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BULLoUGH, W. S. 1960. Practical invertebrate anatomy. 2nd ed. London: Macmillan.

FIscHER, P.-H. 1948. Données sur la résistance et de le vitalité des mollusques. —J. Conch., Paris 88: 100-140.

FIsCHER, P.-H., Duval, M. & Rarry, A. 1933. Etudes sur les échanges respiratoires des littorines.— Archs

Zool. exp. gén. 74: 627-634.

Koun, A. J. 1960a. Ecological notes on Conus (Mollusca: Gastropoda) in the Trincomalee region of Ceylon. —

Ann. Mag. nat. Hist. (13) 2: 309-320.

Konan, A. J. 19606. Spawning behaviour, egg masses and larval development in Conus from the Indian Ocean. —

Bull. Bingham oceanogr. Coll. 17 (4): 1-51.

THIELE, J. 1910. Mollusca: B. Polyplacophora, Gastropoda marina, Bivalvia. In: SCHULTZE, L. Zoologische

und anthropologische Ergebnisse einer Forschungsreise im westlichen und zentralen Siid-Afrika 4: 269-270.

Jena: Fischer. — Denkschr. med.-naturw. Ges. Jena 16: 269-270.

(continued inside back cover)

5SONnSS

ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

ANNALE VAN DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE MUSEUM

THE TRUSTEES OF THE

SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

CAPE TOWN

VOLUME 70 BAND

B x

Coury now Ks

1976

itt

DIE TRUSTEES VAN DIE

SUID-AFRIKAANSE MUSEUM

KAAPSTAD

_@ SET, PRINTED AND BOUND IN THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA BY

‘THE RUSTICA PRESS PTY.) LTD., WYNBERG, CAPE

ANNALS OF THE ANNALE VAN DIE

SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM SUID-AFRIKAANSE MUSEUM

VOLUME 70 BAND 70

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS

PREFACE

This study is one of a series which will include certain crafts of all the Bantu-

speaking people of southern Africa, south of the Zambezi. Pottery and basket-

work have been studied at this Museum (Lawton, A. C. 1967. Bantu Pottery

of Southern Africa. Ann. S. Afr. Mus. 49: 1-440; and Shaw, E. M. Basketwork

of Southern Africa, MS.). The present project deals with some other major and

minor crafts.

The practice of crafts formed an integral part of the traditional self-

supporting way of life of the people. To a certain extent it still does form a part,

but it is declining rapidly as the availability of manufactured goods increases

everywhere. Traditional crafts have been changing ever since European wares

became available and some have died out completely. It is essential therefore to

record what is left today, against a background of past practice, some idea of

which can be obtained in some cases only from the literature and from museum

specimens. In cases where the crafts are no longer practised the latter may be

the only evidence of their former existence.

Field-work was undertaken in the Nguni areas of the Ciskei and Transkei,

Natal and Zululand, Swaziland, the Transvaal and Rhodesia. The work would

have benefited from a longer period in the field, but this was not possible and it

is realized that there are many gaps. All the major collections in southern African

museums have been examined, and in addition some large collections in Euro-

pean museums have been visited. It is hoped that the literature search has been

exhaustive. The sources used are indicated in brackets in the text with date of

publication of literature, museum registration number with locality and date of

acquisition or date of field investigation.

While the research team as a whole has been involved in all sections, the

principal author is indicated for each paper.

E. M. SHAW

Project leader

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INTRODUCTION

For several hundred years the home of the Nguni branch of the southern

Bantu-speaking peoples has been the eastern and southern coast of South Africa

between the Drakensberg and the sea and stretching from Swaziland to the

Fish River. The main divisions of the Nguni are the Cape or Southern Nguni

in the Transkeian and Ciskeian territories, the Nguni of Natal and Zululand,

the Swazi, the Ndebele of the Transvaal and the Ndebele (Matabele) of Rhodesia.

Other offshoots from the Natal Nguni, such as the Tshangana of Mozambique

and the Ngoni of Malawi have not been included in this study. The former will

be included in a study of the crafts among the Tsonga people amongst whom

they settled, and the Ngoni are north of the Zambezi and thus outside the area

of study.

THE CAPE NGUNI

The people of the Southern Nguni include the Xhosa, Thembu, Bomvana,

Mpondomise and Mpondo, whose ancestors were already settled within the

area now known as the Transkeian Territories by the end of the sixteenth

century, and the Mfengu (Fingo), Hlubi, Xesibe and Bhaca, who entered the

same area when they were forced, either directly by the activities of Shaka or by

the pressures that his campaigns set up, to move out of the territories they had

inhabited in Natal. They began to arrive in the area in the 1820s. (Wilson 1969:

345-6).

Field visits

The Southern Nguni tribes had been visited in 1948, 1955, 1961 and 1962

and during this survey brief visits were made to Libode (Mpondo), Tsolo

(Mpondomise), Engcobo (Thembu), Kentani (Xhosa) in June 1969, to Mount

Frere (Bhaca) and Mount Ayliff (Xesibe) in August 1969, and to Kentani

(Xhosa) in 1971.

THE NATAL NGUNI

In the 1820s the Nguni in Natal came under the military domination of

the Zulu tribe, which rose to power under Shaka. Many tribes were scattered

far and wide. Some fled to the Cape as mentioned above. In addition some of

Shaka’s generals led military groups out of Natal. One such was Mzilikazi who

eventually settled in Rhodesia and founded the Matabele nation; another,

Shoshangane, settled his group in southern Mozambique; while Zwangendaba

went further north and his group eventually settled in Malawi.

Field visits

The Natal Nguni were visited in 1969, 1970, and 1971. The following districts

were visited: Bulwer (Khuseni), Bergville (Ngwane, Zizi), Msinga (Mabaso)

and Nqutu (Zulu) in August 1969; Hlabisa (Zulu), Mahlabatini (Buthelezi),

Melmoth (Biyela), Nongoma (Zulu) and Ubombo in August 1970; Babanango

(Zulu), Mahlabatini (Mkize), Nkandla (Biyela, Shezi) and Nongoma (Zulu) in

August 1971. In the text a division has been made where possible between Zulu-

land, Msinga, Drakensberg and southern Natal, on the basis of geographical

distribution and observed differences in material culture.

THE SWAZI

The branch of the Nguni which eventually settled in the present Swaziland

and adjacent areas moved into the region of Delagoa Bay under chief Dlamini,

founder of the royal Swazi clan. During the eighteenth century Ngwane III

led the Dlamini people across the Lubombo Mountains and built his capital at

Lobamba, which is still the capital today. Later chiefs consolidated and expanded

the nation, which became known as the Swazi during the reign of Mswati II.

Field visits

The Swazi had been visited in 1962 and during this survey were visited in

the districts of Ubombo, Mbabane, Manzini, Pigg’s Peak, Mankaiana and

Engabaneni in August 1971.

THE TRANSVAAL NDEBELE

The Ndebele of the central and northern Transvaal are related to the Nguni

of Natal, but through a long period of residence among the Sotho people have

been greatly influenced by Sotho culture, particularly the Laka, Maune, Molet-

lane and Hwaduba tribes in the north. The Ndzundza (also known as Mapoch)

and Manala further south have retained more Nguni characteristics.

Field visits

The southern Transvaal Ndebele (Ndzundza) in the Groblersdal district

were visted in August 1967 and May 1972, and those in the Nebo district in

May 1972 and May 1973.

The northern Transvaal Ndebele in the Zebediela (Moletlane) and Pieters-

burg (Maune) districts were visited in August 1967 and May 1972.

THE NDEBELE OF RHODESIA

The Ndebele of Rhodesia were made up of the original settlers from Natal

under Mzilikazi, of those who joined him on his way through the Transvaal and

Botswana, and of those who were assimilated in Rhodesia. Their descendants

live in Matabeleland today.

Field visits

The Rhodesian Ndebele had been visited in southern Matabeleland in

1967 and during this survey were visited in Tjolotjo and Essexvale in May 1973.

ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

ANNALE VAN DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE MUSEUM

Volume 70 Band

May 1976 Mei

Part 1 Deel

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS

Heisei Ih

CALABASHES

H. E. BOHME

Cape Town Kaapstad

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SOME NGUNI CRAFTS

PART 1

CALABASHES

H. E. BOHME

South African Museum, Cape Town

(With 57 figures)

LMS. accepted 10 September 1975]

ABSTRACT

Calabashes are widely used by the Nguni. The cultivation, preparation and use by the

main Nguni groups are described and differences in practice noted. The preparation of cala-

bashes is not a specialist craft.

CONTENTS

PAGE

I MtROGUCH ONES Wastes eRe ele ees roa ee te 1

CapeyNeunin ey, eee ee eos dae 2

INatalgNgumiies (Pee Ste en iio ee), Sil

SWAZTiy fo tite iis eee oles 1 ey aticy Ra aati MNt sy)

Southern Transvaal Ndebele) 2 50 2). 1 60

INorthermDransvaaluNdebelem su eee sels i OD

RhodesiansNdebelew) 5 ees Shen Ol,

DISCUSSION, foesce te ee ey ee TS

Acknowledgememtsitn ri Fe te eretr tee ee suet

RELETENCES'S iste tok) aco etter Maio tees toners dey am ey)

Abbreviations: 7.2 2 yh We eeu eee eh ses

INTRODUCTION

A calabash is a vessel or container made from the hard-shelled fruit of the

gourd, a trailing plant. The hard-shelled fruits of certain other plants, mainly

trees, have been included in this survey, because their use is essentially the same.

Calabashes and fruit-shells are used as containers and household utensils.

Availability

Gourds. The gourd belongs to the Family Cucurbitaceae and there are two species

of Lagenaria which are possibly indigenous to tropical Africa, and appear to be

the only ones to produce the gourds used as household utensils.

1. Lagenaria siceraria (Molina) Standl (formerly Lagenaria vulgaris). Various

forms of this species are known as the bottle gourd or club gourd (uselwa

(Doke & Vilakazi 1964)).

2. Lagenaria mascarena Naud. This has a small fruit and is cultivated for snuff-

Ann. S. Afr. Mus. 70 (1), 1976: 1-78, 57 figs.

DY, ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

boxes and medicine flasks. It was cultivated and described in Mauritius hence

the name, but it is said to be indigenous to East Tropical Africa.

The fruits grow into various shapes, the most common of which are globu-

lar, flask-shaped, long-necked and the double-bowl or waisted type (Fig. 1). The

Neguni do not rely on wild plants, but cultivate gourds of different sizes, if the

soil and climate are suitable. Doke & Vilakazi (1964) give more Zulu terms which

depict the different types of gourds used, and which probably overlap with the

above-mentioned species or shapes:

usololo —variety of hard-shelled gourd or pumpkin.

iyelesi | —thin-shelled gourd.

isibobodla—calabash with a large-sized hole or mouth.

isihlali —medium-sized calabash.

Fruit-shells. The small, hard-shelled fruits of certain indigenous plants (Family

Flacourtiaceae) are also used as containers. The two most generally used fruits

are the Kaffir Orange or ihlala (Xhosa, Zulu) which is the fruit of the umhlala

tree (Strychnos spinosa Lam.) and the ithongwane (Zulu) which is the fruit of the

Snuff-box tree, umthongwane (Oncoba spinosa Forsk.). According to Marloth

(1925: 194) ‘the shell of the fruit is employed by the natives as a snuff-box, called

“thunga”’ ’. For the most part the Nguni rely on wild trees and do not cultivate

them, but may protect such as grow in the area.

Practitioners

There is no specialization in the preparation of calabashes and they are

grown by most families. Because they are domestic utensils they are usually pre-

pared by women. No rituals or taboos are attached to their preparation.

CAPE NGUNI

CULTIVATION

The gourds grow along the ground (Fig. 2) and Mpondo informants at

Nxukhwube (Libode, 1969) stated that they were supported with something flat

to prevent damage to the fruit. Calabashes were grown domestically but not all

soil was suitable for all sorts of gourds. At Nxukhwube (Libode, 1969) it was

said that the ‘snuff-box’ size calabash was scarce as this type was not as easy to

cultivate as the larger type. Apart from the suitability of the soil, the cultivation

of gourds depended on favourable climatic conditions. A Bhaca informant at

Lutateni (Mount Frere, 1969) stated that no calabashes were available that year

on account of the drought. Mpondo at Lwandile (Ngqeleni, 1969) and Mpondo-

mise at Tshixo (Tsolo, 1969) also said that due to the severe drought there had

been a poor crop.

PREPARATION

McLaren (1919: 445) described calabash preparation among the Xhosa.

‘The calabash-gourd, uselwa, with its long neck, was gathered when quite ripe,

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 3

Type 1 Type 2

Type 4

Type 5

Fig. 1. Shapes of calabashes. Type 1: Globular. Type 2: Flask-shaped. Type 3: Long-necked.

Type 4: Double bowl or waisted calabash. Type 5: Elongated.

4 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

‘ t oes >

Noe te As Os

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2 aioe 4

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Fig. 2. Calabash growing, Mpondo, Nggeleni.

and was then sunk, nyiwa, in the ground for a time, with only the neck sticking

out, by which means the rind was hardened while the contents decayed so that

they could be emptied out. The inside was thoroughly cleaned by rinsing it with

water and gravel. It was then fit for use as a milk-container, ise/wa. The calabash

was often tied round, tandela, with string or thong to strengthen it. A mealie

cob, um-pa, served as a cork.’

Makalima (1945: chap. 9 para. 8) gives a similar account to McLaren’s on

the preparation of calabashes among the Thembu and Mpondomise except that

he does not record that the calabash was buried to harden the rind. A stick was

used to remove the flesh from the gourd.

Field information regarding the preparation of the gourd differs little from

the information obtained in the literature except that there is no other record of

the gourd being buried.

The Mpondo at Libode (1969) cleaned the calabash as follows: when the

calabash was dry a hole was cut in the top with a knife; gravel and water were

put into it and shaken to clean the inner surface.

Among the Mpondomise (Mjika, Tsolo, 1969) warm water was used. The

hole was closed with the hand and the gourd well shaken.

The Bhaca (Mount Frere, 1969) used a hot tang of a hoe blade to make a

hole which pierced the length of the neck of the gourd. Dry mealie seeds were put

inside and shaken to clean the interior.

Among the Mfengu (Sotho location, 1971) a piece was cut off the top, nar-

row end of the gourd before it was left to dry out. The inside was allowed to rot

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 5)

and the pips were loosened with a stick. To remove the contents the calabash was

shaken and turned upside down. Water was added to swill it out.

No information was obtained about the methods of the Bomvana, Hlubi

and Xesibe.

DECORATION

Information in the literature concerning the decoration of calabashes is very

sketchy and confined to Xhosa and Mpondo only. Backhouse (1894: 263)

mentioned a ‘decorated’ gourd penis-sheath but did not describe it. Fritsch

(1872: 58) recorded that penis-sheaths were incised or painted. Both Lucas

(1861: 6) and Kropf (1889: 103) saw gourd snuff-boxes ‘ornamented with beads’.

They did not, however, supply more detailed information.

Museum specimens of calabashes show many variations in style and decora-

tion. The calabashes made into snuff-boxes, penis-sheaths, cosmetic bottles and

medicine flasks were nearly always decorated. Decoration of gourds can be

divided into several techniques:

Type 1. Branded: SAM-6928, snuff-box, Xhosa, 1871-86 (Fig. 3A).

Type 2. Covered with incised designs: SAM-—6105, snuff-box, Cape Nguni,

1939 (Fig. 3B).

Type 3. Painted: EL 2803, East London, 1928, a Mfengu penis-sheath

which is further decorated by the attachment of a brass bell on a

narrow chain.

Type 4a. Covered with beads: snuff-boxes: SAM-—5624, Tsolo, 1936 (Fig. 4),

and SAM-4981, Cala district, 1933 (Fig. 5).

Type 4b. Covered with beadwork: snuff-box: SAM-10093, Transkei, 1971

(Fig. 6).

QC ee

Fig. 3. A. Xhosa snuff-box, 1871-86, SAM-6928.

ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Fig. 3. B. Cape Nguni snuff-box, no locality, 1939, SAM-610S.

oe oe

Fig. 4. Mpondomise snuff-box, Tsolo, 1936, SAM-—5624.

Fig. 5. Thembu snuff-box, Cala district, 1933,

SAM-4981.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES a

The phrase ‘covered with beads’ indicates that the beads are strung on loose

strings supported by vertical columns. The phrase ‘covered with beadwork’

indicates that the beads are strung in such a way that it looks like a tightly

woven fabric.

REPAIR

There is no description in the literature of repairing a calabash but good

examples have been seen in various museums. A hole in a calabash resonator for

a Thembu bow was mended by placing a piece of gourd rind in the hole and then

sewing it to the calabash with a two-ply fibre (SAM-6933, Transkei, 1948)

(Fig. 7).

A Bomyana calabash (NASKO 35/431, Gusi location, Elliotdale, 1970) was

mended with a two-ply twisted fibre cord in the following way: one row of holes

was made on either side of the crack, using an awl. Two threads were used: the

darning thread and a ‘working’ thread, used only to pull the darning thread

through the holes as the opening of the calabash was too narrow for the hand to

retrieve the darning thread from the inside of the calabash. The darning thread

was pushed through a hole (Fig. 8(1) Hole A) at the top of the break and the

‘working’ thread was pushed through the corresponding hole (Hole B) on the

opposite side of the break. There were loose ends of thread both on the inside and

outside of the calabash. The worker took a stick with a hook attached and,

inserting it at the top of the calabash, pulled the two loose ends of the darning

and the ‘working’ thread out. The two ends were twined together, not knotted,

by placing them side by side on the leg of the worker and rolling them between

the palm of the hand and the leg. The loose end of the working thread (Hole B,

CM. PrerrTrrr

Fig. 6. Cape Nguni snuff-box, no locality, 1971, SAM-—10093.

8 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

on the outside of the calabash) was pulled, thereby pulling the darning thread

through Hole B. The darning thread was pulled till its loose end (Hole A) hung

out a short distance (Fig. 8(i1)). The darning and the ‘working’ thread could now

be untwined on the outside of the calabash and the process started again (Fig.

8(iii)), the darning thread being inserted into Hole C and the ‘working’ thread

into the corresponding Hole D; they were twined together, the loose end of the

working thread was pulled, thereby pulling the darning thread through Hole

D. When the end of the break had been reached, the darning thread was used to

darn across the sewing. This was repeated back and forth until a sturdy reinforce-

ment had been made (Fig. 9).

An Abelungu calabash (NASKO 35/384, Gusi location, Elliotdale, 1935)

was mended by darning sedge across strands of fibre laid along the break.

(Fig. 10).

A Mfengu calabash (Albany Museum, Grahamstown, 1950) was repaired

with ‘uluzi’ fibre (Wild Fig tree: Ficus natalensis Hochst.). The mend was

covered with a paste made from finely powdered asparagus leaves and sand

(Fig. 11).

At a Sotho location (Haga Haga, Ciskei, 1971) an awl, isilanda, was used to

make the holes through which the uw/uzi was pushed by means of a piece of wire.

The sewing went across the crack only—not in both directions. Bhaca (Sihla-

hleni, Mount Frere, 1969) repaired a calabash by stitching on a piece of calabash

with twine. Holes were made in the shell with an awl, isungulu, consisting of the

spoke of an umbrella sharpened with a stone.

USES

MILK-FLASKS

Terms: igula—a species of milk calabash so called from the noise made by fermentation in

it (Kropf 1915); igu/a—Hlubi: Sigoga, Matatiele district, 1961; Bhaca: Entlabeni, Mgungu-

Fig. 7. Calabash repair.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 9

ndlovu, Mount Frere, 1969; indhliwa—flask-shaped calabash for sour milk, Mpondo, Mbotyi,

1935; imbikata—calabash for sour milk (Cook 1931: 49, 50); ise/wa—a calabash that has been

dried and perfectly cleaned out; it is then used for holding amasi (Kropf 1915); uselwa—the

calabash, when growing (Kropf 1915); itjubuka—hlonipha word for iselwa used by circumcised

boys (Soga 1932: 210).

Xhosa

The use of milk-flasks among the Xhosa has been recorded by a number of

writers (Shaw 1829: 129; Ayliff 1855, MS. 2; Kay 1833: 122; Steedman 1835:

263; Dohne 1837: 30; Kropf 1889: 101-102; Von Winkelman 1932: 75;

Duggan-Cronin 1939: 28; Fox 1939: 73). Fox gave the most detailed description:

‘The warm milk is poured straight from the milking into a calabash already con-

taining a little amasi. A common sight at midday at the kraals, whilst milking is

proceeding, is an array of calabashes waiting in the sun to be filled. . . . If whey

separates, it is drunk as intloya especially in hot weather to quench thirst whilst

the hard curd is termed ingqaka. If the product is too sour it is mixed with fresh

milk.’

He added that calabashes should be washed out every two weeks or once a

month but not too often.

Special calabashes were used for children. For a journey the child’s calabash

was encased in a net to make it easier for the mother to carry.

The milk-flasks were sometimes stopped with a mealie-cob stopper

(Kampini, Tshabo, King William’s Town, 1969).

Hole A

Hole B DARNING

~.. < THREAD

Hole A Toe

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Fig. 8. Method of repairing crack.

10 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Thembu

Milk calabashes were stored in the hut of the head of the homestead and had

their special place opposite the door (Makalima 1945: chap. 8 para. 22).

A photograph in Kidd (1925: 59) shows an abakwetha carrying his calabash.

Big flask-shaped calabashes were seen in use among the Thembu at Qebe

Valley (Engcobo, 1969).

Bomvana

Among the Bomvana the mother, on the fifth day after giving birth to a

child, was given a separate calabash, imbikata, of sour milk which was kept in her

(Tl oe |

Fig. 9. Bomvana milk calabash, showing mend, Gusi location, Elliotdale, 1935,

NASKO 35/431.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 11

own hut. When the baby started to consume amasi it was also given an imbikata

(Cooke 1931: 49-50).

Holt (1969: 218) in 1968 did not see a milk calabash in use among the

Tshezi. ‘They spoke of it with a sigh, as only a pleasant memory.’

The Bomvana calabash (NASKO 35/431, Gusi location, Elliotdale, 1935)

whose repair was described above was used for milk. It is flask-shaped and has a

stopper. Another repaired milk calabash (NASKO 35/384, Gusi location,

Elliotdale, 1935) has a mealie-cob stopper and a twisted sedge carrying net.

Mpondo

Kidd (1925: 59) recorded that directly after milking the sweet milk was

placed in the milk sack or calabash. He maintained that the calabash was never

cleaned out, but contained a strong ferment which resulted in the immediate

clotting of the milk. The calabash had a small plug at the bottom by which the

whey was let off, the curds being the more important part. In general, calabashes

Ct 2 Sd fe Fie me Ge en Ge Ge oe ca ea

Fig. 10. Bomvana milk calabash, showing mend, Gusi location, Elliotdale,

1935, NASKO 35/384.

1 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

were used for sour milk, but he stressed the fact that sweet milk was given to

babies whereas sour milk was food for men. Hunter (1936: 157), however, stated

that sweet milk was never given to a baby except under European influence.

According to Hunter (1936: 46) the milk calabashes had their own place in

the hut. They were kept on the men’s side of the hut, but the individual cala-

bashes of grandchildren were sometimes hung on the women’s side of the hut so

that the mothers had easier access to them.

A museum specimen of a sour milk calabash, indhliwa (NASKO 35/453,

Mbotyi location), has a bark carrying net (Fig. 12). Milk calabashes were seen at

Nxukhwube, Libode, 1969. It was said that small sizes of calabashes were used

by children as they were easier to handle. It was also said that if calabashes in use

were sold the owner would be driving away the cattle. This, however, may have

been an excuse for not selling calabashes (Dikela Village, Libode, 1969).

Similar information as to the use of milk calabashes was gained at Emamho-

Iweni and Lwandile, 1969.

Mpondomise

At Tshixo, (Tsolo 1969), the large type of calabash was used for sour milk.

Cris tomlin tee

Fig. 11. Mfengu milk calabash, showing mend, ‘Aylesby’, Cape,

1950, Albany Museum.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 13

Mfengu

In 1824 the Amazizi (Mfengu), were using large wide-mouthed calabashes

as containers for cow’s milk (Ross quoted in Long 1947: 212). There are speci-

mens at the South African Museum (SAM-10026 (Fig. 13) and 10027 (Fig. 14),

Sotho location, Haga Haga, 1971); and at the Albany Museum (no number,

‘Aylesby’, Cape, 1950).

Bhaca

Hammond-Tooke (1962: 116) recorded that one of the milk taboos of the

Bhaca prohibited ritually impure people from touching the milk calabashes.

Even if a calabash of sour milk was full and fermented so that the milk over-

flowed, the specific person could not do anything about it but had to call some

CATT ttt 4

Fig. 12. Mpondo milk calabash, Mbotyi location, Pondoland, 1935, NASKO

35/453.

14 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

other resident of the homestead to help him. This applied, for example, to

women subject to A/onipha rules, menstruating women, diviners or boys going

through initiation or puberty rites.

A Bhaca milk-flask (SAM—9625, 1969) was obtained at Entlabeni, Mount

Frere (Fig. 15).

Hlubi, Xesibe

No information on the use of milk calabashes by the Hlubi or Xesibe was

obtained in the literature, museum collections or field.

WATER AND BEER FLASKS

Terms: isigubu—a bowl out of which beer is drunk; ise/wa—(Kropf 1915).

Xhosa

There are various brief references in the literature to the use of calabashes

to store water and beer, and the dictionary reference to a drinking-vessel (Kropf

1889: 99; Holden 1963: 226; Elliott 1970: 55).

CM: fine,

Fig. 13. Mfengu milk calabash, Sotho location, Haga Haga,

Ciskei, 1971, SAM-—10026

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES i)

No museum specimens were seen nor was any information obtained in the

field.

Mpondo

Water and beer calabashes were observed in use among the Mpondo at

Nxukhwube, Libode, 1969.

No information was obtained in the literature nor in museum collections.

Thembu, Bomyana, Mpondomise, Mfengu, Hlubi, Bhaca, Xesibe

No information was obtained in the literature, museum collections nor in

Ci alicctonlactaclontantcnt

Fig. 14. Mfengu milk calabash, Sotho location, Haga Haga, Ciskei, 1971, SAM-—10027,

16 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

the field concerning the use of water and beer calabashes among the other Cape

Neguni tribes.

COSMETIC FLASKS

Terms: (a) ihlala—a pot or small vessel for keeping any fatty substance for anointing the

head or person. (5) The fruit of the umhlala; (umhlala—the Kaffir Orange, Strychnos spinosa

Lam.) (Kropf 1915).

A calabash cosmetic flask was frequently used as a churn to produce the fat

that was afterwards kept in it.

Xhosa

The butter that the abakhwetha used to smear on their bodies after their

seclusion was made by skimming the cream off the milk and shaking it in a

calabash (De Lange 1963: 89). The calabash in which it was stored was thus used

as both a churn and a cosmetic flask.

CM) feateataal ate ett

Fig. 15. Bhaca milk calabash, Entlabeni, Mount Frere, 1969,

SAM-9625.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 17

Thembu

Thembu informants stated that fat for smearing on the body was preserved

in calabashes which kept it fresh and sweet smelling (Qebe Valley, Engcobo,

1969).

No other information was found in the literature or museums.

Mpondo

According to both Poto Ndamase (1927: 123) and Hunter (1936: 223) a

calabash was used as a churn to make butter for cosmetic purposes.

The Mpondo (Nxukhwube, Libode, 1969) stated that small gourds were

used to store fat. Pork fat was smeared on their hair but was used also for soften-

ing sheepskins for blankets worn as cloaks.

Mpondomise

Among the Mpondomise the fruit of the Kafhir Orange was used to make

cosmetic containers (Tsolo, 1969).

Bomvana, Mfengu, Hlubi, Xesibe, Bhaca

No further information was found in the literature, museums or field con-

cerning the use of cosmetic flasks among the Cape Nguni.

MEDICINE FLASKS

Thembu

Among the Thembu (Qebe Valley, Engcobo, 1969) diviners and herbalists

used small calabashes to keep their medicines in.

Bomyana

According to Holt (1969: 321, 322), persons intending to do harm carried

about little calabashes with medicine and they blew them in the direction of

those they wished to harm. A herbalist was then engaged to counteract this by

blowing some medicine out of his calabash toward the affected person. Holt saw

an apprentice herbalist wearing two beautifully bead-covered calabashes over his

‘western’ clothes.

Mpondo

Miller (1907: 769) stated that before divining, the diviner placed the

divining bones in a calabash, shook the container and then emptied the bones

on the ground. The divination was made according to the way they fell.

A Mpondo hunter’s charm in the Hamilton-Welsh collection (HW 84, 1935)

consists of a black gourd containing charms. This particular specimen is said to

have been owned by a man born in 1856 who had found it in the thatch of an old

hut in Pondoland.

From information obtained from a storekeeper at Qokama Store, Ngqeleni,

1969, it seemed that because the small calabashes were scarce in the district they

were mainly used by diviners, probably to hold medicines or snuff

18 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Mpondomise

A Mpondomise diviner seen at Tshixo (Tsolo, 1969), wore a bandolier with

a beaded calabash in which he kept snuff or medicine.

A similar type of bandolier was also worn by young men at their dance

intlombe (Tshixo, Tsolo, 1969).

Xesibe

Among the Xesibe (Sigidini location, Mount Ayliff, 1969) a bead-covered

calabash containing medicine was seen.

Xhosa, Mfengu, Hlubi, Bhaca

No information was obtained concerning the use of calabashes for medicine

flasks among the Xhosa, Mfengu, Bhaca and Hlubi.

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

1. Musical bow

Terms: igubu—‘A dried calabash, prepared for use as a musical instrument, connected by

a bow to a single string, which is beaten and resounds in the calabash with a sound like gubu

gubu...’ (Kropf 1915); uhadi—musical bow with calabash resonator (igubu). Compare with

the word umhadi, meaning ‘a deep pit’ (Kirby 1934: 197).

Xhosa

Among the Xhosa a gourd or fruit-shell prepared in the same way as

described above was used generally for the resonator (igubu) of the musical bow.

The instrument consisted of a wooden stave which was retained in position by a

string of either sinew, horse’s tail hair or wire. The calabash was attached to the

stave at the middle (Plant 1931: 97) or near the lower end (Kirby 1934: 198). A

pad of cloth or bark acted as an insulator to prevent friction between the cala-

bash and the bow. Kirby (1934: 198, 201) mentioned that the Xhosa, Thembu

and Mpondo all used a form of musical bow but he did not describe the instru-

ments. A Xhosa musical bow in the South Africna Museum collection (SAM-—

9425, Tshabo location, King William’s Town, 1968) has a cloth pad between the

bow and the resonator which is attached by a string through two holes in its

base (Fig. 16).

Thembu

A Thembu specimen (SAM-6933, Transkei, 1948) has a sinew knotted

through a single hole in the base of the calabash to tie it to the bow-stave. A

grass ring cushions the calabash against the stave.

Mpondo

A Mpondo musical bow (SAM-6681, Lusikisiki, 1948 (Fig. 17)) has a cala-

bash resonator which is cut off half-way down. This specimen has no cushion or

cloth pad. A loop of sinew ties the resonator to the bow. A second specimen of a

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 19

cM err

Fig. 16. Xhosa musical bow, Tshabo location, King William’s Town, 1968, SAM-9425.

cM TTT)

Fig. 17. Mpondo musical bow, Lusikisiki, 1948, SAM-—6681.

Mpondo bow (UCT 23/168) has the calabash resonator cut off at the base of the

neck, and a pad of ochred cloth is packed between the resonator and the stave.

A two-ply sinew thread passes through two holes in the calabash and secures it

to the bow. Musical bows with calabash resonators are still seen today.

2. Drum

Xhosa

Moodie (1835: 250-251) recorded the use of the calabash as a drum among

the Xhosa. It was played in the Fish River area in the 1820s. It was used as an

accompaniment to the singing and clapping of the women and the dancing of the

men, but he gave no description of the drum.

Kirby (1934: 19) stated tiiat it was probably borrowed by the Xhosa from

the Hottentots ‘for such a drum is quite unknown among them [the Xhosa], and

is radically different from the percussion instruments used by them in their

ceremonies’.

No specimens were found in museums nor seen in the field.

20 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

3. Rattle

Terms: imiguza—gourd rattles which were worn around the waist (Kirby 1934: 7).

Xhosa

According to Kirby the principal variety of rattle consisted of a number of

dry gourds which were fastened round the waist of the dancer and rattled as he

moved.

No specimens were seen in museum collections, nor in the field.

4. Fipple

Terms: impempe—a toy whistle . . .; it produces a sound like that made by blowing into

the barrel of a key (Kropf 1915).

Xhosa

A piece of calabash was used as a fipple in a whistle, impempe. According to

Kirby (1934: 89, 90) this was in direct imitation of the fipple whistles regularly

sold by traders. According to Plant (1931: 97) the fipple, made of a piece of

calabash or the dry rind of a pumpkin, was shaped like a half moon and fixed in

the reed.

Thembu

There is one specimen in the South African Museum collection: a Thembu

whistle, impempe, closed at one end with a round of calabash. The short length

of the mouthpiece consists of a half-circle of calabash (SAM-9583, Qebe Valley,

Engcobo, 1964).

PENIS-SHEATHS

Terms: inxiba—the penis-cap (Kropf 1915) (Mpondo, Lusikisiki, 1948); iphaca—penis-

sheath (Hunter 1936: 101); ichaga—penis-sheath (Holt 1969: 194); ighagcu—penis-sheath (EL

Eth. 5296, Bomvana, Mtonyana, Hole-in-the-Wall, 1969).

General

The usual dress of a man was a cloak and a penis-sheath. No one, young or

old, was supposed to leave the homestead unless the penis was covered. Amongst

the materials used were small calabashes and Hamilton-Welsh (Louw 1964: 63)

stated that they usually measured about 5 x 3,8 cm, but for use in fights larger

ones approximately 5 x 6,4 cm were worn.

According to Hamilton-Welsh men and boys did not part with their cala-

bash penis-sheaths unless they were sure of getting another one, because droughts

and bad seasons could destroy a whole crop and gourds were thus difficult to

obtain.

Xhosa

The small round calabashes used as penis-sheaths might be decorated with

incised or painted patterns or covered with beads (Fritsch 1872: 58-59).

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 7

Specimens in the Hamilton-Welsh collection obtained in the Cala district

(1930) and Queenstown (no date) respectively were decorated with chains and

bells (HW 769, HW 771). The latter specimen was said to have been worn when

taking part in a tribal fight.

Thembu

There is no reference in the literature to the Thembu use of penis-sheaths

nor were museum specimens seen, but informants (African Explosives, 1955)

stated that only boys wore small calabashes as penis-sheaths.

Bomvyana

Calabash penis-sheaths, amaghaga, were worn mainly by younger men. To

prepare the sheath the gourd was allowed to dry out and the inside scooped out

(Holt 1969: 194).

A number of specimens were seen in museums: EL 5355, 5360 (Elliotdale,

1969); EL 5296, 5297 (Mtonyana, Hole-in-the-Wall, 1969); and HW 766

(Elliotdale, 1927). One of them (EL 5297) had been decorated by scraping the

skin of the gourd in stripes to give different colourings.

Mpondo

The Mpondo used to wear decorated calabash penis-sheaths (Backhouse

1844: 263) or plain round, calabash-like fruits of the wmkhangazi tree (Gardenia

thunbergia L.F.) or of the umugube tree (Rothmannia globosa Keay). By 1948 in

the Lusikisiki district they were being worn only by old men (Shaw & Van

Warmelo 1972 MS.). The informant had never heard of anyone making them for

sale.

Mpondomise

No information was obtained concerning the use of penis-sheaths among

the Mpondomise.

Mfengu

A calabash penis-sheath with a painted design and a chain and bell attached

to its lower end is in the East London Museum. (EL 283, East London, 1928).

Bhaca

Hammond-Tooke (1958: 17) stated that among the Mount Frere Bhaca,

especially the older generation, a penis-sheath was worn even under European-

type trousers, for without it ‘it is as if you are naked’. It was sometimes made

from the hollow fruit of the umthombothi tree (Spirostachys africanus Sond.).

Hlubi, Xesibe

No information was obtained from any source.

Dy ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

RITUAL OBJECTS

Xhosa

The use of ‘talking’ calabashes among the Xhosa diviners was recorded by

Smith (1824: 92) and by Ayliff (1832: 753-754). Water was poured in through a

hole at the base of the calabash in which several other holes had been made and

the calabash was then hung up in the house while the diviner danced. He then

took the calabash in his hand, turned it over and called the names of the people

present. When he said the name of the person who had ‘bewitched’ the patient

it was claimed that the water would gush out. Neither author comments on the

manner of hanging up the calabash so that water does not run out during the

dancing.

De Jager & Gitywa (1963: 112-114) described the initiation of a diviner, the

umhlwayelelo ceremony, in which the calabash formed part of the offerings to

‘river people’.

The diviner prepared two dry calabashes with the help of the initiate. The

calabashes were cut open at the neck with a knife and the contents emptied and

kept, as these formed part of the offering to the ‘river people’ at a later stage in

the ceremony. The initiate gathered a few strands of a sedge (Cyperus textilis

Thunb.) from which handles and a carrying-net were made for the two cala-

bashes, amaselwa. When this had been done the master diviner sent the initiate

to fetch from the main hut the offerings, which consisted of two small strings of

white beads, pumpkin and calabash seed (eight of each kind), sorghum grain (the

white variety), ‘three-pence worth of Xhosa tobacco’ and a box of matches.

These were all put into one of the calabash containers. The other calabash was

filled with a sample of beer. During the ceremony at the riverside the contents of

both the calabashes were offered; then the beer calabash was ‘allowed to float

half full in the water’ and finally the other calabash was thrown into the river.

Mpondo

Hunter (1936: 46, 95) recorded that when a Mpondo hunting party set out,

a girl, who had not yet reached puberty, sat at the kraal gate of each homestead

from which men had gone out to hunt. She shook a calabash filled with lucky

beans (Kirstenbosch: Erythrina spp.) kept for this purpose. Several other rites

were also performed, all to ensure ‘that the game might be soft’, i.e. be easy to

kill. Hunter stated further that it was customary among the Mpondo to empty

milk out of all except the children’s calabashes after the death of a member of

the owner’s own or related clan.

Thembu, Bomvana, Mpondomise, Mfengu, Hlubi, Bhaca, Xesibe

No information was recorded in the literature or in the field regarding the

use of the calabash for ritual purposes among these tribes.

SNUFF-BOXES

Terms : igaga—‘any small box or case which is carried on the person; hence a snuffbox . . .”

(Kropf 1915); idlelo—calabash snuff-box (Mpondomise, Tshixo, Tsolo, 1969).

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 23

Snuff-taking was a favourite pastime among the Cape Nguni. Snuff-boxes

were made from gourds or fruit-shells. Louw (1964: 28) mentioned that the

earlier snuff-boxes were small gourds, but through droughts the seed of the small

gourds became very rare and the larger type was used. These, however, were not

easy to carry, especially when they were decorated with beads. The fruit of the

umhlala tree (Strychnos spinosa Lam.) and the fruit of the Kaffir Klapper or

Native Dog Rose (Oncoba spinosa Forsk.), known as the umthongwane, were

used as containers for snuff.

Xhosa

A number of writers mentioned that the calabashes used as snuff-boxes were

small and decorated with beads (Moodie 1835: 260; Fleming 1856: 112; Lucas

1861: 6; Fritsch 1872: 68; Kropf 1889: 103). Kretzschmar (1853: 240) recorded

them as being 2-3 *Zoll’ (inches) in height and decorated with delicate carvings.

Gourds of different sizes were used, however. Some were beaded or some were

highly polished: HW 427 (Bashee 1950), HW 432 (King William’s Town, 1880),

HW 429 (Idutywa 1893) and HW 472 (Idutywa 1880). The two former belonged

to chiefs and were kept for offering snuff to visitors.

Thembu

No information was found in the literature concerning the use of calabashes

as snuff-boxes among the Thembu.

Several Thembu examples were seen in museums however: NASKO 35/838

(Gusi location, Elliotdale, 1935) (Fig. 18); SAM-—4981 (Cala district, 1933) (see

Fig. 5). Some are beaded (HW 437, Cofimvaba, 1934) and some plain and

polished (HW 457, Umtata, 1916).

Ce. RR Tt

Fig. 18. Thembu snuff-box, Gusi location, Elliotdale, 1935, NASKO 35/838.

24 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Bomvana

No information was obtained in the literature, museum collections or in the

field concerning the use of snuff-boxes among the Bomvana.

Mpondo

Kidd (1925: 55) referred to the use of gourds as containers for snuff among

the Mpondo. A number of museum specimens were seen; in each case they were

covered with beads: Kaffrarian Museum 441b (Mpondoland, no date); NASKO

61/12 (Umtata, 1960) (Fig. 19); HW 430 (Lusikisiki, 1897); HW 450 (Bizana,

1912); HW 462 (Flagstaff, 1920); HW 465 (Libode, 1913); Durban 777 (Transkei,

1913) (Fig. 20). One snuff-box in the Durban Museum (Transkei, no number,

1913) was, however, decorated with three branded black lines following the

shape of the calabash from the top to the bottom.

Calabash snuff-boxes were seen still in use at Libode and Nggqeleni (1969).

Mpondomise

No references were found in the literature concerning the use of calabash

snuff-boxes.

SAM-—5624 (Tsolo, 1936) and SAM-—5632 (Tsolo, 1936) (Fig. 21) are two

snuff-boxes, the former covered with beads and the latter undecorated. In the

Pitt-Rivers Museum, Oxford, four flask-shaped gourds were seen, used for snuff

containers. One was engraved and branded, one was covered with beads. The

Fig. 19. Mpondo snuff-box, Umtata, 1960, NASKO 61/12.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES DS

other two were globular and decorated with an engraved design (Pitt-Rivers,

VII: 92, 1923). Informants at Tsolo (1969) stated that calabashes were still used

for snuff-boxes.

Mfengu

No information was found in the literature concerning the use of calabash

snuff-boxes but there are several museum specimens: HW 432 (King William’s

Town, 1880); HW 435 (Ciskei, 1910); HW 455 (Ciskei, 1889); HW 461 (Ciskei,

1910). All these specimens are covered with beadwork.

Bhaca

No information was obtained in the literature concerning the use of cala-

bash snuff-boxes among the Bhaca.

cm rrr

Fig. 20. Mpondo snuff-box, Transkei,

1913, Durban 777.

COA Gta emt amt)

Fig. 21. Mpondomise snuff-box, Tsolo, 1936, SAM—5632

26 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

One gourd, covered with beadwork, is in the Hamilton-Welsh collection

(HW 438, Mount Ayliff, 1912).

At Entlabeni, Mount Frere (1969), informants stated that some people still

used small calabashes as snuff-boxes.

Hlubi, Xesibe

No information was obtained from the literature, museum collections or in

the field on the use of calabash snuff-boxes among these tribes.

SCOOPS, SPOONS AND LADLES

Terms: igoko (isigoko)—. . . calabash with a handle used for drinking Kaffir-beer (Kropf

1915); indebe —a calabash ladle (Kropf 1915); inkezo—calabash ladle (Hlubi, Sigoga, Matatiele

district, 1961); uwmcepe—half a calabash, used as a ladle for drawing water or milk or taking

out food, especially beer (Kropf 1915); wmcephe—small calabash scoop for drinking water and

beer, large one used for amasi (Hlubi and Xhosa, Sigoga, Matatiele district, 1961); utiniko—

calabash scoop (Mpondo, UCT 32/38, Flagstaff, 1932).

Scoops, spoons and ladles are grouped under one heading because their use

is similar. Both scoops and ladles were extensively used as household utensils for

baling water, beer or milk into containers and were also used as spoons for

eating and drinking. The Mpondomise (Tsolo, 1969) said that if one ate out of

a scoop it showed that one was in a hurry.

Xhosa

The scoop itself was made from the body of the calabash, and the neck

formed the handle (Ayliff 1855 MS.2; Shaw 1860: 369; Fritsch 1872: 73) (Fig.

22). A calabash spoon was used for eating corn (Kropf 1889: 101), to bale water

or to take beer from a tin or served as an eating utensil for boys (EL Eth. 5461,

Tshabo location, 1969; HW 2542, Umtata, 1917; and HW 2586, Zimbane, 1918).

No field information was obtained concerning the use of these utensils.

Fig. 22. A. Scoop. B. Ladle.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES Dali

Thembu

Calabash ladles were used as drinking-vessels (Kidd, 1925: pls 30-31; Qebe

Valley, Engcobo, 1969).

Bomyana

The Bomvana used ‘umcepe’, a little ladle made by cutting a small calabash

down the middle (Cook 1931: 57).

Initiates used calabash scoops when eating the iinkobe maize (Holt 1969:

104, 105). A scoop (EL 4900, Mtonjane, Hole-in-the-Wall, 1967), was made

from a calabash cut in half lengthwise.

Mpondo

Calabash spoons and ladles formed part of the household utensils (Hunter

1936: pl. 8b; UCT 23/166, Pondoland (Fig. 23); UCT 32/38, Flagstaff, Pondo-

land (Fig. 24)). Informants (near Lwandile, Ngqeleni, 1939) used them for

boiled mealies, water and beer. At Dikela Village, Libode (1969), they were used

for water, beer and for small helpings of food taken when in a hurry.

Mpondomise

No information was found in the literature concerning the use of scoops,

spoons and ladles, nor were any museum specimens seen. Mpondomise infor-

mants at Tshixo, Tsolo (1969), mentioned that for scoops, umcephe, the long-

necked type of calabash was preferred.

on eee

Fig. 23. Mpondo scoop, Pondoland, 1923, UCT 23/166.

28 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

on. eer

Fig. 24. Mpondo scoop, Holy Cross, Flagstaff, 1932, UCT 32/38.

Bhaca

No information on scoops, spoons or ladles was found in the literature nor

were any museum specimens seen.

Bhaca informants at Mpoza, Mount Frere (1969), mentioned the use of

calabash scoops for water.

Mfengu, Hlubi, Xesibe

No information was found either in the literature or museums concerning

the use of scoops by these tribes. No information was found in the field regarding

the Mfengu and Xesibe but at Sigoga, Matatiele district (1961), Hlubi informants

confirmed the use of calabash ladles, inkezo, and scoops, imicephe.

MISCELLANEOUS

1. Basin

Thembu

The use of a calabash vessel as a basin was found among the Thembu,

Engcobo, 1969. When a Thembu woman had given birth to a baby, she used a

calabash basin to wash the baby and herself. This basin was destroyed when they

came out of seclusion.

Bomvana

Similar information was recorded by Holt (1969: 79) among the Bomvana.

According to his observations, the large calabash basin was mainly used to wash

newly-born twins. The large calabash, ise/wa, was filled with warm water. This

calabash was, however, preserved even after the twins had grown up, as they

would return from time to time to wash themselves ritually.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 29

2. Cupping instrument

Xhosa

The instrument used for cupping was generally a horn (see Davison 1976).

Two cases were recorded, however, where a calabash was used. Soga (1932: 178)

described the method of cupping with a calabash, ‘from two to three inches in

diameter . . . the bottom being cut out, and part of the neck cut across, to which

the mouth is applied for the purpose of suction’.

Informants, in 1955, confirmed the use of a calabash for cupping purposes

(Shaw & Van Warmelo 1972 MS.).

3. Lamp

Xhosa

The use of a calabash lamp was mentioned by Whiteside (1906: 256)—a

small lamp, ‘consisting of a saucer or shallow calabash of melted fat with a wick

or twisted rag’.

No further information was found in the literature. museums, or in the field,

regarding the use of such lamps by other tribes.

4. Ornaments

Thembu

In the Qebe Valley, Engcobo (1969), small calabashes are grown. Some of

them are beaded and used as ornaments.

Mpondomise

Calabashes are decorated for use as ornaments (Mjika, Tsolo, 1969).

5. Water vessel for pipe

Mpondo

An animal horn was usually used as the water vessel of dagga-pipes. How-

ever, the East London Museum has a calabash that was used for this purpose by

Mpondo (EL 2042).

6. Scrapers

Mpondo

A Mpondo potmaker at Emamholweni, near Lwandile, Ngqeleni, 1969,

confirmed the use of a hard piece of calabash rind as a scraper when making

pots. The edge of the pot was also smoothed and shaped with the piece of cala-

bash.

30 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

7. Traps

Mfengu

Monkey traps were also made from calabashes (Makalima (1945: chap. 9

para. 14)). Grain was placed inside the calabash, which was fastened to the

ground. The hole in the top was only wide enough for the monkey to put in its

outstretched paw to get at the grain. It was too small for the monkey to withdraw

its clenched fist and it was thus caught.

SUMMARY

Certain gourds, indigenous to southern Africa, were planted by the southern

Nguni in spring and harvested in autumn. They were mostly grown domestically,

but not all soil was suitable for all sorts of gourds. The gourd was picked while

still green and preparing the calabash for use entailed softening and scraping out

the flesh of the fruit after the shell had been left to dry out.

There were four ways of decorating a calabash: by branding, engraving,

covering with beads or, more recently, painting.

Repairing the calabash could be done by sewing together the edges of the

crack with a twisted fibre cord and generally covering the mend with paste.

Another way was to patch the hole with a piece of gourd, sewing the patch to the

calabash. This was done with a two-ply fibre. Short-necked, pear-shaped cala-

bashes were made into flasks for holding sour milk, water or beer. They were

generally large flasks with holes in the tops which had pieces of maize-cob as

stoppers. Sour milk formed an important part of the staple diet of the Cape

Nguni peoples. Kidd stated that sweet milk was not as palatable to them as sour

milk. Although Kay mentioned that milk which was kept in calabashes con-

tracted a peculiar taste, Fox recorded that the milk which was kept in a calabash

was preferred to that kept in a ‘stone’ jar. It took quite a time for a milk calabash

to become ‘seasoned’, thereafter it could be used for years.

The smaller calabashes and fruit-shells were made into containers for fat

and ochre used for cosmetic purposes, snuff-boxes, penis-sheaths and rattles.

Medicine flasks made from gourds were relatively scarce but the small snuff-box

type of calabash was used by diviners and herbalists as a medicine flask. Medium-

sized calabashes were used as resonators for musical bows. Two records referred

to calabashes being made into drums but this is no longer known. Plant men-

tioned the use made of the dry crust of a pumpkin or a piece of calabash shaped

like a half moon as a fipple in a whistle.

Scoops, spoons and ladles were generally made from the long-necked type

of gourd cut in half. The neck was used as a handle.

The calabash was primarily used as a container and utensil, but a few

references mention its use for a trap, a lamp or a water-vessel for a pipe.

The calabash by virtue of its shape, durability and varying size and the ease

with which it could be converted into a container or utensil was an extremely

useful commodity to the Cape Nguni.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 3]

NATAL NGUNI

In the discussion on the cultivation, preparation, and repair of calabashes

the different techniques have been taken as the primary dividing factor and not

the areas defined in the introduction, but the field references of the different

tribes are clearly stated.

CULTIVATION

Delagorgue (1847: 2: 240) and Fynn (1950: 306) recorded the cultivation of

gourds among the Zulu and Fynn stated that they ‘while young and tender form

a principal part of their diet. When they become hard they are scooped out and

used for beer, milk and water vessels.’

Zulu informants at Sanabe area, Nongoma (1970), said that when the

calabash was growing a forked stick was often placed to hold it up so that it

would grow straight.

Bomvyu informants (Msinga area) at Tugela Ferry (1969) said seeds were

planted in spring (i.e. October) and the gourds harvested in April or May.

Similar information was obtained from Zulu informants at Jikaza area, Mahla-

batini (1970), and at Stranger’s Rest Trust Farm, Babanango Reserve (1971).

Negwane in the Bergville area stated that if their own crop was not good, they

bought the gourds from elsewhere and prepared them themselves.

PREPARATION

According to Bryant (1949: 316) and Fynn (1950: 306) the gourd was left

to mature and after the dried internal pulp had been removed the ‘smooth

woody shell sometimes a foot in diameter provided the people with light and cool

milk (igu/a) and water (isiguba) vessels’.

From information obtained in the field, four methods of preparing the

calabash were found to be used:

1. A hole was cut or burnt in the top of the dried gourd. Boiling water and

pebbles were poured into the gourd, which was then shaken and the inside

emptied out (Bomvu, Tugela Ferry, 1969), or it was left to dry after cutting the

hole and then only were the seeds and contents taken out (Zulu, Nongoma, 1970).

2. A widespread technique of preparing the calabash was by boiling the

fruit, after the top had been cut off, to strengthen it. Ngwane informants at

Mnweni location, Bergville (1969), stated that the boiling lasted for approxi-

mately five hours, but according to Zulu informants at Nqutu (1969) the boiling

time was ‘a short while’ only.

After the boiling, the calabash was removed from the water, stones put

inside and the gourd swilled out (Zulu, Nqutu, 1969; Ngwane, Bergville, 1969).

Another variation was that, after boiling, the gourd was left until the inside

rotted and came away from the sides. It was then emptied by shaking the contents

out of the hole and further cleaned by swirling small stones inside (Zulu,

3) ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Stranger’s Rest Trust Farm, Babanango Reserve, 1969); or the inside was

scooped out when it had become soft after boiling, or the boiled gourd was left

to get cold, and the inside was then removed with a stick (Ngwane, Bergville,

1969).

3. Another technique was to cut or burn a hole in the top. Then cold water

was poured in and the inside was left to rot away. After a week the inside was

scooped out or shaken with pebbles to loosen the flesh (Ngwane, Mnweni loca-

tion, 1969; Zulu, Chief Molife’s place, Nqutu, 1969; Zulu, Oviceni area, Mel-

moth, 1970).

4. Zulu informants at Kwa Mlamula, Tshongwe (1970), stated that the

calabash was picked when whitish and left until nearly dry. Then a hole was cut

in the top and a stick used to loosen the seeds inside. Sometimes hot water was

added to help loosen the flesh.

The hole at the top was cut with a knife or burnt with a hot iron at a point

vertical from the base, either before boiling (Bomvu, Tugela Ferry, 1969) or

afterwards (Zulu, Nqutu, 1969; Khuze, Makhuzeni, Bulwer, 1969). For milk-

flasks a hole was cut in the bottom and a piece of calabash shell was used as a

stopper (Bomvu, Tugela Ferry, 1969; Zulu, Nqutu, 1969; Khuze, Makhuzeni,

Bulwer, 1969).

The top hole may be closed with a stopper, isivimbo, made from an aloe,

ibudle.

The preparation of calabash scoops was very much the same as the methods

described above, except that when making a scoop or ladle the calabash was cut

in half after cleaning it. A saw is used nowadays to cut it, as was recorded among

the Ngwane, Upper Tugela, Bergville, 1969.

DECORATION

Natal Nguni tribes applied several techniques of decorating the calabashes:

engraving, branding, covering the gourd with beadwork or with brass and copper

wire (Isaacs (1935: 24), Mayr (1906: 468), Grossert (1968: 183)).

1. An example of the first type of decoration is SAM-—3322 (Fig. 25). This is

a small calabash possibly used as a snuff-box which was decorated with a design

of houses, horses and carriages, men, soldiers and a wagon. The engraving

appears to have been done with a sharp point before the gourd shell was dry. It

was said to have belonged to Dingaan and to have been decorated by a craftsman

who had been to Cape Town. This is obviously an individual specimen and no

others like it were seen.

2. Field informants described the technique of decoration by branding with

a hot iron, but no examples were seen (Zizi, Bergville, 1969; Zulu, Sanabe area,

Nongoma, 1970).

3. Beadwork was frequently used for decorating snuff-boxes (DC 1201,

Zululand, no date) (Fig. 26), and many museum specimens were seen. A beer-

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES

CNerTrr

Fig. 25. Zulu snuff-box, said to have

belonged to Dingaan, SAM-3322.

CMerTr 4

Fig. 26. Zulu snuff-box, Zululand, no date, DC 1201.

34 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

On eer

Fig. 27. Zulu beer- or water-calabash, no locality, 1964, DC 1105.

or water-flask was seen decorated with a beadwork collar and a beadwork

stopper (DC 1105, no locality, 1964) (Fig. 27).

Field information obtained from Zulu (Stranger’s Rest Trust Farm,

Babanango Reserve, 1971) was that water calabashes were generally ornamented

with beads. According to information obtained from Zulu at Mbuzeni, Nqutu

(1969), an igula or milk calabash was never decorated. No reason was given for

this. Beer and water calabashes were, however, decorated. At Mbuzeni, Nqutu

(1969), a beer calabash with a bead collar around the neck was seen (Fig. 28).

Chief Bungane Miya (Zizi, Ebusingata, Bergville, 1969) stated that a gourd, be it

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 35

beaded or branded, could also be worn as an ornament on a belt or on a necklet

—‘swanking in a Zulu way’. This may have applied to a snuff-box.

4. The fourth technique was to use wire-work, which was a popular method

of decorating snuff-boxes and medicine flasks. Both ends of short lengths of wire,

cut a bit longer than required on the outside, were pushed through the rind of the

calabash at right angles. There is no record of how this was done, but because

the wire fits tightly in the rind it is possible that it may have been heated or may

have been put in when the calabash was still green (Fig. 29). A good example of

this decoration using copper wire is a South African Museum specimen (SAM-—

7500, Natal, 1956) (Fig. 30). The calabash was highly polished with an intricate

design of flowers on the lower bowl.

Further specimens were seen: on a snuff-box (SAM-8293, Natal, 1960) (Fig.

31), a snuff-box (SAM-8394, Eshowe, 1961) (Fig. 32), a container for holding

scent (NM 709, no locality, 1906), a fat container (NM 1027, Zululand, 1909),

and a snuff-box (NM 384, no locality or date) (Fig. 33).

REPAIR

Fynn (1950: 306) recorded that the calabashes were usually stitched with

thread when they were broken. No actual mends have been seen.

At Mbuzeni, Nqutu (1969), a milk calabash was seen which had a hole in

the base which had been stopped with cork. At Makhuzeni (Khuzi), Bulwer

(1969) calabashes were smeared with mud, a precaution taken to prevent them

from breaking easily.

Fig. 28. Zulu beer calabash, Mbuzeni, Nqutu, 1969.

ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

TIL LLL

TILL CLLLLZDA Zagzp

V py

Fig. 29. Wire-work decoration.

omrtTrrt

Fig. 30. Zulu snuff-box, Natal, 1956, SAM-—7500.

cM Trrs

Fig. 31. Zulu snuff-box, Natal, 1960, SAM-8293.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES Bi

cm frirsrt

Fig. 32. Zulu snuff-box, Eshowe, 1961, SAM-8394,

4 eT

Fig. 33. Zulu snuff-box, no locality,

no date, NAS 384.

USES

MILK-FLASKS

Terms: igula—calabash milk vessel, usually used for sour milk (Doke & Vilakazi 1964);

igula—prepared calabash, Bomyu, Ngulubeni, Tugela Ferry, 1969; ‘ityalo’—milk-flask

(Aitchison 1917: 8); umungé—‘an extra hole . . . at the bottom [of the calabash] (for draining

off the whey . . .)’ (Bryant 1949); umungwe—small hole at the bottom of a calabash to let out

the whey (Doke & Vilakazi 1964); isivimbo—stopper, plug, cork (Doke & Vilakazi 1964).

Zululand

The use of the calabash as a container for sour milk was recorded in the

literature by a number of writers (Grout 1862: 102; Tyler 1891: 43, 44; Mayr

1906: 465; Miiller 1912-13: 858, fig. 7; Aitchison 1917: 8; Bryant 1949: 198;

Fynn 1950: 108; Krige 1950: 55, 314; Bleek 1965: 38; Schlosser 1972: 267, 290).

The calabash is described as having a ‘hole, one or two inches across, at the top’.

The milk calabashes have an additional hole at the bottom for drawing off the

38 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

whey. The whey could also be sucked out through a reed, instead of letting it run

out by means of a hole at the bottom. Small calabashes, isigubu, were also used,

mainly to keep sour milk for babies.

According to Krige (1950: 314) a diviner going through initiation was not

allowed to drink milk and therefore could not touch a calabash which had over-

flowed due to excessive fermentation.

No museum specimens were seen but many milk calabashes were seen in the

field: Mbuzeni, Nqutu (1969); Jakaza area, Mahlabatini (1970); Oviceni area,

Melmoth (1970); Stranger’s Rest Trust Farm, Babanango Reserve (1971) (Fig.

34); Biyela, Nkandla district (1971).

Msinga area

No references were found in the literature and no museum specimens were

seen but milk calabashes were seen in use among Bomvu at Ngulubeni, Tugela

Ferry (1969).

Fig. 34. Milk calabash, Stranger’s Rest Trust Farm, Babanango

Reserve, 1971.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 39

Drakensberg area

No references were found in the literature and no museum specimens were

seen but milk calabashes were seen in use among the Ngwane at Upper Tugela,

Bergville (1969).

Southern Natal

Miiller (1912-13, pl. 7, 858) figured and described a calabash vessel for milk,

presumably from the Marianhill area, and according to him termed, like water

and beer calabashes, igobongo. It has a grass stopper attached to a ring of grass

round the neck.

No museum specimens of milk calabashes from this area were seen, but

Khuzi informants (Bulwer, 1969) confirmed their use.

WATER AND BEER FLASKS

Terms: ighaga—calabash with the head cut off; large calabash for carrying beer (Doke &

Vilakazi 1964): igaga, igobongo, isixapha—wide-mouthed calabash for water, beer or milk,

holding from 8 to 20 litres (Krige 1950); isixhapha—species of calabash (Doke & Vilakazi

1964); igobongo—wide-mouthed calabash for water or beer (Doke & Vilakazi 1964); igobongo

—calabash holding 8-20 litres of water or beer (Miiller 1912-13: 858); igdbongo—water and

beer calabash ‘9 or 10 inches wide by a foot in height’ (Bryant 1949: 198); igobongo—large

beer or water calabash (Zulu, Jikaza area, Mahlabatini, 1970); ibanga—beer calabash with

broad mouth (Doke & Vilakazi 1964); ibanga—large beer calabash, with broad mouth .. .

(Krige 1950: 397); uhengezi—broad-mouthed calabash (Doke & Vilakazi 1964); isihenge—

small broad-mouthed calabash, used for beer (Doke & Vilakazi 1964); isigubu—gourd or

calabash emptied of its pulp and used as a water or beer vessel (Krige 1950: 397); isigubu—

small kind of calabash ‘mostly used by children when fetching water, or for serving drinking-

water to the thirsty .. .” (Bryant 1949: 198).

Zululand

Calabashes are much used for beer and water in Zulu households (Anony-

mous 1859: 44; Anonymous 1873: 20; Tyler 1891: 43; Mayr 1906: 465; Miiller

1912-13: 854, 858; Kidd 1925: 326-327; Duggan-Cronin 1939, pl. 94; Bryant

1949: 198; Krige 1950: 190, 202, 397; Schlosser 1972:'83, 175). They are generally

larger than the milk calabashes, but smaller kinds, isigubu, were used by children

when fetching water, or for serving drinking-water. A small basket, imbenge, is

often used as a lid for a beer calabash. The ibanga is usually used for carrying

beer. A carrying net often encloses it to facilitate transportation (NASKO 8332,

no locality, no date) (Fig. 35). This specimen has a plaited grass handle and net-

work. A beer- or water-calabash (DC 1105, no locality, 1964) is decorated with

a beadwork collar (Fig. 27).

Krige (1950: 202) described the use of a calabash in the proceedings con-

nected with harvesting. After reaping had been finished, people living near the

royal homestead sent beer to the king ‘as a gesture of friendship and goodwill’.

When conveying the gifts to the royal kraal, a young man, the leader of the pro-

cession, carried a calabash full of water, not beer, ‘to show that the beer they are

carrying is clean food and that certain taboos have been observed’. Calabashes

used as containers for beer and water were seen throughout Zululand during field

40 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

investigations (Mbuzeni, Nqutu, 1969; Sanabe area, Nongoma, 1970; Jikaza

area, Mahlabatini, 1970; Babanango Reserve, 1971 (Fig. 36); Biyela, Nkandla

district, 1971).

Msinga area, Drakensberg area

No information was obtained regarding the use of calabashes for water and

beer in these areas.

Southern Natal

Miller (1912-13: 858) described and figured igobongo—large calabashes for

beer or water.

CM eT.)

Fig. 35. Zulu beer calabash, no locality, no date, NASKO 8332.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 4]

COSMETIC AND OTHER SMALL FLASKS

Terms: umfuina—calabash of fat for anointing the body, or smearing skin petticoat (Doke

& Vilakazi 1964).

Zululand

Shooter (1857: 140) recalled an incident when a girl gave a small calabash

filled with grease to her ‘favourite’.

Fat used in skin-dressing was kept in a calabash container (NM 1027, Zulu-

land, 1909) (Fig. 37); (Biyela, Nkandla, 1971).

Msinga area, Drakensberg area

No information was obtained from any source regarding the use of cala-

bashes as cosmetic or other flasks.

Southern Natal

Miiller (1912-13: 858, pl. VII) figured and described small calabash flasks

to hold sweet-smelling herbs and oil.

cM TTT

Fig. 36. Zulu water calabash, Babanango Reserve, 1971.

42 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

MEDICINE FLASKS

Terms: isigubu—medicine holder worn around the neck (Zulu, Babanango Reserve, 1971).

Zululand

A difference is made between medicine flasks and ritual objects because in

the case of the former emphasis is on the use of the calabash as a container for

medicines, whereas in the latter case the calabash objects form part of the ritual

pattern.

Fynn (1950: 301) recorded the use of calabashes as medicine containers by

women during pregnancy and childbirth. The pregnant woman was given a

medicine known as isihlambezo which she always carried with her in a calabash

and which she drank for the purpose of ‘supporting’ the child until it had gained

strength.

Lugg (1929: 383) described the ‘war-spear’ of the Zulu. It was a little spear

CM feet ata’

Fig. 37. Zulu calabash used to contain

fat, Zululand, 1909, NM 1027.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 43

decorated with beadwork, to which a number of small gourds, use/wa, were

bound. These gourds contained strong medicines. Lugg interpreted the war spear

to be a symbol of ‘the martial or war spirit of the people, and were harm to come

to it, the tribe would disintegrate’.

Calabashes were used during the ritual of ‘doctoring’ the crops to secure

abundant harvests. Before planting began, the diviner summoned all the kraal-

heads to bring the seeds of the different crops they intended to plant. These

(maize, pumpkins, etc.) were ‘all put into a calabash, and into each headman’s

calabash the doctor puts a portion of the medicine [‘isinkwa somkhando’] about

one inch in diameter. On reaching home, the kraalhead will divide up the

isinkwa he received into smaller pieces and give some to each ‘house’. No seed

must be planted unless it has been in the calabash containing the medicine, and

when the seed is being sown a little of the isinkwa must be put in the calabash

holding the seed’ (Krige 1950: 193-194).

No museum specimens were seen, but field information confirmed the use of

calabashes as medicine containers (Zulu, Babanango Reserve, 1971).

Msinga area, Drakensberg area

No information was obtained from any source regarding the use of cala-

bashes for medicine flasks.

Southern Natal

Khuzi informants at Makhuzeni, Bulwer (1969), stated that the smaller type

of calabash was used to hold medicines.

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

1. Musical Bow

Terms: Type I: ugubu—‘musical bow’ with single string fitted with calabash resonator

attached to the stave near its lower end, the string is struck by a stalk of ‘tambootie’ grass (Doke

& Vilakazi 1964); ugumbu—musical bow with calabash resonator (Doke & Vilakazi 1964).

Type 2: inkokha—large-sized stringed musical instrument formed of a bow with calabash

attached, similar to the ugubu, but having string tied down at the middle (Doke & Vilakazi

1964); umakweyana—smaller sized musical bow, ‘maiden’s instrument’ (Kirby 1934: 206).

Zululand

Among the Zulu two types of musical bows are recorded in the literature

(Gardiner 1836: 104; Angas 1849, pl. 25; Shooter 1857: 236, 238; Mayr 1908:

258; Kidd 1925, pl. 53; Kirby 1934: 196, 201, 205-206, 208-209; Duggan-

Cronin 1939, pl. 112; Holden 1963: 271; Schlosser 1972: 71, 74, 391).

The first type was widespread and resembled the one used by the Cape

Nguni (p. 18). A wooden bow was fitted with a string of twisted sinew which was

secured in a V-notch at both ends of the bow. It was struck with a thin stick, reed

or grass, according to Kirby (1934: 201) usually ‘tamboukie grass (Andropogon

marginatus Stend.)’. A calabash was fixed permanently to the lower end of the

bow as a resonator.

44 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

According to Kirby (1934: 201) there was no specialization in the making

of the ugubu, although men usually made the instruments for the women, who

played them. Kirby furthermore mentioned that ‘the wgubu is usually kept under

the framing of the hut, in which a fire frequently burns. As a result, the bow and

the calabash gradually turn a rich dark brown colour, which, with continual

polishing with fat, renders old instruments very attractive.’

The second type of musical bow, uwmakweyana, had the string tied back to

the wooden bow at a point near which the calabash resonator was attached and

this gave two chords. Mayr (1908: 258) termed it uqwabe. According to Kirby

(1934: 209) this type was of more recent origin than the ugubu. ‘Its relatively

recent introduction, together with the use of the name unkoka, may suggest that

the instrument was borrowed from northern tribes.’ Musical bows were not made

by specialists though it was usually the men who made them and the women who

played them. According to Kirby (1934: 208) among the Zulu the second type

was played by both men and women, ‘the larger sizes by men, single or married,

and the smaller by maidens or newly-married women’.

No museum specimens were seen but two examples of the second type

umakweyana, seen in the field, confirm its present-day use. A reed was used to

strike the string (Zulu, Nongoma, 1970 and 1971) (Fig. 38).

Msinga area, Drakensberg area

No information was obtained from any source regarding the use of cala-

bashes as resonators on musical bows.

Southern Natal

Smith (1955: 90-91) described the one-chord musical bow, with a calabash

resonator, seen in southern Natal.

No museum specimen was seen nor any information obtained in the field.

2. Drum

Terms: isigupu—a drum (Aitchison 1917: 29).

Zululand, Msinga area, Drakensberg area, southern Natal

Except for the inference from the above, no information was obtained from

any source regarding the use of calabashes as drums in these areas specifically,

but there is the following general description for the Natal Nguni: ‘A piece of

brayed goat skin is stretched over the hollow ends of a large gourd previously

prepared by being scooped out and dried. The goat skin is attached to each end

of the calabash by means of leather thongs’ (Aitchison 1917: 29). Neither Kirby

(1934: 22-28) nor any other author confirms the use of a scooped-out gourd as a

drum. All Kirby’s examples refer to hollowed out wood.

3. Rattle

Terms: ise/wa—hand-rattle (Doke & Vilakazi 1964).

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 45

Zululand

The hand-rattle is a calabash, perforated with tiny holes, containing a few

stones, and mounted upon a stick. Kirby (1934: 9) thought it was borrowed by

the Zulu from the Tsonga, as according to him this was not a widespread Zulu

instrument.

No examples were seen in museums or in the field.

Fig. 38. Woman playing musical bow—umakweyana, Zulu, Nongoma,

1970.

46 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Msinga area, Drakensberg area, southern Natal

No information was obtained from any source regarding the use of cala-

bashes as rattles.

PENIS-SHEATHS

Terms: uwmncwado—prepuce cover (Doke & Vilakazi 1964); umncedo—prepuce cover

(Doke & Vilakazi 1964); ‘incwedu’ —penis-sheath (Campbell 1888: 301); isingafungafu—penis-

cover (Doke & Vilakazi 1964). (The words listed above are terms used for penis-sheaths but

the dictionary (Doke & Vilakazi 1964) does not specify from what they are made and the terms

must thus be taken as general.)

Zululand

Campbell (1888: 301) described a penis-sheath which was made from a

hollowed out ‘young calabash’.

Southern Natal

A penis-sheath (BM 59-9-8-50) (Fig. 39), in the British Museum, decorated

with a strip pendant, was obtained at Port Natal in 1859. No examples of cala-

bash penis-sheaths were seen in the field.

Msinga area, Drakensberg area, southern Natal

No information was obtained from any source regarding the use of cala-

bashes as penis-sheaths.

RITUAL OBJECTS

Calabash containers used in rituals differ from the medicine containers as

0 10

Fig. 39. Zulu penis-sheath, Port Natal, 1859. BM—59-9-8-50.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 47

the objects form part of a ceremony in which supernatural powers are mani-

pulated.

Zululand

Several ritual uses of calabashes have been recorded among the Zulu:

1. Before an army set out to war, ‘the doctor brings out the chief’s calabash

which contains speciai medicines. These are then churned up. If the mixture

froths over it is a sign that one side will be victorious; if it does not froth over it

shows that the other side will be victorious. Or else there may be two calabashes

selected which represent the two sides. Whichever calabash froths over first

decides which army will be victorious’ (Kidd 1925: 307).

2. Isaacs (1936: 242) described the First Fruits Ceremony conducted by the

Zulu king. He stood at the head of the kraal and ran forward and backward three

times towards the warriors. Each time he threw a calabash, thereby indicating to

the people to start gathering the new harvest. The person nearest to whom the

calabash fell thought himself greatly honoured.

3. Tyler (1891: 113) recorded the use of a ‘talking calabash’ amongst the

Zulu. A diviner poured water into a calabash perforated with smail holes and by

observing the direction in which the water spouted he divined the direction from

where the patient’s disease had come.

4. Another sort of divining was noted by Schlosser (1972: 242-243). The

diviner described the ‘calabash of the spirits’, isigubhu somoya or umvumangoma,

as a hollowed-out gourd, to which a stick covered with leopard skin was attached.

This the diviner used for divination, which Schlosser defined as ‘to hypnotise, to

control something by way of magic’. Out of the calabash the diviner heard the

voices of the ancestral spirits. Furthermore Schlosser (1972: 114-115) stated that

a ‘divining calabash’ filled with snuff was a method by which the diviner could

contact the ancestral spirits, instead of vice versa. The diviner, invanga, men-

tioned the name of the spirit before taking the snuff. He would then become

delirious and in this state contact could be made with the ancestral spirit

concerned.

5. The Zulu believed that an effective way of getting rid of a troublesome

dream was to make a mixture of a cut-up green calabash, the ground powder of

the omluthi plant (umluthu is Vitex rehmannii Guerke (Watt & Breyer-Brandwijk

1962 : 1434)) ‘and certain medicines which the patient has used as an emetic, and

put this in a calabash with a lid’. Then the patient took the calabash some way.

along the road and dashed it to pieces and left it without looking back. Others

dug a hole in the path and poured the contents of the calabash into it. The

patient would be weil and some passers-by would contract the dream. (Krige

1950: 287.)

No museum specimen was seen nor was any information obtained in the

field.

48 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Msinga area, southern Natal and Drakensberg area

No information was obtained from any source regarding the use of cala-

bashes for ritual objects.

SNUFF-BOXES

Terms: ishungu—snuff-box (originally made from the shell of the ithongwane fruit) (Doke

& Vilakazi 1964); iyezane—fruit of the Oncoba spinosa Forsk. tree, the hard shells of which

are used for snuff-boxes (Doke & Vilakazi 1964); indhlingo—large calabash snuff-box (Plant

1905: 35); idhlelo—snuff-box (Mayr 1906: 468; Miiller 1912-13: 858).

Zululand

Many authors described the use of a snuff-box made from a gourd or from

the fruit of Oncoba spinosa Forsk. (Fritsch 1879: 287; Kidd 1925: 286; Plant

1905: 35; Mayr 1906: 468; Miiller 1912-13: 858). It was said to be an ‘indispens-

able article’ to the Zulu (Shooter 1857: 8; Little 1887: 169). It is recorded that the

king had a snuff-box bearer who handed his beaded calabash snuff-box to him

in a basket (Angas 1849: 29).

Of the snuff-boxes seen in museum collections, some were plain calabashes

or fruit-shells, others were covered with beadwork (SAM-8290, Zululand, 1960;

Durban 3809, Mpofana, 1933; DC 1201, Zululand, no date); some were

decorated with intricate designs of brass and copper wire (SAM-—8394, Eshowe,

1961; PEM 1450/98, Zululand, no date) and one had a design engraved on the

shell (SAM-—3322, Zululand, no date) (Fig. 25). Stoppers were made of calabash

shell, fruit-shell or wood.

At Nkandle (1971) informants stated that snuff-boxes, amashungu, had

formerly been made from the fruit-shells of the wmthongwane tree (Oncoba

spinosa Forsk.) (Doke & Vilakazi 1964) and a woman was seen wearing one

round her neck at Stranger’s Rest Trust Farm, Babanango (1971).

Msinga area

No information was obtained from the literature nor were any museum

specimens seen.

In the field the use of gourd snuff-boxes was confirmed by Bomvu infor-

mants at Ngulubeni, Tugela Ferry (1969), who described them as being small

calabashes with a double bowl or flask-shaped.

Drakensberg area

No information was obtained in the literature, in museums or in the field

concerning the use of calabash snuff-boxes in this area.

Southern Natal

Miller (1912-13, pl. 3) figured snuff-boxes from this area and museum

specimens were seen (Fig. 40).

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 49

SPOONS, SCOOPS AND LADLES

Terms: isicakulo—ladle (used to be made of wood, calabash, or burnt clay) (Doke &

Vilakazi 1964); inkezo—ladle (cut from gourd) (Doke & Vilakazi 1964); ukhezo—spoon (of

any kind, whether carved of wood, formed of a split gourd, or of metal) (Doke & Vilakazi

1964); ukhezo—calabash scoop (Khuzi, Bulwer, 1969); indebe—half of split gourd, used for

baling water, beer etc. (Mayr 1906: 465); isigwembe—a calabash cut in half lengthwise and

used as a drinking cup (Zizi, Bergville, 1969).

Scoops, spoons and ladles are grouped together because of their similar

form and function.

Generally the long-necked type of calabash is used for both ladles and

scoops and the neck forms the handle. At Bergville, Zizi informants (1969) stated

that the flask-shaped type was cut in half lengthwise and was then also used as a

ladle.

Although generally calabash household utensils are prepared by women,

information obtained from Khuzi informants at Makhuzeni, Bulwer (1969), was

that men were responsible for the making of calabash scoops and ladles. This,

however, does not imply any strict specialization.

CM...)

Fig. 40. Zulu snuff-box, Zwartkop, Pietermaritzburg,

1939, NASKO 8044.

50 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Zululand

Grout (1862: 102) and Tyler (1891: 121) recorded the use of a small gourd

as a drinking cup, ‘a dipper made from the shell of a gourd . . .”. Mayr (1906:

465) recorded that half of a split gourd was used for baling water and beer.

Specimens seen in museums and in the field can be divided into two types:

the first is made from the iong-necked calabash and 1s generally classified as

being a ladle (UCT 38/14, no locality (Fig. 41); Babanango Reserve, 1971

(Fig. 42)); the second type described as being a scoop is an elongated fruit-sheil

cut in half lengthwise (Mbuzeni, Nqutu, 1969; Sanabe area, Nongoma, 1970).

The main point of difference between the two types was that the former had

a bowl which could hold liquid whereas the latter was intended for dry measures

and for skimming or dishing up.

CM) Stentoatamtamtant

Fig. 41. Zulu ladle, no locality, 1938, UCT 38/14.

Fig. 42. Zulu ladle, Babanango Reserve,

GHAI

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 5]

Msinga area

No references were found in the literature, no museum specimens were seen

and no information was obtained in the field.

Drakensberg area

No information was obtained in the literature nor were museum specimens

seen, but Zizi informants at Bergville (1969) stated that cailabash scoops,

amakhezo, were used. The hoie was cut before the gourd was boiled. The exact

position of the hole was not stated. Ngwane informants at Upper Tugeia, Berg-

ville (1969), used calabash scoops. A hole was cut in the bow! with a knife. A

calabash cut in half lengthwise with a saw was used as a ladle, isigwembe, for

dishing up.

Southern Natal

Miller (1912-13: 858) figured indebe, large scoops used in the preparation

of beer. Museum specimens of each of the varieties described above were seen

(SAM-8441, Natal, 1961 (Fig. 43); NASKO 8297, Pietermaritzburg, 1939 (Fig.

44): NASKO 8037, Pietermaritzburg, 1939 (Fig. 45)).

Khusi informants at Makhuzeni, Buiwer (1969), confirmed the use of cala-

bash scoops but no examples were seen.

MISCELLANEOUS

Chamber pot

Terms: isibekedu—chamber (earthenware or calabash) used as night commode by women

and old men [cf. isikigi] (Doke & Vilakazi 1964).

Zululand

According to Bryant (1949: 203) the use of chamber pots was a custom

which the Zulu had probably taken over from the Europeans. ‘These vessels

Fig. 43. Zulu ladle, Natal, 1961, SAM-8441.

Sy} ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

CM ST

Fig. 44. Zulu ladle, Pietermaritzburg, 1939, NASKO 8297.

CM fFrTT tT

Fig. 45. Zulu scoop, Pietermaritzburg, 1939, NASKO 8037.

were sometimes specially manufactured, but as a rule any old pot furnished a

suitable “‘chamber”’ for the lady of the house, who referred to it euphemistically

as her ‘“‘daughter”’ ({Ntombazana). The husband, however, always preferred a

small calabash or gourd-shell, with an appropriate aperture at the top, to any of

these earthenware vessels; and he lovingly called it his “‘son”’ (umFana).’

Msinga, Drakensberg, southern Natal

No museum specimens were seen nor was any information obtained in the

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 5

field, in Zululand, the Msinga area, southern Natal nor among the Amangwane

and Zizi of the Drakensberg.

2. Comb

Natal (general)

According to Grossert (1968: 193) combs were made from gourd rind and,

like other calabash utensils, they were decorated or engraved with designs. No

further information was obtained from the literature, museums or field.

3. Fertility doll

Zululand

Delegorgue (1847: 326) described a fertility doll seen among the Zulu, made

from gourd and filled with iron ore. The doll represented a child. The diviner

instructed the woman to carry and fondle the doll as if it were her own child.

Fertility was believed to be secured this way. Although fertility dolls made of

other materials are known, no museum specimens of calabash dolls were seen

nor was any information obtained in the field.

Msinga area, southern Natal, Drakensberg area

No information was obtained from any source regarding the use of cala-

bashes for making fertility dolls.

4. Lamp

Zululand

Gardiner (1836: 36) recorded the use of a lamp consisting of a calabash

filled with fat and having a rag wick.

No museum specimens were seen nor was any information obtained in the

field.

Msinga area, Drakensberg area, southern Natal

No information was obtained from any source regarding the use of a cala-

bash as a lamp.

5. Ornaments

Drakensberg area

According to the Zizi (Bergville, 1969) beaded calabashes might be attached

as ornaments to a belt or a necklet “‘swanking in the Zulu way’.

SUMMARY

The cultivation of gourds among the Natal Nguni does not differ from the

method used among the Cape Nguni. They are planted in spring and harvested

in April or May. Four methods of preparing the gourd were recorded in the field ;

54 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

either by boiling the fruit or by using boiling water to swill out the inside or by

scooping it out or by letting it rot away after previously adding cold or boiling

water. The aim was to clean the gourd from the inside and to strengthen the shell.

No evidence was found of any sort of specialization in the preparation of gourds,

but usually it was a woman’s occupation except at Makhuzeni, Bulwer (1969),

where it was stated that men were mainly responsible for the making of calabash

scoops and jadles.

Calabashes were decorated either with beadwork, brass, copper, and iron

wirework, or by engraving or branding.

No detailed information was obtained concerning the repair of calabashes.

The only reference found in the literature was by Fynn, who stated that broken

gourds were usually stitched with thread, but gave no details of the method.

Among the Natal Nguni gourds were mainly used for household and per-

sonal utensils, and mostly as containers.

The same type of calabash was used for milk, water and beer but the milk

calabash usually had a hole and stopper in the base to draw off the whey.

Fat used in skin-dressing was kept in a calabash.

Very little information was obtained on the use of calabash flasks for cos-

metics and medicine, and that mainly from the literature.

Both types of musical bow used among the Natal Nguni, that is the ugubhu,

having one chord, and the inkokha, having the string tied back in one place to

make two chords, have calabashes attached as resonators.

The use of a calabash both as a drum and as a rattle were mentioned only in

the literature.

Campbell described a penis-sheath made from a hollowed-out ‘young cala-

bash’ but no information was obtained in the field.

The use of calabashes in rituals is well recorded in the literature, but no field

information was obtained. Calabashes used as medicine containers have been

discussed separately from calabashes used in rituals as the latter formed part of

a rite in which supernatural powers were manipulated whereas the former were

used only as containers.

According to information from the literature as well as museum specimens,

calabash snuff-boxes appear to have been in common use, but this depended on

the availability of gourds. Fruit-shells were often used instead. A characteristic

of snufi-boxes was that they were very often decorated, either with beads, or

wirework or with engraved designs.

The long-necked type of gourd, termed to be either a spoon or a ladle, was

used for liquids.

A scoop, made from an elongated gourd cut in half lengthwise, was mainly

used for dry measures and for skimming or dishing-up.

A comb made of gourd rind was recorded by one author. Another author

recorded the use of a whole gourd to make a fertility doll.

Thus, comparatively speaking, the use of calabashes did not differ from that

of the Cape Nguni. The form and texture of the gourd was well suited to the

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 5D)

needs of the people, although its availability depended on the good seasonal

rains.

Informants in one area stated that if their own crop failed they would try to

buy the unprepared gourds from elsewhere.

SWAZIi

CULTIVATION

No information was obtained about Swazi cultivation of gourds.

PREPARATION

There is no information in the literature concerning the method of prepara-

tion of calabash utensils among the Swazi. According to informants at Magugu,

Ingwavuma (1970), the gourds were left to ripen on the vine, they were then

picked and a hole was bored in the top of the fruit. Cold water was poured into

the gourd to loosen the seeds. The water was left in for some time to allow the

flesh to rot. The gourd was then shaken and the flesh was scooped out. The hole

was closed with a wooden peg, and the vessel was then ready.

Swazi in the Barberton district used a slightly different method. After the

hole had been made the gourd was boiled for an indefinite time and while it was

boiling a stick or wire with a hook at the end was used to loosen the pulp. When

it was loose the gourd was removed from the water, emptied out and cleaned

with pebbles, sand and water and finally washed thoroughly (G. Velcich, per-

sonal communication 1974).

DECORATION

In the Barberton area, if it is desired to decorate the calabash, the outer skin

is scraped off before the fruit is boiled. Branded decoration was done at the end

of the process. For colour, pounded leaves of the mganu (Sclerocarya caffra

Sond.), nkuhlu (Trichilia emetica Vahl.) (Watt & Breyer-Brandwijk 1962: 1448,

1451) and red sorghum were added to the water to give the calabash a reddish

colour (G. Velcich, personal communication, 1974).

No further information was found from any source concerning the decora-

tion of calabashes.

REPAIR

No information was obtained.

USES

MILK-FLASKS

Terms: /egula or legula lemasi—milk-flask (Myburgh 1949: 42); igulo—milk-flask (Magugu

area, Ingwavuma, 1970).

No information was obtained from the literature, other than Myburgh’s

note of the term. A large calabash milk-flask in the SAM collection (SAM-8699,

56 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Fig. 46. Swazi milk calabash, Mbabane, 1962, SAM-8699.

Mbabane, 1962 (Fig. 46)) is covered with grass network with a loop for carrying.

Informants at Enqabeneni Mission, Mankaiana (1962), and in the Magugu area,

Ingwavuma (1970), used calabashes for sour milk, amasi. The hole in the bottom

of the calabash was closed with a wad of the outside leaves of a bulb.

WATER AND BEER FLASKS

Terms: lighaga—beer calabash (Myburgh 1949: 55); ibanga—calabash for holding water

(Magugu area, Ingwavuma, 1970).

No information was obtained in the literature other than Myburgh’s note

of the term, nor were specimens seen in museums, but water and beer calabashes

were seen in use at Enqabeneni Mission (1962), and in the Magugu area, Ingwa-

vuma (1970).

COSMETIC AND MEDICINE FLASKS

Medicine flasks which form part of rituals have been classed as ritual

objects. No information was obtained regarding the use of calabashes as ordinary

medicine flasks or containers for cosmetics.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES >)y/

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

1. Musical bow

Terms: Type 1: ligubu—musical bow (Kirby 1934: 197).

Type 2: umakweyana—musical bow with the string tied back to the stave (Kirby 1934: 205).

The two types of musical bows used among the Swazi are the same as those

of the Natal Nguni. According to Kirby (1934: 201), the second type of musical

bow was unknown to the Cape Nguni, and was apparently adopted by the Zulu

and Swazi only in recent times.

Type | is the ‘classic’ stringed instrument of the Swazi, ligubu, where the

bow-string is generally secured by means of a peg at the lower end and a V-notch

at the upper end. The calabash resonator is fastened to the bow by means of a

loop or knot. On one example seen (NASKO 6270, no locality, 1921) there is a

cloth pad between the bow and the calabash.

Type 2, the wmakweyana, is similarly constructed, the only difference being

that the string is tied back to the stave to give two chords (Marwick 1966: 82).

An umakweyana was seen in Pigg’s Peak (SAM-10065, 1971, Fig. 47). The

string which is tied back to the stave also held the calabash resonator in position.

The string was struck with a reed.

PENIS-SHEATHS

Terms: umncatfo — penis-sheath (Marwick 1966: 85).

Marwick wrote that ‘just before the age of puberty is reached a boy is

given a penis covering umncatjo made of a small kind of calabash. ..

or of the small shell of a fruit called umthongwane’; (snuff-box tree: umthon-

gwane, Oncoba spinosa Forsk. (Doke & Vilakazi 1964).

No information was found in museum collections or in the field.

Fig. 47. Swazi musical bow (umakweyana) Pigg’s Peak, 1971, SAM-—10065.

58 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

RITUAL OBJECTS

Terms: /uselwa—gourd which has ritual significance (Marwick 1966: 182); umango —

sacred calabash (Schoeman 1935: 172).

The use of calabashes in rituals is frequently recorded in ethnographic

studies of the Swazi but no museum specimens were seen nor was any evidence

obtained in the field.

1. The calabash played an important part in the preliminary rites of the

First Fruits Ceremony, /ncwala, which the Swazi performed before the harvest.

The rites began with a pilgrimage to the sea. The doctor, vanyana, in charge

of the rites, and several other men proceeded to the royal kraal to fetch a special

calabash, called inkosatana, which was used to carry the sea water back to the

homestead of the vanyana. A black beast was killed and from its hide was made

a pad for the bottom of the calabash and strips to attach the pad and run

vertically up to the neck. This was to carry and to protect it. The gall-bladder,

inyongo, of the beast was squeezed over the calabash, thereby securing good luck

for the venture. They, ‘Vanyana and a couple of men’, returned to his home and

waited till the time arrived to set out for the sea. The journey down to the sea

took place during December at a time when the return would coincide with the

new moon (Marwick 1966: 182-191). At the sea, the group proceeded to the

shore before sunrise and according to Cook (1930: 206) ‘ali naked, they sing the

‘“‘Inawala”’ song and fill the calabash’. When reaching the various homesteads on

their return journey the party shouted out the praise names of the chief. Cook

(1930: 206) stated that this was an ‘intimation to the head of the kraal to kill a

beast—it is not a sacrifice’. The gall-bladder of the beast and its tail were then

attached to the calabash. This was repeated at every homestead the group

happened to pass. At the royal kraal the calabash was delivered and the incwaia

could then commence. (The sea water was used in the preparation of medicines

and not in the rites that followed.) In the concluding rites of the incwala a gourd,

luselwa, was eaten by the king. Cook (1930: 209) stated that ‘during the cunga

ceremony the Paramount Chief eats a pumpkin (/use/wa) which has been specially

prepared for him’. The remains of this, and another gourd collected the previous

year, were thrown to the regiment waiting outside. The latter was caught and

returned to the doctors. This was an indication that the fruits of the new season

might be eaten.

The man who caught it proceeded to a doctor as quickly as possible in

order to obtain medicines to fortify himself against the potent ones with which

the /uselwa had been doctored. (Marwick 1966: 190.)

The rites were concluded by a fire where the remains of the /uselwa, as well

as several other objects used during the incwala ceremonies, were burnt. With this

the new year was ‘opened’ (Cook 1930: 210).

Kuper (1943-4: 232; 1947: 42, 219) gave slightly different descriptions of the

incwala ceremonies but the relevant point was that the calabashes used for the

ceremony were considered sacred vessels.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 59

2. Schoeman (1935: 172) described the rain ceremony among the Swazi.

This was mainly performed in times of drought. A smail girl accompanied the

induna of the king to a secret cave in the Mantenga Mountains. On their arrival,

the girl took the uwmango or the sacred calabash (Schoeman stated that the

umango was always kept in a dry place, such as the above-mentioned cave),

removed its grass covering and started to churn, peh/a, the mixture in the cala-

bash with a special churn stick, /udjudju, till ‘the foam flows over the rim of the

pot. They believe that the white foam, flowing over, will call the rain clouds into

the heavens.’

SNUFF-BOXES

Terms: thlelo—snuff-box (Magugu area, Ingwavuma, 1970).

The use of gourd snuff-boxes was confirmed by informants from the

Magugu area, Ingwavuma (1970). It was also stated that the fruit-shells of the

ithongwane tree (Snuff-box tree: Oncoba spinosa Forsk. (Doke & Vilakazi 1964))

were used as snuff-containers. A hole was bored in the top and a small stick was

used to poke out the seeds.

SPOONS, SCOOPS AND LADLES

Terms: siphungu—calabash spoon for drinking beer (Myburgh 1956: 124); /uselwa—

calabash scoop (Myburgh 1956: 124); ndzeko—calabash dipper used for drinking water or

marula beer (Myburgh i949: 131, 132).

The only information found in the literature was Myburgh’s brief list of

terms.

No specimens were seen in museum collections or in the field.

SUMMARY

The method used among the Swazi for the preparation of gourds does not

differ basically from the techniques used among the Cape and Natal Nguni.

From field information obtained, cold water was used to clean out the gourd by

leaving it in for some time to allow the flesh to rot. The gourd was then shaken

and the flesh scooped out.

No information was obtained about the technique of decoration and repair

of calabashes.

Among the Swazi, gourds were used for household and personal utensils,

e.g. milk-, water- and beer-flasks and snuff-boxes. No information was obtained,

however, concerning the use of calabashes as penis-sheaths, cosmetic or medicine

containers. Calabashes were used as resonators in the two types of musical bow.

The literature contains several descriptions of the use of calabashes in the

rituals of the incwala ceremony of the First Fruits, and in the rain-making

ceremony. The fact that luselwa lwembo—‘the wild gourd from Embo’—was

used in the incwala ceremony on which the welfare of the people depended, may

account for the importance of gourds in other ceremonies.

60 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

SOUTHERN TRANSVAAL NDEBELE

CULTIVATION

No information about the method of cultlvation or preparation of cala-

bashes was found in the literature. In fact, Weiss (1963: 21), when discussing

artistic expression among the Ndzundza, maintained that the gourd was not

originally familiar to them, and had been introduced only recently. There is no

confirmation of this.

In the field, however, information was obtained from two groups of

Ndzundza about the growing and preparation of gourds. Informants at Chief

Mapoch’s homestead, Weltevreden, Groblersdal (1972), and at Chief Mahlangu’s

homestead, Goedgedacht, Nebo (1973), stated that gourds were planted in

November and December and gathered in June and July. The fruit grew on the

ground and was covered with grass to protect it from frost.

PREPARATION

Method I. In the preparation of calabashes the first step was to cut off the top

of the gourd and take out some of the seeds to be kept for future sowing. The

gourds were boiled until the inside was soft, when it was scraped and scooped out

with a stick or a stirrer. The thin, green outer skin was then removed. The cala-

bash was then left to dry for three or four days (Chief Mapoch’s homestead,

Weltevreden, Groblersdal, 1972).

Method 2. At Goedgedacht, Nebo (1972), another method was also used. Water

was poured into the gourd and the flesh was left to rot for a few days. The flesh

was then shaken out and stones were added to precipitate the cleaning-out

process. The gourd was then boiled in a clay pot in order to strengthen the shell.

The outer skin was taken off by means of a scraper, a knife or a piece of corru-

gated iron. Mealie seeds were used to clean the inside of the open type of calabash

dish—ikapho—which was used for water.

DECORATION

The most common way of decorating the calabash utensils was with bead-

work (Tyrrell 1968: 88). Many examples of this were seen in the field.

A fine example was collected at Goedgedacht, Nebo (1972), (SAM-—10160

(Fig. 48)). It is covered with intricate beadwork of black, dark-green, blue and

turquoise beads.

This type of beadwork was also seen at Weltevreden, Groblersdal, (1972).

REPAIR

No information was obtained.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES

mM Ferri

Fig. 48. Southern Transvaal Ndebele calabash dish, Goedgedacht, Nebo,

1972, SAM-10160.

62 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

USES

MILK-FLASKS

Terms: serorona—milk calabash (Andries Mahlangu, Goedgedacht, Nebo 1973); ikapa—

milk calabash (Andries Mahlangu, Goedgedacht, Nebo, 1973).

Ndzundza

Weiss (1963: 20-21) recorded the use of calabash milk-flasks by the

Ndzundza and there are two examples in the South African Museum collection

(SAM-10154 (Fig. 49) and SAM-10155 (Fig. 50) Ndzundza, Weltevreden, 1972).

In both calabashes a small hole was cut in the top of the neck, but none at the

bottom, to drain off the whey as was customary among both the Cape and Natal

Nguni. Both examples are undecorated.

At Chief Mapoch’s place, Weltevreden (1972), informants mentioned the

use of wide-necked calabashes as milk containers but these were not seen.

WATER AND BEER FLASKS

Terms: igapha—beer calabash (Goedgedacht, Nebo, 1972); ikapho—open calabash used

for water (Goedgedacht, Nebo, 1972).

Ndzundza

The only information found in the literature concerning the use of cala-

bashes as water and beer flasks is an illustration of a beer calabash with a basket-

work lid and a half-calabash cup, both of which are beaded (Tyrrell 1968 : 88),

and Weiss’s statement (1963: 21) that large calabash vessels were used instead of

clay pots. There is a specimen in the F. S. Malan Museum (HW 667, Roberts

Heights, 1924) with a beaded basketwork lid, and two specimens in the South

African Museum (SAM-—10153, Weltevreden, Groblersdal, 1972 and SAM-—10160,

Goedgedacht, Nebo 1972 (See Fig. 48)). The latter is decorated with an intricate

cover of black, dark-green, blue and turquoise beads.

Informants at Weltevreden, Groblersdal (1972), and Goedgedacht, Nebo

(1972), confirmed the use of both water and beer calabashes. Containers for

water seen in these areas were, however, dishes—calabashes cut in half. At

Goedgedacht, Nebo (1972), informants stated that the latter were mainly used

by women and that the beaded calabash dishes were only used on special

occasions, e.g. weddings.

COSMETIC AND MEDICINE FLASKS

No information was found in the literature, museum collections or in the

field concerning the use of calabashes as cosmetic or medicine containers.

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

Musical bow

Terms: isigube—musical bow (Weiss 1963: 21).

Ndzundza

Apart from Weiss’s brief reference (1963: 21), where it was mentioned that a

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 63

calabash resonator was used, no information about the use of musical bows was

found in the literature, museum collections or in the field.

SNUFF-BOXES

Ndzundza

Weiss (1963: 21) briefly referred to the use of a calabash as a snuff-container

by a diviner. No further description was given.

No museum specimens were seen and no information was obtained in the

field.

SPOONS, SCOOPS AND LADLES

Terms: inkonyane sekopo—beer ladle (Goedgedacht, Nebo, 1972).

Ndzundza

The only reference found in the literature regarding these utensils was by

cM rrTTrtTyt

Fig. 49. Ndzundza milk calabash, Weltevreden, Groblersdal, 1972,

SAM-10154. Note the outer skin which has not been scraped off properly.

64 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Tyrrell (1968: 88), where a beaded gourd cup was depicted. No museum speci-

mens of spoons, scoops or ladles were seen.

The Ndzundza at Goedgedacht, Nebo (1972), confirmed the use of ladles

for drinking beer. These ladles, inkonyane sekopo, were said to be used by men.

Manala

No information was obtained from any source about the use of calabashes

by southern Transvaal Ndebele people other than the Ndzundza.

SUMMARY

In the preparation of gourds the fruit was either boiled in water to soften the

inside and then scraped or scooped out, or water was poured into the gourd and

it was left to rot for a few days, and boiled after being scraped out.

The only decoration of calabashes seen among the southern Transvaal

Ndebele was the use of beadwork.

As among the other groups calabashes were mainly used as household

utensils, i.e. milk, water and beer containers, ladles and dishes, but a calabash

snuff-box and a resonator on a musical bow were also recorded.

{¥

~~,

MET ml

Fig. 50. Ndzundza milk calabash, Weltevreden, Groblersdal, 1972,

SAM-10155.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 65

Compared with the situation among the Cape and Natal Nguni, gourds are

relatively little used among the southern Transvaal Ndebele. This might be

explained by Weiss’s contention that the gourd has only recently been intro-

duced into their culture.

NORTHERN TRANSVAAL NDEBELE

CULTIVATION

No information was obtained about the cultivation of gourds by the

northern Transvaal Ndebele.

PREPARATION

No information about the preparation of gourds was found in the literature.

Recent field trips, however, showed that the method of preparation used by

the Moletlane and Letwaba of the northern Transvaal Ndebele was very similar

to that of the southern Transvaal Ndebele.

At Chief Gekana’s homestead, Zebediela (1972), the method described

differed slightly according to whether the gourd was to be used as a dish or a

flask. In both cases the gourd was boiled for about half an hour. For the dish it

was cut in half before boiling, the seeds were removed and the rind was scraped

from both the inside and outside with a spoon and the dish was then left to dry.

For the flask a hole was made at the top. After the boiling a knife was used

to clean out the flask. The utensil was then also left to dry. Before it was used, it

was again washed and cleaned out.

Among the northern Transvaal Ndebele there has been a considerable

Sotho influence. This is especially evident from some terms that the Ndebele have

adopted for certain utensils, e.g. sego—a calabash vessel.

DECORATION

No information was obtained in the literature nor were any museum speci-

mens seen.

Two decorative techniques were seen in use in the field: one was by covering

the calabash with beadwork (Mashashane, Pietersburg, 1967), and the other by

branding (Chief Gekana’s homestead, Zebediela, 1972). The latter was on a dish

and the decoration was done very much in the style of the neighbouring Sotho.

USES

MILK-FLASKS

No information was obtained about the use of calabashes for holding milk.

WATER AND BEER FLASKS

_ Terms: nkho—beer calabash (Mashashane, Pietersburg, 1967); tsomela—calabash drink-

ing vessel (NASKO 61/145, Potgietersrus, 1961); sephungo—calabash used for drinking and

serving beer (Mashashane, Pietersburg, 1967).

66 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

No information was obtained from the literature.

At Pietersburg (1967), Letwaba informants stated that a large calabash,

nkho, with a small hole cut at the top was used for both water and beer. At

Mashashane, Pietersburg (1967), a calabash, sephungo, was used for drinking and

serving beer. One example of a drinking vessel, tsomela, was seen in a museum

collection (NASKO 61/145, Potgietersrus, 1961 (Fig. 51)). This was an elongated

calabash cut off well below the top.

DISHES

Terms: mukhombe—a calabash dish used for porridge (Letwaba, Pietersburg, 1967);

sego—a calabash dish (Moletlane, Zebediela, 1972).

Moletlane informants at Zebediela, Potgietersrus (1967), and Letwaba

informants at Mashashane, Pietersburg (1967), stated that calabashes cut in half

were commonly used as dishes, either for porridge, water or beer. Many examples

of these were seen (Fig. 52).

No further information was obtained from the literature nor were any

museum specimens seen.

MEDICINE FLASKS

According to Letwaba informants (Pietersburg, 1967), doctors used small

beaded calabashes as medicine flasks. These were not seen, nor was information

obtained from any other source.

CMT ant’

Fig. 51. Northern Transvaal Ndebele calabash drinking

vessel, Potgietersrus, 1961, NASKO 61/145.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 67

Fig. 52. Moletlane (northern Transvaal Ndebele) calabash dish, Chief Gekana,

Zebediela, 1972.

No information was obtained from any source about the use of calabash

cosmetic flasks, resonators for musical instruments, penis-sheaths, objects of

ritual, snuff-boxes, spoons, scoops or ladles.

SUMMARY

Very little other than negative information was obtained in the field, and the

impression gained was that with the exception of dishes, calabashes were not

often used nowadays.

The main point of interest was that from the few objects seen, the Sotho

influence on the Ndebele culture was obvious. A good example was the calabash

dish, sego, seen at Chief Gekana’s homestead, Zebediela. The branded decora-

tion of the dish showed the strong Sotho influence.

RHODESIAN NDEBELE

CULTIVATION

The successful growing of calabashes depends on the amount of rain a

specific area has had. At one homestead (Umncondo, Essexvale, 1973) no cala-

bashes could be grown that season due to the shortage of rain. In a good season,

however, all the different sizes were grown. When cleaning out the gourd a few

seeds (intanga) were kept to be planted in the following year (Dombe kraal,

68 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

Tjolotjo, 1973). They were usually kept in a gourd (Hope Fountain, Essexvale,

1973).

PREPARATION

Three methods of preparation were recorded.

j. This method was found to be the most often used: the gourd was taken

off the plant when the shell was quite hard or, as in one case, the gourd was left

till it fell off the plant (Godi, Essexvale, 1973). A hole was cut in the top of the

gourd and as much of the inside taken out as possible, in order to create sufficient

room for the water to be poured in. The water was left in the gourd for approxi-

mately five days. The gourd was then emptied of the water, the flesh scraped out

and the outer skin scraped off. Before leaving the calabash finally to dry out, the

inside was again rinsed and cleaned out (Bubude, Ishaba, and Dombe, Tjolotjo,

1973; Godi, and Hope Fountain, Essexvale 1973).

2. This method corresponded to the first method with the one exception

that, instead of using cold water, hot water was poured into the gourd. The rest

of the process, however, was the same (near Umncondo, Essexvale, 1973).

3. After the ripe, full-grown gourd had been taken off the plant, or left to fall

off, a hole was cut and the seeds scraped out with the hands. After cleaning the

inside, the outer skin was scraped off with a knife. Nothing further was done to

the gourd (Godi, Essexvale, 1973).

A similar technique was used in the preparation of ladles, except that the

gourd was first left to dry out before a hole was cut to scoop out the seeds

(Ishaba, Tjolotjo, 1973).

According to information obtained at Hope Fountain, Essexvale (1973), a

special technique was used for cleaning out gourds to be used as milk calabashes.

A hole was cut into the top and some of the flesh was scooped out. Cattle urine

was poured into it and it was then left for about five days for the flesh to rot.

Before scraping out the inside, the gourd was shaken and the flesh stirred up well.

After this, water was poured into the calabash and again left for five days. Then

the hollowed-out calabash was cleaned out to remove any remaining flesh (Hope

Fountain, Essexvale, 1973).

DECORATION

Muller and Snelleman (1893, pl. 11, Figs 18-19) depict calabashes decorated

with brass wire. Decoration on the shell of the calabash was made in several

ways. One was to outline the pattern of the design by pricking it with an awl

which, however, did not completely perforate the shell. The holes were then

smeared with fat (vaseline nowadays) and covered with charcoal (Tshaba,

Tjolotjo, 1973; SAM-1345, Empandeni, Plumtree, 1911 (Fig. 57)). Another

method was to scrape the design on the gourd shell while it was still green, leave

it to dry and give it no further treatment (near Dombe homestead, Tjolotjo,

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 69

1973). A third method was to brand the design on the dry shell as seen on rattles

(near Dombe, Tjolotjo, 1973).

REPAIR

No references were found in the literature concerning the repair of cala-

bashes.

The general repair technique, according to field information, was first to

prick holes around the break with an awl. The break was then stitched by thread-

ing a fine thread through the holes. Darning with sinew across these initial

threads covered and reinforced the break (near Umncondo homestead, Essex-

vale, 1973; Bubude School, Tjolotjo, 1973) (Figs 53-54).

Fig. 53. Rhodesian Ndebele repair of calabash, Bubude

School, Tjolotjo, 1973.

70 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

USES

MILK, WATER AND BEER FLASKS

Terms: igula—milk calabash (Tjolotjo, 1973); igaga—beer calabash (Essexvale, 1973);

ichaga—beer calabash (near Dombe, Tjolotjo, 1973).

In the literature Holub (1893: 185) stated that calabashes were used as con-

tainers for both water and corn.

No museum specimens were seen.

Field information confirmed the use of milk and beer calabashes. Milk

calabashes were closed by using a wooden stopper, whereas the beer calabashes

were left standing open. At Bubude School, Tjolotjo (1973), a milk calabash was

seen with a wooden stopper which fitted tightly into a neck of five or six rows of

basketwork attached to the neck of the calabash. At Dombe homestead, Tjolotjo

(1973), the wooden stopper was fitted into the opening lined with the sheath

leaves of a bulb (Fig. 55), no doubt to make it fit properly.

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

Rattle

Terms: iwoso—rattle (near Dombe homestead, Tjolotjo, 1973).

No information was obtained from the literature and only one museum

specimen was seen: a calabash rattle decorated with an incised design. It was col-

Fig. 54. Rhodesian Ndebele repair of calabash, Bubude School, Tjolotjo, 1973.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 71

lected at the Sabi-Lundi junction (Collection of Miss I. McCalman, Hope

Fountain, Bulawayo).

Calabash rattles were also seen in use in the field. Two holes were cut into

the cleaned-out calabash: one on top and the other in the base. Little stones were

then put into the calabash. A tapered wooden handle was pushed through the

two holes and fastened at the top with a peg to hold it in place. The calabash was

decorated with a branded design (near Dombe homestead, Tjolotjo, 1973) (Fig.

56).

PENIS-SHEATH

Terms: umncwado—penis-sheath (Summers & Pagden 1970: 28).

Summers and Pagden recorded the use of calabash penis-sheaths which

formed part of a man’s dress. In previous times a man was regarded as not fully

dressed without one.

cMrrTrrt

Fig. 55. Rhodesian Ndebele milk calabash, Dombe home-

stead, Tjolotjo, 1973.

YP ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

No museum specimens were seen nor was any information obtained in the

field.

RITUAL OBJECTS

Thomas (1926: 45) referred to a short rite performed before a bridal feast

when the bride was being prepared for her marriage. During this rite a calabash

filled with the crushed roots of a certain plant was placed on her head as she

knelt before the doctor. He stirred the mixture with a stick till it frothed over and

she then proceeded to wash her face with it.

SNUFF-BOXES

The only references found in the literature to the use of calabash snuff-boxes

was an illustration by Muller & Snelleman (1893, pl. 11, figs 18-19). These were

said to be decorated with metal wire. No museum specimens were seen nor was

any information obtained in the field.

Soa AR

er: .

4 Ss Se

SR emy Ls Ae ee Yorke:

’ ~ . ts = a.

5 Bs oa te Sey *

a BOTs Bake ©

Fig. 56. Rhodesian Ndebele rattles, near Dombe homestead, Tjolotjo, 1973.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES 73

SPOONS, SCOOPS AND LADLES

Terms: inkhezo—ladle (Tshaba, Tjolotjo, 1973); inkezo—ladle (SAM-—1345, 1911);

nkhezo—beer ladle (near Umncondo homestead, Essexvale, Rhodesia, 1973); ukhezo—long-

handled calabash (Dombe homestead, Tjolotjo, 1973).

A gourd ladle decorated with an incised cross-hatched design was used for

serving beer and water (SAM-1345, Empandeni, Plumtree, 1911) (Fig. 57). The

present-day use of ladles was confirmed by informants in the Tjolotjo and Essex-

vale districts (1973). No information was obtained about spoons and scoops.

cmrrrtT i

Fig. 57. Rhodesian Ndebele ladle, Empandeni Mission, Plumtree, 1911, SAM—1345.

SUMMARY

The cultivation and preparation of gourd utensils among the Rhodesian

Ndebele follow the general pattern observed among the groups previously

discussed.

The gourds were mainly converted into household utensils. The use of cala-

bash containers for milk, beer and water was common and the larger gourds

were preferred. Calabash ladles were also seen to be in common use. Calabash

rattles were seen, but the use of snuff-boxes and penis-sheaths is only recorded

in the literature and they were not seen in the field. One reference in the literature

indicates a ritual use.

DISCUSSION

The gourd, by virtue of its shape, durability and varying size and the ease

with which it can be converted into a container or utensil, was and still is

extremely useful to the Nguni.

Although the gourd is grown in most of the areas inhabited by the Nguni,

its successful cultivation depends greatly on suitable climatic conditions in the

particular area.

In none of the areas was there a rigid specialization— both men and women

74 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM

prepared the calabashes, though it tended to be more often a woman’s occu-

pation.

In order to prepare a gourd for use the flesh of the fruit was softened and

scraped out and the shell was left to dry. Methods throughout the area varied

very little. The main difference was whether the gourd was boiled (northern

Nguni) or not (southern Nguni). No taboos connected with preparation were

recorded.

The only tools used were cutting and scraping instruments, nowadays an

ordinary knife and spoon, and an awl for decoration and repair.

The method of decoration is the factor which showed the greatest degree of

difference in calabash-working among the Nguni people. In general it was found

that milk calabashes were not decorated but water and beer calabashes occa-

sionally had a beadwork collar. The northern Transvaal Ndebele had been

influenced by the Pedi in their choice of design and style of branding of calabash

dishes. The Zulu were particularly adept at the art of wirework and there are

many fine examples of snuff-boxes decorated in this manner. The Cape Nguni,

on the other hand, preferred to decorate medicine flasks, snuff-boxes and cos-

metic containers with beadwork. Among the Cape Nguni a snuff-box was

generally covered entirely with beadwork in a definite pattern of a rectangular

design. With the exception of those in the south, the Natal Nguni rarely covered

snuff-boxes and medicine flasks entirely with beads. Where they did use beads as

decoration it was generally in the form of strips of beadwork sewn on to the

shell. Beadwork and branding were popular forms of decoration among the

southern and northern Transvaal Ndebele. So little information was obtained

on methods of decoration of calabash utensils among the Swazi and Rhodesian

Ndebele that no comparison can be made, but the only record of the use of a dye

came from the Swazi.

The method of repair of cracks was basically the same throughout; that is

to sew the crack together and then to darn through the sewing. One instance was

recorded from the Cape Nguni where this mend had been covered with a paste.

Calabash flasks for milk were recorded among all the Nguni people except

the northern Transvaal Ndebele but it is unlikely that the latter did not use them.

Water and beer vessels are still used throughout the group.

Scoops and ladles were used to ladle out beer, water or grain. Smaller ladles

were sometimes used as spoons from which to eat. Calabash medicine and cos-

metic flasks were recorded among all except the Swazi and the Matabele. There

is no record of the use of calabash snuff-boxes by the northern Transvaal

Ndebele, but all other groups used them and they were usually decorated. Cala-

bashes were used as resonators on the musical bow among the Cape and Natal

Nguni, Swazi and the southern Transvaal Ndebele, but were not recorded

among the others though they were probably used. The existence of a calabash

drum was recorded among the Cape Nguni, where, according to Kirby, the idea

was probably borrowed from the Hottentots, and there is an unconfirmed

reference to its use among the Natal Nguni.

SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES eS

The literature refers to various miscellaneous uses of calabashes, e.g. among

the Cape and Natal Nguni the bowl of the calabash was employed as a container

for fat for a lamp. According to the literature the Natal Nguni used calabash

chamber-pots and combs made from the shells of gourds. One single museum

specimen was seen where a calabash had been used as a water vessel for a

Mpondo dagga-pipe. Ritual uses of the calabash were recorded in the device of

the ‘talking calabash’, which was used by the Cape and Natal Nguni as a method

of divining the direction from which a disease had come or the person who had

sent it. Calabashes were used as ritual objects in the important First Fruits

ceremonies of the Swazi and, in former times, of the Zulu.

In one area, Bergville, it was stated that if the gourd crop was not good

gourds were bought from elsewhere and then prepared. No other evidence was

collected on the subject of trade of either the unworked gourds or the finished

objects. As far as was seen people grew and prepared calabashes for themselves

and turned them into utensils.

The older literature, particularly, is notably lacking in references to the use

and working of calabashes, so that this survey has been based largely on the

present position. It is realized that more time in the field was needed, but the

general impression gained was that all sections of the Nguni find calabashes a

useful commodity especially as milk containers but that they are losing ground

to modern store-bought articles.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Acknowledgement is hereby made of the financial assistance of the Human

Sciences Research Council towards the research and publication of this work.

Opinions expressed or conclusions reached are those of the author and should

not be regarded as representative of those of the Human Sciences Research

Council.

Thanks are due to the directors of the Alexander McGregor Memorial

Museum, Kimberley; the East London Museum; the F. S. Malan Museum,

Fort Hare; the National Museum, Bloemfontein; the National Open-air and

Cultural History Museum, Pretoria; the Natal Museum, Pietermaritzburg; the

Port Elizabeth Museum; the British Museum, London; the Pitt-Rivers Museum,

Oxford; the Cambridge Ethnographic Museum; the Linden Museum, Stuttgart;

the State Ethnographic Museum, Stockholm; the V6lkerkunde Museum,

Berlin; to the Department of Bantu Administration and Development for per-

mission to work in tribal areas, and to Mrs J. J. Hosford for photographic

work.

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by J. Stuart and D. McK. Malcolm. Pietermaritzburg: Shuter and Shooter.

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W. Crofts.

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—Afr. Stud. 17: 17.

HAMMOND-TOOKE, W. D. 1962. Bhaca society: a people of the Transkeian uplands, South Africa.

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Hott, B. 1969. The Tshezi of the Transkei. An Ethnographic Study. Unpublished MS, a copy in

S. Afr. Museum.

Ho us, E. 1893. Die Ma-Atabele.—Z. Ethnol. 25: 177-206.

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SOME NGUNI CRAFTS: CALABASHES Wi

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ABBREVIATIONS

BM British Museum.

DC Duggan-Cronin Bantu Gallery, Kimberley.

EL East London Museum.

HW Hamilton-Welsh Collection, F. S. Malan Museum, Fort Hare.

NAS National Museum, Bloemfontein.

NASKO National Open-air and Cultural History Museum, Pretoria.

NM Natal Museum.

PE Port Elizabeth Museum.

SAM South African Museum.

LOKCAR University of Cape Town Collection at the South African Museum.

6. SYSTEMATIC papers must conform with the International code of zoological nomenclature

(particularly Articles 22 and 51).

Names of new taxa, combinations, synonyms, etc., when used for the first time, must be

followed by the appropriate Latin (not English) abbreviation, e.g. gen. nov., sp. nov., comb.

Nnov., Syn. nov., etc.

An author’s name when cited must follow the name of the taxon without intervening

punctuation and not be abbreviated; if the year is added, a comma must separate author’s

name and year. The author’s name (and date, if cited) must be placed in parentheses if a

species or subspecies is transferred from its original genus. The name of a subsequent user of

a scientific name must be separated from the scientific name by a colon.

Synonymy arrangement should be according to chronology of names, i.e. all published

scientific names by which the species previously has been designated are listed in chronological

order, with all references to that name following in chronological order, e.g.:

Family Nuculanidae

Nuculana (Lembulus) bicuspidata (Gould, 1845)

Figs 14-15A

Nucula (Leda) bicuspidata oud Nee 37.

Leda plicifera A. Adams, 1856:

Laeda bicuspidata Hanley, 1859: “tis, pl. 228 (fig. 73). Sowerby, 1871: pl. 2 (figs 8a—b).

Nucula largillierti Philippi, 1861:

Leda bicuspidata: Nicklés, 1950: 03, fig. 301; 1955: 110. Barnard, 1964: 234, figs 8-9.

Note punctuation in the above example:

comma separates author’s name and year

semicolon separates more than one reference by the same author

full stop separates references by different authors

figures of plates are enclosed in parentheses to distinguish them from text-figures

dash, not comma, separates consecutive numbers

Synonymy arrangement according to chronology of bibliographic references, whereby

the year is placed in front of each entry, and the synonym repeated in full for each entry, is

not acceptable.

In describing new species, one specimen must be designated as the holotype; other speci-

mens mentioned in the original description are to be designated paratypes; additional material

not regarded as paratypes should be listed separately. The complete data (registration number,

depository, description of specimen, locality, collector, date) of the holotype and paratypes

must be recorded, e.g.:

Holotype

SAM-—A13535 in the South African Museum, Cape Town. Adult female from mid-tide region, King’s Beach,

Port Elizabeth (33.51S, 25.39E), collected by A. Smith, 15 January 1973.

Note standard form of writing South African Museum registration numbers, date and geographical positions.

7. SPECIAL HOUSE RULES

Capital initial letters

(a) The Figures, Maps and Tables of the paper when referred to in the text

e.g. *... the Figure depicting C. namacolus...; ‘...in C. namacolus (Fig. 10)...’

(b) The prefixes of prefixed surnames in all languages, when used in the text, if not preceded

by initials or full names

e.g. Du Toit but A.L.du Toit; Von Huene but F. von Huene

e.g. Therocephalia, but therocephalian

Punctuation should be loose, omitting all not strictly necessary

Reference to the author should be expressed in the third person

Roman numerals should be converted to arabic, except when forming part of the title of a

book or article, such as

‘Revision of the Crustacea. Part VIII. The Amphipoda.’

Specific name must not stand alone, but be preceded by the generic name or its abbreviation

to initial capital letter, provided the same generic name is used consecutively.

Name of new genus or species is not to be included in the title: it should be included in the

abstract, counter to Recommendation 23 of the Code, to meet the requirements of Bio-

logical Abstracts.