laksbmf, and all alike agree in saying that the

latter was the son of the former. Besides Bloohmann says that the brother of Bal

Gosain was S'ukl Gosain, who can be none other than S'ukladhvaja. In his

notice of the Akbarndmah (J. A. S. B. 1872, page 52) he quotes a passage which says

that Bal Gosain lived the life of an ascetic and did not marry until he was 50 years

old, when he took a wife by whom he had a son named Lakshmi Narayana. Lastly,

on page 100 of the number of the Journal just quoted, Blochmann himself, in a

footnote, explains that Nara Narayana is called Bal Gosain in the Akbarndmah.

* Statistical Account of Koch Bihar, page 407.

+ A similar coin of Nara Narayana bearing the same date had been previously

published in J. A. S. B. 1856, page 547, by Rajendralala Mitra.

303

1893.]

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

of tlie Yogini Tantra in the possession, of the Brahman of Hauli

Mohanpnr.

Briefly these events ai’e : —

(1.) Expulsion and pursuit of Kara Sim ha.

(2.) Construction of Gosaih Kamala Ali. This is said to have

taken a year to make, but the real time it took was

probably considerably longer.

(3.) Invasion of the Ahom kingdom. The Ahom chronicles

mention at least two expeditions, and the VamSavali

relates that Kara Narayana remained a year at Garhgaon

before the Ahom king submitted.

(4. ) Conquest of Hiramba or Cachar.

(5.) War with the king of Jaintia.

(6.) War with the king of Tipperah.

(7.) War with the king of Dimarua.

(8.) War with the king of Sylhet.

(9.) War with the ruler of Gaur.

(10.) S'ilarai’s detention at Gaur.

(11.) Erection of Kamakhya. According to the Vams'dvali this

was carried out in six months, but other accounts say

that the temple took ten years to build.

It is difficult to arrive at any exact conclusion as to the time which

these events occupied, but bearing in mind the difficulties of locomotion

at that time, and the fact that between each war it would probably be

necessary for the Raja to spend some time attending to the internal

affairs of his kingdom and consolidating his rule, I do not think it

would be safe to allow a smaller period than 30 years for these occur-

rences. Deducting this period from the date of the erection of Kama-

khya, we get 1535 A. D., as the date of his accession, which is again

very nearly the date quoted in Prasiddha Narayana’s Vams'dvali. On the

other hand, the Ahom chronicles fix 1562 as the date of his invasion of

their country, and as this is one of the earliest events of his reign as

recorded in the Purushanamah , it would seem that his reign could not

have commenced long before that date. As, however, it is certain that

Kamakhya was rebuilt in 1565, and all the intervening events could

not possibly have occurred within the short space of three years, it is

clear either that this date is incorrect or else that the Vdmsavali does

not record events in their historical sequence. On the whole the weight

of the evidence seems to show that NaraNarayanacame to the throne in

1534 A. D., or soon afterwards.

The same dates, of course, represent the conclusion of Vigva

Simha’s reign. As regards its commencement,

Visva Simha s dates. j-, e remem t> el 'ed that Nilambara w r as over-

J. i. 39

304

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamar&pa.

[No. 4,

thrown by Husain Shah in 1498 A. D., and that afterwards Chandana and

Mariana reigned for a few years at Manila vasa, a place some 20 miles north

of Kamathapura. If, therefore, Chandana and Madana ruled the whole of

the country formerly under tho sway of the Khyen Rajas, it would be

impossible for Visva Sim ha to have begun to rule before 1515-1520 A. D.

It has, however, already been shown that after the fall of Nilambar, there

was no ruler of the whole kingdom, but that many petty chiefs exer-

cised supreme power iu different parts of the country. This being so,

there is no reason why Visva Simha should not have begun to rule some

poi’tion of the country while Chandana and Madana still held sway at

Maralavasa. Buchanan Hamilton says that “ the Bihar Rajas reckon

by the era of their ancestor, Visva, whom they suppose began to govern

in the Bengal year 916 or 1509 A. D.,” and as this, on the date arrived

at for Nara Narayana’s accession, would give him a reign of 25 years,

there seems to be no reason for discrediting the date thus assigned for

Visva Simha’s accession. We have seen that this prince gradually rose

from the position of one of many petty chiefs to be ruler of the whole

country from Rangpur to Kamarupa, and that he eventually found

himself strong enough to march against the Ahom king in Upper

Assam. It is very unlikely he could have effected all this in a shorter

time than that allowed him according to the above calculation. Finally

Lakshmi Narayana’s Vamsdvali mentions 25 years as the duration of his

reign, and this is exactly the period intervening between 1509, the date

of his accession according to the Koch era, and 1534, the date of his

death according to Prasiddha Narayana’s Vamsdvali.

Turning now to the kings who succeeded Nara Narayana, it has al-

„ „ ^ ready been shown that Raghu Deva probably

became king of the country east of the San-

kosh in 1581 A. D. Gunabhiram and Prasiddha Narayana’s Vamsdvali

agree in saying that his death took place in 1593 A. D., and we know

from the Pddishdhndmah that Parikshit was ruling when Jahangir came

to the throne in 1605. Wc may, therefore, accept 1593 as the approxi-

mate date of Raghu’s death.

According to Gunabhiram, Parikshit died in 1606 A. D. at Patna.

The Pddishdhndmah, however, places his defeat

by Mukarram Khan in 1613-14, so that accord-

ing to this account, his death must have taken place about 1614 or 1615

A. D.

Bali Narayana, who succeeded Parikshit, is said by Gunabhiram

to have died in 1634 A. D.,* but it appears from

the account given in the Pddishdhndmah that

* The same date is given in Prasiddha Narayana’s Vamsdvali.

Parikshit’s dates.

Bali Narayana’s dates.

305

1893.] E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

this is too early. According to this authority his death took place

in 1637.

Regarding Lakshmi Narayana, who succeeded his father in the

Lakshmi If aray ana’s western portion of the Koch kingdom in 158*

dates. A. D., we know from Musalman sources that

he was still reigning in 1618. 13abn Ram Chandra Ghosh says that

he died in 1622 A. D.

The dates of these earlier Koch Kings appear therefore, to be ap-

proximately those shown in the following ge-

Summary. r J

nealogical tree.

HAJO (PROGENITOR OP KOCH RA'JA'S).

ViSva Simha (1509-1531) S'iva Simha (Ancestor of Raikat family)

Nara Narayana (1534-1584) Silarai

Lakshmi Narayana (1581-1622) Raghu Rai (1581 1593,) (Rajaof

(Raja of Koch Bihar) Goalpara, Kamrup, and Darrang)

i i — i

Parikshit. Bali Narayana. Gaja Narayana.

(1593-1614) (1614-1637) (Raja of Beltola)

(Raja of Darrang)

Vijita Narayana.

(founder of the Bijni dynasty)

Subsequent History op the Koch Rajas.

The subsequent history of the descendants of Lakshmi Narayana will

be found in Hunter’s Statistical Account of

Koch Bihar family. iCoeL Bihar, pages 409-426, and the only addi-

tional information of any importance of which I am aware, is that

contained in the extracts from the Fathiyah i ‘Ibriyah which were pub-

lished by Blochmann in the J. A. S. B. for 1872, pages 63-68. Prom

these exti’acts it appears that in 1558 A. D., during the wars for the

succession to the Delhi throne, Raja Bhima Narayana took advantage of

the disturbed state of the country to make raids into Ghoraghat and

attempted to recover Kamarupa. In the latter endeavour he was thwart-

ed by Jayadhvaja Simha, the A'hom king, who had also sent an army

into Kamarupa. When Mir Jumla became governor of Bengal, he at

S06

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kdmarupa. [No. 4,

once took steps to punish Bhima Narayana and Jayadhvaja Simha and to

recover the lost territory. He begun by invading Koch Bihar. Bhima

Narayana, asked for pardon, but Mir Jumla refused to accept his ex-

cuses, and in November 1661, he started from Jahangirnagar with his

army. Bhima Narayana had fortified the road via the Yale Duar, and

also the Khuntaghat road, which passed by Rangamafi, hut had neglect-

ed to protect a third which ran through the Morang country. By

this road, therefore, Mir Jumla advanced. The Raja fled to the

Bhotan hills, and the greater part of his baggage and guns and other

munitions of war was captured by Mir Jumla’s army. The latter sent

to the Dlmrma Raja of Bliotan, requesting him to deliver up Bhima

Narayana, but this the Deva Raja refused to do. Being pressed for time,

Mir Jumla did not stay to enforce his request, but proceeded to carry

out his projected invasion of Assam.

The Koch King is described in the Fathiyali i ‘Ibriyah as being

noble and mighty and fond of company. He was a great wine-bibber,

and was so addicted to the pleasures of his harem, that he neglected

to look after his kingdom. He had a magnificent palace. There were

flower beds in the streets, which were lined on each side with rows of

trees. The weapons of the people were swords, firelocks and poisoned

arrows.

This invasion by Mir Jumla is not mentioned in the account given

by Hunter. Moreover, the name of the king at the time in question

is said by him to be Prana Narayana who came to the throne in 1627

and died in 1666 A. D.

The omission to refer to the invasion may be explained by the fact

that it left no permanent effect. Mir Jumla advanced, and the king-

retreated without giving battle, and apparently returned again to his

capital as soon as Mir Jumla vacated it. The discrepancy in the

mattor of names is also of very little importance. The character of

the king as pourtrayed by Hunter agrees closely with that given in

the Fathiya i ‘‘Ibriyah ; we know that Visva Simha, Nara Narayana, S'il-

arai and others of the family bore each two different names, and there is

thus no reason why Prana Narayana should not also have been known

as Bhima Narayana.

After Parxkshit’s defeat, his son Vijita Narayana was confirmed by

the Musalmans as Zamindar of the country

Bijni Family. , J

between the Manas and the Sankosh. He set-

tied at Bijni and is the ancestor of the existing Bijni family. Under

the auspices of this family, a small pamphlet was issued, some years ago,

giving an account of Yijita’s successors, but as they were not independent

princes, there would be little use in dwelling on their history. It may,

307

1893.] E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

however, be interesting to note the present status of the family and the

manner in which it was created.* Under Mughal rule, the Raja paid

an annual tribute of Rs. 5,998, which was afterwards commuted to an

annual delivery of 68 elephants, The Nazim used to make up for short

deliveries by sending a Sazawal into the Raja’s estates and levying the

balance due by force, but when the East India Company came into pos-

session of Bengal, this method of recovering outstanding payments was

abandoned, and during the years 1776-1787 A. D., only 90 elephants were

received out of the 816 which should have been supplied. The contribu-

tion of elephants was again changed for a money payment in 1788, the

amount fixed being Rs. 2,000. Two years later the Raja agreed to pay

another thousand rupees a year, but this offer was declined by the

Governor-General, on the ground that the chance of losing the attach-

ment of a Zamindar in possession of a border estate should not be risked

for the sake of Rs. 1,000. Subsequently a deduction of Rs. 850

from his annual payment was allowed as compensation for the abolition

of sdyar, so that the family now pay a total revenue of only Rs. 1,150,

for an estate, the annual collections from which amount to very nearly

two lakhs of rupees. f

In Darrang, Bali Narayana was succeeded by Mahendra Narayana,

who is said to have made large grants of Brah-

Darrang family. moWctr land to Brahmans. He died in 1643

A. D., and was succeeded by liis son Chandra Narayana, who died in 1660,

and was followed by his son Surya Narayana. This prince is said to

have been worsted in battle by Manzur Khan in 1682, and taken cap-

tive to Delhi.]; He escaped, but declined to resume his place as

* This information is extracted from a note by Mr. Forbes in 1875, on certain

bundles of paper received from the Board of Revenue.

t It has been argued that the estate has never been permanently settled, that

the payment is of the nature of a tribute and not an assessment, and that as Bijni

is no longer a border estate, the reason for an unduly low assessment no longer

exists. But this is a matter with which we are not at present concerned.

1 According to Gunabhiram. Prasiddha Narayana’s Vamsdvali says, that Man-

sum Khan was the name of the Musalman leader, and fixes 1675 as the date of the

occurrence. The manuscript Yogini Tantra on the other hand, says that it took place

in 1709 A. D. No mention is made of the matter by Musalman historians, and even

the name of the Muhammadan leader does not appear in their accounts of events

in Kamrup. I have not mentioned Mir Jumla’s invasion, which took place during

this prince’s reign, as that invasion was directed against the Ahoms, and there

is no record of any conflict between Surya Narayana and the Musalmans. The only

reference to this king in the Fdthiyah i ‘Ibriyah is the following : “At this time

Makar dhvaj, Raj& of Darrang, who is subject to the Raja of Assam, came and

paid his respects to the Nawab ( at Gauhati), presented an elephant, received a

KhiVat, was promised protection, and was ordered to travel with the army.

308

E. A. Gait — The Koch Kings of Kamarupa.

[J5To 4,

Raja.* * * § Ho was succeeded by his brother Indra Narayana, who was at that

time only five years old. During his minority, the A'homs took advantage

of dissensions amongst his councillors to strengthen their hold on the

country. Darrang alone remained in his possession, and even for this

he bad to pay an annual tribute. During his reign, Darrang is said

to have been surveyed under the orders of the A'hom Raja, presuma-

bly with the object of ascertaining the amount of tribute which Indra

Na ray an a would be able to pay.f When his son A'ditya Narayana suc-

ceeded him in 1725, the kingdom consisted only of that portion of the

present sub-division of Mangaldai, which lies south of the Gosain

Kamala Ali, and three years later, the greater part of this small ves-

tige of the heritage of his ancestors was wrested from him by his

younger brother, Madhu Narayana, who took also one of the two family

idols. J From this time, the family sank into comparative insignifi-

cance. They were now mere subordinates of the Ahoms, and exer-

cised no powers except such as were conferred on them by the A'hom

prince.

Later on, their position was still further reduced, and instead of

being tributaries, they were simply agents for the A'hom King, and in

return for managing Des Darrang were allowed the hinds which were

cultivated by their personal slaves and servants, which were surveyed,

and carefully recorded in the state records of the Ahoms. § When

the English came into possession of the country they were allowed to

retain these lands subject to the payment of half the usual revenue

on the area under cultivation, so long as they themselves remained in

possession. On alienation of any of these lands, however, the privi-

lege of paying at half rates is withdrawn, and an assessment at full

rates introduced. The existing representatives of the family still hold

most of the land originally granted to them, but owing to their bad

management and extravagant habits, they are now reduced' to a condi-

tion of comparative poverty.

* In Prasiddha Narayana’s TaMdvali, it is said that he was detained in Bengal

for 50 years and only returned to Assam in 1725 A. D., where he died ten years

afterwards.

f According to the manuscript Yogini Tantra this survey took place in 1707

A. D., and was carried out by one Dhanirama.

I These are the Durga or Buri Gosaini and S'iva or Bura Gosain. The gold

ornaments of these two idols were stolen within a few months of each other, some

seven years ago.

§ Report on the Darrang district by Oaptain Mathie, Principal Assistant

dated 15th February, 1835.

1893.]

F. Kielhorn — Bijapur Inscription of Dhavala.

309

Bijapur Inscription of iJliavoIo, of Uastihundi of the Vil't am a year 1053.

(From the materials supplied by Munshi Deviprasad).-- By Professor

F. Klelhorn, C. I. E., Gottingen.

This inscription was discovered, more than fifty years ago, by

Captain Burt, from whose rubbing fragments of the text and what

professes to be a literal translation were published in Yol. X. pp. 819-

821 of the Society’s Journal. The account, there given of its contents,

is however quite worthless, and it is therefore fortunate that this docu-

ment has lately been again brought to public notice by Munshi Devi-

prasad of Jodhpur, a gentleman who takes great interest in the history

and antiquities of his country. Munshi Deviprasad, in 1891, furnished

the Society with an account of it which will be found in the Proceed-

ings for 1892, pp. 2-3 ; and he has more recently sent in a fuller paper

on the same subject, as well as an ink-rubbing of the inscription.

These materials have been forwarded to me by the Philological Secre-

tary, with the request that I should publish the text of the inscription.

Although the rubbing sent to me does not enable me to do this as it

ought to be done, I have great pleasure in giving here, after revision,

the substance of Munshi Deviprasad’s notes, together with some extracts

from the Sanskrit text ; and I trust that by doing so I may induce

those who have access to the original inscription to furnish either my-

self or some other scholar with carefully made impressions of it.

According to local report the stone which bears this inscription

was originally fixed* near the entrance of a solitary Jama temp'e

which stands about two miles south of the village of Bijapur m the

Bali- Glod war District of Marwar, among or close to the remains of the

old town of Hatondi, the Hastikundi or Hastikundika of this inscrip-

tion. From there it is said to have been removed, some years ago, to the

Dharmsala of the Jaina community of Bijapur, where it was seen in

1889 by Mr. Joshi Aidan, Inspector of the Historical Department of

Marwar. That officer brought it to the notice of Munshi Deviprasad,

and it is now probably at Jodhpur, having been made over to the charge

of the Historical Department of Marwar.

The inscription contains 32 lines of writing which cover a space

of about 2'8§" broad by 1'4" high. Near the proper right margin, all

the way down, the writing has suffered a good deal, apparently from

exposure to the weather ; but otherwise the inscription is in a

very fair state of preservation, and 1 have no doubt that, with a good

* Captain Burt found the inscription “ in the interior of a gateway leading

to Mandir, distant one lcos from Beejapoor, on the route from Odeypore to Sirohee

near Mount Aboo.” See this Journal, Yol. X. p. 821.

310

F. Kielhom — Btjapur Inscription of Dhavala.

[No. 4,

impression, nearly the whole of the text may be made out with cer-

tainty. The size of the letters is about §". The characters are Nagari ;

they closely resemble, but look more modern than those of the Harsha

inscription* of Vigraharaja of the Vikrama year 1030. The language

is Sanskrit, and nearly the whole is in verse. Throughout, the inscrip-

tion has been written and engraved with great care, and in respect of

orthography it need only be stated that the letter b has generally ( not

always) been denoted by the sign for v, and that the dental and palatal

sibilants have sometimes been confounded.

The inscription divides itself into two parts. The first part is a

Prasasti of 41 verses which was composed by SIjryacharya (line 21),

and which is dated (in lines 19 and 22) in the year 1053, on the 13th

of the bright half of Magha, a Sunday, under the nakshatra Pushya, —

corresponding, for the expired Vikrama year 1053, to Sunday the 24th

January A. D. 997, when the 13th tithi of the bright half ended 7 h.

5 m., and when the moon was in the nakshatra Pushya up to 21 h.

40 m. after mean sunrise. The proper object of this Prasasti is, to re-

cord the consecration by the Jaina sage S'antibhadra or S'antyacharya,

who during the reign of a certain Dhavala lived at that prince’s capital

Hastikundi or Hastikundika of an image of the Tirthamkara Rishabha-

nathadeva, at a temple that had been founded at Hastikundi by Dha-

vala s grandfather Vidagdha. But, as is usual in such cases, what is

more valuable to us is the genealogy of the prince Dhavala which is

given by way of introduction in lines 2—6, and which contains some

interesting references to princes who (with perhaps one exception) are

known to us from other inscriptions. This genealogical part of the

PraSasti will be considered below.

The second part of the inscription, from line 23 to 32, is really

quite an independent inscription, added on to the preceding - Prasasti

because it records endowments that were made in favour of the same

Jaina temple, or of a sage connected with it, by the father and grand-

father of the prince Dhavala, mentioned above. This second inscrip-

tion also (in line 23) opens with some verses on the genealogy of the

rulers of Hastikundi. First there was a prince Harivarman. From

him sprang the prince \ idagdha who was ‘a tree yielding every desire in

the garden which was the illustrious Rashtrakuta race.’ And his son

again was the illustrious Mammata. The inscription then records that,

in the Vikrama year 973, Vidagdha made some donations in favour of

a sage named Balabhadra, and that these gifts were largely added to by

the prince Mammata in the Vikrama year 996.

From the second inscription we learn, then, that the chiefs of

* See Epigraphia Indica, Volt II. p. 120, plate.

1893.] F. Kielliorn — Bijapur Inscription of Dliavala. 311

Hastikundi here eulogized, belonged to the RaShtrakIjta family, and

that Yidagdha, the son of Harivarman, was ruling in Yikrama-samvat

973, and his son Mammata in Yikrama-samvat 996. According to the

first inscription, which in verses 4-8 mentions the same princes, Mam-

mata was succeeded by his son Dhavala who was alive in Yikrama-

samvat 1053, but had then made over the government to his son Bala-

prasada. Of Harivarman, Yidagdha and Mammata the first inscrip-

tion says nothing of importance. Of Dhavala, whose reign fell in the

first half of the 11th century of the Yikrama era, verses 10-12 record

certain dealings which he had with the princes Munjaraja, Durla-

bharaja, Mularaja and Dharanivaraha, though, what these dealings

were, is owing to the damaged state of the inscription, not in every case

quite clear. From the first half of verse 10 it appears that Munjaraja,

who must be taken to be Yakpati-Munja of Malava for whom we

have dates of the Yikrama years 1031, 1036 and 1050, invaded Medapata

(or Mewad), and the second half of the verse probably stated that

the ruler of that country on that occasion was either supported or

sheltered by Dhavala. Similarly verse 11 seems to record that Dhavala

assisted a prince, whose name may have been Mahendra or Maiundra,

against a prince Durlabhara'ja, who probably was the brother of the

Chahamana Yigraharaja of the Harsha inscription. And verse 12,

again, states that Dhavala also supported Dharanivaraha, when that

prince was atttacked by MOlara'ja. That this last-mentioned prince

was the Chaulukta Mularaja I., whose latest known inscription is

dated in Yikrama-samvat 1051, is clear; his opponent Dharanivaraha

might perhaps be conjectured to have been one of the Chudasama chiefs,*

but, before trying to identify him, it will be better to wait till his name

is fouud in other records.

EXTRACTS FROM THE TEXT.

L. 2. Hiftecri II ^ [ll *]

irf^r ll [a ii x ]

* See Indian Antiquary, Vol. XII. p. 192.

J. i. 40

312

F. Kielhom — Bijapur Inscription of Dhavala. [No. 4,

O^?] II ?] [«u*]

iftcft w ^ 31 [l*]

f 4 f*r[5T]ffR Ngft — ^ — g fgf jprt

fwHfJiT: ii i [11*]

^x^*f 5f%cf^(^)f%*rr <pitP«i«h$i N*r [^rfa i

*rmfc>r snfHhr

• * * * ^faii [« a*]

cT^lT^ 3T31S T • ^ — w — |

^TST • * • ♦ vy — v/ — || ,= [,!*]

cT^T^W: ?W5Tf?T |

■y=f^rt WETRrnft ^Tf33 11 [<*. n x ]

vf^iTWT^ *rerf*n u^effiw tit *f«rr[*rt]

[sr ?]% STSTNfcT ^^[cITj-TW ^'st^ I

^ [mro] *3 fw — ^ ^ — —

^rwf w wv ^ ^ ^ n: strait 3(w)^ n [^ o|| * ]

si ^

^*T3I«T^'(^' fg-g: |

4 cnwi-

[Er]j?fcrf»F 4t[TRi^ ?] [to]

Srrftffts] ^fSnfhrTO^ftantf fSngflr «[^ n*]

[* ?] ^

^T^lTWWffT tn^f |

^T*TT<T W StWf ?[NT]

^^TOTfSTJlT 3THt II [|| x]

1893.] F. Kielhorn — Btjapur Inscription of Dhavala.

10 . 30^ 5rr[^]5ffn^TrOT^T-

ftrftJncmT fsT-.^T^TT I

acHTJTlici 1RW W*M 0®^t-

TWT WW$ ^txfcl WpB* «eri ll II x ]

ii. w

II *]

14. $*jmt Tpife ?J^-

^ 4 Mwi

15 . [f^cnPlsTET^pfcT^tf^: I

iJl^T *nWWT i n[^]''HMT-

oRW 5 Tf*Tcf 5 W ^ ^f 8 » II fcd II x]

19.

igfep|< gfcrtwr ll^= [ll x ]

22 . *fcpf Tnspgn

sit^f^T licTT II

23. 3 S ¥ nj®t vrrersprm^sg)^

f^cp^qffw gvn^^tfWtcrt ^TTwiflifaco i

^tTf^[cft ?] -

24 . v-/ 'U — <-/ — \J y-J — ffTS^Jt^ltWt

?n ^ T ^ tr^rt [^Ti^mf® 1 gpct ll

* Read jgpjwo .

f I believe that this is the

actual (though incorrect) reading.

314

[No. 4,

F. Kiel horn — Bijaprn Inscription of Dhavala.

25 .

^ w ^ ^ ^ ct:tc

%*?3l I

3«t [=31 W]

%33 fwsrresf *mf%3? tfv 313 %% ii

^^Vl^fElTt f^TN^q^rfsTcf *m»5j4 i

©V

^t33t4 313^=3 *13% *? • • • [h]

30.

31 .

32.

f33W3n% n% g gf%Trr[% i]

[^M£)^33^fM%53TI%3 3rlf*f^ ||

33^ 3I%3 JIW g JBT^rcg |

®3H3\T3^lf%-e *wf^[cf JTjffS^gsr^) II

■53 3r^r3^i#f^nvisf 3rre3

^t*T*T3'3T[X] * * * * %3cT II * • • •

®|'

* *■«*

* Read o^js^o.

1893.]

H. Beveridge — The Site of Karna Suvarna.

315

The Site of Karna Suvarna. — By H. Beveridge, B. C. S. (Retired).

Hiuen Tsiang, the Buddhist pilgrim, visited a town in Bengal

which is spelt in Chinese, Kie-la-na-su-fa-la-na. M. Stanislaus Julien

transliterates* this into the Sanscrit words Karna Suvarna, which may-

mean Karna the Golden, or Golden Bar, or simply, wearing gold

earrings.f So far as I am aware, the site has not yet been satisfactorily

identified, although it has been conjectured, chiefly from the similarity

of name, that it lay on the Suvarna Rekha, or Streak of Gold, a

river which traverses Midnapur, and used to be the boundary between

Bengal and Orissa. Some have placed it in Birbhum, and some in

Singhbhum; and quite recently Dr. Waddell, f has suggested that

it lay close to Burdwan and is the place now known as Kanchan-

nagar. My chief object in this paper is to show that Karna Suvarna

is probably identical with Rangamati, in the Murshidabad district, and

situated on the right bank of the Bhagirathi, about six miles below

Berhampur. But before I discuss this point, I am obliged to say a few

words about the records of Hiuen Tsiang’s travels.

It is well known that we have two accounts of his journeying. One

is called the Si-yu-ki, or Descriptions of Western Countries, the other

is his biography by Hwui-li and Yen-Tsung. The Si-yu-ki is in twelve

books, and is regarded as the original and more authoritative account.

It was not, however, entirely drawn up by Hiuen Tsiang. He gave the

materials, but the composition is by one Pien-ki. M. Julien conjectures

that Hiuen Tsiang’s absence from China for seventeen years had made it

difficult for him to write his mother tongue with the elegance required

by Chinese officialism, and so the task was assigned to another monk.

The biography is in ten books, and is mainly the work of Hwui-li. Both

he and his continuator were contemporaries of Hiuen Tsiang, and as M.

Julien remarks, their work is the livelier and more interesting of the

two. It is also, I understand, written with greater elegance. That

it is more interesting can easily be understood, for it is a biography

and a record of Hiuen Tsiang’s adventures ; whereas the Si-yu-ki is a

sort of gazetteer or treatise on geography. It is necessary to give

these details because there is a remarkable discrepancy between the two

records about the route by which Hiuen Tsiang reached Karna Suvarna,

and it is desirable to decide which account should have the preference.

# III. 84. Beal’s translation, II, 201.

f II. 248n. At 250 1. c. the Chinese translation Kin-eul is used,

j: See note at end of this paper.

316 H. Beveridge — The Site of Kama Suvarna. [No. 4,

The following two tables of routes show where the discrepancy lies : —

Places.

Direction and

distance, in

miles.

Route according to the Si-yu-ki .

Champa

Kajughira

E. 80

Paundra Vardhana

E. 120

K&mrup

E. 180

Samatata

S. 260

Tamluk

W. 180

Karna Suvarna ...

N. W. 140

Orissa

S. W. 140 ..

Route according to the Biography .

Paundra Vardhana

Karna Suvarna ...

S. E. 140 ...

Samatata

S. E. Not given

Tamluk

W. 183 ...

Orissa

S. W. Not given

Remarks.

I have reckoned the li as one-fifth of a

mile, though it is a little more. Champa is

Bhagalpur. Kajughira, or Kajingara, has

not been identified. Lassen points out that

according to the biography, (I. 237, *) it lay

partly at least, N. of the Ganges, though

according to both the routes it lay on the

W. bank. It is perhaps the Kajurahi, or

Kliarjura-bhaga (Sachau I. 202), of Albi-

runi, which he puts as 30 fars&kh east

of Kanauj. Sir A. Cunningham suggests

Kankjol, but the resemblance is only in

position. M. Saint Martin suggests the

Cudjiry or Kajiri in Rennel’s map (No. 15

of Atlas), near Earukhabad, and opposite

Gaur. The first part of the word may be

connected with Ichajur, a date tree. In

going to Paundra Vardhana, Hiuen Tsiang

crossed the Ganges from west to east. In

all probability Mr, Westmacott’s suggestion

that the place is Pandua, in Maldah, is cor-

rect. There is a river in this neighbourhood,

and also according to Rennel, a town, called

Purnabhaba, which sounds like Paundra

Vardhana. On his way to Kamrup, Hiuen

Tsiang crossed a great river. This should

be the Brahmaputra, but it is ourious that he

does not name it. The mention of Narayan

as the ancestor of the royal family, seems

to indicate that the place visited was Koch

Bihar and not Assam proper. Samatata

(level shore) is the Ganges delta. The two

routes agree as far as Paundra Vardhana.

The direot distance from Paundra to Ranga-

mati is about 75 miles. The direction is

nearly due south, but if, as seems probable,

Hiuen Tsiang started from the monastery

of Vachpa (? Vasibha) (I. 180 and III. 75)f

24 li to the west, then the direction of

Rangamati would be S. S. E. The delta

is E. S. E. from Rangamati, and the direct

distance about 180 miles The direct

distance from the seaface of the delta to

Tamluk is about the same. The capital of

Samatata is not known, but if Sasanka was

a descendant of Adisur, it might be Dacca

or Sonargaon. Samatata extended to the

sea shore, but as it was bounded on N. E.

by Sylhet (I. 182 and III. 82), it must have

extended inland as far as Dacca.

* Beal’s translation, p. 131.

+ Beal’s Si-yu-ki, II, 195 ; Life, 131.

317

1893.] II. Beveridge — The Site of Kama Suvarna.

It will be seen that the Si-yu-ki makes Hiuen Tsiang diverge into

Kamrup (Assam) and arrive at Karna Suvarna from Tamluk. But the

biography makes no mention here of the Assam visit, and brings Hiuen

Tsiang direct from Paundra Vardhana, or from Vachpa (? Vasibha)

to Karna Suvarna. M. Vivien de Saint Martin has pointed out the

discrepancy in the note appended to M. Julien’s third volume (p. 389).

His idea is that the Si-yu-ki version should be unhesitatingly preferred

because it is the primary account, aud because it is more complete and

consistent than that of Hwui-li.* But, as we have seen, neither account

is exactly primary, and perhaps too M. Saint Martin has overlooked the

difference in the character of the two works. The Si-yu-ki is a geogra-

phical treatise, and so all the information about each country is put in

one place, whether the traveller visited it once or twice. For a similar

reason, the order of visiting was, perhaps, not always exactly observed,

though I have not found another instance of this. The biography on

the other hand, joins the various journeys as they occurred. For in-

stance, it describes Hiuen Tsiang as twice visiting Magadha or South

Bihar ; once on his way to Bengal and again on his return from Southern

India, and after he had visited Gujrat, Sindh, and Mathura. But the

Si-yu-ki says nothing about the second visit. It also contains accounts

of twenty-eight countries t which Hiuen Tsiang did not visit. It is

therefore much less of a personal narrative than the biography is. The

latter contains (Book V.) a detailed account of the Assam visit and of

what had led to it. But it represents it as occurring after the second

visit to Magadha, and it seems likely that Hiuen Tsiang went direct

from Magadha to Assam, both because it was the shortest route, and

because it was when he was at Nalanda that the Ambassadors from

Kamrup came to him. It was there, too, that S'ilabliadra urged his com-

pliance with the invitation. Dr. Fergusson (J. R. A. S. VI. 252,) has

also noticed the discrepancy between the two accounts. He believes

that Hwui-li is more correct about the date and manner of the visit to

Assam, but still he holds that he is wrong about the journey to Karna

Suvarna !

There can be no question that the route through Bengal given in

the biography is the more natural one of the two. It brings the travel-

ler down to the delta along the course of the Ganges (in those days

the Bhagirathi was probably the main stream), and then takes him

west and south via Tamluk and Orissa. The Si-yu-ki on the otliei hand,

* At p. 365, 1. c. M. Saint Martin in noticing another discrepancy between" the

two accounts gives the preference to the itinerary in the biography.

t The Si-yu-ki describes 138 countries, but Hiuen Tsiang only visited 110.

Saint Martin, T. App.

318

H. Beveridge — The Site of Kama Suvarna.

[No. 4,

makes Hiuen Tsiang diverge to the north-east,* or Paundra Vardhana,

and also causes him to describe two sides of a nearly equilateral triangle,

between Tamluk and Orissa. This may be seen from M. Saint Martin’s

map where, however, the route is made still more awkward by his sup-

position that Paundra Vardhana is Burdwan. This it cannot be, for the

itinerary places it on the east of the Ganges. f It is rightly placed there

in the Chino-Japanese map of 1710, of which M. Julien has given a re-

duction. It seems very unlikely, too, that Hiuen Tsiang would turn

inland and to the N. W. after arriving at Tamluk. Presumably he went

there in order to embark for Ceylon, as his predecessor Fa-Hian had done.

The biography, at all events, tells us J that he designed when at Tam-

luk, to sail to Ceylon and that he was dissuaded from doing so by a monk

from southern India. This man advised him not to attempt so long and

dangerous a navigation, but to sail from the S. W. point of India, whence

he could make the journey in three days. This would give him an

opportunity, the monk added, of visiting the sacred places of Orissa

and other kingdoms, Hiuen Tsiang took this advice and started for the

S. W. and arrived at Orissa. This is all straightforward ; whereas the

going to Karna Suvarna from Tamluk involved a detour of at least 140

miles.

For these reasons I am disposed to prefer the route given in the

biography. I am not sure, however, if this is to the advantage of my

contention that Karna Suvarna is Rangamati. Neither route is dis-

cor-dant with the identification, but the Si-yu-ki one is more detailed.

Rahgamati § is nearly due north of Tamluk and 120 or 130 miles off,

and the borders of Orissa are about an equal distance to the S. W. of

Rahgamati. We must not press Hiuen Tsiang’s measurements closely,

for we do not know the exact length of the li, nor do we always know to

what points he refers. He generally speaks only of countries, not of

towns, and it may be that the distances are those to and from the con-

fines of kingdoms.

* It describes the direction as easterly, but Koch Bihar and Kamrfip lie N.

E. from Pandua.

f It seems a happy suggestion of Mr. Westmacott’s that the name Paundra

is preserved in Abfi’l Fail’s “ Sarkar of Panjra.” The chief objection to the identi-

fication of Pandua with Paundra Vardhana seems to be that the central or home-

farm pargana of Sarkar Panjra, viz., Haveli Panjra, lies N. E. of Dinajpur and far

from Pandua which apparently is in Shashhazari. [Ain, III, XV ; Vol. II, p. 136

of Col. Jarrett’s translation where it is called Sarkar Pinjarah. Ed.]

X I. 183.

§ There are several Rahgamatis, and the best known, perhaps, is that in Lower

Assam. But the one we have to do with is in Central Bengal and on the Bhagirathi.

Sir H. Yule suggested that it might be the Kartasina of Ptolemy.

1893.]

H. Beveridge — The Site of Karna Suvarna.

319

I now come to the principal object of my paper.

Hiuen Tsiang’s accounts of Karna Suvarna are to be found at I.

181 and III. 84-88, of M. Julien’s work.* He describes the kingdom

as having a circumference of about 900 miles, and the capital as being

about four miles round. The country was fertile and populous, and

produced all kinds of fruit and flowers. The inhabitants were well

off and had literary -tastes, but they were a mixture of true believers

(Buddhists), and heretics. There were thirteen monasteries, including

those which followed the ritual of Devadatta, and there were fifty

Hindi! temples. Then comes the description which I rely upon : “ By

the side of the capital there rises the monastery called Lo-to-wei-chi-

seng-kia-lan. Its halls are spacious and well-lighted, and its towers

and pavilions are lofty. All the men of this kingdom who are distin-

guished for their talents, their learning and their intelligence, assemble

in this monastery.”

Lo-to-wei-chi-seng-kia-lan is, according to M. Julien, the phonetic

rendering of the Sanskrit words Raktaviti Sahghdrdma, i. e., the monas-

tery of Redlands, and the word Raktaviti is, I submit, merely a synonym

for Rangamati. Sangharama is the Buddhist word for a monastery,

its original meaning being the grove, or enclosed garden of the con-

gregation. Wei-ehi is phonetic for viti, and Lo-to for rakta (blood,) and

M. Julien and Mr. Beal agree in translating Lo-to-wei-chi as meaning-

red earth, one saying “ limon rouge” and the other, “ red mud.” In

his Index, III. 468, M. Julien uses a still more appropriate word for he

renders wei-chi by “ argile ” or clay. Every one who has seen Rahga-

mati knows that its remarkable feature is the cliffs or bluffs of red clay.

These extend for miles, are from 30 to 40 ft. high, and formed the

bank of the river in the days when the Bhagirathi was the main stream

of the Ganges. I must acknowledge that I have not been able to find in

the Sanscrit dictionary the word Viti, though it is clear from the Chinese

translation that it means earth. Raktaviti would, of course, mean red,

but I suppose that the Sanskrit equivalent of Rangamati would be

Ragamrittika or Raktamrittika. Possibly mrittikd or mritti was what

Hiuen Tsiang wrote, for in the biography! the word is given as Ki-to-

mo-chi for which M. Julien substitutes, in accordance with the Si-yu-ki,

Lo-to-wei-chi. But mo-chi may be right and may be phonetic for

mritti. However this may be, I submit that the facts of the monastery

being known by the name of Redlands and of Karnasuvarnagarha, i. e.,

the golden fortress of Karna, being the traditional name of Rangamati,

are almost conclusive of the latter’s being the place visited by Hiuen

Tsiang.

* Beal, Life, 131, Si-yu-ki, II, 201.

J. i. 41

f I. 181 ; Beal’s translation, 132.

320

H. Beveridg’e — The Site of Karna Suvarna.

[No. 4,

It is unnecessary for me to dwell on the evidence of Raiigamati’s

having once been a great city. This may be found in the paper of Col.

Wilford in the 9th volume of the Asiatic Researches, p. 39, and in the

descriptions by Capt. Layard, and Mr. Long. Capt. Layard’s paper is

in the 22nd volume of our Society’s Journal, p. 281. He gives the

name as Kansonapuri or Kurn-sona-ka-gliur, but Lassen * says the

proper spelling is Karna suvarna gada. As noticed by Capt. Layard

there is a mound at Rangamati, known as the Demon’s Mount,

This is probably a Buddhist stupa and should be excavated. There is

also a story of a large signet-ring having been picked up on or near the

mount, and having been taken to England. The local legend about

the prosperity of the place, and the origin of the title Suvarna is

that Vibhishaua, the brother of Ravana, visited the place on the occasion

of the king’s son’s first meal of rice, and caused a shower of gold

to fall on the land. It will be shown hereafter that there are other

legends connecting the place with Ceylon. The Si-yu-ki goes on to

tell how Buddhism was introduced into Karna Suvarna. It says that

at a time when the people did not yet know the religion of Buddha,

a heretical teacher came from the South of Lidia and “beat the drum

of discussion.” His belly was covered with plates of copper, and he

carried a torch on his head.f When asked why he was so attired,

* III. 766 n.

t Reinaud in his “ Memoir on India before the Ilth Century,” Paris 1849, p. 293,

quotes an account from an Arabic work, the Kitdbu’l-fihrist, of an Indian sect who

took their name from the practice of girding their bodies with iron hoops. Every

one who wished to enter this sect had to make a vow of sincerity and humility.

He was obliged to have attained a certain degree of perfection before he could don

the iron girdle. This girdle, according to the members of the sect, prevented the

body from bursting with excess of knowledge, and power of contemplation.

The Kitdbu’l-fihrist was written in 377 A. H , or 987 A. D., but it refers to an

account of the Indian religions, which had been given by a man who had been sent in

the last half of the eighth century by Yahya, the son of Khalad the Barmecide, to

explore India. This account had been copied out by the famous Al-Kindi in 863 A. D .

[Mr. C. J. Lyall, the President of the Society, has been kind enough to contribute

the following note on this point : —

The passage in the Fihrist, to which M. Reinaud refers, is at p. 348, Yol. I, of

Plugel’s edition, (M. Reinaud wrote long before the publication of the text, and

relied only on one faulty MS.). It runs thus —

in ' 0 J ^ j J

O - ’ 3 (*“*'■■ & LS* S.DL IP.^1 UD*J

jbj ijA j, j lg) £,A|yJU

321

1893.] H. Beveridge — The Site of Kama Suvarna.

lie said that he had studied much, and had great wisdom, and so was

afraid that he would hurst ; and that he carried a torch because he was

moved with pity for the blindness of men. Ten days passed without

any one being able to cope with him in argument. The king was in des-

pair and said, “ In the whole of my states are there no enlightened men ?

“ If no one can answer the difficult questions of this stranger, it will be

t( a great disgrace for my kingdom. We must search again, and in the

most obscure places.” Then some one said, that there was an extra-

ordinary sramana who lived in a forest. The king went in person to

bring him. The sramana said that he, too, came from Southern India *,

and that his learning was but small. However, he would endeavour to

satisfy the king on condition that, if he was not worsted, the king would

build a monastery, and send for monks to promulgate the law of

Buddha. The king assented, and the sramana came to the hall of dis-

cussion. The heretical doctor produced a writing containing 30,000

words, but, in spite of his profundity and science, he was vanquished

by the sramana after a hundred words, aud had to retire in disgrace.

Thereon the king fulfilled his promise of building a monastery, and has

since that time, says the biography, zealously propagated the teachings

of the law. In the preface of the Si-yu-ki* there is an allusion to the

copper-sheathed belly which seems to imply that Hiuen Tsiang was ihe

victorious sramana , but as M. Julien remarks, this does not agree with

the account in the body of the work.

Probably the king who built the monastery was Siladitya (the

Sun of Righteousness), the Buddhist ruler of Kanauj.f The expression

kj hi) j i — '■61 1

* jiah «>li j f.1* Ji ijs ^/o \)*£j

In English ; —

“Among them is a sect called the Bakrantinis (sic: conjectured to be Bakra-

hantiya, = Vajrabandhiya), that is to say, those who chain themselves with iron chains

Their custom is to shave their heads and faces and to go naked, except as to their

private parts. It is their rule not to instruct anyone, or to speak with him, until he

spontaneously becomes a member of their sect. And they enjoin upon those accept-

ing their religion to do alms in order that their pride may be humbled. One who

joins their body does not put on the iron chains until he reaches the degree which

entitles him to do so. They wear the chains from their waists to their breasts, as

a protection against the bursting of their bellies-so they say-from excess of know-

ledge and stress of thought.”

The conjecture Yajrabandhiya is Haarbriicker’s (see Fihrist, Vol. II, p. 183).

The passage appears to recur in Shahristdni’s Kitdbu-n-Nihal wal-Mtlal, p. 449.— Ed.]

* II. XXXVII; Beal’s translation, 1, 4.

t Possibly however it was Purnavarmau of Magadha and who according to Hiuen

Tsiang was the last descendant of Asoka.

322

H. Beveridge— The Site of Kama Suvarna. [No. 4,

“ in my states ” seems to imply that he ruled over more than one

kingdom. It is not likely that S'asanka, the Hindu king of Karna

Suvarna, would allow the introduction of Buddhism into his capital. I

presume then that Hiuen Tsiang’s visit was made after S'asanka had

been overcome by S'iladitya.

There are seven other references * * * § to Karna Suvarna or to one of its

kings. Prom them we learn that this king was called S'asanka, i. e.,

the moon, and that he was jealous of the power of Etajavardhana, the

king of Kanauj, and the elder brother and predecessor of S'iladitya.

He therefore lured him to a meeting and treacherously murdered

him. We also learn that he was a great enemy of the Buddhists and

cut down their sacred tree h ( Bodhidruma ). He must have possessed

considerable power, for, after destroying the law of Buddha, he went to

Patna and tried to deface a stone there which had been set up by

Asoka, and bore the marks of Sakyamuni’s feet. Lassen considers that

the assassination of BajavardhanaJ took place in 614, the year of S'ila-

ditya s accession. He also holds § that S'asanka must have retained

his independence during S'iladitya’s reign, or otherwise he never would

have ventured to cut down the sacred tree. But it seems clear that

Sasanka had done this long before and in the time of S'iladitya’s pre-

decessor. The words “ dans ces derniers temps" do not mean re-

cently, and we are expressly told in the 6th book of the Si-yu-ki (II.

349,; Beal, II, 42), that the destruction of the law and the dispersion of

the monks by S'asanka occurred a great many years ago. We also find

the Bodhisattva, when exhorting S'iladitya to accept the crown, referring

to S'asahka’s previous acts in destroying the law. And at p. 251 l.c.

(Beal, I, 213) we are told that S'iladitya became master of the five Indies

in his sixth year. According to Mr. Fleet, Harshavardhana, i.e., S’iladitya

began to reign in 606 or 607. So we may presume that Sasanka died

not later than 613. The Si-yu-ki (p. 469; Beal, II, 122) describes the

manner of his death and says it occurred a long time ago. S'asanka must

then, have been dead twenty or thirty years before Hiuen Tsiang went

to Karna Suvarna. We know that there had been time to introduce

Buddhism and to build a large monastery before he visited the place.

* I- 112, 235, II. 248, 349, 422, 463, 468-9 ; Beal, Life, 83 ; Si-yu-ki, I, 210-213,

II, 42, 91, 118, 121-2

t Purnavarman irrigated it with milk, and it shot up in a night to the height

of ten feet. At the time of composing the Si-yu-ki it was 44 feet high. If this

account be taken as correct, a botanist might calculate the date of Sasahka’s

violence.

t He calls him Harshavardhana. Mr. Fleet holds that the accession was in

606 or 607.

§ III. 686.

323

1893.] H. Beveridge — The Site of Karna Suvarna.

The name S'asanka,* * * § does not occur in AbuT-fazl,+ or Tieffenthaler,J

but the first has a Shashatdhar, and the second a Seheschdar. These are

clearly corruptions of S'asadhara, (the moon,) and it is quite possible

that this is another form of the name S'asanka. Both words mean hare-

marked or hare-bearing, i. e., the moon, and apparently the pilgrim trans-

lates S'asanka simply by the Chinese word for moon. If this is so, the

fact is very important, for S'asadhara belonged to the line of Adi sura,

and was the eighth in succession from him. He is said to have reigned

58 years, but the reigns of all the princes of this line seem unreasonably

long. However if S'asanka and S'asadhara be identical, Adisura can

hardly have been later than the first half of the 6th century. There

seems nothing incredible in this for Lassen § says that he is wrongly

referred to the 9th or 10th century, aud that he must have lived in the

beginning of the 7th century. But if he was not later than 600, he

must, I think, be put back still further, for it was A'disura who brought

Brahmans from Kanauj to Bengal. He could not have done this during

the Aditya dynasty for they were Buddhists. Their dynasty began ac-

cording to Lassen in 580, and so Adisura must have reigned before

that date, and perhaps was contemporary with one of the eai’ly

Guptas. || M. Saint Martin suggests that Hiuen Tsiang went out of

his road to visit Karna Suvarna, on account of the connection of

the neighbourhood with Yijaya and the conversion of Ceylon. This is

not very likely, since Hiuen Tsiang says nothing about it, and he was not

deeply interested in Ceylon, for he never went there. The fable, how-

ever, about Yijaya is interesting as showing an early connection between

Bengal and Ceylon. Yijaya probably came from Singbhum.1T His story

* Mr. Fleet’s work, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, III, for a reference to

which I am indebted to Dr. Waddell’s paper, shows (p. 283), that there is an inscrip-

tion of S'asanka at Rohtas. With reference to this identification, however, and also

to General Cunningham’s remark that there is a tank in Bogra named after S'asanka,

it may be well to bear in mind that according to the Buchanan MS., Vol. Bhagalpur

I. 183, there was a S'asanka, a Kshetanri Raja of Kharakpur, who was put to death

in 1502 (910 Fasli.) [A'pud Montgomery Martin, II, 57. Ed.]

f Ain I. 413.

I Tieffenthaler, I. 472.

§ III. 718.

|| III. 393.

«|f His mother was the daughter of the King of Banga by a Kalinga Princess, a

circumstanoe which points to an early connection between Bengal and the Madras

coast. She was brought up in her father’s city of Banga which presumably lay in

South-east Bengal or somewhere about Samatata. There can be no doubt that the

forest of Lala where the caravan in its way to Magadha (S. Bihar) was dispersed,

and she fell into the power of a lion, is the Rai-h country west of the Bhagirathi.

See Upham, Sacred books of Ceylon, I. 69 and II, 164.

324

H. Beveridge — The Site of Kama Suvarna.

[No. 4,

is told in Chapter YT of the Mahavansa, and in the 1 Itli book of the

Si-yu-ki. A more historical event is referred to by Wilford and

Layard when they mention the local tradition that Rahgamati was

destroyed by an expedition from Ceylon. This must have occurred after

Hiuen Tsiang’s visit to Karna Suvarna, and in my opinion, it belongs

to the 12th century. I think that there is no reason to doubt the legend,

for people are not in the habit of inventing disasters. But if true, it

can only, I think, have occurred in the time of Parakrama Bahu, the

Great. Bis reign is described by Tumour as having been the most

martial, enterprising, and glorious in Singhalese history. He, too, seems

to have been the only prince of Ceylon who carried his arms across

the Bay of Bengal, or who possessed a fleet. There is an account of

the expedition in the 76th Chapter of the Mahavansa.* It was

directed against the king of Aramma, or Ramamma, which accord-

ing to Mr. Wijesinlia lay between Arracan and Siam. Five ships

came to the port Kusumi, in the country of Ramamma and the troops

“ like furious elephants destroyed a great number of cocoa-nut and

“ other trees, and the places round about them, and burnt many

“villages with fire and destroyed half of the kingdom.” A

Tamil general named Adhikari, who had volunteered for this ser-

vice, cast anchor in the port of Papphala (Pippli ?). One of the ships

attacked the island of Kalcadvipaf ( ?) or Crow Island, and brought away

many of the inhabitants as prisoners to Ceylon. Arimaddana, the king

of Ramamma was killed by the invaders. Perhaps his name was Ari-

Mardana, i. e., the trampler of foes, or it may have been Hari-Madana.

(It seems worth while to note here that there was a king of Orissa who

was called Madana Mahadeva, and who had a short reign of four years

from 1171-75.)

Kusumi as the name of the port, reminds us of Wilford’s statement

that Rahgamati used to be called Kusumapuri. The name, however’,

is a common one, and was applied to Patna and other towns. The

statement that Ramamma is the country between Siam and Arracan

is, perhaps, only a conjecture of Mr. Knighton, though I find that Sir

Arthur Phayre mentions Ram-ma-we-li as a town and country near

Sandoway (J. A. S. B. XIII. 27). On the other hand, we have Ranrana

marked in Gastaldi’s old map, j as a place east of Orissa and near Hijli.

* Wijesmha’s translation. Colombo, 1889. See also Lassen IV. 328.

t Probably this is Cocanada in the Madras Presidency. According to the

Imperial Gazetteer of India the proper spelling is Kaka-nada and the meaning is

Crow-oountry. If the Coromandel coast was the point of attack one can see why the

services of a Madras officer were valuable.

1 Cluverius mentions Hamama as the capital of Orissa and as a mart famous

for ivory and precious stones. He also says that the country was rich in salt. See

325

1893.] H. Beveridge— The Site of Kama Suvarna.

It may also be worth while mentioning that Sudliaram is a native name

for the district of Noakhali. I do not know its age or origin, but it may

mean S'uddha-arama, the place of delightful rest, and if so the last

half of the name approaches the Aramma of Tumour. One reason given

for the expedition was that “ the king of Ramamma had obstructed per-

“ sons who were bringing presents from a king of India to Ceylon.” On

one occasion when a certain chief of India, Kassapa by name, sent

presents unto him (Parakrama) of great value, with a letter written on

a leaf of gold, he hindered the men who bore them from landing and

then caused the presents to be taken from them with the letter and

sent into the city with great dishonour.* This looks like the action of

a king of Orissa or Bengal, who would have control of the ports, such

as Tamraliptf, &c. It appears, too, that the expedition ravaged the coast

of Coromandel, and so may easily have also attacked Bengal and Orissa.

However this may be, and allowing that the expedition was directed

against Siam or Cambodia, it must have been easy for the armament,

on its way to or from the seat of war, to sail or march up to Rangamati

and destroy it. It is not likely that the ships would steer right across

the Bay, or sail direct from Ceylon to Siam. It is to be hoped that

some day Kakadvipa, Papphala, &c., will be satisfactorily identified.

As for the date of the expedition it was certainly not earlier than

the 16th year of Parakrama Bahu’s reign. According to Tumour his

accession took place in 1153, so that the 16tli year would be 1169. Ac-

cording to the Wijesinha, Parakrama’s reign began in 1164, which would

give 1180 as the 16th year. Lassen adopts Tumour’s date of accession,

but places the expedition in the year 1172. We are told that five months

were employed in making preparations, and that provisions for twelve

months were collected. It Mr. Wijesinha’s date of accession then be cor-

rect, the expedition may have been as late as 1 182 or ’83. Under any

circumstances it would be some years before the Muhammadan invasion

of Bengal.

According to the tradition collected by Capt. Layard there was a

king of Rangamati called Karna Sena. If this was so, he cannot have

been the Karna who gave his name to the city. The latter was, perhaps,

the Karna of the Mahabharata, who was sometimes called Karna Datta,

and was half brother of the Pandavas. He was king of Aiiga, and had

seats at Bhagalpur and Mongliyr. No such name as Karna occurs in the

lists of the Vaidya kings of Gaur.

Brum’s ed., Amsterdam, p. 332. Philip Clavier or Cluverins was one of the most

celebrated of our early geographers. He was born at Dantzic in 1580, and died at

Leyden in 1623.

# Wijesinha’s Mahavansa, p. 228.

326

[No. 4,

H. Beveridge — The Site of Karna Suvarna.

NOTE ON DR, WADDELL’S PAPER*

I did not know of or see Dr. Waddell’s paper until I had nearly finisli-

ed my own. He proposes to identify Karna Suvarna with Kanchannagar,

near Burdwan. He has taken pains with the subject and his article

contains some valuable information, but I think that his identification is

quite untenable. It seems to me unfortunate that when Dr. Fergusson f

and he had the clue in their hands they should have let it slip. Both of

them refer to Rahgamati, in Murshidabad ; but both of them put it aside.

Fergusson thought that the capital might afterwards have been trans-

ferred to Rahgamati, and that in this way it got the name of Karna

Suvarna, but he would not accept it as the place visited by Hiueu

Tsiang, because he thought Hwui-li’s account of the route to it incorrect.

Apparently, too, he failed to notice that Rahgamati was equivalent to the

name of the monastery mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang. He choose Nagar in

Birbhum, a place which I have seen and which I think, has no claim to be

Karna Suvarna. But a writer who refused to believe that the Tamra-

lipti of Hiuen Tsiang was Tamluk cannot be regarded as a safe guide.

Dr. Waddell has rejected Rahgamati partly, as I conceive, because he

has never seen it, and so does not know the evidence of ancient great-

ness which it exhibits. His words are as follows The proposed

identification with the fort of Kuru, near the village of Rahgamati, in

Murshidabad district, about 130 miles to the north-east of Tamluk, is

quite untenable, as it is so out of keeping with the pilgrim’s text, and

possesses nothing suggestive of the site, except the local name of Rahga-

m.iti, and having proceeded so far northwards, the subsequent journey of

700 li to the south-west could not carry the pilgrim to the frontier,

much less to the capital of Orissa, his next stage. J

I do not know what is meant by the phrase “ proposed identifica-

tion” iu this extract. So far as I know, Rahgamati has never been

proposed before. Perhaps Colonel Tule made such a proposal, but if

so, the reference given by him, J. R. A. S. XVIII. 395, is wrong. The

only reference given by Dr. Waddell is to Captain Layard’s paper, but

certainly that says nothing about Hiuen Tsiang. It was hardly possible,

if not quite impossible, that it should, for Layard’s paper was published

in our Society’s Journal in 1853, and M. Julien’s translation of the bio-

graphy only appeared in that year, and this translation of the Si-yu-ki

not till 1858. Nor do I know what is meant by the “ fort of Kuru.”

Nobody has ever used that name or spoken about the Kurus in connec-

* Published by the Government of Bengal last year, as an Appendix to a paper

on Pataliputra.

t J- B. A. S., VI. 248.

t P- 25.

327

1893.] H. Beveridge — The Site of Karna Suvarna.

tion with Rangamati. As to the distance-difficulty, I quite admit that

so far Burdvvan may agree as well with Hiuen Tsiang’s statement as

Rangamati. I do not think, however, that it has any superiority in this

respect. I do not know why it should be assumed that Jajpur was the

capital of Orissa in Hiuen Tsiang’s time, or that his distances are for

capitals and not for the confines of kingdoms. The direction of Burdwau

from Tamlnk is a little more westerly than that of Rangamati, hut still

it is mainly north. Besides Dr. Waddell takes no notice of the route

o-iven in the biography, viz., that from Pandusi, or from the monastery

five miles to the west of it. That route certainly agrees better with

Rangamati than with Burdwan. However, I lay little stress on direc-

tions and still less on distances. The two strong points in favour of

Rangamati are— first, it used to be called the Fort of Karna Suvarna, and

secondly, that Rangamati is an equivalent for Rakta-Viti and Lo-to-

wei-chi, or Lo-to-mo-chi. Rangamati is not the only place in the

neighbourhood which is associated with Karna. The village and thdna

of Go-Karna, i. e., the cowshed of Karna, is close by.

On the other hand, Kanehannagar seems to be an obscure place, a

sort of suburb of Burdwan. No evidence is adduced of its having been

“ the traditional capital of the country.” I do not know who Belasur

was, but I see that Captain Layard says there was a tank at Rangamati

called the Bel Talao. Probably the name is connected in both instances

with the Bael tree, which is sacred to Siva. . There is also at Rangamati

the almost obliterated site of an ancient tank called the Jamuna Tank

and in which a curious image figured by Captain Layard was found.

Kanehannagar is a common name in Bengal, and has its own dis-

tinct meaning, viz., the city of gold. X do not see how it can be twisted

into meaning the city of Karna Suvarna.

p, s .—I have lately come upon an interesting piece of evidence

about the antiquity of the name of Karna Suvarna. In the genealogy of

Raja Radha Kanta Deva, prefixed to the 8th volume of the Sabdakal-

padruma, and also in the. sketch of his life by the editors of the second

edition, it is stated that his earliest known ancestor, STi Hari Deva, was

a resident of Karna Suvarna, near Murshidabad. Raja Radha Kanta

was the twenty-fifth in descent from S'ri Hari, and was himself born in

1783, so that STi Hari probably lived in the 12th century. Raja Radha

Kanta lived to at least the age of 76, and if we allow 26 years for each

generation of his ancestors, STi Hari may have lived at Karna Suvarna

before its destruction by the troops of Parakrama Baku.

For convenience of reference I subjoin Wilford’s notes of Rahga-

mSti in the 9th volume of the Researches : “ Tradition says that the

J. i. 42

328

H. Beveridge — The Site of Karna Suvarna.

[No. 4,

“ king- of Laiika, which implies either the country of the Maharajah of

“ Lapagi or Ceylon, hut more probably the first, invaded the country of

“ Bengal with a powerful fleet and sailed up the Ganges as far as Raiiga-

“ mati, then called Kusumapnri, and a considerable place where the King

“or Maharaja often resided. The invaders plundered the country and

“ destroyed the city. This happened long before the invasion of Bengal

“by the Musalmans, and seems to coincide with the time of the invasion

“ of the peninsula by the Maharaja of Lapagi. This information! was

“ procured at my request by the late Lieutenant Hoare, who was remark-

“ ably fond of inquiries of this sort, and to whom I am indebted for

“ several historical inquiries and other particulars relating to the geo-

“ graphy of the Gangetic provinces.”

Apparently Lieutenant Hoare is the officer referred to as Captain

Hoare in the 7th vol. of the Researches, p. 1 75, as having taken part in

procuring copies of the inscriptions on the Dihli pillar. Wilford

thought that Lanka might mean Lapagi, i. e., Java, because two Arabian

travellers of the 9th century mentioned by Ronondot had referred to the

king of Lapagi’s having devastated the coast of India. But there seems

no reason for supposing that Laiika ever meant, any other place than

Ceylon. Layard, writing in 1853, says, he too was told of the Lanka

expedition, but with a different version. Unfortunately he does not give

the version, but, perhaps, it was only that the place was Ceylon and not

Java, Layard objects to Lieutenant Hoare’s account that Raiigamati

was formerly called Kusumapura, but it is just possible that it was both

called Kusumapura and Karna Suvarna. Or the Ceylonese may have

been mistaken, like Lieutenant Hoare, and written Kusumi instead of

Karna Suvarna.

INDEX

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Voii. LXII, Part I, for 1893.

Abu Bakr Smniq, the first Caliph,

148.

Aba Bakr, Sayyad, invades Ahom

country, 298.

‘Abdu’l-Qadir JilanI, Musalman Saint,

153.

‘Abdu’s-salam, Attacked by Bali Nara-

yana, 299.

Abhaya-paddhati, Comm, on the Buddha -

kapdla , MS. of, 252.

Abhayakara, Author of Buddhakapdla -

tiled, 252.

Abu Sayyad, Musalman Saint, 153.

‘Adal, son of Sher Shah, 147.

Adisura, cannot have been later than 6th

Century, 323.

Aditya Narayana, of Darrang, 308.

Agastya, when this star rises, Autumn

begins, 201.

Ahmad Shah of Gujarat, coin of, 245.

Ajmere, East India Co’s, coinage in, 75.

4 Akar Nagar£’ = Devanagari, 46.

Akbar, coin of Jahangir, with his name,

244.

Akbar, Unites with Nara Narayana

against the Pasha of Gaur, 291, 297.

‘ALAMGfR, official date of accession of,

256, 265.

‘Alamgirpur, mint town of Mughal

Emperors, 263.

Alasadda = Alasanna = Alexandria = Ala-

sanda dipa, q. v.

Alasanda-dipa, site of, 86.

‘Alau’d-dIn 188 and ff.

‘Alexandria = Alasanda, 86.

Alhadad, Musalman Saint, 152, 153.

‘Al£, fourth Caliph, 143, 144.

Allahabad, East India Co’s, coinage in,

64, 65.

Alphabetum Brammhanicum , 48.

Amarakosha , Old MS. of, 250.

Amethi, Raja of, a patron of Malik Mu-

hammad, 129.

Ananta, son of ViSva Simha, 286.

Angirasa, Eulogy of, in Weber MSS.,

24.

Aniruddha, carries off Usha from S'oni-

tapura in Assam, 273.

Anka, system of dating by, in Orissa, 89.

Antarodha, a Bisi in Orissa, 92.

Antonio, a Missionary who translated

Gospels and Acts into dialect of Bha-

gulpur, 41.

Arimat, King of Assam (1238 A.D.), 275.

Arya Kshemisvara, author of Chhando -

kautiika, 250.

Asad Beg, Agha, in charge of Benares

Mint, (1752-54)55.

A'sdmburanjis of Bisvesvar, and Rai

Gunabhiram Barua, 268, note.*

Ashraf jAHANGfR, Muhammadan Saint,

150, 153.

A Sokdvaddnamald, 246.

Assam, Great roads in, 283,286, 279, 287.

Assam, Musalman invasions of, 279, 280.

Astrological omens, 183.

Auchitydlankdra of Kshemendra, quotes

from Kumaradasa, 214.

AuRANGziB, official date of accession of,

256, 265.

B a bakar, name of Aba Bakr in A'hom

Buranji , 298.

Bactria never included the Indus, 86.

Badal, Padmavati’s nephew, 194, 200

and ff.

Bade, Shaikh, a friend of Malik Mu-

hammad, 155.

Bodhichdry avatar a, New Comm, on, 246.

Bagh’sar, Battle of, in which Sher Shah

defeated Humayun, 128.

Bahadur Shah, official date of accession,

261, 265.

Bahau’d-d£n Zikariya, Musalman Saint

154.

Bahlol Lodi of Labor, 240.

Balabhadra, a Saint at Hastikundi, 310.

‘ Balabandu’, = Marathi alphabet, 46.

Balwant Singh, Raja of Benares, in

charge of Benares Mint (1748-50), 54.

BAl Gosain, Musalman name of Nara

Narayana, 295 n.

330

Index.

Bali, quoted as generous, 149.

Bali Narayana, son of Raghu Rai,

invokes aid of Ahoms against the

Musalmans, 293.

, takes name of Dharma

Narayana, 294.

1 date of, 305.

, his war with the Mu-

salmans, 299 and ff.

Ballala Sena, 251.

Bana, King of S'onitapura in Assam, 273.

Banchas, a Bisi in Orissa, 92.

Bapu Deva S'astri, article by, on

Bhaskara, 223 and 66.

Baranasi = Katak (Cuttack), 101.

Barah Masa, 181.

Baraili, East India Company’s coinage

in, 64, 65, 66.

Barman, a Kshattriya title in Assam,

274.

Baro Bhuiyas, Assam traditions regard-

ing, 282.

, account of, 281 .

Bayer, Theophilus Siegfried. Corres-

pondence with La Croze, 44.

Bayne, Mr., discoveries in connection

with old Fort William, 105.

Benares, East Indian Company’s coin-

age in, 54, 63, 65, 67, 70, 71, 72, 73,

75, 79.

, Mint established at, 1734, 54.

Bengal, East India Company’s coinage

in, 53, 60, 61, 62 73, 80, 83.

Bengali language described in Sprach-

meister, 48.

Beveridge, H., identifies Karna Suvarna

with Rahgamati, 315 and ff.

Biiagadatta, son of Naraka. King of

Pragjyotisha, 271.

Bhaskara, was he acquainted with the

Differential Calculus, 226.

, discoveries made by, 226 &

66 .

, date and place of his birth,

220 .

Bhaskara Yarman, king of Kamarupa

in Hiuen Tsiang’s time, 273.

Bhava Chandra, Rangpur King of the

Pala dynasty, 278.

Bhima Raja of Koch Bihar, 306.

Biiima, name of a king killed by

Vigraha Pala, 276.

Bhishmaka, father of Rukminl, an

Assamese (not a Vidarbha) Prince, in

Assam history, 272.

Bhotiya characters, 5.

Bhumi Palas of Assam, 275.

Binding, Method of, in Central Asian

MSS., 2.

Bible, translations of, into Indian Ver-

naculars, 41.

Bljapur inscription, described by Prof.

Kielhorn, 309 and ff.

Bijnl family of Koch Hajo, 307.

Birdanasi, a quarter of Katak (Cuttack),

101 .

Birds, list of, identified, 210.

Bisu and S'isu progenitors of Koch

Kings of Kamarupa, 285, 294.

Bisu, founder of Koch Kings of Kama-

rupa, takes name of Visva Slihha, 285.

Bisvesvar, author of Asamburanji, 268

note.f

Black Hole of Calcutta, site of, 124.

Blood of Brahman, white, 286 n.

Bombay, East India Company’s coinage

in, 63, 72, 75, 76, 78.

Brahman, blood of, white, 286 n.

Brahmaputra, straightened by Nara Na-

rayana, 290.

Buddhakapala- tiled, MS. of, 252.

Buddhist inscription deciphered by

Ba^er, 1728, 45.

Burhan, Shaikh, Musalman Saint, 128,

152, 153.

Bu-ston Chos byun, 6.

Buxar, see Bagh’sar.

Cachar or Hidamba conquered by S'ila-

rai, 289

Calcutta, coinage in, 53, 74, 78, 79, 81.

, mint established at (1753), 53.

Central Asian MSS., how shaped, and

how bound, 2.

Ceylon, attacks on Bengal, 324 and ff.

, study of Sanskrit in, 211.

Chait Singh, in charge of Benares mint

(1776), 56 %

Chakra varti, Mon Mohan, article on

Uriya Inscriptions of 15th and 16th

centuries, 88.

Chakradhvaja, of Khyen dynasty in

Assam, 279.

Chakra Pala of Assam, 275.

Chamberlayne’s correspondence with La

Croze, 43.

Chamberlayne’s Orationum dominica-

rum sylloge, 43 note 8 , 43.

Champa vatI, Queen of Gandharva Sena

163.

Chand Bar’daI, 127.

Chandalcausika, drama, MS. of, 250.

Chandana and Madana, ruled at Mara-

lavasa in Assam (1511), 283 ti, 294.

Chandesvara, wrote works on Smriti,

251,' 252.

C hand! vara, the most famous of the

Baro Bhuiyas, 283.

Chandra Narayana of Darrahg, 307.

Chandra Pala of Assam, 275, and 276?i.

Index.

331

Chdndra-vyalcarana complete MS. fo,

249.

Charm given by Buddha to Manibhadra

in Weber MSS., 26, 32.

Chaurd Goharshdlii, a kind of rupee, 57.

Chedi, Kalachuri Kings of, 239, and if.

coins of, ib.

, two contemporary kingdoms, 242.

China warriors from Assam, 272.

Chitaur, fortress of, 164 and if.

Chitka Sena, king of Chitaur, 164.

Choice of heir, legendary folktale of

Visva Simha, 286.

Chora Deva, Suryavamsa, (1022-1063),

251.

Coins, new or rare Muhammadan or

Hindu, 230 and ff.

Colebrooke’s opinion of Hindustani, 50.

‘ Comotay ’ — Kamathapura, 278.

Cuttack, East India Co.’s coinage in, 65.

, see Baranasi.

’alwis, restored Janald-harana, 217.

Dacca, East Indian Co.’s coinage in, 59,

60, 62.

Daksliinadiga dandapata, 92.

Dakshya Pala of Assam, 275.

Daniyal, Musalman Saint, 152, 153.

Danyal, son of Husain Shah, 280.

Daphne papyracea, used for paper-making,

Daud Shah of Gaur subjugated by Akbar

with help of Kara Narayana 291, 297.

Delhi, coins of Sultans of, 243.

Delhi, East India Co’s, coinage in, 74, 78,

79.

Deva PAla, 227, n.

Deva Pala, Raja of Kambhal’ner, 197,

204.

Deva-vid Simha teaches Tibetans the

Alphabet, 6.

Devesvara, a King of Kamarupa 273.

Deviprasad, Munshi, supplies materials

for Bijapur inscriptions, 309.

Dh in Central Asian Nagari, 4.

Dhamba Pala (of Assam?) 276, n.

Dharma Narayana, see Bali Narayana,

294.

Gaudesvara, war

with Durlabha, n. 282.

Dharma Pala 277 n.

, founded a dynasty in

Rangpur, 278.

— , grants land in Kamarupa,

276.

DharmarAma, Bhikshu, has restored

Janaki Harana, 216.

Diiaranivaraha, mentioned in Bijapur

inscription.

Diiavala, King of Hastikundi (997 A. D.),

310.

Dhivriddhida, astronomical work by

Lalla, 224.

Dictionary in Weber MSS., 30.

Dimuria, Raja of, submits to Nara Nara-

yana, 290.

-, Raja of, does not oat Ari fish,

being descendant of Arimat, 275, n.

Dipa Simha, son of Visva Simha, 286.

Donville, a Jesuit Missionary in Nepal,

41, note 3.

Durlabha Narayana of Kamathapura,

attacks Dharma Narayana, 282.

Durlabha Raja, mentioned in Bijapur

inscription, 311.

Dvipas, the seven, 133, note 5.

E in Central Asian Nagari, 4.

Edgeworthia Gardner i used for paper

making, 3.

Elephants, common in Assam, 274.

Eukratides, coin of, mentions Karisi-

nag'ara, 86.

J 1 arrukhsiyar, official date of accession

of, 262.

Farrukhabad, East Indian Co’s coinage

in, 64, 66, 69, 73, 74, 75.

Flowers, list of, identified, 207.

Fort William, site of, 104, & If.

, site of South Curtain

Wall, 117.

, site of West Curtain, 120.

, site of Writers’ Buildings,

120 .

, site of East Gate, 121 .

, site of Black-Hole, 124.

, site of Governor’s House,

115 -

Fritz, Johann Friedrich, compiler of

Sprachmeister, 47.

Gtait, E. A. Article on the Koch Kings

of Kamarupa, 268 and.

Gajang, King in Assam, 275.

Gandha Pala of Assam, 276, & n.

Gandliarian (Kharoshtri) character,

survived in Gandhara to 3rd cent.

A. D., 85.

Gandharva Sena King of Simliala, 160

& f£.

Gandharv Raj, a friend of Malik Mu-

hammad, 155.

Gangbyadeva, Kalachuri king of Chedi,

242.

Ganitddhydya, by Bhaskara, 224 and ff.

Ganalcas, or astrologers, influence of

297 n.

332

Index.

Gauhati, seat of Muhammadan power in

Assam, 301.

Gayakarnadeva, Kalachuri king of

Chedi,' 242.

‘ Gentoo ’ or ‘ Moors’ = Urdu, 47.

Ghataka Kirata, king of Kamarupa,

270.

GHiYAsu’D-DiN Bahadur Shah, invades

Assam, (1220 A. D.), 280.

Ghoraghata, road to, from Kamathapura

made by Nilambara, 279.

Ghulam ‘A li ‘Ishrat, author, 128.

Ghurshahee = Goharshahi, q. v.

‘ Girandam ’ = Kirendum, q. v., 44, note.. 1

Goharshahi, a kind of rupee, 57.

Golddhyaya, by Bhaskara, 224 and ff.

Gondophares, era of, 85.

Go Pala I, 277 n.

Go PAla II, 277 n.

Gopapura, a village in Orissa, 92.

Gorakhpur, East India Co.’s coinage in,

64.

Gora, Padmavati’s uncle, 194,200 and if.

Gosain Kamala, son of Visva Simha, 286.

■ , a great road-maker in

Assam, 286.

, builds Gosain Kamala

Ali 287.

G osain Kamala Ali, N. of road, in Assam,

288.

Gotras of Nahshatras in Weber MSS.,

14, 16.

Govindapala, (1161), 250.

GovindapAla, (1198), 253.

Grammar, Chandra Vydhdrana , complete

MS. of, 249.

Gramtsodee character, 5.

Grantham, in Sanskrit, called Kiren-

dum, 44.

Grierson, G. A., Artiole on early Study

of Indian Vernaculars in Europe, 41

and ff.

Grierson, G. A., A specimen of the

Padamavati, 127 and ff.

Gruber, a Jesuit Missionary in Nepal,

41 , note. 3

Gujarati language described by Bayer,

A. II. 1729, 47.

Gupta character, North Western Variety,

in Weber MSS., 17, 21 n.

Gushan, see Kushan.

ackem Beg, see Hakim Beg.

Hadley’s (1772) Hindustani grammar,

49.

Hajara, descendant of Naraka, king of

Assam, 272.

Hajo, according to Buchanan Hamilton

founded Koch Dynasty, 295.

H Ajo Koch, father of Hirii and Jira, 294.

Haina PAla, of Assam, 276 n.

HAjf Shaikh, Musalman Saint, 151, 153.

Hakim Beg, Munshi at Murshidabad

Court, 53, 107.

Hakim, Sayyad, invades Akom country,

298.

Hammira of Ban’thambhaur, 190.

Hanscrit, i e., Sanskrit, 43.

Hara Prasad S'astiu, Article by, on a

new find of old Nepalese MSS., 245.

HarewA, a noted robber chief, 192.

HariA Mandal, ancestor of Koch Kings

of Kamarupa, 284.

Hari Mohan VidyAbhushan, Article on

the Study of Sanskrit in Ceylon, 211.

IIari PAla of Assam, 276 n.

Haiiivarman, King of Hastikundi, of

Eashtrakuta family, 311.

Hashtnagar inscription, date of, 85.

Hastikundi, inscription of, described by

Prof. Kielhorn, 309 & If.

Hastikundi or Hastikundika, = modern

Hatondi in Marwar, 310.

HAtim TAe quoted as generous, 149.

Hatondi, the ancient Hastikundi, 310.

Hayagriva, temple of, inscription of

Eaghurai, 296.

Heir, method of choosing in Assam, by

choice of bundles, 286.

Hemadhara, son of Visva Simha, 286.

Hemanta Sena, great grand-father of

Ballala S., fought with the Karna-

tas, 251.

Hidamba or Cachar conquered by S'ila-

rai, 289.

Hidri, ancestor of the Koch Kings of

Kamarupa, 284.

Hindustani grammars, old, (1745) 47,

(1772) 49, (1778) 49.

HIra, ancestress of Koch Kings of

Kamarupa, 284.

— daughter of Hajo Koch, 294.

Hiramani, name of parrot, 163 and ff.

Hiuen Tsiang, describes Assam, 273.

, his itinerary from

Champa to Orissa, 316.

, His Journey in Bengal

and Assam, 315 and ff.

, His Travels, and his Life,

315.

Hoernle, Dr. A. I’. Eudolf, Article on

new or rare Muhammadan or Hindu

coins, 230 and ff.

Hoernle, Dr. A. F. Eudolf, Article

on Weber MSS. 1 and ff.

Hoernle, Dr. A. F. Eudolf, Article on

official dates of accession of Mughal

Emperors, 265.

Huckam Beg, see Hakim Beg.

Human Sacrifices in Assam, by Nara

Narayana, 291.

Index.

333

IJusain GhaznawI author of Qissae Pad -

mdwat, 128.

Husain Shah of Gauda, besieges Kama-

thapur, and takes Nilambara captive,

i498 A. D., 279.

Hupian = Opian G. V.

Hwci-li, author of Biography of Hiuen

Tsiang, 315.

Ibrahim Lodi of Delhi, 243.

iKHTIVAEU’D-DiN YUZBAK TuGHRIL KhAn,

invades Assam, (1256 A. D.), 280.

Imperial Academy of Sciences, St. Peters-

burg, fouuded in 1726, 45.

Indra Pala of Assam, 276.

Indra NArAyana of Darrang, 308.

Indus, not included in Bactria, 86.

Irvine, W., article on the Official Rec-

koning of the reigns of the later

Mughal Emperors, 256.

IsMA’ii. GhAzi, invades Assam, (1460 A.

D.), 281.

J agannatha, temple of, at Puri, inscrip-

tion at, 88.

Jagat Deva Maharaja, ally of Sher

Shah, 128.

Jagat Chandra, son of Visva Simha, 286.

Jahandar Shah, official date of acces-

sion, 262.

JahangIr, coins of, 244.

, coin of, with Akbar’s name,

244.

Jaintia, conquered by S'ilarai, 289.

Jajalla Deva I., Kalachuri King of

Chedi, 240.

Jajalla Deva II., Kalachuri King of

Chedi, 240.

Jajalla Deva, Kalachuri King of Chedi,

coin of, 241 & fir-

Jalalu’d-din rath ShAh, coins of, 237.

JalAlu’d-din Muhammad Shah, coins of,

230.

JalAlu’d-dIn of Bukhara, Musalman

Saint, 153.

JalAl LoDi of Jaunpur, 243.

JalAl ShAh, coin of, 243, 245.

Jalasara Sena, mentioned in Madala

Pafiji, 93.

Jalhana, author of Sv.lcti muktavali,

mentions Kumaradasa, 215.

Jalpesvara, .a king of Assam, 274.

Jdndki-harana, poem by Kumaradasa,

account of, 212 & if.

Janaki-harana, quotations from, in San-

skrit works, 214.

JangAl BAlAhu King of Assam, 275.

Japandu Pala (?) in Assam, 276 n.

Java supplied with coins from Bengal, 71.

Jayanagara, ancient town in Magadha,

253.

Javanta Pala, of Assam, 275.

Jaya PAla, 277 n.

Jayas, home of Malik Muhammad, 127,

156.

Jayavijaya, doorway of Jagannatha

temple, at Puri, 88.

Jesuit Missionaries in Nepal, 41, note 3 .

Jhardar, a kind of rupee, 57.

JirA, ancestress of Koch Kings of Kama-

rupa, 285.

, daughter of Hajo Koch, 294.

JitAri, deserts Gauhati, 274.

Jones, Captain, on defences of Calcutta,

108 and ff.

Jones’s plan of old Fort William, 106.

‘Juggut Sing,’ 53.

I^abIr, influence of, on Malik Muham-

mad, 127

Kaithi alphabet, described, (1771), 49.

Kajughira. question as to its identifi-

cation, 316.

Kaka-dvipa (PCoconada), ravaged by

Ceylonese, 324.

Kdkkhordda in Weber and Bower MSS.,

25, note 17.

Kalabaraga, name of a place in Orissa

91, 92, 96, 97, 98, 100, 101, 102, 103.

Kalachuri kings of Chedi, coins of, 239

and ff.

KAlA PahAr, attacks Kara Narayana,

(1553), 296.

Kalasi, birth-place of Milinda, identified,

85.

KalidAsa, visited Ceylon and died there,

(6th century), 212 and ff.

Kalpi, residence of Shaikh Burlian, 128.

Kamakhya, re-discovery of, by Visva

Simha, 287.

, temple re-built, by Nara

Narayana, 291.

i , temple of, inscription of

S'ilarai in, 295.

KamAl Shekh, Musalman Saint, 151, 153.

Kamala PAla, name of a Jaina copiest,

253.

Kamalpur, a village in Orissa, 92.

Kamarupa, original extent of, 269.

— origin of name, 269.

a famous place for pilgrim-

ages, 273.

— . early kings of, 270.

, the Koch Kings of, 268 and ff.

Kamathapura, founded by Niladhvaja,

in Koch Bihar, 278.

, ruins of, described, 279.

Kamathesvara, title of Niladhvaja, 278.

Kanisiika, character of coins of, 85.

334

Index.

Kanchannagar, identified with Karna

Snyarna by Dr. Waddell, 315.

Kansonapuri, old name of Rangamati,

320.

Kapilesvara Deva, mentioned in inscrip-

tion at Puri, 88.

Karana, by Bhasknra, 229.

Karisinagara, birth-place of Milinda, 85.

Karna quoted as generous, 149.

Karna Suvarna site of, paper on, by II.

Beveridge, B. 0. S., 315 & ff.

• , located in, Birbhtim, in

Singlibhum, in Burdwan, and at Kanga-

mati, 315. )

Karnata, ruled over by Uriya kings, 91,

92, 96, 97, 98, 100, 101, 102, 103.

Karnataka dynasty of Nepal. 251.

Karnatas, enemies of Mahipala and of

Hemanta Sena, 251.

Kartika, a nobleman at Mahipala’ s court.

251.

Kashgar MS., published by Oldenberg,

read by Dr. Iloernle, 39.

Kashmir, original home of Wartu charac-

ter, 6. •

KAsi Vidyadhara, mentioned in Madala

Pafiji, 93.

Katak = C uttack, see Baranasi.

Katjori river, near Cuttack, 101.

Klia-che Tibetan for Kashmir, 6 and ff.

Khacheehee character, 5.

Khairam, raja of, submits to Nara

Narayana, 289.

Khandas, the nine, 145.

Kharoshtri, see Gandharian.

Khat ritu, 181.

Kiietaelya Devi, Rani, founded Vihara

in Jayanagara, 253.

Khwaja khizr, Musalman Saint, 152,153

Khyen dynasty of Assam, 278.

Kio-la-na-su-fa-la-na = Karna Suvarna,

315.

Kielhorn, Prof. F., C. I. E , describes

Bijapur inscription, 309 and ff.

Kirata warriors from Assam, 272.

‘ Kirendum ’ = Grantham, south Indian

name of Sanskrit, 44.

Kitabu'l-jihrist, quoted, 321 .

Koch Biliar and Koch Hajo, 295 n.

family, history of, 306.

, invaded by Mir Jamla, 306.

dynasty, said to be founded by

Hajo, 295.

, said to be founded by

Bisu or Yisva Sirhha, 285.

Koch Hajo and Koch Bihar, 295 n.

Kings of Kamarupa, 268 and ff.

, dates of, 305.

Kokalla, Kalachuri king of Chedi, 240.

Kosha in Weber MSS., 30.

Kritibas, site of camp in Orissa, 103, 104.

Krishna invades Pragjyotishapura, 271,

27 2.

Krishna Pat, a of Assam, 276.

Krittika series of Nakshatras, 15.

Kshemendra, author of Anchityalan-

kara quotes Kumaradasa, 214, 15.

Kugiar, place where Weber MSS. found, 2.

Kukuta-kata, legend of, 271.

Kukhanda, the southern hemisphere, 134

note 2.

Kumaradasa, Sanskrit author in Ceylon,

and king, (6th century) 212, and ff.

Kumara Pala, in Assam, inscription of,

276.

Knmodini, name of a bawd, 197.

Kundajori, zamiudars of, in Orissa, re-

pelled, 96.

Kundilya, the country round Sadiya in,

Assam, 272,

‘ Kurn-sona-ka-ghur ’= Kangamati, 320.

Kushan or Gushan, author of Panjtar,

inscription, 85.

Kusumapun, old name of Rangamati,

324.

Xja Croze, 42 and ff, 50.

Lakhia PAea of Assam, 276 n.

Lakshmanavati = Jayanagara, 253.

Lakshmi NarAyana, son of Nara Nara-

yana, 292.

LAKSHMi NAiiAyana, ruler of Koch Bihar

295 n.

. dates of, 305.

-and PAsiKSHiT, war

between, 290.

, pays respects to

Emperor at Guzrat, 298.

, later history of his

descendants, 30S.

Lakshmi NarAyana kuar, possessor of

VamsdvaU, 268.

Lakshmi pAlA of Assam, 276.

Lalea, superseded by Bhaskara, 224.

Language, unintelligible, in Weber MSS.,

7, 35 and ff.

Lantsha alphabet, deciphered by Bayer,

17, 29, 46.

Lantsha character, introduced to Tibet

through Nepal, 6.

Lenka, an official in Orissa, 101.

Lexicon Linguse Indostanica, (1704), 49 .

Liyul or Khoteu included under Kha-cho,

Lohas, the fourteen, 133, note 6.

Lo-to-wei-chi = Raktaviti, 319.

]\1. in Central Asian Nagarl, 4.

MSS. from Central Asia, how bound ;

shape of, 2.

Index.

335

Machhliddr pice, 66.

Mactya PAla of Assam, 276 n.

Madala Panji, a chronicle of the temple

of Jagannatha, 89 note.*

M Ad hava Pala of Assam, 276 and n .

Madhotila, name of village in Orissa, 92.

Madhu NArAyana of Darrang, 308.

Madhu PAla of Assam, 276.

Madras, East India Co.’s, coinage in, 63,

69, 70, 72, 83.

Mahanagas, enumerated in Weher MS.,

26, 32.

Mahatirtha — Matara in Ceylon, 214.

MahAyakshaManibhadra, in Weber MS.,

26, 32.

Mahdi ‘AlI KhAn, introduced copper

coins in Baraili, 66.

Mahendra NArAyana, of Darrang, suc-

ceeds Bali Narayana, 307.

Mahendra (P) mentioned in Bijapur

inscription, 311.

MaheSvara, father of Bhaskara, 224.

Mahi PAla, (1015-1040), 251, 277 n.

MahIndra (?) mentioned in Bijapur in-

scription, 311.

MahirAvana, 183.

MahIranga DAnava, earliest recorded

king of Kamarupa, 270.

Mai dan, son of Visva Simha, 286.

Maithili, translations of the Bible into,

41.

Maji, original site of inscriptions in

Lahore Museum, 85.

Malik Muhammad, author of Paduma-

wati, 27.

MallA Deva, alias Nara Narayana, son

of Visva Siihha, 286.

Mallika, a country conquered by Kapiles-

vara Deva of Orissa, 99.

Mammata, king of Hastikundi of Rashtra-

kuta family, date of (937 V. S.), 31 i.

MAna Simha, son of Visva Simha, 286.

MAnagovinda Govinda Deva, men-

tioned in inscription at Puri, 88.

MAnibhadra, in Weber MSS., 26, 32.

Manipura submits to Nara Narayana, 289.

Manzur KhAn, defeats Surya Narayana

of Darrang, (1682), 308.

‘ Maura ’ language described by Bayer,

(1729), 47.

Mantri PAla of Assam, 276 n.

Marathi language, described by Bayer,

(1729), 47.

Mdsas, description of the twelve, 181.

Matara in Ceylon, town of Kalidasa’s

death, 214.

Mauritius, applies to Bengal for coins,

73, 76.

MechA, son of Visva Simha, 286.

Megha NArAyana, son of Visva Simha,

286.

Menander, see Milinda.

Meru, the Northern hemisphere, 134

note 2.

Messerschmid, deputed by Peter the

Great to explore Siberia, 45.

Milinda, birth-place of, identified, 85.

Mimang, king in Assam, 275.

Mint established at Calcutta, (1753),

53.

Benares, (1734), 54.

Mint towns of Mughal Emperors, 263

and ff.

Mir Jumla, war of, with Koch Bihar,

306.

Moga, era of, 85.

Mohars, (gold) 59, 62.

Mongolian alphabet, described by Bayer,

(1729), 46.

Months, description of the twelve, 181,

Moors or Gentoo = Urdu, 47.

Mott, author of a collection of transla-

tions of the Lord’s Prayer, 42 note 2.

MrigAng, king in Assam, 275.

Mu‘azzamabad, mint town of Mughal

Emperors, 264.

MubArak ShAh, coin of, 243.

MubArak, Shekh, Musalman Saint, 151,

153.

Mughal Emperors of Delhi, coins of,

244.

Mughal Emperors, official reckoning of

the reigns of, 256.

Muhammad, Saiyad, a Musalman Saint,

152, 153.

Muhammad ShAh, Official date of acces-

sion, 263.

, coin of, 243.

Muhammad ShAh IV bin FarId of Delhi,

243.

Muhammad ShAh, son of Tnghluq Shah,

invades Assam, (1337), 281.

MuHjjj’D-nfN, Preceptor of Malik Mu-

hammad, 128, 152, 153.

Muhurtas, number of ndkshatras , in

Weber MSS., 17.

Mukarram KhAn, defeats Parikshit,

293.

MularAja (Chaulukya), mentioned as

Bijapur inscription, 311.

Munjaraja mentioned in Bijapur in-

scription, 311.

Munro, Mr., discoveries in connexion

with Old Fort William, 105.

Murshidabkd, East Indian Co.’s coinage

in, 54, 59, 60, 62.

Muru, an Asura, killed by Krishna,

271.

Musalmans,' invasions of in Assam, 279,

280.

Musalmans attack Parikshit and Bali

Narayana, 293.

336

Index.

Musalmans, attaoks of upon Koch Kings,

296 and ff.

Nagamati, Queen of Ratna Sena, 165

and ff.

Nagari character (Central Asian), 4 & ff,

24, 26, 81, 32, 35.

NIgasankara or Nagakiiya, an Assam

King, 273.

Kakh’silch, a, 166, 189.

Nakshatras in Weber MSS., 13 & ff.

. -- kalpa , 16.

NanyadevA, founder of Karnataka

dynasty of Nepal, defeated by Vijaya

Sena, 251.

Naraka, founded dynasty in Kamarupa,

279.

Nara Narayana, son of Visva Simha, 286.

conquers Nara Simha

and succeed Visva Simha, 287.

conquers the Ahom King

of Assam, 288.

makes Manipura tribu-

tary to him, 289.

makes Raja of Khairam

tributary, 289.

— - — straightens the course

of the Brahmaputra, 290.

unites with Akbar against

Gaur, 291, 297.

rebuilds the Kamakhya

temple, 291.

. called by Musalmans,

Bal Gosain, 295 n.

submits to Emperor of

Delhi, (1578), 297.

■, dates of, 301 and ff.

Nara Simha, son of Visva Simha, 286.

, be-

comes ruler of Bhotan, 287.

NIrayana Pala of Assam, 276 and n.,

277 n.'

Nasratabkd, mint town of Mughal Em-

perors, 264.

NAsiRu’D-nfN Mahmud Shah, coins of,

231 and ff.

NausheuwIn, 147.

Ndyikd bheda, 189.

Naya Pala, 277 n.

Nekusiyar, official date of accession, 263.

Nepal, Karnataka, dynasty of, 251.

Nepalese paper, 3.

Nepali, Christian works in that language,

41.

Niladhvaja, deposes last Pala of Assam,

and ascends throne, 278.

NiLAMBARA, last Khyen King of Assam,

His life, 279.

Nur Qutb ‘Alam, Musalman Saint, 154

NiziMu’D-DiN Auliya, 128, 152, 153.

ril, mani padme, hum, deciphered by

Bayer, (1728), 45.

Orationum dominicarum Sylloge, by

Chamberlayne, 42 note 2, 43.

Orientalisch-und-occidentalischer Spraeh-

meister, by Fritz, (1748), 47.

Opian, site of Alasanda, 86.

Omens, 168, 183.

Ornaments, list of, presented to Jagan-

natha, 95.

P ada-chandrikd, a comm. onAmaralcosha

215.

Fadmavati, Princess of Simhala, 163 and

ff.

Padmdvati, see Paduwdmdti.

Padumawati, specimen of, 127.

Pakshya PXla of Assam, 275, 276 n.

PitA, a king in Rangpur, 278.

Pala, Deva, Raja of Kambhal’ner, 197,

204.

Pala dynasty, account of, 276 n.

Pala, a tribal name in Assam, 278.

PAla, kings in Assam, list of, 275.

Pandunatha, near Gauliati, founded by

Parikshit, 293.

Pandunatha, near Gauhali, 290.

Panjtar inscription, date of, 85.

Paper, Nepalese, 3.

Papphala (? Pippli), ravaged by Ceylo-

nese, 324.

PauIkrama B1.hu of Ceylon, probably

destroyed Rangamati, 324.

Paran Subiia defeats Parikshit, 293.

Parvati, stotra, in honour of, in Weber

MSS., 20.

PARiKSHiT, son of Raghu Rai, succeeds

him, and founds capital at Pandunatha,

293.

, defeated by Paran Subha and

Mukarram Khan, 293.

, ruler of Koch Hajo, 295 n.

, war with the Musalmans, as

described by the latter, 298.

, dates of, 305.

Patlian Sultans of Delhi, coins of, 243.

Patna, East India Co., coinage in, 54, 59,

60, 62.

Paundra Vardhana, question as to its

identification, 316.

, suggested identifi-

cation of, with Sarkar of Panjra,

318 n.

Peterson, Prof , on date of Knmarad&sa,

214, 15.

Phengua, Raja, king in Assam, 275.

Pice, coinage of, 58, 62.

Pinna, Father, wrote a catechism in

Urdu, in 1740, 41 note 3, 42.

Index.

337

Plaisted’s plan of Old Fort William,

106.

, in charge of construction of

Fort William, 108, 110.

Pookangkee character. 5.

Portuguese Hindustani grammar, 49

Pragjyotishapura (Gauhatl), founded by

Naraka, 270.

invaded by Krishna, 271.

PrajnAkara, author of Comm, on Bodhi-

chary avatar n, 246.

Prajnapdramitd, MS. of, 252.

Pkalambha, descendant of Naraka, king

of Assam, 272.

PrAna NArAyana, p = Bhlma Narayana of

Koch Biliar, 307

Prasiddha NArAyana Kuar, Raja, owner

of a Koch Vamsavali, 268 note 1.

Prataparudra Deva, mentioned in in-

scription at Puri, 88.

Prema PAla of Assam, 275.

Prithiraj Ray'sd, genuineness of, 127.

PrithvIdeva, Kalacliuri King of Chedi,

coin of, 241 and ff.

PrithvIdeva I, Kalachuri King of Chedi,

240.

PRiTHviDEVA II, Kalachuri King of

Chedi, 240.

Prithvideva III, Kalachuri King of

Chedi, 240.

Puri, inscription at, 88.

Purushandma, a MS. account of the Koch

Kings of Assam, 268.

Purushottama Deva, mentioned in in-

scription at Puri, 88.

PushkarasArin. information in Weber

MSS. derived from, a contemporary of

Buddha, 16.

issue PacLmdwat, name of Persian poem,

128.

HAdhA KAnta Deva, Baja, family come

from Karna Suvarna, 327.

Rafi'u’d-daulah, official date of acces-'

sion, 262.

Rafi'u’d-dakajAt, official date of accesion

of, 262.

RAgiiava Chaitanya. 188 & ff.

Ragiic Kii, son of S'ila Rai, rules country

East of Sankosh, 292.

, his death, 293 n.

, inscription of, in Hayagriva

temple, 296.

RAi Gobind, MoNsui, author of Tukfatu’l

qulub , 128.

Rai GunAbhirAm BaruA, author of

Asamburanji, 268 note 1.

RAjasekhara, quoted by Jalhana, 215.

Rdjavamns are Koches who adopted

Hinduism, 285.

RAjl Hamid SiiAh, Musalman Saint,

152, 153.

Raju QattAl, Musalman Saint, 15 3

Rajya PAla, 277 n.

Raktaviti, the monastery of Redlands, =

liahgamati, 319.

RAma NArAyana son of Visva Simha, 286.

Ramamma of Ceylon Historians, =

Orissa, 324.

RAma PAla, 276.

RAmachandra, son of Visva Simlia, 286.

Rahgamati described by Wilford, 328

, once calh d Knsumapnri, 324.

— — , destroyed by an expedition

from Ceylon, 324.

Rashtrakuta family, 311.

Ratanpur, ancient capital of Chedi

dynasty, 242.

RatnarAjA I, Kalachuri King of Chedi,

240.

Ratan Chnnd, Dlwan of Farrukhsiyar,

first adopted system of farming mints

55.

Ratnadeva, Kalachuri King of Chedi,

coin of, 241 & ff.

Ratnadeva II, Kalachuil King of Chedi,

240.

Ratnadeva III, Kalachuri King of Chedi,

240.

Eatna Sena, King of Chitaur, 164 & ff.

RAya-Mukuta, author of Pada-chandrika,

quotes Jandki ha’ana, 215.

Ricanete, a Capuchin Missionary in

Nepal, 41 note 3.

Rikabi, a kind of rupee, 58.

Rishabha HAtha, Jama Tirthamkara,

image of, consecrated at Hastikupdl,

(A D. 997), 310.

Ritus, description of the six, 181.

ltlwa, rupees of, 65, 67.

Roads in Assam, 279, 283, 286, 287.

Rolitas, coin of Jahangir, struck at, 244.

RukminI, carried off by Krishna from

Assam, 272. f

Ruknu’d-dIn Abu’e-fath Ma'Asir, •Mu-

salman Saint, 150.

Rupee coinage under East India Co., 80.

Sacrifices, human by Nara Narayana of

Assam, 291.

Sadrd’d-din ‘Arif’ Musalman Saint, 154.

Sagar, East India Co.’s coinage in, 75,

76, 79.

SalAr KhAdim, a friend of Malik

Muhammad, 158.

Salon e Singh, a friend of Malik Mu-

hammad, 129, 155.

Samatata — the Ganges delta, 316.

Sambhota elaborates U-chan character, 6.

Samputodbhava, MS. of, 252.

Samudra Gupta, letter m’ on coins of, 4.

338

Jndex.

Samddba NArAyana, Koch Raja, 268.

Samudras, the seven, 104 note, 168.

Sangtta-ratndkara, MS. of, 252.

S'Antibhadra or S'AntyAchArya, a

Jaina Saint, consecrated an image at

Hastikundi, 310.

Sarvatob hadrayantra, by Bhaskara, 229.

S'asanka, ? belonged tolineof Adisura, 323.

suggested reference to him

by Abu’l-fazl, 323.

Schultz, contributes to the Sprach-

meister, 47.

on Indian alphabets, 46.

writes a Hindustani' Grammar,

47.

Scott’s plan of old Fort William, 106.

Seasons, description of the six, 181.

Seendoohee character, 5.

Sena dynasty, conquest of Kamarupa

by, 277.

Shahabc’d-din, Musalman Saint, 154.

Shahabad Kananj Mint town of Mughal

Emperors, 264.

ShAh JahAn, coin of, ^245.

Shamshershahi pice, 66.

Shamsu’d-I)£n Muzaffar Shah, coin of,

238.

Shamsu’d-din Yusaf ShAii, coins of,

235 and if.

Shashatdhar of Abu’l Fazl ? = S'asanka,

323.

Shat ritu, 181.

Sher ShAh, coin of, 244.

- — patron of Malik Muhammad,

128, 144.

ShujA’ud-daulah, in charge of Benares

mint, (1754), 55.

Shukl Gosain, Musalman name of S'ukla-

dhvaja, 295 n.

Siberia, explored by Messerschmid, 45.

Siddhanta S'iromani by Bhaskara, (1150).

221 and ff.

Sikka rupee of Lucknow, 64.

S'ilarA£ see S'ukladhvaja, 289.

. conquers Hidaraba or Cacliar,

289.

conquers Jaintia and Tipperah,

289.

conquers Sylhet, 290.

defeated by Fasha of Gaur, 290.

death of, 292.

inscription of, in Kamakhya

temple, 195.

Simha PAla of Assam, 276.

Simhala-dvipa, 159 and ff.

Simson, Colin, plan for Fort William,

no.

Simson’s plan of old Fort William, 106.

Singapore, supplied with coins from

Bengal, 76.

S'isu, takes name of S'iva Simha, 282.

S'ishya-dhivriddhida Tantra, astrono-

mical work by Lalla, 224.

S'ivapadma-samgraha Tantra , MS. of, 253

S'ivapanishad Tantra , MS. of, 253.

S'ivapadmottara Tantra , MS. of, 253.

S'ivapadma Tantra, MS. of, 250.

S'iva Simha, Ahom king abdicates, 297 n.

S'iva Simha, see S'isu, 285.

Si-yu-ki, Travels of Hieuen Tsiang, 315.

Smith, Vincent Arthur, Article on

Grreco Roman influence on Civilization

of Ancient India, 81 & ff.

S'onitnpura = Tezpnr in Assam, 273.

Sorcery, in Weber MSS., 22

8 prachmeister, by Fritz, (1748), 47.

S'ravasti, merchants from, visited Ceylon,

211 .

Sm bang., King in Assam, 275.

S'ri JnAna or Atisa, introduced reformed

Buddhism into Tibet, 246.

Srong Tsan Gampo introduces writing

in Tiber, 6

Stotra in honour of Parvati in Weber

MSS., 20.

Subahu, a descendant of Naraka, and

King of Assam, 274.

succeeded Pala dynasty in

Assam, 276.

SubhAv Ciiand, farmer of Benares Mint

(1757), 55

S'uddhiratnakara by Chandesvara, MS.

of, 252.

S'ukladhvaja, son of Visva Simha, 286.

— . takes name of S'flarai,

287.

called Musalmans Slrakl

Gosain, 295 n.

SuktimuktdvaU by Jalhana, 215.

Sumati, King of Assam, after Palas, 276.

SuparuA, last King of Naraka’s lino in

Assam, 274.

Su PAla of Assam, 276 and n.

Sura SiSiiia, son of Visva Simha, 286.

Sur’jA a Wrestler, 190, 193, 204.

StJRYA, son of Visva Simha, 286.

Surya Hari Ganaka, author of the Koch

Vamsai ali, 268.

Surya NArAyana, of Darrahg, 308.

SuryAcharya, composer of Bijapur in-

scription, 310

Suryasiddhdnta, errors of, corrected by

Bhaskara, 229.

Suryavamsa, Uriya dynasty, 88.

Svarga NArAyana, Ahom King, assists

Bali Narayana aginst Musalmans, 293.

S'yAma PAla of Assam, 276 and n.

Sylhet, conquered by S'llarai, 290.

Th in Central Asian Nagan, 4.

Tamluk = Tamralipti, 211.

Index.

339

Tamralipti, ancient port for Ceylon, 211.

Tdtkdlika motion of a planet, 276.

Tezpur = ancient S'onitapura, 273.

Thesanrus epistolicus Lacrozianns, 42.

ThiseoA Dec-tsan, in reign of, Lantslia

characters introduced to Tibet, 6.

Tiion-mi, son of Ann learns, the S'abda

Vidya, 6.

Thumkd Ooharshdhi, a kind of rupee, 57

Thurston, Edgar, Article on East India

Company Coinage, 52.

Tibetan alphabet, described by Bayer,

(1729), 46.

Tibetan inscription deciphered by Bayer,

(1728), 45.

Tipperah, conquered by S'ilarai, 289.

Tirsoolee = Trisidi, q. v.

Tripnri, ancient capital, of Chedi dynas-

ty, '.'42.

Triiiu.lt' rnpee, 57.

Tnkfatu’l qulub, N. of Persian romance,

128.

Turbnk invades Assam, (1506j, 280.

Twelve, a favourite numbers for Coun-

cillors, &c., 282.

TJ-chan characters of Tibet, 6.

Udayapura, the seat of the Palas of Rang-

pur, 278.

‘Umar, second Caliph. 143, 147.

Umd-mahesvara-samv dda Tantra, MS. of,

253.

Usha, came from S'onitapura, in Assam,

273.

‘Usman, third Caliph 143, 144.

Uttarottara Tantra, MS. of, 253.

V achpa, monastery of, 316.

Yak pat i Munja, Raja of Malaya, (1031-

1050, V. S.), 311.

Vajraddk tantra , MS. of, 252

Yajrabandhiyas, name of a sect, 320.

Vajradatta, son of Naraka, 271.

Yaic Pala, 277 n.

Vamsavali, a MS., narrative of the

Koch Kings of Assam, 268.

YanamAla, descendant of Naraka, King

of Assam, 272.

Varman, or Barman, a Kshattriya title

in Assam, 274.

Ydsandbhdshya, Comm, on Siddhdnta

S'iromatfi, 229.

Vasibha, ? = Vachpa, 316, 317.

VaSishtka, curses Naraka and Kami-

khya, 271.

Vasciieva, did not use Gandharian

character on his coins, 85.

Vidagdha, king of Hastikundi, of

Rasht-akuta family, (date 937 V.

S.), 311.

Vigkaha Pala, 276.

Yigraha Pala I., 277 n.

Vigraha Pala II., 277 n.

Yigraha Pala III., 277 n.

Yigraharaja, a Chahamana-raja (Harsha

and Bijapnr inscriptions), 311.

Vijapura, birth-place of Bhaskara, 224.

Vijayanagara, town of Parikshit, 293.

Yijata Sena, defeated Nany a Deva, Kar-

nataka, of Nepal, 251.

, conquered Ganda, Kama-

rupa, and Kalinga, i 77.

Vijita Naratana, succeeds Parikshit in

Koch Hajo, 307.

Yilrramakdla 201, note 3.

Vikramaditya, quoted as generous, 149.

V£ryavanta, Raja of IChairan, 289.

Vista Simha succeeds Chandana, (1524),

283 n.

— , date of, 304.

: found Koch dynasty of

Kdmari'tpa, 285.

, see Bisu, 285.

Yrihatknthd, MS. of new Sanskrit transla-

tion of, described, 254.

Yrisiiaketu, son of Visva Simha, 286.

"W ADDELL, Dr., identifies KarnaSuvarna,

with Kanchannagar, 315, 326 and ff.

‘Wartic’ = Telugu, 44.

Wartu character of Tibet. Its resem-

blance to Central Asian Nagari, 5, 6.

Weber, Rev. F., description of MSS.

sent by him to Society, 1 and if.

Weber MSS., description of, 1 and

ff. Age of, 8.

Wileord’s account of Rnngamatf, 328.

Well’s plan of Fort William, 111.

Wells, Lt., in charge of construction

of Fort William, 106-8.

White blood in a Brahman, 280 n.

Wilkins, David, 1714, compiles transla-

tions of the Lord’s Prayer, 42.

Wilson, C. R., Article on the Topography

of old Fort William, 104 and ff.

Xaca, ’ an Indian reformer, (?) S'akya

Muni, 43.

Y, biannnlate, form of, 8.

Y, tridentate, form of 7, 8.

Yogini Tantra gives a history of Kama-

rupa, 268 note.

Yusaf Malik, a friend of Malik Moham-

mad, 128, 155.

Zafarabad, mint town of Mughal Em-

perors, 264.

ZiegenbalgJ correspondence with La

Croze, 43.

‘Ziglesic,’ a South Indian language, 44.

ZlYAUD-DfN ‘Ibrat, author, 128.

Zu’l-qarnain, title of Alexander the

Great, 145 note.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF. BENGAL.

CONTENTS OF VOL. LXI, FOE 1892.

PART I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c.

^ Waddell, Buddliist Remains at Mount Uren. — Lamaic Ro-

saries llie ‘ Tsam-cliho-dung ’ of the Lamas. Chakrayarti,

Troy weights and General currency of ancient Orissa. Smit h,

Grseco- Roman Influence on the Civilization of Ancient India.

Second Paper.

No. 2.— IC ielhorn, The Dinajpur Copper-Plate Inscription of Mahi-

pala. Baverty, Muhammadan Coins collected ky the Afghan

Boundary Commission. Theobald, A symbolical Coin of the

Wethali dynasty of Arakan. Chakrayarti, Rama-tankis.

i 1 s o n, The Topography of the river in the 16th century from

Hugli to the Sea. Beveridge, Rajah Kans.— The date of Nur

Qutb Alam’s death. Croolce, Vocabulary of the Korwa lan-

guage. Driver, The Korkus.

No. 3. — W a d d e 1 1, The Buddhist Pictorial Wheel of Life. Ravert y.

The Mihran of Sind and its Tributaries.

No. 4. — R averty, The Mihran of Sind and its Tributaries, Gontd.

PART II.— NATURAL SCIENCE.

No. 1.— King, Materials, for a flora of the Malayan Peninsula.

Prain, Noviciie Indicia; V. An undescribed Mezoneuron from the

Andaman Group.

No. 2.— Bigot, Catalogue of the Diptera of the Oriental Region.

Parts II and III.

No. 3. — N i c e v i 1 1 e, Note on the Indian Butterflies comprised in the

sub-genus Pademma of the genus Euplcea. Peal, The Communal

Barracks of Primitive Races. B r ii li 1, De Ranunculaceis Iudicis

Disputationes.

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Journal, Asiatic Society, Bengal, from Yols. XII to XYII ( 1843

to 1848) ; Yols. XIX to XXII (1850 to 1852) ; Vols. XXYI,

XXVII (1857, 1858), and Yols. XXXIII to XLVIII, (1864

to 1881).

Asiatic Researches, from Vols. VI to XI, and Yols. XYII to XX,

each at

Ditto, ditto, Index

The Ain-i-Akbari, Vol. I. Translated into English, with Notes

and Indexes, by H. Blocbmann, M. A

The Tabaqat-i-N a^ri . Translated by Major H. G. Raverty,

RS. AS.

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PLATE IV.

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