ASIA

CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

3 1924 066 284 575

JOURNAL

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

VOL. XLII.

PART I. (History, Literature, &c.)

(Nos. I to IY. — 1873 : with ten plates.)

EDITED BY

'y HE JlONORARY jS EC RETAR I ES.

“ It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science,

in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to

the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long

intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm. Jones.

CALCUTTA :

Printed by p. ft, JRouse, P^ptist piissioN Press.

1873

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CONTENTS

i

qp the

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, FOR 1873.

" PAR* I.

No. I.

Page

Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India. — By Ba'bu Ba'jeadrala'la

Mitra, . . . . 1

The History of Pegu. — By Major-General Sir Arthur P. Piiayre,

K. C. S. I., C. B., . . . 23

Postscript to Ba'bu Ba'jeadrala'la Mitra’s Paper on Spirituous

Drinks in Ancient India, . . 58

Essays in aid of a Comparative Grammar of the Gaurian Languages.

• — By ltev. A. F. Budolf Hoerale, D. Ph. Tubingen, Professor

of Sanskrit, Jay Narayan’s College, Benares,, . . 59

No. II.

Note on two Coins from Kausamblii. — By tlie Honorable E. C.

Bayley, C. S. I., C. S, (with a woodcut), . . .

Bude Stone Monuments in Chutia Nagpur and other places. — By

Col. E. T. Daltoa, C. S. I., Commissioner of Chutia Nag¬

pur, (with three plates), . . .

The History of Pegu (continued). — By Major General Sir Arthur

P. Piiayre, K. C. S. I., C. B,»e . . .

Notes on the Age of the Buins chieily situate at Banaras and Jaun-

pur. — By the late Mr. Charles Horae, B. C. S, .

Studies in the Grammar of Chand Bardai. — By John Beames, B. C.

S., &e., .

Further note on Coins from Kausamblii. — By the Honorable E. C.

Bayley, C. S. I., C. S., . . . . . .

109

112

120

100

105

191

iv Contents .

Page

No. III.

Authorities for the History of the Portuguese in India. — By T. W.

H. Tolbort, B. G. S., . . . . . 193

Contributions to the Geography and History of Bengal (Mu¬

hammadan Period). — Pt. I., Geographical. Pt. II., Historical ,

based on Inscriptions received from General A. Cunningham,

C. S. I., Dr. J. Wise, E. Y. Westmacott, Esq., W. L.

Heely, Esq., Walter M. Bourxe, Esq., &c., and on un¬

published coins , with notes by E. Y. Westmacott, Esq., and

Dr. J. Wise. — By H. Blochmann, M. A., Calcutta Madrasah,

(with six plates), . . . . . . . . . . 209

No. IY.

Note on two Muhammadan coins. — By The Hon’ble E. C. Bayley,

C. S. I . * . 311

Note on two Copper Plate Inscriptions (Kanauj). — By Ba'jendra-

la'la Mitra', . . . 31 1

A Metrical Yersion of the opening Stanzas of Chand’s Prithiraj Basau.

By P. S. Gowse, M. A., B. C. S . . . 329

The - Initial Coinage of Bengal. Pt. II. — By E. Thomas, E. B. S.

(with a plate), . . . . * . . 313

Appendix.

A Bough Comparative Yocabulary of some of the Dialects spoken in

the “Naga Hills” District. — By Capt. J. Butler, Political

Agent, Naga Hills District, . I

Yocabulary of the Banpara Nagas. — By S. E. Peal, . . XXX

SA/W

LIST OF PLATES

IN

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, FOR 1873,

Part I.

PI. I (p. 111). The great Munda Burial ground at Chokuhata, Chutia

Nagpur

PI.- II (p. 11§). Monumental Stones in Chutia Nagpur.

pi. in (p. 11$). Regadlii Monumental Stones with Ghost seats.

(p. 164). Incised writings on Stones at Bakliariya Ivliand, Banaras.

PL IV (p. 242). Magni Mogolis Imperium, according to Blaev’s Map

(1650).

Hy* ) . .

PL XI > Facsimiles of Bengal Muhammadan Inscriptions.

P1..VII )

| Unpublished coins of the Muhammadan kings of Bengal.

PU.-N. Initial Muhammadan coinage of Bengal.

Woodcuts.

1.2. (p. 110), Two ancient coins from Kausambhi.

J(§. 269), Coin of Na^iruddin Abul Muzaffar Mahmud Shah (I) of

Bengal.

4yfjp. 288), Coin of Firuz-Shah (II) of Bengal.

5^p. 312), Coin of Muzaffar Shah of Bengal.

.

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IN

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, FOR 1873,

Part I.

Page Gl, line 30 ,/or tr read

• - - 64, line 30, for read

- 71, line Vi, for read WT^T.

■ - - 74, line 33 ,/or read

- 81, line 0 ,/or read

• - 81, line 33, for read

- 81, line 33, /or read

- 85, line 22, for Skr. Pr. and read Skr. and Pr.

- 80, line 37, \

“ loolunfe, (f°r f*f?* read "ft*

- 103, line 1, )

— lOllTine1?; for rmd **•

- 222, line 10, for river read O’liagra river.

- - 235, line 1,/or to read and to.

- - „ line 25, for downfall read downfal.

- 230, line second note, for Ivocli read of Koch.

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2018 with funding from

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https://archive.org/details/journalofasiatic4218asia

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Part I— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c.

No. I.— 1873.

Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India. — lly Babtt Ba'jendeala'la Mitea.

Sages and moralists have, in all ages and in every clime, expatiated in

strong terms on the impropriety of indulgence in spirituous drinks, and some

physiologists have recently discovered that such drinks do not possess any

of the virtues which tradition has all aloim’ ascribed to them. We are told

O

that they do not add to our strength, or power of digestion ; they have no

influence on the heart’s action ; they are powerless to increase the tempera¬

ture of the body ; they cannot help us to resist the chilling effect of

cold ; and are inert as aliments, failing alike in affording fuel for the lungs

and material for the formation of the tissues. But neither the anathema of

sages and moralists, nor the dicta of the professors of science, have any¬

where sufficed to suppress their use. They prevail in some form or other in

almost every part of the world ; and those primitive races which have no

knowledge of them, seize them with the greatest avidity the moment they

find them ; for, like tobacco, spirituous drinks have a peculiar charm which

enables them, if not to defy, at least to hold their own alike against the

deductions of science and the mandates of religion. In the eye of reason,

voluntary inebriation may appear in the most offensive light ; but there seems

to be a craving in human nature to elevate the spirit above the dull routine of

every-day existence, and to produce a temporary frenzy during which the

cares and troubles of life are forgotten, and trains of delightful ideas lill the

mind, which nothing can completely eradicate.

The history of Muhammadan civilization affords a most striking illus¬

tration of the truth of this assertion. None condemned the use of wine

A

2 Rdjendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India. [No. 1,

more emphatically than the Prophet of Arabia, and yet there is no Muham¬

madan country where the consumption of wine is other than considerable,

or as the great historian, Gibbon, has aptly expressed it, “ the wines of Shiraz

have always prevailed over the laws of Muhammad.”

The annals of the Indo- Aryans yield a no less remarkable illustration.

The earliest Brahman settlers were a spirit-drinking race, and indulged largely

both in Soma beer and strong spirits. To their gods the most acceptable and

grateful offering was Soma beer, and wine or spirit (for in connexion with India

the two words may he used synonymously, there never having been any

such thing as pure wine,) was publicly sold in shops for the use of the

community. In the Rig Veda Sanhita a hymn occurs which shows that

wine was kept in leather bottles, # and freely sold to all comers. The said

wine was, likewise, offered to the gods, and the Sautramani and the Vdjapaya

rites, of which libations of strong arrack formed a prominent feature, were

held in the highest esteem. Doubts have been entertained as to the nature

of the Soma beverage, and people are not wanting who repudiate its in¬

toxicating nature ; but none will venture to deny that the surd of the

Sautramani and the Vdjapaya was other than arrack manufactured from

rice-meal, and that will suffice to show that the Yedic Hindus did counten¬

ance the use of spirit. As to the Soma, if any reliance is to be placed in

the directions given for its preparation, and on the Yedic descriptions of its

effect on the gods, it is impossible to take it to have been other than a fer¬

mented intoxicating beverage. Of this, however, I shall treat lower down.

In the hot plains of India, over-indulgence in spirituous drinks, however

gradually bore its evil consequences, and among the thoughtful a revulsion

of feeling was the result. The later Yedas accordingly proposed a compro¬

mise, and, leaving the rites intact, prohibited the use of spirit for the grati¬

fication of the senses, in language very similar to Sydney Smith’s u Think

not, touch not, and taste not,” saying “ Wine is unfit to be drunk, unfit to

be given, and unfit to be accepted,”! and denounced drinking to be heinous

in the last degree, quite as bad as the murder of a Brahman. The Smritis,

following in their wake, included the sin of wiuebibing among the five

capital crimes or mahdpdtakas , and ordained the severest punishment against

the offender.

It is said that the prohibition was first promulgated by S'ukracharya,

the high priest of the Asuras, who was disgusted by the remembrance of

certain excesses to which he himself had been led by over-indulgence in

strong drink. The Mahabharata has eupliuised the story in the 76th chapter

* “ I deposit the poison in the solar orb, like a leather bottle in the house of a

vendor of spirits.” Wilson’s Rig Yeda, II, p. 204.

f | ^pff: 1

3

1873.] Bajendral Ua Mitra — Spirituous DrinJcs in Ancient India.

of its first book. According to it, Kacha, son of Vrihaspati, liad become

a pupil of S'ukracharya witli a view to obtain from him tlie charm of reviv¬

ing dead men, which none else knew. The Asuras came to know of this,

and, dreading lest the pupil should obtain and afterwards impart the great

secret to the Devas, assassinated him, and mixed his ashes with the wine of his

tutor, and thus transferred him to the bowels of S'ukracharya. It happened,

however, that during his pupilage Kacha had won the affection of Devayani,

the youthful and charming daughter of S'ukracbarya, and that lady insisted

upon her father to restore the youth to her, threatening to commit suicide if

the request was not complied with. S 'ultra, unable to decline the favour to his

daughter, repeated the charm, and anon, to his surprise, found the youth speak¬

ing from his own belly. The difficulty now was to bring the youth out, for this

could not be accomplished without ripping open the abdomen of the tutor.

S'ukracbarya thereupon taught the youth the great charm, and then allowed

himself to be ripped open, and Kacha, in grateful acknowledgement of his res¬

toration to life, revived his tutor. Now S'ukracharya, seeing that it was the

influence of drink which had made him insensibly swallow the ashes of a Brah¬

man, and that Brahman his own pupil, prohibited the use of wine by Brahmans,

“ From this day forward,” said he, “ the Brahman, who through infatuation

will drink arrack (surd) shall lose all his religious merit ; that wretch will

be guilty of the sin of killing Brahmans, and be condemned in this as well

as in a future world. Let all pious Brahmans, mindful of their duty to

their tutors, as also to the Devas and mankind in general, attend to this

rule of conduct for Brahmans ordained by me for all the regions of the

universe.”*

S'ukracharya was followed by Krishna, who also cursed the wine-bibber

because his kith and kin, the Yadavas, proved the most intractable and unruly

of drunkards.

The legends on which these prohibitions are founded may be, for ought

we know, after-thoughts, designed to illustrate the heinousness of excessive

indulgence, and to give weight to the prohibitions, by invoking the authority

of great men against over-indulgence. But the fact remains unquestioned

that, from an early period, the Hindus have denounced in their sacred writ¬

ings the use of wine as sinful, and two of their greatest lawgivers, Manuf

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Rajendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drin/cs in Ancient India. [No. 1,

and Yajnavalkya* held that the only expiation meet for a Brahman who

has polluted himself by drinking spirit, is suicide by a draught of spirit or

water, or cow’s urine, or milk in a boiling state, taken in a burning hot

metal pot. Angira, Vas 'istha and Paithmasi restricted the drink to boiling

spirits alone. f Devala went a step further, and prescribed a draught of melt¬

ed silver, copper or lead as the most appropriate. J Even in cases of acciden¬

tal drinking of spirits through ignorance on the part of any of the three

twice-born classes, nothing short of a repetition of the initial sacramentary

rites, effecting a complete regeneration, is held sufficient to purge the sin.§

The Brahman woman who transgresses this law, is denied access to the

region of her husband, and is doomed to be born a slut, or a cow, or a vulture. |j

Manu likewise provides for judicial cognisance of such offence by Brah¬

mans, and ordains excommunication and branding on the forehead the figure

of a bottle as the most appropriate punishment. “ 237. For violating the

paternal bed, let the mark of a female part be impressed on the forehead

with hot iron ; for drinking spirits, a vintner’s flag for stealing sacred

gold, a dog’s foot ; for murdering a priest, the figure of a headless corpse.

“ 238. With none to eat with them, with none to sacrifice with them,

with none to read with them, with none to be allied by marriage to them,

abject and excluded from all social duties, let them wander over the earth.

“ 239. Branded with indelible marks, they shall be deserted by their

paternal and maternal relations, treated by none with affection, received by

none with respect : such is the ordinance of Manu.” (IX.)

Even drinking of water kept in a wine bottle is held sinful, and various

expiations are recommended for removing the sin.##

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•[[The words are ^TTqi *T I) “ For drinking, a liquor-flag,” but as

there is no flag known as peculiar to arrack, or arrack-sellers, commentators take the

term surddhvaja to mean the particular kind of jar or flagon which was formerly used

to hold liquor. What the shape of this jar was, I cannot ascertain

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1873.] Rajendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India. 5

Other authorities on law and religion are in no respect less stringent.

And yet it would seem that at no time in their history have the Hindus as

a nation altogether abstained from the use of spirituous drinks as a means

of sensual gratification. Elders, anchorites, sages and learned men, forming

the hulk of the priestly race, doubtless scrupulously abstained from them, as

they do now in this and other countries ; and a good number of pious and

respectable householders, and men of rank and position of the other classes

followed their example, even as they do now ; hut as they constituted hut a

fraction of the sum total of the community, their abstinence could not lead

to abstinence on the part of the whole nation, or the bulk of it. There was

probably also a considerable amount of hypocrisy, or outward expression of

horror against wine on the part of the higher orders of the people, such as

we know does prevail in the present day ; hut Sanskrit literature, both ancient

and modern, leaves no room for doubt as to wine having been very exten¬

sively used in this country at all times, and by all classes.

Manu, notwithstanding his stern anathema, found the public feeling or

practice so strong against him as to be under the necessity of observing in

one place that “ there is no turpitude in drinking wine,” but “ a virtuous

abstinence from it produces a signal compensation. Elsewhere he provides

that the soldier and the merchant should not deal in spirituous liquors,

leaving the S'udras to follow the trade at their pleasure.f The prohibition

in the case of the soldier and the merchant refers to arrack only, so they

were at liberty to take all other kinds of liquor, and accordingly the Mitak-

shara comes to the conclusion that Brahmans alone have to abstain from

all kinds of spirituous drinks, the Kshatriya and Vaishya from arrack or

paisliti , leaving the S'udras to indulge in whatever they liked. J

Coming from the age of the Vedas to that of the Sutras, I find that not

only the soma and the sura of the Sanhitas and the Brahmanas retained

their firm hold on the people, hut several new candidates for public favour

appeared in the forms of Mddhvika or mown, Gaudt or rum, tcda or toddy

wine, and so on. They could not have been manufactured had there been

no demand for them, and the conclusion becomes irresistible, that they were

used to a considerable extent as a means of sensual gratification, though

they seem never to have found a footing in religious ceremonies.

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6

Rajendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinlcs in Ancient India. [No. 1,

Turning now to the Mahabharata we have abundant evidence to show

that most of the leading characters in that great epic were addicted to strong

chunks, and no picnic or pleasure party was complete in which wine did not

hold a prominent part. The extract from the Harivans' a published in the last

volume of this Journal (p. 340 et seq.) affords a very graphic account of the

manner in which such distinguished personages as Balacleva and Krishna

and Arjuna indulged in drink in the company of their wives, sisters and

daughters, and other extracts equally precise and full, might be easily

multiplied, if needed. The description of Arjuna’ s picnic on the Raivata moun¬

tain given in the Adiparva, offers a remarkable instance in point. Elsewhere

Krishna and Arjuna are described as “ having wine-inflamed eyes.” “Both

Krishna and Arjuna have been seen by me, both lying on a cot, or in their cars,

besprinkled with sandal paste, and having their eyes reddened by madhvi and

asava.”# Sudeshna, the queen of Maharaja Virata, in the Virata larva, feeling

thirsty, sends her maid, Draupadi, to her brother, Kichaka, to obtain from

him a flagon of good wine for her use.f In the Mans ala Jdarva, the Yadavas

are described to have been so overcome by drink at the sea-side watering-place

of Prabliasa as to have destroyed each other in sheer drunkenness.

According to the Bhagavata Purana, when questioned by his brother

Judliisthira as to how the Yadavas were doing, Arjuna is reported to have

said — “ 0 king, our friends, of whom you are inquiring, losing, through a

Brahman’s curse on the house of our well-wishers, their senses by over-

indulgence in Varuni liquor, have, without recognising each other, exchanged

blows and destroyed themselves. Now only four or five are left alive to tell

the tale.”J

The Ramayana also frequently notices wine and drinking. In one

place no less a personage than the great sage, Visvamitra, who is the author

of a considerable number of the hymns of the Rig Veda, is said to have been

entertained with maireya and surd by his host, Vasishtha.§ Bharadvaja

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7

18/ 3.] Rajendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India.

another great sage, offered wine to Bharata and his soldiers when they spent

a night under his hospitable roof. “ 0 ye drinkers of spirits,” said the sage,

“ drink spirituous liquors ; 0 ye hungry, eat ; fill yourselves with frumenty

and various kinds of juicy meats.*'” This sage welcomed Rama by slaughter¬

ing “ the fatted calf, ” hut he is not reported to have offered the exile

any liquor for his regalement. Two passages, however, occur in the second

hook of the Ramayana which afford the most conclusive proof of wine having

been extensively used, and held in considerable estimation as a favourite

drink in former days. The practice of making vows at times of danger

and misfortune to offer something choice to the gods, was universal in former

days, and is common enough now in most parts of the world. The nature

of the offering doubtless differs under different circumstances ; but the offer¬

ing is made all the same. The candles for the Madonna of Roman Catholic

countries is in Bengal represented by milk, or frumenty, or richer offerings,

and rarely is a child sick in the house, or a cow suffering from the pains of

parturition, for which some milk is not vowed to the lares and penates.

Sita, the model of feminine grace and virtue, was not above this custom,

and when crossing the Granges in her way to the wilderness of the south,

is said to have made a similar vow ; but instead of mentioning milk or fru¬

menty, she pledged herself to offer a plentiful supply of arrack. Addressing

the river, she said ; “ Be merciful to us, 0 goddess, and I shall, on my

return home, worship thee with a thousand jars of arrack and dishes of

cooked flesh-meat. t” When crossing the Yamuna she said, “ Be thou

auspicious, O goddess ; I am crossing thee. When my husband has

accomplished his vow, I shall worship thee with a thousand head of cattle

and a hundred jars of arrack. Again, Bharata, returning from his

ineffectual mission to bring back Rama, mourns the lost glories of the

capital: “ No longer the exhilarating aroma of arrack, nor the enchanting

scent of garlands, of sandalwood, and of agallochum now wafts through

the city.”§ After these, the, presence of wine in the palaces of Ravana

andSugriva, and the greatest glory of the streets ofKiskinda having been the

aroma of arrack || are not matters of wonder, seeing that those persons were

* Ramayana, Carey’s edition, III, p. 297.

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Rajendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India. [No. 1,

not included in the pale of Hinduism and the city belonged to a race of

monkeys.

Buddhism must have contributed much to check the spread of drunken¬

ness in India, as it did in putting down the consumption of flesh-meat, hut

it never was equal to the task of suppressing it. The Jatakas and Avadanas

abound in stories of drunkenness, and among the sculptures of Sanchi, several

ladies of high rank, standing in the verandahs of the upper storeys of their

mansions to behold religious processions in the street, are represented with

attendants holding forth tazzas and flagons, which evidently were intended

to contain something more potent than water or sharbat. In three love-

scenes, the lovers are represented offering overflowing goblets to their mis¬

tresses, certainly not with a view to smother the flames of Cupid with a cool¬

ing draught. In a Buddhist drama, entitled Nagdnanda , lately translated into

English by Mr. Ralph Boyd, a scene occurs, the plot of which depends upon

the vagaries of a drunkard, who had for his lady-love a maid of honor of the

queen.

In the time of Kalidasa drinking seems to have been very common, for

we find in the Sakuntala, the Superintendent of Police, who was no other

than the king’s brother-in-law, proposing, like an English policeman, or

cabby, to spend the present offered him by the fisherman who recovered the

lost ring, at the nearest grog shop.

“ Fisherman. — Here’s half the money for you, my masters. It will

serve to purchase the flowers you spoke of, if not to buy me your goodwill.

“ Ja'nuka. — Well, now, that’s just as it should he.

“ Superintendent. — My good fisherman, you are an excellent fellow, and

I begin to feel quite a regard for you. Let us seal our first friendship over

a glass of good licpior. Come along to the next wineshop, and we’ll drink

your health.”*

In his graphic description of the triumphal march of Raghu, Kalidasa

specially notices drinking-booths set up by the soldiery at Rajamundri, to

drink the famous cocoa-nut liquor of the place. f The proper way to drink

it was in betel leaf cups. So profusely was this liquor partaken of, that,

in the hyperbolical language of the poet, the water of the Oauvery was

tainted by the smell. { In a subsequent part of the description, the same

soldiery appear to have in Persia drunk grape-wine, seated on leather

* Williams’s Sakuntala, p. 153.

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9

1873.] Rdjendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India.

cushions spread under umbrageous vineyards.* A passage in the Kumar a

Sambhava, of the same author, extols a crystal palace on the Himalaya

as so exquisite as to he best adapted for a drinking hall.f Drinking

must have been common in high circles to justify this comparison. Elsewhere

drinking halls, as specially reserved apartments in a palace, are frequently

mentioned.

Kalidasa is also lavish in his references to drinking by women of quality.

In the Raghuvansa, he makes Aja bemoan the loss of his wife, Xndumati,

by this apostrophe : “ Plow will you, dear one of wine-reddened eye, who

have quaffed delightful liquor from my mouth, drink the mist-befouled water

which I offer with my tears. Adverting to a practice of making Vakula

trees ( Memusops elengi) flower by gargling wine on them, the same author

says : “ Sprinkled over with arrack from charming faces, the blossoms partook of

the character of the liquor. ”§ Again: “Liquors, which excite delightful re¬

creation, overcome by their bouquet the aroma of vakula flowers, never break

the current of enjoyment, and are friendly to Cupid, the ladies drink with

their husbands.” || Again, “ The ladies in private drank highly exhilarating

liquor from the mouth of Agnivarna, and he on his turn blossomed like the

vakula by drinking of arrack from their mouths. ”^[

In the Kumcira Sambhava , Rati, mourning the loss of her lord Cupid,

says : — Rice liquor, which causes the reddened eyes to roll, and speech to get

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Bajendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India. [No. 1 ,

disjointed at every step, lias, in thy absence, become a torture to loving

women.”*

In the 7th book of that work, when describing Siva’s approach to the

palace of Himalaya, the poet says that “ the faces of the ladies who rushed to

the windows in great haste and with half finished toilettes, to behold the pro¬

cession, evolved the odour of the arrack they had drunk, and their dark eyes

appeared like black bees on charming lotuses.”!

Magha, in the Sisupdlabhadha describing Baladeva, says “ when he

spoke, the aroma of liquor which had obtained sweetness by lodging in the

mouth of Bevati, issued from his mouth.

The Puranas abound in descriptions of wine and drinking, and, though

the object of many of them is to condemn the use of wine, the inference is

clear, that there was a widespread malady which they proposed to overcome.

In some instances, moreover, the object was not reprobation, but mere de¬

scription, and no less an authority than the Bhagavata Purana enjoins the use

of spirit by Brahmans at the Sautramani rite, So does Yrihaspati, the

high priest of the gods, whose Sanhita is a standard authority on law,§ In

the MarTcandeya Purana , the great goddess Durga is represented as parti¬

cularly addicted to strong drinks. Kuvera serves her with overflowing

goblets of strong liquor, and she drinks and drinks till her eyes become

flaming red, and she bursts out in wild laughter. When girding herself

to prepare for her combat with the fierce demon Mahisa, she says ; “ Boar,

roar, you fool, for a moment only, till I finish my drinking.” j|

Other instances may be quoted ad libitum , but they are not wanted. I

shall abstain also from extracting more passages from the poetical literature

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1873.] llajendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India,

11

of the last fifteen or sixteen hundred years to show how frequently reference

are made to drinking among the higher classes of the community. But I can¬

not omit noticing the Tantras, which afford the most indubitable proofs of a

strong attachment on the part of a large section of the Hindus to over-indul¬

gence in spirituous drinks. These works profess to he revelations made by

Siva to his consort Parvati, and constitute the life and soul of the modern sys¬

tem of Hinduism. In the way of religious rites, nothing is done in the present

day, and nothing has been for the last fifteen hundred years in Bengal, which

does not, or did not, borrow its main characteristics from the Tantras. They

govern alike the conscience of the followers of Siva, the worshippers of S'akti,

and the adorers of Vishnu. In the present day, some few ceremonies are

called Vedic, and Vedic mantras are used in a great many others; hut inmost

instances, the mantras used have been transmitted through a Tan trie medium,

and it may be said with very little exaggeration that the life of a Hindu from,

birth to burning-ground is one eternal bondage to the ordinances of the Tantras.

Doubtless the Tantras are of various kinds, some Vaishnavite, others Slvite,

and others designed for the glorification of S'akti, or the female energy, and

the last two classes of works are described by the Vaishnavas, and very just¬

ly, as sanmoliini or “ delusive,” designed with a view to mislead mankind in

this sinful iron age ; but even the most bigoted Vaishnava dares not ques¬

tion their character as revelations by Siva, and most faithfully owns his

allegiance to such Tantras as are of a Vaishnavite tendency. The Slvite

and S'akta Tantras are, however, much more numerous, and their followers in

the present day may be reckoned by hundreds of thousands. Before the

advent of Chaitanya, four hundred years ago, their influence was much greater ;

and the great bulk of the Hindus professed the faith inculcated in those

works. The doctrine of equality which Chaitanya and his successors preach¬

ed, won over over to their side the major portion of the lower orders of the

people, and the Vaishnavas, therefore, now prevail in Bengal ; but the Brah¬

mans could never brook the .idea of owning equality with low caste men, so

most of them stuck to, and still follow, the doctrines of Shiva or S'akta

worship, and the Tantras which inculcate them give free liberty to their

votaries to indulge in drinking spirits. The S'akta Tantras go further, and

insist upon the use of wine as an element of devotion. According to them

no worship of the Devi can be complete which is not celebrated with the five

great essentials, “ fish, flesh, wine, fried grain, and female society,” technically

called the five Ms, from the circumstance of the initial letters of their Sanskrit

names being- M. To describe the details of the worship would be so shock-

o

ing that I cannot venture upon the task. Suffice it to say, that the Kaulas,

who arc the most ardent followers of the S akta Tantras, celebrate their

rites at midnight in a closed room, where they sit in a circle round ajar of

country arrack, one or more young women of a lewd character being in the

12 Rajendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India. [No. 1,

company ; they “ drink, drink, and drink until they fall down in utter

helplessness, then rising again they drink, in the hope of never having

a second birth.”* In such circles (Bhairavi chakra) Kaulas of all castes

are admissible, for, say the Tantras, when once in the mystic circle, all castes

are superior to Brahmans, though on coming out of it, they revert to their

respective ranks in civil society. f It is true that this “ left-handed” or

secret worship ( vdmachdra :■) is observed by a few of the most ardent votaries

of the sect, at long intervals ; and the Tantras inculcate absolute secrecy in its

performance, and disclosure is condemned as calculated to frustrate all its

merits, and prove highly disreputable ; but the use of wine is enjoined at

the ordinary daily prayers or sandhyas, and on particular occasions it is a

sine qua non. I knew a highly respectable widow lady, connected with one

of the most distinguished families in Calcutta, who belonged to the Kaula

sect, and had survived the 75th anniversary of her birthday, who never said

her prayers, (and she did so regularly every morning and evening) without

touching the point of her tongue with a tooth-pick dipped in a phial of

arrack, and sprinkling a few drops of the liquor on the flowers which she

offered to her god. I doubt very much if she had ever drunk a wine-glassful

of arrack at once in all her life, and certain it is that she never had any

idea of the pleasures of drinking ; but, as a faithful Kaula, she felt herself

in duty bound to observe the mandates of her religion with the greatest

scrupulousness. That thousands of others do so, I have every reason to

believe. In some parts of Bengal, where arrack is not easily accessible,

such female votaries prepare a substitute by dropping the milk of a cocoa-

nut in a bell-metal pot, or milk in a copper vessel, and drink a few drops

of the same. Men are, however, not so abstemious, and the Tantras ordain a

daily allowance of five cupsful, the cup being so made as to contain five

tolas, or two ounces, J i. e. they are permitted to take ten ounces or about a

pint of arrack daily.

The most appropriate way of drinking liquor is in the mystic circle

above noticed ; but as this cannot be got up every day, the devotee takes

the bulk of his potation alone after the evening prayer. He is also at

liberty to drink wherever he likes, and in whatever company chance may

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1873.] Kajendr'alala Mitra- — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India. 13

throw in his way, provided he faithfully observes one condition, and that is,

never to drink without neutralising the curse of S'ukracharya and purifying

the drink. This is done by drawing a triangular figure on the ground with

the right index finger dipped in liquor, placing the flagon thereon, and repeating

over it three mantras which say — (1) “ Om ! The great Brahma is one alone ;

verily, he is both material and immaterial. Through him I destroy the

sin of Brahmanicide which has originated in (the murder of) Kaclia (son of

Vrihaspati. (2) Om ! 0 goddess, dweller in the orb of the sun, born in the

abode of waters, and consisting of the sacred mantra of Ama, remove the

curse of S'ukracharya. (3) Om ! If the Pranava be the source of the Yedas,

and essentially and solely the felicity of Brahma, by it, the truth, O goddess,

cast away the sin of killing Brahmans.*” After repeating the mantras, the

word vans' a is to be muttered several times, and then repeating his own

especially vijamantra , the votary should meditate on the form of Iris favourite

divinity, which is generally a manifestation of Kali, and then on that of S'iva

who is described as “ blood red in complexion, four-handed, three-eyed,

benign, beneficent, bearing a mass of matted hair on his head, a necklace of

snakes round his neck, a diminutive tomtom, a skull, a club, and a noose in

his hands, and arrayed in a tiger skin.”f Ten repetitions of the gayatri after

this and of the words hum and phat effect the complete purification of the

grog, and the neutralization of the curse. At the formal mystic circle,

several other mantras are repeated, and some formulae gone through ; but

they are not absolutely necessary for the ordinary every day ritual, or for

the purification of the drink. In practice the ritual above set forth, or a

modification of it, including of course the three important mantras, does not

take much time, and I have seen it completed in two or three minutes. But

whether an epitome is adopted, or the whole ritual be gone through, some

ceremony is imperatively necessary, for the Kaula who drinks wine without

purifying it, becomes a criminal of the worst class. According to the

efrEfT^-rr # ■5T TOTTEN' II

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14

Rajendralala Mitra, — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India. [No. 1,

Utpatti Tantra , u the Brahman who drinks unpurified liquor is guilty of

killing a Brahman ; drinking purified arrack he becomes as pure as a flaming

fire. At the Sautramani rite and in the Kaula circle, a Brahman should

always drink arrack ; but by drinking elsewhere for the mere gratification of

his senses, he loses his Brahmanhood.*

The JKdtrikd-bheda Tantra is most eloquent in praise of drinking. It

makes S fiva address his consort thus : “ 0 sweet-speaking goddess, the salva¬

tion of Brahmans depends on drinking wine. I impart to you a truth, a great

truth, 0 mountain-born, (when I say) that the Brahman who attends to

drinking and its accompaniments forthwith becomes a S'iva. Even as water

mixes with water, and metal amalgamates with metal ; even as the confined

space in a pot merges into the great body of surrounding space on the destruc¬

tion of the confining vessel, and air commingles with air, so does, dear one, a

Brahman melt in Brahma, the great soul. There is not the least doubt about

this, O mountain-born. Similitude with the divinity, and other forms of

liberation are designed for Kshatriyas and others ; but true knowledge can

never be acquired, goddess dear, without drinking wine ; therefore should

Brahmans always drink. No one becomes a Brahman by repeating the gay-

atri, the mother of the Vedas ; he is called a Brahman only when he has a

knowledge of Brahma. The ambrosia of the gods is their Brahma, and on

earth it is arrack ; and because one attains the character of a god ( suratva ),

therefore is arrack called surd .f” The work, nevertheless, will admit of no

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15

1873.] Rajendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India.

drinking without the purification aforesaid. “ The three mantras for the

neutralization of the curse of the Brahman (S'ukracharya) should always be

repeated. Then only does arrack become full of Brahma. Even as a fire

flames up when clarified butter is poured on it, so does arrack become the

giver of salvation on the neutralization of the curse. Therefore should

Brahmans always drink (after purifying his grog). Such a drinker, is a

true Brahman ; he is proficient in the Yedas ; he is truly an Agnihotri ; he is

thoroughly initiated ; what more can I say, O noblest of goddesses, when I

add that he rises above the three .qualities (inherent in matter). This is the

true path to salvation ; but it should be kept a secret from bestial people

( pasu , men who do not drink wine), for disclosure leads to want of success,

and is highly disreputable.”*

The Kdmakhya Tantra speaks very much in the same vein. “ Whoever,”

it says, “ after being initiated in the salvation-giving mantra of Kalika, fails

to drink wine, is a fallen man in this iron age. He has no right to the

performance of Yedic and Tantric ceremonies ; he is called unbrahman,

ignorant as an elephant ; and whatever oblations he offers his manes,

becomes as impure as the urine of a dog. Having obtained the mantra

of Kali or Tara, he who conducts not himself as a YiYa (or hero, i. e.,

drinker of wine), unmistakeably acquires in his person the degradation of a

S'udra.”!

It will be naturally supposed that those who wrote the above panegyric

must have had various kinds of liquor for their use ; and the S'astras afford

the most convincing proof on this head. Pulastya, an ancient sage and

author of one of the original Smritis, enumerates twelve different kinds of

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1G R.ajendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India. [No. 1,

liquor besides the soma beer, which is not usually reckoned under the head

of madya , and his successors have added largely to the list. The twelve

principal liquors of this sage are 1, pdnasa , or jack liquor ; 2, drdksha , or

grape liquor ; 3, madhuka , or honey liquor ; 4, kharjjura , or date liquor ;

5, tala, or palm liquor; 6, aikhsliava, or cane liquor ; 7, madhvika, or mowa

liquor ; 8, saira, long pepper liquor ; 9, arishta, or soap-berry liquor ;

10, maireya , or rum ; 11, ndrikelaja , or cocoa-nut liquor ; 12, surd , or arrack,

otherwise called vdruni or paishti * This verse, as quoted in the S'abda-

kalpadruma , gives tanka , or wood apple liquor, and the Yislinu Sanhita koli

or jujube liquor in lieu of Saira.

The mode of preparing these liquors is briefly described in the Matsya-

s'ukta Tantra. It says, “ Place unripe jack, mango, and plums, in a jar, and

pom* on it daily a quantity of unboiled milk, and add some flesh meat ; put

therein hemp leaves and sweet lime on alternate days, and when duly fermented,

distil, and this is jack wine.”f

For the 2nd, the grape juice is to be fermented with curds, honey and

glii, distilled in the usual way, and flavoured with manjit, and chiretta. J This

is of course brandy-bitter, pure and simple, dyed with manjit instead of burnt

sugar. The 3rd has honey for its principal ingredient, and with it is to be

associated Vidanga (a bitter drug), salep misri, long pepper, and salt.§

The 4th has ripe dates for its basis, and with it is mixed jack fruit,

ginger and the juice of the soma vine.|| The 5th is made with the

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1873.] Rajendral.ila Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India, 17

ripe palm fruit spiced with, danti {Croton polyandrum) and the leaves of the

kakubha plant. # The (3th has sugar-cane for its basis, and black pepper,

plums, curds, and salt for adjuncts. f The 7th is made of the blossoms of the

JJassia latifolia , mixed with sugar and ripe bel fruit. J The 8th is made of

molasses and long pepper. The T antra follows the reading of Raja Radha-

kanta Deva, and has tanka instead of saira , and it should he made, according

to it, with the root of the Asparagas racemosus , the root of the wood-apple-

tree, a drug called laksman , lotus flowers, and honey. § The 9th, according

to the reading of the Mitakshara, is a liquor made from soap-berry plant

with molasses, hut according to the Tantra of the root of the segle marmelos,

plums, and sugar. [| The 10th of the above list occurs in the Tantra under

the name of gandi, or rum, made from molasses, the adjuncts during

fermentation being curds, hemp leaves, and a drug called karikana .^[ The

11th is made of the milk, or toddy, of the cocoa-nut, mixed with plantains,

ripe emblic myrobolans, and the drug Indrajihva.## The 12th has half-boiled

rice, barley, black pepper, lemon juice, ginger, and hot water for its ingredients.

The rice and barley are to be digested in hot water for two days, then

boiled, then spiced with the other ingredients, and allowed to ferment

thoroughly, and lastly distilled. ft

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3

IS Bijendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India. [No. 1,

The arrack described in the Yedas was somewhat differently prepared

from the way above detailed, as will be seen in the sequel. All the other

liquors noticed in Sanskrit works were, likewise, first fermented, and then dis¬

tilled ; none manufactured, as European wines are, by mere fermentation.

In fact, they are all spirits differently flavoured with various kinds of spices,

fruits, and herbs, to suit different tastes, and not wines ; and the word wine

has been used in this paper in its secondary sense of intoxicating liquor.

A liquor flavoured with aniseed has enjoyed considerable celebrity in In¬

dia for a long time. It is said that a celebrated Tantric pandit of Nadia,

who bore the title of Agamavagis'a, or “ the Lord of the Science of A'gama,”

was particularly fond of it, and used to take a lota full of it every day.

People, suspecting him of this weakness, watched him one evening when he

was returning from his vesper prayers at the river side. He was seen to come

out on the sly from a grog-shop with his water-pot filled with aniseed arrack,

and taxed by a large crowd for conduct so disreputable in a Brahman of his

learning and sanctity. He denied the charge, and placed the lota before

his accusers, when lo ! the pot appeared to contain milk. “ A miracle,

a miracle,” cried the crowd, and the pandit, instead of being degraded, was

canonised as the most favourite son of the Devi ; the fact being, that the wily

toper knew well that aniseed liquor mixed with a little water becomes milky,

and had taken the precaution to doctor it so with a view to provide against

possible contingencies.

Among the many omissions in Pulastya’s list, the Tanka, the Koli, and

the Kadamvari appear the most prominent. The name of the first is met with

largely in the Tantras. The second is of rare occurrence. The last was a

favourite drink of Baladeva, and was at one time held in high repute. In

medical works, various other kinds of liquor are also mentioned, mostly as

aphrodisiacs, but some as medicinal. The following enjoys a high repute as

an invigorating tonic. I quote a passage describing it as it is the only

one in which an account is given (imperfect as it is) of the still used for

distillation. “ Take of fresh molasses 100 palas, # water 80 palas, and mix

them in an earthen vessel. Take of Vdvari bark ( Cassia arabica ?) and

jujube bark five prasthas each, (a prastha is equal to 128 tolas,) a few betel-

nuts, 32 tolas of lodhra (Symjplocos racernosa) , and two palas of ginger.

Dilute the molasses mixture in water, add to it successivelv the erbmer, the

Vavari bark, and the jujube bark, mix well, then cover the vessel, and lay it by

for three days. Then add the betel-nuts and powdered lodhra, recover the

vessel, tie down the cover, lute it, and lay it by for twenty days. Take the

apparatus called mayura y antra , a strong earthen vessel of the shape of a

peacock, place it on a hearth over a slow lire, pour into it the fermented

mixture, and add thereto half a pala each of powdered betel-nut, sailabolaka,

^ A pala, according to some, is equal to 4 tolas ; according- to others, eight toliis.

19

1873.] Rajendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India.

deodar wood, cloves, padmaka (a drug), leaves oftlie Andropogon muricatum

(a fragrant grass), sandal wood, Anithum sowa, Ligusticum ajicana , black

pepper, the white and the black cummin seed, carraway, jatamansi, nutmegs,

Cyprus rotundas (mutJid) , grinthi parni (a drug), dried ginger, methi (a

spice), and small cardamums. Now cover the vessel with two upturned

chatties, attach thereto two pipes, and carefully distil the liquor. This wine

should be drunk daily. It promotes the secretion of the constituents of the

bodjq and is invigorating.”^

Although all the various Indian liquors are essentially the same, viz., rum,

differing* only in being differently flavoured, in the eye of the Hindu law,

the liquoi’s made from molasses, mowa, and rice are held to be more offensive

than the others, and the punishment for drinking them, more severe.

The flavouring ingredients used in the preparation of these liquors, it is

said, materially altered their virtues, and medical works prescribe different

liquors for different complaints. For ordinary use the rum from molasses is

described to be the most healthful in the dewy season (October and November),

the arrack from paddy in the cold and rainy seasons ; and the mowa liquor

in spring, summer, and autumn. Connoisseurs were also formerly particular

as to the age of their liquor, and the older the liquor, the better was it

appreciated.

Nor were they, it would seem, content with their home manufactures, for

it appears from Arrian’s Periplus of the Erythrian Sea that large quantities

of foreign wine were regularly imported two thousand years ago, and these

met a ready sale in the country. The varieties mentioned are 1, Aa oSlkijvos,

or wine of Laodicea in Syria ; 2, ItoAikos or Italian wine, and 3, Apa/3u<o<;

or Arabian wine.f These, from the circumstance of their having been brought

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f Vincent’s Periplus II, Appendix, p. 07.

20

Rajendralala Mitra — & Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India. [No. 1,

from distant countries, must have been much more costly than the spirituous

liquors of India, and consequently none hut the wealthy could afford to

drink them.

The different liquors were always taken neat, and it was necessary,

therefore, to take some saline, sub-acid, or sweet stuff, to remove the pungency

or smarting caused in the mouth by the raw spirit. For this purpose fruits,

roasted mince meat, and cakes were most approved by the higher classes, but

the lower orders had to content themselves with parched or fried grains and

pulses seasoned with salt and chilly. These wine biscuits were held in great

requisition, and were known by various technical or slang names, such as

Up a dans' a, Up a dans a , A v ad ansa , Chakshana, ATadyapasana, JMudra, &c. I have

noticed the word nakula also so used in the Bengali Chandi and some of the

Tantras, but I am not able to put my hand on the text of the latter just now.

The word probably came from nakuli ilesh-meat ; but I learn from my friend

Mr. Blochmann, that in Arabic the word is used in the same sense, and it is

possible that some of the modern Tantras borrowed it from the Muham¬

madans. Anyhow the word has become generally current, and one of

the names of S lva is Nakules'a or “ lord of wine biscuits,” and no drinking

party was formerly complete without a good supply of these tit-bits.

Looking to the nature of the climate, the character and temper of the

people, and the anathemas which the S'astras have, from time to time, hurled

against the drunkard, it might be taken for granted that men of the higher

castes, and good people generally, did set their faces against drinking, or, at

least, did preserve an outward appearance of horror against those who openly

outraged the mandates of the Smriti ; but it would seem that for all that

cases of delirium tremens turned up pretty frequently, and several very

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1873.] Bajendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient India.

21

expressive names were current in the country at one time to indicate the

disease. One of them means “ wine horror” madatanJca , another “ wine

disease” maddtyaya , a third “ wine complaint” madavyadhi , &c. The de¬

scriptions of the disease, as given in Sanskrit medical works, are detailed and

precise, discriminating carefully between the illness caused by excess, and that

by sudden abstinence after a protracted over-indulgence. These names and

descriptions could not have come to existence, had there not been immoderate

drinking in many instances to give rise to the complaint.

There is another indication in medical works which is worthy of note *

it is the multiplicity of receipts for removing the odour of wine from the

mouth. None but the rich or well-to-do could have required such prescrip¬

tions to guard against the accusation of having taken wine, and the existence

of the recipes implies the existence of a class of men who were addicted to

drinking, and yet wished to pass among their neighbours for teetotallers.

Of fermented beverages, which were drunk without previous distillation,

four kinds are mentioned, viz. cocoa toddy, palm toddy, date toddy, and

the soma nectar. The first was known only to those who inhabited the sea

coasts, where alone the tree which yielded it, is met with. The acetous

fermentation in its case was so rapid, that transmission of the liquor from

one part of the country to another was out of the question, and none but

those who lived in the neighbourhood of the tree could drink the juice in a

vinous state. The date and the palm toddies suffered in the same way, and

were unfit for transmission to distant places ; but the trees which yielded

them were common almost all over India, and so they were more easily

accessible, and more widely known. But they never seem to have attained

any great popularity. The soma nectar was likewise open to this objection ;

for it, too, had no keeping quality, and, for aught we know, was never

manufactured for sale ; but it was associated with the earliest history of the

Aryans, even before they separated from the ancient Persians, and enjo}red

the proud pre-eminence of a god as long as Yedic rites governed the conscience

of the people. The Big Yeda Sanhita is most lavish in its praise, and all the

four Yedas furnish innumerable mantras for repetition at every stage of its

manufacture, and from the moment a resolution was made to commence one

of the rites at which it was to be used (and all the principal rites such as the

I)ars/a, Paurnamasa, Jyotishtoma, Ukthya, Shodas'iman, Yajapeya, Atiratra,

Aptaryama, &c., could not be celebrated without it), nothing could be done

without appropriate mantras, and the ritual throughout was most complicated

and tedious. It would be foreign to the object of this paper to describe in any

detail the several steps in the manufacture of the beverage ; suffice it to say

that it was made witli the expressed juice of a creeper (Asclepias acida ,

or Sarcostema viminalis), diluted with water, mixed with barley meal,

clarified butter, and the meal of wild paddy ( nivdra ), and fermented in a

22 Rajendralala Mitra — Spirituous Drinks in Ancient Indict. [No. 1,

jar for nine days.# The juice of the creeper is said to be of an acid taste,

but I have not heard that it lias any narcotic property ; I am disposed to think,

therefore, that the starch of the two kinds of meal supplied the material for

the vinous fermentation, or, in other words, played the part of malt, and the

soma juice served to promote vinous fermentation, flavour the beverage,

and check acetous decomposition, in the same way that hop does in

beer. Anyhow, it may be concluded that a beverage prepared by the

vinous fermentation of barley meal, should have strong intoxicating effects,

and it is not remarkable, therefore, that the Vedas should frequently refer to

the exhilaration produced by its use in men and gods. The addresses to

Indra, Agni, Mitra, and other gods in the Rig Veda are full of allusions to ex¬

hilaration caused by the use of the soma. “ The sacred prayer, desiring your

presence, offers to you both, IjXDRA and Agnt, for your exhilaration, the Soma

libation. Reholders of all things, seated at this sacrifice upon the sacred grass,

be exhilarated by drinking of the effused libation.” (I. 7. xxvii. 4, 5.) Other

quotations on this subject may be easily multiplied, but they are not needed.

Suffice it to say that the object of drinking the soma is expressly stated to be in¬

toxication: macldya arvenehi somakdmam tvdlie ray am sutastasya pud madaya ;

and Indra drinks it in such large quantities, that his belly becomes enormously

distended. TJruvya cliajathara dvrishasva. As regards men, its effects are

described as equally exhilarating and inebriating. A story occurs in the

Black Yajur Veda in which a sage, Vis'varupa by name, son of Tvaslitu,

while engaged at a soma sacrifice, is said to have indulged so inordinately in

the exhilarating beverage as to have vomited on the animals brought before

him for immolation. For this, however, no proof is wanted, for the effect of

soma on the gods could have been only assumed by a knowledge of what it

was on the worshippers.

The soma beer lasted for several days after its nine days’ fermentation.

In some of the rites it certainly lasted for twelve days, but how much longer

I cannot ascertain. It is certain, however, that it could not be kept sound for

any great length of time, without distillation, and in a distilled spirit the soma

would be of no use. Accordingly, we find that no soma juice was used when

arrack was distilled from fermented meal. The liquor, thus prepared, was,

as already stated above, called sura, and it was used as an article of offering

to the gods in two important rites, namely, the Sautrdmani and the Yajapeya.

The mode of preparing it is described in the canons of Baudhayana and

Katyayana. They recommend three articles, viz., sprouting paddy, the

sprout brought on by steeping paddy in water very much in the same

# Stevenson’s Sama Veda, p. 5. and Hang’s Aitareya Brahmana, I. p. 6. Man¬

ning’s Ancient India, I., p. 86. For the mantras used in the course of preparing

the soma beverage vide, Taittiriya Sahhita, Kanda I. Prapathakas II. III. IV., and

Kan<Ja VI. Pt. I. to IV. The Kalpa Sutras and the Soma prayogas supply the details.

1873.]

23

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of JPegu.

way as malt is produced, slightly parched barley steeped in curds and

diluted butter milk, and coarse powder of the same steeped in whey.

After proper fermentation, this was distilled in the usual way, and the liquor

produced was poured in oblations on the sacred fire in lieu of the soma beer.

The Taittiriya Brahmana supplies a number of mantras for the preparation

of the liquor, hut I can nowhere find any description of the still in which

the distillation was effected. Ivatyayana recommends that the different

articles required for the manufacture of the liquor should he obtained by

barter, and not by purchase with coins. In the Sautramani rite, the offering

of the liquor should he preceded by the immolation of three animals, a hull

being one of them. The worshippers were required to partake of the rem¬

nant of the offerings, as the ceremony would be incomplete without the

repast.

On the History of Pegu. — By Major-General Sir Arthur P. Phatre,

K. C. S. I., C. B.

The chief authority which has been followed in this sketch of the his¬

tory of Pegu, is a narrative written in the Tailing, or Mun, language by

Tslia-ya-dan A-thwa, a Budhist monk. It was derived from ancient records

and traditions, and was translated into Burmese by Maung Sliwe Kya, a

learned Talaing. The chronology of the narrative is very confused, though

the most important date, that of the foundation of the city of Pegu, is cor¬

rectly stated. Neither the author nor the translator, however, has attempted

to correct the manifest errors which exist. In this paper, the dates of the

more prominent events in early times have been rectified by me from con¬

temporary Burmese history ; and in later times, from the accounts of Euro¬

pean travellers. The few particulars which can he gathered regarding the

history of Tha-htun, the most ancient city on the coast of Pegu, have been

placed at my disposal by Mr. St. Andrew St. John, Assistant- Commissioner

in British Burma, They were derived from MSS. in his possession. I

have also had the advantage of consulting an essay in the Burmese language,

on the same subject written by Maung Byan, a Talaing gentleman of ancient

family. This was procured for me by Colonel D. Brown, Commissioner in

Tenasserim. I have read what has been written on the ancient history of

Pegu by the Beverend Dr. Mason, in his excellent work on Burma ; and

have consulted the Gazetteer oi Pegu, edited hy Major M. Lloyd, Deputy

Commissioner. The notices ol events in Burma and 1 egu by the old 1 oitii-

guese voyagers, as narrated in the lucid general summary by Mr. Talboys

Wheeler, and the valuable edition ol the travels ol Isicolo Conti in the eaip

24

[No. 1,

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

part of the fifteenth century, by Mr. B. H. Major, together with other

travels by Europeans, in that and the following century, have been used to

correct, or to confirm, the statements in the native annals.

The country now called Pegu, or as written by the natives Bago and

Pegu, consisted in ancient times of the delta of the E-ra-wa-ti, and the land

in the lower courses of the rivers Sit-taung and Than-lwin (Salwin). At

different times the coast as far south as the Tenasserim Biver has been sub¬

ject to the monarchy ; while to the north the limits of the kingdom varied

according to the power of the kings to defend their territory from the Bur¬

mese. The northern boundary on the Erawati Biver, may as a general rule

be fixed at A-kauk Taung, about thirty miles below the town of Prome. In

remote times, and long before the foundation of the city of Pegu, from which

the name of the whole country was afterwards derived, the sea coast from

the mouth of the Pa-thin (Bassein) Biver, near Cape Negrais, to the mouth

of the Than-lwin, (Salwin) was known as Ba-ma-nya, or the country of

Bama. This shows an Indian influence. # The classic name for the town

of Maulamyaing (Moulmein) is still Bamapura, though this may have been

transferred to it from a city once existing near the present Bangun. The

country of Pegu was afterwards called Han-tha-wa-ti, which is still the classic

name, and the origin and meaning of which will presently appear. The

etymology of the word Maulamyaing, which is the Burmese form of the

Tabling name Mut-mwa-lem, signifies “ one-eye-destroyed the tradition

being that it was founded by a king having a third eye in the centre of his

forehead, which was destroyed by the machination of a woman. This story,,

as Dr. Mason observes, suggests the legend of Siva. And though this ap¬

pears at first sight to clash with the classic name Bamapura, yet from the

history of Pegu, it is evident that during successive periods, the country

participated in the religious revolutions of the Budliists and various Hindu

sects, through which the neighbouring coast of India passed.

The earliest notice of Bamanya which can be accepted as historical is

derived from a Budhist source, the Mahavanso of Ceylon. Therein is record¬

ed the deputation of the great missionaries, Sono and Uttaro, (Thauna and

Uttara), by the third Budhist synod, held at Pataliput, B. C. 241. They

were sent to the country called Suvarna bhumi, (Thumanna bhumi), or

“ golden land,” to preach the great reform determined on by the synod.

The name given to the country was the Pali designation of the portion of

Bamanya of which Tha-htun was the capital. The ruins of Tha-htun still

exist on a small stream about ten miles from the seashore, and forty-four

miles travelling distance N. N. AY. from Martaban (Muttama). The city

appears to have been laid out on the general plan of ancient Indian cities,

# The island of llamri, or more properly llam-byi (country of llama), shows the

same influence.

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — Oti the History of Pegu.

25

and which has been followed in the modern capital of Burma. The ground

plan of the outer rampart is a square or oblong, within which is an open

space of about a hundred and fifty feet, and then a second but lower wall or

rampart, and moat. The east and west inner walls are each 7700 feet long;

while those on the north and south are about 4000 feet each, enclosing a

space of about seven hundred acres. The angles, however, are not exact

right angles. In the centre of the city is the fortified royal citadel, measur¬

ing from north to south 10S0 feet, and from east to west 1150 feet. This

was for the defence of the palace, the “ throne room” being, as is now the

case at the Burmese capital, nearly the central point of the city. There are

two gates, or spaces for entrance, in the northern and southern faces of the

rampart, but it is impossible to say how many on the eastern and western.

Such is the description given by Mr. St. John of the present appearance of

Tha-htun. The position of the city with reference to the approach from

sea, is now not suitable for a port. But there is strong probability that a gra¬

dual rise of the land, including all the adjoining gulf of Martaban, has been

going on for several centuries, which has destroyed the port. With this

change of level it is probable that the influx of tide, called “ the bore,” is

now more violent near the mouth of the river Thit-taung (Sittang), than it

was two thousand years ago.

The traditions as well as the scanty historical notices which remain re¬

garding Tha-htun, show that it was founded by Indian colonists. One tra¬

dition is, that the original colonists came from Thu-binga in the country of

Ka-ra-naka, or Karanatta. By some this is made to refer to the founding

of Maulamyaing. It may, however, be accepted as certain that people from

what is now called the Coromandel Coast, established at an early period

possibly a thousand years before the Christian era, one or more trading sta¬

tions on the coast of Pegu. That Tha-htun had risen to some importance

as a city in the third century before Christ, is shown from its having had

allotted to it missionaries at a synod held under the influence of the Budhist

Constantine Asoka. The name Suvarnabhumi, or “golden land,” by which

the country was then known in India, probably refers to gold being exported

in great quantity from the emporium. Gold, no doubt, was brought from

Yunan down the Erawati Biver at a very early period. It continued to be

an article of commerce from the same country until within the last sixteen

or eighteen years, since which the trade has been interrupted.* There is

also an old gold “ diggings” about a hundred and twenty miles distant

from Tha-htun on the Paung-laung or Sit-taung Biver. The town is still

* In a note on the metals of Burma by Dr. T. Oldham, published in Yule’s Mission

to Ava, it is stated on good authority, that the annual amount ot gold brought from

China (Yunan) overland to Ava for some years before 1855 was 1100 lbs. weight. In

one year, 1800 lbs. weight was imported,

4 D

26

[No. 1,

Sir Arthur P. Pliayre — On the History of Pegu.

called in Burmese Shwegyin, or “ gold sifting place.” Gold is indeed still

found there, hut not in sufficient quantity to he remunerative, except to

very poor people. These facts appear to explain satisfactorily the classic

name of the country. The name Tha-htun is derived from vernacular words

having the same signification.

One of the early Budhist legends referred to by the native historians is

to he found recorded in books still existing in the monasteries of Ceylon.*

Two merchants fro n Thuwanna bhumi, named Tapassu and Bliallaka, had

m

gone on a trading expedition to Northern India. On returning with their

waggons of merchandize to reach the sea coast, they passed through Maga-

dha, where Budha was absorbed in meditation and in the seventh weeko f his

fasting, in the Kiripalu forest. The merchants made an offering of honey

to Budha, who, at their request, bestowed on them eight hairs of his head as

relics. These they brought to their own country, which are now believed to

be enshrined in the Shwe Dagun pagoda at Rangun. This legend may be

accepted as showing that at an early period, the Indian merchants of Suvarna-

bhumi traded to Upper India, and were considered a community of sufficient

importance to have attributed to two of their body the honour of a personal

interview with Budha. At a later period, the commercial importance of

Suvarnabhumi is shown from the emporium Subara appearing in Ptolemy’s

list of places on this coast, as has been pointed out by Colonel Yule.

Concerning the first building of Tha-htun, it is related that before Gau¬

tama appeared, there reigned a certain king Ti-tha, in the city of Tliu-bin-na

(or Thu-bin-ga), in the country of Karanaka. He had two sons Ti-tlia

Kumma and Dza-ya Kumma. The young princes determined to abandon

the world and become hermits. They, therefore, left their home, and went to

dwell on separate mountains, near the seaside, described as being not far

from the future site of the city of Tha-htun. The whole country was then

forest. Once when walking on the seashore, the brother hermits found two

eggs, which had been deposited and abandoned by a female dragon, who

came up out of the sea. The hermits carried away the eggs, from which in

due time issued forth two male children. The hermits brought up the boys,

one of whom died at ten years of age ; but being born again in Mit-ti-la,

about the time of the appearance of the lord Gau-ta-ma, became, while yet a

child, one of his disciples. The boy, produced from the egg taken by the

elder hermit, lived in the forest until he was seventeen years of age, when by

the help of Tha-kya,f he built the city of Thuwanna-bhumi, called also Tha-

htun, and reigned with the title of Thiha Ra-dza. By the intercession of

him who, in a former birth, had been his younger brother, but had now risen

* See Spence Hardy’s Manual of Budliism, page 182.

f Sekra, the chief of the second dewaloka, or heavenly region, answering to In.

dra in Hindu mythology.

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the III story of Pegu.

27

to a Italian! a, the lord Gautama himself came through the air and visited

Tha-htun. This was thirty-seven years before he entered Nirvana. The

country is spoken of reproachfully as a land where fishermen and hunters

abound, these being callings opposed to the tenets of Budhism. But

the king and the people of the city listen to the preaching of Bud-

ha, and the future greatness of the country is predicted. But though the

people immediately around the city were well disposed, those at a distance

were savage and resentful. It is related how the great teacher, attempting

to land near the mouth of the Than-lwin river, was stoned by the Bln -1 us and

evil Nats who dwelt there. In these words is shadowed forth the rejection

of Budhist doctrine by the native inhabitants, who afterwards became dis¬

tinguished for their religious zeal.

Prom this time the historians of Tha-htun profess to have a list of all

the kings who reigned in Thuwanna bhumi, distinct from the kings of Pegu.

It is now impossible to decide how much of this list is historical and how

much fictitious, until near the time of the destruction of the monarchy in the

eleventh century of the Christian era. Tha-htun was then taken and de¬

stroyed by Anaurahta, king of Pu-gan ; and the king Manu-ha, with his

whole family, the nobles, monks, artificers, mechanics, and skilled workmen

of every description, were carried away captive. There are the names of

fifty-nine kings in the list, who are said to have reigned for sixteen hundred

and eighty-three years. The events of their reigns are discreetly veiled

under the obscure phraseology of metrical lines. By the chronology it seems to

be intended that the reign of the son of the first king Tlii-ha Radza, commenced

in the year that Gautama attained Nirvana. Taking this as a starting point

and accepting the Burmese era of religion as commencing 513 B. C., then, as

Tlii-ha Radza is said to have reigned sixty years, we find the year 603 B. C. as

the commencement of the monarchy. This would give the year 1080 A.D.

as the year of its destruction by Anaurahta. The time thus deduced for the

latter event does not differ very much, considering all things, from the Bur¬

mese account. Anaurahta, according to the Malia Radza weng, ascended the

throne of Pugan in the year 1017, A. D., and reigned forty-two years. Within

that period therefore he captured Tha-htun. The list of the kings as given in

the native chronicles is added. But it is not considered to have any historical

value, except as a generally correct representation of the existence of the

monarchy, and its destruction with the city, about the period stated, by the

Burmese king.

Among the few facts recorded in the native annals of Tha-htun which

need be mentioned here, is the arrival of the great missionaries Thauna and

Uttara, which is put down as having occurred in the year 223 of religion,

being 320 B. C., instead of the true date 241 B. C. On their arrival, they

and their disciples were denounced by the existing teachers as bhil-us,

28

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

[No. 1,

or monsters, the name here bestowed upon heretics and scoffers. They

were violently opposed and beaten with sticks. But the mild demeanour of

the Rahandas gradually made their authority prevail. The people were

won over to believe them, and new-born children were named after them.

The pagodas which had long been neglected and round which jungle had

grown up, were repaired. Pleasant gardens were now planted for the resort

of the religious, and the reformed doctrines were triumphant.

The only other event of importance which is mentioned in the history

of Tha-htun is the introduction of the Pi-ta-kat, or books of the Budhist

scriptures, by Budhaghosa. This event, so important to all the Indo-Chinese

nations, is noticed by the Right Reverend Bishop Bigandet in his valuable

“ Life or Legend of Gautama,” and the date therein ascribed to it, from

Tabling or Burmese authority, is A. I). 400. Up to a recent period, the his¬

tories written by Tailings or Burmans represented Budhaghosa as a great

Rahan of Tha-htun, who went to Ceylon, and brought from thence the

sacred books to his native land. This statement has, however, been corrected

in the latest edition of the Burmese national history (Maha Radzaweng),

which was written, or revised, in the palace at Amarapura about forty years

ago. The story of Budhaghosa is therein correctly told, and has apparently

been derived from the Mahavanso of Ceylon. The date assigned for Budha-

ghosa’s voyage to Tha-htun is A. D. 403. # Even the Tailing writers, long

jealous for the honour of their country, seem now to acknowledge their error

as to the birthplace of their great teacher. In a late paper by a learned

Tabling which I have perused, it is acknowledged that there are two accounts

regarding Budhaghosa ; and it is only argued that in returning from Ceylon

to the continent of India, he may have come by ship to Tha-htun, and re¬

vived by his presence the drooping flower, religion. That Tha-htun was his

native place, seems to be silently abandoned.

All that can be gathered of the early history of Tha-htun has now been

noticed. The only explanation which can be offered for the entire absence

of trustworthy ancient documents, and the want of details with any historic

value, is the ruthless destruction of everything by Anaurahta, king of Burma,

in the eleventh century of the Christian era.ff All that was moveable and

worth removing, was then carried away to Pugan, and though Tha-htun

still remained as a port, to which perhaps a few foreign ships resorted, the

bulk of the trade passed to the city of Pegu ; or was two or three centuries

later established at Mut-ta-ma (Martaban).

# In Max Muller’s introduction to Captain Sogers’ parables of Buddhaghosa, tbe

period between A. D. 410 and 432 is stated as being that of the literary activity of

the great teacher in Ceylon.

f See Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, for 1868, on 1 History of the Burma

race.’

1873.]

29

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

It is now time to turn to the history of Pegu. This country became

known to Europeans in the fifteenth century when it was a powerful kingdom.

Afterwards it long existed as a mere “ geographical expression,” but under

other influences is once more rising to commercial greatness.

Concerning the foundation of the city of Pegu the legends relate that

at the time when the lord Gautama came through the air, attended by

thousands of Rahandas to visit the king of Tha-htun, the sea flowed over

the whole of the low country, now occupied by Ran gun and Pegu. After

preaching to the king and people of Tha-htun, Budha returned through the

air to go to the middle land. When passing over the sea, a small sand¬

bank appeared, which rose above the surface of the water, shining like a

silver islet ; and there the lord beheld a pair of golden hdnsas * ITe then

predicted that hereafter a great city and country would arise in that spot ; for

wherever golden hdnsas resort, to feed and enjoy themselves, happiness and

a great future are sure to follow in the land. The country, it was predicted,

was to be called c Hanthawati.’ These birds were supposed to live on a beauti¬

ful lake in the midst of the Himalaya, which region was, in the imaginations

of the tropic-dwelling Talaings, invested with the grandeur of immensity,

not unmixed with gloom. There all kinds of lotus flowers of various colours

rested on the water, amidst which, never disturbed by man, the birds slept

at night, and came to their far off feeding place in the morning.

Now it so happened, according to the divine prediction, more than nine

hundred years after the lord had entered Nirvana, that the silvery sandbank

# The hansa, or hentliu, is still the sacred bird of Pegu. Much discussion has aris¬

en as to its identity. It is not a native bird of the country. The Burmese and Ta¬

laings refer to the Himalaya region as its home, and while supposing it to be a su]3e-

rior order of wild duck or goose, describe it in such glowing but unscientific terms,

that an ornithologist would be puzzled how to classify it. Spence Hardy in his

“ Manual of Budhism,” when mentioning hdnsas as inhabiting the Himalaya according

to the Budhist geography, observes : “ This is regarded as the king of birds, and by

Europeans is generally supposed to be the golden winged swan.” Colonel Yule, in his

narrative of the Mission to Ava in 1855, suggests that it may be i£ a mythicised swan.”

Mr. T. T. Cooper in his book of enterprising travel to the frontier of Eastern Tibet has

the following passage, which may be accepted as indicating the bird referred to in the

legend. “ The large yellow wild duck is met with on all the Thibetan streams and

mountain pools at a great elevation. These ducks were precisely similar to the brah-

inini ducks of the upper waters ol the Brahmaputra, I was anxious to secui e a

specimen and fired at the first I saw, but luckily missed, for a Lama who was with us,

rushed up in great consternation. The yellow ducks were sacred to the grand Lama,

and to kill one would bo a great crime, even to have fired at the sacied biid was an

offence.” These birds are represented in the “ boat scene ol Sakya s death, carved

in bas-relief at Sanchi (See Cunningham’s Bhilsa topes, 1 late XI.) One ol them le-

presents a former existence of Gautama’s, and probably also ol the futuie Budha

Arimateya.

30

Sir Arthur P, Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

[No. 1,

had risen up, so as to be plainly visible above the surface of the sea. A

foreign ship which came from the city of Bij-ja-na-ga-ran, had been on a

trading voyage to Tlia-litun, and in returning passed near the sandbank.

The tide was falling and the sailors saw a number of golden hanthas feeding

and disporting themselves after their kind. One pair was conspicuous above

the rest. The sailors looked and wondered. When they reached their own

country, they related what they had seen. Their story reached the king

Ban-du-ra-rens;. The kind’s teacher beiim a man of learning:, well read in

the scriptures, knew that the lord Gautama had. been to that country, and

that what had been seen by the sailors was an omen of its future greatness.

By his advice, the king determined to secure for his descendants the spot

where the hanthas had been seen. He, therefore, had a stone pillar engraved

with his name and title. This was conveyed in a ship to the spot, and de¬

posited in the sea, close to the silvery sandbank. After this, when one

hundred and sixty years had passed, the silvery sandbank had risen much

higher and become firm land. King Bandurareng had passed away, and his

grandson Ku-wa-tha Na-reng now reigned. He knowing all that had

occurred, sent a ship under a wise man of high rank to make search for the

stone pillar deposited by his grandfather, and so to prove his right to the

land.

Now at this time A-din-na Badza was king of Tha-litun. He was jea¬

lous for religion, and had succeeded his father Thin-na-geng-ga to the exclu¬

sion of two half-brothers, whose succession had been favoured by his father

during his lifetime. The story of their birth is thus told. On the sea-shore,

far from the habitations of men, a female dragon came and laid an ess:. A

hermit who dwelt in a cave hard by, found the egg and took it to his home.

In seven days a female child was produced from the egg, who was brought

up by the hermit. When grown up, she was married to king Thin-na-geng-

ga, and raised to the rank of chief queen. She gave birth to two sons* who

were named Thamala and Wimala. The queen, notwithstanding her beauty

and the high favour of the king, was always an object of aversion among

the nobles of the court, though it was not then known that she was of the

Naga or dragon race. This was discovered by the sagacity of the king’s

teacher, and she then died suddenly in a very mysterious manner. Her two

sons were sent away to the hermit, who was called their grandfather, and

who brought them up in the forest. On the death of their father, another

son of his, called A-din-na Badza, succeeded to the throne. The two young

princes, by the advice of the hermit, determined to build a city for themselves

to the west, on the land where the hermit knew the golden liansas used to

feed, and where the lord Gautama had predicted that a great city would

arise. They, therefore, collected one hundred and seventy families from the

country of Tha-litun, and embarked them on bamboo rafts, ten families on

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

31

each. They floated down the stream on the hanks of which the rafts had

been made, and after many perils, reached the spot where the city Han-tha-

wa-ti was to he built. Some people who dwelt on the west side of the river,

numbering in all three hundred and thirty families, now joined the two

princes, who thus had with them in all five hundred families. When they

were considering how to lay out the city, they were suddenly joined by two

venerable men, who were Tha-kya Meng (Sekra, or Indra), and an attendant

deva. They appeared in the guise of carpenters, with instruments, measures,

and ropes, and offered to help the princes. This offer was accepted with

joy ; but when they were about to measure the ground, the nobleman who

had been sent by the king of Bij-ja-na-ga-ran appeared with his followers,

and claimed the ground for his master. The two princes replied saying,

“ You are foreigners, you have no right to our native land.” The nobleman

answered that when thirteen fathoms of water existed over the spot, an

ironstone pillar, with the name, title, and seal of the king of Bij-ja-na-ga-ran

had been placed there. The disguised Tha-gya Meng now replied for the

princes that a golden pillar had been placed in that spot before the stone-

pillar had been deposited, on which their names were inscribed, and it would

be found deeper down than the other. It was argued, therefore, to dig for

the pillars, and the right to the land was to be determined by the ownership

of the older pillar. Now Tha-gya Meng foresaw by his superior sagacity

that, if western foreigners were to be supreme in this land, false hereti¬

cal opinions would arise ; whereas the divine prediction was, that true reli¬

gion was to be built up ; the hidagdt (pitalcattayd) was to be recited and

reverenced, and holy relics were to be worshipped. He, therefore, created a

golden pillar, on which were inscribed the names of former kings of Tha-htun,

and by his power it was conveyed under ground ten fathoms beneath the stone

pillar of the Kuhis (western foreigners). So when they assembled to dig,

and the Kulas had found their stone pillar, Tha-gya Meng said, “ Yours

“ is true, but it was placed after ours, which is deeper down, and by which

“ our claim will be proved.” The Kulas replied, “ If you have an ' inscrib-

“ ed pillar beneath ours, we will acknowledge ourselves defeated.” Then

they dug down, and lo ! at ten fathoms depth was found a golden pillar,

with a date more ancient than that on the stone pillar. The Kulas then

acknowledged themselves defeated, and went away taking their stone pillar

with them. The spot where the golden pillar was found, being the place

where the golden Kansas fed, was made the centre from which the city was

marked out. Tha-gya Meng measured the ground with a rope on which

pearls were strung, so that the land might be sacred, and set apart for ever,

free from the rule and ownership of foreigners, or any but its own princes.

The golden pillar was moved a little to the south, and a pagoda was then

built within which it was enshrined, and in memory of the defeat of the

32

Sir Arthur P. Pliayre — On the History of Pegu.

[No. 1,

foreigners it was called, in the Mun language, Kyaik-tsa-ne, and in Burmese

Banaung-myin-phraA The city was founded in the year of the lord’s Nirva¬

na 1116, being equivalent to A. D. 573. Tha-ma-la Kumma, the elder of

the two brothers, was now consecrated king.

In the story of the foundation of the city of Pegu, and the events which

led to it, we appear to have the legendary version of the struggle for ascend¬

ancy between Brahman and Budhist. This struggle was still going on in

parts of Southern India in the sixth century of the Christian era, and it

would no doubt be extended to the colonies and settlements on the coast of

Kamanya. The kings of Tha-litun and the principal citizens were of Indian

descent, and they probably participated in the changes which were going on

in the parent country. The foundation of Pegu, by emigrants of Tha-litun,

tells both of a dynastic and perhaps a religious quarrel. The Budhist party

eventually successful, represent the founders of Pegu as being of their faith,

and their opponents as heretics and foreigners, though the latter reproach

was probably the feeling of a later period. One cause of the separation for

Tha-litun appears to have been the Naga, dragon or snake, worship, which,

as has been shown by Mr. Fergusson in his learned work, extensively pre¬

vailed about this time in India ; and the founders of Pegu are stated to

have been of Naga descent or, in other words, had added snake worship to

the reverence, which, by the precepts of Budhism, should be shown only to

the memory or relics of Budha. If this be so, the reform in their worship

was made, as was the case in Burma, at a later period. From tradition and

such scanty historical notices as have survived, we are led to look to the

east coast of India, and especially to the country in the lower courses

of the rivers Kistna and Godavari, with the adjoining districts, in other

words ancient Kalinga and Talingana, as the countries which at a very

early period traded with and colonized the coast of Pegu. The people of

Pegu are known to the Burmese, to the Indians, tod thence to Europeans,

by the name Talaing. This word is derived from Talingana, and the name

which was strictly applicable only to the foreign settlers, has in the course

of time become applied to the whole people. As has already been stated,

they call themselves Mon, Mun, or Mwun, a word which will hereafter be

considered. The names given in the histories of Tha-litun and Pegu to the

first kings of those cities are Indian ; but they cannot be accepted as being

historically true. The countries from which the kings are said to have de¬

rived their origin are Karannaka, Kalinga, Tliubinga, and Bij-ja-na-ga-ran.

These may be recognised as Karnuta, Kalinga, Yenga, and Vizianagaram,

on the south-eastern coast of India. The last has, in after times, probably

* The classic name of the city Hen-tha-wa-ti, or Han-sa-wa-ti, has already been

explained. The common name, Pegu or Ba-go, is said to mean in the Mun language

“ conquered by stratagem,” alluding to the incident above related.

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

33

been mistaken for the more famous Yijayanagar, the modern city on the

Tambudra river. The word Talingana never occurs in the Peguan histories,

but only the more ancient name Kalinga. The names of the more promi¬

nent kings of Tha-htun and Pegu, all occur in Indian lists, and have proba¬

bly been selected as pertaining to orthodox Budhists, or as being famous in

early legend. Thus king Tiktlia, Ti-tlia, or Tissa, of Karannaka, whose

sons are represented as first coming to Tha-htun, is probably the name of

Asoka’s brother Tishya. The name frequently occurs among the early Bud-

hist kings of Ceylon. The elder son is called after his father with the affix

Kunrnia ; while the name of the younger Dza-ya, is apparently Ja-ya Sinha,

the founder of the Chalukya race in Talingana, whom Sir Walter Elliot*

supposes to have lived in the early part of the fifth century of the Christian

era, and Mr. Fergusson about a century later. The eastern branch of this

line reigned in Yengidesa, which comprised the districts between the Goda¬

vari and the Kistna, below the Ghats, and eventually fixed their capital at

Rajamahendri. In the history of Tha-htun, though the two sons of king

Tiktlia become hermits, they adopt two sons, one of whom builds the city of

Tha-htun, and reigns there under the title of Thi-ha Radza. This name is

probably derived from that of Raja Sinha, the posthumous son of Jaya Sinha

above mentioned, who succeeded after a struggle to his father’s power, and

whose birth and alliance by marriage with his enemies the Pallavas, the

possessors of the country south of the Yarbada, are reproduced at Tha-htun

in the dubious birth of Thi-ha Radza from a dragon’s egg, though he is

brought up by the hermit Dza-ya. The kings of the Chalukya dynasty who

reigned for about five centuries, were of lunar race, and apparently worship¬

pers of Yislmu.f The establishment of this family caused the flight and

exile of numbers of Budhists, or quasi-Budhists, from the districts on the sea-

coast of Talingana. On this point Sir Walter Elliot has made the following

remarks in a communication with which he has favoured me. “ There is no

“ doubt, the intercourse between the east coast of India, and the whole of

« the opposite coast of the Bay of Bengal and the Straits of Malacca, was far

“ greater in former times than at present. It had attained its height at the

“ time that the Budhists were in the ascendant, that is, during the first five

* See Numismatic Gleanings, Madras Journal of Literature and Science, Vol. XX,

Also, Indian Chronology, by J. Fei^gusson, Journal R. A. Society, 18G9.

f The coins of these kings were stampt with the figure of a boar, and tlience

came to be called ‘ varaha mudra.’ A large number of gold coins bearing this device,

and with characters pronounced by Sir Walter Elliot to be an ancient form of Telugu,

were found some years ago on the Island of Cheduba, on the coast of Arakan. Tlioy

were probably of the fifth century. They were found not far from the sea shore dis¬

posed as if hidden by persons wrecked on the coast, or otherwise landing suddenly.

They wero not at all worn by usage. One of these coins was figured and described by

Captain T. Latter, in Jour. As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XV., p. 210.

34

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

[No. 1,

“ or six centuries of our era. The first great Budhist persecution both

“ checked it and also drove great numbers of the victims to the opposite

“ coast. The Tamil and Telugu local histories and traditions are full of such

u narratives. When the Chalukya prince, brother of the king of Kalyan,

“ was founding a new kingdom at Raj amah endri, which involved the rooting

“ out and dispersion of the pre-existing rulers, nothing is more probable than

i( that some of the fugitives should have found their way to Pegu. One

“ Tamil MS. refers to a party of Budhist exiles, headed by a king of Man-

“ du, flying in their ships from the coast.”

The building of the city of Pegu in A.D. 573, by emigrants from Tha-

htun under the princes Tha-ma-la and Wi-ma-la, together with the attempt¬

ed occupation of the site by the representatives of the king of Bij-ja-na-ga-

ran, have already been related and commented on. There appears no reason

for doubting the general facts of the narrative ; and it may be admitted that

the princes and people of Indian descent in Ramanya, while having causes for

dissension among themselves, may have resisted the attempted establishment

of a new dynasty from Talingana. But as has already been observed as

regards the names of the early kings of Tha-htun, so the names of the actors

in the scenes at Pegu, have probably been taken in after times from the chro¬

nicles of Talingana, or even of the modern state of Vijayanagar. The name

Yimala occurs in the list of kings of the latter state so late as A. D. 1158.

I have not found the name Thamala, but the term Malla as a surname occurs

constantly among the Chalukya kings of the western line, commencing with

Yuddha Malla in A. D. 680.

The early establishment of a colony, or city for trade, on the coast of

Ramanya by settlers from Talingana, satisfactorily accounts for the name

Talaing, by which the people of Pegu are known to the Burmese and to all

peoples of the west. But the Peguans call themselves by a different name.

It remains then to be inquired whether we can trace from what race they

are descended ; whether, like the peoples around them — the Burmese, the

Siamese, and the Karens — they belong to the Indo-Chinese family, a branch

of the Mongoloids of Huxley, or come from another stock.

«

The people of Pegu, as has already been stated, call themselves Mun,

Mwun, or Mon. Their original language has almost disappeared. It is

probable that there are not now one hundred families in Pegu proper, in

which it is spoken as their vernacular tongue. In the province of Martaban,

however, including a part of Maulamyaing, there are thousands who still

speak the Mun language only. These are chiefly the descendants of emi¬

grants who left Pegu in 1826, when the British army retired and occupied

the Tenasserim territory. The Burmese, since the conquest of Pegu by

Alompra (Alaung Plira) in 1757-58, had strongly discouraged the use of the

Mun language. After the war with the British, the language of the people

1873.] Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu. 35

who had welcomed the invader, was furiously proscribed. It was forbidden

to he taught in the Budhist monasteries or elsewhere. The result has been

that in little more than a century, the language of about a million of people

has become extinct.*

In physical appearance, the Mun people are scarcely distinguishable from

the Burmese. They are, however, shorter and stouter, and notwithstanding

their more southern position, are generally lighter in complexion than Bur¬

mese of the same class. Indeed the higher classes of the Muns, and those

whose callings in cities and towns do not involve much exposure to the sun,

are much fairer than those of the same classes in upper Burma. This may

be partly attributable to the large admixture of Shan blood from Zimme

and the adjoining states, which occurred at a comparatively late period of

their history. But there are also climatic causes. For about six months of

the year, the sky of Pegu is more or less obscured with clouds ; and the habit

of carrying umbrellas as a protection against sun and rain is much more

common with the Talaings than among the Burmese. But the question of

complexion among many Indo-Chinese tribes is certainly perplexing. Some

of the Karen tribes in the mountains, especially the younger people, are not

darker than southern Europeans ; while those settled in the delta of the

Erawati, are much the same in that respect as the Mun people among whom

they dwell. While then the physical characteristics of the Mun would lead

us to class them with the Indo-Chinese around them, their language points

to a different conclusion. I believe this peculiarity was first brought to

notice by the Rev. Dr. Mason, Missionary to the Karen people. That

learned man has, in his work on Burma, pointed out the remarkable similari¬

ty between the language of the Mun of Pegu, and that of the Horo or

Munda people of Chutia Nagpur, called the Kols. The first syllable of

the word Munda, which is used, as I understand, to designate the language

of several tribes in the western highlands of Bengal, rather than as a tribal

name, is identical in sound with the race name of the people of Pegu. The

connection of the two peoples as shown by the similarity of their languages

in a series of test words, has been commented on by the Honourable Mr.

Campbell in a paper on the Races of India in the Journal of the Ethnologi¬

cal Society. We appear then to he forced to the conclusion, that the Mun

or Talaing people of Pegu, are of the same stock as the Kols, and other

* There are, however, some thousands of the Mun people in Siam, who emigrated

there towards the end of the 18tli and in the early part of the 19th centuries, to es¬

cape the cruel rule of the Burmese. Descendants of Mun colonists from Tha-htuu

were heard of by Dr. Richardson, in April 1837, as being located on the northern fron¬

tier of the Karenni country. They were said to have been originally placed there by

king Naurahta, being a part of his captives. It would be interesting to know if their

language remains unaltered.

3 G

[No, 1,

Sir Arthur P, Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

aboriginal tribes of India, who may have occupied that country before even

the Dravidians entered it, Csoma de Koros, in his Tibetan Dictionary, defines

Mon as a general name for the hill people between the plains of India and

Tibet. Assuming that a people having that name, once inhabited the east¬

ern Himalaya region, and migrated to the south, we have now no means of

tracing whether the Mun of Pegu came direct down the course of the Era-

wati, or parting from their kinsmen the Kolarian tribes in the lower course

of the Ganges or Brahmaputra, came through Arakan to their present seat.

There appear now to be no indications of their presence, either in Arakan or

in the country of the Upper Erawati ; though more careful inquiry into the

languages of some of the wild hill tribes, between Arakan and Manipur, might

possibly show their track. The Dravidians of Talingana, who beyond all

doubt came by sea to the eastern shores of the Bay of Bengal, probably a

thousand years before the Christian era, found the Mun rude savages, who

even some five centuries later, are called bhilus , or ogres. Yet the Dravidian

colonists have been merged into the mass of that wild race. Their name

indeed remains in the word Talaing, but it is known only to foreigners, and

is not acknowledged in the language of the people. Though the alphabet

used by the Mun is derived from an Indian source, through the Dravidians,

there is probably little or no trace of the language of that race in the Mun

tongue.

The city of Pegu having been founded, the historians of the Mun peo¬

ple thenceforth make it the centre round which the fortune of their race

revolves. . Thamala was consecrated king by the solemn ceremony of bithe-

Jcct, or water poured on the body, and assumed the title of Mahimu Thamala

Kummara. This king is stated to have built the city of Mutamau (Muta-

ma, or Martaban), three years after the foundation of Pegu ; and he founded

other cities in the territory he reigned over. But after a reign of twelve

years, his younger brother Wimala conspired against him and put him to

death. Thamala left a son who then was seven years old. He was concealed

by his mother and sent to a wild district in the hills, east of the Tsit-taung

River, where he was brought up amidst a herd of wild buffaloes.

Wimala was consecrated king. In the third year of his reign, he built

the city of Tsit-taung (Sittang). After he had reigned five years, in the

year 590, A. D., the king of Bij-ja-na-ga-ran sent an army with seven ships,

and a champion seven cubits high, to conquer Han-tha-wa-ti. It was agreed

that the quarrel should be decided by a fight between two champions. The

whole country was searched, but king Wimala and his nobles could find no

one to meet the Kula giant. At length appeared the lost prince, the son of

Thamala, who now was sixteen years old. He fought and slew the giant.

His uncle now offered to abdicate the throne ; but he would not consent to

reign, and again retired to the forest, east of the Tsit-taung River. There

1873.] Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu. 87

he built the city of Ka-tha in the mountains. King Wimala died not long

after, and the young prince then became king with the title of Katha Kum-

ma. His reign was prosperous, but lasted only for seven years. Thirteen

kings are represented as succeeding these founders of the kingdom, but the

hereditary succession was broken by usurpers. The monarchy, however, gra¬

dually established its power over the whole country of Bamanya, from

Puthin (Bassein) on the west, to Mutamau on the east. Tha-htun appears

to have gradually declined, and remained merely as a city and sea port with

little territory. The sixteenth king of Pegu, an usurper, is named Punna-

rika, or brahman-heart, which indicates religious strife as introduced at this

time (A. D. 746). Tie is said, however, to have been eminently religious,

and even to have listened daily to the preaching of the Budhist Italians.

But he is represented as inclined towards the ancient Hindu traditions ; for

he built, or re-established, the city of Aram&na, which is said anciently to

have occupied the site of the present city of Ban-gun. He called this city

Kamanago, or city of Kama. At this time, says the Talaing historian, as if

anxious to save the king’s character as a Budhist, the land of the Shwe Ta-

kun (Dagon) was not distinctly marked off, so that no impious encroachment

was made. To the north of this city was built another, which was called

Bamawati, now Mengaladun. This king died after a reign of fifteen years.

Both his name and the occurrence of Bama in the name of two cities he

built, indicate an actual or attempted revival of Hinduism.

Punnarika was succeeded by his son Tiktlia or Tissa, who was very

different in his religious views, but who was at length converted and became

a sincere believer. In the early part of his life, he was ensnared in the here¬

tical doctrines of Dewadat, rejected the Biclagat, and would neither worship

the pagodas, nor listen to the preaching of the Balians, nor follow the learn¬

ing of the Brahmans. Not content with this, he destroyed the pagodas,

mutilated the holy images and flung them into the river ; he prohibited by

proclamation the worship of these or of holy relics, and threatened with the

punishment of death all who should dare to disobey his decree. The people

were dismayed, and remained helpless, but were rescued from peril by a mira¬

culous occurrence. There was a young girl in the city of Han-tha-wa-ti, the

daughter of a wealthy merchant, who had been religiously brought up by

her mother, and from the age of ten years had listened to the preaching of

the law. Badra Devi was sincerely devoted to the worship of the three

treasures. She was sixteen years old when the order went forth to throw

the holy images into the water. One morning, she went, as was her custom,

surrounded by her attendants, to hatlie in the stream, and seeing a golden

image which had been flung into the water, she drew it out, saying, “ Who

has done this wicked deed ?” The chief attendant replied, “ Lady, the king

“ lias ordered this, and will put to death any one who worships the holy

38

Sir Arthur P. Pliayre — On the History of Pegu.

[No. 1,

“ images and relics.” The maiden said, “ I will devote my life to the three

“ treasures, and will endure death rather than forsake them.” She then care¬

fully washed the image, and set it up in a zayat which was close by. News

of this was soon carried to the palace, and the king in a fierce rage called for

Badra Devi. When the messengers arrived, the maiden was still employed

in cleaning and decorating the holy image, and she entreated them to let her

complete her pious work. Having finished, she then with her attendants

proceeded to the palace. When the king heard the report of the messengers,

he raged like a hungry lion at the sight of harmless animals. He ordered

that the maiden should forthwith be trampled to death by a mad elephant.

The master of the elephants having brought a mad one, the animal was urged

on to crush the maiden. But she invoked the protection of the three trea¬

sures, and the seven good nats, while she prayed for blessings on the king,

on the elephant, and on its driver. The elephant could not be made to hurt

her. Again and again he was urged on with violence, but he would not

obey. The king then ordered that she should he burnt with fire. She was

thickly enveloped with straw, hut the straw could not be kindled. The king

then ordered that she should he brought before him. She appeared with

becoming modesty and respect, while the king bawled out contemptuously,

“ Thou hast taken thy teacher’s image out of the water, and placed it in a

“ zayat ; if the image will fly through the air into my presence, I will spare

“ thy life ; but if not, thy body shall be cut into seven pieces.” Badra Devi

begged to be allowed to go to the zayat, and respectfully to invite the holy

image. She and her attendants therefore went, and certain nobles of the

court were sent to watch them. The maiden prayed to the three treasures

and the seven good nats, that the image might fly through the air to the

king’s palace. Then straightway the image, the maiden, her attendants, and

the nobles, were borne through the air to the royal feet. The king much

astonished, said : “ Let the Dewadat teachers fly through the air, so that all

the people may see them.” But they could not do so. The king then

believed the truth, and banished the false teachers from his country. Then

asking the consent of her parents, he married Badra Devi, and she was con¬

secrated chief Queen. The pagodas and other holy buildings were now

repaired, and the people rejoiced greatly. King Tiktha reigned for twenty

years, and with him closes the line of seventeen kings who represent the

three native dynasties of Pegu.

A gap now occurs in the narrative of events which the native historians

either have not attempted to bridge over, or have noticed with only a few

general statements. In a preliminary sketch to the copy of the history

which I possess, it is stated that the first seventeen kings, extending from

the foundation of the city of Hanthawati to king Tiktha, reigned for a period

of five hundred years. But in the detailed account of the reigns of those

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

39

kings, the sum of the years they are stated to have reigned, amounts to only

two hundred and eight. The first part of the history then closes as if a

great crisis had been endured. A new chapter is opened which simply states

that the destinies of Hanthawati were accomplished ; the line of kings

broken ; and the writer then bursts forth in lamentation over the rule of

foreign Burmese kings and their hateful governors. Three of these are men¬

tioned and reviled, and the narrative then passes on to events near the close

of the thirteenth century of the Christian era, when Mongols and Turks

overthrew the Burmese monarchy ; Pugan was captured, and her king a

fugitive. Supposing that the seventeen kings represent in some fashion the

events of five hundred years, then the close of king Tiktha’s reign would be

about A. D. 1073. From that time until the capture of the Burmese capi¬

tal by the Mongols, there is a period of about two hundred and eleven years,

of which the Mun chroniclers say nothing, except the loss of their native

kings, and the rule of three hated foreign governors. This hiatus is not

peculiar to the manuscript history which I possess, but may be traced in

others. Thus Dr. Mason from the copy which he followed, dates the founda¬

tion of Pegu A. D. 573 and the death of Tik-tha A. D. 841, but immediately

after this, there is a blank of more than three hundred years. In Major

Lloyd’s Gazetteer of the District of Rangun, in which a list of the kings of

Pegu is given from native records, this blank does not appear. But that is,

because the foundation of Hanthawati has been post-dated to A. D. 1152, a

year quite impossible to be reconciled with the histories of Burma, Tha-htun,

and the subsequent history of Pegu itself. The cause of these great discre¬

pancies arises from the Tailing historians having sought to conceal the reli¬

gious revolutions in their country, during the ninth and tenth centuries, and

to avoid narrating the conquest of their country by Anauralita, king of Pugan,

about A. D. 1050, with its continued subjection to Burma for more than two

hundred years. And it is strange that in the Burmese Maha Radza weng,

though the conquest of Tha-htun is narrated at great length, nothing is

said of the occupation of the city Hanthawati. Yet no doubt, the city was

then taken by the Burmese king. Either then it was supposed that the

capture of the ancient city of Tha-htun rendered special mention of Pegu

unnecessary, or the chroniclers hesitated to record the first instance of the

falsification of the legend, which in the cause of religion assigned to Pegu

a perpetual succession of kings in the line of Thamala kumara. The

Tailing historians have endeavoured to represent their country as having

been uniformly orthodox Budhist, while the records they present to us, show

that there have been frequent alternations of Budhism and Brahmanism.

The names of the two last kings of the native dynasty, Punnarika and

Tiktha, witli the few notices we have regarding them, show that their

reigns represent periods of religious strife between the two great sects, and

40

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

[No. 1,

the attempted introduction of a form of worship antagonistic to both.

Punnarika, or “ brahman-heart,” sufficiently indicates the influence during

one period ; while the name Tiktha, or Tishza, identical with that of the

brother of Asoka, points to a corrupt Budhism, and the re-establishment

of that worship. This is typified in the pleasing legend of Badra Devi,

and Budhism has been the cherished religion of the people from that time

until now.

From the time of Anaurahta the history of Pegu becomes clearer. The

measures of his successors in that country are constantly referred to in

Burmese history. His son and successor Tsau-lii appointed his foster-

brother Ba-man Kan governor of Pegu. But he ungratefully rebelled,

and marched with a large army of Talaings against Pugin. At first he

was successful, but was at length killed. In the reign of A-laung-tsi-thu,

which extended from A. D. 1085 to 1160, Bassein was the principal port

of departure for Ceylon, with which island there was much communication.

This king sent an army of one hundred thousand Talaings, to place the

exiled son of the king of Arakan on the throne of his ancestors. From this

time until near the final destruction of Pugan about A. D. 1277, or by one

reckoning 1284, there is ample evidence that the Burmese were supreme

in Pegu. During this period, the Slians had come down from Zimme, and

occupied the country east of the Than-lwin (Salwin) Biver. The time was

at hand when they were to become supreme. With the capture of Pugan

by the hordes of Kublai Khan, Pegu began to revive. The Burmese king

called from his flight Taruk-pye Meng, fled from his capital to Bassein,

ready no doubt to embark for Ceylon if necessary. The Taruk did not

follow, but left the country, and the king returned to his capital. But the

Burmese monarchy was now tottering, and in the confusion which arose, the

Tailing people found the opportunity to recover their independence, though

under a foreign dynasty of kings.

The Mun chronicles thus relate the events which led to the re-establish¬

ment of the kingdom.

“ Now at this time, the country of Hanthawati paid tribute to the

“ king of Pugan, and officers were appointed to rule these, and were relieved

(e in turn. A youth of Burman race, named Akhamwun, lived with his

“ father and mother near the city, and was placed for instruction in a

“ monastery, where he became a probationer. The Abbot soon perceived

“ that he was a youth of great ability, and judged that from the accumulation

“ of former merit, he would become a great man. After passing the grade

“ of a Thamane, he left the monastery, and married into a Tailing family.

“ Being appointed an officer in one of the royal boats, he in time took his

“ turn of duty at Pugan, where he attracted the attention of the king by

“ his zeal and energy, and was promoted to the command of the boat. One

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

41

“ night he dreamed that he stood with one foot in Hantliawati, and one foot

“ in Pugan, which a Brahman interpreted to mean that he would become a

“ king. On the return of his boat to Pegu, he was careful in collecting

“ what was due from the people, to prevent extortion, and having become

“ popular through the help of his father-in-law, many of the merchants and

“ wealthy citizens joined him. His first care was to repair the city walls,

“ which had been suffered to go to decay. The king of Pugan hearing of

“ this plot, appointed his son-in-law Commander-in-Chief of an army to

“ reduce the city to obedience. This army was defeated, as well as a second,

“ and at last Akhamwun proclaimed himself king with the title of Thu-nek-

“ khautsa Ihidza.” These events occurred, it is stated, about the Burmese

year 635, or A. D. 1273, hut the dates given in the Mun chronicle are not

to be depended on. Probably the Burmese usurper had at this time

sufficient power to be practically independent ; hut it is not likely that he

proclaimed himself king before the fall of Pugan, which, as we have already

stated, was some years later.

Akhamwun no sooner was king than he belied all the promise of his

former life, and by his tyranny became hated. He was at length put to

death by his brother-in-law Leng-gya, after he had reigned two years.

Leng-gya had possession of the palace for eight days, and was then killed

by Akhyemwun, who was also a brother-in-law of Akhamwun. Akhyemwun

was now consecrated king of Pegu with the title of Tarabya.

At this time Muttama (Martaban) had become independent of Pegu.

It was ruled by Wa-re-ru, who had deposed the Burmese governor A-lim-ma

and put him to death. The kings of Muttama and Pegu, feeling that they

must combine, made an agreement of friendship, and each married the other’s

daughter. Taruk-pyemeng, who was still king of Pugan, sent an army under

Badza Then-gyan, to reduce Pegu to obedience. The king of Pegu occupied

the stronghold of Than-lyeng (Syriam), and had a stockade at Ta-kun.

The Burmese force was at Bala. The positions were all so strong, that

neither party would make an attack. Wareru then came with an army to

the assistance of his ally, and the two kings advanced by land and water

against Dala. They were entirely successful, and after several actions, the

Burmese were forced to retire. The allied kings followed the Burmese up

the Erawati as far /is Padaung. They then returned and encamped at

Makan, south of the city of Pegu. Here dissension arose between the two

kings which ended in a fight. Tarabya was defeated and fled. Wa-re-ru

at once marched, and took possession of the palace and capital. Tarabya

was captured by some villagers and delivered up as to his rival, who, at the

intercession of the Budhist monks, spared his life. Wa-re-ru, now king of the

whole country, did not choose to fix the seat of his government at Pegu,

but after bavins: settled the affairs of the country, returned to Muttama,

F

6

42 Sir Arthur P. P hay re — On the History of Pegu. [No. 1,

taking Tarabya with him. The deposed king was soon after put to death

for entering into a conspiracy.

Of the birth and parentage of Wa-re-ru there are conflicting accounts.

The history which I follow, relates that there was at Muttama a merchant

of the name of Magadu who traded to the adjoining countries. To the

east was the country of Thuk-ka-te, the name of the ancient capital of Siam,

or the ancient seat of the royal family, situated on a branch of the river

Menam. Magadu went to Thuk-kate, and entered the service of the king of

that country. He either possessed a female elephant which gave birth to

a white one, or he captured a white one in the forest, which he presented to

the king. This was regarded as an omen of his future high destiny. On

returning to Muttama, he raised a rebellion against Alimma, the Burmese

governor, and put him to death. # After this, there is some obscurity in the

narrative as to the fate of Magadu, and it might almost be supposed that

he disappeared. But this arises from the respectful reserve of the chronicler,

who refrains from stating distinctly that the quondam merchant Magadu

became king of Muttama under the name of Wa-re-ru. It is intimated that

his great fortune resulted from the merit of his good deeds in former births.

In fact, he was descended from one of the Nat-Bhilu who listened to the

preaching of Budha, when he came to the wild region east of Tha-htun,

instead of joining those who impiously drove him away. Thus he is claimed

as a Mun by race, though it is probable that he was descended from a Shan

family from the eastward, which had settled in the country of the lower

Than-lwin (Salwin) .

Wa-re-ru was now king of Mut-ta-ma. He was anxious to possess a

white elephant, which is the great object of the ambition of a Budhist king,

and especially of an usurper, as it is supposed to indicate his true royal de¬

scent. After much negociation with the king of Thuk-ka-te, or Siam, a white

elephant was forwarded by that monarch. This occurred in the Burmese

year 655 (A. H. 1293), six 3^ears after Wareru had become king. As the

strength of his kingdom lay in the country of the Salwin, where the Shans

had been settling for several generations, the king made Muttama his capital,

though, as we have already seen, he had dethroned Tarabya and occupied

Pegu. The Talaing historians, however, as he did not reign in their ancient

capital, do not include his name among the kings of Hanthawati.

After the fall of the ancient Burmese monarchy, the Shan chief A-theng-

kha-ya, with his two brothers, ruled at Myin-tsaing what still remained of

the empire. Having heard of the fame of Wareru’s white elephant, he de¬

termined to possess it. He marched with an army to Muttama and demand¬

ed that the sacred animal should be delivered to him. This was refused,

* In the Burmese Maha Radza weng, the year of Alim-ma’s death is said to have

been A. D., 1281.

1873.]

43

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

and in a battle which took place, the Shan-Burman army suffered a complete

defeat. After this, the kingdom had peace for some years. But the two

sons of Tarabya, who were kept in the palace, conspired against Wa-re-ru,

and put him to death. They, however, had no supporters, and were obliged

to fly. They took refuge in a monastery, but were dragged forth and killed.

Their bodies were brought and laid at the feet of the king’s body, and the

three were burnt together. King Wareru died thus in the year 668, after a

reign of nineteen years.

He was succeeded by his brother Khun-lau, whose first care was to soli¬

cit recognition of his title from the king of Siam. This was granted, and the

regalia were forwarded to him with a suitable title. Not long after this,

the king of Zimme attacked Dunwun, a city on the east side of the Tsit-

taung river, and plundered it. The king took no measures to defend His

territory, and seeing that he was a man of no capacity and careless of the

honour of his country, Meng Bala, who was married to his sister, conspired

against him. He was persuaded to go out in the forest, under pretence of

entrapping a wild elephant said to have three tusks. Having inveigled him

into the thick depths of the forest, he was put to death after a reign of four

years.

Meng Bala at first intended to seize the throne himself, but by the

prudent advice of his wife, he made their eldest son, Dzau-au, king. The

young king was married to a daughter of the king of Siam. But notwith¬

standing this alliance, he before long was involved in hostilities with La-bun,

a small Shan state then tributary to Siam. He sent a force and occupied

it in the year 682. In the following year, he marched an army under Khun-

meng as Commander-in-Chief to take Dhawe (Tavoy). The city having

surrendered, the general marched on to Tanengtliari (Tenasserim), which he

took without difficulty. He left garrisons and governors in both those cities,

and then returned to Muttama with the remainder of his army. During

the reign of Dzau-au, the country was prosperous. But the king’s life was

short, and he died after a reign of thirteen years. The kingdom of Mutta¬

ma which included Pegu, had now become independent of Siam, and from

the still disturbed state of Burma, it had nothing to fear from that country.

But in this reign first commenced the quarrel between Pegu and Siam, which

in long after years led to wars, terribly destructive to life, and which have

been the main cause of the present depopulation of the country. The quar¬

rel was continued, when Burma succeeded by conquest to the rights of Pegu,

and lasted down to the early part of the present century.

The successor of Dzau-du was his brother, Dzau-dzip, who, at his conse¬

cration, assumed the title of Binyaranda. This king, after consulting with

his nobles, determined to change the seat of government to Hanthawati.

He went there in great state leaving a governor and a sufficient garrison at

[No. 1,

44 Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

Muttama. Soon after reaching Pegu, he went to Takun (Ran gun), repaired

the great pagoda and made offerings. The governors- of Puthin (Bassein)

and Myoung-mya rebelled, but were soon overcome. Though the kingdom

in the delta of Erawati was thus consolidated, the southern provinces were

lost, the king of Siam having retaken Dhawe and Tanengthari. Binyaranda,

though unable to retain those distant possessions, thought the time was

favourable for making an attack on Prome. That city has always been an

object of keen contest between the kings of Burma, and Pegu. At this

time, the chiefs of Shan descent who reigned in Burma, had not consolidated

their power, and some subordinate chief, whose name is unknown, was supreme

in Prome. Binyaranda went against that city with a considerable army,

but he was repulsed and killed in the year 692 (A. D. 1330). In the con¬

fusion which arose on the king’s death, an officer of the palace at Muttama,

called Dib-ban Meng, seized the throne and made one of Binyaranda’ s

daughters, named Tsanda Meng Hla, his queen. He was, however, put to

death by the Commander-in-Chief on the seventh day of his reign. For a

few weeks also, a son of Bzau-au reigned with the title of Egan-kan, but by

the influence of the queen who hated him, he was poisoned.

The person now called to the throne was a son of Khundau, who at this

time was governor of Hanthawati ; for, notwithstanding the change made by

Binyaranda, the palace and seat of government seems to have been again at

Muttama. Queen Tsanda Meng Hla invited the governor to come and set¬

tle all disputes. He came to Muttama with a large retinue, and was at once

consecrated king with the title of Binya-e-lau. Tsanda Meng Hla became

chief queen. The king of Siam was angered, because E-gan-kan was the son

of his daughter, and he sent an army to avenge the death of his grandson.

His army was completely defeated, and the two countries were now at dead¬

ly enmity. Though Muttama was now free from a foreign enemy, it suffered

from a struggle between the king’s son Tsau-e-lan and his nephew Binya-u, a

son of king Dzau-dzip. While the king was lying sick, these young princes

disturbed the country by their quarrel for the succession. The king recover¬

ed and placed Binya-u in jail, but on the intercession of the queen, released

him. Before long, his own son died, which left the succession undisputed.

Binya lau reigned eighteen years, and died in the year 710, A. D. 1318. His

reign on the whole wTas prosperous, but it is noted as a bad omen that the

white elephant broke one of his tusks ; that a severe famine desolated the

country ; and that there were constant border frays with the Burmese on

the northern frontier.

Binya-u succeeded without any opposition, and assumed the title of

Tsheng-phyu-sheng. After he had been on the throne for three years, an

attack was made by the Yun Shans of Zimme on Dun-wun and several

towns in Tsit-taung. The country was plundered, but the enemy was at

1873.]

45

Sir Arthur P. Pliayre — On the History of Pegu.

last driven out. The king, anxious to possess a holy relic, sent a nobleman

in a ship with five hundred followers, and a letter written on golden tablets

to the king of Ceylon, to ask for a relic of Budha. The king of Ceylon, full

of friendship and beneficence, granted the request, and placing the holy relic

in a golden vase, which was enclosed in other vases, all carefully sealed up,

delivered it to the Peguan envoy. It was brought to Muttama, where it

was received with great pomp by the king. A pagoda was built for its re¬

ception at the spot where the Yun Slians had been defeated. # Notwith¬

standing this happy event, misfortunes began to gather round the king. The

governor of Pegu rebelled. He was subdued ; but the white elephant, in

Budhist phrase, ‘ erred,’ that is, died ; and the whole population, from the king

to the peasant, clergy and laity, were in an agony of grief. For this por¬

tended dire misfortunes to the country. The white elephant received a

grand funeral, the body being drawn by the people on a car beneath a royal

canopy, outside the city where it was buried in the earth. “ But one ac¬

count,” adds the chronicler doubtfully, “ is, that the elephant rose up from

“ the funeral car, and stalked majestically into the river, where the water

“ closed over it, and it was- seen no more.” Some Karen people, not long

after, reported that a white elephant had been seen in -the forest, and the king,

with his whole court and a large army, went to capture it. He was absent

for four months, and during that time, his half brother or cousin, named

Byat-ta-ba, raised a rebellion. The first intimation the king had of this

event was from seeing a star strike at the moon. This was interpreted by

his Brahman astrologer to mean rebellion. Returning hastily towards the

city, the king heard that Byat-ta-ba had shut the gates, and that his brothers

were levying men in the country outside, with whom they entered. The city

was defended with cannon ,f so that the king could not attack it, and the

wives and families of the nobles who were in the royal camp, were inside the

city. Many therefore deserted the king, and went over to the rebels. The

king retired to Dunwun, and appointed his brother-in-law Thamin Bya-ta-

bat, general against the rebels. He closely invested the city, so as to prevent

supplies being carried into it. By an artifice of the wife of Byat-ta-ba, who

sent a secret letter to him, pretending that she was on the side of the king,

he accepted some dishes which she sent, and died from the effects of eating

them. The whole of the investing army then fled. Another commander

* In the histories of Burma and Pegu, many instances are related of relics, or

supposed relics, being brought to the country from Ceylon. The facts are gravely

related, but nothing seems to be known of the relics afterwards, except the hairs of

Budha which are enshrined beneath the Shwe Dagun, and are as freshly remembered

and worshipped now, as they were two thousand four hundred years ago.

f This is the first mention of cannon in the history, about the year A. D. 1370.

Nothing is said as to where they wei’o procured from.

46

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

[No. 1,

was then appointed ; but he was killed by a bullet almost immediately, and

his army broke up and dispersed. The king now in despair shut himself up

in Dunwun city, which was situated between Muttama and Tsit-taung.

Byat-ta-ba, though so far successful, knowing that many of the people

of Muttama were not well inclined towards him, sent a letter and messengers

to the king of Zimme, asking for assistance, and offering to hold Muttama

as his general and deputy. Hearing of this, Binya-u seeing that his posi¬

tion was becoming desperate, himself sent messengers and presents to the

king of Zimme and offered one of his daughters in marriage. This was

accepted ; the march of the Zimme troops was stopped, and Binya-u, though

unable to recover what he had lost, was not disturbed at Dunwun. There he

remained for six years. Byat-ta-ba in the meantime strengthened his posi¬

tion, and at length gained possession of Dun-wun by a stratagem. The

king fled on an elephant almost alone, and came to the city of Pegu. This

was in the year 732 (A. D. 1370), being the twenty-second of his reign.

Byat-ta-ba had now firmly established himself in Muttama, and to show his

sympathy with the southern T’hai people, made his subjects shave their heads

in the Siamese fashion. The only opposition to this order was shown in

Dunwun.

Binya-u now turned his attention to the districts of Pegu which were

put in order, and walls were built round the chief cities. After a time, by

tacit understanding, there was peace between him and Byat-ta-ba . The king

caused the great pagodas, Shwe Maudau and Shwe Dagun to be repaired.

His son Binya-nwe caused him much anxiety by his intrigues. The king

wished one of his younger sons to succeed him, hut did not formally appoint

him heir-apparent. Binya-nwe finding his father under the influence of the

queen against him, began to gather friends to support his interests. Hav¬

ing secretly engaged followers, he left the city at night and joined them.

He took possession of the town and pagoda at Ta-kun, where he engaged

the services of some western foreigners. # This was in the month Na-yun

745 (A. D. 1383), when there was an eclipse of the sun. The king was

now too ill to make any exertions to uphold his authority, and all orders

were issued by the queen. An army was sent against the prince, which

he went out and defeated. He did not feel strong enough to attack the

capital until he had collected a larger force. He then marched, and while

on the way heard of the death of his father. This event stopped all

resistance. Thamin Paru, the general who had been employed against

him, attempted to escape, hut was made prisoner and put to death. Binya-

nwe ascended the palace in the month Tabodwe, 747, A. D. 1385. f

* Most probably Muhammadan, adventurers from India or the Persian Gulf. They

had been coming to this coast for many years past.

f In the Burmese history, this event is placed in the year 745. See Journal, As.

Soc. of Bengal, Yol. XXXVII, for 1869.

1873.] Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu. 47

The young king assumed the title of Badza-di-rit. He rewarded all

those who had supported him, and put very few of his enemies to death.

The queen had bitterly opposed him, yet, in remembrance of her care of

him when he was a child, after his own mother’s death, he now treated

her with respect and honour. There was one powerful nobleman who had

opposed him, and who was still unsubdued. This was Lauk-bya, the

governor of Myaung-mya, who was of the royal family. He hated Bad-

za-dirit, whom he denounced as no son of Binya-ii’s, and was determined

not to submit to him. He now caused the renewal of the stnma-le he-

o o

tween Burma and Pegu, which had ceased for about a century, or since

the fall of the Pugan monarchy, and which only ended in the entire

subjection of Pegu about the middle of the eighteenth century.

At this time, Ava was the capital of Burma, and the king Tarabya,

though said to be descended from the ancient kings of Pugan, and also

through his mother from the family of the three Shan brothers who suc¬

ceeded them, was essentially the chief of a Shan dynasty. The king of

Pegu belonged to a southern branch of the same race. Lauk-bya seeing

that the king of Ava had subdued all his enemies, sent messengers to

him, offering, if he were placed on the throne of Pegu, to hold it as a

tributary king. The king of Ava therefore sent an army, composed of two

columns under the command of his sons, to carry out this plan. One of

these marched by the E-ra-wa-ti to Laing, and one by the Tsit-

taung or Paung-laung Eiver to Taungu. Both were defeated by Badza-

dirit before Lauk-bya could arrive to support either, and they retreated

to Ava. The history of Pegu states that the king of Ava accompanied

his army on this expedition, but this does not agree with the Burmese

history. The king of Pegu was sensible that his victory resulted more

from the difficulties in the country which the Burmese army had to en¬

counter, than from the superiority of the force he was able to bring against

them. He, therefore, sent envoys to Ava with a letter and presents, hop¬

ing to establish friendship with the dreaded monarch. But the king of

Ava remarked that the letter was a short one, and sternly replied that

the Ta-laing country belonged to his ancestors, and would be recovered.

The presents were scornfully rejected, and the envoys returned sorrowfully

to their master. Thus the present king of Burma showed his determina¬

tion to recover, if possible, all that had once belonged to the kings of

Pugan ; and Eadzadirit had nothing for it but to prepare for resistance.

Lauk-bya addressed the king of Ava, excusing himself for not having ap¬

peared with a force to support the Burmese army, and again tendering

his allegiance. When the season arrived, Tarabya marched down the val¬

ley of the Erawati, and as in the previous campaign, established himself

at Laing. The king of Pegu was entrenched in a strong position at Mau-

48

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

[No. 1,

hi, a few miles to the north ofTa-kun. This stockade the Burmese could

not take, and were delayed so long before it, that the dreaded rainy season

approached. They made a sudden retreat, which turned into a disorderly

flight. The Mun army pursued them as far as Prome, hut did not ven¬

ture to attack that city. Being thus rid of the invader, the king deter¬

mined to reduce to obedience those near him who were dangerous. He

first directed his attention to the eastward. He attacked and took Dun-

wun, the chief of which city had been in communication with Lauk-bya.

He next took Lagwunpyin, and from thence sent one of his officers to

attack Muttama. Byat-ta-ba does not appear to have remained in the

city, which was defended by two officers having the foreign names of E-bra-

un and U-le.# They had several decked boats useful for service on the

rivers and creeks, and did not wait to be attacked in the city, but fought

a battle outside. The army of the king of Pegu suffered severely, but

in a second action this check was retained, and the two commanders of

the Mataban army, fearing to enter the city, fled in decked boats to the

Kula country. Byat-ta-ba appears to have accompanied them. The citi¬

zens at once submitted, and Badzadirit coming to Muttama appointed

governors to it, and to Maulamyaing. These events occurred in the year

750 (A. D. 1888), and the king then returned to Pegu. #

Badzadirit now determined to attack Lauk-bya in Myaung-mya. He

went against that place with a large force, but finding it too strong, he

advanced against Pu-thin (Bassein), where Lauk-bya’s three sons com¬

manded. He attacked, but the foreign decked boats were armed with fire¬

arms, and the Pegu force lost many killed and wounded. The general was

among the former. His body was brought away and buried by the king’s

command at the foot of the Ta-kun pagoda. The Pegu force retreated

towards Myaung-mya. The Puthin force being very strong in boats, fol¬

lowed under the command of Lauk-shin, one of the sons of Lauk-bya, but

suffered a defeat. The king remained at Dala to direct operations and a

portion of Lauk-bya’s force was destroyed ; he himself was made prisoner

and Myaung-mya surrendered. The king then pushed on to Pu-thin, and

Lauk-shin put all his valuables on elephants, intending to join the king

of Prome. But being intercepted, he crossed the mountains into Arakan,

and went to Than-dwe. An army followed and demanded that he should

be given up. The governor surrendered him, and he was made a pagoda-

slave at the Shwe-dagun. His wife being of the royal family, was spared

and sent to Muttama. This was in the year 752, A. L). 1390. The

* From the docked boats and the names of the commanders, which are probably

Ibrahim and ’All or Wall, there evidently were foreigners in high command at this

time. No mention is made of fire-arms in these operations, but immediately after¬

wards there is, in the account of the attack on Bassein.

1873.]

40

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of 'Pegu.

king now beautified the city of Hantliawati. In the following year he

collected a force at Pu-thin, with which he advanced against the city or

fort of Ku-dwut on the frontier, which had been occupied by the king

of Burma. The Burmese retired on his approach, and he strengthened the

place. During his absence he suspected his eldest son of conspiring against

him and had him put to death. The prince died protesting his innocence,

and openly wishing that he might be horn king of a neighbouring coun¬

try to take his revenge for this injustice.

The king of Siam sent a white elephant and a letter, acknowledging

Radzadirit as being of the same race as himself. Soon after, the king of

Ava came suddenly to attack the fort of Ku-dwut. An army was sent to

support the garrison, and the king of Burma retired, liadzadirft now had

leisure to attend to the affairs of his kingdom.

The king of Ava, Meng kyi-tswa Tsau-ke, died, and was succeed¬

ed by his son Tsheng-phyu sheng. But he was soon after murdered, and

his brother Meng Khaung was placed on the throne in the year 7G3.

About this time, we learn from the histories of Arakan and Burma, that

a quarrel arose between those two countries, though the causes are not

distinctly stated. In the former it is related that, in the year 756 (A. D.

1394), the king of Arakan marched to attack the Burmese territory.

But in the latter history, this event is placed in the year 765, which

agrees better with the chronicles of Pegu.# Prom whatever cause this

difference of date may have arisen, it is certain that, about the latter

period, the king of Burma being engaged in a dispute with Arakan, and

also, as the history of Pegu states, from discontent existing in the sou¬

thern provinces, Radzadirit thought he saw his opportunity to take revenge

for the invasions of Meng kyi-tswa Tsauke. He assembled a large army,

and a flotilla of boats to proceed by the Erawati. There were four thou¬

sand boats of every description. The army moved partly by land and

partly by water. The king himself left the city in the month Nat da u

766, A. D. 1404. He proceeded up the river, the army reached Prome,

which was held for the king of Ava by Byan-khyi, one of the sons of

Lauk Bya. The town was too strong to be attacked, and the king push¬

ed on for the capital. By means of his large flotilla and army combined,

he was able to invest the capital, but could make no impression on the

walls. Radzadirit had full command of all the country outside the city,

and even sent a strong detachment up to Tagaung, the ancient capital.

Probably he found himself in a difficulty and was glad to retire, but the

history states that he did so in compliance with the representations of an

eloquent Budhist monk. He built a monastery at Shwe-kyet-yet, near Ava,

* See History of Arakan, Jour. As. Soc. of Bengal, for 1844; and History of the

Burma Ituco, Vol. XXXV11J. for 180‘J.

7

u

50

Sir Arthur P. Pliayre — On the History of Deyw.

[No. 1,

with materials obtained by breaking up some of his boats ; but this was

afterwards burnt by order of Mcng Khaung. The king on his way down

the river was much annoyed by the Burmese troops ; and on reaching

Tsale, he heard that his daughter who had accompanied her husband on

the expedition, had been taken prisoner. At first in his rage he deter¬

mined to attack Prome, but his general Amat Din pointed out that the

army was disordered and required rest. He, therefore, proceeded down to

Pegu. Arrived at Dala, he put to death Tsau-ma-shet, his son-in-law, who

had fled when his daughter was captured. The king then returned to the

city. But his anger had not subsided. No sooner was the rainy season

at an end, than he gathered his forces, and advanced up the river. Determin¬

ing to reduce Prome, he established his headquarters on the western bank of the

river. Having defeated a Burmese force near the city, he posted three regi¬

ments on the ground to the north, on the Naweng River, in order to prevent

any relief arriving. But the king of Ava was now marching down with a

large army. Badzadirft was urged by his general to withdraw the three

detached regiments ; but he was persuaded by others to let them remain

intrenched where they were. They were attacked and utterly overwhelm¬

ed by king Meng Khaung, who then relieved Prome. But though the

king of Ava was thus successful, the king of Pegu by means of his flotil¬

la cut off his supplies by river, and destroyed the towns and villages on

the banks as far as Mag we and Malun. Meng Khaung then proposed

that they should make peace, and presents and friendly messages were

exchanged. They swore friendship at the great pagoda of Prome, and the

boundary of their kingdoms was fixed a little to the south of the city.

Yet notwithstanding this agreement, the king of Ava took offence at a

Talaing garrison being left at a post on the frontier, and before long

began to take measures for disturbing Pegu. He desired to attack Ara-

kan, and to prevent the king of Pegu from interfering, sent a letter to

the king of Zimme, requesting him to march an army to the frontier of

Tsit-t.iung. This letter was intercepted, and the bearers of it were put to

death. The king also knowing that preparations were being made for a

march into Arakan, sent an army to Pu-thin (Bassein), to be ready for

whatever might be required. The Burmese army marched into Arakan,

and the king of that country fled to Bengal A His son Na-ra-mit-hla

came south to Thandwe, and communicating with Badzadirft crossed to

Pu-thin. The king then promised to support him, and sent on his army

to Thandwe. Ka-ma-ru, the son-in-law of Meng Khaung, had been appoint¬

ed governor of Arakan, with the title of Anau-ra-hta. He was at the

# Tliis event is stated in tlie history of Arakan to have occurred in the reign of

Meng-tsau-mwun in the year 768, A. D. IdOO. See Bistory of Arakan, A. S. Bengal,

for 1844.

1873.]

51

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

capital in the northern part of the kingdom. The Tailing army march'

ed there, the Arakanese Prince accompanying it. Kamaru fled from the

capital, but he was taken prisoner with his wife and family, and sent to

Bassein, where Radzadirit still was. As his father-in-law had broken the

treaty without cause, he was put to death, and his wife, the daughter of

the king of Ava, was made one of the queens. Prince Na-ra-mit-hla was

placed on the throne of Arakan, and the Tailing army returned.

During these transactions Meng Khaung had been employed in put¬

ting down a rebellion among the Shans of Bamau and other states.

When he heard that his son-in-law and daughter were prisoners, he assem¬

bled an army, chiefly Shans from Kale and Monyin, and moved on Pegu.

He marched by the Ra-me-tlien route, and thence down the valley of the

Paung-llung. Radzadirit collected an army to meet the enemy at the

frontier of his kingdom. The Tailings met with a defeat, and were forced

to abandon a fortified post at Tha-kyin, where they had much rice stored.

Radzadirit retreated to Pan-gyan. The Burmans as they advanced burnt

all the villages, and the Tailings harassed the enemy by cutting off his

foraging parties. When the seat of war reached the low country where

the tides prevail, the Shans unaccustomed to them became bewildered, and

a large body of them being inveigled on to a sand bank in the river, was

suddenly overwhelmed in the rising water. This success, and reinforce-

ments which reached Radzadirit from Bassein, encouraged the Tailings,

and the Shan army began to suffer from the want of supplies. King Meng

Khaung, by the advice of his officers, thought it prudent to negociate.

He, therefore, wrote a letter adverting to his daughter being with Radzadirit,

and proposing that his son should marry a daughter of the latter. But

the king of Pegu knew that the Burmese army was in distress, he there¬

fore returned a rough answer. Several messages passed, and a personal

meeting was agreed to. The king of Pegu had determined to seize liis

enemy, and Meng Khaung at the last moment, suspecting treachery, turn¬

ed hack. La-gwun-in, a Tailing officer, now undertook to capture the king

of Burma. By a sudden night attack he penetrated to the tent of

the king, and even possessed himself of the royal sword and pan box.

Meng Khlung escaped by an accident, and now being thoroughly alarm¬

ed commenced a retreat. He was followed to the frontier by the Tailing

army, after which Radzadirit returned to his capital in triumph. But

though thus successful, he deemed it expedient to enter into an alliance

with the king of Ava. He, therefore, sent him a letter full of friendly

words with presents, and asked for his sister in marriage. After some

delay this was agreed to. The princess Wimala Devi went down the

river in a royal boat, and was received by Radzadirit at Ta-kun (Rangun),

where the marriage was solemnized. But this alliance was of no avail to

52

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

[No. 1,

preserve peace. Not long after, prince Thid-dat, brother of Meng Khaung,

conspired against the king, and being discovered, fled to Pegu. There he

was received with distinction, and he induced Padzadirit to withhold an

annual gift of thirty elephants, which he had promised to send to Ava.

Meng Khaung, enraged at this breach of faith, determined at once to

attack Pegu. In vain his ministers represented that the rainy season

was at hand, and a campaign in Pegu hazardous. The king would brook

no delay. Pushing on heedlessly at the head of a body of cavalry, he

was suddenly attacked by the Tabling general, with whom was prince

Thid-dat. The king of Ava was entirely defeated, and escaping from the

field with difficulty, retreated to his own country. Padzadirit enraged that

his enemy had eluded his grasp, for Thid-dat had promised to capture

his brother, put the prince to death. The king of Ava made another

attack after the rainy season of 767 (A. D. 1405), but it was unsuccess¬

ful. At this time it is stated that Itadzadirit had some Europeans in his

service.

A more formidable invasion was now preparing than any yet hurled

against Pegu. The army was placed under the command of the king’s

son, Meng-re-kyau-tswa, who was now seventeen years of age. The story

of the marvellous birth of this young prince is told without any doubt

of its truth. At the time when Padzadirit was employed in the Myoung-

mya district against Lauk-bya, he suspected, as has already been mention¬

ed, that his son Bau-lau-kwon-dau, who was at the capital, was conspir¬

ing to usurp the throne. He caused him to be put to death. But the

young prince was innocent, and in dying invoked the powers of nature,

that he might he born again in a neighbouring kingdom, and revenge his

unjust death on his father and his country. Transmigrating, he was born

of one of the wives of Meng Khaung, and from marks indicating future

greatness received the name of Meng-re-kyau-tswa. # Now in the year

768, f he was appointed to command the invading force, which by land and

water numbered twenty thousand men. The prince proceeded down the

Erawati and entered the Bassein District, where he captured a stockade

which had lately been built at De-ba-thwe. At this time Padzadirit was

detained at Muttama, which was threatened with an attack by the Shans

of Zimme. The prince next attacked Myoung-mya, which was so well

defended, that he was obliged to retire. He also failed against Bassein

and Khe-baung. The following year he marched across the hills into

Arakan. The king of that country, Naramit-hla fled, and the prince ap-

* The same story is told in the Burmese history. See Jour. A. Soc. Bengal,

Tol. XXXVIII.

t Tear 772, by the Burmese history.

1873.]

53

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

pointed governors to Arakan* and Thandwe, and then returned to Ava.

The danger from the Shans of Zimme having passed, Badzadirit returned

to his capital. As Naramit-lila was the hereditary king of Arakan, the

king of Pegu determined to restore him. He sent a force which occupied

Thandwe. They then heard that the king of Arakan had fled to Dacca. The

Burmese prince now returned with an army to retake Thandwe, but by

a false report of a large army approaching, retired. Soon after, a reliev¬

ing force did arrive from Muttama, and the commanders who had held

Thandwe, pushed on to the capital of Arakan, which the Burmese gover¬

nor abandoned and fled.

At this time Prome was held for the king of Ava by a son-in-law of

Lauk-bya. Badzadirit thought there was an opportunity to take the place.,

as the prince of Ava was engaged against the chief of Thein-ni. He ad¬

vanced up the river in the month Nat-dau, 774 (A. D. 1412), but was

almost immediately recalled by news of Muttama being threatened by an

attack from Siam. He at once returned with a part of his army, leaving

his son Binya Pathin as Commander-in-Chief. That officer deemed it

prudent to retire from Prome. He, therefore, stockaded himself at Tlia-le-

tsi, on the west bank of the river. The king of Ava soon arrived with

an army at Prome, and a month later Meng-re-kyau-tswa joined him.

They made an attack by land and water on the fort at Tha-le-tsi. But

the Talaing garrison had firearms in abundance, and destroyed numbers of

the enemy, and the rest were driven back in confusion. The Burmese

king then blockaded the work. King Badzadirit approached with an army,

and it was agreed to have a fair fight between two war boats, one on

either side. La-gwun-in commanded the boat on the Talaing side, but he

was overcome and killed by a treacherous attack from four Burmese boats,

under Meng-re-kyau-tswa. After this, the king of Pegu commenced a

retreat. The Burmese prince followed by water and attacked the Talaing

flotilla near Tarukmau. Both sides suffered severely, but Badzadirit

hastened the retreat of his army by land and water, and himself went

on ahead with his body-guard. The Burmese army followed, and, enter¬

ing the delta, successively occupied Dala, Ta-kun, Than-lyeng, and Mliau-

bi. Badzadirit entrenched himself at Kha-ma-bym. For several months

the two armies were engaged in various combats until the Talaing army

gained a victory over Meng-re-kyau-tswa. The Burmese army then re¬

treated.

In Arakan the Talaing commanders having heard that their king had

suffered a defeat, evacuated that country, and brought their army to Bas-

sein. Badzadirit suspected that one or both of these officers had been

bribed by the king of Ava. One of them was put to death, but the other

* In the history of Arakan tills event is recorded in the year 7G8.

54 Sir Arthur P. Phayre — -On the History of P eg it. [No. 1,

was promoted. The king of Pegu now repaired the defences of his prin¬

cipal towns and cities.

When the rainy season had passed, a Burmese force once more came

down by land and water. It consisted of not less than 100,000 men, 300

elephants, and 3000 horses. The king of Arakan who had been placed

on the throne of that country by Meng Khlung, appeared as commander

of one of the divisions. The Prince Meng-re-kyau-tswa, who was Com-

mander-in- Chief, proceeded down the Bassein River and took Khe-baung

by storm, in the month Tabodwe, 775 (A.D., 1113). The Tailings, how¬

ever, determined to hold out in every place, and one of the king’s sons

had his head-quarters at Pan-go. Their superiority in boats enabled them

to intercept the communications of the Burmese, and to cut off their

supplies. The king of Taung-u marched down with a force to create a

diversion, but was met and checked on the frontier. The prince of Ava,

though long inactive at Khe-baung, at length left it and proceeded towards

Pan-go. The Tailings dared not attack him. He fought an action part¬

ly on land and water, and defeated the Tailing army, taking prisoner

Tha-min pa-rln. The prince then proceeded to attack Bassein, but after

losing many of his men, was obliged to retire. He proceeded next to

Myoung-mya hoping to take it, but failed. He then went up to Ava

taking with him many prisoners of importance, whom he presented to his

father. He then married, and brought his wife Sheng-meng-hli down to

Pegu. He at once proceeded to attack X)ala. He did not succeed, but

the stars according to the astrologers were so adverse to Pegu, that

Rldzldirit retired with all his family to Muttaml. The Burmese prince

hearing that the Tailing general Amat-din had left Bassein, suddenly

appeared before that city, the governor of which surrendered. Indians

and Europeans are mentioned as being in the garrison. The prince then

went to Myoung-mya, which also surrendered, and having built some

decked boats proceeded to attack Than-lyeng. It was defended by Binya-

ran, a son of the king’s, and the attack failed. The prince then returned

to the entrenched position he had established not far from Dala, and closely

invested the Tailing force there. At this time, the king of Ava was at¬

tacked by a Chinese army, and the dispute was settled by a duel between

a Chinese champion and the Tailing officer Thaminparan who had been

taken prisoner, as already related. # Ilala was gallantly defended by the

Talaings, though they were starving. The king of Pegu recovering from

his alarm returned to his capital and determined to relieve Dala. As he

approached, the Burmese prince drew off his force, and the king sending

a few men into the city, followed the prince’s army. Several days of

skirmishing occurred, and at length when the Burmese head-quarters were

# See History of Burma, Jour. A. Soc. Bengal, Yol. XXXVIII. for 186.9.

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu. 55

at Tsha-be-tsha-kan, the prince prepared for battle. He gave his elephant

three cups of spirit and drank some himself, then remarking to His wife

that the cry of the sarus which he heard was a good omen, he went

forth. In the battle which ensued, the prince received a mortal wound,

and his army lied. It adz a dir it ordered that he should he buried with

royal honours. The Burmese army now retired, and, on the retreat, the

Prince’s wife Sheng-meng-hla was taken prisoner.- It is said that king

Meng Khaung himself came down to Dala and was shown the spot where

his son’s bones had been buried. He then had them put into a golden

vase and sunk them at the mouth of the river. Again in the following

year 776, (A. D. 1111) he came with an army, but though he defeated

and took prisoner Binya Tsek, one of the king’s sons, the expedition failed,

and he returned to Ava. This was the last invasion of Pegu during the

reign of Badzadirit. Both nations were exhausted by the destructive wars

they had waged. King Meng Khaung died live years later, and Badza¬

dirit devoted himself to religion and good works for the rest of his days.

He opened communication with the king of Ceylon, whose daughter he

married, and from whom he received a tooth relic which was enshrined in

a pagoda 186 cubits high. He also repaired the Slrwe mau-dau pagoda,

to which he gave a new hti. Though no longer active, he one day went

out into the jungle to capture a wild elephant. When throwing the

noose, he received a blow from the animal which broke his leg, and he

died before he could be brought home. This was the end of Ba-dza-di-rit,

in the year 783 (A. D. 1121).

No. 1. — List of the kings of Suvarna- Lhumi, or Tha-htun, from the native

chronicles.

1 Thi-lia Ba-dza . The first king. lie died the

2 Thiri Dhamma Tliauka. year Gautama entered Nirvana,

3 Titha. B. C. 543.

1 Dhamma Pa-la.

5 Dham-ma dliadza,

6 Eng-gu-ra.

7 Uba-de-wa Meng.

8 Thi-wa-rit.

9 Dzau-ta-kumma.

10 Dham-ma Thau-ka.

11 Uttara.

12 Ka-tha-wun. .

13 Maha-tha-la.

11 A-ra-ka.

15 Na-ra-thu-ra.

16 Ma-ha-Bad-da-ra.

56

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

[No. 1,

17 A-da-ra.

18 An-gu-la.

19 U-run-na-ta.

20 Maha Thuganda.

21 Thuganda Badza.

22 Brahmadat.

23 Manya Badza.

21 A-di-ka.

25 Ma-ra-di Badza.

26 Tha-du-ka.

27 Dham-ma bi-ya.

28 Thu-da-tha.

29 Dip-pa Badza.

30 A-thek-ka Badza.

31 Bhum-ma Badza.

32 Man-da Badza.

33 Ma-liing-tha Badza.

31 Dham-ma tsek-ka-ran.

35 Thu-tsan ha-di.

36 Bad-da-ra Badza.

37 Na-ra-thu Badza.

38 Tsam-bii-di-pa.

39 Ke-tha-rit Badza.

10 Wi-dza-ya Kum-ma.

11 Ma-ni Badza.

12 Tek-ka meng

13 Ku-tha Badza.

11 Dip -pa Badza.

15 Na-ra Badza.

46 Ba-dza Thura.

47 Tsit-ta Badza.

48 Di-ga Badza.

49 Ut-ta-ma Badza.

50 Thi-ri Badza.

51 Dham-ma Badza.

52 Ma-ha Tsit-ta.

53 Gan-da Badza.

51 Dze-ya Badza.

55 Thu-ma-na Badza.

56 Man-da-ka Badza.

57 A-min-na Badza.

58 U-din-na Badza.

59 Ma-mi-ha Meng.#

* Manilla (Xo. 59) was king

of Tlia-litun when the city was

taken and destroyed by Anau-

rahta, king of Pugan, about

the year A. D. 1050.

List of the Lings of Pegu from the foundation of the city.

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

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[No. 1,

Postscript to Babu Ra'jekdrala'la Mitra’s Paper on Spirituous

Prinks in Ancient India.

It has been stated on page 7, that a “ fatted calf” was once slaughtered

for the entertainment of Rama, hut no notice lias been met with of his

having been offered any liquor. I find, however, that he was not averse

to drinking. The following extract from the last hook of the Ramayana

shows that he and his exemplary wife, Sita, were as much given to

drinking as other people of their time. The passage runs thus : ‘ Em¬

bracing Sita with both his hands, Kakutstha (Rama) made her drink pure

Maireya wine, even as Indra makes Sachi partake of nectar. Servants

quickly served flesh-meat variously cooked, and fruits of different kinds for

the use of Rama. Hosts of Apsaras, proficient in singing and dancing, and

accomplished and handsome damsels, exhilarated with wine, danced and sang

for the entertainment of Rama and Sita.” It is said that it was the usual

every-day practice of Rama, to devote his evenings to this feasting and

musical entertainment as a fitting sequel to his onerous regal duties of the

forenoon.

Vi

^tt f sr#if?r% ^t^ct w \\ w

ii ^ II

3TrfT‘* II ^ n

TTW ^trTT^T I

On page 11 the word “ reference” at the end of line 1 should be read

iC references,” and “ won over over” at the beginning of line 28, should be

“ won over.” On page 13, “ especially” at the beginning of line IT, should be

(< especial.”

1873.]

59

Essays in aid of a Comparative Grammar of the Gaurian Languages. — Eg

Key. A. F. Redole Hoern'le, D. Eh. Tubingen , Erofessor of San¬

scrit , Jay Ndrayan's College , Benares.

(Continued from Journal for 1872, Pt. I, p. 174.)

Essay IY.

On the Inflexional hase.

In the third essay I attempted to collect all the facts and phenomena

presented hy the various Gaurian languages in regard to their inflexional

base. These facts were analysed and some general principles deduced from

them. Two of these general principles require a more special consideration ;

and this will be the subject of the present essay. It has been shown in the

3rd essay, that the inflexional base may (under certain circumstances)

assume a two-fold form ; viz. a direct form and an oblique form. One of

the two general principles is closely connected with the direct form, the other

with the oblique form.

One result of the previous enquiry has been to show that the inflexional

bases of the Gaurian languages are divided into two great classes according

as they admit or do not admit an oblique form , and accordingly they were

divided into 1., the Prakritic, and 2., the Gaurian (including Gaurian proper

and Sanskritic) nouns, i. e., into those which have retained traces of the

Prakrit organic declension, and those which have emancipated themselves of it

altogether. This conclusion, however, was mainly dependent upon the truth

of the identity of the oblique form with the organic genitive of the Erdhrit.

This principle I shall try to establish now.

Another result of the previous enquiry has been to show that while

some inflexional bases retain in their direct form the original Prakrit

termination i*T, others reduce it to or This difference was explained

by the theory that the former are derived from a particular Prakrit base

ending in (or while the latter are derived from the general base in

The truth of this principle will be the second point I shall endeavour to

establish. But the facts upon which the proof of both, this and the other

principle, depends, are so closely intertwined, that it will not be possible to

keep both enquiries altogether distinct.

It is a well known fact, that in Sanskrit the genitive is not uncommonly

substituted for the dative, though it possesses an organic dative ; (cf. Panini

2, 3. 5., M. Williams’s Sanskrit Grammar §, 816, A. p. 353). In Prakrit this

rule lias become absolute (see Cowell’s Prakrit Prakasa VI. 64.) ; and

necessarily so ; for it has lost the organic dative altogether ; and not

possessing one, it is obliged either to paraphrase it (by postpositions, e. gv

60 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — j Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

qf?T, fS?r, etc.), or to substitute (according to the precedent of Sanskrit)

the o-enitive. The latter is on the whole the more common course.* The

o

Gaurian languages which have received their grammatical system from the

Prakrit (or, at all events, not from the Sanskrit), it is manifest, cannot

possess an organic dative ; and, it is more than probable, a priori, that what

passes in them for the dative is (according to the precedent of Prakrit)

either a paraphrase of the dative or a substituted (organic) genitive. The

former course, viz. to paraphrase the dative by postpositions, as is well

known, has become the almost universal rule in the Gaurian. f The only

exception (barring isolated instances in other languages) is in the Marathi.

This language possesses by the side of the ordinary paraphrastic datives

(formed with the postpositions ^T, ^RT, ^iTrff, etc., cf. Manual, pp. 17,

18,) a form of the dative ending in H which has all the appearance of being an

organic case-form ; e. g., dative of God is Y*th (besides ^T^fT, etc.) ;

of efffsr poet it is (besides qRrtRTT, etc-.) ; of it is 31 W (besides

• • • • ^

31^^17, etc.). This dative in H is generally admitted (cf. Manual, pp. 132, 133),

and can easily be shown to be nothing but the organic genitive of the

Prakrit. For the genitive of ^7, and 3j^ in Prakrit is

(cf. Prak. Prak. Y. 8, 15). Now I have already explained in the 2nd Essay

that in the later Prakrit and in Gaurian, one of two similar compounded

consonants is elided and the preceding vowel lengthened (see Prak. Prak. Ill,

58.). Accordingly the genitive of the pronoun ^tt (base ^r) in Prakrit is

masc. or «TW, fern. or (or oTT^;) ; of the fern, base fsr the gen.

is or «rt% (or sf!^) ; see Prak. Prak. YI. 6, 6.J According to the

# Examples from the Sakuntala :

cjj II i. e.

Skr. sfiT II

Or. ViT || i. e.

From the Uttara Ramacharita :

WT WWW WT i. e.

Skr. w: eTRTW^: WT n

Or. W WWKW f ll i. e.

Skr. 3T11 WWKF5T: irPPZlfw II

f The regular process of glottic development form Sanskrit to Gaurian is here,

worth noting ; the dative is expressed in the

Sanskrit by the dative or genitive ;

Prakrit by the —— genitive, or paraphrase ;

Gaurian by the - paraphrase.

X The same is the case with the Magadhi Prakrit genitive in ; e, g,,

Skr, is iu M. Prak. -q Here ^ is the modification of an original w

so that qf%"3TTTf stands for and this for just as f°r

which in M. Prak, would be (cf. Pr. Prak. XI, 12.)

61

1873.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

analogy of the pronominal forms RTTH for RfiH for fsr^jr, the Prakrit

genitives RRRJ, e^c-> become in the Gaurian rrth, rtrIm,

etc., i. e ., the forms which we see in the Marathi. The original genitive

character ol the Marathi dative in h is further proved by the dative formed

by means of the so-called postposition wdT; e. g., rr has a dative

RRTRTCt besides RRTR or rrt ^q ; or RTIR has RTRtRT^f beside RTRpj or

^ has beside JjRRT and TiRRH. These forms (as rRirtsT’

RTRWtrI , JjWTfft , etc.,) have always been derived thus ; rrt (base) -f-

(postposition), Rift + HTRf, under the mistaken notion, that

as RRT, RfFt, etc. are the bases in all the other cases (e. g., instr.

RRT-f H } dative RRT + ^tt, abl. RRT + ^*r, etc.), the same base must be

contained also in the forms RRTRT^f , etc. But it has never been shown

what the meaning and derivation of the word RT^f might be. The truth

is, that RT^t is no word at all ; and that the forms rrtrtrF, etc., have been

wrongly divided. They ought to be separated thus ; rrjr (base) and

postposition, RiRtR + , 31RR -f wf , etc. The postposition

is the Prakrit and Gaurian equivalent of the Sanskrit Rjlq which, however,

in the Gaurian may also be modified to RfTRf and hence the Marathi has

beside RRTR -j- RlcTt also RRT -j- RT?ft (compare Skr. 3KJTR which becomes in

Mar. and Beng. in Hindi and Panj. rtr). Hence RRTRTeff, i. e. rrtr

) stands for Skr. rrrj RJR or Prak. RRRT ; again RrRtR

is =Prak. rtFr^ RJ3fRT = Skr. RiRRRiR; again ^Csf = Prak. JIW

0 R& vj

Skr. 31TTR-RR.

j r . .

So far then it is plain that the Marathi dative ending in R is in reality

tli e organic genitive of the Prakrit. # Now in old Marathi poetry another

dative form has been preserved which ends in RfT, e. g., God, dative

RRRT (see Manual, p. 138). There can be no doubt that this form in Rfr is but

a further modification or corruption of the more original and more perfect

form in R ; that, e. g., RRRT is a curtailment of RRRTR. It may have arisen

thus ; in the Gaurian a final short vowel is not pronounced, so that the

* In the oldest Hindi of Chand Bar dal instances of this organic genitive in ^

which in the modern Marathi only occurs in the sense of the dative, are still found

with their original Gen. sense ; o. g.,

<TTR RT^T RRlR I Or. RpR RHR ftftRTRR RT*T RTR I

R-%t Fr^HI RRFR II R R ^R RtR R R RTR II

i. e. Skr. w TTW* RhIt etc. Skr. rF^ HR h!r rF? ^ HR! II etc.

Sasivritta Katha XXV. 1G. Ibid. XXV. 3G.

Or. RTR"3R RTF rf I Or. RT RR ^ RTR ?IR I

RrF?IR *tFr *?fR II RR ^ HRT FrFr qR II

Skr. rrFjiFr RRT RR1 etc. Skr. RRJ JZR RuRI etc.

Ibid. XXV. 15. Ibid. XXV. 16.

62 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages . [No. 1,

consonant which precedes it, is virtually the final of the word ; now most

probably the consonant of the dative first changed to ^ (a change, which

is supported by the Magadhi Prakrit genitive in "Wlir, see note on page 60

and Prak. Prak. XI. 12,), and then the ^ becoming the virtual final sound

of the word was dropped ; thus become first (or virtually

and finally Any one by pronouncing both and

may see how easily one passes into the other. It follows thus, that the dative

form in ^JT, being merely a modification of the fuller dative form in

is also really the organic genitive of the Prakrit.

Now this genitive form in which has been preserved in the dative

of the old Marathi, has been lost in modern Marathi, hut it is preserved in

the latter as well as in the former as the inflexional base of all cases formed

by post-go sit ions, e. g. ^r, “ God,” has old and modern dative ^T^T, old dative

'iyrr, (old and modern) instr. if, dative ^TT, abl. ??«T, genitive

■^T xfT- So far then it is proved, that the oblique form in of the

inflexional base of Marathi nouns in is identical with the organic genitive

of the Prakrit. But further it is manifest that as the nature of the

Marathi dative form in and (e. g., affair, is identical with

that of the dative form in (e. g., ^1M), so the nature of the oblique

forms in ^ and xjt (of the inflexional base of Marathi nouns in X and as

gen. of qrf^r, 3]^ gen. of 3T^) must be identical with that of the

oblique form in of the inflexional base of nouns in ; and in the same

manner as the form m arose from that in so the form in X and

must have arisen from those in ^ and "^r. It follows, therefore, that

the oblique forms in ^ and ^ of the inflexional base of Marathi nouns in

X and are identical with the organic genitive of the Prakrit ; that is,

that, e. g., the oblique form offfid of the noun ^if^is identical with the Prak.

genitive and with etc.

If, as has been now shown, the oblique form of the inflexional base

of all nouns in % Xi and ^ (d- G--> by far the greatest part of the whole

number of nouns) is identical with the Prakrit genitives, this fact raises the

presumption that the oblique form of all remaining inflexional bases will be

of the same nature. We will now take the different kinds of oblique forms

of inflexional bases in Maratln and afterwards in the other Gaurian

• •

languages one by one and show that that is really the case.

a. The inflexional base of all Marathi nouns (masc. fern, and neut.)

in X and and of all Mar. nouns (masc. and neut.) in ^ has an oblique

form , respectively, in X and ^ and ^T. These, as has been already proved,

are Prakrit genitives.

b. The inflexional base of feminine nouns in % has an oblique form

either in ^ or in Those nouns which have an oblique form in X, are, as

I have shown in Essay III., really feminine nouns in x • They belong,

1873.] A. E. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. 63

therefore, to the former class, and their oblique form in ^ is a Ercikrit

genitive. Those nouns which have an oblique form in ^ are, as has

also been shown in Essay III, really Prakrit feminine nouns in "3fT. The

Prakrit genitive of these nouns ends in which in Gaurian might

become (the final being reduced to ^ as in the Horn. and Acc. cases),

and this, finally, is contracted by regular Sandhi (cf. Prak. Prak. IV. 1.) into

^ ; e. g., 5Tt*F tongue has gen. apil ; in Prakrit it is 3Ti$?T (or = Skr.

f^TWT, cf. Prak. Prak. I. 17, III. 54) ; Gen. in Gaurian

contracted opY (as in Bangali = srriG, Gen. of tiger).

c. All Marathi nouns ending in consonants (rnasc. fern, or neut.) are

treated as ending in and hence the oblique forms of their inflexional

bases end either in or in ^ or in and are, therefore, Prakrit genitives

formed according to the analogy of the real nouns in All these nouns in.

consonants are either Sanskritic or foreign ; but never derived from the

Prakrit, as no Prakrit word may end in a consonant, see Pr. Prak. IY. 6— II.

18. Their treatment has been explained in Essay III.

d. The inflexional bases of Marathi nouns (masc. or fern.) in v,

^T, and neuter nouns in ^ have no oblique form at all. As regards the

few exceptional masc. nouns in ^ and ^ and neuter nouns in see the

next paragraph.

e. There remain the masc. nouns in "^T to which correspond fem.

nouns in i; and the neuter nouns in y ; the masc. nouns in ^ to which

correspond fem. nouns in ^ and the neuter nouns in ^ ; and the masc.

nouns in ^ to which correspond the fem. nouns in and the neuter nouns

in The inflexional base of the first two kinds of nouns has an oblique

form in (masc. and neuter) and in (fem.). The inflexional base of

the third kind has an oblique form in (masc. and neuter) and ^ (fem.).

The explanation of these oblique forms is more complicated. They are, as

I shall show, the organic genitives of Prakrit nouns formed by the affix

(masc. and neuter,) and 3TF (fem.). It will be necessary to dispose first of

the latter question ; viz. the presence in the Gaurian languages of a class

of nouns which are descended from Prakrit nouns formed by the peculiar

Prakrit affix (cf. Pr. Prak. IY, 25.) Here I will only draw attention

to an important coincidence. Masculine and neuter nouns in ^ have (as

has been shown) an oblique form in (being the corruption of the Prakrit

genitive in ^^T). Their corresponding fem. nouns in ^ have an oblique

form in ^ (being a corruption of their Prakrit genitive in ^FI^). Similarly

we have here masc. and neuter oblique forms in and and their

corresponding feminines in and The conclusion may be drawn that

the masc. nouns in and ^ and the neuter nouns in ^ and ^ which

the oblique form in ’sjt, were originally masc. and neuter nouns in sj or

= or ^ or ; and that their oblique form in ^jr is a cor-

64 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

ruption of a Prakrit genitive in (=^^j=^c|pQj). Again, that the

feminine nouns in ^ which correspond to the masc. nouns in and ^ and

to the neuter nouns in ^ and t", and which yield the oblique form in ij,

were originally feminine nouns in ^Tr==T^T==T*f'T ; and that their oblique

form in ^ is a corruption of a Prakrit genitive in = Tp?TR.

Similarly it may he concluded that the masc. nouns in ^ and neuter

nouns in ^ which yield the oblique form in cfT, were originally masc. and

neuter nouns in ^ or i. e ., in or ^'4 = or ^3^; and that their

oblique form in is a corruption of a Prakrit Genitive in

; and again that the feminine nouns in 3T which correspond to the

masc. nouns in and neuter nouns in vs, and which yield the oblique form

in if, were originally fern, nouns in ^T, i. e ., in ; and that their

oblique form in ^ is a corruption of a Prakrit genitive in

As regards the oblique form in ^ or of the inflexional base of certain

nouns in the Hindi-class Gaurian languages, their case is exactly like that

of the last mentioned class of Marathi words. The two classes of nouns

correspond to each other in the two classes of Gaurian languages, e. g.,

Hindi 8F5T horse , ohl. ip#, is in Marathi ip^T, obi. ip^^IT. And their

oblique forms must therefore have the same nature, and must admit of the

same explanation ; viz. that they are the organic genitive of particular

Prakrit bases formed by the affix. ^ ( i . e ., ending in ^Qfr).

The evidences showing that there is in Gaurian a class of nouns, which

are derived from Prakrit bases formed by means of the peculiar, pleonastic

affix are the following. In the first place, it may he remarked, that all

Sanskrit words which have a base in ( i . e.. formed by the affix 3f) and

have passed into the Gaurian through the Prakrit, terminate in the Gaurian

in %(WT) or ^r, and not in ^ or "3 ; e. g., horse is Skr. ip"3Rf, nom. sing.

i*T^:, Prak. or Gaurian ilpf! or ip^T ;-Skr. ^"2^: stiff, Pr.

^T3T%T or Gaurian ^Tfl or qT3T • — Skr. the champaka tree , Prak.

xfTOT or Gaurian or ; — Skr. keeper , Prak. -37^%,

Gaurian or PRTT (an affix) Skr. holder , Pr. sjTCip or ^Rip,

Gaurian ^TTT or ^TCT (an affix). — There are only a small number of

nouns of this kind. But on the other hand all Sanskrit nouns, the

base of which ends in only, and which have passed into the Gaurian

through the Prakrit, terminate in the Gaurian either in % (^l) or

in ^ ( p3 ), evidently according as they did or did not assume, in their

passage through Prakrit, the affix 3T ; e. g., sweet in Gaurian (Hindi)

is both and ; both represent the Skr. fpg: ; but Skr. Hr: may he

represented in the Prak. by faffi ( i . e ., Hr:) and by Bflf ip ( i . e., Hr^P) ;

now Prak. fall becomes the Gaurian and Prakrit ffffijT becomes the

Gaurian #i§T (ffilS T). Again heat is in Skr. sjsr:, and pot both having

bases in In Prak. they may assume the forms of^F or q rp% and E|#T

1873.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

65

or But of the former pair the form ’SpilT became the usual one

while of the latter pair was the usual one. Accordingly we find

in the Gaurian heat to he qRT, hut got to he ^f7 or ’ETfT. These examples

might he multiplied indefinitely.

Next, Sanskrit masculine nouns which have a base in ^ exhibit in the

Gaurian a two-fold termination. They either end in % (^t, ^t) or in ^

(^3"). But a very analogous phenomenon may he observed in Sanskrit

neuter nouns in with nom. sing, in They exhibit in the Gauriail a

twofold termination ending either in ^ or in v, e. g., Skr.

house = Gaur. ; hut Skr. clone == Gaur. (Mar.) or

3pRT or (Br. Bh.) or (Alw.) ; and Skr. pearl Gaur.

^Ttff (Mar.). Sometimes both forms occur in the same word as Skr.

plantain = Gaur. or and Skr. cocoanut = Gaur. iTTW

or (Mar.). But observe the difference. The nom. sing, of those

masc. nouns ends in Skr. in ; this turns in Prakrit into ; and this

again, in Gaurian, is either retained unchanged or reduced to ^(^r).

All this is intelligible; from ( = ^*r) to to % there is a direct

progress of phonetic corruption, consistent with the glottic laws regulating

the development of younger languages from an older one. But now in the

other case ; the nom. sing, of neuter - nouns in Skr. is ^ which

remains in Prakrit ^ or becomes simply ^ ; in Gaurian the Prakrit v) or

is either reduced to (resp. remains) ^ or is raised to Iff , Now this is

contrary to all principles of glottic development. By whatever other means

languages may increase and reconstruct themselves ; phonetically they

disintegrate and decrease as they advance. The simple Prakrit termination

^ or ^ can never by itself have been raised or increased to or or y or

\ . This is utterly inconceivable, nor will any reference to the accent help

us here out of the difficulty. The accent might explain the absence of

phonetic disintegration, where its presence would be expected, as, e. g.,

that the Prakrit termination remains in the Gaurian, in some cases,

%, instead of being reduced to W ; (though even in this case, as I have

shown in Essay III, the explanation by the help of the accent is cpiite

inadequate) ; but it is quite unable to explain the presence of a phonetic

increase which is contrary to glottic laws, according to which either phonetic

disintegration or at least no change at all ought to have taken place. It

# E. g. Skr. = Prak. or = Gaur. sjr. Bat Skr. = Br.

or — Gaur, (Mar.) ; or Skr. cf, = Pr. f^T^j or = Gaur. (Br. B.)

f%qf; or Skr. ^f%^=Prak. 7^^= Gaur (Mar.) • 0r m th° same word Skr.

— Pr. effff or = Gaur. or (Mar.) or (It- Hindi) ; and Skr.

Tnf = Pr. or cTlfr^^r, = Gaur. (Mar.) or In thii

last case it is especially obvious that the same Skr. or Prak. form could not have

been the immediate source of the two widely ditlerent Gaurian lorms.

9

1

()6 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. X*

is evident the Gaurian neuter forms in ^f, ^ fy must be susceptible of

such an explanation as accounts for the phonetic increase without shutting'

out the possibility of phonetic disintegration in these same forms.

I think a clue to the right interpretation of these neuters in (Hindi

Br. Bh.), ijf (Hindi Sura Dasa), 'is (Hindi, Alw., and Marathi), ^ (Gujarati

and Naipali) ; y (Marathi) ; ^ (Marathi) is given us by the Gaurian

infinitives. Let us take, for example, the infinitive to do or doing. It is

in the Low Hindi dialect of the Braj of Ahvar , of Sura Dasa

; in Marathi in Naipali (or ?). The common

opinion, I believe, is that all these forms are verbal nouns formed by the

Sanskrit affix and that their original is the Sanskrit and Prakrit form

* This, as has been shown in the preceding paragraph, is impossible,

because it contradicts the glottic laws. Their origin must be a different one.

In Marathi the meaning of the infinitive is only one out of many, and that a

subordinate one, of and all words of this class. To express the infinitive

it has a proper form in connected with, though not derived from, the

Sanskrit infinitive in g. The proximate and principal meaning of ^T^djVin

Marathi is that of the Latin gerund. But Marathi possesses two forms

of the gerund, one in and another in A" ; besides it has also the form

; e. g., incitement to act is and ^tcpertt Now

if we turn to the Prakrit and Sanskrit we find the origin of these forms.

We meet with two Sanskrit affixes forming gerunds, or part. fut. pass., of

which latter the gerund is merely a particular usage ; viz. and rT^T*

In Prakrit these become or and (see Pr. Prak. II, 17. VII,

33.). Now it can easily be shown that these affixes will account for the

two alternative forms of the gerund in Maratlif. The common Prakrit

prose representative of the Sanskrit root is (see Pr. Prak. XII, 15.).

Of this root we obtain with the affix the gerund ( = Skr.

and with the affix the form ^fycr®qT which is the more polished

form (enjoined by the Pr. Prak. VII, 83.), or cjrctf^r (= Skr. which

was probably the vulgar form of it. In either form (^rf-Cc^ or ^rycf^)

the medial cf would become elided (according to the ordinary rules of

Prakrit), thus making or (the forms given by Pr. Prak. VII,

33.). Next these forms become contracted by sandhi to and finally

one of the two ^’s is elided (according to the Gaurian law explained in

Essay II.), and the preceding short ^ lengthened ; thus we obtain the form

* Bopp (Comp. Grammar § 875) adopts this opinion but with much hesitation,

f Cowell in his Pr. Grammar, p. 68, gives from one MS. the form or

If these are at all trustworthy, the analogous forms or exhibit

a form very nearly identical with the present Marathi form and a.ltogether

identical with the Braj Bhasha gerund , on which more will be said further on.

A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages . (37

which is manifestly the base from which the Marathi dTCR is derived.

Next take the alternative form The nom. sing, neuter of it is

Vararuchi’s sutra Pr. Prak. I, 18 shows that Prakrit has a tendency to

shorten the vowel ^ in such final syllables as ^ or T^), etc. The

following examples are there given ; Skr. = Pr. ; Skr. Pjfftd =

Pr. ; Skr. — pr. <4^ ; Skr. = Pr. etc. We

may well assume that in the vernacular Prakrit these vulgar forms, of which

only a very few were admitted into the literary Prakrit, were much more

general and regular ; especially in the gerunds formed by the affix ^pcfTsj.

Accordingly we may conclude that the nom. sing, neuter became

or (with insertion of euphonic '\) Finally (or

) becomes in Gaurian contracted to dKW . For T is an extremely

common substitute for any of the combinations both

in Prakrit and Gaurian. f E. g. the syllable contained in all causal

verbs becomes in Prakrit T, as or for Skr. ^KSjfdT, etc.

Again the Skr. fdTHH and become in Prakrit (properly

-f fcff) and vvf -f- Tdt ( = TWf + TW)- Again in Gaurian (old Hindi)

the Skr. Part. Past Act. affix ^rT^Tl'iT, which in Prakrit becomes

or ^5p3?,I becomes W ; as Skr. difi£ffrd7*f , Pr. or

Hindi efr%^ (in old Hindi of Chand Bafdai 3v%d) . Again in low Hindi the Braj

Bhasha^T$T of him, to him , in him , corresponds to the Gan war!

^7, etc. Again in Bangali, in common conversation, a final or

medial is contracted into y (see Forbes’ Bengali Gram. App. A. 4. p. 1(30.

Shamaclmrn Sircar’s Bengali Gram. p. 149, note 45.) ; e. g., becomes

becomes We shall meet with some more examples of

this favorite contraction in the course of this Essay. § Now the genitive ol

* An example of this form we have perhaps in the following verse of Chand ;

^ if% ii

HT II Pr. Raj.

i. e. The cutting of the finger of my hand will be the destruction of thy house, oh

Chahuvan. The same form we have probably in the Bangali nouns of agency in

(cf. Shamacharn’s Grammar, p. 149.) ; e. g., a doer = Eaipali cfpr^j —

Hindi ^TT or ^rrij-^Twrr.

f By analogy, ^ a substitution for the combinations ? ^>Tf, «TT, W d'

asBrof Bhasha ^T^f = Ganwari ; Bangali -q^y in common conversation-

; cf. Skr. = Pr. ^q^y, Gaur. ijysry. But q is, as a rule, substituted by ^

as W for ; and ^ by ^ ; e. g. in old and low Hindi he is both ^ and .

J Of the change of the termination qysy into ^ in Prakrit, I have found oue

example, in Mrichchhakati Act IV. p. 119, cfj^y^ Tfrf^i fd^dT = Sla>- THTdT

fd*Td:

§ Another example wo have in Pali and Prakrit. In Pali the affix of the Instr.

Abl., Dat. and Gen of feminine nouns is *jy (or >4). The corresponding affix in

68 A. F. Rudolf Hoemle — j Essays on the Gaurlan Languages. [No. 1,

the Prakrit base would be This form according

to the process already explained, would successively change to ^TTnfV^T^—

or which last form is identical with the oblique

form of the Marathi .

Then as regards the low Hindi forms for the Marathi ; viz., ^T*TT

^prirf, ; the way how they are derived from the original Skr. <frrfrt;q

or Prak. is, probably, this. It does not seem probable that the

sounds %jT, %, ^5 are merely modifications of ^ ; at least I am not aware of

any example of such a change of a terminal ^ to or ijT or Put wre

have seen on the previous page how the Prakrit form would collo¬

quially change into Now there are many instances which prove

that for the vowel ^ of the polished Prakrit the vulgar Prakrit dialects

substituted the broader ^ % e. g., in Marathi we have as the termination

of the past part. pass, the affix (as got loose') which stands for

the Prakrit ^ or fyr (see Pr. Prak. VII, 32) ; above we had the

vulgar form for the more polished form Thus it is

probable that instead of the vulgar dialect pronounced or,

with the euphonic yj, «fR;yT5b And finally would become naturally

contracted to , of which or ^iTcf are merely dialectic variations.

C\ 5^ 0 J

The first personal pronoun in the low Hindi of Braj ego (Alwari and High

Hindi ) affords a very good illustration of this change of the terminal

to . Its equivalent in Sanskrit is which in Prakrit becomes

^ or ^ (cf. Pr. Prak. VII, 40.). Now the form ^ could not have yielded

the Gfaurian form ; it could only have given just as sjt house gives cry;,

but not ^PCT • Hence the original of must be the other form and this

violates no glottic law.# It may, therefore, be accepted as a law that the

Prakrit is F; e. g., Pali by, from, to, of a virgin, but in Prakrit ; Pali

"Prak. ; Pali cf'Spgr = Prak. The Pali is here nearer to the Skr.,

where these forms would be respectively (genitive) vpg-p, Similarly

in the causal where the syllable is always contracted to y; in Prakrit, but only

optionally in Pali; e. g., Skr. = Pali or ^ — Prak. e^f^-

or ^T[^. These and many other examples, especially the treatment of the medial

consonants, prove that phonetically Pali occupies an intermediate position between

Sanskrit and Prakrit.

See Dr. Mason’s Pali Grammar, p. 105 and p. 61. 37.

# It should be observed also, that the Prakrit foiun stands for an original

form (i, e., base ^ -}- affix ^ ) . This is proved by the Magadhi Prakrit form of ego

or (cf. Pr. Prak. ix, 9.) In Magadhi, namely, the diphthong ^ often stands in

the place of the final syllable ^ ; e. g., in Mrichchhakati :

II i. e.

1S73.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. GO

'

sound may change to ; and this conclusion is confirmed by the fact

that the phonetic equivalent of viz. ^f, also changes into ; e. g., the

first pers. sing. pres, of the verb to be is in the Braj , in Alwari % (also high

Hindi), in Jaipur! wy in Naipali W (in Bangali ^TfV). The original of these

forms is the Prakrit (see Prak. Prak. XII, 19.), the substitute for

the Sanskrit (from the root for just as JT^gr for JRp, for

?"T). The initial ^ of is dropped, (just as in ^ or itji for or

and the final ^ becomes quiescent (according to the Gaurian rule,

see Essay III.) Thus we have 3>ttt or WT (compare the Prakrit future ;

e. g., for JiGr-^T^FT). This is modified to or if ; next the aspirated

palatal W is reduced to the simple aspirate ; and thus we obtain or j^r.

The mode of this change seems to be this, that the anuswara, being the

substitute of an original labial nasal , is vocalised into the labial vowel ^ ;

at least this seems to be indicated by such Prakrit nouns as qr3? ( ~ Skr.

TT^), iTTTT, JTTTT, (= Skr. T?nr) which in the Gaurian becomes

(Hindi), or TTP3, »TT^, 3TP3, (Naipali) ; both, in both Gaurian languages

equally, are pronounced nf , "stt , JIT .

The Naipali equivalent of the Hindi forms ^nrirf and ^TTyf is It

approaches most nearly to the Alwari form 3\T«f and must be considered as

merely a modification of it (a reduction of the terminal long ^ to short

so common in Gaurian). It has its exact counterpart in Gujarati in

the neuter nouns ending in (see Edaljis Guj. Grammar p. 2G, note 5.) ;

as collection. I think these neuter nouns in both in Naipali

and Gujarati, ought correctly to be written with an anunasika, as we have

it in the Gujarati infinitives in as do. There are many examples of

this change of a Hindi l*T, ^T, or ® to ^ both in Naipali and Gujarati. There

is, e. g., the Gujarati infinitive, as (the exact equivalent of the Naipali

cjfrcf) which corresponds to the Braj Bhasha infinitive and the Alwari,

and Marwari 3Tcif; again sum in the Braj Bhaslia is ^f, high Hindi

and Marwari Alwari but in Naipali and Gujarati W"; quis is in

^ C\ ^

Hindi ^r^T, but in Naipali etc.

In order to remove all doubts as to the correctness of the identification

of the ordinary Gaurian infinitives with the Sanskrit and Prakrit participles

future passive formed by the affix I will add the following, as I think,

conclusive arguments.

1. On the theory that the Gaurian infinitives are verbal nouns formed

Or. <1% 31% H i- e.

Skr. 'TrTrp SfT^Tfa II

Or. ^ W II i- e-

Skr. ^f<T H

Act II, p. Gl, 72, 78.

70 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

by tlie affix tlie Gujarati infinitive, which ends in (as to do ,

arpf to go) cannot be explained. Even if we should set aside the difficulty

of deriving the termination ^ etc., from the Prakrit and should

admit that, e. g., Marathi Hindi etc., are derivable from the

Prakrit still there remains the Gujarati which, it is manifest,

can in no wise be connected with the Prakrit On the other hand, on

the theory that the Gaurian infinitives are identical with the (Skr. or)

Prakrit part. fut. pass, the Gujarati infinitives find a very easy explanation.

The Gujarati to do or to go, etc., are evidently identical with the

Marathi ^srpGor aTPffi i. e. the Gujarati infinitives are identical with the

Marathi gerund in ^friG But the Marathi gerunds in are, as regards

the sense, identical with the Marathi forms in x?G(e. g. efrCr^G is identical

with ). It. follows that the Marathi forms in and their equivalents

in all the Gaurian languages must also be gerunds, i. e., derived from the

Sanskrit, and Prakrit part. fut. pass, (or gerund, which is only a particular

use of the former), formed by the affix On this theory everything

falls easily and naturally into its place. Both Sanskrit participles fut. pass.,

— those formed by the affix as well as those formed by the affix

W3T — passed through the Prakrit into Gaurian, # In the latter they were

among other uses put to the use of expressing the idea of the infinitive or

gerund. But gradually one or the other of those alternative forms

gained the ascendancy, and it so happened, that in all Gaurian languages,

with the exception of Gujarati, that participle future passive which was

formed by the affix dispossessed the other formed by the affix rf^T.

On the contrary in Gujarati the part. fut. pass, in dispossessed the

other in Still the principle of forming the infinitive is in all

Gaurian languages identical. If this be the case, one may naturally expect that

all or some Gaurian languages will retain traces of an original twofold form

of the infinitive, derived from the twofold form of the Sanskrit and Prakrit

part. fut. pass. Such traces actually exist, as I shall show, in the principal

Gaurian languages. That both forms still exist and are commonly used in

Marathi has been already mentioned ; e. g., it is necessary for us to go

abroad is in Marathi both %"and ^JTXIT ; again

incitement to act is either ~€\ or vff fixx (see Manual §. III.

note.). As regards Hindi, while the modern High Hindi possesses only the

forms in «tt (— ♦rf), the old and low Hindi dialects possess both forms.

In the Braj Bhasha the infinitive may end both in and Gf, e. g.,Rajaniti

p. G9, 5TT*ref % i. e., high Hindi

* I may take this opportunity of stating that, whenever this phrase of Sansk.

forms 'passing through Prakrit into Gaurian, is employed, it is not meant to express a

historic fact — for Prakrit is not a derivation of (what is commonly called) Sanskrit —

but a phonetic fact.

71

1873.]

A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

ST? «TT«T«TT W; or p. 24, rTTH°fa^T WUI WT^f

H wif?ltf ^ (—high Hindi ^cfT % . WT?TWT ?dT

■flT^TT H*IT*T ^ ). It may be remarked in confirmation of this view, that the

declension of the infinitive in ?rf is apparently defective ; it occurs only in

the nominative (in «rf ) and locative (in f*r) ; e. g., p. 4, sifcT 3f<l<T

3TPH ^ ( = H. Hindi "§3 ; p. 0. ^ffr ^TOTT (H.

H. ^TJIT). But in the other cases the oblique form in "if of the infinitive

in is substituted for the oblique form in M of the infinitive in «rf ; e. g.

WT W qwi #T ( = H. H. #T) ; or ir W Wt *}TrT

WT «TT^f ( = H. H. cfr^- ). In the Marwari (form of the

low Hindi), I believe, the infinitive in cff# is even the only one in use ; see

the vocabulary appended to the “ Selection of Kliyals or Marwari plays”

(Beawr Mission Press, 1866) ; e. g., to open (wt^rt) ; rTTW^f to leave

(TqplcfT); f^crif to cause to give (f^rTWT) ; fcf^if to quit (fsRRWT), etc.,

etc. ; examples are :

-STTW TTWJR TT W^TT^T TT HT*H I

*1TTT fTT^T T5FTrft 5TT*?T II e. g.

H. H. Ti'w c?f«T^T ^»T W*K5T ^TT I

wwttt ^rew^MT tt^pht ^ ^t*itwt ii

Play Hungarasinha p. 4,

nsww cftwT % onTT^T whit ii

WT W wit ^ 5ft W ^T^TT «TT^T II

H. H. *Fw^T WT WT*TT w ^ SfT^TJT II

Play, Angrez our Patlian p. 73, 75.

As regards Panjabi, I am inclined to think that what the Ludiana

Grammar calls the indefinite participle and which is not declinable, is,

in reality, that other form of the infinitive. It terminates m T which is

identical with the oblique form of the Braj Bhasha infinitive in . — As

regards Bangali, it possesses both forms of the infinitive, viz. in ^ and

in ^«[T ; as and efrfr^T to do. The latter form in is to be com¬

pared with the Braj Bhasha oblique form in T/f of the infinitives in ;

# I write the Marwari Infinitive (in -iff) as well as the Braj Bhasha infinitive

(in Iff) with a final Anunasika. The printed hooks that I have seen, never have it.

The reason is that by the vulgar a final nasal is often very indistinctly pronounced,

sometimes even altogether dropped ; e. g., the local particle fj is in Ganwarf and

other low Hindi dialects commonly pronounced only -fj or fN. Nevertheless there is

no doubt whatever, that the correct form is iRor For the same reason the form

with the final Anunasika is the correct form of those infinitives ; for only the Norn,

sing, neuter of the part. fut. pass, is capable of expressing the infinitive idea, that is,

the mere act of the verb, see the sutra of Panini quoted below ; e. g\, can

only bo a corruption of but n°t of ^fTVfsq, us in Latin agendum may stand for

agere but not agendas.

72 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

as Bang. ^rf^«TT = Braj or ^Ppir. They are identical ; for, as I

shall show afterwards, the Bangali infinitive in «r^T is merely the oblique

form ( = Prakrit genitive sing.) of an infinitive in ; it never

occurs in the nominative (i. e. direct form) ; see Shama Chum Sircar’s

Grammar p. 149, note 40. The Bangali infinitive in is also almost

identical with the Prakrit form of the part, fut, pass, in as given

in some MSS. which have, e. g., for the usual form. The

form is, no doubt, the form of the later Prakrit, arisen from the

older form ^fpnq^j by sandhi (or phonetic decay). The real origin of the

infinitive (or gerund) in «T has become very much obscured in modern

Bangali ; though there are a few indications of it still remaining ; e. g.,

while the final short W of the infinitive of the 1st and Illrd classes of

verbs is quiescent , that of the infinitive of the second class and the causal

verbs is pronounced (as 5). Again while the infinitives of the former

classes are declined according to the first declension, i. e., like such nouns

as tiger, ^=r!Tvr child (with quiescent ; the infinitives of the Ilnd

class are declined according to the Illrd declension, i. e., like such adjectives

as great, small (with audible ^q), see Shama Churn Sircar’s Gram¬

mar, pp. 129, 149, note 40. For example to do (1st class) is pronounced

karan, hut to walk (find class) is pronounced berano. Again, the

genitive of is 3HVTT, but that of is I have shown

already (in Essay III) that the Bangali nouns ending in an audible belong

to the Erakritic element , that is, that their final audible ^ is a contraction

of the original Prakrit ending (x^ or I^q). Accordingly, the

final audible ^q of the infinitive also indicates that it must be the remnant

of an original Prakrit ending <pq or ^^q (that is, that and stands for

^vif^q or ^fiq'sq). Another indication of that real origin of the infinitive

or gerund in is this, that they may optionally end in fir, instead of «T ;

e. g., threading may be both and 3U^f«T (1st class) ; burning r«T

and (Ilnd class), thatching and IjT^fir (Illrd class), see

Shama Churn Sircar’s Grammar, p. 18(3. Now this form in f^T is also found

in the Braj Bhasha, where it is a substitute for the form in ^ or ^ (i. e ., the

oblique form of the infinitives in «rf and off) ; e. g., he began to speak is in

the Br. Bh. for the high Hindi The termination

^=qf«T is, evidently, in both languages alike, a corruption of the Prakrit

termination «qvfi^[ ; and as it is found in the infinitives of all three classes

of Bangali verbs, it indicates that the infinitives of all three classes are really

the Prakrit Part. Fut. Pass, in sqvft^ (Skr. ^q«ft^t). Moreover these forms of

the infinitive in X (as 3T^far), and the Naipali infinitive form in ^3 (as

clearly show, how gradually the original ending ^fvri^q has become worn

down to a simple ^q ; for the final short X and become according to the

Gaurian law quiescent and thus like ^q (see the explanation of this process

1873.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Oaurian Languages, 73

in Essay III) ; e. g., instead of the Braj Bhasha ^r^fsr ^wr we have in

Naipali vr»pFr ^trtt, in Sindhi In this respect Sindh! agrees with

Bangali ; in both languages the termination of the original affix has

become worn off altogether. Sindhi infinitives, e. g., are to read , o!TJT«T

to ivake, ^iX«T to do (see W. H. Watlien’s Sindhi Grammar, pp. 37, 38). But it

is clear that in modem Bangali, in consequence of the affix havingbecome

decayed to wsr and the real origin of the latter being forgotten, a great confu¬

sion has arisen. For in many cases, Sanskrit verbal nouns, really formed by

the affix (not ^«ft*f), have been introduced into Bangalf to serve as

infinitives, under the mistaken idea that the Bangalf infinitives in are

really such verbal nouns. A notable instance of this kind is the so-called

infinitive to do. This word is really the Skr. verbal noun

This is shown by the presence of the lingual ^T. It is not a

corruption of the Skr. ; for in that case it would be written

(as it is in Sindhi), as Bangali, like Hindi, turns all lingual ^ which it has

received through the Prakrit, into dental ®r. This is proved by the causal

^prrsr (for Prakrit for Skr. which ends in the audible ^

(karano), and therefore has retained more of its original character. I

believe, therefore, that the real infinitive of the (primary) verb to do is

^TcT, and not which latter form is probably merely an emendation of

Bangali purists, prompted by a mistaken etymology, (as if it were a

SansJcritic word, and identical with the Skr. ^npjT^) . Perhaps old Bangalf

MSS. (of which I have no specimen) might bear out my view. As regards

Gujarati, there also both forms of the Skr. and Prak. Part. Fut. Pass, occur.

That in 7737 we have represented by the ordinary Gujarati infinitives in jf.

The other in I think, we can trace in the Gujarati verbal nouns in

as collection (see Edalji’s Grammar, p. 26, note 5).

2. Another argument for the identity of the Gaurian infinitive and

the Sanskrit and Prakrit Part. Put. Pass, in is this, that in Hindi

and Panjabi the infinitives are often used as adjectives and admit of a

differentiation of gender and number; e. g., in High Hindi and Panjabi

^TcfT is masculine and neuter, and is feminine : in the Braj Bhasha

it is masculine, effort feminine, and neuter. Thus, “ to make

many excuses is not good,” is in Hindi ^fT WRIT (feminine plural)

^^7 ; “ there will be gnashing ol teeth” is in Panjabi

(ht. to take gnashings of teeth will be) ; see Etherington’s Hindi

Grammar, §. 541, and Loodiana Gram, of Panjabi §. 156. Now the Sanskrit

and Prakrit nouns in do not admit a change oi gender and number in

relation to another noun, because they have no adjectival force, but are

merely substantives ; whereas the Part. Put. Pass, in are adjectival

and change in gender and number. It does not seem probable, nor even

10 K

74

A F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. I,

possible, F that the verbal nouns in can have changed their character so

radically in Gaurian.

3. It is a very peculiar usage of all Gaurian languages to employ the

infinitive to express command or necessity. E. g., “ never go to their

house” is in Hindi ^ ^ SfT*TT (Braj Bhasha or 5JTM),

which would be in Sanskrit . Again “ we

must all die” is ^ = Skr. (tffl)

In Panjabi ^fT^«TT “you must come” = Skr. In

Marathi ^hT“ continue to write to us.” (See Etherington H.

Gr. §. 544, 545. Loodiana P. Gr. §. 95. Manual of Mar. Gr. §. 110, note).

The only rational explanation of this usage is afforded by the theory of the

identity of the Gaurian infinitive with the Sanskrit and Prakrit Part. Fut.

Pass. It may be also noted that in modern Sanskrit, the proper imperative

is almost as a rule substituted by the Part. Fut Pass, (in or <Tq&t).

4. All the uses to which the Sanskrit Part. Fut. Pass, in is

put according to this theory in Gaurian, (e. g., to express the mere act, as

infinitive), is provided for by Panini. He has a sutra (III,

3, 113), which is explained in the Laghu Kaumudi to mean, that the

Kritya affixes, to which and er^T belong, are occasionally employed

in many ways different from that enjoined by the ordinary rules (see

Siddhanta Kaum. p. 300, 2nd Yol. and Laghu Kaum. No. 823, p. 284).

The examples given are powder for bathing (to both) = Hindi

cjfT ; and ^T«TtijT ♦ a brahman who is to be presented (with

something) ; with which compare in Panjabi fT^ii ^ % = Hindi

^>T # ; or % = Hindi ^°(or f f )

sprft mm # (see Loodiana Grammar, §. 95). These

irregular, bahulam uses, of the Part. Fut. Pass, were, no doubt, more

peculiar to the vulgar Sanskrit ; and, hence, it is intelligible, how they became

the regular uses in the Gaurian. Note also the commentary to the sutra

(Panini III, 196), where the example is given

<3‘€fT and this is explained ^ (Siddh. Kaum.

p. 298, 2nd Yol.), i. e., when the Part. Fut. Pass, expresses the action itself

( = v’q'PTf), the singular and neuter is naturally employed. Accordingly

the Bart. Fut. Pass, (in and p3j) in the sing, neuter may express the

mere act of the verb. Both characteristics are found in the Gaurian (so

called) infinitives. They, qua infinitives , both express the mere act of the

verb, and also stand in the sing, neuter ; as Hindi — *rf or (*rr), Marathi

— ip, Gujarati etc.

5. Perhaps the most serious objection which is felt at first sight

against the identity of the Gaurian infinitive with the Sanskrit and Prakrit

Part. Fut. Pass, is this, that it involves a change from the Pass, and Future

to the Active and Present. But we have an exactly analogous phenomenon

7 o

1873.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernlo — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

in Latin. The Latin Part. Fut. Pass, in andus or endus may also have a

passive or an active sense. When it is used passively, it may either

imply futurity, in which case it is the proper Part. Fut. Pass., expressing

chiefly necessity or fitness ; or it may imply present time, in which case

it is a verbal adjective (commonly called gerundive), expressing an enduring

contemporaneous action. When it is used actively, it serves to express the

oblique case of the Infinitive Present Active, and is called the Gerund.

Now exactly in these three ways the Sanskrit and Prakrit Part. Fut. Pass,

is used in Gaurian ; e. g., in gerundial construction, there is time to write a

letter , is in Latin epistolam scribendi tempus est, in Gaurian tVft qiT

3G cfTT^r xT; or in gerundival construction, Latin, tempus est epistolae

scribendae, Gaurian qiT ^TT^T ^ ; or in Part. Fut. Pass, construc¬

tion, you must write a letter , Latin, a vobis epistola scribenda est, rpr 'ij

(or The Gaurian goes a step beyond the classic

Latin in using the Part. Fut. Pass, also to express the nominative case of

the infinitive ; but the same usage is not unknown to the Latin of the

middle ages, where the Nom. Sing. Neut. is sometimes used to express the

mere act of the verb as scribendum to write = Hindi (H. H.

f%*a»TT).# The Latin has another parallel case in the verbal adjectives in

tivus, which have generally active sense, but as regards origin are identical

with the Sanskrit Part. Fut. Pass, in (e. g., activus, dativus =

etc.), see Bopp’s Comp. Gram. §. 902, p. 352, Illrd Yol. Also the Pali has

an analogous usage. It employs sometimes the Sansk. Part. Fut. Pass.,

formed by means of the affix q, to express the mere action of the verb,

e. g., giving *=. Skr. ^ (of root ^t), drinking = Skr. qq (of root

qT), rejecting (of tt) ; 3*9 loving (of ITT), knowing (of ^t) ; see Ma¬

son’s Pali Grammar, §. 263a, p. 146, also §. 235b, p. 134.

But we must return to our original enquiry. We have now seen that

the Gaurian neuter terminations q, qjf, etc., cannot be derived from

the Sanskrit neuter termination or the Prak. neuter termination ^

or We have further, by an examination of the Gaurian infinitive and

gerund, seen, that their neuter terminations qff, q, 4, etc., are derived or

contracted from the Sanskrit termination and the Prakrit termination

^■5? (or or qjq)). This not only confirms the law of derivation stated

previously (pp. 65, 66.), hut also discovers the modus of the derivation of the

Gaurian neuter terminations q, Hf, 4, etc., viz., that they represent a

Sanskrit or Prakrit terminal dissyllable (in the present case or ^).

# If Bopp’s opinion (Comp. Gram. §. 809, p. 183, Illrd Yol.) be correct, as it doubt,

less is, that the Latin Part. Fut. Pass, in andus is originally identical with the Prak.

Part. Pros. Act. in ^f\: or (Skr. in qpn), the process of change in meaning is

in Latin exactly tho reverse from that in Gaurian. But this does not affect the

argument in the text, as the principle of change is identical in both cases.

76

A. F. Rudolf Hoernie — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1 f

I will now proceed to illustrate this theory by the examination of

a few other neuter forms in Gaunan which will lead us to the same result.

In Marathi there are three irregular past participles of an identical

formation, quite peculiar to these three only. They are 5fyT (of root ITU to go),

(of root or to do), and ^yT (of root ^ or ny to die). I have

given them in the form of the Nom. Sing. Neuter. Their corresponding

masculine would be or JiyrT, WT or <ryfT, or WT.# These three

past participles are also irregular in Magadhi Prakrit ; and their irregula¬

rity is also quite peculiar to themselves. The corresponding (Magadhi)

Prakrit forms are, namely, ?re, ire, (see Pr. Prak. XI, 15). These

forms are in the nominative singular masculine ; the final y being the

Magadhi substitute for- the common Prakrit termination % (Pr. Prak.

XI, 10.). Their corresponding neuter would be ire, yre, ire. These

represent the Sanskrit forms Tlrf, ynf . Here the Sanskrit dental <T of

the past participle affix rf has become in (Magadhi) Prakrit lingual and

this in Marathi -Gaurian has changed to y?. This change of Skr. rf and

Prakrit re to yr, however, is in Marathi not confined to the three past

participles Jiyf, but has become universal, as got loose is *

etc. ; and therefore it is not the irregularity peculiar to these three

participles. The peculiar irregularity of those three participles is in Prakrit,

indeed, their change of the Skr. <T to re ; but in Marathi the peculiar

irregularity is not the change of re to yr, but of the first ^ to y ; compare

Magadhi Prakrit lire, yrre, ire, with Marathi -Gaurian JiyT, ifyG But

this peculiar Marathi change of to y is also explained by the Prakrit ; for,

fortunately, in regard to one of the three (viz., %%y) the change shows itself

already in Prakrit. Here, namely, we meet with the past participle form

cff%eff or for Sanskrit For #%eff we find also #fyyf or

They are derived from the original past participial form e?re or yryj or yry.

To this the peculiar Prakrit affix yr is added (hence yryyr or ^ryiyi) ; then

the first ^ is changed to y by the rule of Pr. Prak. I, 5. (hence 'yyyr or

%yryr) ; then the termination is weakened to (hence and

We have now traced the origin of the Marathi form ^%°inits

various steps. They are ; 1., Skr. 2., Mag. Prak. yreor ytyj, 3., Prak.

yiyr^ ; 4., Pr. yty^ ; 5., Pr. or y-fyr% 6., Mar. Gaur. (old) %pyre, 7.,.

Mar. #yp That is, the terminal y of the Marathi form t^yf is not derived

from the terminal yj of the Prakrit form yre, but from the terminal dissyllable

or yy of the Prakrit form yifyjN or ytfyrd. In other words, we have

arrived at exactly the same result as that of the previous examination of the

infinitives. But to this another result must now be added ; viz., that the

* The mase. forms in yfj here and wherever else mentioned in these essays, are

old Marathi.

77

1873.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

terminal dissyllable Tri, to which nothing corresponding exists in Sanskrit,

is owing to the addition of the Prakrit affix ^ .

Now by an exactly analogous process we may derive from the Magadhi

Prakrit forms TRf and 7P§, first the intermediate Prakrit forms 7if%^ and

; and next, the Marathi forms 71 and The identity of the

process of their origin is guaranteed by the identity of their peculiar

irregularities.

But further, the neuter termination is not only found in those three

past participles ir^f), but in all Marathi past participles. It follows

therefore, that their formation must be analogous to that of the other three

participles ; that is, that their termination pT cannot be derived from the

Sanskrit or Prakrit termination rf, but from a Prakrit termination or

frpii; in other words, from the base of the ordinary Prakrit past participles,

increased by the peculiar Prakrit affix e. g., Mar. killed is not

derived from Prakrit ?nfc?T or mric3?, but from the amplified Prakrit form

TTrfbfp^i = = TTlftif or TifrirPli = =

But that is not all. The result of the present enquiry must plainly

be put into the form of a much more general law ; viz., whenever a Prakrit

(or Sanskrit) neuter noun, be it a participle or a substantive or an adjec¬

tive, has a terminable monosyllable % but shows the termination ^ in its

stead in Marathi ; this Marathi termination v cannot be derived from the

Prakrit terminal monosyllable % but must be derived from a Prakrit

terminal dissyllable or (for or obtained by adding the

Prakrit affix to the Prakrit base in ^f. No other Prakrit affix can here

come in consideration (for effecting that increase of the base) ; 1., because

no other affix beside is added ivithout affecting the meaning ; and 2.,

because, thouo-h in a few cases one or two other affixes are added without

any meaning, (e. g., Skr. lightning is in Prak. fq^or ; Ski*,

ifor yellow is in Prak. ifHor see Pr. Prak. IV, 26), such addition

of these affixes is confined to these isolated cases, while the addition of 3f is

most common and may be made to any noun (Pr. Prak. IV, 25) ; and 3.,

moreover in order to account for the Gaurian terminal forms €rf , etc., the

elision of the consonant of the affix is necessary ; now «?[ can be elided, but

is not elided.

The results which have been set forth so far, might have been equally

well arrived at by taking the case of a Hindi past participle. B. g., it is

* It is noteworthy that in tho Gatha dialect (or vulgar Sanskrit) “nouns and

participles are frequently lengthened by the addition of tho syllable qy as ■yT^rp^T,

TT^HPrtiT, wwtwb ^TTlfcPfiT:, (Muir>

Sanskrit Texts, vol. II, p. 122). Mark, how often tho terminal syllable changes to

78 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1.

\£/

said is in the Braj Bhasha . This is the nom. sing, neuter ; the masc.

would he the feni. The corresponding form to qnpf is in Sanskrit

and in Prakrit or Now the form could not yield

the Hindi form qnpf , because the vowel \ of the Prakrit form is present

in the semivowel of the Hindi form and the remaining terminal 4 cannot

give ^jf, according to general glottic law. But if we add the favourite

Prakrit affix ^ to qff44, everything is natural and easy. For qrf4 rr4 would

be in Prakrit ^f4^f4, and this in Hindi- Gaurian or qrfjf (just as

^4 ego becomes %f).

According to this theory, then, the original of the Gaurian neuter

terminations 4, ^4 4f 4, is the Prakrit terminal dissyllable or ^4,

which, according to Gaurian law,# becomes in old Gaurian ?;4 or ^Ef4 or ^f4.

If this be really the case, it might not unreasonably by expected, that traces

of those original terminal forms ^4, ^4, ^4 may be found in Gaurian.

Such examples I am, indeed, able to produce ; and they will be a further

confirmation of the truth of my theory. Only this is to be observed. The

Gaurian terminal forms ^4, ^4, ^4, are very slightly, if at all really,

different from the Prakrit terminal form ^4 (for Skr. ^4), ^4 (for Skr.

and ^4 (for Skr. w4). If, therefore, the Gaurian forms at all

existed, they can only have existed in the earliest period of the Gaurian,

when it was yet only a modified and decayed form of Prakrit. In Hindi

we have no literature dating so far back. The earliest Hindi work known

at present is the epic of Chand, which is already subsequent to that period ;

how much subsequent, it is not easy to say ; but it is in Chand, that we

find traces of those original Gaurian neuter terminations ; only, for the

reason now explained, they must not be expected to be very common, -j*

Such examples are the following :

* This Gaurian law has been repeatedly referred to in these essays, though I

have never distinctly stated it. It is this; Gaurian cannot tolerate the hiatus of

vowels created by the Prakrit, through ejecting the medial single mute consonants

of the Sanskrit; and in order to prevent such hiatus, Gaurian either makes Sandhi

of the vowels or separates them by inserting the (euphonious) semivowels or

It should be noted, in order to prevent misunderstanding, that Gaurian sometimes

creates hiatus of its own ; these, of course, it retains. The law has only reference to

hiatus, created by Prakrit, e. g., Skr. becomes in Prak. y • in Gaur.

(Hindi); Skr. in Prak. in Gaur. ^77^ ; Skr.

in Prak. or in Gaur. (Mar.) or (Hindi) ;

Skr. 4nxfcf, Pr. 44^4, Gaur. Skr. 71 cp, Pr. tt4t, Gaur. jy^y • Skr ^y;j

Pr. Gaur. f^T^T, etc.

f On account of Marathi being so much more conservative of its Prakritic character,

I should expect old Marathi to afford many more examples of those Gaurian neuter

terminations ; but unfortunately I have had no opportunity of examining any old

Marat Lfi work.

79

1873.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages .

■qr% rrnrq i

II I, 26.

Or ^.rf^Rqiqr^ i qrfqq fr ^ qq^ n

^ ^ TM I f^^STT fc*r II IV, 220. 230.

or

qrqw fq^Kq II

qTtq q?T I

^ W ^ftq *rnrq II IV, 204 207.

qrf^g ^rr qqrb I fw*f qtr*n$R n IV, 278.

An instance of the neuter in occurs, e. g., in the following verse :

q»T ^Tf% q^q l

TT^t^r qT ^tf^R II I, 26.

In the last verse vrrfsR and Tifaq are probably contractions of qq-fq-q and

T«Ti*T^ for Skr. vn^*ffq and "qqqtq in the sense of the infinitive. In the

former verses ^WT^R stands for qqq for qq', qnj^q for qnrnr

fq^TPR for fq^TR; ^T*R for wq; qiqfi for qiq. And the only, and

natural, way of explaining the origin of these amplified forms is by the

theory that the shorter forms were increased by the addition of the Prakrit

affix qr; thus we should have (with the usual elision of qr ) the Prakrit

forms q^i% ^TXK% fWTP% qiqqj and finally these forms

would change in Gaurian by the usual insertion of the euphonic q into

^wrr, qqq, etc.*

Such neuters as etc., prove clearly that general principle

which has been stated already, that the Prakrit affix qr was not only added

to participles past passive, but also to substantives and adjectives ; though

this is a fact, which perhaps hardly needed to be particularly stated. But

these neuters account very well for the Marathi neuter adjectives and

substantives in q as ^3 ^ high, tanlc, etc. For the termination qfq as

previously shown naturally contracts into q .f Hence, e. g., ^^"presupposes

an older form which stands for just as qJljT«R for qj^rrsT .

Me have now seen that the Prakrit neuter nouns (Part., Adj., Subst.)

may pass into the Gaurian either in the general form of their base ending

# I may add here, once more, in explanation, that it is not to be supposed that

every Gaurian neuter actually passed through these different steps of phonetic

modification. The process of neuter formation, detailed here, only took place really

when Gaurian first separated form Prakrit. After it had become the rule in Gauriau,

that neuters must end in or q or many neuters, of course, were formed

which never passed through any of the steps of the process ; e. g. the neuter q^q

is formed direct form the Sanskrit qq. If it had passed really (as ideally it must bo

c\

supposed to have passed) through that process, it would liavo been eithor qqq- or

. , t . <\ '

q«qqj for the Prakrit of qq is qoq.

vj Cv ^ .

f In Col. Vans Kennedy’s Marathi Dictionary tho form vG is givon fo qq fear.

80

A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

in % in which case these neuters terminate in Gaurian in ; or in the

particular forms of their base ending in (amplified by the addition of

the affix ^f). This termination becomes in old Gaurian ^T?i. Instances

of old Gaurian neuters in have been adduced. In modern Gaurian the

termination is contracted to if ; and this neuter terminal form we have

in Marathi.

But the old Gaurian termination is not the only form which the

Prakrit termination assumes in Gaurian. The Prakrit

termination (or suffers in Prakrit already a twofold deteriorating

process. It changes sometimes into (or i;^), sometimes into (or

This deterioration is found in Prakrit only in a few and isolated

cases ; hut in Gaurian it has assumed much greater dimensions, and has

affected, as we shall presently see, whole classes of nouns. It is therefore

doubtlessly more appropriate to consider these phonetic modifications of the

original Prakrit termination as a Gaurian one, than as a Prakrit one.

This should he noted, as it has some hearing on the question of the presence

or absence of an oblique form of the Gaurian nouns which have this modified

terminal form. For proofs of the deterioration of the Prakrit base-

termination into and I must refer more especially to the

examination of the Gaurian masculine and feminine nouns in ^ and 3T. In

the Mrichchhakati the form (the Prak. modification of the Sanskrit

Hfirf) often alternates with Again, the Sanskrit scorpion ,

itself already modified from an original form becomes in Prakrit

or or (cf. Pr. Prak. I, 15). # Again, the Sanskrit TTTcgaff

becomes in Prakrit (for cf. Prak. Prak. I, 29) ; that is

first changes to iTTcr^f, (by Pr. Prak. I, 27 ; next to ^TTcJ^f). If' the Prakrit

base termination in may change to or in the case of masc. and

fern., it is plain that it may do so also in the case of neuters. In Gaurian

the Prakrit neuter terminations ( = xyft) and are slightly

modified ; viz., in old Gaurian to and ^3^, and in modern Gaurian to ^

and e. g., pearl is in Skr. in Prak. ^TtJT or The latter

has a bye-form or (Skr. and this changes in old

Gaurian to ^Tprffi, in modern Gaurian (Marathi) to iffirf. That this

is the true derivation of the final of is proved by such neuter

nouns as qjxiiT water , pepper, butter , curds. For qpfrt repre¬

sents an old form a Prakrit form and Skr. qpntuTij ffiff repre¬

sents an old Gaurian a Prakrit and Skr. an old

Gaurian Prak. or and a Sanskrit cf an old

* But tbo unmodified form or must have existed also in

Prakrit. This is proved by the Naipali which has for scorpion, (soe St. Luke xi.

12, x. 19.), while the Hindi lias and the Maraffif

81

1873.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernie — Essays on the Gfaurian _ Languages .

Gaurian , a Prak. or and Sanskrit Again touch is

in Sanskrit in Prakrit Tffo or ufoqf ; the latter lias a bye-form

or (with the meaning branch of a river) which changes in old

Gaurian to and in modern Gaurian (Marathi) to This derivation

is proved by such neuter nouns as tear which stands for a Prakrit

or and a Sanskrit ; and yoke which stands for Prakrit and

C\ vj

Sanskrit arpTR.*

J s

We have how discovered the derivation of all the Gaurian neuter

terminal forms ; viz.

Mar. y is derived from old Gaur. and Prak.

r> ?j j? ?> v jj jj 01

?>

either

5?

??

Hindi Iff

or

L) . .

> is derived „

\3cf

or€jf

or

yy

^ )

U ( = ^)

j? '*

^ ( = ^RV)

^ or wt

Gujar. ) v

* ' '1' C ^ ” ” ” ” ”

JNaipali )

The neuter terminal forms, of which the derivations are here given, are

the terminations of the direct forms of the Gaurian neuter nouns. We will

now proceed to examine the oblique forms of the same nouns. And it will

be seen that this examination will confirm the result already attained.

We will first take the Marathi neuter nouns in #. These are divided

into three classes ; (1) those which have no oblique form at all, as a

C\

kind of vegetable ; (2) those which have an oblique form in "^T, (i. e.,

substitute for 4), as rff pony , oblique form W1FT ; (3) those which have

# \*J \t) • •

an oblique form in ^T, (i- e., substitute for ^), as tfT^ ship, oblique form

rTTM (or rfRM). Now if we turn back to the list of derivations of the direct

forms given above, we find a twofold derivation of the direct form in

and it will be easily seen, that there is a close agreement between the two¬

fold derivation of the direct form, and the three-fold formation of the

* Some other neuters of this kind are the following; ship for Prakrit 7f j ag)

bye-form of rTTT^f and Sanskrit a raft, float; 31 bile for Prakrit bye-

fonn of Jiusri (= ampliiiecl from Sanskrit bile for Prak. bye-

form of g-s vf, and Sanskrit fq^cfTR. Again circumvallation for Prak. ^ and

Skr. powder for Prak. and Sankrit cfce^RR ; handle for Prak.

(— vj^efj), amplified from Sanskrit The change of the Skr. comp. cons,

into vj is noticeable and exceptional; the regular change is into ^ (see Pr. Pr. Ill,

40.), VI being the regular representative of ^ (see Pr. Pr. Ill, 12). Note also that

the Hindi equivalent of the Mar. sf voice is gr^TT or of > the former of which would

represent a Prak. form gp^ for (oTJPtf) . The form occurs in the old Hindi

of Chand ; e. g. in the verse.

^JIR rfv>i ^ II Devagin Katlui v. 22.

11 h

82 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

oblique form. Namely (1), neuter nouns in which have an oblique form

in ^T, are derived from a Prakrit base in ) ; and (2) neuter

nouns in qf which have an oblique form in qr, are derived from a Prakrit

base in ; and (3) neuter nouns in which have no oblique

form at all, are derived or rather modified from Prakrit neuter nouns in

vjqjf ( == v^est). Examples will explain this further. A neuter of the first

class is cub ; in Sanskrit the word is fqn: masculine, hut the neuter

(in diminutive or endearing sense) would he fir#. The latter, in Prakrit, is fq#

or fquqi or fqwqj. Again, the last of these fqwqj, changes in Gaurian to fqfrT

and this to fqw\ The latter is the present Marathi direct form of the

word. Now the genitive of the Prakrit fquqj is fqW'^qH' or fqirqn^r or

fq^T^F^. The last of these becomes in Gaurian fqsp^T or (contracted by

Gaurian law) fqwi, which is the present Marathi oblique form of the word.

Again, q^T boil is a neuter of the second class. The Sanskrit is masc.

or Terg^f neuter. In Prakrit the latter becomes q^qj, which must have

had a (probably- vulgar) bye-form q'^qj; ami this form q^qj changes in

Gaurian to q^rq (or perhaps q^jq), and this to qq5f,# and this to q<|f,

which last is the present Marathi form of the word. Now the genitive of

the Prakrit q^qj is q^^TOf or q^w or q^qjpq. The last of these forms

becomes in Gaurian q^p^T or (contracted by Gaurian law) qqqT, which is

the present Marathi oblique form of the word. Dadoba in his Marathi

Grammar admits only this form ; but the Manual apparently admits also a

form q^rqT. If this be correct, the oblique form in ^qT, doubtlessly, is

merely a euphonic modification of the original oblique form in UT, in order

to obviate the difficulty of pronouncing a double consonant. f Again

is a neuter of the third class. I know no Sanskrit or Prakrit etymology

for this or most of the neuters of this class, though, no doubt, some of them

may have such an etymology. But they all have been evidently so much

phonetically modified by the Gaurian, that their origin is almost unrecogniz¬

able. And having thus a purely Gaurian form, it is no wonder, that

they are subject to Gaurian law, and admit no oblique form at all ; that is,

they belong to the proper Gaurian element. I ought to mention, however,

that Dadoba (in his Grammar, §. 198., p. 72) does not admit these neuters

at all ; neither is any of them found in Col. Vans Kennedy’s Marathi

dictionary ; and, lastly, Marathi Pandits of Benares, of whom I have enquired,

do not know them.J Even according to the Manual which enumerates them

on p. 29., §. G7, 7., they are only a very few (about 18 altogether) ; and

even of these some are optionally Frdhritic and admit the oblique

fo rm in qr or q(T. They are the following

c\ <\ Cv C\ C\

* In Ban gall or commonly change to qg, seo Forbes’ Gr pp. 160-4.

f The separation of a compound consonant by means of an inserted euphonic

q? or ^ is rather common in Gaurian.

X I have seen, however, since that Molesworth gives them all in his dictionary.

1873.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays oil the Gaurian Languages. 83

>2/ v2/

WIW,

* 4^,

C\

,

* *

* #

^T*TT^T ,

'N

^ v2/ _ vl< \*/ \2» vi;

* , , q^, W, W\,

# 7^^- # Those marked with two asterisks have optionally

V-f V W

ff . * 1*K-

an obi. form in ^t, and those marked with one asterisk an obi. form in qr.

This latter fact is explained by the circumstance, that, as has been already

noticed, the deterioration of the termination (or to (or ^)

took place, as it were, on the confines of the Prakrit and Gaurian, and that,

therefore, the neuter nouns which exhibit this deterioration, are sometimes

treated as Prdkritic , sometimes as Proper Gaurian. As regards the two

other classes; that which has the oblique form in ^7 (i. e., 1st class),

contains all the neuter nouns in the only exceptions being- those already

mentioned as proper Gaurian , and the following nine nouns boil, W

yoke, fTT^ ship, haft, ^ scar, iron ring, qivf sauce , qff^ branch of a

<K

river , boil, which form together with those marked with two asterisks in

Ov

the list of proper Gaurian neuters (hence altogether 13) the 2nd class, i. e.,

that which has an oblique form in MT. The paucity of the nouns of this

class cannot surprise, if we consider, that the deterioration of the termination

into can only have taken place quite exceptionally.

Next, we come to the Gujarati and Naipali neuter nouns in Gf, and the

Marwari neuter nouns in qjf . They all have an oblique form in ^T, and

are evidently, as regards the formation both of the direct and oblique form,

identical with the first class of the Marathi neuter nouns in Ni E. g., gold

in Naipali is in Sanskrit it is in Prakrit or or

The last form becomes in Gaurian %T^f, and this changes to

and this to^JT*f\ which last is the present Gujarati direct form of the word.

Now the genitive of the Prakrit is or or

The last of these forms changes in Gaurian to bT*rq?T and this to MRT,

which last form, with the addition, apparently, of a final nasal ^RT (the

meaning of which will he explained afterwards), is the present Gujarati

oblique form of the word. As another representative example, we may take

the Gujarati infinitive ePR* to do, to which the Marwari infinitive qrcbf

corresponds. The derivation of these infinitives has already been explain¬

ed. They are formed from the Sanskrit participle future passive in qqj.

The Sanskrit is in early Prakrit this is («tfftcT«j or) qfixNcfi, in later

Prakrit or qrrsq or amplified the last of these qiTRG changes

in Gaurian to which is the present Marwari direct form of the word,

* To this class of neuter nouns belong all Marathi diminutives, which are neuter

• ^ y

nouns m ts. or ^ .

f This amplified form admits a two-fold explanation. Either it may bo

formed from the form qfToq by the usual addition of the affix qr (being originally

^^•sqG) 5 or> which is perhaps more probable, the affix qR may have become in

84 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1 7

and next to ^yvf or efiTcf , which last is the present Gujarati direct form

of the word. Now the genitive of the Prakrit is or

^To^f^r or The last of these changes in Gaurian to ^ryM^T and

finally (contracted by Gaurian law) to ^ryHT which is the present Gujarati

and Marwari oblique form of the word. The Naipali neuter nouns in ^

are the infinitives. While, e. g., the Gujarati has ^ycf to do, and the

Marwari 3ty9f, the Naipali has .# The derivation of these infinitives

has also been already explained. They are derived from the Sanskrit

participle future passive in The Sanskrit therefore is ; in

Prakrit it is sjrysfH or and (broadened) This last form

changes in Gaurian to (or which is the present direct form of

the word in the Braj Bhasha, next to 3fTy«T^ which is the present Alwari

direct form of the word, and, finally, to v*h , which is the present Naipali

direct form of the word. Now the genitive of the Prakrit form is

^ryw^^T or or efry^^jrf. The last of these becomes in Gaurian

or, contracted by Gaurian law, ^fy«n, which is the present Naipali

oblique form of the word.f

The final nasal which appears in the oblique form of Gujarati neuter

nouns in is puzzling. £ At first sight, one might take it as an inorganic

Prakrit, not only but also and (with elision of or (^jfkyj)

and (broadened) '^■3^ (comp, vedic having gone, Prak. In the latter

case the process of development of ^yyTis this ; Skr. Prak. or

tfrfVxfjvpj = = e^y^^j; Gaur eftyif = efiy^. In this case

the single ^ of the Gaurian form is explained by the Prakrit itself. In the other case

it must be explained by the Gaurian law according to which a Prakrit similar double

consonant is reduced to the single consonant. The Marathi form Ms contracted

either from the Prakrit form (which becomes in old Gaurian ^yy^ij) or from

the Prak. form (Compare the note at the end of the essay).

* In St. Luke’s gospel the Naipali infinitive is spelled without the final nasal;

thus ^Tcjf\ This may be mere inaccuracy ; or, if it is correct, we must assume that the

' v»

original final nasal is dropped, as so often in modern Gaurian. This view is confirmed

by the fact that traces of that Gaurian tendency of dropping the final neuter nasal,

appear also in Gujarati, where, according to Edalji’s Grammar, the neuter may end in

^ as well as in yj e. g., gold is both yp-^ and

f This Prak. from becomes in Gaurian contracted into which is

the present Marathi direct form of the word.

J This final nasal, I think, should be written as an anunasika. In Hindi, at all

events, all final and medial Gaurian nasals are anunasikas, but all medial (there are no

final nasals of this kind) Sanskritic or Prdkritic nasals are annswaras. I am inclined to

think that this rule obtains not only in Hindi, but in all Gaurian languages ; it

certaiidy does, as far as my limited acquaintance with the pronunciation of the other

Gaurian languages enables me to judge. In Hindi, karenge they will do “ is y°3[ not

; evening is (Skr. yrmn, Prak. ^yffi) • true is yp^r (Skr. yr<*}; Pr. ^) ;

1873.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

85

addition for a mere euphonic purpose, or to distinguish the neuter oblique

form from the (otherwise identical and indistinguishable) masculine oblique

form , or to assimilate the neuter oblique form to the neuter direct form. The

addition of an inorganic final nasal occurs here and there in Gaurian, as e. g.

in the negative particle *TF#f or and in the noun (Skr. ;

Prak. Trt). The Gujarati Grammar of the Rev. Joseph Van S. Taylor

does not admit a neuter oblique form with a final nasal at all (see §. 140.

44., pp. 2G-29). Even in Mr. Sh. Edalji’s Grammar the forms with the final

nasal seem to he allowed only as optional (see §. 94., p. 40). Under these

circumstances the conclusion appears to be justified that the final nasal is

inorganic, and, in fact, an incorrect addition made perhaps for some reason

like those suggested above. If, however, the final nasal should be organic,

the only solution — by no means satisfactory to my own mind — that I can

suggest for the present is this ; the Sanskrit neuter nouns in \ and ^

insert a nasal («T or xrr) before the affix of the genitive ; e. g., water

has Gen. qiyfV^jn ; curds has Gen. ; 3T7y heavy has Gen.

sweet has Gen. 'SIN"?!'! In Prakrit this use, as an optional one, is extended

even to the masculines in \ and e. g., fire has Gen. (or

wind l las Gen. or This renders it not improbable

that perhaps in' later or vulgar Prakrit that use was even more extended,

viz., also to neuter nouns in so that, e. g., gold would have not only

saint is jfi^yy^ (Skr. Pr. and 37T^T*ft) ; where is ^^y Skr. is iy w

or (Skr. -yy^I Pi*, etc., etc. In all these and like words, tlie nasal is

pronounced by Natives as an anusasika, not as an anuswara. They are all proper

Gaurian words. But in Prdlcritic words, as Tpjjy healthy , ^rjqy long, fiyjy cloch, etc., and

in Sanshritic words, as ^p^Ujy evening, joined, etc., etc., the nasal is pronounced by

Natives as an anuswara. The difference may, perhaps, be best illustrated by the

French and English ; langage, exemple, environs are pronounced with what Pandits

would call the anunasika, but language, example, environs, are pronounced with what

they would call the anuswara. There is an essential difference between the two nasals.

The anunasika is a mere nasalization, which maybe given to any sound (commonly to

a vowel, but also to consonants), and therefore a mere modification of a sound

(■^Trr^yfj) but not a distinct sound itself; while the anuswara is a distinct and

separate nasal sound (eyw). See Max Muller’s Lectures on the Science of Languages,

2nd vol., p. 1G4. Panini 1, 1. 8. 8, 3. 23. 24. In poetry the distinction of the two nasals

is clear and important ; the anuswara makes the preceding vowel always long, while the

anunasika has no influence on it whatever. In modern printed books, unfortunately, the

distinction between the anunasika and anuswara is very rarely and incorrectly observed.

Those printed by natives are in this respect generally more exact, than those edited by

foreigners. In future, in these essays all modern Gaurian nasals will bo represented

by the anunasika. In quotations, however, from the oldest Hindi, of Chand, I shall,

forthe present, retain the anuswara ; as there may bo some uncertainty as to the date,

when the old anuswara of the Prakrit was changed by tho Gaurian into the mere

anunasika.

86 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

a Gen. but also ; and similarly a Gen. or

The latter form miglit easily originate the Gaurian

forms next finally 3JTWT. This theory appears to receive

some confirmation from the Marwari where the oblique form of the pronouns

generally ends in R or the anuswara, e. g., his _ is ; it corresponds to

the Hindi ; and as is a Prakrit genitive (see Essay 2nd),

so perhaps is a corruption of a Prakrit genitive 1RT ( = Sanskrit

Next we proceed to the Marathi neuter nouns in fG Their oblique

form ends in ’€fi. E. g„, ftprf pepper is derived from the Sanskrit

in Prakrit it is ; in Gaurian or, contracted, n?*cf . The

genitive of the Prakrit fcrfx^T is or iVnCRR or The

last of. these forms becomes in Gaurian fTrfwr or (contracted by Gaurian

law) which is the present Marathi oblique form of the word. Again

mvif water is derived from, the Sanskrit Ti vitfi ; this becomes in Prakrit

(Pr. Pr. i, 18) ; and the latter changes in Gaurian to The genitive

of the Prakrit is or or tttPwRR, of which the last

form changes in Gaurian to xnf^r^T or XJTWT, the present Marathi oblique

form of the word. Again milk is derived from the Sanskrit ; in

Prakrit it is or <ri or or The last of these forms becomes

in Gaurian and this contracts into . The genitive of the Prakrit

is or or The last of these forms changes

in Gaurian to and is contracted into ^lUT, the present Marathi oblique

form of the word. Again 'ifirft , pearl is in Sanskrit (or in Prakrit

it is ^ItTT or^lffRfT or (diminutive) or #rpfrar The last of these forms

becomes in Gaurian infrrfi, and this contracts into . The genitive of

the Prakrit ibfri^ is ^TpfRJW or or The last of these

changes in Gaurian to ^Tpr^T, and is contracted to iRTcErr, the present

Marathi oblique form of the word.

There remain for consideration the Marathi neuter nouns in N and the

Hindi neuter nouns in To these is to be added a Naipali class

of neuter nouns which I have only met with in the oblique form ending in

^T, and the direct form of which, I think, would probably end in ijf or

perhaps in ^ A comparison of the passages, in which the Naipali oblique

form in occurs, shows us the following points concerning them ; 1., they

are (adjective) nouns of agency; e. g., St. Luke viii. 5. W TR PrWJT,

i. e., High Hindi PpSRTT ; again ^

i. e ., H. H. % ; again St. Luke xxii. 21. %t

^TcT, i • C-, H. H. liifi ^TT ; again St. Luke xxii. 20,

^ r i. e. IP. H. ^ again

i. e ., H. H. fcT^Tfr ^>T In the two last examples the

oblique form is clearly an adjective (qualifying ^ and fgvf) ; but in tlie

others also it is an adjective, though put by itself and thus used substantively.

* See, liowcver, a note at the end of this essay.

1873.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. 87

Further in the first example we have it as a nominative ; in the second as a

dative ; and in the fifth as a genitive. 2., These oblique forms belong to words

which are equivalent to Hindi and Marathi infinitives or gerunds ; this can

he seen clearly by comparing the Hindi and Naipali in the above examples ;

compare also Naipali Hfyy with Hindi «^T ; and Naipali

3ft with Marathi qff frcurr, etc. 3, These oblique forms

are genitives. This may he seen from the fact that in the above examples

fwr^T and gpWFSrajT the oblique forms and

are equivalent to the Hindi genitive efyy, 3\T. Again in

Naipali is = a hearer : the plural of it is lit. hearer's

multitude = ^«T^T3rr^ qtl fly. Here in the plural word is clearly

in the genitive case. A little consideration will show, that, in fact, these

oblique forms cannot be anything else hut genitives. The words to which

they belong are, as we have seen, infinitives, that is, verbal nouns expressing

an act. On the other hand, the oblique forms themselves are, as we have

also seen, adjective nouns of agency. Now the only way of turning a noun

expressing an act, into a noun expressing an agent doing that act, is by

putting it in the genitive case and supplying a common noun (as man)

either expressed or understood. By doing this, the noun of act in the

genitive case becomes equivalent to an adjective expressing the possession

of the act by the supplied noun which is qualified by the adjective, e. g.,

is hearing ; and the genitive if ttstw man he supplied, (i. e.,

or Naipali ‘STTRyr), is a man of hearing , that is, a

man who hears. Here efry or yp^y is equivalent to an adjective. The

word ‘fFT'Sj need not he expressed, and the adjective may be used by itself

as a substantive noun of agency.

Now if these Naipali oblique forms in yfy must he genitives, they can

only be Prakrit (organic) genitives, modified, of course, by Gaurian phonetic

laws. It has been already shown that the Gaurian infinitives or gerunds

are identical with the Sanskrit or Prakrit future participles passive. And

it can be easily shown that, according to the phonetic process explained in

the beginning of this essay, the Gen. Sing, of the Prakrit will assume the

Naipali oblique form in Gaurian. E. g., to hear (the dhatu) is ^ ; the Skr.

Part. Fut Pass, of it is in Prak. or^rfqj^ ; the Prak. Gen.

is or ^yrfvr^y^ or The last form changes probably in

late Prakrit to ypnfqT3}T or ^prBr^T, and finally is contracted in Gaurian

(by Sandhi according to Gaurian law) to which is the present

Naipali form of the word.

This view of the Naipali nouns of agency in *jt, is confirmed by the

Bangali, which possesses nouns of agency in ‘W^Tt^T and y3T, as or

^■yfy^l doer (see Sama Churn Sircar’s Grammar pp. 149., and 153.)* To the

* Tlio forms in sryy and •yij, as ^yyy and doer are probably, merely contrac¬

tions of those in ^•cyx and ^fiTSjT.

S3 A. F. Budolf H o e rnl e — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [ No. 1,

Naipali hearer and the Hindi would correspond the Bangali

^«Tf#*7T ; and to the Hindi form (in Braj Bliasha) or or (in

Marwari) yy?Rr (the alternative Low Hindi forms of ypT «T ) would correspond

the Bangali ^jfsRT. It is evident that the Bangali nouns of agency in ^f?TNT

and are derived from the two Skr. and Prak. Part. Put. Pass, in and

rf^T in the sense of the infinitive or of a noun expressing act ; and that (as

regards form) they are equivalent to the organic genitive of those participles,

and thus came to signify the agent. Thus the Part. Put. Pass, of the root

^ (Prak. to hear is either (Skr. or or vypnrr^f

(Skr. RUT^l). The genitive of the former (^Tyrpg or by Sandhi is

or or pff'f 1 yr, of which forms the last changes in

Gaurian to ypffHNT, the present Bangali form of the word. Again the

genitive of the other Prakrit form or is yjfAoquyr or

or ygwRR, of which the last form changes in Gaurian to yyvRT, the present

Bangali form of the word.

The Bangali nouns of agency in and RT (or Tij and ^t) and the

Naipali nouns of agency in *n are, then, Prakrit genitives, or, looked at

from the Gaurian standpoint, oblique forms ; they all require, to complete

their sense of agency, the supplement of some common noun (as man).

This noun is, however, suppressed and in course of time the real genitive-

nature of those nouns of agency was forgotten, and they came to he

considered as regular original adjective or substantive nouns ;# and,

accordingly, to be declined as if their form were a nominative singular.

Hence we meet in Naipali with a genitive %f, Dat. ypRJT ^TT<G as if

were theNom. Sing. e. g\, St. Luke xxii. 21.; TiK %T

^TcT W #3T #RT *nf«? W, (i. e., H. H. etc.) ; or St. Luke

xix. 24. ~TIT ^ (i. e., H. H. Bfit ^l). Similarly

in Bangali the nouns of agency may be declined. In illustration of this

phenomenon, I may refer to a parallel one in German. Some of the modern

German surnames are the Latin genitive of original Christian names ; but

now they are considered and are declined as regular original nouns in the

nominative case. E. g\, such names as Jacobi , Georg ii are really genitives

to which filius “ son” is to be added; Jacobi meant originally, the son of

Jacob ; Georgii, the son of George ; and they are declined as Jacobis philoso_phie,

the philosophy of Jacobi, as if Jacobi were a nominative. Similarly such

names as Stevens are really genitives ; for Stevens is properly Steven's son.

* A very similar phenomenon happened in the formation of the direct form of the

plural in some Gaurian languages; e. g., Naipali hearers (lit. hearer’s

multitude) corresponds to Hindi yjcpFRrif,’ where some noun like ifr must be

supplied. Thus Naipali of ViT^T hungry =: Hindi (or complete ViA

ijy). This will be fully discussed in a future essay on the inliexional base of the

Plural.

89

1873.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Llssays on the Gaurian Languages.

We must return now to the examination of the Marathi neuter nouns

in ^ and Hindi neuter nouns in ^jf , %f , gf. The oblique form of the

Marathi neuter nouns in ends in *?t ; that of Hindi neuters in ,

€ ends in E. g., done in Marathi is oblique form ; in old Hindi it

is or oblique form or ; — high is in Marathi vfii] oblique

form ^JT ; in (High) Hindi WEfr (Braj Bliasha old Hindi #^f), obi.

form 4%; — doing is in Marathi obi. form SfiT^r, in Hindi (Braj Bh.)

3vC^T , obi. form ejr^, etc., etc. Here we see that the Hindi terminal ^

always stands in the place of a Marathi terminal Now if we put

together this fact with the other fact, already stated, that in Gaurian the

syllable (or etc.) is often contracted into the diphthong ^ ; and

also with the fact noticed before, that the Naipali oblique form in

corresponds to the Hindi oblique form in (as Naip.ili to Hindi

«5vT«T) ; the conclusion must necessarily be drawn, that the terminal ^ of

the Hindi oblique form of nouns is a contraction of an original termination

^?r ; and this will apply not only to the termination of the oblique form of

Hindi neuter nouns, but also to that of Hindi masculine nouns in or ;

for, e. g., the Hindi masculine noun (ip^fT or) ip^'T horse is identical with

the Marathi (irrfr or) irr^T ; and the oblique form of the latter iiT^T must

also be identical with the oblique form of the former i?rtf ; and so forth.

The next question is, what is the origin of this original termination sp

of the Gaurian oblique form of neuter nouns in ^jf, ^f, gf, tf, and their

corresponding masculine nouns. Here the infinitives afford us again a clue

to its right interpretation. A Hindi infinitive is, e. g., c?rt«n to do ; we

have seen, it is derived from the Prakrit Now changes in

the Nom. case successively into or . In the

genitive case it changes successively from to

And thus by phonetic changes, perfectly

regular, natural and easy, we arrive at the direct form in and , and

the oblique form in ^ of the Hindi neuter nouns. And the conclusion we

draw, is that the termination of the Gaurian oblique form is a contraction

of the termination of the Prakrit genitive ; and this is the case also

with all Hindi neuter nous which are not infinitives. E. g., the oblique

form of the neuter noun fcffqf done must represent a Prakrit

genitive (for = Skr. ^rT^f^?), which must have changed

successively into or (with

euphonic ^). Perhaps at first sight there will seem to be a difficulty in this

theory. In the case of the infinitive both the direct form in l|p

and the oblique form in ^ were traceable to an original Prakrit base in ^ ;

on the other hand, as regards all other Hindi neuter nouns in or

(as, e. g., pjrqf, etc.) their direct form in ^jr is derived from a Prakrit base

in ; while, if the theory be correet, the oblique form in ^ must be derived

from a Prakrit base in In other words the theory necessitates

12 m

00

A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Oaurian Languages. [No. 1,

the assumption that Prakrit bases which in the nominative case ended

in changed or deteriorated in the genitive case into To illus¬

trate this, let us take again the case of done. Its direct form

represents a Prakrit nominative fNr^r, which changed successively into

or f^T . The oblique form , as we have just seen,

postulates a Prakrit genitive that is, the Prakrit nominative

or with a base in has a genitive or with

a base in Now though this change may surprise at first sight, there is

really nothing irregular or extraordinary in it. It is a phenomenon which

under certain phonetic circumstances regularly occurs. I have had occasion

already to notice that the base termination (^3f) has a tendency to

degenerate into ^ or Thus we have in the Mirchchhakati

besides ; and for etc.f But the change has

become an absolute rule in the feminine. Bases which in the masculine

end in (^if) change always in the feminine into a base ending in

(f and this rule obtains already in Sanskrit ; e. g., Skr. masc.

boy, but fern. ^tF^^TT girl ; Prakrit masc. ^T^r^fT, fern. 3Tf%^rr, etc. The

reason of this change, probably, is that, as the ultimate in the feminine is

heavily weighted (by changing to ^fT), the penultimate is lightened (by

changing to x). Now under exactly the same circumstances the same

change evidently takes place in the later or vulgar Prakrit declension of

bases in Take again the example of The Nom. sing, is

The Gen. or or or At this stage, I think,

the change must have taken place ; the form f^r^^TT would correspond exactly

to an original feminine form ^T^r^fTT ; and as the latter changed to

so the former changed to f^rf^TT, and for the same reason ; because the

ultimate had become for % the penultimate was shortened to for

Next or changed to ; and this to FfR; or This

theory applies equally to Hindi masc. nouns in or ^t. Take, e. g.,

horse. It is derived from the Prakrit base ijrg^T or irs^, which in the

feminine becomes inf^rr cr The Nom. Sing, of the Masc. is sirs' 3TT

or sirs^T, which in Gaurian is contracted into i?T%T and changed to

The Gen. Sing, of the masc. is or which changes successively

to ir^r, %f^T, 3T^IT, which is the present Marathi

oblique form, and finally to ifl%, which is the present Hindi oblique form of

the word.

There is another explanation possible of the Hindi oblique form in v;

which is not open to the difficulty just now discussed. But it is open to

* It should be noted, however, that, as explained previously, the Hindi infini¬

tive termination or ^ requires a change of the original Prakrit termination to

; so that, practically, there is no difference in this respect between Hindi infini¬

tives and other Hindi neuter nouns.

f See also some more examples in the note 5 on page 105.

91

1873.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

other difficulties ; not only to one , but several, which moreover are more

serious and much less capable of being surmounted. The explanation is

this. The G-aurian diphthong y; can be not only a contraction of ITT, but

also of ^r. If we suppose the latter to be the case in the Hindi oblique

form in ^ there is no necessity of assuming a change of the Prakrit base

termination into ^f. In this case the oblique form in ^ (e. g., f%i})

is to be explained thus ; the Prakrit genitives or change

to to or At this stage, as I have shown on

former occasions, the word passed into Gaurian, and, according to Gaurian

rule, either Sandhi must take place, or a euphonic letter must be inserted,

to prevent hiatus. The question is, which of these two alternatives happens.

According to the present theory we must assume that the euphonic letter

^ [was inserted. Hence we get which finally changes to fojto; or

So far there is no difficulty ; on the contrary it obviates the difficulty

involved in the other theory of changing the base in into one in

But there is positive evidence to show that of the two alternative cases just

now mentioned, not the one here assumed (viz., insertion of ^), but the other

(of Sandhi) took place in reality. In Marwari, namely, the oblique form

is not but f%3JT, and what this fact indicates is this, that in the form

f^fT^WT when it passed into Gaurian, not the insertion of a euphonic

consonant but Sanclhi of the hiatus-vowels (^f and ^n) took plaee ; viz.,

was contracted into or (with euphonic ^ ) fejT^TT. Evidence of

the same fact is the ISTaipali and Gujarati with their oblique form in ^T,

which, as I have already shown, is the contraction of a terminal form

e. g., Gujarati gold, obi. form *jt«TT ; equivalent to Prakrit Nom. sing.

and Gen. sing. or or or and

contracted %*TT. It follows from all this that if the Prakrit base in

remained unchanged in the process of transition of the Prakrit into Gaurian,

the termination of the Prakrit genitive was contracted by Sandhi into ^T,

and not changed, by the insertion of a euphonic ^ , into ^*tt ; and hence the

origin of the termination ^ must be differently explained. And the

explanation is, that there was an alternative case ; in some places the Prakrit

base in remained unchanged, and gave rise to the oblique form in ;

in other places the Prakrit base in was weakened to and thus

gave rise to the oblique form in or E. g., the base gold re¬

mained unchanged in Gujarati and its genitive (for was

contracted to ^T*TT ; while in Hindustan, it was weakened to and its

genitive was contracted to or

The objection explained in the preceding remarks is only one of the

reasons against the derivation of the termination y of the Hindi oblique form

from an original termination ^stt. I shall now proceed to state a few more

reasons against it, in order to remove as much as possible, all doubts as to

the truth of the theory, that the termination stands for *jt, and this for

( = T^T).

92 A, F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Cfaurian Languages. [No. 1,

2. A second reason is this. To the Hindi oblique form in ^ the

Marathi oblique form in ^|T corresponds and both must have an identical

derivation. Now though ^ may be explained as a contraction of in

Hindi, this cannot be done with Marathi ^T. In Marathi the initial

consonant of the syllable ^TT is always compounded with the final

consonant of the base. There does not seem to be any trace that it may

be separated from the final consonant of the base, and pronounced as ;

e. g., the oblique form of ifTfT horse is ijrfJT, but not ifT^f3?T. In the case of

the oblique form in TT, the Manual admits an alternative form in ^TT ; e. g.

ship, obi. form or cTTTffi ; but in the case of the oblique form in

I neither the Manual , nor Hadobas’s Grammar, nor any other grammar that

I have consulted, admits an alternative form in If it had existed at

all, it would surely have been mentioned by one or other of the gram¬

mars. Even the alternative form is doubtful, seeing that it is only

mentioned by the Manual ; but the alternative it appears, does not

exist at all. Now this fact would be very improbable on the supposition

that the form in is the original one, out of which the other (the present)

form in "5JT arose by the suppression of the medial Such a suppression

of a medial % indeed, is not uncommon in Gaurian ; but whenever it occurs*

both forms remain equally current, the original one without the ^suppression

and the derived one with the suppression ; and at all events, whatever the

pronunciation may be, the spelling wherever accuracy is observed, follows the

origin of the word. Thus in Hindi, though he knows is pronounced jdntd it is

always by correct Nagari writers spelled jdnatd [i. e., ^TT«Trf7, not ojr^T). Now

neither of these is the case with the Marathi oblique form in ; it is always

spelled with the ^ compounded with the preceding consonant, and always so

pronounced. Even if we should rely on the analogy of the oblique form in

qq, it would not help us out of the difficulty. For, as I have shown formerly

when treating of the Marathi neuter nouns in gf, the case is just the reverse

with the obi. form in TT- There the original form is that in and the

derived form is that in ^T, i . e., with the insertion of a euphonic ^ to

prevent the necessity of pronouncing a compound consonant ; such insertion

being also not uncommon in Gaurian. If, therefore, the analogy of the

oblique form in proves anything, it proves the very thing demanded by

my theory ; viz. that the form in is the original form ; and if a form in

should exist, it could only be a vulgar corruption of the form in *rr

with inserted Further, it should also be noted, that even if two

alternative forms in and should exist, this fact, though it might

allow the opposite theory, would in no way contradict my theory ; (for the

form in ^r, as just shown, might be the original one) ; while if only one

form in exists, this fact is altogether fatal to the opposite theory, but

accords entirely with my theory. It seems certain, then, that, at all events in

Marathi, the termination of the obi. form is original, and not reducible

1S73-] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. 93

to a form in But if this is the case, the Hindi corresponding

termination ^ must also be a contraction of an original termination ^T, and

not And further it follows, that both in Marathi and Hindi, the

Prakrit base from which this oblique form in and y is derived, must have

ended in

3. In Marathi there is one exception to the rule that the initial

consonant of the obi. form termination yq is compounded with the final

consonant of the base. It is the gerund in According to both the

Manual (see § iii, III.) andDadoba’s Grammar (see §. 463.) the oblique form

of these gerunds does not end (as we should expect according to the analogy

of other neuter nouns in y, as [obi. form ^ywr], ^iF[obl. ^^jrJ) in

UT3JT, but in e. g., T to do, obi. form ^yR£fT (not cSvCRJT),

to go, obi. form ^TT^'T (not ^TRIT). Here the alternative form in 3JT does

not exist at all. Now this exception proves the rule extremely well. It

has been observed several times already that these Gaurian gerunds or

infinitives in are derived from the Skr. and Prak. Part. Put. Pass, in

rT^T, and it has been shown in a previous place, that the Sanskrit termination

rfeST may become in Prak. ^*7 ; thus Skr. becomes Prak. (^ify^rNf or)

or ^FTRERsi. The genitive of the latter form is efiy^^yg-, which

changes to ^y^Tyr or or s^y^j^Rr. Here the form passes into

Gaurian which, according to its law, contracts the form, by Sandhi of the

hiatus-vowel, into ^fyRRT ; and thus we obtain the present Marathi

oblique form. Now let it be noted that here the semivowel is not a

euphonic insertion of the Gaurian, but an original, integral part of the word,

taken over from the Prakrit. The case would be very different with any

other neuter nouns, as e. g., fhigh. In Prakrit this neuter would be

which in Gaurian would become ; the genitive of the Prakrit

would be or or or in which last form it

passes into Gaurian, and now if we are to obtain the form we must

assume that the Gaurian inserts a euphonic yp This, as we have seen, is

not the case ; the Gaurian, on the contrary, makes Sandhi under these

circumstances ; we should obtain the form We see, therefore, that the

reason why the oblique form of the Gerund in y differs from the oblique form

of other neuters in y, is this, that the consonant \ of the former is organic,

while the ^ of the other neuters would be an inorganic euphonic insertion.

But, as I have proved by examples from the Gujarati, Naipali and Marwari,

it is contrary to the habit of Gaurian to insert y [in this particular case ; it

prefers to make Sandhi. Hence the difference under discussion proves, that

the oblique form in must be explained in an altogether different way, and

the' theory advanced by me, that it is the modified genitive form of a

Prakrit base in fulfils all the requirements of the case.

4. The oblique form in Rr is not altogether peculiar to Marathi neuter

nouns in f, but it belongs also to the Marathi neuter nouns in Now

94 A. F. Rudolf Iloernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

the oblique form of the latter originated, as I have shown formerly, from the

genitive of Prakrit bases in ; and, as there is no reason to suppose that

the oblique form in of the neuter nouns in y differs in nature from it,

the former must also he derived from the genitive of Prakrit bases in

E. g., curcls has the oblique form i- e. =

which is the Gen. sing, of a base in

Similarly the obi. form of yfi ^ gold, must be ijTR^T = =

= (^fybfi^), i. e., the Gen. sing, of a base in

There can be little doubt, then, I think that the Marathi oblique form

in "SJT postulates a Prakrit base in and so also the Hindi oblique form

in y, which is evidently identical in nature which the former. And I may

here add, that this is true also of the Panjabi oblique form in y which is

identical in nature and form with the Hindi obi. form in y. In consequence,

it must be assumed that while the direct form in y , ^ , of neuter

nouns is derived from the nominative Sing, of a Prakrit base in the

oblique form in of the same nouns is derived from the genitive Sing, of a

Prakrit base in into which the Prakrit base in degenerated in the

course of transition into Gaurian, in consequence of the final of the word

having become heavily weighted in the genitive.

5. Moreover in Hindi, there is one instance which affords us positive

evidence of the fact, that the obi. form termination y is equivalent to ^T,

and not to ^5JT. The oblique form of the proximate demonstrative pronoun

in the Braj Bhasha, is ; on the other hand in Ganwari it is y. E. g.,

in this is in the Braj Bhasha in the Ganwari yij ; of this resp. is

and to this and ycfrT, etc. There can be no doubt that the

Ganwari y is merely a contraction of the Braj Bhasha ^j. This is easily

confirmed by a further comparison of the Ganwari and the Braj Bhasha.

It has been already remarked that in Gaurian is often contracted to y>

to ^fr, ^ to and ^ to Now the Braj Bhasha oblique form of the

distant demonstrative pronoun is and this, in the Ganwari, is represented

by %; e. g., Braj Bhasha has ^T$T, ; but the Ganwari

%^T, Again while the Braj Bhasha has here , there ; the

Ganwari has and .

There is still a point remaining for settlement concerning these neuters ;

viz. the Prakrit original of the final y of the direct form. The Marathi final

y corresponds to the Hindi final yjf, or (High Hindi ^T) ; e. g.,

Marathi gold is equal to Low Hindi ijTwf or yqcf (H. H. %5TT])}

Mar. done is = Hindi faraf (H. H. fc&^T) ; Mar. doing = Hindi

or (H. H. 3frC*TT), etc. The terminations ^f, there can be

A

no doubt, are the modifications of the Prakrit terminal form It is,

therefore, prim a facie probable, that the Marathi y is also a modification

of the Prakrit termination into by inserting *j, which afterwards

contracted into y . But this is merely Gaurian law ; and the existence of

95

1873.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle— Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

neuters in ^q* in early Gaurian lias been already amply proved. But there

are two circumstances, which would seem to indicate a different derivation

of the Marathi final 'A ; viz. from a Prakrit final which in early Gaurian

would become ^q (with insertion of euphonic q ). Those two circumstances

are ; 1. that the original of the termination if of the Marathi gerunds in

qT (or r") is the Prakrit termination T^sj r, (e. g., quC^r doing is contracted

from Prakrit qrTfvTRj), and that by parity, all Marathi- neuters in if are

derived from Prakrit neuters in 2, that as the oblique form in qT of these

neuters in is derived from the genitive of a Prakrit base in if we

derive the direct form in q from the nominative Sing, of a Prakrit base in

all difficulty attending the derivation of the oblique form is removed.

Though it must be admitted, that these reasons are of considerable force,

yet I think, the reasons which decide for the other view outweigh them.

These are, 1., that it equalizes the derivation of the neuter nouns which

are common to both Marathi and Hindi ; while the Prakrit termination

(old Gaurian ^q) would explain easily the Gaurian neuters ending in

as well as if, the Prakrit termination would only explain the

Marathi ending q, but not the Hindi ending or ^ , for which we

would have to keep the Prakrit termination 2., There is the Marathi

neuter termination x? which, to a certainty, is contracted from the Prakrit

neuter termination TR3; if the Marathi neuter termination be also taken

as a contraction of the Prakrit termination there is no intelligible reason,

why in some words the ending should have been contracted into ^"and

in others again into q . On the other hand, there is a very good reason for

this difference, if we suppose that originally neuter nouns ended partly in

partly in ^q ; and those ending in ^q contracted their final into if,

while those ending in ^q contracted it into E. g. qiq" gold is

contracted form the Prakrit old Gaurian ; but curds is

' contracted from the Prakrit old Gaurian qffifq. — 3., Again to

anticipate a point which will be fully gone into in the next essay ;

to the Marathi neuters in if correspond Marathi masculines in ^srr ;

now according as the Marathi neuter in A is derived from an original form

in ^q or ^q, the masculine in must also be derived from an original

from in (RfqT) or ^RTT (^qT) ; but the form R|%T yields much more

readily the contraction RfT (old Marathi %), than the form the latter

could in the first instance give us only the contracted from qT ; and though

there is perhaps no absolute difficulty in assuming a contraction of qT to %

(as in ^illT to high)* still it is not so easy and natural as the

# In illustration miglit bo adduced tlio High Hindi participle past passive in ^p

for the Braj Bhasha ones in qf; as II. Hindi qfRp for Braj Bhasha qn|jT. Here q^j

may have arisen by the elision of q in qf^p But its origin may also have taken

placo in a different manner. The corresponding participles in Marathi end in ^^pp

which stands for the Skr. ending ; e. g. read is q^fT, the Skr. is qfa'cf:, tlio

96

A. F. Budolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

contraction of rrt to % (as in to ^ril).— 4., while on the theory

of the Prakrit terminal form R^ being the original of the Marathi terminal

form if, the two objections to this theory (noticed above) can be reconciled ;

on the other hand, on the theory of the Prakrit termination being the

original, the three objections to this theory are incapable of being

surmounted. As regards, namely, those two objections, it may he said : 1,

that the ending if of the Marathi gerunds in %"(or R ), though, no doubt,

ultimately derived from a Prakrit termination or TR may well be

proximately derived from a Prakrit termination RR. For it has been

shown already that the Prakrit Part. Fut. Pass, affix RRtR may

change to RfRR (or Rf<JjR ) or (or RR?j).# And this derivation

Prak. (with, the amplificative affix r) or xyfigRRy ; in the more vulgar and

broad Prak. dialect it must have become XfigRRT, this changed to xyRURT anc*- fiua6y

to xreTRR[; i]1 Gaurian it was contracted to xygRyy or We may well

suppose that the affix ^77 was also in Hindi sometimes broadened in Rff. Hence

Skr. would become in Prak. Rf^RRT or RRRRf. The latter form would

change to R^RRf or RRRy or RR1 or which last is the High Hindi form of

the word. The former form would change to Rf%RRT or Rf^|R|- or RRjy or Ry^y

which last is the Braj Bhasha form of the word. The extreme improbability of the Pra¬

krit termination ^r[ being contracted in Gaurian first to Rp next to r[ or Ry is

illustrated by the word flferqf mouse, which becomes in Gaurian Ryyy or RRf. Here th0

c\ ^ _ oC

Gaurian termination Ry or Ry might be thought to be a contraction of the Sanskrit ter¬

mination or Prakrit ^Ry. But if we turn to Prakrit, we find the following

sutra in Subha Chandra’s grammar, RqfRqfR^S]fRRf^i^HR^f?:3[7R7R (ir,

corresponding to Hema Chandra I, 88.) ; that is, the first ^ of the words mentioned

in the sutra changes to R • hence the Skr. RfqR: becomes in Prakrit qjRRy ,

and this, now, changes in Gaurian to fl%7 or RRy.

e\

* The insertion of a euphonic r which, as has been remarked in another place,

has become one of the phonetic laws of Gaurian, is not altogether unknown to the later

Prakrit. Thus Hema Chandra in his Prak. grammar gives the following sutra R^Ry

1, 180, in Subhacliandra the corresp. sutra is III? 5, and the commentary

thereon RRyf^RT^STOcT q\T which

means, that if a consonant which is preceded by R or Ry and is followed by r

or Ry is elided, a euphonic r is inserted ; some examples given are rrr (for -gyRR],

fRrRRpy (for yft^RR.*), Rrr (for RRR), etc. This sutra limits the practice to a

particular case. But in Gaurian there is no limitation ; and there are not wanting

evidences that even in later Prakrit the limitation was not strictly observed. Thus

Hemachandra himself in his commentary to sutra I, 14, of his own grammar makes

the following remark R^RyfRRyYT^YH^gH^^fH^lNjtkat is, by the rule of variety

the semivowel r may be slightly pronounced, and he gives among others as an

example RpRqy fer Skr. RpCrf. Also in the previously mentioned sutra he mentions

as an exception fqR^ for Skr, fqqfR. In all MSS., in my possession, both of his

grammar and that of Hema Chandra the euphonic r is generally inserted in the

Prakrit examples; while in the MSS. of Yararuchi’s Prakrit Prakasha it is never

met with.

97

1373.] A. F. Rudolf Hoorn le — .Essays on the Guurian Languages.

is rendered almost certain by the fact, that the Hindi equivalent of

the Marathi gerundial ending is or which can only

have arisen from a Prakrit ending Thus the Marathi cor-

responds to the Hindi q\ vfif or . Now the 'proximate original of

the Hindi form or must have been a Prakrit form esrcc^ ;

hence it is probable that it was also, in the form the original of the

Marathi form cfrpjffi though the ultimate original of both forms (Hindi as

well as Marathi) was the Prakrit form or Moreover the word

XTRT'f water , which is a contraction of the Prakrit form or qTvrlPA shows

plainly, that if the Prakrit termination was modified to or

it changed its final in Haurian according to rule into xf, and not to \ ; and

that, therefore, in order to explain the change of the ultimate Prakrit form

to in Marathi, we must assume, that first it was modified to

and afterwards to — 2., It has been proved already that

there is nothing extraordinary or irregular in a change of a Prakrit base in

in the Norn. Sing, to a base in in the Hen. Sing.

The conclusion, then, which we must draw, appears to be this, that the

termination P of Marathi neuters is in all cases of substantives (as PtP^),

adjectives (as ^iT), and participles (as ef-^T), and probably in the case of

gerunds (as a contraction of the old Harman termination and the

Prakrit termination

In order to complete the subject of the neuter inflexional base, I may

add, that in the modern literary form of the Hindi -class Hannan languages

(excepting Hujarati) the final anunasika of the neuter direct form of the

inflexional base is always dropped. Thus in High Hindi we have for

the Brai Bhasha and Alwari 35rP.fi Again compare rffpi water with

Marathi qrpfi, and High Hindi potatoe with Marathi ; this is but

the legitimate conclusion of a regular phonetic process affecting the final

nasal. In Sanskrit we have final ip ; in Prakrit final ip is toned down to

the anuswara ; in Haurian the anuswara is attenuated to the anunasika ; and

in modern literary Haurian finally the anunasika is dropped. The result of

this process is the disappearance of the neuter gender in the modern

literary Hindi-class Haurian languages (excepting Hujarati) ; for by the

dropping of the final anunasika the neuter and the masculine become

identical and indistinguishable in form ; and hence were also not distin¬

guished in gender.

It was remarked above when treating of the Marathi neuters in p1'

that the formation of the final P" took place, as it were, on the confines or

the debatable ground between Prakrit and Haurian ; and that, therefore,

* See Jlema Chandra I, 101. Subha Chandra II, 59.

fi Similarly the Dative post-position in High Hindi is for Braj Bhasha ^

13 N

98

A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

neuter nouns in may be considered and treated as well as Lrakritic as

Gaurian proper. This remark applies with equal force to neuter nouns

in X- In Marathi these neuter nouns in ^ and <5^ are generally considered

as JPrdlcritic , and treated accordingly ; i. e., have an oblique form (as qqPf

water, obi. form qTW ; potato , obi. form qjvqf). But in the Hindi-class

Gaurian languages, they are always considered as proper Gaurian and treated

accordingly, i. e., have no oblique form (as Hindi, Gujarati, etc. qiYrt water ,

potatoe remain unchanged throughout the declension).

The next essay (No. Y) will be devoted to the examination of the

inflexional base of the masculine and feminine nouns with reference to the

proof of these two points ; that the oblique form is identical with the Prakrit

genitive, and that the termination % or qfT of the direct form (of masculine

nouns) is owing to its original being the termination of a Prakrit base,

formed by means of the pleonastic affix qr. This will also afford an occasion

to examine an old Hindi oblique form in or and the inflexional base

of the pronouns.

APPENDIX.

1873.] A. F. Fudolf Hoernle — LEssays on the Gaurian Languages.

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101

102 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

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104 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

NOTES TO APPENDIX.

Note 1. — M. = Marathi ; B. = Braj Bhasha ; A. = Alwar dialect ;

N. = Naipali ; G. = Gujarati ; Mr. = Marwarf ; H. — High Hindi.

Note 2. — The Prakrit grammars allow only those forms of this gerund,

which change the compound consonant W into (see Pr. Prak. YII, 38) ; as

or to which Hemachandra adds also efrfy®# and ^ry«i But

the Gaurian dialects seem to postulate two more Prakrit forms of that gerund ;

viz. such as change the comp. cons. into or^sf ; and such as change the

connecting vowel ^ into ^ (see my note on p. 83, 84) ; e. g., besides

also or or Now since writing the present essay,

I have found that my conjectures are supported by the Pali of the rock

inscriptions ; e. g., in the Dliauli inscription occurs the form and in

the ordinary Pali or ^t]®4 besides (see Dr. Muir’s Skr. Texts,

Yol. II., p. 113, and Dr. Mason’s Pali Grammar, p. 90). This is all the

more important, as, no doubt, the Pali of the inscriptions represents much

more closely the spoken language than the Prakrit of the grammars, which

may have sacrificed sometimes the established hut irregular forms of popular

usage to the uniformity and regularity of a fancied rule.

Note 3. — The forms and I have given on the analogy of two

sutras in Subha Chandra’s Prakrit Grammar (Adhy. I, Pada I, sutra 14.

15.) : f^cT || i. e., whenever the technical letter w is added,

an anunasika must he pronounced ; and II 1

i. e. in the (four) words yamuna, cliamunda, atimuktaka, kamuka ip must

be pronounced as an anunasika ; e. g., ^#WT, etc. Perhaps we may

assume, that in later and vulgar Prakrit the elision of consonants generally was

compensated by the pronunciation of anunasika ; and this conjecture might

afford us another explanation of the puzzling final anunasika of the neuter

oblique form in Gujarati and Panjabi. E. g. if the elision of ^ should be

compensated by anunasika, we should have the Gen. for ;

and would change to %T^Nt, and finally to This explanation,

perhaps, appears less forced than that given above in the text p. 85, SO.

Note 4.— In the text (see above p. 60) I have explained that the Prakrit

Genitives in ^lyr, as drop the final and change to In

support of this theory compare the remarks of Beames in his Comp. Gram,

of the Modern Aryan languages of India p. 259., which I have received in

the meanwhile. The only example given there is Skr. cffqw which in

Panjabi is WY, but in Orlya 3\qT. A still more apposite evidence of my

theory has since occurred to me in the Ganwari (Hindi) oblique form of the

near demonstrative pronoun which is y or and corresponds to the Braj

1873.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. 105

Bhasha form or The original, namely, is the pronominal base

which is defective in Sanskrit, hut in Prakrit has a complete declension.

The Gen. Sing, of i;3T is in Prakrit or T^FfT’EjT or in which, in

later Prakrit, the 3T becomes changed to anunasika, thus (see note

3). Finally the form becomes in Gaurian contracted (by sandhi)

to ^ which is Ganwari, or to which is Braj Bhasha. At the same

time it is manifest, that the alternative forms v and must be contractions

of an original Prakrit form (with apokope of ^). Similarly the oblique

form of the second personal pronoun in the Ganwari is or imr, in Braj

Bhasha ?fr or The original of these forms is the Prakrit genitive

RW (nom. 3^) , or or or (in late Prakrit) or 7JWT. Of

the two last forms the former is contracted to ?TT^r ; the later

to flT. And so forth ; the pronouns offer many more illustrations.

Note 5. — The Marathi boil , might be also derived from the Sanskrit

31^? ; which might be preferable, as the Skr. 3Tm means boil, while does

not exactly. In illustration of the change of the Skr. ^ to ^r, I may

quote the word which according to Subha Chandra sutra II, 80.

changes in Prakrit to or If this derivation be correct, then

31^ is another example of the change of the termination to ; for

its proximate original will, then, be 3i^cp. I may here add a few more

examples of the change of the termination to or in Prakrit

which have occurred to me since writing the foregoing essay. They have

not always been recognized as such by Prakrit grammarians. E. g., in

Subha Chandra sutra ^T^'gJT'^T TT (II, 8. corresp. to Hema Chandra I, 44),

it is said among the examples that TRT^ is a modification of the Sanskrit

SRPTt; and again in his sutra snn^PtvJT (II, 53, corresponding to

Hema Chandra 1, 94, 95) it is said that by the change of to ^ the Sanskrit

becomes in Prakrit ^TTri^T. It is manifest, that the Prakrit

or contracted (or qi^i.) is not a modification of the Sanskrit

(of the base ) but of a Sanskrit form Again Subha Chandra

has a sutra (II, 20, corresponding to Hema Chandra I, 50),

according to which the vowel of the affix optionally changes to ; the

example given is for Sanskrit ; that is, according to the Pra¬

krit grammarian’s theory the Skr. changes to or, with elision

of the medial % This is evidently a fanciful theory. The truth,

no doubt, is that the Sanskrit base is, by adding the affix 3f, amplified

to and then weakened to the latter form naturally yields

the Prakrit form (by eliding ^ and ). Again Subha Chandra

has a sutra (II, 18, corresp. to Hema Chandra I, 57),

according to which, if the comp. cons, 'rf is changed to the inherent vowel

^ becomes ^ ; thus Skr. becomes in Prakrit Now the form

• ^ ^ #

presupposes an original base but there is no such base in Skr. ;

14 o

106 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

but would be naturally amplified to and this might very well

be modified to which would yield a Prakrit form or contracted

It should be noted, that all the words referred to here, are such in

which the forms in and are confined to the Prakrit, while in

Sanskrit they occur only in the form in But there is a not inconsider¬

able number of Sanskrit nouns in (i . e. -J- affix which have, in

Sanskrit itself ’ alternative and equivalent forms in and Now

considering that most of these forms in and occur only rarely and

in late Sanskrit works, I think we are justified in concluding that, a., they

are merely phonetic modifications of the original form in (i. e., not formed

by a separate and original Skr. affix ^efr or \ssff, which is the common opinion) ;

b., that originally they were peculiar to Prakrit, having originated by Prakrit

phonetic law ; and c., that they have been retransferred from Prakrit into

Sanskrit (a theory regarding the relation of Prakrit and Sanskrit which admits

perhaps of wider application, than is generally thought). If this view be

correct, the number of those cases where a Skr. base in has undergone in

Prakrit a modification into TW or will be very much enlarged. As to

the prevalence of the addition of the affix (resp. in Prakrit, see the

testimony of Dr. J. Muir in Sanskrit Texts Yol. II, p. 122, and Dr. Weber

in Fragment der Bhagavati, I. ster Theil, pp. 437, 438.

Note 6. — The Gaurian verb, trtefT drink, must be derived from the

reduplicated root (for xfy), which, probably, was much more extensively

employed in colloquial Prakrit than either in Skr. or literary Prak. The

Prak. Gerund of would be or or (with elision of

or with insertion of euphonic ^ (espec. mentioned by ITema Chandra

I, 180, Subha Chandra III, 5), or (broadened) This

latter form would be contracted in Gaurian regularly to (old G.), tffi? "

M., tfttf B., H.

Note. — I withdraw, for the present, the remarks on the Skr. Past

Part. Act. affix ^rRi»r on page 67.

The following errata, chiefly broken vowel points, occur in the first

three essays published in the Journal for 1872.

108

Errata.

JOURNAL

OP THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY

- # -

Part I. -HISTORY, LITERATURE,

No. II.— 1873.

Note on two Coins from Kausamhhi , — By The Honorable E. C. Bayley,

c. s. I., a s.

The two coins which I lay before the Society, come from the site of

the ancient city of Kausamhhi, situate on the river Jamuna, near Allahabad,

a full description of which will be found in Genl. Cunningham’s work on

the Geography of Ancient India, Yol. I, pp. 391-98, as also in his Archaeolo¬

gical Reports from 1862 to 1865, Yol. I, p. 301.

Babu Sivaprasad, C. S. I., the Inspector of Schools for the Banaras Divi¬

sion, to whom General Cunningham acknowledges his obligations for infor¬

mation regarding this site, some time ago sent me several coins found upon

it. I told him, that though evidently containing types of much interest, they

were unfortunately too imperfect for identification, but that I had no

doubt, more perfect coins would yield a valuable result.

Babu Sivaprasad has now sent me the two present coins with a few

others of less interest, one of the latter is of the type which Col. Stacy

termed the “ Cock and Bull” type, and bears the legend ‘ Deva mita (sa ?).’

Tliis coin, however, is not from Kausamhhi, but from Eastern Audli.

The first of the two coins which I am about to describe (Fig. i), is

rather thin, weighing 37035 grains, and is of a white metal which does not

appear to be silver, but which I have not ventured to clean. The reverse bears

a rude and faint representation of some animal, apparently the Indian bull.

The obverse bears, in the field of the coin, the symbols of the sacred tree on

the left ; in the middle a curious semicircular disk, with a sort of handle and

some marks within the semicircle, more like a spade or similar agricultural

instrument than anything else to which I can compare it.

15

p

110 TheHon’ble E. C. Bay ley — Note on two Coins from Kausamblii. [No. 2,

The symbol on the right appears to be identical with one often found

on the early punched silver coins so common in India, and resembles the

rod of iEsculapius, or rather perhaps two serpents entwined across a staff.

N- 1

N ° 1 1 .

The legend, however, is the most remarkable part of the coin. It is

quite legible, and I read it as or “ Maha Yarunda,” the last letter

being a compound (as I take it) of the cerebral n = = n and the cerebral

^ — 'g1 = d. The last letter may, however, be possibly , in which case

the word would read “ varundu.” Jn either case, the word would be “ va-

run da,” Prakrit for Yarunda, for which no other meaning is given in the

dictionaries, but that of “ king of the serpents,” of whom it was either the

name or title. I am indebted to Raja Kalikrishna for the etymology of the

word, which he derives from the root (l^TfeT), “ to nourish or support,”

or as in some lexicons, “ to protect, to surround,” — a root from which is said

also to be derived the word c varanda’ or * veranda’ in such common use

among us.

The conclusions I would draw from the use of this term are as follows, —

whether it was used as the name of the striker of the coin, as such names

B alar am, Maharam, Mahadeo, Srikishn, are used in our own day, or as an

invocation to the deity worshipped ; in any case the use of the acknowledged

name or title of the serpent king indicates the prevalence of snake worship at

Kausamblii at a period which, from the character of the letters, I should be

inclined to place at least one century before the Christian era, possibly much

earlier.

The next coin (Fig. ii) is even yet more curious. It is of copper and

thicker than one above. The weight is 60 •144 grs. The reverse also

apparently bears the figure of an animal, now undistinguishable ; the

obverse, however, is unusually clear and distinct, and from the form of the

letters, I would give it a more recent date than the previous coin, but still

place it not later than the first century of the Christian era.

The symbol to the left Babu Pratapachandra Ghosh assures me is the

true “ svastika,” that which is ordinarily so called, and which is identical with

the “fylfot” or Odin’s seal being properly termed Yajrankus'a.

The centre symbol is the sacred tree, Mid the third to the right a

serpent. The legend runs plainly thus —

1873.] The Hon’ble E. C. Bay ley — Note on two Coins from Kamamblii. 111.

tlialia jata mita

I have consulted Babus Rajendralala Mitra, Pratapachandra Ghosh, and

Sivaprasad as to the reading of this somewhat obscure compound. Admitting

that “ tha” might be taken as the equivalent of “ tha,” and that again as

the Prakrit representation of “ stha,” Babu Rajendralala nevertheless pre¬

fers to read the legend as written, and I am disposed to agree with him so

far. He would take the syllable “ tha” as representing the little used

word “ tha,” an idol ; “ ha,” to break ; and, jata, ^<T for conquering

or conqueror, with of course “ mita” for and would read the whole

as “ the friend of the conqueror of the idol breaker, or the “ idol breaker

conquering friend,” the latter construction being one used not uncommonly at

the period which I have above assigned to this coin. Babu Pratapachandra

Ghosh would prefer to read “ stha” for “ tha,” and the second letter as “ pa,”

thus making the two first syllables “ stha pa,” for stha pa, which, taking

“ stha” in the secondary of “ the world,” would of course enable them to be

rendered as “ protector of the world ;” but the second letter is, I think, too

plainly “ ha,” so that the reading of “ pa” is not admissible.

Babu Sivaprasad prefers reading “jata” as “ jata,” born, quoting the

parallel name of “ Ajatasatru,” a suggestion which may be well worth

considering, the entire thus read might be translated as “ friend of him who

was born an iconoclast.” Without expressing any preference for these read¬

ings, which I give only as suggestions, I leave the further discussion of this

very interesting coin to Sanskrit scholars.

Accepting, however, as is, I think, almost unavoidable, Rajendralala’s

version of the two first syllables, the question naturally arises as to who “ the

iconoclast” is, to whom they point. Genl. Cunningham considers that the

earlier Buddhists admitted the use of at most only symbols of the deity, and

rejected all representations or worship of Buddha personally. If that be so,

the “ idol breaker” might well be one of the earlier Buddhist rulers or

missionaries : in any case the term is curious as pointing thus early to a

struggle against idolatrous worship.

In the next place it seems to me that this curious and somewhat pon¬

derous combination of terms can hardly have been the actual name of any

individual, but that it was more probably an assumed title, or synonym,

perhaps that of some municipal functionary of Kausambhi. Babu Rajendra¬

lala has suggested as accounting for the use of the curious word ^r, that it

might have been employed under a custom by which the first letter of

a Hindu name is often that of the asterism under which he is born, and as

cf is the letter for Leo, the name might indicate the birth oi its bearer

under that asterism. If, however, it was an official title, this suggestion

112 E. T. Dalton — Rude Stone Monuments. [No. 2,

would not apply, unless, indeed, it might perhaps similarly indicate the com¬

mencement of office under that asterism.

Any way, the coins are both very suggestive contributions to the little-

known early history of India, and Babu Sivaprasad deserves the thanks of

the Society for bringing them to light.

Rude Stone Monuments in Chutid Nagpur and other places. —

By Col. E. T. Dalton, C. S.'I., Commissioner of Chutid Nagpur.

(With three plates.)

A passage in the address of our President published in the Proceedings

for February last, reminds me that I should no longer delay in laying before

the Society some extracts from my journal describing rude stone mo¬

numents in Chutia Nagpur. We have here the advantage of possessing

both ancient and modern monuments of this type, we may find them

crusted with lichens of time and belonging to a generation of whom no

tradition even remains, or we may find them still moist with the tears of the

mourner !

In my work on Descriptive Ethnology, I have given all the inform¬

ation which I possessed regarding the ceremonies and solemnities adopted

by the Kolarian tribes in the disposal of their dead, but in regard to their

monuments, their dolmens and monoliths, there is much more to say, es¬

pecially since, after reading Fergusson’s deeply interesting work on the sub¬

ject, I find that so little is apparently on record regarding the rude stone

monuments of Bengal.

In the cold weather of 1871, my work took me through some of the

wildest parts of the Singbhum District, and I saw many good specimens of

the sepulchral and monumental stones of the Larka Kols or Hos. The for¬

mer are in the village sometimes in one place or burial ground under the

finest and oldest of the village trees, hut sometimes the principal families have

each their own collection near their houses.

The sepulchral stones consist of huge slabs covering the spot or spots

where the ashes repose in earthen urns, raised a few inches from the

ground by smaller stones used as pillars. In the village of Borkela, eight miles

south of Chaibasa, I noticed a burial slab placed over the ashes of the grand¬

father of Sikur, the present deputy Manki of the Pir. Its dimensions were

as follows : length, 16 feet ; breadth 7 feet ; and 1 foot 3 inches thick.

Another over Turam, the grandfather of the Manki, length, 16 feet ; breadth

7\ feet ; thickness, 1 foot. This stone, an enormous slate, was carried from its

site three quarters of a mile from the village, and the people devoted two

months to the work, moving it inch by inch on rollers, when men could be

collected for the purpose.

1873.]

E. T. Dalton — Rude Stone Monuments.

113

It is not surprising that they should take all this trouble for a man

in the position of the Borkela Manki who is a chief of considerable influence

and old family ; but at the next halting place, Sargam Hato (‘ the village

of the Sal Tree’), I saw a huge stone which had been brought to the village

in anticipation of the death of an old woman who was in the last stage of

decrepitude. This old crone was not a pleasing object to gaze upon, and

she had been for many years a burden to her family, but she had been kind¬

ly cared for, and had the gratification of knowing that a public funeral had

been decreed to her, and the satisfaction of gazing on the monumental stone

which had already been prepared to commemorate her virtues.

The Saranda Pir is a mass of hills forming the southern geographical

division of the District of Singbhum, and has a population, chiefly Kols, of

about 700 souls. I entered the northern portion of this wild, unfrequented

tract on the 1st January, 1872, and passing through it from end to end,

emerged in Bonai on the 7th.

The villages of Saranda are few and far between, and the scanty popula¬

tion of the Munda type of Kols are in a very primitive state having no

intercourse with the world beyond their own valley. In marching through

the Pir to Bonai, the road continued up the valley watered by the Koina,

which we traced almost to its source, and the small villages were for the

most part on or near its banks. The sites were picturesque enough, and we

generally found for our bath, pools shaded and rock-bound, in which Diana

and her nymphs might have disported themselves. The people were at

first rather shy. Many of them had never before seen a white face, but

they gained confidence as we quietly advanced, and no evil fell on them in

consequence of our intrusion. On one occasion, the women of a village which

we passed were induced to follow us to camp, and there they sang and danced

for us. Most of the men were away clearing the road ; but those we saw,

and the girls, in number twenty-five, who danced for us, were of strikingly

fine physique, and there was very little drapery to hide their grand propor¬

tions. The predominance of eyes, nose, and mouth of the Mongolian type was

very remarkable ; some of them were of very light and bright colour, one of

the group from her features and complexion might have been taken for a

Chinese girl. Such traits stereotyped in Saranda, seem to indicate that

these Munclas have been there from a very remote antiquity without op¬

portunities of miscegenation. Some of the young women told me they had

never ventured to cross the borders of their Pir.

After the dance we remained on very good terms with the fair sex in

Saranda. The young women joined the men in clearing our path through

the forest, and the vigour with which they used their felling axes, the hearty,

good humour with which they toiled at the work, greatly astonished and

edilied our comparatively indolent and apathetic camp followers.

11-1 E. T. Dalton — Rude Stone Monuments. [No. 2,

There are no ruins in Saranda, no indications of its having ever been

even partially inhabited by people of civilization superior to those who

are now there. The Saranda Garh (i. e. fort) shewn in the map is a

mere earthen wall and moat constructed round the site of a house, formerly

occupied by a family who are said to have held the position of chiefs of

Saranda. Within this enclosure, there is a wonderful iron kettle-drum of

gigantic size. It lies bottom upwards half buried in the earth. The people

of the place could not be induced to go near it, except as postulants in an

attitude of prayer ! The tradition is that when the chief wished to summon

his people, the drum was conveyed to the summit of the highest hill, and it

could thence be heard in every village in the Pir.

I give these extracts from my journal to shew that in the Saranda

Kols we find a very primitive type of the race. They are, by their own ac¬

count, the true autochtones of the country, and till recently, no one has ever

attempted to intrude on their exclusive occupation of this mass of hills.

They repudiate all traditions of migrations which neighbouring cognates

accept. The country they occupy was made for them and they for the coun¬

try, and how long have they been here ?

The oldest looking village that I saw, was called Rongso, where my

tents were pitched under some grand old tamarind trees of immense age.

Close adjoining, two noble Banyan trees stretch out their long arms and

great hands over a vast area of massive slabs, which cover the ashes of

past generations of the villagers. The small huts in which the living dwell,

are miserable structures, but the dead lie in the most solemn and impressive

burial ground that I have ever beheld. I have seen no finer Banyan

trees than those which here form not only the canopy of the mausoleum, but

grow columns and arches separating the whole into compartments, which

fill the mind with a vision or dream of aisles, transepts, and crypts, — an

old abbey of the Elves or Dryads. The site, it is said, was originally taken

up by one family. There are now fifteen houses and about 75 inhabitants.

The deaths are at the rate of about two per cent, per annum. All who die

do not attain to the dignity of a slab, and the ashes of several members of

a family may be deposited under one stone ; for this is the custom of the

Mundas, and I found the Saranda people more Munda than Ho, that is, in

customs resembling more the Kols of Chutia Nagpur proper, than the Sing-

bhum members of the family. The slabs above ground considerably exceeded

300 in number, but there were more buried or nearly buried. We may

assume 400 slabs, and if we give only two to a slab and make allowance for

the increase which starting with one family there must have been in num¬

bers, we have proof of great age in what we see.

But this is a pigmy burial-ground in comparison to some which I subse¬

quently visited.

1873.]

E. T. Dalton — Rude Stone Monuments.

115

I am indebted to Mr. T. F. Peppe for having directed my attention to

the great Munda burial ground of Chokahatu (‘ the place of mourning’),

and for the photograph of this very interesting scene, which I am sending

with this paper.

This village is situated between Bundu and Buranda with Tamar to

the south. These are all estates in the Lohardagga District, or it would be

better to say in Chutia Nagpur proper, called now, with two others, Panch

(five) Parganah. The majority of the population and oldest people are

Mundas, and the chiefs, who are usually called Rajas, are unquestionably

Mundas too, though they are now thoroughly Hinduised, and call themselves

Rajputs and Kshatriyas. There is a burial ground at Bundu, which merits

attention, as a section of an understratum of graves, buried by time, is shewn

where the soil has been cut away by water, and the cinerary urns are ex¬

posed, but the account of one will suffice.

The road from Bundu to Chokahatu goes east through a highly culti¬

vated country. It crosses the Kanchi River, and on the right bank of that

stream, I came unexpectedly on some very old looking ruins of stone temples,

eight in number, apparently dedicated to Siva, as I noticed several lingas

about, the only visible objects of worship.

The temples were mere shrines built of cut stones, squared and put to¬

gether without any cement or clamps. No one in the neighbourhood has

the faintest notion by whom, or at what period, these shrines were construct¬

ed. A quarter of a mile east of the ruins, I found a deserted Kol burial-

ground, close to the village of Daruharu, but the people of Daruharu dare

not use the old burial-ground ; the descendants of those whose ashes lie

there are gone out of sight and memory. And the Daruharu people’s re¬

mains must be taken to a spot two miles distant from their houses ! Now

I noticed that in this deserted burial-ground a very free use had been made

of the stones cut for the temples, the slabs rested on such cut stones, so

the deserted burial-ground was in use when the temple was in ruins, but

all around have now passed away from the recollection of man, both those

who worshipped the Sivas of the shrines, and those of another dispensation

who helped to destroy them.

It was past noon when we came in sight of the great Chokahatu* burial-

ground. It was then between us and the village of the name, the centre of a

great plain, an anomalous interruption to a huge expanse of terraced cul¬

tivation. There are no great trees here to shade the graves, the field of

mourning has no such solace.

The march had been a long one, and there was no time to lose, as I could

not afford a halt, so I set all my clerks at once to work to count the slabs,

and to measure the area of the space which they covered. The result gave

* Lat. 23° 10', North ; Long. 85° 5G', East.

116 E. T. Dalton — Rude Stone Monuments. [No. 2,

seven thousand three hundred and sixty tombs, mostly of the dolmen or

cromlech form, almost covering an area of 22 blghas and 16 kattas, more

than seven statute acres, and so close together, that you might traverse the

ground in different directions stepping from grave to grave.

Many of the slabs appeared level with, some even below, the surface.

Their sunken condition proclaimed their age, as we may presume that origi¬

nally they were like the others above ground, supported on vertical stones.

The horizontal slabs are many of them, huge masses of gneiss of various

irregular forms. One, 15 feet 3 inches in length, by 4 feet 6 inches in breadth,

was supported on five square pillars, 18 inches above ground ; one half-buried

slab, nearly elliptical in form, measured 12 feet 9 inches by 9 feet 10 inches ;

one nearly circular, like a table, 33 feet in circumference ; another 18 feet in

length had seven legs. A triangular slab properly appeared as a tripod, and

one 13 feet 4 inches by 6 feet 8 inches had six legs.

I do not know that I have given the dimensions of the largest ; there

were many that appeared at least as large as those I measured.

There is no question as to the object of these raised slabs. Chokahatu,

the ‘ place of mourning,’ is still used by the Mundas of the village so-called,

and nine of the surrounding villages, for the interment of their cinerary

urns, and I believe one need not be long there to witness the ceremony.

Many of the cromlechs appeared to have been freshly set up, many had

about them a look of hoary age.

I obtained a list of villages which have places allotted to them in the

burial-ground, and from the census returns, these villages contain nearly two

thousand Mundas who by their faith, if they preserve it, must there deposit

their cinerary urns. The mortuary statistics of the selected areas of the

Lohardagga District give an annual average death-rate of under 20 per

mille. If the population and the death-rate were always the same, and every

cromlech covered the ashes of only one person, the number of slabs (which we

may assume to be 8000, including buried and broken up graves not counted)

would represent a period of only 200 years ; but if, as with the Kasias, each

cromlech is a family vault, and we allow for increase of population as years

advanced, and make corresponding deduction in the number of deaths annu¬

ally, as we count back we might give 1000 to 2000 years as the age of the

oldest now existing, and probably excavation would disclose an understratum

of similar graves.

I was told on the spot that some of the slabs were known to cover the

ashes of several members of a family, but the ashes of one or two great men

reposed in solitude. In Singbhum, the latter custom is prevalent ; but

amongst the Mundas of Lohardagga, the family grouping of ashes is prac¬

tised.

It is, of course, hard to say what changes may have taken place, likely

1873.]

E. T. Dalton — Rude Stone Monuments.

117

to affect the numbers of the Munda people in this part of the country, but

there is no reason for supposing that there has been any considerable reduc¬

tion by emigration. All Mundas who make use of the Chokaliatu cemetery,

must, in accordance with the creed of the race, be the descendants of colonists

who established themselves at Chokahatu or somewhere near it. The foun¬

ders of the other villages must be offshoots from the first settlement ; the

probability, consequently, is, that the Munda population of this neighbourhood

has greatly increased.

The monumental stones in this part of the Munda country are few in

comparison with the sepulchral ; but many are noticeable, some in the vil¬

lages, even within the garden enclosures (as they are always placed by

people of the Kharriah tribe) , some scattered in the fields as if placed there

for the benefit of the cattle, like those whose founder Scotchmen are said to

bless, and some in groups. The arrangement of the group is in line, perhaps

indicating a line of ancestors or a family. They frequently served for a

father, mother, and their offspring ; but I do not find that more than one

monumental pillar is ever set up in honor of one person. The turban seen

occasionally on the central and tallest of a line of such monuments in the

Kasia Hills, I have never perceived amongst the Kols ; but though I have

not myself seen carved pillars erected by Mundas to the memory of the dead,*

I have heard of them.

It appears from Yule’s accountf of the Kasia cenotaphs, that cromlechs

are sometimes found in front of them, a flat stone resting on short rough

pillars which form the ordinary road side resting place of the weary traveller.

These are not cineraries. I have stated in my ‘ Ethnology’ that the Singli-

bhum Kols, when they first set up a monument, make round it a plinth of

earth, on which the ghost of the departed or other person who is bold

enough to take the seat may rest, but I have recently seen both in the

Loliardagga and Singbhum districts.

Monumental monoliths with little cromlechs in front, ghost seats, re¬

sembling exactly the Kasia seats, depicted and described by Colonel

Yule, I first saw in Sonapet, a beautiful valley, the hills forming which

give birth to the Sona Diver, an auriferous stream, hence the name. This

valley has been held for ages exclusively by Mundas. Each village is a

parish with its separate burial-ground and head man, and at the entiance of

one of these, the village of Sursi, I saw a fine monument of this description,

raised to the memory of a respectable inhabitant recently demised. I he

Hargari, or cemetery, was at the other side of the village, and his grave was

there shewn to me. So there could be no doubt that the seat was not, as I

* Mr. T. F. Peppe has kindly favoured mo with a sketch of such carved pillars

which I forward.

f Journal, As. Society, Bongal, No. CLII, 1864.

118

E. T. Dalton — Rude Stone Mo laments.

[No. 2,

had at first supposed, the cinerary. The pen and ink sketches herewith sent

are of similar monuments in and near the village of Pegadili in Kursaon.

As the monolithic monuments throughout the Kol country, nominally,

bear no proportion to the cromlechs, we must infer that the erection of the

former in the name of the deceased is a much greater and rarer honor than

the construction of the latter. In Singbhum, the Mundas and Mankis are

even now ruminating on the expediency of cutting on the pillar at least

a name and date to shew to posterity in whose honor it was set up and

when ; for they admit that the object is not attained under the present sys¬

tem, as the name does not survive to a third or fourth generation.

The same remark applies to many pillars which have been set up to

commemorate some solemn compact or action of importance, of which the

stone itself now tells nothing. The art of making the stone tell its own

story must be taught at the Chaibasa Industrial School.

In some parts of the country, suitable stones are not readily procurable.

The first alternative is a cairn, a heap of stones usually constructed round

a post, the second the post alone ; but the top of the post, if set up in honor

of some deceased friend or hero, is credibly carved into the representation of

some animal. It looks like a cross between a camel-leopard and a horse.

It is, I believe, the Bir Sadom of the Kols, the jungle horse, the Nilgai,

Antelope picta.

It is obvious that a people thus addicted to the use of these milestones

of ages, (without figures unfortunately) must have left traces of themselves

in all places which they have successively occupied ; and from all I have

heard and read and also from what I have seen, I am of opinion that such

traces of Kolarian occupation may be found wherever the cognates of the

Mundas of Cliutia Nagpur have been located.

There are traditions of the pre-Aryan Kol occupation of the Bihar and

Gaya districts, and Mr. T. E. Peppe, Sub-Deputy Agent, who takes great

interest in these questions, has seen the monolithic monuments in Japla, and

Balaunja, in Siris Kutumba, in the wilder parts of the Gaya district, and

about Shergliati. We thus have them up to the Son Diver and in the

Gangetic provinces. Mr. Peppe’s note to me on the subject is appended.

From the western parts of the Manbhiim district, the Kurmis, it is said,

expelled the Kols. We have good proof of this in the fact that the Kur¬

mis are now there in possession, and within their boundaries we find the

sites of the old Munda villages clearly indicated by their old cemeteries and

occasional monolithic monuments.

In a southerly direction, I have found these Munda footprints as far as

the confines of the Sambhalpur district, and indeed in that district, and in

Bamra.

In all the places above mentioned, we have either the Mundas in situ , or

traditions of their occupation and the stone monuments to attest the tradi-

Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, Pt:I, 1873.

m.vrti

lass

The great M und d Burial-ground at ChoTuhata. ( p . it 5 )

( Front cl pltotocfrapK-.)

P1:IL

Journal, As- Soc: B engal . Pt: I 1873

Regadhi Monumental Stone s i-nth (r host's seats.

( Frcnrva Sketchy try Col: E. T. Dultony } C.S I.)

Monumental Stones , earned and plain , near Bn jpilr,

Lohnrdnggci, Chut in' Nagpur.

1873.]

E. T. Dalton — Rude Stone Monuments.

119

tion ; where we find the latter without the traditions or the people, we may

still safely infer that we have got on Munda tracks.

1 Vote by Mr. T. F. Repp e.

i I have observed the monumental stones all alonsr the bounda-

O

ry between Bihar and Chutia Nagpur, and have little doubt they would

have been found in the more civilized portions of the Bihar and Patna dis¬

tricts, had not the custom been so common of erecting* monumental stones

in honor ot deceased Hindus at the road sides leading* into the village ; and

all sorts of stones are found set up in this way, many of them rude uncut

stones, others parts of temples, and I feel sure many of them have been ap¬

propriated from their Kolarian predecessors.

‘ In the wilder parts of Bihar, in parganahs Japla, Balaunja, Sirris

Kutumba and also in Sherghati, they are often to be met with, and their

being found scattered over the country leaves little doubt of their Kolarian

origin, to which local tradition assigns them.

‘ In several places, I have seen a singular kind of monumental stone in

the Lohardagga district, and the accompanying sketch may give you some idea

of those I have seen near Bajpur, some few miles north of Nugri. They were

claimed by the Pahan, or priest, of the village, who said that they had been

set up in honor of his ancestors. I have seen them at other places also,

but cannot remember where.

‘ With regard to Hargaris, or Harsaris, as they are sometimes called, I

think it worth noting that the largest collections are found in the tract of

country lying on both sides of the Subanrekha, bounded on the west by the

Chutia Nagpur Ghats, on the east by the Ajodia hill, on the south by the

Singhbhum hills, and on the north by the hills forming the boundary between

Hazaribagh and Lohardagga and Manbhum. This tract includes the par¬

ganahs of Silli, Barunda, Bahi, Bundu, and Tamar on the west side of the

Subanrekha, and parganahs Julda, Bygonkudar, Baghmuri and Patkom on

the other side. Judging by the vast collections of grave stones, this tract

must have been occupied by a Munda population fora much longer time than

any other portion of Chutia Nagpur I have seen. As you approach or recede

from this centre, the collections of grave stones increase or diminish in

number and importance, and it is curious to observe that, in the upper por¬

tion of the Damudar valley, such indications of a Munda population are

wanting, only monumental stones being met with.

‘ The largest slab I measured at Chokahatu, was 10 feet by 6|, by one

foot in thickness, but at Barundah, about two miles to the north-west, there

are some much larger.

4 On remarking the comparative insignificance of the burial places on the

plateau witli those in the 4 Lutur Desum’ or low country, 1 have frequent¬

ly been told in reply that it is only the Munda and his Bhuinhars who have

slabs in the former, whereas down below every Munda family have their slab.’

120

[No, 2,

The History of Pegu . — -By Major General Sir Arthur P. Phayre?

K. C. S. I., C. B.

{Continued from p . 57.)

Radzadint was succeeded by his eldest son, Binya Dhamma Radza.

His two younger brothers, Binya Ran and Binya Keng, who were governors

of Bala and Takun (Rangoon), believing that he bore them illwill, entered

into a mutual compact for their own protection. They came then to open

war with the king ; but Binya Ran made his peace, and was appointed

crown prince. Binya Keng then wrote to the king of Ava, asking for

assistance, and tendering his allegiance. The king of Ava at this time was

Tlhhathu. He at once sent a force into Pegu, which occupied Bala, but gave

great offence to Binya Keng by plundering the town. Binya Keng,

disgusted with his allies, secretly made submission to his brother. Some of

the principal Burmese officers were treacherously murdered ; and a small

remnant of the invading force was allowed to retire to Prome. Binya

Keng was now forgiven, and was sent to Bala to put the defences in order.

After some time Binya Ran, wishing to have the western provinces under

himself, induced Binya Keng to move to Muttama, where he was appointed

governor ; while Binya Ran had Bala, Bassein, and Tharawati. The king

remained at the capital with only nominal authority. The king of Ava at

this time was Mengrethihathu, who ascended the throne in 784 (A. B.,

1422). He determined again to invade Pegu, and sent down an army

under two generals. Binya Ran decided to enter into an alliance with him,

and offered his sister Tsaubome in marriage. This was accepted, and the

princess having first been consecrated as a queen, went to Ava. After this,

the king of Pegu was poisoned by one of the queens, instigated, it is supposed,

by Binya Ran. He reigned only three years.

The crown prince now succeeded, and is known as Binya Rankit.

He allowed Binya Keng to be viceroy at Muttama, where he was almost

independent. Pie enjoyed that power for eighteen years, and was then

succeeded by his sister, who was married to an officer of high rank. This

king, though he had some causes for dissatisfaction with the king of Ava, did

not go to war. In the Burmese history it is stated that, about the year

799 (A. B., 1439), he interfered in the succession to the throne of Taungu,

and placed thereon Mengtsan-u, the son of a former king. This event is

not mentioned in the history of Pegu. The rulers of Taungu, at this period,

were anxious to be independent of Ava, and the fact is, no doubt, correctly

stated. About this time the king’s sister, who had been married to Mung-

thi-ha-tlia, king of Ava, under the name of Tsau-bo-me, being dissatisfied

with her position at that court, fled secretly with the assistance of two

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

121

Budhist monks, and came to Pegu. She was received by her brother with

great distinction, and now becomes known in Peguan history as Tliakheng,

or Sheng-tsau-bu.

When Monhyin Meng-ta-ra succeeded to the throne of Ava, the ruler

of Taungu, Theng-kha-ra, declared himself independent, and claimed to he

the rightful king of Ava. He entered into correspondence with Binya

Bankit, proposing that they should march with their joint armies to take

Prome, and promising, if he was successful in gaining the throne of Ava, to

present annually gold and silver flowers in token of allegiance. This was

agreed to, and a force of 35,000 men with five hundred elephants, under the

command of Tha-min-pa-ran, and 30,000 men by the river under Binya-in,

proceeded to Prome.

The king himself went by water ; the king of Taungu marched his

men across the mountains, and the allied armies then invested Prome. The

king of Ava was too much occupied at home in securing his own position,

to be able to send any succour to Prome. The governor of that city was,

therefore, obliged to surrender it. But negociations were opened, and Binya

Bankit married a daughter of the king of Ava, and then appears to have

deserted his ally. Ava and Pegu were now on good terms, hut the historian

is silent as to what was done with Prome. Pegu was prosperous in this king’s

reign, and he was much beloved. He repaired and adorned the two great

national pagodas Shwe-maw-dau and Shwe-ta-kun. He died in the year

808, or A. D. 1146, after a reign of twenty years.

This king’s successor was his nephew and adopted son, Binya Wa-ru, the

son of Sheng-tsau-bu by her first husband. He reigned only four years.

He was careful as to the administration of justice ; the country was quiet ;

and there was unrestricted commerce with the adjoining kingdom.

The next king was Binya Keng, a son of Binya Bankit. The Burmese

history says that he was assisted to gain the throne by Narapati, king of Ava.

He reigned only three years, and was succeeded by Mhau-dau, his cousin.

This King was a cruel tyrant, and put to death all the male members

of the royal family whom he could lay hold of. The whole people, clergy

and laity, joined against him, and five noblemen put him to death. He

reigned only seven months. All the leading men of the country now im¬

plored queen Sheng-tsau-bu, the daughter of Badzadirit, to take the sover¬

eign power of the kingdom. She consented and was consecrated. All the

people, Mun, Mrarnma and Kula, rejoiced, and the country had rest. The

queen received letters from the kings of surrounding countries, and beyond

sea from Ceylon and Bij-ja-na-ga-ran, with which there was much com¬

merce. The queen was devoted to religion ; religious buildings were repair¬

ed or erected ; and the two great national pagodas were entirely re-gilded.

Additional land was assigned to them, and live hundred lamilies were dedi-

122

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

[No. 2,

catecl as slaves to the service of the Shwe Dagun, with a complete establish¬

ment of artificers and warders for service, day and night. # One of the

Budhist monks who had assisted the queen to leave Ava, was chosen by lot

to become a layman ; he was then raised to the rank of crown prince, with

the title of Dliammadzedi, and was married to the queen’s daughter. Being

suspicious that the other monk would, from envy, seek to raise a disturbance

in the country, he had him put to death. After four years, the queen retired to

Talkun, where she built a new palace, the site of which is still preserved by

tradition. The crown prince remained at Hanthawati, where he carried on

the duties of government, hut once a month he came to pay his respects to

the queen. Sheng-Tsau-bu, after reigning three years at Ta-kun, died at

the age of sixty-five years. Her name is held in high honour among the

people to this day ; and a national festival to her memory is celebrated once

a year at Bangoon.

The crown prince Dhamma Dzedi was consecrated king. Some nobles

were discontented as he had no hereditary right ; but when they saw how

well he ruled the country, they were reconciled to him. He is celebrated

in the history of Pegu for his great wisdom. Numerous instances are given

of the difficult questions which he solved, and the decisions he gave in va¬

rious legal suits. Embassies came to him from China, Siam, Ava, ITau (?),

and Ceylon. He was earnest in religion. He made no wars, but extended

the boundary of his kingdom east of the Than-lwin, establishing the district

of Mhaing-lun-gyi. His subjects believed that he could make gold. He died

after a prosperous reign of thirty-one years, in the year 853, or A. T>. 1491.

He received the funeral honours of a Tsekya-wati (Chakrawartti) , or univer¬

sal monarch, and a pagoda was built over his bones, which was crowned and

gilded all over, as if it were an object of worship.

He was succeeded by his son Binya Ban, whose mother was the daugh¬

ter of Sheng-tsau-bu. During the long reign of this king, nothing is re¬

corded as to intercourse with foreign countries, which had been so prominent

in his father’s time. He made a progress up the Erawati at the head of a

large army, which is called a pilgrimage to the Shwe-zi-gun pagoda at Pu-

gan. When passing Prome, he was received with high honour by the ruler

of that city, who appears then to have been an independent prince. At this

time, the king of Ava had little power beyond his own city. In the Bur¬

mese history, it is stated that Binya Ban made an attack on a fort built by

the king of Taungu, but this is not mentioned in the Peguan history. Bin¬

ya Ban died in the year 888 (A. D. 1526), after a reign of thirty-live years.

* For many centuries the servitors and warders of pagodas in Burma have been

slaves, that is, persons condemned to the occupation, or descendants of such persons.

They are degraded outcasts among the general population. Joshua condemned the

Gibeonites to similar occupation. See Book of Joshua, chapter ix. 27.

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

123

This king had appointed one of his younger sons to succeed him. This

was done through the influence of the mother, but the child was put to

death the day his father died, and another son, named Ta-ka-rwut-bi, who

was fifteen years of age, ascended the throne. He paid no attention to the

affairs of the kingdom, hut passed his time in frivolous amusements with

evil companions. He disregarded all warnings, and as many evil portents

appeared, and even a flaming comet waved in the sky, the people dreaded

some dire disaster. At this time Meng-ta-ra Shwe-hti, called Ta-beng

Shwe-hti, was the king of Taungu, having succeeded his father in the

year 892, when he was only sixteen years of age. Taungu, from being an

insignificant state, had slowly risen to importance, and when Ava fell to a

race of Shan kings, the rulers of Taungu gradually came to be considered

the representatives of the ancient Burmese monarchy. Binya Ran, no doubt,

had made an attack on Taungu which had been repelled. The young king,

a warlike and ambitious prince, determined to avenge the insult. His first

attack on Pegu was made in the year 896. It was unsuccessful, but for four

successive years he led his armies against his enemy. At last in the year

900 (A. D. 1538), he mastered the capital Hantha-wati.# Takarwutbi is

said in the Burmese history to have retired to Prome, where he was kindly

received by the king ; and it is added that the king of Ava, Tho-han-bwa

brought a Shan army to his assistance. But Tabeng-Shwe-hti appeared

with an army near Prome, and a battle was fought, chiefly by the flotillas

on the Erawati, in which he was victorious. But he does not appear to have

been strong enough to take Prome ; for he retired down the river, and no

action was taken to follow him. The unfortunate king of Pegu, unable to

induce his allies to support him further, marched down with a small force,

and lost his life in the jungle of his native country. In the Talaing histo¬

ry is stated that the king of Ava, who is referred to merely as a Shan Tsau-

bwa, came down to Pegu with an army to assist Takarwutbi, but as they

could not agree to the term of an alliance, the former retreated without doing

anything. The king of Pegu then died of sickness in the jungle of the

district of Engabu. This was in the year 902 (A. D. 1510), and the Shan

royal line of Pegu, which had been established by Wa-re-ru in A. D. 1287 j

became extinct. The new dynasty pursuing a reckless career of conquest,

raised the kingdom to a height of dazzling, but false, prosperity, which excit¬

ed the astonishment of European travellers. But in less than half a century,

the country was utterly exhausted, and the population so reduced by war,

pestilence, and famine, that to this day it has not recovered.

The narrative having reached thus far into the sixteenth century, when

* These destructive wars which ended in the conquest of Pegu by the king of

Taungu, are described in the Burmese history. Soo Journal, As. Soc. Bengal, Yol.

XXXVI II, for 1809.

124

Sir Arthur P. PI 1 ay re — The History of Pegu.

[No. 2,

European voyagers appeared in Burma and Pegu, it is desirable to

relate what can be gathered regarding those countries from the narratives of

travellers which have come down to us. They give, as might be expected,

an insight into the condition of the people, which is not to be obtained from

the native chronicles. Up to the beginning of the sixteenth century,

European travellers had arrived in Indo-China, either by land, by sea from

India, or after the Cape of Good Hope route was discovered, from Malacca.

At that time there appears to have been no jealousy felt at their presence.

That feeling was developed throughout Southern Asia by the conquests of

the Portuguese, the Dutch, and the British, by which European dominion

seemed, to the minds of the people, to loom like a dark cloud over their

destiny.

After Marco Polo, who came into Burma from Yunan towards the close

of the thirteenth century, the earliest traveller’s narrative which has come

down to us, is that of Nicolo Conti, a Venetian, whose travels have been

edited by Mr. B. St. Major, for the Hakluyt Society. This traveller,

leaving Europe on a trading expedition, arrived by land at Bussora, and

sailing from the Persian Gulf reached Cambay. From thence he went to

Ceylon and Sumatra, and sailed up the Malay coast to Ternasseri, now

Tenasserim. Passing then by Pegu, he went to Bengal entering the mouth

of the river Ganges. Bemaining some months in India, he returned

southward, and sailing apparently from Chittagong, came to the city of

Bachan (Bakhaing, or in the modern Europeanized form, Arakan), and river

of the same name.

From this city he travelled through “ mountains void of all habitations,

“ for the space of seventeen days, and then through open plains for fifteen

“ days more, at the end of which time he arrived at a river larger than the

“ Ganges, which is called by the inhabitants ‘ Dava.’ Having sailed up this

“ river for the space of a month, he arrived at a city more noble than all

“ the others, called Ava, and the circumference of which is fifteen miles.”

It appears most probable from the narrative that Conti was at Ava

about the year 1430, which would be in the reign of Monhyin Meng-ta-ra,

the eighth in the list of kings who reigned in Ava. The river Dava, it

has been suggested by Colonel Yule, was originally written “ Fiume d’ Ava,”

the name told to Conti for the Erawati on first reaching that river, after

having crossed the Yoma Mountains. The country of Upper Burma he

calls ‘ Macinus,’ derived from Mahachin, or Machin, a name which Colonel

Yule has shown to have been applied by Muhammadan voyagers both to

China and Indo-China. Conti, no doubt, was in company with Indian traders

from Bengal, from whom he would learn this name. In the Ain Akbari, it

is stated that former writers called Pegu ‘ Chin.’ Conti describes very

correctly two methods employed in Burma for catching wild elephants.

1873.]

125

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

He mentions the habit of tattooing the body, and says that the women practise

it as well as the men, which is not now the case. The king, he says, has ten

thousand elephants, which he uses in his wars. “ They fix castles on their

backs, from which eight or ten men fight with javelins, bows, and those

weapons which we call crossbows.” The number ten thousand is, no doubt,

an exaggeration, probably double the actual number. From Ava, Conti

proceeded towards the sea, “ and at the expiration, of seventeen days he

“ arrived at the mouth of a moderately sized river, where there is a port,

“ called Xeythona, and having entered the river, at the end of ten days, he

“ arrived at a very populous city, called Panconia, the circumference of

“ which is twelve miles.”

It is not said by what route Conti went from Ava, but apparently it

was by land to Ramethen and Taungu. The port Xeythona may possibly

be the town of Sittang, but that town being situated on the river of the

same name some seventy or eighty miles from its mouth, and the river not

being navigable from the sea, it can scarcely be called “ a port.” The name,

therefore, is more probably meant for Tha-htun, which was an ancient and

celebrated port, and was still to some extent frequented. It is now mentioned

for the last time in the history of Pegu. The populous city of Panconia,

a misprint probably for Pauconia, is no doubt Pegu, or, as Conti would

have heard it called, Pa-go or Ba-go. The traveller makes no mention of

any war between the kings of Ava and Pegu, and from A. D. 1426 for

many years no such war is recorded in the native histories. Conti’s narrative

agrees well with the local histories, and from his notices of the people, the

truth of his statements is evident, even when he mistakes some of the

native customs. Thus he observes of the Burmese : “ All worship idols ;

nevertheless, when they rise in the morning from their beds, they turn

towards the east, and with their hands joined together say, c God in Trinity

and his law defend us.” ’ All pious Budhists in Burma, on first awaking

in the morning, invoke or bless the three precious objects “ Budha, his law,

and his disciples ;” but, of course, there is here no reference to God in

Trinity.

The next traveller who claims our notice, is Athanasius Nitikin, a

Russian, who came to India between 1428 and 1474. He mentions having

gone from Ceylon to Shibait and Pegu. He merely observes of the latter —

“ It is no inconsiderable port, principally inhabited by Indian dervishes.” He

perhaps means that the principal merchants were Indians, as he says the

products of the country were sold by the dervishes. Why he should style

them dervish is not apparent, but probably most of the Muhammadan

merchants assumed the title of Haji.

Hieronimo de Santa Stefano, a Genoese, came by the Red Sea to India,

to the port of Calicut j thence to Ceylon and Coromandel, which latter

17 u

126

[No. 2,

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

probably means a port on the Krishna or G-odavari. Prom Coromandel, the

traveller came to Pegu, and records that he was detained there for a year

and a half, and that his companion Hieronimo Adorno died on St. John’s

day, 1496. He was buried “ in a certain ruined church, frequented by none,”

which refers no doubt to a deserted Budhist kyaung, or monastery. Pegu

he calls Lower India, and says of the capital : — “ Here is a great lord who

“ possesses more than ten thousand elephants, and every year he breeds live

“ hundred of them. This country is fifteen days journey by land from another,

“ called Ava, in which grow rubies, and many other precious stones. Our

“ wish was to go to this place, but at that time, the two princes were at

“ war, so that no one was allowed to go from the one place to the other.

“ Thus we were compelled to sell the merchandize which we had in the city

“ of Pegu, which were of such a sort that only the lord of the city could

“ purchase them. * * # * The price amounted to two thousand

“ ducats, and as we wished to be paid, we were compelled, by reason of the

“ troubles and intrigues occasioned by the aforesaid war, to remain there a

u year and a half, all which time we had daily to solicit at the house of the

u said lord.” At this time, 1496, Binya Ran was king of Pegu. It does

not appear from the native histories that he had any direct war with the king

of Ava, but he did attack Dwarawati, a fort belonging to Taungu about this

very year 1496 ; and as the king of Ava affected to consider himself the

superior of the king of Taungu, some expectation of hostilities may have

existed. An expedition was made up the Erawati a few years later, as we

shall see presently. Though the traveller complains of the delay in payment

being made for his merchandize, yet he appears to have been treated justly.

The property of his deceased companion was seized as a forfeit to the king,

such being the ancient law of Burma in the case of foreigners dying in the

country. He says, “ I was so grieved and afflicted by his death, that it was

“ a great chance I had not followed him, but # # # # # being consoled

“ by some men of worth, I exerted myself to recover our property. In this

“ I succeeded, but with great trouble and expense.”

The same king Binya Ran, who reigned from A. D. 1493 to 1526, ap¬

pears from the account of another traveller, Lewes Vertomannus of Rome,

to have been, as he expresses it, “ of great magnificence and generosity.”

This traveller came to Pegu about the year 1503. In his narrative, as

translated in Hakluyt, he states that he “ came to Pego from Bengalla with

“ a Persian. The city is walled and the houses buylded and very fayre of

“ stone and lime. Here are but few elephants. There are exceeding great

“ reeds, as big as the body of a gross man, or a tub. The king useth not

“ such pomps and magnificence as doth the king of Calicut, but is of such

“ humanity and affability, that a child may come to his presence and speak

“ with him. It is in a manner incredible to speak of the rich jewels, pre-

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

127

u cious stones, pearls, and especially rubies which he weareth, surmounting

“ in value any great city. Not long after, news were brought that the king

“ of Ava was coming with a mighty force, whom the king with an innumer-

“ able army went to resist.” This army probably was the force which Bin-

ya Ran led up the Erawati to Prome, and then on to Pugan. This expedi¬

tion may have been made to resist an anticipated attack, but in the Tailing

history, it is represented, with some dubiousness, as a pilgrimage to the pago¬

das at those cities. When Vertomannus says, “ here are not many ele¬

phants,” he must mean in the city, for the great strength of Pegu consist¬

ed in elephants ; or they may all have been gathered at a distance to accom¬

pany the army.

Early in the sixteenth century, we have notices of Pegu by Portuguese

voyagers, who under Vasco de Gama had doubled the Cape of Good Hope.

Their actions in Pegu are recorded in the history of “ The Portuguese in

India, by Manuel de Faria y Sousa, translated by Stevens into English, and

printed at London in 1695.” The Portuguese were established at Malacca

under Albuquerque in 1510. In 1517, John de Sylvera went to Bengal

with four sail. He was invited by the king of Arakan to his country, and

he appears to have gone to Chatigam, then a port of that king’s dominions.

In 1519, it is recorded that Antony Correa, “ concluded a treaty with the

“ king of Pegu at Martavan, when peace was sworn to by both parties with

“ solemn ceremonies. The metropolis of the kingdom is Bagao, corruptly

“ called Pegu.”

We have seen in the Tailing history that the last king of Pegu was

Ta-ka-rwut-bi, who succeeded to the throne in 1526, and was conquered by

the king of Taungu, styled Ta-beng Shwe-hti, the capital having surrendered

in 1538. How a Portuguese force happened to be present on this occasion

but which is not noticed in the native histories, is thus stated hy Sousa.

“ Ferdinand de Morales was sent by the Viceroy with a great galeon to

“ trade at Pegu. Pegu was then invaded by the king of Brama. Brama had

“ been tributary to Pegu, but had revolted. The cause of this was that 30,000

“ Bramas laboured in the king of Pegu’s works. The king used to visit

“ them, attended only by his women. They suddenly rose and murdered

“ the king, and fled to their own country. Then Para Mandara, king of the

“ Bramas, rose, recovered his own kingdom of Ava, and overrun the Laos

“ and other countries tributary to Pegu. The king of Brama now invaded

“ Pegu with such a power, that the two armies consisted of two millions of

“ men with 10,000 elephants. Morales went into a galliot, and commanding

“ the fleet of Pegu, made a great havock among the enemy’s ships. Brama

“ came on by land like a torrent, carrying all before him, and his fleet

“ covering the river, though as great as the Ganges. With this power he

“ easily gained the city, and the kingdom of Pegu. At the point Ginamarre-

[No. 2,

12 8 Sir Arthur P. Pliayre — The History of Pegu.

u ca was a furious, bloody, and desperate fight. But the Pegus overpowered

“ by the Bramas deserted Morales, who alone in his galliot maintained

“ himself against the enemies, performing wonders with vast slaughter of

“ them ; hut oppressed by the multitude, he was killed.” Of the Peguans

generally it is remarked that their bodies are all wrought blue with hot

“ iron down to their knees. In general, they are not only not civilized, but

“ very brutal.”

In this account it should be observed that the Portuguese historian,

writing more than a century after the events described, and probably from

imperfect documents, in addition to evident exaggerations on points where

the European actors in this tragedy might have furnished more accurate

information, has been led to narrate supposed events, which caused or pre¬

ceded the invasion of Pegu by “ the king of Brama.” These are in them¬

selves highly improbable, and not to be found in the native histories. The

king of Brama is, in fact, Meng-ta-ra, or Tabeng Sliwe hti, king of Taungu,

who, as has already been stated, had by a remarkable train of events come

to represent the national party of Burma, against the Shan dynasties of Ava

and Pegu. The term Para Mandara (Phra Mengta-ra) is a title equivalent

to the king’s Majesty. In the native histories no distinct cause is alleged

for the invasion of Pegu by the king of Taungu ; but the relations between

the two monarchies, for about a century before, sufficiently account for the

event. If “ Brama” of Taungu had not been exactly tributary to Pegu,

he had for several generations, when it was convenient, depended on the lat¬

ter to support him in resisting Ava. By the Burmese history, the chief of

Taungu, so early as the year 788 (A. D., 1426), had offered to become tribu¬

tary to Binya Bankit, if he helped him to the throne of Ava, which the

chief of Taungu claimed as his right. The two kings had entered into an

alliance, and in 1481, the then king of Taungu, fearful of an attack from

Ava, sent his wife and children for safety to Pegu. Afterwards, the two

kings quarrelled in A. D. 1496, or thereabouts ; the king of Pegu attacked

Dwarawati, a fort and city belonging to Taungu, but the expedition was

unsuccessful. Such an incident as Burmese prisoners or labourers when at

work, being visited by a king of Pegu unaccompanied by male attendants,

may be regarded as in the highest degree improbable. There is no trace of

such an event or of the king’s death under such circumstances in the Talaing

or Burmese history. The last king of Pegu, of the Shan dynasty, who was

dethroned by Tabeng Shwe hti, died, as we have seen, in the jungle, having

no army, and the king of Ava having failed to give him further support.

Some rumours of his having been assassinated in the jungle may have reach¬

ed the Portuguese, and have given rise to the tale recorded. “ Para Mandara,

king of the Bramas” who conquered Pegu, was not the king who recovered

his own “ kingdom of Ava, and overran the Laos and other countries tribu-

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Pliayre — The History of Pegu.

129

tary to Pegu.” Those conquests were accomplished many years after the

conquest of Pegu, by the successor of Tabeng Shwe hti, who is generally

styled Bureng Naung, and by the Portuguese historian ‘ Branginoco’ and

‘ Chaumigrem.’ Both of these kings are mentioned in the Talaing history

with the title Meng-ta-ra (to which Phra would he added in speaking of

them) ; both invaded Siam, and both besieged Prome, so that the error

which confused one with the other, is not to he wondered at.

It is doubtful whether Bureng Nairn g had any hereditary right to

succeed Tabeng Slrwe hti. His claim seems to have been his great military

talent, and his marriage with the king’s sister.

The following statement is taken from the Universal History, Yol. VI.,

published in London in 1781. It professes to derive its information regard¬

ing Pegu and the adjoining, countries from Portuguese, Hutch, and English

authorities. “ In 1519, Antony Correa was sent to Bressagukan (Binya

“ Ran), king of Pegu, to conclude a treaty. That king was slain, in 1539,

11 by some Banna labourers who were furnished by Para Mandara, king of

“ the Barmas. The cause of the rising is not stated. The king of Banna

“ now invaded the country, and Dacha Rupi, the heir to the deceased, was

“ unable to oppose him. At this time, Ferdinand de Morales arrived with

“ a great galleon, sent by the Viceroy of Gfoa to trade. He took the side

“ of Dacha Rupi, but they could not resist the overwhelming numbers of

“ the Barmas, and De Morales was slain. This occurred in 1539.”

Here we have the names of the two last kings of Pegu, one considerably

distorted, and it is Binya Ran who is here said to have been killed by the

Burmese labourers in 1539. But that king as we have seen, died peaceably

before the great troubles came in 1529. His son and successor Takarwutbi,

whom we recognise in Dacha Rupi, died (or was killed) in the jungle in

1539 (or 1540, by the Talaing history), and this date with his flight and

death in the jungle seems to give the clue to the origin of the story of the

king killed by Burmese labourers.

Tabeng Shwe hti, having taken the city of Hanthawati, proceeded to lay

siege to Muttama. This city, which lies to the south-west of the ancient capital,

and at a travelling distance of nearly one hundred miles, was then governed

by Tsau-bi-nya, brother-in-law of the conquered king, who had the rank of a

Viceroy. The siege operations against Muttama, or Martaban, are related

in detail in the Burmese Maha Radzaweng,* but the Talaing narrative is

brief, and draws a veil over the final defeat of the Mun race. The besieging

army numbered 130,000 men, with numerous vessels of every description.

The whole was under the command of Bureng Naung, the king’s brother-in-

law, who is called by the Portuguese historian ‘ Branginoco.’

Not a word

said in either of the native histories of Europeans being in the service of the

* See History of Burma race, Journal, As. Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXVIII, for 1869.

130

Sir Arthur P. Pliayre — The History of Pegu.

[No. 2,

king of Pegu on this occasion, but it is mentioned that several ships were

moored in the river opposite to Muttama, for the defence of the city, which

were manned by Muhammadans, called on this occasion in the Burmese histo¬

ry ‘ Kula-Pantlie.’# The native histories make the siege occur in the year

1540, while the Portuguese account places it in 1544. The first is probably

correct ; the dates in the Portuguese history are not to be depended on.

But the story of the siege is told in simple language, and reveals the dread¬

ful doom of the Viceroy and his family, inflicted by the pitiless conqueror,

which is passed over in silence by the native historians. f The account is

as follows : “ In the year 1544, the king of the Bramas, by sea and land,

“ besieged the city of Martavain, metropolis of the great and flourishing

“ kingdom of that name, whose yearly revenue was three millions of gold.

“ Chaubainaa was then king, and Nliay Canotocr Queen thereof, who from

“ the height of fortune fell to the depth of misery. The Brama fleet

“ consisted of 700 sail, 100 of them great galleys. In them were 700 Por-

“ tugueses, commanded by one John Cayero, reputed a man of valour and

tC conduct. After a siege of seven months and five assaults, wherein the

<£ Bramas lost 12000 men, Chaubainaa found it was impossible to with-

“ stand that power ; provision being already so scarce, that they had eaten

“ 3000 elephants. He offered to capitulate, but no conditions were allowed by

“ the besieger. He, therefore, resolved to make use of the Portugueses, to

“ whom he had always been very just and serviceable. But man never re-

“ members favours received in prosperity of those he sees in adversity.”

The history then narrates how the unfortunate Viceroy entered into

communication with Cayero, through Seixas, a Portuguese in his service, and

offered, if supported by all of them, to become the vassal of the king of

Portugal. But this was rejected, and a large body of men from the city

having deserted, discovered the design to the besieger. The narrative pro¬

ceeds : “ The king thus betrayed, capitulated with the enemy for his own

i( and the lives of his wife and children, and leave to end his days in retire-

* The Burmese historian has somewhat carelessly applied the word Pan-the to

Muhammadans from India and Persia In the present day, it is used to designate the

Muhammadans of Yunan only. All Muhammadans from countries west of Burma are

called ‘ Pa-thi,’ which is believed to be a corruption of ‘ Farsi.’ The word Panthe has

probably a different origin. The Burmese became acquainted with the Muhammadans

of Yunan several centuries ago, from the caravans of those people trading to Ava. As

their religion, and some of their customs, differed from those of the Chinese, they, to

avoid the hateful name of foreigner, spoke of themselves as being Pan-ti or Pun-ti

= indigenous, and thus, it is believed, the name originated in Burma.

f In the paper on the History of the Burma race, J. A. S. Bengal, Yol. XXXVIII, of

1869, it was stated that the governor of Martaban was pardoned by the conqueror.

I am now satisfied that this was not the meaning of a somewhat obscure sentence in

the Burmese history.

1878.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

181

“ ment. This and more was granted easily, because the conqueror designed

“ to perform no part of the promise. From the city gate to the king of

“ Brama’s tent was a league distance, all which way was a lane of many

“ thousand musketiers of sundry nations, and next the gate were posted the

“ Portugueses. The first came out was the Queen in a chair with her two

“ daughters, and two sons in two others. About them forty beautiful ladies

“ led by as many ancient ones, encompassed by Talegrepos (a sort of reli-

“ gious men among them, habited like our Capuchins), who prayed and com-

“ forted them. Then came the king guarded by his enemies, seated on a

“ small slie-elephant, cloathed in black velvet ; his head, beard, and eyebrows

“ shaved, and a rope about his neck, which moved even the enemy to com-

“ passion. The unfortunate king seeing the Portugueses, would not stir

“ one foot till they were removed from that post, and that done went on.

“ Being come before the king of Brama, he cast himself at his feet, but not

“ being able to speak for grief, the Baolim of Mounay Talaypor, Chief Priest

“ of those Gentiles, and esteemed a saint, made an harangue in his behalf,

“ of force to have moved to compassion any other but that obdurate king.

“ The miserable king, his queen, children, and ladies were secured. The two

“ following days were spent in removing the treasure, at which a thousand

“ men laboured, and it amounted to 100 millions of gold. The third day, the

“ army had liberty to plunder, which lasted four days, and was valued 12

“ millions. Next, the city was burnt, wherein perished by tire and sword

u above 60,000 souls, besides as many made slaves ; 2000 temples, and

“ 40,000 houses were laid even with the ground, There were in the town

“ 6000 pieces of cannon, 100,000 quintals of pepper, and as much of other

“ spices. The morning that followed this destruction, there appeared on a

“ hill, called Beydoo, 21 gibbets, with a strong guard of horse. Thither was

“ led the queen with her children and ladies, in all making 140, and were all

“ hanged up by the feet. The king and fifty men of great quality were

“ cast into the sea with stones about their necks. The army seeing this

“ barbarity mutinied, and the king was in great danger. He leaving peo-

“ pie to rebuild the ruined city, returned to Pegu with the rest of his army,

“ and among them John Cayero and his 700 Portugueses. Of these four

“ stayed at Martavam.”

King Tabeng Shwe hti, before his departure for Pegu city, received the

submission of the governor of Maulamyaing, and took the precaution to

guard the frontier towards Zimme. At the ancient capital he was con¬

secrated king. He put the fortifications in repair, and with great solemnity

placed a new hti on the summit of the Shwe mau dau pagoda, and after¬

wards one on that of the Shwe Dagun. He thus proclaimed his sovereignty

of the ancient Talaing kingdom. But he determined to push his conquests

without delay. As a first step towards asserting his right to the throne of Ava,

132

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

[No. 2,

he collected an army to advance against Prome, where Meng Khaung was tri¬

butary king under the Shan king of Ava, Thohanbwa, whose daughter he

had married. Tabeng Shwe hti proceeded with his army up the Erawati,

Bureng Naung being the general in command. He invested Prome by land

and water, but did not make any assault, as the place was strong and well

defended with guns. While thus engaged, news arrived that the Shan king

of Ava was marching down with a large army to the relief of Prome. Half

of the army was sent to meet this force. It was under Bureng Naung, who

attacked the Ava force with his accustomed vigour and utterly defeated it.#

A force from Arakan also, brought to assist the besieged, was compelled to

fly. The besieging force having sustained heavy loss, was compelled to trust

to famine for the surrender of the city. The unfortunate king of Prome was

at length forced to surrender, and proceeding to his conqueror’s camp, atten¬

ded by the superior of the Budhist monks, implored mercy for himself and

family. The native histories place this event in the year 901, or June 1512,

the siege having lasted for seven months. The king and queen, it is stated

in the Burmese history, were sent as prisoners to Taungu, and no more men¬

tion is made of them. The Portuguese history states that the siege occurred

in 1546. This is incorrect, but the events recorded may, no doubt, be relied on.

The queen of Prome, who was older than her husband, appears to have had

the direction of affairs in the city. She offered to pay tribute, and hold the

crown from Tabeng Shwe hti. But “ the king insisted that the queen

“ should put herself into his hands with all her treasure ; but she knowing

“ how perfidious he was, resolved to defend herself. He gave several assaults,

“ and by the sword and a plague that raged in the army, lost 80,000

“ men, among which were 500 Portugueses.” It is also stated that a mount

was raised overlooking the town, and being well armed with cannon left no

place of safety to the besieged. But in a sally, the besieged destroyed the

mount, and carried off 80 cannons. Tabeng Shwe hti on this occasion was

wounded, and “ in a rage slew 2000 Portugueses that were upon the guard

as negligent of their duty.” Probably there is an error here in the number ;

200 artillery men being more likely intended. The savage treatment of the

king and queen is very different to what is narrated by the Burmese his¬

torian. “ The queen was publicly whipped and delivered up to the lust of

* The Portuguese history has caused some confusion regarding the events which

led to this siege by stating — “ The king of Brama was alarmed by him of Siam, who

attempted to recover the kingdom of Tangu, which had been wrested from him.”

For Siam here must be understood the northern Shan or Shian confederation, now

led by the king of Ava. This king did claim the allegiance of Taungu, which state

had formerly been subject to his predecessors. It was never claimed by Siam. The

Siamese and Shians both belong to the Thai race, and the early European writers may

thus occasionally have confused the two. In Father Sangermano’s work on Burma, the

Shan people are always called * Sciam ’

1873.]

133

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

“ the soldiers until she died. The young king was tied to her dead body

“ and cast into the river. The same was done with 300 gentlemen, after

“stakes were drove through their bodies.”

Tabeng Shwe hti appointed one of the brothers of Bureng Naung

tributary king of Prome, with the title of Tha-dodhamma B-adza. He

then returned to Hantliawati, where he endeavoured by works of religious

merit to atone for the guilt of bloodshed. He cast a pure gold image of

Budha, and next built a new palace. But he was not left long in repose.

In Ava on the death of Tho-hanbwa, the chief of Unbaung named Khun-

mhanm-no'e had been elected to the throne. He determined to retake Prome.

& O

He marched down at the head of an army formed of the troops of seven Shan

chiefs. Tabeng Sliwe hti quickly came to the rescue of his tributary king.

The Shans once more were defeated near Prome, and Bureng Naung

followed them up the Erawati, capturing all the cities as far as Pugan.

He also appeared before Ava, but apparently thinking it too strong to be

safely attacked, the army returned to Pugan, and there he established his

frontier post.* The king having taken measures for the safety of his army,

returned to Pegu, where he arrived in the year 906, or August, 1544-

In the following year, he was again solemnly consecrated, assuming the

title of King of Kings, which may be translated ‘ Emperor.’ The tributary

kings of Prome, Taungu, and Martaban were present to do homage ; and

Bureng Naung was formally declared Ein-She-meng, or crown prince.

About this time, the king of Arakan died, and Tabeng Shwe hti made

an expedition to that country, to place his brother on the throne. The

emperor appears to have failed to take the capital, but eventually the son

of the late king, styled Maha Dhammarit, on agreeing to present gold and

silver flowers, was confirmed on the throne, and the emperor then returned to

Pegu. This expedition occurred in the year 908, or A. D., 1546-47. The

return of the emperor seems to have been hastened by news of a movement,

which this time was really made by the king of Siam. That monarch had

lately taken possession of Tavoy, a town which for many years had been a dis¬

puted possession between the two countries. The emperor determined to punish

this aggression, not by seizing the town in question, but by marching on

the capital of his enemy. All the arrangements were as usual entrusted to

Bureng Naung. The emperor left his capital in the year 910 (November,

1548] and proceeded to ALuttama (AEartaban], where the aimy had already

* This expedition up the Erawati, called the ‘Queytor’ by the Portuguese historian,

has by him been mixed up with the siege of Prome two years earlier. It is said that the

invader returned from Ava, because he heard the king of Siam was coming to its relief.

This can only refer to the northern Shans. In the native histories, no reason is given

for the retreat from Ava on this occasion The Portuguese historian then refers to

the Empire of Calaminam, and to affairs which occurred many years later, but of

which the writer evidently had a very confused .notion.

18

s

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

[No. 2,

134

assembled. The plan was to march eastward from that city to Myawati on

the Thaung-ym River, and from thence to the upper course of the Mo-nam,

the ‘mother of waters’, on which river Yodaya, the then capital of Siam, was

situated. The army occupied in succession the fortified cities of Kamanhaik,

Thauk-kate, and Pi-tha-lauk, and then moved down by land and water to

the capital. But from the strength of the wall, the deep and broad moat, the

numerous water courses, and the ships moored and armed with guns manned

by foreigners, the city was deemed to be too strong for an assault, and the

emperor, with the advice of Bureng Naung, determined to retire. In

retreating towards Kamanhaik (‘ Camambee’ of the Portuguese) and the other

places they had captured, they were attacked by the Siamese, but entirely

defeated them, and even took prisoner a son-in-law of the king’s. According

to the Burmese history, the king of Siam then entered into negociations and

promised, if his son-in-law were released, to pay tribute. This was agreed to

by Tabeng Shwe hti, and the invading army then retired. The king returned

to his capital in April, 1549.

The Portuguese history gives two accounts of this expedition ; one in

the first volume, in which it is (wrongly) represented as the second invasion

of Siam by Tabeng Shwe hti, and states that the Portuguese who accompa¬

nied the army, were only 180 men under James Soarez ; and another more

detailed account in the third volume, in which the Portuguese force is stated

to have been one thousand. Both accounts give the year 1549 as the date

of the expedition, and the Burmese history states that it lasted from Novem¬

ber 1548 to April, 1549. In the Burmese and Talaing histories, not a word is

said as to the leader of the Portuguese, James Soarez de Melo, though

they speak generally of foreigners. But there is no doubt that the guns, which

were worked by the Portuguese, were regarded with great importance by

the emperor. The Portuguese history after relating that an illegitimate

son of a murdered king of Siam had succeeded to the throne, continues

thus : — “ The king of Brama, or Pegu, for it is the same, seeing the affairs

“ of Siam in confusion, resolved to conquer that kingdom. He raised an

“ army of 800,000 men, among which mere 1000 Portugueses, 40,000 horse,

“ 60,000 musqueteers, 20,000 elephants, 1000 cannon drawn by as many

“ yoke of oxen and Abadas, and 1000 waggons of ammunition drawn by

“buffaloes. The Portugueses were commanded by James Soarez de Melo,

“ called the Grallego, who came to India in the year 1538 ; in 1542, was

“ pyrating about Mozambique ; in 1547, was at the relief of Malacca ;

“ and in 1549, being in the service of this king, was worth four millions in

“jewels and other things of value, had a pension of 200,000 ducats yearly,

“ and the title of the king’s brother, was supream governor of all his

“ dominions, and general of his army.* The king marched with that

* The position of Soarez is here perhaps exaggerated ; but that he held a high

1873.]

135

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

“ Prodigious multitude, and after one repulse took the fort of Tapuram,

defended by 2000 Siamites, putting all to the sword with the loss of

“ 3,000 men. By the way the city of Tuvopisam surrendered, and he sat down

before Odiaa, the capital of Siam, which seemed to make no account of

“that great power. James Soarez, who commanded in chief, surprized hereat,

gave an assault and lost 10,000 men. Another attempt was made with

elephants, but with no better success. * * * * ^ Pive months

u being spent with the loss of 150,000 men, news was brought that

“ Xemindoo, a man of great parts had rebelled at Pegu and killed 15,000

“ men that opposed him. As soon as this was known in the camp, 120,000

“ Pegues deserted, in hatred to that foreign king that oppressed, and to the

“ insolence of James Soarez who commanded them.”

It appears that there were some Portuguese in the city under the

command of James Pereyra, who served the guns, and probably caused the

failure of the attack. Certain differences are apparent in the accounts of

the native historians and of the Portuguese, as to the causes which led to

the retreat of the Burmese army. The former attribute it to the prudence

of the king on seeing the great difficulties before him ; and omit to mention

the failure of an assault. The insurrection of Xemindoo in Pe«;u at this

time also is not mentioned. But it broke out, according both to the Burmese

and Talaing histories, immediately after tire return of the army, and possibly

the presence of the discontented Talaing soldiers was deemed a favourable

opportunity. Before the insurrection, the Burmese history relates that king

Tabeng Shwe hti had become utterly incapable from constant drunkenness,

the liquor being supplied by a nephew of James Soarez, a youth to whom

the emperor had taken a liking, and who was his constant companion.* At

length, Bureng Xaung banished this young man from the country, and then

took the whole power into his own hands. His father, who was the tributary

king of Taungu, had died in the previous year, and one of his brothers or

kinsmen had been appointed with the title of Meng Khaung. Bureng Naung

was the virtual ruler of the empire, and the acknowledged successor of the

emperor, to whom he appears to have been a faithful officer.

It was in the month Pyatho, 911 (December, 1510), according to the

Burmese history, that the insurrection of Thamin-htau, or Thaminhtau ra ma,

broke out. He is called by the Portuguese 4 Xemindoo.’ He is represented

in the Talaing history as being a son of Binya Ban, the last king but one of

the dynasty of Wararu, by an inferior woman of the palace. He had been

post is apparent from the Burmese history, in which subsequently his name occurs as

Pits-tsa-rit, with the affix “ Meng,” or Lord. His miserable end will -be seen hereafter.

* In a royal order, issued not very long ago, degrading an officer of high rank,

this historical incident was referred to, as illustrating the evil effects of drinking

intoxicating liquor, and the danger of familiar association with foreigners.

136

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

[No .2

a Rah an, but threw off his monastic habit and became a layman. He then

took the name of Tliaminhtau, and began to collect followers in the delta of

the Erawati, where the Mun race was most numerous, and where a rebel

force could most easily avoid attack. He was at first very successful,

having taken Dala and even Syriam ; he then marched boldly to attack

Makau, a fort only sixteen miles south of the capital. Here he was

attacked by troops sent from Hanthawati, and was defeated. He retreated

to Syriam, where Bureng Naung routed his followers. He fled westward, and

Bureng Naung followed him up, and fixed his head quarters at Dala, from

whence he sent out parties in all directions to hunt down the fugitives.

During this confusion, the emperor was under the care of the governor of

Tsit-taung, who had the title of Thamin-tsau dwut, or Thamindurit. Pie is

called by the Portuguese historian 1 Xemin of Zatan.’ This young man also

was a scion of the Shan royal family of Pegu. He had been educated at

the same kyoung as Thaminhtau, and was strongly recommended to the

emperor by the Phungyi, or abbot, of the monastery. He was soon taken

into favour, and was entirely trusted by Bureng Naung. His two younger

brothers had appointments in the palace, one being commander of the

emperor’s bodyguard. The emperor had gone for change to a temporary

palace at Pantarau, when a report was brought, no doubt to draw him away

to a remote place, that a white elephant had been seen east of the Tsit-taung

River, near the ancient city of Katha. To capture a white elephant at this

juncture would have a good effect on the whole people, and the emperor was

easily inveigled into the jungle at the foot of the mountains. There he was

murdered by one of the brothers of Thamindwut, in May, 1550. The latter

at once proclaimed himself king at Tsit-taung, and soon after took possession

of Hanthawati, where he was consecrated according to ancient custom.

Tabeng Shwe lit! had reigned ten years in Taungu, his native kingdom,

and ten years as emperor in Hanthawati. The Talaing history records

that he made great gifts to the national pagodas of Shwe-maudau and

Shwe Dagun ; and that he constructed a road between Pegu and Taungu,

with wells, zayats, and gardens for the use of travellers. This road, which

was well raised above the level of ordinary floods, still exists. He built a

pagoda at Taungu, which was completed only the year before his death, as

has been proved from an inscription on a silver scroll, discovered at that city

a few years ago. The pagoda was built for the benefit, by means of the

merit acquired by building it, of himself and family, and in memory of his

father. He was only thirty-six years of age when he died.

Bureng Naung was at Dala when these events occurred, and finding

the strength of the country against him, determined to march to Taungu.

On the way he was joined by his wife who managed to escape from the

city. When arrived at Taungu, lie found that his brother Thi-ha-thu

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Pliayre — The History of JPeyu. 137

would not open the gates to him. But all the best officers, Burma, Talaing^

and Shan, had great confidence in him, and gathered to his camp. A force

sufficient to blockade the city was thus collected. In Pegu, the struggle

went on between the two Talaing chiefs, Thaminhtau and Thamindwut.

The latter, in possession of the capital, exercised his authority with such

cruelty, that the nobles called in his rival, who advanced with an army

collected principally at Muttama. A battle was fought near the city in

which Thaminhtau was victorious. Thamindwut was taken prisoner and

beheaded. He had reigned for three months and a half. These events are

thus recorded in the Portuguese history : “ Xemindoo (Thaminhtau)

“ rebelled against the king of Pegu (Tabeng Shwe hti), and sent James

“ Soarez to suppress him. He followed him to the city of Cevadi, and he

“ slipping by, got into Pegu,* because the city sided with him. The queen

“ fled to the castle, f where she was defended by twenty Portugueses till the

‘ king came and put the rebels to flight. t The army entered the city and

“ put to the sword not only men, women, and children, but even the beasts ;

c‘ nothing escaped, but what was within the liberty of James Soarez his house^

“ which the king had ordered should be exempted. § Above twelve thousand

£i saved themselves therein. The plunder was unaccountable. James Soarez

Cc alone got above three millions. At his intercession, the king pardoned a

“ Portuguese who had furnished Xemindoo which ammunition. Though the

“ king escaped the hands of Xemindoo, he could not the villainy of Ximi-de-

“ Zatan (Ximi is equivalent to a Duke, and he really is one of Satan’s crea-

ting), who murdered him in the delightful city of Zatan. || The traytor was

“ immediately proclaimed king, and falling among the murdered Prince’s

“ men, killed three of those that belonged to James Soarez, who fled to the

“ city Ova, and afterwards at Pegu was reconciled to this new king, till

“ Xemindoo, who fled before, came on again with a powerful army. Ximi

“ commanded James Soarez and his Portugueses to march with him against

# Tlio Portuguese historian here confuses Thaminhtau (Xemindoo) with Thamin¬

dwut (Ximindezaton). The first did not enter the city of Pegu until he had conquered

the last ; whereas Thamindwut entered the capital in little more than a month after

the murder of the Emperor. Cevadi is Sarawadi, = Tharawati.

f This may be either the queen of Tabeng Sliwe hti or of Bureng. The latter as

wo have seen soon after joined her husband.

J This can only refer to Bureng Naung on his march to Taungu, when, though ho

was not attacked, ho did not venture to enter Pegu city.

§ This sentence can only refer to the taking of tho city by Thamindwut, when

his army would bo sure to plunder the city. The Portuguese historian has been

puzzled by the numerous “ kings,” who in a short time enjoyed that title among the

people.

|| Tabeng Shwe hti was murdered some distance from the city, but within the

territory pertaining to Tsit-taung ( = Zatan).

BIS Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu. [No. 2,

“ the enemy ; but before he came thither, the punishment of his great inso-

“ lence reached him, as we shall see hereafter. Zatan was taken and beheaded

“ by Xemindoo, who gave out it was for the killing of Soarez, as if the

“ murder of the king had not been a more justifiable motive. Thus the

“ first rebel possessed himself of the crown till Mandaragri,# the late king’s

“brother-in-law, claimed it in right of his wife, and coming to a battle,

“ gave him such a total defeat, that Xemindoo fled to the mountains where

“ he married a poor fellow’s daughter. He discovered himself to her, and she

“ revealed it to her father, at such time as great rewards were proposed to

“ such as should discover him. The father-in-law delivered him up to the

“king who cut off his head.’’

In a subsequent part of the history, this story is again told, but with

some variations, and the battle between Xemindoo and the king (Bureng

Naung) is erroneously represented as having occurred before Xemin de Zatan

became king, thus antedating the event by more than a twelvemonth. f

The account is extracted, as it relates the fate of Soarez in the city of Pegu,

after he became “reconciled” to the usurper. “Xemindoo was of the

“ ancient blood royal of Pegu, a great preacher and esteemed a saint. He

“ made a sermon so efficacious against the tyranny of princes and oppression

“ of that kingdom, that he was taken out of the pulpit and proclaimed king,

“ whereupon he slew 5,000 Bramas in the palace, seizing all the treasure, and

“ in a few days all the strongholds in the kingdom submitted to him. The

“ armies of the two kings met within two leagues of the city of Pegu. That

“ of Brama consisted of 350,000 men, Xemindoo’s of 000,000. Of the latter

“ about 300,000 were slain, and 60,000 of the former. The victorious king

“ entered Pegu, and contrary to agreement slew many, and seized great trea-

“ sures. Meanwhile the city Martavam declares for Xemindoo, killing 2,000

“ Bramas. Xemin of Zatan did the same in the city of that name. The king

“ marched towards him, but he contrived to have him murdered by the way. £

“ This was the end of that tyrant. Xemin was proclaimed king by his party,

“ and in nine days gathered 30,000 men. Chaumigrem,§ brother to the dead

“ king plundered the city and palace, and fled to Taungu, where he was born.

“ Xemin de Zatan became so odious by his ill-government, that in four months

“ many of his subjects fled, and some joined with Xemindoo, who made an

“ army of 60,000 men. Let us leave him awhile to relate the end of James

* Mengta-ragyi, = Bureng Naung.

t Thaminhtau was defeated at -Makau. sixteen miles from Pegu, before tlie other

rebel had murdered the king. But that is evidently not the battle alluded to.

t As has already been seen, this entirely misrepresents the circumstances under

which Tabeng Shwe hti was murdered.

§ Chaumigrem is another name for Bureng Naung, but is here probably meant

for his half brother Thihathu, who left the capital when the king was murdered, and

retired to Taungu.

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — * The History of Pegu.

139

“ Soarez de Melo, after the wonderful rise already mentioned. James Soarez

“ passing by a rich merchant’s house on the day after his daughter’s wedding

“ and seeing the great beauty of the bride, attempted to carry her away by

“ force, killing the bridegroom and others who came to her rescue. Mean-

“ while the bride strangled herself. The father expecting no justice while

“ that king reigned, shut himself up, and never stirred abroad, till Xemin de

“ Zatan coming to the crown, he so lamented his wrong about the town,

“ that above 50,000 of the people gathered about him, crying out for justice,

“ The new king fearing some worse consequence, caused Soarez to be appre-

“ hended and delivered up to that rabble. This was accordingly performed,

“ and the multitude stoning him, he was in a minute buried under a heap

“ of rubbish. No sooner was that done, but they took the body from under

“ that pile, and tearing it in pieces, delivered it to the boys to drag about

“ the streets, they giving them alms for so doing. His house was plundered,

“ and the treasure found being much less than what was expected, it was

“ believed he had buried the rest. The new king, Xemin de Zatan, soon

“ followed James Soarez, for his subjects no longer able to bear his cruelty

“ and avarice, fled in great numbers to Xemindoo, who was now master of

“ some considerable towns. He marched to the city of Pegu with 200,000 men

“ and 5,000 elephants. Zatan met him with 800,000, and the fight was

“ long doubtful, till Gonsalo Neto, who with 80 Portugueses followed

“ Xemindoo, killed Zatan with a musket shot, which opened the way for

“ Xemindoo into the city, where he was crowned on the 3rd February, 1550.

Gonsalo Neto received 10,000 crowns for that fortunate shot, and his

companions 5000.”

It may be well here to explain how the Portuguese historian has failed

to recognise Bureng Nairn g when mentioned under other names or titles.

He probably drew information from letters and reports sent by many

different officers through a long series of years to the Viceroy at Goa, and

these were not used for the history until about a century later. Bureng

Naung was for ten years the general of the armies of Tabeng Shwehti,

and afterwards his successor. When he became emperor, he assumed

different titles at different periods, and the writers of reports regarding

him probably used these different titles, so that it would not be possible

without some key to understand that they all referred to the same person.

The term Bureng Naung is rendered ‘ Branginoco’ by the Portuguese, and

in some accounts his actions, under this title as general, are attributed to

him as king. Mandaragi is a common title for a king, used in conversation.

The term ‘ Chaumigrem’ is for Tsheng-phyu-mya sheng, = Lord of many

white elephants, one of the later titles assumed by Bureng Naung. The

letter ‘ u’ in Chaumigrem, is a misprint for ‘n.’

In another part of the Portuguese history, as we have seen, it was

U

1 1-0 Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Tegu. [No. 2,

stated that “ Zatan was taken and beheaded.” Yet the fortunate shot of

Gonsalo Neto is told very circumstantially and can scarcely be an invention

Perhaps the wound inflicted led to his capture.

Th^minhtau was now declared king, and was consecrated after the

ancient custom in the capital. He is henceforth called in the Talaing

history ‘ I)zag-ga-li Meng.’ The Talaing historian dwells fondly on the

details of the consecration, which was the last received by a native sovereign

in Pegu.

While these events were passing in Pegu, Bureng Naung had forced

the city of Taungu to surrender. Pie forgave his half-brother Thihathu,

who had refused to acknowledge him, and had taken the title of Meng

Khaung. Bureng Naung then caused himself to be consecrated king, as

successor to his father who had been tributary king of Taungu under the

late emperor. He next determined to possess himself of Prome, where

another of his brothers had, under Tabeng Shwe liti, been tributary king,

but of which a noble, styled Thadothu, had possessed himself. He marched

across the hills, and after some delay Prome was surrendered by treachery,

and Thadothu was put to death. His brother Thado Dliamma Badza was

then reinstated as tributary king. It was now the year 913 (A. D., 1551)>

and Bureng Naung had possession of Taungu, Prome, and the country of

the Erawati as far north as Pugan. In Ava, a struggle for supremacy was

still going on among the Shan chiefs, and Bureng Naung deemed the time

propitious for asserting his claim to that kingdom as the successor of

Tabeng Shwe hti. But hearing of attacks from the Pegu side on his terri¬

tory, he considered it prudent first to settle affairs there, and concentrated

his forces for that purpose at Prome and Taungu. Just then Mobye Meng,

king of Ava', being conquered by Tsithu-kyau-hteng, had fled and taken

refuge in Prome. Bureng Naung determined to invade Pegu from Taungu,

and marched to that city, taking Mobye Meng with him. He set out on

his expedition in April, 1551. His army consisted of 110,000 men, POO

fighting elephants, and 5000 horses.

In Pegu Thamin htau, according to the Talaing history, had entered the

capital in August, 1550. Having placed his own adherents in the several

districts of the delta, he, in November, marched against the governors of

Martaban and Maulmain, who had refused to submit. Having subdued

both without difficulty, he returned to Hanthawati. He received an em¬

bassy from the king of Arakan, and did everything possible to make

himself popular, and above all, to acquire religious merit by gifts to the

pagodas and monasteries. But hearing of the surrender of Prome to

Bureng Naung, he knew he would soon have to fight for his kingdom ; and

it was not long after, that news was brought that Bureng Naung himself was

marching down by land from Taungu, and that a force under the king of

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Teyu.

141

Prome was coming by water. He determined not to await attack in the

city. The army took post at Muanu to await the Burmese enemy, and the

battle took place close to the capital. A portion of the city was set on fire

during the engagement by a force detached for that purpose by Bureng

Naung, in order to alarm the enemy. Thaminhtau fought with courage, but

his army was defeated, and he was obliged to leave his elephant, and mount

a horso to fly from the field. He fled to Dala. Bureng Naung entered

the city on the following morning. The battle was fought in the latter end

of April, 1551. There probably were Portuguese on both sides in this

battle, but no detailed account of it is to be found in the Portuguese

history. The clearest reference thereto is in the following passage — “ Chau-

“ migrem who, the year before, retired to (from) Pegu, hearing afterwards

“ that Xemindoo was unprovided, marched against him, and obtaining

“ the victory, brought that crown again under the subjection of the Bra-

“ maes. Xemindoo, taken some time after, was publicly beheaded.” And

again we read in another volume — “ The first rebel possessed himself of the

“ crown, till Mandaragi, the late king’s brother-in-law, claimed it in right

“ of his wife, and coming to a battle, gave him such a total defeat that

“ Xemindoo fled.”

Most of the Talaing nobles submitted to the conqueror. On the

third day after the battle, Bureng Naung started in pursuit of Thaminhtau,

who was striving to rally his followers in the forests of the delta. Being at

last compelled to fly, he once more assumed the dress of a Phungyi, or

Budhist monk, and took refuge in the district of Bassein. From thence

he found means to fly with a few followers by boat to Muttama.

Bureng Naung remained at Bassein until August, 1551, settling the

affairs of that part of the country, and then returned to Pegu city. His

first care was to repair the holy buildings injured during the war, and he

built a Dze-di over the remains of Tabeng Shw^-hti. Not long after, the

unfortunate Thaminhtau, having been betrayed, was brought in. Bureng

Naung offered him his life, if he would make obeisance ; but this, the Talaing

history states, he refused to do, and he died of a wound he had already re¬

ceived. The Portuguese account says that he was beheaded ; and the Burmese

historian merely observes, “ An evil-minded man, had an evil death.”

Muttama having now been occupied, another of Bureng Naung’s

brothers was made tributary king with the title of Meng-re-tsi-tlui. Bureng

Naung assumed the title of King of Kings or Emperor ; and his eldest son

was declared Maha Upa Badza, or Crown-prince. The emperor ruled over

a wide extent of country, and prepared to assert his claim to the throne

of Ava ; for as the successor of Tabeng Shwe lit! he assumed the title of king

of the Burma race, though neither of them had reigned in the country of

Burma proper, An army was sent up the Erawati in July, 1553, under the

19 t

142

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

[No. 2,

command of the Crown-prince. Either this was intended only as a recon¬

noitring expedition, or the strength of the king of Ava, Tsi-thu kyau liteng,

had been miscalculated. The Crown-prince advanced no further than Pugan,

and was then recalled.

During this year great exertion had been made to build the palace,

which was completed in November, when a grand festival was held. The

emperor was then, as stated in the Talaing history, consecrated according

to the ancient ceremonies. Numbers of boats were being built in all parts

of Pegu, and provisions were collected along the Erawati as far as Pugan,

with a view to an advance to Ava. In July 1554, the son and the nephew

of the king of Arakan arrived. The latter was married to one of the

emperor’s daughters, and the former to a daughter of the king of Muttama.

In November, the army of invasion set forth. The Crown-prince was left

at the capital as his father’s representative. The army in two main

columns, one of which accompanying the flotilla, proceeded up the Erawati

route. The other with which was the emperor, marched from the capital

to Taungu. From that city, the emperor led a corps across the hills to

Taung-dwen-gyi, and on to Pugan, where they joined the water column.

The remainder marching from Taungu under the emperor’s brothers,

Meng Khaung, king of Taungu, and Meng rai kyau hteng, entrenched

themselves to the south of the ancient capital Panya, to await intelligence

from the emperor. The main army by means of the flotilla crossed the

Erawati to the western bank, probably because provisions were more

plentiful there than on the other. The march was continued along the

right bank, and up the Khyendwen to Amyen, where that river was crossed.

The army then marched to Tsagaing, situated on the Erawati opposite to

Ava. The emperor’s first care was to communicate with his brothers

wdio were entrenched near Panya. Arrangements for an attack on the

city having been made, the two brothers issued from their entrenched

position, but were at once attached by Tsithu-kyau-hteng, the king of

Ava. He was, however, defeated and forced to retire into the city. The

emperor’s army now crossed the river, and a combined attack was made.

Ava was taken in March 1555, and the king, the last of the Shan

dynasty, was made prisoner. Ho was well-treated and sent to Pegu. But

two sons of the last native king of Pegu who were found here, were put

to death. The emperor’s brother Meng-rai-kyau-hteng was made tributary

king of Ava, with the title of Tha-do-meng-tsau. The emperor delighted

to continue Hanthawati as the capital of his empire, but determined to

remain at Ava until the northern Shans were subdued.

It is much to be regretted that the Portuguese historian gives no

account of this expedition, though it is almost certain that Portuguese are

alluded to in the Burmese history, which speaks of four hundred Western

1873.]

143

Sir Arthur P. PI i ay re — The History of Pegu.

foreigners dressed in uniforms and armed with muskets, whose position was

in front, flanks and rear of the emperor’s elephant. In the following

passage, however, the Portuguese historian no doubt alludes generally to the

conquests of Bureng Naung, including the campaign of Ava. The “ kingdom

“ of Pegu, before not very considerable, was raised to be one of the greatest

“ empires in Asia, by the king of Uva and Brama, assisted by 1,000 Portu-

“ gueses under the command of Antony Ferreyra de Braganca, who served

“ him as his natural prince.”

Columns were despatched into the country north of Ava, and the

-emperor himself proceeded to Mye-du on the Mu Fiver. But the rainy

season being at hand, and the troops worn out with fatigue, it was deemed

expedient not to advance further at this time. A garrison was placed there,

and the emperor himself returned to Ava, and thence to Pegu, where he

arrived in June, 1555. The new king of Ava remained in his capital.

The emperor had before determined to build a fortified post at or

near the ground where he had defeated Tliaminhtau, and it was completed

in this year. This is referred to by the Portuguese historian in the following

words : ic The king, not thoroughly satisfied with the people of Pegu, built,

not far from it, another great and strong city.” The emperor was careful

to observe what was required of him as a good Budhist. Additional gold

was placed upon his father’s pagoda at Taungu, offerings were sent to the

holy tooth relic in Ceylon, communication having been opened with

Dhammapala, the king of that island. A scandalous custom which had

hitherto prevailed, of annual sacrifices of animals to the Nats of the Mountain

Pup-pa, which had existed from the time of the kings of Pugan, was

suppressed as contrary to religion. In the Burmese history, it is stated that

many thousands of people used to assemble annually to sacrifice bullocks,

buffaloes, pigs, and other animals on this occasion.*

About this time the Tsaubwa of Unbaung having died, a dispute

occurred among the relations as to the succession. The member of the

family who succeeded was then attacked by the Tsaubwa of Mone, and he

appealed to the emperor for assistance. The emperor deemed this an excel¬

lent opportunity for subduing the whole of the Shan country, and deter¬

mined first to proceed against those in the north. A large army under the

king of Taungu was assembled on that frontier to watch the southern Shans ;

while the emperor himself proceeded with his whole court to Ava, where a

large army was also assembled. He arrived there early in 1557, and soon

after proceeded up the Erawati to Tsampanago, where his army was assem¬

bled. He then marched to Momeit, tho Tsaubwa of which state had joined

the enemy, while the king of Ava and other commanders proceeded against

* Similar customs still exist in some remote parts of the country, though utterly

contrary to Budhism.

144

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

[No. 2,

Unbaung. The whole of the country east of the Erawati was subdued and

annexed to the kingdom of Ava. As many heretical customs existed among

the Shans, the observance of these was prohibited. On the death of a

Tsaubwa, it had been the practice at his funeral to sacrifice his riding ele¬

phant, his horse, and his favourite slaves, and bury them in one grave with

him. This was in future strictly prohibited. Pagodas for worship were

erected ; kyoungs were built, and orthodox monks placed in them, in order

that religious duties might be exemplified and observed. Weights and

measures were introduced in accordance with those existing in Hanthawati,

and officers of justice appointed. Thus did the emperor provide for the tem¬

poral and spiritual welfare of the people. The emperor then determined to

march against Modyin and Mogaung, which had formerly been subject to

China. # For this purpose, he crossed to the west bank of the Erawati, and after

an arduous march north subdued both those states. The Mogaung Tsaubwa

swore fealty, and the Monyin Tsaubwa was taken as a hostage, his son-in-law

being appointed chief. The same reforms were introduced into these states,

which had been enforced in Unbaung and Momeit. The emperor had

now subdued the country as far north as the Patkoi range of hills, which

separates Burma from Asam. He returned to Ava, and from thence proceed¬

ed to Pegu, which he reached in August, 1557.

But already another disturbance had arisen among the restless Shan

chiefs. The Mone Tsaubwa had attacked the chief of Thi-ba. The emper¬

or determined to punish both. In November, he marched to Taungu and

across the mountains towards Mone. Many Tsaubwas had united their

forces, but were defeated. The emperor pardoned the Mone chief on ac¬

count of his youth ; but in this and the adjoining states the reformed

worship was introduced. These states received the name of Kambaudza, or

this ancient name was now revived.

The emperor now held a council as to future proceedings. It was

agreed that, as all the northern Shan states west of the Than-lwin river, except

Thinni, had been subdued, nothing should at present be attempted in that

direction. Thinni was still subject to China, and should not be interfered

with. But it was determined to march against the Ywun Shans of

Zimme, after which it would be easy to occupy the country of the Gun or

Gyun, Kyaing-run and Kyaing-tun, with other neighbouring states bearing

collectively the classic names of Mahanagora and Kliemawara. The army

was at once put in motion from Mone, and made twenty-four marches to

# The northern Shan states in the valley of the Erawati had, no doubt, been

tributary to China. In the sixteenth century, the Ming dynasty had become weak, and

the Manchoos had begun to assail the empire. It was these circumstances, probably,

which determined Bureng* Naung to attack these out-lying districts of the Chinese

empire.

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

145

the Hta-tseng-tsheik on the Than -1 win, where that river was crossed.

From thence twenty-one inarches brought the invader to Zimme. The

king of that country had determined to defend himself in his capital, which

was well provided with jinjals. The emperor, however, had so large a force

with superior artillery, that he surrounded the city and compelled a surren¬

der. The king swore fealty, the emperor asking him if even the great ruler

of China could help him. He agreed to pay an annual tribute of elephants,

horses, silk, and other natural products of his country. Many artificers

with their families were carried away to Hanthawati. No religious reforms

were considered necessary. An army of occupation, numbering fifty thou¬

sand men, was left in Zimme, and was placed on the frontiers of Siam and

Leng-dzeng. The emperor then set out on his return to Ava. Being sus¬

picious of the conduct of the Tsaubwas of Mong, Ngyaun-ywe, and other

states, they and their families were detained as prisoners. The Tsaubwa

of Thinni appeared with presents, but was not required to make his

submission. The emperor arrived at Ava, in August, 1558. There he re¬

mained settling the country and repairing the religious buildings. All the

Tsaubwas in the hills east of Bamau appeared and did homage. While thus

engaged, news was brought that the king of Leng-dzeng# was assembling a

force, to attack the Burmese army in Zimme. The king of Ava was at once

sent with reinforcements, and he forced the king of Leng-dzeng to retreat.

Some cities nearer to the Me-kong River were now occupied, and the king of

Ava was then recalled. The emperor returned to Pegu in May, 1559.

He had before commenced the foundation of a pagoda, and the work was

now pushed on. Numbers of supposed holy relics were placed in the

relic chamber, with golden images of the family of Budlia and his disciples,

and of the royal family. The religious zeal of the emperor did not stop

here. He was shocked at the number of animals put to death by the Muham¬

madans at the capital and other cities. Those people seemed actually to

rejoice in taking the life of a goat or a fowl. The emperor desired to put

an end to such sinful deeds. He built a magnificent Tatshaung, or place of

assembly, and ordered the foreign people to attend. The true religion was

then preached by the royal teacher, and numbers of the foreigners embraced

the doctrine of the three treasures.!

# Leng-dzeng is the Burmese name for the ancient Laos kingdom, east of tho

Mekong, or river of Cambodia, of which either Muang Luang Phaban, or Vien Chan,

called also Lantchiang, was the capital. It is now subject to Siam. See Captain

McLeod’s Journal, p. 39, and Travels by Louis de Carne, p. 12o.

f There are in Pegu a number of families who are Budliists and in no wny dis¬

tinguishable from the people of tho country, but who state that they are of foreign

origin. They bury their dead and erect tombs over them ; and they abstain from

eating pork. In other respects, I am not aware that they have any peculiar customs.

It is probable they are descendants of those converted by Burong Nuung, whoso

140

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

[No. 2,

The empire enjoyed rest for nearly three years. The chief of Kathe

(Manipur) indeed made an encroachment on the territory of the Kale

Tsaubwa, hut this was soon settled. About the middle of the year 924

(A. D. 1562), a more serious attack occurred. The Tsaubwa of Mo-mit

reported that some of his frontier villages had been attacked by the Tsaubwas

from Ho-tha, Tsanda, and other states eastward of Bamau. The emperor

called a council, and observed he had no doubt but that these Tsaubwas

depended on the assistance of the emperor of China, but, as before the

destruction of Pugan, all that country was a part of the territory of that

kingdom, he should punish this aggression. He sent an army under the

three tributary kings of Ava, Prome, and Taungu, and his son, the crown-

prince. The Tsaubwas then all appeared at Bamau and swore fealty to the

emperor. The religious reforms were introduced ; pagodas and kyoungs

were built, and orthodox phungyis sent, in order that the four monthly

worship days and other religious duties might be carefully observed. Times

of payment for the royal revenue were fixed, and once in three years the

Tsaubwas themselves were to come to the royal feet. Later in the same

year, it was discovered that the Tsaubwa of Tanenthari had been sending

presents to the king of Siam, and a small force was sent to supersede

the Tsaubwa. But the commander was wounded and the expedition was

a failure.

The emperor still had his designs against both Siam and Leng-dzeng,

but was willing to forego them if the king of Siam would be reasonable.

In open court he observed that in the time of the younger brother, (so he

now designated Tabeng-Shwe-hti), Siam was a tributary country ; that he

neither wished for war, nor did he wish to worry his officers and the army ;

but the king of Siam had four white elephants and ought to present one.

This appeared to his ministers and courtiers only reasonable. Messengers

were, therefore, sent and the king of Siam was reminded that, in ancient

times, his ancestor had presented a white elephant to Wareru, the king of

Pegu, to whose rights the emperor had succeeded. The reply of the king

of Siam, veiled in ambiguous terms, was interpreted as a refusal, and the

emperor determined to march on the capital of his enemy. According to the

Burmese history, the army consisted of four great corps, each under one of

the three northern tributary kings and the crown-prince. Each corps con¬

sisted of 140,000 men, 400 fighting elephants, and 5,000 horses. The

emperor’s own guards under his immediate command consisted of 40,000

men, 400 fighting elephants, and 4,000 horses.* The army was composed

measures for attaining the object in view were probably not so mild as is represented

in the history.

# The Portuguese historian gives no details of the march of the invading army,

and, it is probable, did not clearly distinguish the two sieges of the capital of Siam by

1873.]

117

Sir Arthur P. Pliayre — The History of Pegu.

of men from all parts of the empire, Pegu, Burma, and the most distant Shan

states. The plan of the campaign was for the several corps to march oil

Zimme, those starting from Pegu getting as far to the north as possible,

and none proceeding from Muttama by the route eastward, which was the

route followed by Tabeng Sliwe hti in 1518. Prom Zimme it was intended

that the river should be used to convey stores for the army dqwn to Today a,

the capital of Siam.

The main army left Hantliawati in November, 1563, and marching up

the valley of the Paung-laung Elver as far as Taungu, passed the eastern

mountain range at various points. The several corps were assembled at

Zimme or the neighbourhood, but the king of that country had refused to

join the expedition and absented himself. All the places of strength in the

territory of Zimme had to be besieged, though some surrendered on being

summoned. The invader thus occupied Thauka-te, Pithalauk, and other

cities, and Au-ga-dhamma Badza, a son-in-law of the king of Siam, was

taken prisoner. Negociations were now opened with the king of Siam, but

he refused to come to terms. The invader gradually approached the capital

Yodaya, and invested it on all sides. But it was necessary first to get posses¬

sion of three ships mounted by Portuguese, which were moored in the river

for the defence of the city, and were supported by batteries on shore. With

great difficulty and loss these batteries were stormed, and the ships

surrendered. The foreigners, it is said, were taken into the emperor’s service.

The king of Siam, disheartened at the loss sustained, now consented to appear

before the conqueror, and though he was not required to do homage as a

subject, he was dethroned, and his kingdom reduced to a tributary state.

The king and his queens were carried off as prisoners and hostages, together

with his younger son, styled Bra-ra-ma-thwun. The elder son, styled Bra-

ma-hin, was made tributary king of Siam ; the king’s son-in-law and other

members of the royal family were appointed governors at Pithalauk,

T1 lauk-kate and other cities. These arrangements were made in March,

1564, and the emperor, after making all arrangements at Yodaya, set out

with his prisoners for Pegu, where he arrived during the following June.

He brought away three white elephants and numerous artificers.

The Portuguese historian, in the 3rd volume of his work, records these

events in the following words, in which some errors will be observed :

“ For the conquest of Siam he led a greater force, possessed himself of the

“ kingdom, and took the king and his two sons, called by reason of their

Bureng Naung, as well as tliat during the reign of Tabeng Sliwe bti, when he was

general. The following passage in the third volume appears to refer to the invasion

now related: “The war began again between Chaumigrem, king of Pegu, and

“ him of Siam. The army of Pegu consisted ot 100,000 men, among whom were

“ many Portuguese, and 17,000 elephants. All this army came to ruin.”

148

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

[No. 2,

“ different colour, one the black, the other the white. He was content to

“ leave that king in possession of the crown as his vassal, having himself

“ been till then his subject,* carrying away his two sons as hostages.

“ Branginoco returning victorious to Pegu, entered the city in triumph,

“ many waggons going before loaded with idols and inestimable booty. He

“ came at last in a chariot with the conquered queens, loaded with jewels, at

“ his feet, and drawn by the captive princes and lords. Before him marched

“ two thousand elephants richly adorned, and after him his victorious

“ troops.”

The emperor, notwithstanding this victory, was dissatisfied that nothing

had been done to punish the king of Zimme for his defection. He had

retreated eastward, and was sheltered by the king of Leng-dzeng. Another

large army was collected, and among the imperial guard and artillery one

thousand Muhammadans and four hundred Portuguese are mentioned in the

Burmese history. The emperor himself left the capital in November 1564,

and proceeded to Labong, near Zimme. A column under Binya Dala, an

officer high in repute, took a southern route by Y aiming. All the Tsaubwas

of the Yun tribe were anxious to support the independence of the king of

Zimme, but he himself came to the emperor and voluntarily submitted,

saying that he did not wish to reign longer. He with his queen and their

attendants then followed the emperor’s camp. Troops were sent into the

country east of Zimme, to subdue the several petty chiefs.

While the emperor was thus engaged, a rebellion broke out in Pegu,

headed by a Shan captive named Binya Kyan, with numerous Shan

prisoners, and in which thousands of Talaings joined. They marched

towards the capital, and the officers in command there were so alarmed, that

they were on the point of sending off the empress and the whole of the royal

family to Taungu for safety. They, however, took the advice of the deposed

king of Ava, Narapati Tsitliu, who pointed out that most of the rebel force

were mere unarmed rabble, and might be easily checked. The ex-king was

intrusted with a force, and went out and defeated the rebels close to the

city. The leader was killed, and the rest fled into the thick woods of the

delta. As soon as the emperor heard of this outbreak, he hastened back

from Zimme with a small force, and reached the vicinity of the city in June,

1565. Seeing that all the magnificent kyaungs and other buildings outside the

city walls, which he had erected at vast expense, had been burnt by the rebels,

lie was so enraged, that without entering the city, he proceeded on to Dala

to hunt them down. The king of Prome who had accompanied the emperor

from Zimme, was employed on this service ; the rebels were utterly defeated,

and several thousands of them taken prisoners. The whole of these the

* This apparently refers to the erroneous idea before mentioned, that Taungti

had been tributary to Siam.

1873.]

140

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Peg it.

emperor intended should be enclosed in a vast temporary building of

inflammable materials, and burnt alive as rebels according to Burmese law.

The Burmese and the Talaing histories, however, both state that on the

intercession of the Budhist monks, Burmese, Talaing, and Shan, he pardoned

all except the leaders, and those who had accepted titles from the rebel

chiefs.

The emperor’s eldest son, the crown-prince, had been left in command

in the Tun country, and found great difficulty in subduing the chiefs, east

and north-east of Zimme. At length, they were driven to shut themselves

up in Maing-zan, in which also was the king of Leng-dzeng and his family.

The town was taken, and all were captured except the king of Leng-dzeng, who

escaped in the confusion. The crown-prince leaving his sick and wounded

in the town, followed up the fugitives, but the Burmese army suffered from

want of food and long marches, and after much loss was forced to return

to Maing-zan. The crown-prince then sent to Pegu all who were able to

travel, with a report to the emperor of the difficulties encountered. Orders

were at once issued for the return of the army, and the crown-prince reach¬

ed Hanthawati in October, 1565. The queen of Leng-dzeng, and the whole

of the prisoners of high rank, were brought and placed in the palace.

The emperor now occupied himself in building new city walls and other

public works. The outer wall or rampart was a square of seven thousand

yards on each face. There were five gates on each face, each gate being

constructed by a tributary king and called after him. A new palace was

likewise built, to which the tributary kings contributed materials. The

whole was finished in March, 1567, when a grand festival was held. #

The last expedition of the emperor against the king of Zimme appears

to be referred to in the second volume of the Portuguese history in the

following words : “ Then he marched with an army of 1,600,000 men

“ and overran many neighbouring countries. But another rebellion break-

“ ing out at Pegu, the queen was forced to fly to the castle, chiefly relying

“ upon thirty-nine Portuguese, who defended her till the king came and

“ vanquished the rebels. Then the king sent an officer to bring those men

“ who had defended the queen to his presence. He brought him some Moors

“ of note. But the king knowing the Portugueses were the men, said in

“ anger, 4 I sent you for men, and you bring me cowards ; go, bring me men.’

* Of this palace the Portuguese historian writes : “ He built a palaco as big as

(t an ordinary city. The least part of its beauty was rich painting and gilding, for

li the roofs of some apartments were covered with plates of solid gold. Some rooms

were set with statues of kings and queens of massive gold, set with rich stones, as

“ big as the life. Ho was carried on a litter of gold upon many men’s shoulders the

“ reveronco paid him was more like a God than a prince.” Ho called this palaco,

which was a vast collection of grand pavilions, Kambauza detha after one of the Bu-

dhist countries of India.

20

v

150

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu. [No. 2,

“ The Portugueses being brought, he bid them ask whatever reward they

“ would, and they with the surprise doubting, the king loaded them with

“riches, praises, and honours.”

In the Burmese and Talaing histories, the Portuguese are not mention¬

ed as contributing to the suppression of the rebellion in 15G5. Although

it is stated that the officers in command, during the emperor’s absence, were

utterly bewildered, the whole credit is given to the deposed king of Ava,

and to an officer commanding a body of light troops detached by the

emperor from Zimme, and who advanced by forced marches on the capital.

But it is evident that in the native histories, the services rendered by the

Portuguese are systematically suppressed, and there appears no reason to

doubt the truth of the anecdote above related.

The king of Leng-dzeng continued to make demonstrations against the

towns in the Zimme territory held by the emperor’s officers. But his

son-in-law came in and made his submission. Everything now looked

promising. The capital was crowded with people, and was a scene of constant

bustle and alacrity. But suddenly rice became scarce, which caused much

suffering. The deposed king of Siam became a Italian, and was permitted

to go to his own country to worship. His son Bra-ra-ma-thwun had died,

and his widow was allowed to return to Siam with her children. The

tributary king of Siam now begun to take measures for once more being

independent, and in this was supported by his father. But his brother-in-

law, who was governor of Pithalauk, would not join them, and leaving his

government, came to Planthawati with his family, where he arrived in June,

1568. The emperor saw that another invasion of Siam would be necessary,

and began to make preparations. But as the campaign could not commence

in the rainy season, he contented himself with strengthening the garrison

of Pithalauk and the king of Siam’s son-in-law was sent back there. The

reigning king of Siam determined to attack Pithalauk at once, and the king

of Leng-dzeng appeared with an army to help him. But the garrison resisted

all their efforts by land and water. Their force became so reduced, that they

at length drew off to a distance.

The emperor had collected even a larger army than before to march

against Siam. It consisted of 5,300 fighting elephants, 53,000 horses, and

516,000 men. In the emperor’s bodyguard were 4,000 Portuguese, and

4,000 Muhammadans, all armed with muskets, and cannon in great numbers.

The army marched in October, 1568, and in forty-seven marches had reached

sufficiently near Pithalauk to relieve that place. The old king of Siam who

had been deposed, appears to have resumed his position, having thrown off

his monk’s gown. Pie had made great preparations for the defence of the

city, and his son Bramahin who had resigned power to his father, nobly

seconded him. On the upper Menam and its tributaries, the emperor

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Peg it.

151

collected numerous boats to convey stores of all kinds for the army on its

inarch clown to the capital. The commander under the emperor was Binya

Bala, through whom all orders were issued. A portion of the army

remained in the upper Menam to plant rice when the rain began to fall, in

ease there should be a scarcity lower down. The army invested the capital

without any resistance. The emperor had determined to reduce it by

famine. But after four months, that is, in May 1569, little or no effect had

been produced. At this time the old king of Siam died, and his son

Bramahin made some overtures for surrender, but these were not accepted.

The losses in the Burmese army had been very severe, and the emperor

becoming anxious, put two of his superior officers to death for neglect of

duty. At this time, the king of Leng-dzeng approached with an army to

relieve the capital. The emperor leaving Binya Bala in command, himself

proceeded with the crown-prince and other officers, and a battle was fought in

which the Laos king was defeated. The king now returned to renew the siege.

Affairs had become very serious and the emperor had recourse to a stratagem.

One of his Siamese supporters, a noble of high rank, pretending to desert,

entered the city with irons on his legs. He was received with joy by

Bramahin, and appointed to a high command. In pursuance of his

treacherous design, he maintained a correspondence with the emperor, and

opening one of the city gates allowed the enemy to enter. The city was

taken in August, 1569, after a siege of seven months. It was given up to

plunder. The unfortunate king Brahmahin was made prisoner.* The

emperor remained in the city of Yodaya for two months, and appointed

Thaung-kyi, a member of the Zimme royal family, tributary king of Siam.

In a council of all the principal officers, it was decided, that it was now

essential that the king of Leng-dzeng should be followed up. Sending back

all surviving disabled men to Pegu, and an immense quantity of plunder,

the emperor himself proceeded up the Menam, and fixed his head quarters

at Pithalauk. Prom thence the several divisions of the army marched

eastward. After a long and tedious march, the emperor encamped on the

right bank of the Mekong, opposite Maing-zan. Nothing had been heard

of the corps commanded by the crown-prince and other generals. Orders

were issued to fell trees, to prepare boats and rafts, to cross the river.

A bridge of boats was at last made by which the army passed, and the enemy

deserted Maing-zan. The other divisions, after great sufferings, had crossed

the river some distance to the north, and now marched down to join the

emperor. Maing-zan being made a depot for stores and the sick, the king of

* Nothing more is said of this king in the Burmese history. Both that and

the Tailing history dwell on the death of the old king and oi the generosity of tho

conqueror in giving him a grand funeral. Ilis son, it would appear, committed

suicide, as we learn from an old Venetian traveller quoted hereafter.

152

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

[No. 2,

Taungu was left in command, while the rest of the army under the emperor

marched in pursuit of the enemy. The Leng-dzeng king was too wary to

come to an engagement, and the invaders were wearied with long marches

and want of food. At length, they returned to Maing-zan, and the whole

army re-crossing the Mekong reached Pithalauk, in June 1570. # Prom

thence the emperor reached Hantliawati in the following month. Of the

original army which marched to subdue Siam, very few survived.

The emperor’s first care after his arrival was to make rich offerings to

the pagodas ; to cast fresh images in precious metals, and to complete a new

Hlwut dau, or royal council chamber, within the palace. He had turned his

attention to foreign trade by sea, and built a ship of his own, which he sent

loaded with merchandize to Melapiit (?) and other ports of Ceylon and

Southern India. In 1571, a rebellion of the northern Shans of Mo-gaung

and Monhyin occurred. A force under the crown-prince and the king of

Ava was sent against them ; but the Tsaubwas could not be found, and the

army was recalled. During this interval, the king of Leng-dzeng for some

unexplained reason made an attack on a city belonging to Cambodia, f and

was killed. One of his nobles usurped the throne. But the emperor, who

had the deceased king’s brother, named Ubarit, at his court, determined to

support his claim, as he consented to become a tributary. An army was

sent under the great general Binya Dala, to place him on the throne, but

the expedition was unsuccessful. He was either put to death or sent into

exile to a sickly place where he died. Binya Dala appears to have been

a native of Pegu, but probably of Shan descent.

The last expedition of Bureng Naung against Siam, and afterwards into

Laos, is related by the Portuguese historian in such a manner, that he ap¬

pears to assert that the city of Yodaya was not taken. The fact of its

surrender, however, admits of no doubt, though from the great loss sustained

by the besiegers, it probably would not have fallen, had it not been for the

treachery which has been related. De Sousa, after relating the capture of

the Siamese princes in the first siege, but apparently not knowing that their

father, the senior or first king of Siam was carried off as a hostage, proceeds

thus : “ After some time, the two brothers asked leave of the king to visit

“ their father, which he granted, and afterwards sending to demand the usual

* This is probably a mistake for June, 1569, as will be seen farther on.

f Cambodia is called in the Talaing history ‘ Khameng,’ probably a corruption

of the native name Khmer. Cambodia seems to be the Portuguese form of Kam-

plioutche, which itself is probably derived from Kambauza, the name of an ancieni

Budhist country of India. All the Indo-Chinese nations have been in the habit

of calling their cities after famous Indian cities. A portion of the Shan country

was also called Ivambauza, and the country east of Barnau was named Kosambi,

which in popular language has been changed to Ko Shan pyi. Yodaya, the capital of

Siam, is the Indo-Chinese form of the famous city of Kama.

1873.] Sir Arthur P. Pliayre — The History of Pegu. 153

“ tribute, the black Prince refused to pay it. The king in a rage sends his

u great favourite Banna, with a powerful army against him. Banna ravaged

“ the country of Siam, and besieges the Prince in Hudixa, who defended it

“ so bravely, that Banna being forced to draw off, he fell upon and totally

“ defeated him. The king sends his brother-in-law with a greater power, and

“ he receives a greater overthrow ; 200,000 of his men were cut in pieces

“ with a great number of elephants and horses, many more of both taken.

“ The black Prince remained victorious, his men were enriched and all en-

“ couraged to follow their good fortune. The king of Pegu raises another

“ army of 1,700,000 men, 1500 elephants, 80,000 horses, and all necessaries

“ proportionable. The command of it he gave to Mapa Raja# his son, with

“ the title of king of Siam, not doubting of the victory. At the news of this

“ power, all Siam trembled except the valiant black, now king, who met his

“ enemy and gave him battle. The two kings encountering on their ele-

“ phants fought, and he of Pegu was cast dead off his elephant, at which

“ sight his men fled and the Siamites pursued them a month, destroying the

“ greatest part of that vast army.”

This account seems to mix up the three or rather four separate expedi¬

tions which we have given from the native histories. The first against

Yodaya, where, though Bureng Naung was victorious, it was with immense

loss ; the two expeditions into Leng-dzeng, the last being under Binya Dala

and both unsuccessful ; and that, to put down the insurrection of the north¬

ern Shans, under the crown-prince, which was also a failure.

Some light is thrown upon this period of the history by the narrative of

Master Ceesar Fredericke, the Venetian, who, as translated in Purchas, states

as follows :f “ Sion, or Siam, was a great city, but in the year 15G7, it was

“ taken by the king of Pegu. The number of his army was a million four

“ hundred thousand men of warre. I was in Pegu six months after his

“ departure, and saw when that his officers that were in Pegu sent five

“ hundred thousand men of warre to furnish the places of them that were

“ slaine and lost in that assault. Yet for all this, if there had not been

“ treason against the citie, it had not been lost ; for on a night there was

“ one of the gates set open, through the which with great trouble the king

“ gate into the city, and became governor of Sion ; and when the emperor

“ saw that he was betrayed, and that his enemy was in the city, he poisoned

“ himself ; and his wives and children, friends and noblemen that were not

“ slain in the first affront of the entrance into the city, were all carried

* This means Upa Radza — the Yuvaraja of the ancient Hindus, — which was the

title Bureng Naung conferred on his eldest son. It is equivalent to Ein-Slie Meng of

the present day.

f Caesar Fredericke, seems to have been indifferent parts of Pegu during 1507,

15G8, and 15G9.

154

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

[No. 2,

“ captives into Pegu, where I was at the coming home of the king with his

“ triumphs and victory ; which coming home and returning from the wars,

“ was a goodly sight to behold, to see the elephants come home in a square,

“ laden with gold, silver, jewels, and with noblemen and women that were

il taken prisoners in that city.”

It will be remarked that there is a difference of one year in the date

given in the Burmese history, and that by Ciesar Predericke as to this in¬

vasion of Siam. The difference is extended to the date of “ the coming home

of the king,” which the Venetian traveller apparently places in 15 G9 ; and

the Burmese history in 1570, after the conclusion of the expedition into

Leng-dzeng.

Caesar Predericke visited Martaban where, as he states, “ we found ninety

u Portugals of merchants and other base men, which had fallen at difference

with the Hector or governor of the citie. At that time, the city was

‘£ empty of men, by reason they were gone all to the warres, and in busi-

“ ness of the king.”

He then proceeded to Pegu, “ which are two cities, the old and new. In

££ the old city are the merchant strangers, and merchants of the country.

“ The merchants have all one house, or Magason, which they call c Gfodon,’

“ which is made of brickes, and there they put all their goods of any value.

“ In the new city is the palace of the king, and his abiding place with

“ all his Barons and Nobles, and in the time that I was there, they

“ finished the building of the new city. It is a great city, very plain

“ and flat, and four square, walled round about, and with ditches that

<£ compass the walls about with water, in which ditches are many crocodiles.

u It hath no draw-bridges, yet it hath twenty gates, five for every square,

<£ on the walls. There are many places made for centinels to watch, made

<£ of wood, and covered or gilt with gold. The streets thereof are the

££ fairest that I have seen ; they are as straight as a line from one gate to

££ another, and standing at the one gate you may discover the other;

££ and they are as broad as that ten or twelve men may ride abreast in them.

££ And those streets that be thwart, are fair and large. The houses be made

££ of wood and covered with a kind of tiles in form of cups. The king’s palace

‘£ is in the middle of the city, made in form of a walled castle, with ditches

££ full of water round about it. “The lodgings within are made of wood, all

££ over gilded, with five pinacles, and very costly work covered with plates of

gold.” The whole of this description of the city of Hanthawati, and of the

palace, would answer for the present capital Mandale, except that the

streets of the latter are broader than is here indicated, and that the palace

wall has no ditch. The traveller gives an intelligent description of the

army of the king of Pegu ; of the war elephants ; the ££ good ordnance made

of very good metal;” he hath ££ eighty thousand harquebusses, and the

1873.]

Sir Arthur IJ. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

-i 9* ef

155

number of them increaseth daily the rest of the soldiers are armed with

bows and arrows, pikes and swords, “ hut their armour and weapons are very

naught and weak this was compared with the European armour and

heavy pikes of the period. The account given by this observant traveller

shows that the native histories do not exaggerate his power and magnificence.

Indeed, they state the number of his soldiers much below that given both by

the Portuguese historian and the Venetian. The latter concludes this part

of his narrative by stating — “ The king of Pegu hath not any army or

power by sea, but in the land, for people, dominions, gold, and silver, he

far exceeds the power of the great Turk in treasure and strength.”

The traveller also describes how “ the king sitteth every day in person

to hear the suits of his subjects,” he sitting “ up aloft in a great hall on a

tribunal seat, with his Barons round about while on the ground “ forty

paces distant” are the petitioners “ with their supplications in their hands,

which are. made of long leaves of a tree,” and a present or gift according to

the weiglitiness of their matter.” If the order be favourable, “ he commandeth

to take the presents out of their hands ; but if he think their demand be not

just or according to right, he commandeth them away, without taking of

their gifts or presents.” So the pitiless Bureng Naung had a conscience,

when sitting as a king to hear his people’s complaints.

The Talaing history records that the emperor desired another expedition

to Leng-dzeng, to retrieve the last disaster there, and “ destroy the head

and not the mere tail of the cobra.” The levy of an army was commenced, but

the people murmured loudly, and many were heard to say that it was better

to die at home than to perish of hunger and fatigue in a far country. The

Shans were equally discontented, and some of the Tsaubwas, it is said, were

supported in their opposition by the emperor’s half brother and son-in-law,

the king of Ava. The project was deferred for the present, but in 1571, the

emperor determined to place Ubarit on the throne of Leng-dzeng. He

marched in October of that year, and arriving at Maing-zan, laid in stores

of grain. He did not march into the country, but issued a proclamation

that he had come to place the rightful heir upon the throne. He then

bestowed, the regalia upon Ubarit with much good advice, and departed,

leaving his tributary at Maing-zan with some troops. He reached Hantha-

wati in May, 1575. But a new expedition against Mogaung and Monyin

had now become necessary ; for those restive states had refused to join the

last expedition to Leng-dzeng, and were in open revolt. A force directed

by the emperor himself proceeded north from Ava. The Tsaubwa of Monyin

was killed, but the other lied, and though the troops followed him into

regions where there was only snow for water, they could not capture him.

In Leng-dzeng, however, the course of events was more fortunate. The

usurper was delivered up by his own olficers, together with his son, and the

156 Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu. [No. 2,

Burmese commanders, apparently glad to leave, returned at once with their

prisoners to Zimme. There a portion of the force remained, and the

remainder came on to Hantliawati. These important prisoners were

forwarded to the emperor who was still at Mogaung, as the exhibition of

them in that quarter would, it was considered, have a good effect. The

Tsaubwa of Mogaung, however, could not be caught, and the emperor,

recalling his son and other officers from the pursuit, returned to Pegu, and

reached his capital in July, 1576.

There a great triumph awaited him. The emperor had long been in

communication with ports on the coast of India and with a Budhist king

in Ceylon. He was the most powerful protector of the three treasures in

Indo-China, and his support was naturally sought for by the now petty

rulers in the holy island of Budhism. Two years before, a Singalese princess

had arrived and had been received with high honour, though the Portuguese

historian asserts that the lady sent was only a daughter of the chamberlain

of the king of Colombo. Now, at the very time the emperor returned to

his capital, news was brought of the arrival of the holy tooth relic of

Gautama Budha in a ship at Bassein. As the season was unfavourable for

the ship to come to Pegu, a deputation of all the nobles of the highest rank

was sent, and they bore a golden vase, adorned with the richest jewels taken

from the conquered kings, in which the precious relic was to he deposited.

A letter was also received from Dhammapala, the king of Ceylon, announcing

that he was the only orthodox king of the four who ruled in the island.

Arrangements were made for building a suitable pagoda for the reception

of the relic ; and with reference to Dhammapala’s complaints of his being

rather overborne by the three heretical kings, an envoy with a small force

selected from all the various races in the emperor’s army, was despatched by

sea to Ceylon. This, it is intimated, had the effect of causing the Budhist

king to be much respected, and the envoy then returned.

The Portuguese historian places the arrival of the pseudo-princess and

the pseudo-relic at the same time, hut otherwise his statement appears

substantially correct. It is as follows : “ Among the treasure lately taken

from the king of Jafanatapan, was an idol adored throughout all the

coast of Asia, and so highly esteemed by all those princes, particularly the

king of Pegu, that he every year sent ambassadors with rich presents to get

a print of it.” The king of Pegu hearing that the Portuguese Viceroy had

this idol — the tooth relic — , offered 300,000 ducats for it. This was refused,

and the tooth was beaten to dust in a mortar and burnt at Goa, by order

of the Viceroy Hon Constantin. “ All men,” adds de Sousa, “ at that time

“ seemed to applaud the act ; hut not long after, two teeth being set up

“ instead of that one, as shall be related in the government of Don Antony

“ de Noronlia, they as much condemned and reviled at it.” As to the

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

157

a

U

Princess, the Portuguese historian relates — “ Brama, king of Pegu, being told

“ by astrologers that he was to marry a daughter of the king of Colombo, sent

“ to demand her, and he had never a one ; hut his chamberlain had one the

“ king esteemed as his own.” He agreed also to give the tooth in dowry

with the bride. They were received “ with the greatest pomp that ever has

yet been heard of. Many gallies were fitted out, but that which was for

the queen, was covered with plates of gold, and rowed by beautiful young

“ women, richly clad, and brought up to this exercise. The king of Candea

“ understanding the deceit of this marriage, and envying that great fortune,

“ acquainted Brama* therewith, offering him a true daughter and tooth,

“ and affirming both that of Columbo, and the other of Don Constantin

“were counterfeit, and the true one was in his hands.” Nothing of this is

to be found in the Burmese or in the Taiaing history ; the relic, though

received with much pomp, disappears from history, and from the memories

of the Budhist nations, where, if believed in, it would have been enshrined

for ever. It was deposited in the relic chamber of a Zedi built to receive

it, and in which gold and jewels of such immense value were placed, that

the Zedi was probably broken into, and the relic chamber plundered, in the

time of the Portuguese adventurer, Philip de Brito, about twenty-five years

later.

After the acquisition of this relic and, it is inferred, from its good

influence, the Tsaubwa of Mogaung was surrendered by his chiefs to one of

the emperor’s sons, styled Tha-ya-wati Meng, who had been sent with a

detachment into that country. The young chief was brought to Hantlia-

wati, and the emperor reproached him with his ingratitude, after the kindness

with which he had formerly been treated. His life wss spared, but he was

exhibited at one of the city gates in fetters for seven days, after which he

was released. About one hundred of his followers who had supported him

in his gallant resistance, were sold as slaves to Kula merchants, and being

put on boardship were sent beyond sea. The emperor had thus rid himself

of his most troublesome enemy, but affairs in Leng-dzeng were not satis-

factory. To strengthen his position in that quarter, he now appointed his

son, the Tha-ya-wati Meng, who had shown great energy and ability,

tributary king of Zimme. He left for his kingdom in March, 1578, and

the emperor enjoined him to remember that he owed allegiance to his elder

brother the Upa Itadza. He received the title of Naurahta Dzau. But the

emperor, from the anxious care he took to bind the two brothers together,

seems to have foreseen the danger of future struggles among the tributary

* Brama was the usual Taiaing pronunciation of the national name for what

wo now stylo Burma, or as now written by the Burmese, Mramma and Bama, but

originally Brahma. Bureng Naung, as already explained, claimed to represent the

ancient Burma race, and is thus correctly designated by the Portuguese historian.

21 x

158

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — The History of Pegu.

[No. 2,

kings of the empire he had founded. It was again necessary to send an

army into Leng-dzeng. A pretender had appeared claiming to be the dead

king Bya-tsetsit, and Ubarit was unable to meet him in the field. The

Upa Radza set out in October, 1579, and marched to Maingzan where Ubarit

joined him. The expedition was successful, and the crown-prince returned

to Pegu in the spring of 1580, bringing some prisoners of importance.

The emperor had now subdued all the enemies with whom he had

fought for so many years. Even Leng-dzeng was to a considerable extent

subject to his tributary king. Instead, however, of resting or granting

his subjects relief, he turned his attention to Arakan. The king of that

country, he observed, desired to be independent, contrary to his engagement,

and it was necessary to coerce him. A large fleet of vessels and boats of

all sizes were collected, in which an army of eighty thousand men was

embarked, and the fleet proceeded to a point on the south coast of Arakan,

where the men landed and marched to Than-dwe (Sandoway) in November,

1580. The force was commanded by one of the emperor’s sons, who received

the title of Thiritliu-dham-ma Radza. He entrenched himself at Thandwe,

and awaited further orders as to an advance on the capital of the kingdom.

This expedition is noticed by the Portuguese historian, who states that a

ship belonging to the king of Pegu was loading at Mazulapatan. The

governor sent some ships to seize it, on what account is not stated. They

did not encounter it there, but afterwards near the mouth of the river

Negraes, and there sunk it. Near this, they met the Prince of Pegu with a

fleet of 1,300 sail, designed for the conquest of the kingdom of Arakan.

A fight took place, the Portuguese disabled and took some of the enemy,

but were obliged to withdraw, on account of the great number opposed to

them, and got into the port of Arakan. The Portuguese then considered

themselves at war with the emperor of Pegu, which probably resulted from

his interference with the petty kings of Ceylon. In the native histories no

notice is taken of this attack on the Burmese fleet. The army sent by the

emperor seems to have remained inactive at Than-dwe for nearly twelve

months. In October 1581, reinforcements were sent, but these did not go

by sea. The emperor’s days, however, were numbered, and before the whole

of the reinforcements reached their destination, he died very suddenly in

November, aged sixty-six years, and after a reign of thirty years in Hantha-

wati. There is a studied obscurity in the native histories as to the lineage

of Bureng Naung, but as he had in early life married a sister of king

Tabeng Shwe hti, it is probable that he belonged to the royal family of

Taungu.

List of the Kings of Pegu of Short race, who reigned after the re-establishment of the kingdom under JVare-ru,A. D. 1287.

1873.]

Sir Arthur P. Pha.yre — Tlte History of Pegu.

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159

[No. 2,

160

JVoles on the age of the ruins chiefly situate at Banaras and Jaunpur. — By

the late Mr. Charles Horne, B. C. S.

The following notes refer chiefly to the ruins at Bakharya Kund at

Banaras, full accounts of which have appeared in the Journal of the Asiatic

Society of Bengal for 1866, and those at Jaunpur, viz., the three great

mosques of Atalah-Lal Danvazalr and the Jami’ Masjid ; although a large

portion of them will apply to many other buildings in this part of India.

Up to the winter of 1870, I had always believed, and my belief had

been strengthened by the opinions of others, but these buildings had in

general been built upon Buddhist or ancient Hindu substructures, or had been

altered and converted from such buildings for Muhammadan purposes. They

had been so treated by the Bev. M. A. Sherring and myself, when describ¬

ing them, and General Cunningham, Archaeological Surveyor of India, ap¬

peared to be of the same opinion. Thus these substructures would date very

early, even to 300 and 500 A. D., at least.

My attention to the subject of this alteration and conversion had been

first aroused by Mr. Fergusson’s admirable account of such conversion,

and most of these buildings shew traces of such alteration. But happening

to refer to Mr. Fergusson’s History of Architecture, Yol. II, page 663,

for a description of Indian Saracenic Architecture, the edition now used

by me being of a later date than that I possessed before the meeting

in 1857, I find that the writer, speaking of Bakharya Kund near Banaras,

says, that “ there is a singular group of tombs and other buildings by the

Moslems which are singularly pleasing specimens of the Jaunpur style.

In the upper part of the page, there is a description of the grand old

Atalah Mosque ( Mljf ) at Jaunpur, in which Mr. Fergusson says that he

was “ almost inclined to agree with Baron Hiigel in considering this a

Buddhist monastery.” I have lived five or six years in the immediate

vicinity of all these buildings, and have examined them most carefully and

duly weighed all the evidences of antiquity I met with, and I entirely agree

with Baron Hiigel in holding that much of the substructure as well as the

general plan is Buddhist or Ancient Hindu. If so, they are most interesting

examples of their class and built examples of an ancient style which Mr.

Fergusson holds not to exist in India at the present time. Hence the subject

assumes great interest, and is worthy of careful and temperate discussion.

Unfortunately, to be properly dealt with, it requires many plates.

In two manuscript copies of the Jaunpurnamah, or ‘ History of Jaun¬

pur, ’ which I have compared, and which was compiled some seventy years

# In a footnote to the same page we find : — Journal of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal, for 1865 (should be 1866). There however , they are mistaken for Buddhist

remains, which they are not.”

161

1873.] C. Horne — -JS/otes on the ruins at Sandras and Jaunpur.

since by Kbairuddin Ilahabadi, a most learned Muslim of the city, from

manuscripts and from local oral tradition, the Atalah Masjid is spoken as

an existing idol temple when Firuz Shah founded the city. In this record

we are told that Rajah Jay Chand overcame the giant Karabir, who resided

at Jaunpur, and destroyed an idol temple ; but this temple would seem

rather to have stood on, or below, the site of the Fort of Jaunpur, and of it

but few traces remain. These consist of carved stones built into the mosque,

which was afterwards constructed chiefly thereof in the Fort area.

This view is supported by the fact that, in 1858-59, when mines were

drawn under the fort for the purpose of destroying the fortification, carved

stones and fragments of friezes were dug out, of the same patterns as those

used by the Muslims in their erection of the propylus of the mosque of

Atalah. This fort dates (as a fort) with the bridge, or perhaps a little earlier,

i. e. the latter part of the 15th century. The temple of Atalah Devi, or Dewal

Atalah, is spoken of throughout the history as having been a place of great

sanctity, and it would seem that the Brahmans on the overthrow of Bud¬

dhism had appropriated it, and making Sakhya Muni the ninth Incarnation

of Vishnu, left his figures standing therein. The fact of there being such

figures, many remains of which still exist, only proves that the monastery

was built after the faith had become much degenerated. Firuz Shah

granted the people a sanad whereby their temples were not touched,

but no new temples were to be erected. Subsequently, we are told, that

naturally , as the Muslims gained power, they converted it into a mosque,

and it became the state place of prayer ; but subsequently falling into disrepair,

it was never restored.

This, remember, was written by Muhammadans who could have no pos¬

sible object in misrepresentation, and who, if it were so, would certainly claim

the mosque as an original erection.

When most carefully examined by me, I found no traces of statues of

any other than Buddhist, i. e. Sakhya, at the Atalah, although some others

were found built into the other mosque. In the basement niches there

would appear to have been cut in relief bells supported by chains or

twisted rope. This is a well known form of ancient Hindu ornamentation,

and the cloisters at the Qutb near Dihli, which Cunningham so clearly

shews to have been constructed of Hindu temple pillars, are covered with

them. Report for 1862-63, page xxxix.

This last named writer in one place speaks of the apparent conversion

of these bells most ingeniously into seal and stands with a Muhammadan

inscription upon them, and this would appear to have been done at

the Atalah, notably in the vestry room, converted by them into a room

for their women who entered by a private door and staircase, and they

then appear to have cut upon the said seals their profession of faith.

C. Horne — Notes on the ruins at Bananas and Jaunpur. [No. 2,

Again, the brackets within the courtyard which supported the eaves

of the upper cloister have originally been animals. Their forms have

been defaced, but it cannot be concealed, and surely no Muslim ever put these

up. Throughout the three mosques at Jaunpur there are built into the re¬

stored or altered parts, such as the gateways, and domes, very many defaced

Hindu figures, chiefly Buddhist, built face inwards into the masonry, all

shewing most plainly whence the materials were obtained.

The Mahawanso tells us that the pulpit in Buddhistical Viharas always

faced the East, and that the principal door faced the East also. Hence the

direction of Makkah was already arranged for.

The great porch of the Jaunpur mosques may be entirely of Muham¬

madan construction ; but the principle of the arrangement of the doorway

is very ancient Hindu, whereby the light enters from over the high door and

falls at a certain hour on the figure of Sakhya, which was always placed upon

a ‘ singhasan,’ or throne, facing due East.

The cloisters around appear to be much as they ever were, excepting that

they have been constantly repaired, and pillars here and there replaced.

I have never heard of such pillars being claimed by Musalmans ; and we find

the same at the rock cave temple in Bihar, whilst the cruciform capitals

are as ancient as any form of Indian architecture that I know of.

The centre gateways are manifestly inserted, and although ancient mate¬

rials have been used, the work is Muslim. Here any unprejudiced person can

see at a glance how the ancient work has been overlapped and built in. He has

only to look at the columns and at the ground basement moulding running

under the very steps. This basement moulding appeared to Mr. Sherring and

myself to be part of the original building, and here I may remark that the

Muhammadans, when preparing a mosque, never cared to disturb the good old

foundations or the basement moulding. They built on whatever they found

that suited their purpose, and hence we find mere ancient substructures.

In General Cunningham’s Report for 1862-63, para. 261, p. 23, he says,

speaking of remains at Kanauj — “ On comparing, therefore, this cloistered

Masjid (the Sita-ka-Rasui) with those of Jaunpur, which are acknowledged

rearrangements of Hindu materials, we see at once that . are not Mu¬

hammadan. Vide also para. 261, which applies still closer to Jaunpur.

As doubtless the masons employed by the Muslims were Hindus, any

mason marks made by them during the rearrangements would prove nothing.

They are not therefore quoted in this place. Some were published by me

in the 4 Builder,’ of June 26th, 1869.

The cloister pillars also shew beneath the new work of the porch,

which is scaling off and falling down.

The whole country in this neighbourhood was formerly covered with

ancient temples, and we found in the foundation under the front gateway

103

1873.] C. H orne — Notes on the ruins at Bananas and Jaunpur.

of the Lai Darwazah a Hindu pillar carved over with chains and bells.

The fact that Jaunpur, under some other name, is not mentioned by the

Chinese travellers is not surprising ; for, as I said before, the whole country is

covered with the remains of such buildings, and they had enough to see and

describe without going out of their way.

Before leaving these interesting buildings, I would wish to remark a

curious coincidence. The “ Sita-ka-Rasui” at Kanauj is quoted by Mr.

Fergusson from Cunningham’s Report as having been rearranged from a

Jain temple by the very Ibrahim Shah of Jaunpur in 1106, A. D., i. e.

just the same time as that assigned by that gentleman (viz., A. D. 1119)

for the erection of the Jaunpur mosque by Ibrahim Shah. The inference is

very clear. He says that they were commenced at this time, and finished

by Husain, 1151-78.

In all this, I do not deny that the Muslims may have copied ancient

patterns in carving, as is notably seen in old cloisters in the Fort at Raj-

ghat, Banaras, the adaptation of which has never been disputed, and they

certainly used carved stones found on or near the spot for their new work.

Mr. Fergusson writes to me that our difference of opinion is not one of

degree, it is absolute ; “ I deny in toto that these mosques are built on Bud-

“ dhist sites, or that their details are Buddhist, or even copied from Buddhist

“ buildings.”

o

The closed cells under the courts are not wanting, and are visible in a

marked degree under the Mosque of Aurungzeb in the centre of Banaras,

where all may see them.

The very many ancient carved stones found within the precincts of the

mosques prove that at the best they were sites of buildings of great antiquity.

I will now say a little relative to the ruins of Bakharya Kund and the

grounds upon which we (Mr. Shering and I) assigned them the date we did,

viz., that of the Gupta dynasty, according to Mr. Fergusson, 300 to 100 B. C.

At Jaunpur, I am not aware of any inscriptions having been found to

fix the conversion of the mosques ; but at Bakharya Kund we were more

fortunate, and the reader will find one of the time of Firuz Shah, A. D.

1375, quoted by Mr. E. Thomas in his work on the Chronicles of the Pathan

kings of Delhi, to shew how they appropriated and built upon temples

which came to their hand. In fact, I may in passing remark, that I

have only found one temple at Banaras which can claim date before the

time of Mahmud, the destroyer of temples. It is at Klmndua on the Pach-

kosi road, and is well worthy of the visit of any passing archaeologist.

The Chinese traveller of the 7th century, Hwen Tlisang, mentions many

Buddhist monasteries at Banaras in his day, and states that there were thirty,

to most of which were probably attached temples, and considering the massive

structure of the day, I hold that some remains must exist even now. Hence

Mr. Sherring and 1 examined well the line of country where they were

164 C. Horne — Notes on the ruins at Banaras and Jaunpur. [No. 2 ,

likely to be, and we reported our success in the pages of this Journal.

Chief amongst these was the one at Bakharya Kund, which Mr. Sher-

ring brought to notice some years ago. Here we found a small mosque, the

substructure of which we hold to be original ancient Hindu or Buddhist

work. There were also many terraces, girt at their base with massive mould¬

ings, breast works built up of large cut stones, low cloisters constructed of

old square columns, and foundations built of huge brick and very many feet

in thickness (10 to 30 ft.). Over the ground were scattered carved stones,

broken statues, kulsis or top stones, 9 feet in diameter, with many other re¬

mains. Below these basement mouldings or blocks of stones, squared on three

sides and rough internally, which had been laid bare by the weather, were

many incised inscriptions in the Gupta character. A few of these have been

collected on the. accompanying plate, and these have principally, but not

wholly, been copied from stones ‘ in situ.’ This is one of the principal

grounds of our opinion, which was not hastily formed. The inscriptions were

kindly translated for me by my learned friend Babu Bajendralala Mitra.

The small mosque is a very curious one of conversion, if it be one. The

ground plan is not that of a mosque at all, but of an Indian temple.

It is a square with a square projected on each face. On that facing the

East, however, the projection has not been carried out, but instead an enor¬

mous stone has been let in as a base for the singhasan on which was to stand

the figure of Sakhya. From the base arise pillars, severe in character, square

as all the ancient Hindu pillars were in this part of the country, whilst above

the Muslims have put on a dome. It has been figured in our account in the

J. A. S. for 1866, and even struck J. Prinsep who lithographed it in his

views of Banaras. The massiveness of the pillars, which are built up of single

stones without mortar, has ensured permanence.

Other remains near are held by us to be of equal antiquity. These have

been preserved by being used as tombs for the burial of great men or

of saints. With the wealth of material lying about, the Muslims of

Banaras appear seldom to have built a tomb, but at Jaunpur there are

most elegant mausoleums in which little or no Hindu materials have been

employed.

The strange way in which pillars have been used as architraves at Bakha¬

rya Kund is very singular, but the height of absurdity was at Sayyidpur

Bliitari, a great Buddhist site, where I saw a linga put up for a Muhammadan

head stone at a grave, with a little niche for the lamp cut in it, and this

linga had been carved out of a Buddhist column. After this, one can wonder

at no amount of conversion or alteration by the Muslims.

I trust that in the above notes I have shewn some ground for the views

I hold in regard to the buildings, the date of which is under discussion, and

I would beg to refer the reader to the ample details in this Journal for 1868.

nu* ^K^U^cryA AearzoA- A^TZOZded^^ AA^ZToTuZLy'

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IV Or ogfjts. Photo -lit? L

165

Studies in the Grammar of Chand Barden. — By John Beames, B. C. S., &c.

As the first fasciculus of the text of this ancient poet has now been

published, it may he hoped that scholars in various parts of India will begin

to co-operate with those few persons who have hitherto had access to the

MSS. in elucidating the mysteries of his crabbed and archaic style. The

time seems opportune, therefore, for collecting such observations as I have

been able to make from time to time on the grammatical peculiarities which

Chand’s language exhibits. I have not been able to study the whole of the

vast work, indeed such a task would take up all the time of more than one

student even if he were not like me much occupied with official duties ; but

as the style, even in its irregularities, seems to be uniform throughout,

notes on those books which have been examined, will probably be found

applicable to the rest. The illustrations hereinafter given are taken chiefly

from the 1st book as it is now in print. The 19tli, 64th and 65tli books,

have also been cited. There are, moreover, several quotations from various

parts of the first eighteen books, and one or two from the 21st, the

celebrated Mahoba Ivhand.

By way of getting at a sound working basis, it is necessary first to

clear out of the road certain obstructions partly peculiar to Chand and

partly shared by him with all early Indian poets. The first of these is

the uncertainty of the spelling ; in respect of vowels, we find the same word

written at one time with a long vowel, at another with a short one ; vowels

are inserted or omitted at will, and diphthongs are written in two or three

different ways. In respect of consonants, arbitrary insertions or omissions

occur, double consonants are written as single, and single as double, aspirates

are deprived of their aspiration, and unaspirated letters are aspirated at will.

The following examples may be taken :

a. Vowels, -srifx and ; qTcT, ^eT, «Tfr and q?r, and ;

and frfv fc^ and \ (^?fb) ; and fhpr ;

and NTT ; qyqq for ^frT or ^rq^T, and

• juft;, Jirct, Jrefr, and ; «T5K, #rqT, and «rr; and

; -JifirqT and am ; and ; ^tBt, %TfH and

ljT<T; oTf and and fq«TTW 5 and

th and

b. Consonants. and Splfsr, and ; W,

and St ; and qfTpnjf and q\p5T also ; faq and fqxq • and

31^ ; and^^T^f; 3T^, and 3K ; qq and qq ; qr*3T,

qn*r } and qtere ; and Tqr*r fw*r, and :wi«r, ^»rT»r,

and and ; f%q, fspq, and f%vi ; ^«t, and

and ; qjqvrrr, and ww, and ; with many others.

22

Y

John Beames — Grammar of Gliand Barddi.

[No. 2,

106

Two explanations suggest themselves for this state of things. In the

case of alterations which affect the metrical quantity of the syllable, we

may suspect that they had been made metri causa , as is customary in Hindi

poetry ; and in those which do not affect the quantity, we can often see

various forms of the same word in successive stages of phonetic corruption.

But those two explanations do not account for every change, nor is all

yet explained, even if we add the ignorance or carelessness of copyists.

Moreover, we are led* to be very shy about using the metri causa argument

from observing the extreme laxity of the poet in this respect. Looking at

his metres simply according to the name they bear, we may divide them into

three classes :

1st. Those identical with Sanskrit metres.

2nd. Those peculiar to the poet.

3rd. Those identical with modem metres.

Leaving out the second as indeterminable at present, if we take the

first and third we find that by no process can we make them scan. We

may indulge to the full in the liberty of inserting or omitting the unwritten

short a , we may pronounce diphthongs as one, two, or three syllables,

but not even thus can some of the lines be brought to accord with the scale.

Sometimes ten lines will scan quite accurately, and the eleventh be all

wrong. The bards of the present day call Chand’s style the £ dingal bhdkha ,’

as contrasted with ^ ping at bhaJchd ,’ or verse constructed according to strict

rules of prosody. It must be remembered that many of these poems were

impromptu productions, and most, if not all, were written to be sung, and

any deficiency of syllables could be covered by prolonging one sound over two

or three notes, as often happens in English songs, or on the other hand two

or more syllables could be sung to one note as in our chanting. Where so

much license exists, we cannot use the metrical argument except with great

caution. #

We are, therefore, driven back to the conclusion that in Chand’s time

the form of words and their pronunciation was extremely unfixed. This

is probable from historical considerations also ; and the use of the conclusion

itself to us in our present enquiry is that it removes out of the way the

necessity of attempting to establish a fixed set of forms for words and

inflexions. We take all Chand’s words for the present as they stand, we

take each word in four or five different forms if need be, and do not trouble

ourselves to find out which is the right form for Chand’s period, simply

because we do not believe there was any right form, any one form, that is,

more used and more generally accepted than any other. In fact, we

* Since writing the above, I have been informed by Dr. Hoernle that he does not

find Chand’s metres so irregular as the bards report, but the learned professor allows

himself to alter the spelling of the text to bring the words into agreement with the

metres, a practice which seems somewhat premature.

1G7

1873.]

John Beanies — Grammar of Chanel JBardal.

recognize the thoroughly transitional character of the language we have

to deal with.

The second obstruction to he removed is that of texts j so far as I have

seen, the MSS. at present available, some five in all, have all been copied

from the same original text, and servilely repeat the old mistakes. Where

they differ from one another, we can generally detect merely an additional

error of the copyist. It is not necessary therefore to enter upon a detailed

collation of texts, such a process would not lead to our finding out or

establishing one settled and correct reading. Sometimes for thousands of

lines together, there is not the divergence of a single letter between the

whole five MSS., the same obvious errors being faithfully repeated by all.

Historically the Baidla MS. has the best right to he considered the

representative of the original text. Tod’s and Caulfields’ MSS. belonging

to the Royal Asiatic Society, were made for the officers whose names they

bear in the second decade of the present century, as stated in the colophon

to each, though it is not stated from what older MS. they were copied. The

Bodleian has no colophon, hut agrees, as far as I was able to compare it,

with Tod’s. The Agra which is the worst, and most carelessly written of

all, is also from the same origin, with a great many extra blunders of its

own. I do not know from what source the translations lately printed in

the ‘ Indian Antiquary’ are derived, but from the absence of proper arrange¬

ment and the scanty nature of many of the extracts, it is probable that the

MS. was not a perfect one. As to the many imperfect scraps which may be

found here and there in the libraries of native princes, they are so

fragmentary and so interspersed with matter which Chand never wrote, and

their language has often been so obviously modernized, that it will be wiser

to disregard them altogether, classing them under the head of “ pseudo-

Chan d fragments,” and sticking to the few complete copies which are

accessible. For working purposes, Dr. Hoernle and myself are taking Tod’s

as our basis, occasionally assisted by the Baidla and Agra. Caulfield’s and

the Bodleian being locked up in English libraries cannot be used.

Taking then the work as it stands, and not- troubling ourselves in our

present initiatory stage with either spelling or text, the following notes may

be found useful to start with, though many of them may have to he modified

as we learn more about our subject. For it must be steadily borne in mind

that we are only at the beginning of the battle, and have no predecessors in

the field, of whose labours we can avail ourselves. Everything hereinafter

stated, is therefore tentative, and, pro hac vice only, dogmatizing would be

premature. Moreover, Chand is the earliest poet in the language, and we

can therefore illustrate him only hy his successors ; his relations to those who

went before him are absolutely indeterminable for the present, and will

probably long remain obscure.

108

John Beames — Grammar of Chand JBardai.

[No. 2,

The pronoun as the oldest and most characteristic part of the language

may be taken first. The forms observable approach very closely to those in

use in all the Hindi poets down to a late date, the pronoun being peculiarly

tenacious of its ancient forms.

Both in the noun and pronoun, the synthetical process has been to a

great extent rejected, while the analytical is as yet in an imperfect state of

development. Thus, three states or forms of the singular, and three of the

plural, may be detected in the pronoun : first, the direct or simple form,

used for the nominative : second, the oblique, used for all cases, sometimes,

with the addition of post-positions as *3T, iRf, etc., but more often

without any distinguishing mark : thirdly, a special form for the genitive.

The pronouns of the first, second, and third persons are exactly parallel,

the first being modifications of a theme mo, the second of to, and the third

of td {yd and va).

It will perhaps be useful in a little known author like Chand to give

rather copious illustrations of each form first, and then to tabulate the

results at the end.

The commonest form for the nominative of the first person is . This

is derived from the Skr. by rejection of the ^ and resolution of the final

m into its compound elements, as in ttr (see 2ny Comp. Gram., Yol.

I, p. 254). One example may suffice for this very frequent form.

m % % ii

Then I quit the body {i. e., kill myself) I. 157. 2.#

Differing only by the omission of one of the top strokes and therefore to

be regarded more as a variation in writing than as a separate form is as

Yf Wl % ^T?T II

I am (constantly) hearing all that, 0 mother. I. 1G0. 4.

Yt tor tr ii

I knowing science tell this to thee. III. 27. 50.

The form If often written tr and so hardly to be distinguished from the

post-position ‘ in,’ occurs in a few passages, as

kl

crf^T ?? rfxq ||

I heard the Shah had deprived (him) of eyes.

Abandoning food I practised austerities and penance. LXY. 110; 17-18

In these lines, and wherever else it occurs, is used before the past

tense of an active verb, showing that it was still regarded as an instrumental,

as it is by origin from the instr. of Sanskr. trt., Prak. tr and tit;. Chand

I believe wrote simply ti, as in Marathi Tft ; the anunasika is a modern

* Tlie Roman numeral indicates the Book of Cliand’s poem, the first Arabic

numeral, the canto or poem (Kavitt), the second the line. The numbering follows my

list in J. A. S B., Yol. xli , p. 204.

1G9

1878.] John Beames — Grammar of Chand Bar dai.

addition, so is the use of If as a nominative, and the modern fashion of

saying "if is founded upon ignorance of the true nature of the word and

contains the instrumental twice over.

For commonest of the oblique forms, innumerable examples may

he found. Two may suffice, as the form is also in use in mediaeval Hindi,

down to the seventeenth century at least.

3t|t II I, 192. 2.

The lord of Mohini (Durga) hath said to me.

fqrTT II LXIY, 3GG. 9.

There is no business for me in my father’s palace.

( i . e., What have I to do with it ?)

It is apparently Chand’s idea of metre, for he has some ideas on the

subject, that leads him to shorten this form constantly into as :

^TT I, 170. 2.

\J

If Dhundha shall swallow me.

cr*i ^ ^ 11

rre ^ 3TTfT II

\J M

^ ^rf?T ^rft ii -qrs; ww n I. 27G. 1-4.

Till then pain and poverty (were in my) body.

Till then my limbs were light ; (i. e., mean, contemptible).

As long as I came not (to thee),

And worshipped at thy feet.

The final short i is sometimes omitted, as

Pit *T<T II I. 179. 2.

This opinion seems (right) to me.

Commoner than any except mold is the form ^T, used for all cases, some¬

times with, but oftener without, post-positions, as

fcfTH II I. 188. 11.

How shall there be salvation for me.

f*lf% W <TTc T HX II I. 49. 9.

He who killed the snake (on) my father’s neck.

Vif ^Tftr ^'TffT II ) yj qg q_2

■sum ^ II S

Bhat by caste, king of poets.

Lord ! my name (is) Chand.

iNrt ^ TTF55 II I. 1G0. 1.

Having thus said for me you find fear.

(i, e., You put fear into mind).

«T II I. 157. 1.

If you do not speak the truth to me.

Instances of the form hvr are also frequent.

J

170

[No. 2,

John Beamcs — Grammar of Cliand Bar dal.

f<TH it I. 279. 1.

This land (was) my father’s and my ancestors’.

3TT f%f% ||

II I. 147. 3, 4.

"Who (am I), from what race sprung

Tell thou to me, 0 mother.

Instances of are as follows :

^55 II I. 160. 2.

You have no pity on me.

(Lit. Of me any pity not comes.)

W ^T<T ^ ^ II

Seven brothers of mine are slain. Y. 61. 3.

II (}■ e‘ | <X*Cj.£- ) .

This is my petition. I. 228. 2.

For the nominative plural is universal ;

^ qmit ^rf% ii

We (and) you had never strife, I. 210. 29.

cj*j *frm s;f% ii

We and you (have) business (on) this field to-day. Ib. 31.

The oblique form is and the genitive ^KT ®Tt.

^JT^T II

Alha, hear my word. XXI. 145. 2.

The nom. is used when we must translate by a genitive or other oblique

case, as in "ffFrf feyw, the day of the death of me. I. 210. 27. It is a

nom. as:ain in

WX ^ ^ II

Quoth Kanli, honorable (are) we all. VI. 82. 1.

The post-positions are affixed as in the modern language ^rf, etc.

For the second person the singular nom. 7^ has been quoted above, as

also the plural nom. TjTf ; the former has an emphatic form as in the hymn

to Bhavani —

?TIP 5ith<PN II

STfT^TT II

Thou art Ganga Godavari, Gomati,

Thou, Narbada, Jamuna, Saraswati. LXV. 16.

And so on through some forty lines. In the following, however, we

have the oblique form : the only difference is the absence of the anunasika.

The i is lengthened metri gratia ;

^ ^}j?i ii *rp*r ii

Before all affairs. Thy name is affixed.

Hymn to Ganesha, I. 26. 26.

1873.]

John Beanies — Grammar of Chand Bar dal.

171

\j - I - W | - II W - I - KJ I - II

Sabai Kajja aggai tub! nama laggai,

The regular form for the oblique is, as might be expected, ; (JB

^ II I. 192. 4.

C\ # ^

Sambliu is pleased with thee (t^b = TJg).

Shortened to gf%, as in B vi5t II I. 60. 1.

If there were not a curse on thee.

Or to as

*TTcT m rTTfT It I. 250. 1.

Hearing (this) word, thy father.

Parallel to the first person, occurs Tpfi, 33R«T me tell

the tale to thee. LXY. 314.

There is also the Prakritic form in XXX xtr ^«r II Thy

sons and grandsons from the wombs of thy wives. I. 280. 3., and vrsr

II Say that the strength of thy arm is wonderful.

LXV. 325. 3. *

The oblique form of the plural is and of constant occurrence.

XX ^ II

I ask one son of thee. I. 88. 3.

^ fax <pRR II

It f^X xfxXT ^x II

Either I will yield my head to thee,

Or I will put the umbrella over my head. I. 279. 3, 4.

( i . e., I will conquer thee, or die,)

The post-positions are used with rj'ST, as tjift 3B, etc.

For the third person we have a definite personal pronoun ^T, as well as

the two demonstratives X^ and = this, that, with their respective

formations.

XX ‘ this’ is found repeatedly XlTx X^ II To me this future

appears clear. I. 28. 2.

The oblique form is x\fx, II To complete this

(is) a work determined on. I. 87. 6.

I am disposed to see a shortened form in the line

XX X (*JT) XT fkr T II

This was his thought and my thought. I. 251. 4.

Both the nom. plural of and an emphatic singular of XS are

contrasted in the following : ^

X rT^RTfT II XX XX ^ ^TI II

They ply their swords, He catching (them) in his mouth breaks

(them). I. 254. 5, 6.

In order not to prolong this section too far, I will now merely give the

172 John Beames — Grammar of Chond Bar dai. [No. 2,

scheme of the pronouns as far as I have found them, or can construct them

from analogy. The latter are in brackets.

1st Person.

Sing. Nom. §f,

Oblique ijf%, iiT, ^

Genitive ifr, and °ft

Plur. Nom.

Oblique

Genitive

3rd Person.

Sing. Nom. ^TT. he

2nd Person.

#if%, 'st, gsi

m, oft of.

rjiT occasionally in Gatha

[g^rcr] oft

Obi. ?nf%, rTT

Gen. ?TT ^ffT etc.

PI. Nom. w ^

Obi. frffa, f?R, frT^r

Gen.

this ^

*nf%,

"£IT<?\T etc.

’•N

T*f #T

'3'^ that '3^'.

^Tf%.

^TT^T etc.

■<?

[^T] ^T.

[^T%T]

Of other forms

series shortened at

cTTfvr is shortened into f?rft, and thus corresponds with f^rf% (pi. f^TpT and

fsj^) from ^rf.

' ^

The interrogative is or ^T, oblique pi. f%«T.

may be cited f%?PTT and its series, also ^rr and its

times to etc. A curious double form occurs in the lines

^ f TT 11

<TTT% WQ =fT JIT%^ II

He of whom there is no body,

Him in what way can one catch P I. 161. 8.

I suspect % here to be a relic of the verb Tear, as in the same passage

occurs the phrase

fsref II

fTT^t II

Where the sight does not penetrate

There in what way can one see ? ib. 4.

It would mean in full 4 how having done ? in what manner having

acted.’ The oblique form of the plural is used adverbially for ‘ how ?,’ and

takes anuswara as in the first of the two last quoted instances. In the

following it stands alone —

f sfrlr n I. 154. 4.

J

How did Sarang He make war ?

For farcHTT and its series we have also ^?TT and the rest.

^ «PC ff* TTT H

vnj ^ ^ ii I. 162. 3-4.

How many men, and Bajarshis,

Have there been (and) gods and demons of you.

1873.]

173

J ohn Beames — Grammar of Chand Barden.

Chanel’s noun is rather a formless affair, as might have been expected,

not only from the age in which he wrote, but from the style common to all

those most obscure and difficult of writers, the Hindi poets. Like them, he

loves to string together crude nouns, and leaves the reader to construct

sentences out of them by mentally supplying the needful case-signs. This

he does not merely in his rhapsodies where perhaps no very definite meaning

is to be expected, but even in his narrative portions. Thus in the very first

stanza

fsR;

(Literally) Firm. Going Living being. Life. Possessing quali¬

ties of sandal-wood.

All which may be put together into a sentence as the reader likes ;

or again —

cpCfcf ^

Kali (yuga). Heroes. Heroes. Well. Strife.

?T^T ^

King. Brahmin. Neck. Bind.

Other instances afford a clue by some verbal form, or by the context ; as

^ II

To all men anxiety arose. I. 149. 2.

for ;

to ii

service much wealth is gained. I. 262. 8.

which may be rendered in Mod. Hindi thus §«r ^ %?TT %

fTT<sT II

The darbar became like a tank full of blood as water. V. 37. 1.

In full thus — *TT~T WT %.

The case-signs, however, are fully and freely used when the metre allows,

and I shall now give instances of their use, exhibiting the more ancient as

well as the transitional forms, and those which are identical in form with

the modern post-position.

The objective case, including both dative and accusative, is indicated by

the preposition, concerning whose origin I reseiwe my opinion for the

present, Variant forms are efif, from the last of which by

dropping the anuswara comes the modern ^T.

^ ii

He seeks one of you. I. 88. 9.

# Provisionally, Trurapp’s theory of the origin of this form from ^T'S, resulting

from jjfrf by aspiration of the rf owing to elision of the n, may be accepted, but thore

are difficulties even in this theory. (See his Sindhi Gram. p. 115). Caldwell’s con¬

nection of this form with the Dravidian ku ( Icku) must in any case be regarded as

finally exploded and no longer tenable,

22

z

174

[No. 2,

John Beames — Grammar of Chanel Barcldi.

^Trf 3T5? II

^fcT ^ II

At morning time the hero to Brahmans

Dividing with his own hand gave (gifts) VII. 5. 3-4.

wTx TcT TO*T TO II

Having made obeisance to all. VI. 38. 2.

Another instance was quoted a while back under iiT. The u is leng¬

thened metri gratia in

fspeftTTST ^ n ^ WT ST* II

For the war with Prithiraj at Mahoba Parimal has summoned us, XXI.

84. 6.

The other forms are too common to need quotation.

Under the head of ablative, come several post-positions. is the

older form from which come the forms %f, *jff and ; thus — -

TO TF W II

Says the messenger to PrithirSj. XIII. 1G. 1.

In Mod. Hindi, verbs of speaking take %; the original meaning of

which is shown by its derivation from to be £ with,’ though in modem

times often used in the sense of ‘ from for which latter the proper word is

or ?f to be noticed presently. Instances of *jf occur frequently, one has

been given above, another one of is ^ ^f?r TO-, ‘ says the wife to her

husband,’ I. 7. 1., where precedes the noun ; as it stands we should

understand it to mean ‘ says the husband to the wife,’ there is, however, no

doubt from the context that it is Chand’s wife who speaks to him, not he

to her. The use of the particle before the noun, shews that it had not yet

thoroughly sunk into a post-position, but is still used as a conjunction, as in

Sanskrit.

Tjfr with forms tpC, ^ , and x? is used as in ordinary old Hindi.

mostly with abnormal anuswarlf, is I take it from ^7, (just as ^

from or *t) a regular ablative termination in Prakrit, from the Sanskrit

adverbial ablative in ?Fr, as irrffrT^, from a village, though it has become

severed from the noun and is treated as a post-position. Instances are

<TT ^ ^ II

Prom his race sprung. I. 1G4. 1.

TOr TO ^ ^ II

Say ye, (and) I make him destroyed from life. I. 178. 21.

(i. e., If you give the order, I will kill him.)

For the locative, we find the many-formed post-position represented in

modern times by In its earliest form it is fjfa, then dropping the e ,

^ II

Immortal dwelling among mortal. I. 3. 8.

1873.]

175

John Beames — Grammar of Chand Bardai,

^rif% ^ 11

Having spoken this speech, he came amongst the army. XXI.

10. 17.

Next comes the solution of the semivowel into its vowel, giving Tjffef,

^*11X ^ ’fcPC II

Thousands three fell on earth. XXI. 7. 59.

Sometimes written when a long syllable is required,

The witch went among the queens. I. 178. 9.

(TqfJTiTt for like for ^ur«T and ^TJEIT for ^t^t)

The natural transition from ^ ■q into (see my Comp. Grammar, p.

32G.) gives the form —

W3- ||

Fell headlong into the bottomless pit. I. 79. 10.

(■*j#er a form of 3 sing. pret. for from and therefore meaning

“ was set free,” in combination with ^iTT = £ to fall,’ it means ‘ was

set free falling,’ i. e., ( fell unrestrainedly or headlong.’)

Final short vowels are of very little account in Hindi, and are omitted

or inserted at will. Thus forms frpfi and with inorganic anuswara,

and in the former with lengthening of the vowel, occur.

n3^T?T Tfij II

They themselves went into the garden. XXI. 5. 6.

a curious combination of with after the fashion of

<ifT TT'^T'T II

What king, in what land ? XXVI. 18. 4.

The metre is Gatlia which accounts for the Sanskritisms. Chand always

puts an anuswara to the last syllable of his words when writing Gatlia,

he seems to be under the impression that by so doing, he is making them

into Sanskrit ! In the next line we get

ii

In wealthy Ujjain.

abounding in wealth). I have seen also frequently

and but have lost the references to them in my notes. A lengthened

or secondary form XXH\X is also in use with the more definite meaning of

“ in the midst of.”

XX ^JT II

Men and women cast aside shame

In the midst of the month of Phagun. XXIII, 1. 4.

Alluding to the Holi festival.

<it X^X II (W* and =j^).

17(5 John Beames — Grammar of Chand Barddi. [No. 2,

Having received the news she arrived in the midst of the

city. I. 178. 4.

vif^r ^ nmx

The enemy fled into the hills and forests. I. 206. 38.

A step further brings to the rejection of the organic portion of the as¬

pirated letter, leaving only we thus account for the form ^1%, which is

extremely common.

^T^Ct ll

c\

XJX\ UINT II

Putting musk into lamp black

The queen streaks her eyes for ornament. (Gatha) I. 20. 1,

(TvTrT from line).

W W*: *i^<T II

^Tx ^ II

A period of seven days is ample time,

Hari can save in a single instant. I. 60. 12.

The post-position is here affixed to the genitive as indicated by 3f,

see further on under that case.

^X^ l\

Grazing in Jharkhand. I. 61. 3.

It is lengthened to iTr€t —

^fcr ?mft n

Seeing the king sitting in sleep. I. 191. 4,

wit 3?r?\ n

The hero Jalhan was smitten and fell on the ground. XXI.

264. 20.

And if I am right in my translation, still further to —

ftp? II

^fTft BWt ST %rs? II

(If her) husband die in battle,

The wife does not become a >Sati. XXI. 175. 1.

Lastly, we have the ordinary modern form *j, the anuswara of which is,

as so often the case in Hindi, a mere inorganic accretion.

ftp? f% fw i wx 'ct a

s?r Tft fsp^f ^ i ii

The wife who survives when her husband dies, and hopes for

progeny,

That woman certainly makes her abode in the great hell.

XXI. 174.

I suspect the whole of this verse to be a modern interpolation. The

style and versification are too regular for Chand, and the sentiment is

177

1873.] John Bearaes — Grammar of Chanel Bardai.

repeated from the preceding lines which are more rugged and Chandesque

eTT^r • <nf% *ttu ii

TO TOrT fw cJ*T T"R II

T? is, however, found in many passages where there is no reason for

suspicion.

^ if tot 11

In one month he established a city. I. 218. 3.

^ $ TO TO TOTO II

He brought down his sword on the shoulder of strong Kanh.

XXI. 261. 24.

Of the instrumental case indicated by ^ as we have it in modern times,

I cannot point to any clear instance. When we come to treat of the verb,

the construction involving this case will be illustrated.

There remains only the genitive, and this is indicated by the particles

TO, % or to and art, as in ordinary Hindi. Sometimes shortened to eft as

in one instance quoted above. Two passages may be noted in which the

older form TOT, which has been recently brought to light by Dr.

Hoernle, seems to be found. The first is that in the nineteenth (now 20tli)

book, in which I formerly saw a pret. of a verb TOTO. This view must now

be given up, and the passage translated differently ; it is a very obscure

passage, however, and I now only give a tentative rendering. It is the rout

of Shiliabuddin’s army by Prithiraj .

IriX 3T5T TO TOT II

TOTt*7 fTOTO W TOT II

Blind (from flowing of blood) ran the elephant of the Chauhan,

Making a circle he surrounded on all four sides. XX. 141. 7-8.

The other passage is at the meeting of the armies before Mahoba.

fTOT to TOW II

f^fg f^fg to! iiXXI. 29. 9-10.

TOW Chand and in other bards, though plural in form, is always

treated as a feminine singular.

The kettle drum made a noise, the army turned,

The sight of the Chauhan was separated from view.

That is, the two armies lost sight of each other, probably from the

dust they raised. It will be observed that ^TT in the first quotation agrees

with the masc. ?rw, and in the second with the fern, gfg, so that we have

so far confirmation of Dr. Hoernle’s theory. I have traced forms TOT and

3TTt, as well as to, in the cognate languages. From the vast ocean of Chand

fresh examples will probably be fished up, as we get to know more about it ;

at present I have only these two instances in my note book.

178

John Beames — Grammar of Chand Barddi.

[No. 2,

With regard to the modification of the base in nouns nothing noticeable

is to he found, except that Chand occasionally uses the nom. or direct form

of bases in d before the post-position, as

€rr *rfsrn

The king came into his tent. I. 193. 2.

Where we should expect vgT; and again

frrf% 3vt I iTT *TTT^ II

At that time came somehow into the tent a snake. I. 213. 1.

Instances of this practice may be found in Tulsi Das and later poets,

and in the tika to the Bhaktamala, and it is universal in Bengali.

There is a curious word in two or three forms, as usual with Chand’s

words, about which there is some obscurity. It is or and must, it

appears to me, he translated “ from though it looks at times like an

imperfect of the verb %, in which case I take it to he one step in the process

by which we get to "^T, which will be noticed under the verb. I give the

examples I have noted. In the first, Bisal De is asking his minister about

the shrine of Gfokaran which he wishes to visit.

^ #?f ||

ii

How far (is it) from Ajmer P

In two days easily one arrives. I. 178, 47.

Here, by the bye, is which I wanted a while ago. When Bisal gets

to Gokaran he meets a Siddha who asks him where he comes from.

W&T f3»f% MX T II

3fT^r irT<T f%f% STT3T II

XV ^ II

^ I. 184.

Saitli the Sidha/lww what city,

What family, what name P

Had you come here on pilgrimage,

Or (have you) further on any business ?

In the first line must be “ from,” but in the third line is pi. of

^?TT, = ^JT. In the next passage the doubt is still greater, and the whole

passage is a peculiarly crabbed one.

TffT ^ II

mx?v ^cf*r ^ it

«TT^T WFX II

ii I. 48. 1-4.

Here begins the Hanuphal metre.

In the Kali (Yu g) heroes (had with) heroes strife,

1873.]

John Beames — Grammar of Cliand Bar dal.

179

Not together harmony or union,

Brahmin was to .Brahmins cruel.

•JT^f is still used in Panjabi for “ with,” vtk is still Marwari *r;t ‘ wick¬

ed, cruel,” mod. Hindi Now in this passage may either be “ was,”

or we may render it “ from,” as “ Brahmin from Brahmins (was) averse,

or cruel.” The meaning would more strictly be ‘ towards,’ but in the mod.

language ^ would be quite admissible. On the whole, though, I am in

favour of regarding it as a verb in this passage e

In those places where it is clearly a postposition, it may still be derived

from the root ^T, and be analogous to the Bengali C^l^CS, ‘ from,’ Marathi

2f«T, and comes from the Prakrit ablative plural ^fiT.

The plural is formed by ^f^r, the final X of which is frequently omit¬

ted, and the plural itself is often represented by the singular form. The

practice of confounding the two numbers is as old as Chand, and probably,

for all we know, older. Plural verbs are used with singular nouns, and

feminine verbs with masculine nouns and vice versa, as in the line

rm n

Then all the women were assembled together. I. 178. 1.

Where is plural in sense, though singular in form, while the verb

is singular.

mfcT 11

All the wives said. ib.

Here again ^TTf?T is fern. pi. and the verb masc. sing., which arises from

the instrumental construction.

m&n f^T ii

The bride made lamentation. I. 171. 2,

III.

The verb is modern in form, exhibiting the birth of the analytical sys¬

tem, as yet weak and uncertain, but already indicating the direction of its

future development.

The number of forms in use is few, and Chand seems to regard verbs

as a superfluity in many instances, omitting them at will, and often substi¬

tuting for all forms of the verb what I may call the verbal crude form, pro¬

duced by adding a short i to the root. Though this form is strictly speak¬

ing that of the conjunctive participle “ having done,” and the like, yet there

are countless passages in Chand where it will not bear this meaning, but is

a present, past, or future, as the context may require. For instance in

*7T«T? faSr II ^ *ITW ^TTT II

^tji ^'ji ^ ii wftr ^tt h I. 309.

C\

180

John Beames — Grammar of Chand Bardai.

[No. 2,

Anal having come met (his) mother, having told and recited the

whole affair,

People and merchants having taken with (him), having gone colo¬

nized the land.

All the forms in i as are trne conjunctive parti-

ciples, and the only finite verb in sense is and even that is a partici¬

ple in form agreeing with the fern, noun Vff$r and postulating the instrumen-

tal form of the agent. In modern Hindi we should have «T

• •

On the other hand, however, we find the form in short \ requiring a finite

sense in the following :

V®X fife W^X II

Bisal the king arrays the umbrella over his head. I. 166. 1.

If we translate “ having arrayed,” the sentence will be incomplete

as there is no finite verb following. The explanation of this use of the X

form is probably that it is a shortening of the ^ of the 3 pers., and in this

place it would stand for The simple indef. present is the same in all

the modern Aryan languages, and in Chand presents no peculiarities.

Plural.

Singular.

1.

2. effT

tfix

ss.

3KT

*\.

3. ^X

It is unnecessary to quote examples for the regular verb ; the irregular

verbs (to use a rather unscientific term) will be noticed presently.

Por the simple past the forms are participial and the same for all three

persons on account of the implied or expressed instrumental construction.

Singular. Plural.

1. 2. 3.

( masc.

\ fern.

In the masc. sing, the final ^JT is sometimes separated by a short a from

the root, according to no rule apparently ; for in I. 170. 12 we find frjNf

^X •Tiffin' II ‘ there a lion destroyed the bridegroom,’ while in the very

next line it is written f^eTTW. As variants of the form in constant¬

ly occur those in where the has been softened to the palatal

vowel and the vowel T hardened to its semivowel. Thus

II

Looking looking down wandered the cow. I. 79. 9.

In the same passage occur quoted above, and ‘ she heard’

(root Instances of the shorter form are

fqrfr rri^ ii

'j

Again Alha spoke in wrath. XXI. 109. 47.

Also and many others. The form in ^ is common in

Tulsi Das.

1873.]

John Beames — Grammar of CJi and Bar dal.

181

For the future where no very strong idea of futurity is implied, the

indefinite present is used, as in 7}T %f 4 then I will quit the body.’

But the ordinary form of the future is derivable directly from the second or

periphrastic future of Sanskrit, as in VffarTT%, cTTf%, and in the third per¬

son postulates a non-classical form Vffqrrrf%, for which in Sanskrit we have

only ssferTT without the substantive verb. The forms are —

Singular. Plural.

1.

2.

3.

To be referred back to a Sanskrit series, Singular

; Plural ^rf%<TT^?b [^f%?TPif?r], but in all cases with

elision of the syllable «TT, so that we should imagine a form

The terminations rest on the excessive corruption of the feeble verb

so that becomes and then, by rejection of f%. The

resolution of tt into its component parts, the labial and nasal, so frequently

noticed in other instances, gives i|)t, whence so that we have three words

one from ^Tf^r, a second from and a third from As a good

instance of this verb in a transitional state the Marathi forms may be ad¬

duced.

Singular. Plural.

1.

2.

3.

^7% (^f%0

(w)

(^Tcr)

In old Hindi also, as for instance in Kabir’s Bamaini, occur the forms

‘ is’ and ‘ are,’ from which we get ^ and ^ in mod. Hindi.

It would lead me too far away from my present object, which is merely

to illustrate Cliand’s forms, were I to work out all these processes here. 1

content myself therefore with merely noticing them, and pass on to give

examples. Of the first person we have already had the instances

‘ I will yield,’ as it were, from fut. of the causal of with ^th)

and ^K^t, 4 1 will place.’ The third person, with which the second is

identical in form, was shown in 4 he shall swallow ;’ for the first

plural

?:TaT ii

We nobles all will fight,

That the kingdom of the Chandel may not perish. XXI.

94. 3-4.

* We must tako tlio full ancient forms assi, asmah, astha, and asanti , instead of

the more modern classical Sanskrit forms, as the letters which have boen dropped in

the latter are phonetically necessary to produce tho Marathi, Hindi, andotlior words.

23 AA

182 John Beanies— Grammar of Okand Barddi. [No. 2,

The infinitive or verbal noun has two forms, the abstract in ana, and

the functional in iba. Of the former one instance out of many is

fw'ST II

Having plotted to stop (or the stopping of) his virility

I. 178. 1.

[ cr^fTrPT = and with nominal inflexion,

BfPIT cfTT II

He made preparation for going, XX. 28. 4.

*m\x ii («tjt = ^ Jf&)

In joining battle a terrible warrior. XX. 81. 5.

The functional form is of very common use, just as it is still in Ganwari

Hindi, in Bengali, Oriya, and Gujrati.

^Tl Tf II

TTTf% II

If any one made delay,

Then he came to strike him. I. 198. 7.

II

Bising up, ran to fight. I. 254. 7.

The construction is strange, bnt not unknown to modern colloquial

Hindi in

W1?X 3TTW II

\S

Through learning (it) from his mother Gauri

Her son Anal learnt this. I. 258. 1-2.

In modern Hindi, *TT «fT ^ «T.

The imperative exhibits tlie ordinary forms ^X& sing, and ^XJ plural, as

vrs ^ on 35 ii

Bard Jagnak, now go thou home. XX. 77. 1.

Owing to the careless way in which i and u are mixed up, we have a

form in f% — -

frr^ ^ II

Say a good word about them. I. 9. 12.

In two quotations above we have seen conversely and ^r^35 used

as present indicatives, for ^T^fxT and ^Rf%.

The present participle ends in at, as ^pT?r, ^<T, and in Gatha, as well

as occasionally in other metres where a long syllable is wanted, in ant, as in

TNJ, 3s^rj\ The feminine is in short i, as ^ffT, also of course i, as ^rft,

^XWU etc.

The conjunctive participle in i has already been mentioned, its original

full form is in iijai, from the locative of the part. pret. of Skr. Thus from

we get (See Trumpp, on Adi Granth., J. II. A. S., Yol. Y, p.

1873.]

183

John Beanies — Grammar of Chan d Bar did.

207. I see nothing in the extracts given by Trumpp in that article to

justify his assertion that the language of the Granth is not Hindi, but old

Gurmukhi. It is a mistake, though common among Sikhs themselves, to

apply the term Gurmukhi to the dialect of the Panjab, instead of the variety

of Devanagari in which it is written, sed licec obiter.)

fare w ii

Having subdued the rulers of the land with fire and sword.

I. 206. 26.

This is of course often also written with e, as whence we get

another of Chand’s confusions, as this form is also used for the respectful

imperative, as in

Tv? «T£ 7EJT»T ^ II

This destroyed science do not listen to. I. 173. 9.

One of the principal difficulties in (hand lies in his construction ; an

abrupt and elliptical style is imposed on him by his rules, and he makes it

worse by trying to say too much at once. So that we have often to expand

four of his words into twelve English, and his transitions are so rapid from

one fact to another, that we are often landed quite in the middle of a fresh

set of events before we are well quit of the old ones.

The custom of constructing the past tense of transitive verbs with the

instrumental of the agent with the post-position though identical in

character with the Sanskrit construction, as in ?r«T is yet

apparently in its present shape at least of modern origin. It is an obscure

question what this '^r really is. That it is not derived from the y«T of the

Sanskr. is pretty clear, w the older form, sometimes written *rTST, is a dative,

and is, I believe, connected with the same root as the Marathi ^rrJt, Naipali

and old Bengali ^nfa, whence also Marathi ^:T, the ordinary sign of the

dative. It is difficult to decide exactly what Chand’s usage is in this

respect. While in some cases the agent is in an oblique form, in others it

is in the direct or nominative.

The modern Aryan languages know of three constructions or prayoyas.

1. The Karta , or subjective, in which the verb agrees with its subject. 2.

The Karma , or objective, in which it agrees with its object. 3. The Bltava,

impersonal, in which it agrees with neither. They may be thus illustrated

in Latin.

Karta — ille urbem condidit.

Karma — ab illo urbs condita.

Bhava — ab illo urbi condition.

These three constructions are seen in their full force in that most

complicated of all the languages, Marathi, witli its irritating three genders

and old-world rubbish of that sort. Hindi is more enlightened and simpler.

184

John Beames — Grammar of Chanel Barden.

[No. 2,

It has the subjective construction for all tenses of the intransitive verb, ancl

for all tenses of the transitive also, except the preterite in which it admits

the objective construction, as TT5TT «JTcT ^*ft, also the impersonal as vr

^T. In the former the verb agrees with the object, and in the

latter is neuter and impersonal, Hindi having amalgamated the neuter with

the masc., the verb has attained to the masc. form, though really neuter.

Applying the above principles to Chand, we are struck in the first

instance by the absence of ^ with the instrumental sense. For instance —

fiWT ^11

f%<T II

j

Hearing it, the prince Prithiraj

Himself invited them kindly. Y. 13. 3.

Here if we are to see in this our modern friend, the object not being

noted, but being understood as living beings, we should according to rule

expect and the sentence would run in ordinary Hindi ir

sf^rreT, in other words, the construction would be the impersonal one, the

verb would be singular (masc.), unless it be that the verb is here put in the

plural out of respect. This instance, however, seems at present quite

exceptional, more usually the agent is in the oblique crude form, and both

the objective and impersonal constructions are used ; a good example of the

former is

f?pr efrtift ^ ^ II

He protected the Brahmans. I. 136. 1.

Where the verb agrees with the object raksha, and the agent is in the

crude oblique which may be any case we like to call it ; again

f*rf% ^ ^tJ II

Who arranged heaven, earth, the seven hells. I. 11. 11.

The various nouns agree with the verb in the neuter pi. and the

agent is again singular oblique. On the other hand, we have the direct or

subjective construction in

^ ®IIT Tm II

vr q&T*T li

Ten times the king asked

The Brahman gave no answer (in the) matter. I. 48. 23-24.

And as a remarkable instance of Chand’s indifference to the subject we

have in one line (I. 49. 9.) ^ ‘ he who killed the snake,’ and the

next line with the direct construction. It is perhaps too earlv

to lay down rules for Chand yet, but it may be hinted that in common with

many of his successors in Indian poetry, he generally uses the subjective

construction when the agent is a noun, and occasionally the objective or

impersonal when the agent is a pronoun, and even in that case he is careless

1873.]

John Beames — Grammar of Cliand Bar dal.

185

and quite as likely to use one as the other. As far as I have gone, I have met

very few instances of the use of the post-position and several of those

seem doubtful.

One example is

SfVRraT if ||

1%!% ii

Si.

In his youth to Prithiraj

In a dream at night (came) a sign :

Having taken Juginipur (Delhi)

He put the tilaJc (of sovereignty) on his brow. III. 3. 1-4.

Here it is clearly a dative.

With regard to the irregular verbs, or to speak more correctly, those

which still retain traces of the older synthetical organization, the array of

forms is rather varied. Some few well-worked verbs differ from their fellows

in this respect that, whereas the latter have taken from the Sanskr. or Prakr.

only the root, or some one form on which they have built up their modem

verb with all its varied tenses, these verbs of the older creation adhere more

closely to the Prakrit and take their preterite from its preterite and some of

their other forms from those of the corresponding tense in Prakrit. Thus

X^TT makes its past tense fx^T, from fxifT, for X^f ; also xWt from anc^

XttfT from fxirT? all three Prakr. forms. Of the three the commonest perhaps

is Xt«TT ; to which rhyme from XT*TT, and from %^TT. In one or

two passages occurs a form which I have rendered “ filled,” supposing

it to be from *jt«TT on the analogy of ^fycfT. In the cases of and %XT,

Chand has also the preterites xlXT and f%^T, ^tqT, but notf%^T, the cause

of which will be explained below. The three words XlcfT, 3Fl*TT, and **ft*TT arc

often shorn of their last S3dlable especially at the end of a line, as

cT^T *Tt*T II

He performed there the ceremony of Icanalctuld . VIII. 5. 2.

To which rhymes

Xfe qrc X^ II

Dividing, with his own hand gave. ib. 4.

wq vt: xto ii

Parimal gave the order for war. XXI. 5. 32.

Xff *?ix n

fxx stT’R wc q'c ^ ii

Vj C\

Having gone ten /cos he made a halt,

The villages, towns and cities between he plundered. 20S. 0-10.

It is one of Chand’s favourite rhymes, and in all these cases the subject

of verbs is a nom. masc. sing. Of the full forms, the following are examples :

18G John Beames — Grammar of Chand Barddi. [No. 2,

^TJFTT^T II

iqpr TW ^ fVll II

ii

VW ^TTW f%S}T II

Concerning the translation of this passage there may he some donbt ;

literally it is easy enough, as the meaning of each individual word is well

known, hut how to put them together so as to make consecutive sentences is

a difficulty ; “ Anangpal — daughter — beautiful (or, taking su as an exple¬

tive, 4 delight’)

Son — wish — fruit — gave.

Cocoanut — fruit — good fruit.

Spell (mantra) — beginning — made.

It probably means that Anangpal had a daughter whose desire for a

son bore fruit (to wit by the birth of Prithiraj), the fruit of the cocoanut is

the emblem of marriage, and he or she, commenced some spells, why or

wherefore non liq_uet. It is a fair specimen of Chand’s enigmatical style.

Good speed the Cliandel made,

(Saying) “ Parimal hath written this” gave it into his hand*

XXI. 124. 4.

Of the forms and the following instances have been noted :

Dhundha the king gave a blessing. I. 305. 1.

WpSTOoT <TTf% ^7 II

Prithiraj gave him two provinces. I. 307. 61.

Here the final syllable is cut off to rhyme with in the next line.

^ II *TT*T ^«T H

j j

JTT^rT WK || ?TTO spT *rf*r II

(For) joy (of his) daughter’s (having a) son, gifts and honours

many he gave,

House to house singing songs of joy, like a serpent finding a

jewel in the forest (?).

The past tense arises from the fact that the verb lend in Hindi

is derived from the Skr. ^nr«T, through forms and and the pp.

in Skr. is whence H. Although in Hindi the number of verbs of

this class, those namely which form their present from one part of a Sanskr.

verb, and their preterite from another, is so small that they have been classed

as irregular, yet in the other cognate languages, notably in Sindhi and

Gujarati, the number is very large ; for instance Sindhi XTW to take (II.

187

John Beames — Grammar of OJiand Barden.

■^^TT) makes its pp. ^h?t, i. e. (See Trumpp’s Sindhi Gr. p. 272, and

my Comp. Gram. p. 138.)

I have also noted an instance in which the under the influence of the

adjacent palatal vowel changes into (^) —

'5TT^ II

^T^TT II

Carts and boats he went and stopped.

Ala and Udil he allowed not to alight. XXI. 8G. 1-2.

In Modern Hindi, ^ PfRT and ?rf% f^TT.

Leaving for the present the further discussion of these verbs whose

real nature seems not to have hitherto been clearly understood, I now

proceed to draw out the manifold variations of the verb ‘ to he,’ whether

derived from the root or from vr or (if it he so at all, which I much

->■ C\ v J

doubt in Hindi) from ^JT.

Illustrations from Chand serve not only for his works, but in many

cases also for old Hindi literature in general. Tulsi Das, Sur Das, Kesab

Das, Kabir, aud others are all writers in virtually the same idiom, though

Chand is older and more obscure than most of them, and lias occasionally

forms which have dropped out of use since his time. It will strike the

reader, however, that Chand uses the same word in different stages of

development according as it suits his purpose. In the case for instance of

fTcZ}, we have every stage from the pure Sanskrit down to the modem

vernacular. In such cases it is generally the modern and later forms which

agree with those in use in the general run of Hindi poets. Tulsi Das,

though, from his extensive popularity, he is usually taken as the typical poet

of mediaeval Hindi, is not so really from a linguistic point of view. His

language is very rustic, and seems, as Dr. Hoernle has remarked, to contain

words and forms taken from all the provinces of Hindustan. Sur Das is

much purer and more typical. The forms given below are not then all

peculiar to Chand, hut many of them he shares with his successors.

The preterite, which for convenience sake I take first, as in a narrative

poem like this, it naturally occurs oftener than the other tenses, has three

forms.

1st form Sing. m. VRT, PI. M. VR

f. [«T 1

^ ^

is very common, as in VRT rTR crRn u

Wroth was then the king. I. 48. 2G.

Thus was the wonderful Bislii. ib.

VRT II

Anangpal became king. III. 17. 4.

188

[No. 2,

John Beames — Grammar of Chanel Barddi.

It is contracted to VT, in TTW W ^JT II

Hearing the news the king was perturbed in spirit. I. 172. 4.

*tr h

Laughter was in her mind, then pity came. III. 10. 1.

Feminine as in ordinary mediaeval Hindi, as

*5^ sfPlT ^?f *TT It

Vj

How the former story was. III. 15. 2.

Plural masc. as %jt sm;^r ^rTTtr II

The folk were harassed, wounded, and distressed. XXI. 5. 5.

Of vx ’, the fern, ph, I have no examples. In cf^ *TtD“ il

quoted above, it may perhaps be that a fern. pi. is meant and the anuswara

has been omitted by the copyist.

The second form is and ^T, plural of which I have already

given instances. It is from this form (Skr. M <r) that I derive "SJT, and not

from f^[rr. The u of ^r{ T goes out in Gujarati ^T, ^?ft, etc., in which

language the form the legitimate descendant off337<T> stands in its proper

place as the preterite of a verb from parallel to which is Oriya f^^TT,

preterite of f«PJT, side by side with from (^). From the form

by elision of <r and coalition of the vowels (perhaps through a transitional

form 'fjr), comes the ordinary Brijbliasha form ^T, Tf, etc., and by another

process the form ^ripT became ip, i. e. tho , for li 'to. The Hindi appears not

to have retained any relics of the verb ^T, as a verb, though it has numerous

nominal derivatives of it.

Chand has yet another form of the preterite 3^ with short final a, not

very uncommon in occurrence, as

^ *?TfiT H

^ ^ ^r^pr n

Grieve not, but heed my spell

Puling has (ever) been the business of the doughty Chauhan.

III. 27. 26.

Connected with which is the conjunctive participle in

?PT JPIT ll

The marriage having taken place, the bridegroom went to the

forest. I. 170. 11.

The present tense contains no peculiarities. ‘ I am’ has been quoted,

but I may mention that I have not yet come across the modern ^ “ is.” It

seems to come from which is first split up into then the <T is

dropped leaving from which by change of into VT and interpolating

a second we get Tulsi Das and Kabir’s form whence the transition

is easy to i. e., It does not appear quite certain that all this process

had been as yet gone through in Chand’s time, the cases where ^ occurs are

189

1878.] John Beames — Gb 'ammar of CJiand Bardcti.

all explainable as futures like u be will do,” 11 be will figbt,” and

tbe like. Thus is formed the future contracted into just as in the

imperative ‘ let there be’ becomes

^ II

Destruction shall be on their race. III. 29. 6.

^ qif% 3njT H ii

All speaking said, ‘ May there be success, success.’ I. 178. 12.

Another form is %ff,

*Tq;qf% ^q<r^ ii

The Jadavani shall be with child. I. 249. 6.

and the simpler form of the imperative is

fw*r ^t«t ^ 'tr crsjfq ii (rr^f^r =

Which bearing be thy nature purified, 0 lady. I. 14. 4.

In the substantive verb the vague crude form in short i occurs

constantly, as a present and as future as well as in its more correct sense

of a conjunctive participle. It is one of the commonest words and forms in

Chand and more than one illustration must therefore be given.

There can be little doubt as to its future sense in the following

q^r $ i 'tTT ^ qDr ii

In five days’ time he shall be lord of Delhi. III. 11. 4.

Again a few lines later on

^rfrRT | ^ W TR II

Of Jognagar (Delhi), saith the astrologer,

Shall be lord indeed Prithi Rao (Prithiraj). ib. 13. 3-4,

And again — <3^ ?r ll ^<T ^Ti; II

After the Tuar the Chahuvan, lastly shall be the Turk. ib. 26. 8.

All these three are prophecies, and there can be no doubt about the

future sense, in which case we may regard this form as shortened from the

fuller Less distinct, and hovering round to a potential present are —

11

How may there be release from the curse for the hero. I. 58. 3.

mfk qsq wt ^ 11

If I were to boast, then there might be laughter. I. 11. ult.

In the next quotation it must, I think, be regarded as distinct

historical present —

efrf* 3T*T wq; qfe II

m* n? T^jnsr 11

fqr 11

^qoT«T 'qTT II XXI. 1. 1-4.

Telleth Chand reciting a virtuous strophe,

24

B B

190

John Beames — Grammar of Chand Bardai .

[No. 2,

That wrath and discord,

(When twixt) Chahuvan and Chandel tribes

Strife is engendered.

So also in spra *Ijt h

The ear hearing it is broken. I. 159. 2.

'trT ^\rf t n

The rape of Sita, (which was) predestined, takes place. III.

27. 34.

In this latter case it may also be a preterite. Finally, as instances of

its use in its more legitimate sense of a conjunctive participle,

ms II

Being pleased saith Sukdev. I. 60. 10.

sftfw faT^r ii

^ JR ^<T n

They who swayed having conquered the three worlds,

They too have gone at last, being without profit. III. 27.

53, 54.

(W3 — ^R)

Of the present participle there are two forms and ^Tff.

«IT«Tt sfnft SRsf

^<T f*RT TX II

Thy voice is a pleasing voice, laughing being prevented. I. 12.4.

(i. e., no one can laugh at you.)

<R %TrT VTT II

The son being born she died. I. 170. 3.

(i. e., she died in giving birth to the son.)

Of the future participle %T*TTR ‘ that which is to be,’ destiny, an

illustration has just been given. Others are —

Thou knowing somewhat of that which is to be. XXI. 92. 2.

And a few lines further on in a slightly different shape —

JpnfTC II

II

Thus is written (as) about to be

The plan which Alha has said. XXI. 94. 1, 2.

Want of leisure prevents me at present from continuing these studies.

I hope at a future time to supplement these remarks on the leading features

of Chand’s style, by some further suggestions as to some of his more

exceptional and unusual forms — many of which are puzzles of the most

startling description. Perhaps the notes here given may be of use so far

1873.] Hon’ble E. C. Bayley — Further note on Kausambhi coins. 191

as they go, and the copious quotations will illustrate many more points than

those which they are specially intended for. To those who approach Chand

fortified by previous reading of the mediaeval Hindi poets, the majority of

the forms given above will be already to a great extent familiar, but to

those who approach him from the direction of Sanskrit and Prakrit studies,

his style will be absolutely unintelligible without some such clue as that,

the outlines of which I have sketched in these notes.

Further note on coins from Kausambhi. — By The Honorable

E. C. Bayley, C. S. I., C. S.

Since writing on the two coins sent by Babu Sivaprasad from Kau¬

sambhi,* I have had the advantage of showing the coins themselves to Gen¬

eral Cunningham. He at once expressed his preference for reading the third

letter of No. 2, as sa, instead of ja. He said that he thought he had

coins in his cabinet which would throw light on the matter.

He has since found two of which he kindly allows me to make use.

One of these is the exact duplicate of coin No. 2, but has only the latter

half of the inscription perfect. The other coin is in better preservation ; its

material is brass, and while it differs slightly in type, has the same legend

as No. 2, but the third letter is unmistakably ^r. The whole of the letters

on this coin are of a squarer type than those of my coin, so much so that

the first letter might almost be read as “ ba if it were not for the clear

shape of the letter on my coin.

The total legend must, however, now be read as —

^ 33 f%<T, “ thaha sat a mita ”

“ The friend of the virtuous iconoclast” —

A reading which is a clear improvement on those previously suggested.

Both of General Cunningham’s coins have the same reverse, a bull with

the svastika over its hindquarters and standing in front of a Buddhist

chaitya with Buddhist railing very clear, so that now there can hardly be

any doubt of the Buddhist character of the legend. General Cunningham’s

best coin has the symbol on the left of the obverse somewhat different from

my coin, but it is not quite distinct enough for satisfactory recognition.

General Cunningham says that one of the coins at least was procured at

Batesar, which is on the Jamuna, though at some distance above Kausam-

bhi, from which place it may have possibly come.

* Vide above, page 109.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Part I. -HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. III.— 1873.

Authorities for the History of the Portuguese in India. — By

T. W. H. Tolbort, B. C. S.

The History of the Portuguese in India is a subject of considerable

interest, though the attention given to it, of late years, by English orienta¬

lists is scant. As a contribution to the subject I submit a list of the authors

whose works are most valuable. The list does not profess to be exhaustive,

but it will be found to embrace the most important sources of informa¬

tion.

I limit the range of these authorities to the period between 1498, when

Vasco da Grama discovered India, and 1668, when the capture of Cochin by

the Hutch finally broke the power of the Portuguese, and established the

supremacy of others in the East. During that period, the adventures of the

Portuguese form a chapter of Universal History. In years subsequent to

1663, the subject, though not devoid of incidents of gallantry and romance,

dwindles to one of national rather than universal interest.

As an introduction to the subject must be read Mr. Major’s interest¬

ing Life of Prince Henry the Navigator. This is founded chiefly on old Por¬

tuguese authorities, an account of whom is given in the preface ; but Mr.

Major’s narrative is, to all appearance, so complete and accurate, that we may

accept it, coupled with the well written summary by Barros, without consult¬

ing: other authors.

Eor our present purpose, research must begin where the main thread of

Mr. Major’s work ends. Starting then from 1497, we have first —

(} a s p a r C o r r e a. Lendas da India, 4 Vols., 4to. Correa is the oldest

historian, and is by many considered the most reliable ; but, strange to say, his

25 cj c

194 T. W. H. Tolbort — History of the Portuguese in India. [No. 3,

history, though written in or about 1561, lay in manuscript till a few years

ago, when it was printed by the Lisbon Academy. The publication was

commenced in 1858 and concluded in 1864. Correa came to India in or

about 1512, and served as Albuquerque’s amanuensis. His stay in India was

not continuous, but it was at Goa that he ended his days.

His history comprises the period from Yasco da Gama’s voyage in 1497

to- the Government of Jorge Cabral in 1550. The earlier portion is partly

founded on the manuscript (now lost) of Joao Figueira, a priest who accom¬

panied Yasco da Gama. The bulk of the work from 1512 to 1550 has all

the advantages of contemporary history by the pen of a truthful and intel¬

ligent writer. The work is illustrated with pictures of towns, and portraits

of the Yiceroys taken, I believe, from pen and ink sketches by Correa him¬

self. Most of the towns are fairly represented, though without accuracy of

detail. For instance Aden, Diu, and Colombo, as they appeared in the six¬

teenth century, can at once be identified by any one who has seen them as

they are now. Correa has been termed the “ Polybius” of Portuguese His¬

tory in India. Selections from his work, comprising the three voyages of

Yasco da Gama, have been translated and published in English by the Hon.

H. Stanley.

JoaodeBarros, the Livy of Portuguese History. His work, in four

Decades, though somewhat later than the histories by Correa and Castanhe-

da was, until the last few years, universally regarded as the standard authori¬

ty on the subject. The recent publication of Correa’s Lendas raises the

question whether Correa or Barros should be followed where discrepancies

exist (and in detail such discrepancies are numerous) ; upon the whole it

seems likely that Barros will always hold his place in the opinion of his own

countrymen as well as in that of foreigners as the chief of Portuguese His¬

torians. His style is admired, and he gives an interesting sketch of the

Portuguese discoveries prior to Yasco da Gama’s voyage, a necessary intro¬

duction, which Correa and Castanlieda omit. Barros died in 1570. He never

visited India, but had special facilities for his study as an official in the

India Office at Lisbon.

D i o g o d e Couto, the continuator of Joao de Barros. De Couto served

in India, and though his portion of the History is not considered equal to

that written by Barros, it is the best we have for the latter half of the six¬

teenth century. The fourth Decade by Barros comes down to the death of

Nuno da Cunlia in 1539, but as this Decade had not appeared when De

Couto commenced his continuation, he began twelve years earlier brino-ino-

the continuation down to 1600. The joint History of De Barros and De

Couto consists of twenty-four 8vo. Yols., there being for the reason above

stated a duplicate account of the twelve years comprised in the governments

of Lopo Yaz de Sampayo and Nuno da Cunlia.

195

1873.] T. W. H. Tolbort — History of the Portuguese in India.

C a s t a n li e d a. This historian came to India in 1528, and the eight

books of his History were published between 1551 and 1561. They bring the

narrative of Portuguese conquest down to the first siege of Hiu in 1538,

covering nearly the same period as He Barros. Castanheda intended to

publish ten books, but the last two seem to have been suppressed, because

they reflected on some of the grandees who had influence at Court. I can¬

not, however, say for certain that the last two books of Castanheda wefre

never published. My own copy omits them, but from a list kindly given

to me by Senhor da Cunha Bivara, Secretary to the Portuguese Government

at Goa, it would appear that Castanheda’ s history is brought down to 1550.

Castanheda is said to have travelled all over Portuguese India, with the

laudable desire of testing and correcting his history.

M a f f e i, Historia Indicarum, a Latin history, based I believe on

Barros. It is in one volume comprising sixteen books. It ends with the

death of King John the Third in 1557, and is dedicated to Philip the Second.

The author was a Jesuit ; and attached to his principal work are four

books of Epistolse Indicse, selected letters from India, a very valuable

appendix.

S a n E o m a n o, a Benedictine monk, wrote a History of the same period

in Spanish. I have not seen this work, but believe it is founded on Mallei

and is inferior to the original.

Faria y Sousa. His History was published in both Portuguese and

Spanish. It embraces a more extended period than any of the others, be¬

ginning with the early voyages of discovery, and ending in 1640, at the eve

of the Revolution which restored Portuguese independence. An English

translation from the Spanish was published in 1695, with a dedication to

Catharine, Queen Dowager, Charles the Second’s widow.

For the sixteenth century, Faria y Sousa is an inferior authority to the

earlier writers, but he is the one generally quoted by English authors, be¬

cause his account is the most complete as well as the most easily read. I

am surprised that the Library of the Asiatic Society at Calcutta does not

contain a copy of the translation. The copy of the original in the public

library at Goa seems to be imperfect. Faria y Sousa gives a list of the

books and manuscripts from which he collected his information.

L a fit au, “ Histoire des Decouvertes des Portugais,” in French, 2 Vols.

There is a copy in the public library at Pondicherry, but not, I think, in our

own library at Calcutta. I have not read this work through, but from a

cursory examination, it seems like most French Histories to be readable and

interesting. Lafitau names the authors he has consulted, and brings his

narrative down to the same time as Faria y Sousa.

The above authors are all professed historians, who treat their subject

generally. But history is usually more indebted to particular accounts,

196 T. W. H. Tolbort — History of the Portuguese in India. [No. 3,

memoirs, and personal narratives than to prolonged chronicles which are

necessarily themselves compilations. This is especially true of Portuguese

History in India. Passing on then to this class of authors we find —

“TheEoteiro,” the account of Vasco da Grama’s voyage, followed hy

Mr. Major in his Life of Prince Henry. I have not seen this, but it is evi¬

dently a work of authority.

* The Commentaries of the great Albuquerque, compiled by his

son from the official despatches sent by Albuquerque to King Manuel. They

appeared in 1557.

The Chronicle of King Manuel himself by Damiao d e Goes, pub¬

lished during the reign of King Sebastian, and dedicated to the Cardinal

Prince Henry.

The History of the Portuguese during the reign of Emmanuel, by Oso¬

rio, Bishop of Sylves, in Latin. This, though based on the Chronicle of

Damiao de Goes, is superior to it as a literary work. There is an English

translation, published in 1752.

Antonio Galvan, a contemporary of the Governor Nuno da Cunha,

is said by Earia y Sousa to have written much concerning India and particu¬

larly about the Spice Islands, but Faria y Sousa was unable to find any of

his works except “ the Book he calls of Discoveries, which is only short

hints of things.” I presume this is the “ Tratado dos diversos e desvayra-

dos caminhos, &c.” If any other works by this author are extant, they will

be very valuable. Crawfurd eulogizes the author in the following terms :

“ Of all the Portuguese names connected with the Indian Archipelago

incomparably the greatest, except of Magellan, is that of the virtuous, the

pious, the discreet, and heroic Antonio Galvan.” The failure of Faria y

Sousa to find his manuscripts is no proof that they do not exist ; for the

instance of Correa’s great History, to say nothing of numerous other books,

shows that in Portugal the most valuable manuscripts may lie hidden for

centuries. .

I here insert a note by the editors of Correa's History, which details all

the printed works prior to the date of that author.

“ The printed Portuguese books regarding the History of India, of

which Gaspar Correa might have had knowledge, although he may not

have seen them all, still less possessed them, are, — the Life of D. Joao II.,

by Garcia de Besende ; Castanheda’s History ; the three first Decades of

Joao de Barros ; the first book of the siege of Diu, by Lopo de Sousa Cou-

tinho ; the Commentaries of Albuquerque ; the Itinerary of Antonio Tenrei-

ro ; the Book of Antonio Galvao, Tratado dos diversos e desvayrados camin¬

hos, &c. ; the Delation of the Embassy of the Patriarch D. Joao Bermudes ;

the Chronicles of the King D. Manuel and of the Prince D. Joao by Damiao

de Goes ; the treatise on the affairs of China by Fr. Gaspar da Cruz ; the

197

1873.] T. W. H. Tolbort — History of the Portuguese in India.

commentary of the siege of Goa and Chaul, by Antonio de Castilho ;

and some other which we have forgotten.”

The Life of D. J oao de Castro, by J a c i n t o F r e i r e d e Andrade.

This work has passed through several editions and is considered one of the Por¬

tuguese classics. The second siege of Diu by the King of Gujarat occurred

during the Yiceroyalty of D. Joao de Castro, and the defence and relief of

the fortress are deservedly regarded by the Portuguese as among the great¬

est of their achievements. The edition of the “ Life” published in 1835

contains valuable notes with selections from Castro’s correspondence, among

these are letters regarding Persian histories of Alexander the Great, proba¬

bly the “ Sikandarnamah,” for which D. Joao de Castro, who was a man of

literary as well as military ability, had sent. There is a work by I). Joao de

Castro himself, the “ Roteiro,” giving an account of his voyage up the Ped

Sea in 1540.

The Chronicle of King John the Third, by A n d r a d e, is another work

thought very highly of by the Portuguese themselves.

There must be frequent references to Indian affairs in the Chronicles

and Histories of other Portuguese and Spanish Monarchs, but the reigns of

Emmanuel and John the Third were the “ golden age” of Portuguese rule

in India. Those of Sebastian and Philip the Second may be considered the

“ silver age,” and subsequent reigns down to the capture of Cochin “ the

age of brass.”

St. Francis Xavier was a contemporary of Don Joao de Castro ; his

life and work are so intimately connected with Portuguese India, that authori¬

ties regarding them may well be referred to here. Xavier’s own letters are

the best source of information regarding him. There is the old Latin edi¬

tion of Tursellinus, and a modern French one by Leon Pages. Of professed

biographies, the most authentic is that in Portuguese by Lucena, and the

most popular that in French by Bohours. Three recent biographies should

also be consulted. First that by Venn, written from the Protestan^ stand¬

point. Second, a volume of Xavier’s life and letters, published last year,

1872, by the Rev. H. J. Coleridge, an English Jesuit. (The second volume

has not yet appeared.) Third, a Life of the Saint published at Goa in 1861,

by Senlior Felippe Neil Xavier, Director of the National Press. This con¬

tains much miscellaneous information regarding Xavier and his tomb.

As Xavier is the Saint of Portuguese India, so is C a m oens its Poet.

The Lusiad is an authority in Portuguese History just as Shakespeare is

for our own Plantagenets.- National pride and patriotism pervade it, and

great events which would be smothered in a mere chronicle of facts are

brought by it prominently and picturesquely to view. There are many

well known lives of Camoens, and many editions of the Lusiad in all Euro¬

pean languages. The Portuguese (I believe) regard the edition of the

198 T. W. H. Tolbort — -History of the Portuguese in India. [No. 3,

Lusiad by D. Jose Maria de Souza Botelho with most favour. In English,

Adamson’s Life of Camoens, and Mickle’s translation of the Lusiad are best

known.

There is another Portuguese epic “Malaca conquistada,” of

which Albuquerque is the hero, but this has never attained general celebrity.

The Chronicle of L u i s d e A t a i d e, by Antonio Pereira. I have not

seen this work, but it is quoted both by Faria y Sousa and by Lafitau. Luis de

Ataide was twice Viceroy of India, in 1567, and again in 1578.

D i o g o de Couto, the continuator of Barros, was a voluminous writer,

and during his prolonged connection with Indian affairs (from 1556 to 1616)

wrote many minor works besides his History. Among these are numerous

orations to the incoming Viceroys. Also a Life of D. Paul de Lima, a cele¬

brated Portuguese Captain, who died about 1589, and an interesting treatise

called the “ Soldado Pratico.” I have not seen any of these works, but Mr.

Stanley in the introduotion to his ‘£ Three voyages of Vasco da Grama” gives

an abstract of the “ Soldado Pratico,” which is a critique on the numerous

defects of the Portuguese administration in India.

The Portuguese Missions to Akbar from 1582 to 1605 constitute one

of the most interesting chapters in the History of Portuguese India. The

account usually quoted is that by M. M anouch i, who was for many years

Aurangzeb’s physician. I have not seen his History, but it appears to have

been published as a separate work. According to Hough, who devotes a

chapter to these Missions, there are valuable manuscript accounts in the

British Museum, some it seems in the original handwriting of the Mission¬

aries. There are also narratives of the Mission in Murray’s Asiatic Discove¬

ries. There is an Italian account of Akbar and of the Jesuit Mission by

Peruschi.

The close of the sixteenth century is remarkable in the annals of Por¬

tuguese India for the attempt to reconcile the heretical Syrian Church of

Travai^cor to Home. The chief authorities for this episode are Gouvea’s

Jornada do Arcebispo de Goa, D. Fr. Aleixo de Meneses as Terras do Mala,

bar ; Geddes, History of the Church of Malabar ; La Croze, Histoire du

Christianisme des Indes ; Hough’s Christianity in India ; Lee’s History of the

Syrian Church, in one of the Church Missionary Society’s lleports ; Howard’s

Christians of Saint Thomas ; Day’s Cochin.

There are several other accounts, but the above contain all that is im¬

portant. Day’s Cochin is a valuable work generally, as Cochin was the most

important Portuguese settlement in continental India next to Goa, and

everything connected with it has some bearing on our subject.

While we are on the ground of ecclesiastical history, the following

works may be named as in some way connected with Portuguese India?

where formerly the predominance of ecclesiastical influence was so marked.

1873.] T. W. H. Tolbort — History of the Portuguese in Indict. 190

The “ India Orientalis Christiana” by P a u 1 i n u s Bartholomaeus,

said to be a work of great merit but very rare.

Francisco Sousa’s “ Oriente conquistado a Jesu Christo pelos pad¬

res da companhia de Jesus.” This work was published in the beginning of the

eighteenth century. It seems to be regarded by later Portuguese writers

as an authority for secular as well as ecclesiastical history, and is, I presume,

the work referred to in Cottinean’s Sketch of Goa, page 21.

Bartoli’s Asia. This, I believe, is the standard Jesuit authority,

but there are numerous other histories of the Jesuits.

Historiadas I n q u i s i 9 o e s, published at Lisbon in 1821.

Historia da origem e establecimento da Inquisi^ao em Portugal, by

Herculano.

I have not seen the above works but the following which also have

some bearing on the subject are to be found in the Public Library at Goa —

Tellez, Chronica da companhia de Jesus.

Luis d e Sousa, History of the Dominicans.

D amian Cornejo, Chronica seraphica, or History of the Franciscans.

Pedro Monteiro, History of the Inquisition.

It may be observed that the Goa Library is chiefly composed of books

which were taken from various convents when the monastic orders were sup¬

pressed. No doubt, it contains many other books of historical interest, which

a hurried visit did not give me time to discover.

Faria y Sousa refers to a manuscript ecclesiastical History, called “ The

Spiritual Conquest in Asia,” written by F. Paul of the Trinity, a Franciscan,

in the year 1630. Probably this has since been printed.

For the seventeenth century printed authorities are rare. Faria y Sousa

refers to a manuscript by Antonio Bocarro, apparently a continuation

of De Couto, and also to accounts of Nuno Alvarez Botello and the

Count d e Lin hares (1629 to 1635), the former in print, and the latter in

manuscript. I suppose, it was the same Antonio Bocarro who wrote the

description of the Fortresses of India, extracts from which have been pub¬

lished by Sr. da Cunha Bivara in the “ Tissuary.”

Mr. Stanley gives a summary of a manuscript found by him in the

Library of Lisbon, entitled “ History of the Elevation and Decadence of

the Portuguese Empire in Asia,” which gives some account of the seven¬

teenth century.

Between 1640, the date at which Faria y Sousa closes his History (also

the year in which Portugal recovered her independence), and 1663, the year

in which Cochin was taken by the Dutch, there seems to be almost a blank

so far as printed Portuguese authorities are concerned, but the deficiency is

made good by an increased number of Dutch and French writers. The

200 T. W. H. Tolbort — History of the Portuguese in India. [No. 3.

ecclesiastical history of these few years is carried on by a Carmelite mission¬

ary, Vincenzo M a r i a, in his Viaggio all’ Indie Oriental!

The expeditions, military and ecclesiastical, to Abyssinia ; the rise and

fall of Christianity in Japan ; the rivalry with the Spaniards and Dutch in

the Malay Archipelago ; and the wars in Ceylon, may fairly be treated as

episodes in the History of Portuguese India.

Regarding Abyssinia, the chief authorities are :

Francisco Alvares, Terras do Preste Joao.

Tellez, Historia de Ethiopia.

Joao dos Santos, Ethiopia oriental.

G e d d e s, Church History in Ethiopia ; La C r o s e, Christianisme

d’Ethiopie ; Rudolf’s Historia iEthiopica.

Regarding Japan, — K amfer’s well known book is. generally accepted

as the best authority.

There is a work in Spanish “ Cliristiandad del Japon,” by S i c ar d o, of

which there are copies in the public library at Goa. There are also collec¬

tions of “ Epistolse Japanicae,” as of “ Epistolse Indicse.” The Rev. H. J.

Coleridge states that M. Leon Pages is about to publish a work on the

subject.

The Chinese mission, though organised from Macao, was not so connect¬

ed with politics as the Japan mission, and the early missionaries were mostly

Italians not Portuguese. There is a description of China by Faria y Sousa,

founded on the Memoirs of Semedo, and there is a separate account of the

commencement of the mission under Ricci. There is also the great work of

Du Halde.

Regarding the Malay Archipelago, most English accounts of the islands

give a sketch of the early Portuguese rule. Crawford’s works, and S t.

John’s Indian Archipelago may be cited as the most useful. R a f f 1 e s’ Java

scarcely refers to the Portuguese, but his Life and Journal gives a native account

of the arrival of the Portuguese at Malacca. I have not yet had an oppor¬

tunity of referring to Marsden’s Sumatra. Faria y Sousa, besides his refer¬

ence to Antonio Galvan, mentions Bartholomew d e Argensola as an

authority, though an unsafe one, for the History of the Spice Islands. I have a

French translation of Argensola entitled “ Conquete des Isles Moluques par

les Espagnols, par les Portugais, et par les Hollandais.” The third volume

containing the conquest by the Dutch is a continuation of the original work.

There is also an English translation of Argensola. There is another account

of the Moluccas, by Gabriel Rebell o, in the sixth volume of the

“ Noticias para a Historia e Geografia das nacoes ultramarinas.”

Regarding Ceylon, our information may be considered abundant and

satisfactory. Sir Emerson Tennent devotes the first two chapters of

his second volume to the Portuguese and Dutch rule, and refers to two Portu-

201

1373.] T. W. H. Tolbort — History of the Portuguese in India.

guese authorities who treat specially of Ceylon, — It i h e i r o, and Rodrigues

d e S a a. The latter wrote an account of the expedition of 1630, in which his

father was killed. There is also a Portuguese account of the siege of Colom¬

bo, translated and attached to Baldseus’ narrative in Churchill’s voyages.

Baida e u s himself, a Butch writer, is the best authority for the final strug¬

gle between the Butch and Portuguese, giving a sketch of the negotiations

and military movements, with details of the sieges of Colombo and Cochin and

engravings of the different forts and towns. Ribeiro’s History is contained

in the fifth volume of the “ Noticias para a Historia e Gfeografia das nacoes

ultramarinas.” There is a French translation by LeGrand and an English

translation, now rare, by Lee. Sir Emerson Tennent mentions Johann

Jacob S a a r s, as giving in German an account of the campaign in which

Colombo was captured. W outer Schouten’s u Oostindische Voyagie”

is another narrative of the same period.

The above list does not include many “ Travels,” although the most vivid

and faithful pictures of Portuguese India in the 16th and 17th centuries

are to be found in the narratives of European travellers. The number of

these is so great, that we can only specify a few, referring enquirers to the

standard collections of voyages for further details. These collections are

well known, — Ramusio, Purchas, Hakluyt, Be Bry, Le Brun, ITulsius,

Recueil des Voyages de la Compagnie des Indes Orientales des Pays-bas,

La Harpe, Bampier, Harris, Pinkerton, Tlievenot, Churchill, Astley, Lock-

man, Kerr, Murray, and others. There are two or three Italian collections

of value besides Ramusio, and there are some Indian voyages in the

Portuguese “ Noticias.”

Among individual Travels the most noteworthy, either for their in¬

trinsic value, or for their bearing on our present subject, are —

Odoardo Barbosa. The earliest description of India after Portu¬

guese discovery.

The voyage of Magellan, which first took the Spaniards to the East.

The voyage of Sir Francis Brake, the first appearance of the

“ Heretics” in those seas.

The “ Peregrinates” of Mendez Pinto.

Linschoten’s Itinerarium.

Travels of Pyrard de Laval (1601 to 1611). The original is in

French, but there is a Portuguese translation, published at Goa by Senlior

Rivara. Pyrard de Laval’s book is of special value as he lesided at Goa when

the prosperity of that city was at its height ; for although the glory

of Portuguese India had begun to diminish some years earlier, the splen¬

dour of Goa as a city, was greatest during the first few years of the seven¬

teenth century. Pyrard’s description is detailed and interesting.

B e 1 1 o n ’ s narrative of the Inquisition of Goa. The original was pub-

26 D 1}

202

T. W. H. Tolbort — History of the Portuguese in India. [No. 3,

lished in French in 1687, but there is a Portuguese translation, published

at Goa in 1866 under the auspices of Sr. Rivara. This translation contains

some valuable notes, and adds as an appendix the account of the Inquisition

given by Dr. Claudius Buchanan in 1808 in the Christian Researches.

A narrative of the expedition against Ormus, when the Persians and

English united to expel the Portuguese in 1622. This is contained in the

collections by Purchas and Kerr.

Baldseus, the Dutch historian of the final struggle between Hollanders

and Portuguese. The translation of his Travels is in Churchill’s Collection.

Tavernier gives a description of Goa, a narrative of the persecution

in Japan, a sketch of Dutch history in the East, and an account of the capture

of Cochin. Altogether, Tavernier is a very valuable writer for our present

purpose, as his information refers precisely to the period when Portuguese

supremacy in India was disappearing.

There are numerous travellers a little later than Tavernier, whose

narratives contain frequent references to the Portuguese. Among these

may be named Bernier, Nieuhoff, Carreri, Fryer, and Hamilton.

Lastly, there is a modern account of Goa, written in English by the

Rev. Cottenean de Ivloguen and published at Madras in 1831. This contains

a complete historical sketch of Goa from 1509 clown to 1812, and gives a

description of all the churches, convents, and other public buildings, accom¬

panied by a map. It is, in fact, a modern guide to Goa. There is a

Portuguese translation, which I have not seen. Probably the notes of the

translation are of value, as it was published in Goa itself at a comparatively

recent date (1858).

There is another modern account of the Portuguese possessions in

Asia, by Gongalo de Magalhaes Teixera Pinto, also published at Goa with

notes by Sr. Rivara. It is a mere pamphlet, but it contains some official

documents regarding the transfer of Bombay to the English.

As the Dutch were for sixty years the rivals of the Portuguese

in Asia, it is reasonable to suppose that voluminous information may

be collected from Dutch authorities. Besides the early Dutch voyages,

and the travels of Bald sous already referred to, there is the great

work ofValentyn, ‘ Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien.’ Tennent refers frequent¬

ly to this work. There is one copy in our own library at Calcutta, and

there is another, wanting the first volume, at Madras. No doubt, a student

acquainted with Dutch would find the works of numerous other authors at

Batavia and Amsterdam.

It remains to notice official records and periodicals. I believe there are

now few records of value at Goa. All that survived have been transferred

to Lisbon, and are to be found there in the Torre do Tombo and other col¬

lections of Archives. But a very valuable work has been published at Goa

203

1873.] T. W. H. Tolbort — History of the Portuguese in India.

by Sr. cl a C u n h a Rivara from the records of the 16th century. This

work the “ Archivo Portuguez oriental” is in five fasciculi, comprising altoge¬

ther eight volumes. Of these, fasciculus No. 1 is out of print, the remaining

seven volumes may be obtained from the Imprensa Nacional at Goa. The

contents of the eight vols. are as follows :

Fasciculus 1, letters from the Kings of Portugal to the City of Goa.

Do. 2. .Book of the privileges of the City of Goa.

Bo. 3 (2 parts or vols). Letters and instructions from the Kings of

Portugal to the Viceroys and Governors of India, and also charters and ordi¬

nances of the Kings and Viceroys.

Bo. 4. The Ecclesiastical Councils held at G oa and the Synod of Biam-

par.

Bo. 5. (3 parts). Various documents of the 16th century. Among

these are important regulations regarding the administration of justice, the

management of the Goa hospital, military and commercial matters. The

references to the contemporary history of Muhammadan India are nob very

many. There are, however, some diplomatic documents referring to Bija-

pur.

In the preface to his third fasciculus, Sr. da Cunha Rivara discusses an

interesting question regarding some of the 16tli century records. Buring

the 16th and 17th centuries, the intercourse between India and Portugal

was chiefly carried on by annual fleets to and fro, and the annual letters

that they carried. As the arrival and despatch of the fleets were regulated

by the monsoons, the registers containing copies of official letters were

known as the ‘ Livros das Mon^oens,’ £ Books of the Monsoons.’ At the

time Sr. Rivara wrote his preface, the record rooms at Goa appear to have

contained fragments of the “ Livros” for the years 1568 and 1583, then a

series from 1584 to about the end of the century, and then (after a gap of

fifty years) a continuous series from 1651 to modern times. It was long

believed that the absence of the “ Livros” earlier than 1568 had been caused

by the Marquis de Pombal, under whose orders sixty volumes of the series

were despatched to Portugal in 1777. Sr. Rivara, however, proves that the

sixty volumes so despatched, were those between 1606 and 1651, and that

they at least are safely housed in the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon. About the

same time, and in obedience to the same order all the ecclesiastical records

of an early date were also sent to Lisbon, but these, it seems, have been lost

sight of.

I believe I am right in adding that the remaining “ Livros das Man-

^oens” have been recently transmitted to Lisbon, since the publication of

Sr. Rivara’s Archivo. Possibly some of the missing records are to be found

in our own British Museum ; for Sir Emerson Tennent in the introduction to

his “ Ceylon” writes — “ Within the last few years, the Trustees of the British

204 T. W. H. Tolbort — History of the Portuguese in India. [No. 3,

Museum purchased from the library of the late Lord Stuart de Rothesay

the diplomatic correspondence and papers of Sehastiao Joze Carvalho e Mel-

lo (Portuguese Ambassador at London and Vienna, and subsequently known

as the Marquis de Pombal) from 1738 to 1747, including sixty volumes

relating to the history of the Portuguese possessions in India and Brazil

during the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries. Amongst "the latter are forty

volumes of despatches relative to India entitled Collegam Authentiea cte

todas as leys, Pegimentos , Alvards e mais ordens que se expediram para a

India , desde o establecimento destas conguistas. Ordenada por proviram de

28 de Marco de 1754. Mss. Brit. Mus., Nos. 20,861 to 20,900.”

The “ Archivo” is so far defective that it only gives the outward de¬

spatches and letters from Lisbon to Goa together with other documents issued

in India. It does not give despatches from Goa to Lisbon, which would be

of yet greater value to the student of Indian History. I cannot gather

from Sr. Rivara’s preface to the third fasciculus where these are, nor does he

expressly state that the early “ Livros das Mon9oens” are lost beyond re¬

covery. Perhaps the introduction to his first fasciculus, which I have not

been able to obtain, throws some light on these points. This much is certain.

The Torre do Tombo and other libraries at Lisbon contain a number of

valuable records of both the 16th and the 17th century, though it would

seem from the preface to “ Gaspar Correa” that they are not valued as they

deserve to be. I must add that Sr. Rivara’s “ Archivo,” though richer towards

the end, contains a great many documents belonging to the early part of the

16th century. The early “ Livros das Mo^oens” have been lost, but

there were other early records which Sr. Rivara by publication has saved

from a similar fate.

Many articles of historical and antiquarian value have been published

in the “ Boletim do Governo,” the “ Government Gazette” of Portuguese

India. Among those of recent numbers may be enumerated the “ Capitu-

los de um livro inedito,” containing information as to ecclesiastical matters

in the 47 tli century, and a series of Treaties of the same period. Many similar

articles are scattered through back numbers of the Boletim, including, I be¬

lieve, an account of the records by Sr. Felippe Neri Xavier. I hope Sr.

Rivara, under whose auspices the majority have been published, will collect

and republish these papers in a separate form. It is much to have saved

ancient records from destruction, but the service to History will be enhanced

by republication. Papers are not readily accessible when scattered through

the old files of a Gazette.

I may mention here that Sr. Rivara in addition to the numerous publica¬

tions above referred to, is the author or editor of several other important works

more or less connected with our present subject ; among these an historical

essay on the Concan, or dialect, of Goa ; a dictionary and grammar of the same ;

1873.] T. W. H. Tolbort — History of the Portuguese in India. 205

a publication regarding village communities ; and several regarding the

ecclesiastical rights of the Crown of Portugal and the Archbishop of Goa — -

vexed questions among the Roman Catholics of India.

Two facts regarding other records may be added from Day’s Cochin.

1. The Dutch Government records of Cochin are, it seems, still there,

and apparently the early volumes refer to the capture, or to the period im¬

mediately following the capture, from the Portuguese (page 121).

2. The records of the Verapoly Monastery were lost in the river, as

the priests were endeavouring to carry them away from Tippu’s troops in

1790 (Chronology at end of book).

So far I have only referred to European accounts of Portuguese India,

but what Indian authors are there on the subject ? Hindus, who care so

little for history, are not likely to give us much help, but it is different with

Muhammadans. They are given to chronicle writing, and we may fairly expect

some account of the Portuguese from them. As yet, however, I have not

found any special Muhammadan history on the subject, except the “ Tuhfat ul

Mujahidin.” This is a valuable work, as it describes the wars of the Por¬

tuguese and Muhammadans between 1498 and 1583, from a Muhammadan

point of view. There is an English translation, No. 30, in the series of the

Oriental Translation Committee.

Firislitah must be consulted, because his histories of the Dakhin States

are so full, and refer specially to the period when the Portuguese power was

at its height. The eleventh chapter, on the Muhammadans in Malabar, is

founded on the Tuhfat ul Mujahidin. Besides this, Briggs gives in an ap¬

pendix an epitome of the wars of the Portuguese in India. But Firishtah’s

allusions to the Portuguese, except in the eleventh chapter, are very meagre.

He gives a brief account of the death of King Bahadur, and of the siege of

Chaul by Burlian Nizam Shall in 1592, but he does not even mention the

great siege of Diu. Still the constant references to the Muhammadan kings

by Portuguese historians, and the constant intercourse that must have gone

on between the Orientals and the European invaders, render it necessary to

consult Firishtah.

Next to Firishtah nuiy be mentioned the Mir-at i Ahmadi, with its trans¬

lation by Bird, and the Mir-at i Sikandari, on which the Mir-at i Ahmadi

was founded.

Firishtah’s History of Bijapur was prematurely closed in 159G, while we

seek for information down to 1G63. The following supplementary histories

of the Dakhin states and particularly of Bijapur, the one that had most

dealings witli Goa, are described in Mr. Morley’s list of the historical manu¬

scripts preserved in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society.

Tazkirah i Ahwal i Salatin i Bijapur, composed in 180G from two earlier

histories of the ’A'dil Shahi dynasty. Morley describes this work as concise,

but valuable.

20G T. W. H. Tolbort — History of the Portuguese in India. [No. 3,

Basatin us Salatin. This is also a modern manuscript (1824), but the

preface enumerates the authorities from which it was compiled.

Muntakhab i Tawarikh i Bahri, containing a history of the Nizamshahi

dynasty.

Tarfkh i Sultan Muhammad Qutbshahi, a history of the Qutbshahi dy¬

nasty of Golkonda ; an abridgement of this is also given in Brigg’s Firishtah.

Mr. Bird in his account of Bijapiir refers to another history the “ Tarikh i

Haft kursi” and also to the “ Tarikh. i Asad Khani,” which he appears to

consider as the same work under a different name. He says that the “ Ta¬

rikh i Haft kursi” was written in the reign of ’All ’Adil Shah II. (1656 to

1672).

1 have not seen any of these manuscript histories ef the Dakhin states,

but mention them as to some extent bearing on the subject. The names

given by Portuguese authors are frequently unintelligible until compared

with Persian accounts. But it is not likely that any of these histories give

more than casual allusions to the Portuguese.

Passing from the Dakhin to the Muajiul histories —

The Tabaqat i Akbari contains a few references to the Portuguese, in¬

cluding an account of King Bahadur’s death. It refers also to the construc¬

tion of the Surat fort against the depredations of the Portuguese.

The Akbarnamah refers to King Bahadur’s death, and gives some ac¬

count of the Jesuit missions at Akbar’s court. Probably it contains other

references to the Portuguese, but I have not yet examined the Akbarnamah.

I hope Mr. Blochmann, who is so well acquainted with the Persian histories

of this period, will add some further account of these references. The Insha

i Abulfazl contains a letter from Akbar, a translation of which is given by

Hough in his second volume, page 261. This is said to have been intended

for the King of Portugal, but the address in my copy of the Insha is “ Da-

nayan i Farang,” as though intended for the Jesuits.

The Muntakhab ul-tawarlkh of Badaoni also refers to Diu and to the

Jesuit missions at Akbar’s court. Mr. Blochmann’s extracts, attached in a

note to the 77th Ain, read with the Jesuit account, give a vivid picture of

Akbar and his court.

The Dabistan contains an account of the Christian religion derived from

the Portuguese priests, and gives a sample of the discussions before Akbar.

The Tuzuk i Jahangir! alludes in several places to Muqarrab Khan and

to Surat affairs. One passage appears to refer to the attack by Azevedo on

Downton’s ships in 1614. Elsewhere the Tuzuk refers to presents from the

Portuguese and to some Portuguese in Jahangir’s employ.

The Padishahnamah, page 433, Yol. I, gives a detailed account of the

siege and capture of Hiigli. Farther on, this is again referred to in letters

to Nazr Muhammad Khan, the ruler of Balkh, and to the Shah of Persia. At

1878.] T. W. H. Tolbort — History of the Portuguese in India. 207

page 531, the fate of the captives is described. In the second volume, there

is an account of the Portuguese at Chittagong.

Khafi Khan, the most useful of the Muhammadan historians after

Firislitali, also gives an account of the siege of Hugli, prefixing to it

an interesting description of the Portuguese from his point of view. A

fuller description is found in the second volume, page 100, reign of ’Xlamgir.

Mr. Bloclimann, to whom I am indebted for several of the above refer¬

ences, tells me that the Portuguese are frequently mentioned in the Maasir

ul Umara, a work containing biographies of the great men of the Mughul

empire, and that there are occasional bigoted allusions to them in the Far-

hang i Pashidi, a Persian dictionary written in 1G53.

A certain amount of information is scattered through different periodi¬

cals. No. 3 of the Calcutta Review contains an article on the Jesuit mis¬

sions ; No. 10, the Portuguese in North India ; No. 51, the Shiry Family ; No.

57, the Inquisition at Gfoa ; No. 77, the Life of Xavier ; Nos. 102 and 103,

Topography of the Mogul Empire ; No. 105, the Feringhees of Chittagong.

The Asiatic Researches contain articles on Malabar ; The Syrian Chris¬

tians ; Nobili’s imitation of the Veda; and Bijapur.

The Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal is singularly deficient in articles

bearing on our subject. The volume for 1811 mentions the Portuguese in

connection with Arakan. That for 1813 contains an interesting account of

Abyssinia, and the Portuguese missions there, and the volume for 18-11 con¬

tains an article called “ Political events in the Carnatic from 156-1 to 1687,”

which may be considered to have a distant connection with the contempora¬

ry history of Portuguese India. There is also a modern account of Socotra,

but so far as I have seen, there is not a single article devoted specially to

Portuguese Asia.

The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society is as deficient as our own in

this respect. I cannot find a single article specially devoted to Portuguese

India, but the following appear to have a distant bearing on the subject ;

Yol. II, Transactions, Diplomatic relations between the courts of Delhi and

Constantinople, in the 16 and 17 centuries. Yols. I and II, Journal, Memoir

on the Syrian Christians ; Yol. II, Sea ports on the coast of Malabar ; Yol. V,

(or YI, P) account of the Sherley family ; Yol. VII, Tribes of the Northern

Concan ; Vol. Y (new series), on Malabar, &c.

The last series of the “ Journal Asiatique” gives no help. I have not

seen the earlier series. We might expect more assistance from Bombay, as

that Presidency has been always intimately connected with Portuguese

India. But so far as I have ascertained, there is not much. Yol. II of the

Bombay Literary Transactions contains a Turkish account of a naval

expedition in the sixteenth century with references to the Portuguese. I have

not seen Yol. III., but 1 believe it contains a description of Bijapur, and

208 T. W. H. Tolbort — History of the Portuguese in India. [No. 3,

possibly some other articles connected with the subject. I believe there are

some articles in the Journal of the Bombay Geographical Society. The

Journal of the Bombay Asiatic Society contains (1841) Translations from

De Couto ; (1844) Bird’s description of Bijapur ; (1849) Marathi works com¬

posed by the Portuguese; (1868) Translations of Portuguese Inscriptions

found at Bombay.

The Bombay Quarterly Review, vol. 4, contains an interesting article

by the late Mr. Anderson regarding the capture of Bassein and other Por¬

tuguese forts between Bombay and Daman by the Marathas. This, how¬

ever, was in the eighteenth century, and our present review does not extend

to a later date than 1663.

Doubtless there are numerous articles scattered through the Journals

and Proceedings of the various Societies at Madras, Singapore, Batavia,

Amsterdam, and Lisbon, but these I have not yet examined.

More valuable than most of the above, for our present purpose, is the

“ Chronista de Tissuary,” a periodical which appeared at Goa under the

editorship of Sr. Rivara, between 1866 and 1869. Every article in this

is of value, though many refer to a period in the history of Portuguese

India later than that under review. It contains among other papers an

account of transactions with ’Adil Shah, treaties of peace with Jahangir and

Shah Jahan, descriptions of the Portuguese fortresses as they were in 1634,

and notes of the inscriptions existing at the present day. Copies of the

inscriptions with which the fortress of Diu is covered, have been published

by Sr. Rivara in a separate pamphlet.

The “ Gabinetee Litterario das Fontainhas” appears to have been a

similar periodical of earlier date. This statement, however, is subject to

correction, as I have not seen the “ Gabinetee Litterario.”

The above summary of authorities regarding Portuguese India has been

prepared, partly from a list given me by Sr. Rivara, partly from Faria y

Sousa, and partly from other books in my possession. Sr. Rivara who is

a member of the Bombay Asiatic Society, will be able to enlarge the list and

to correct any details that may be faulty where Portuguese authors are

referred to. I hope he will do me this favour, and if Mr. Bloclimann will

kindly render the same service where Muhammadan authors are quoted, or

where other information may be available in the Society’s Library, it will

be a great assistance to students interested in the subject.

1873.]

209

Contributions to the Geography and History of Bengal (Muhammadan

Period). — Part I., Geographical. — Part II., Historical , based on

Inscriptions received from General A. Cunningham, C. S. I., Dr. J.

Wise, E. Y. Westmacott, Esq., W. L. Heeley, Esq., Walter

M. Bourke, Esq., &c., and on unpublished coins , with notes by E. Y.

Westmacott, Esq., and Dr. J. Wise. — By H. Blochmann, M. A.,

Calcutta JSIcidmsah.

In the end of last year, General Cunningham, Director of the Archaeo¬

logical Survey of India, forwarded to the Asiatic Society, for publication in

the Journal, a unique collection of rubbings of Muhammadan inscriptions

from Bengal and various places up-country, and in the Proceedings of our

Society for January last, I gave an account of the importance of these

rubbings with reference to the history of Bengal. Dr. J. Wise of Dacca,

Mr. Walter Bourke, Mr. E. Y. Westmacott, C. S., and Mr. W. L. Heeley,

C. S., have also favoured the Society with valuable rubbings and notes on the

localities where they were obtained, and I shall delay no longer to carry

out the wishes of the donors and publish my readings with a few notes

suggested by the subject. I have also examined our coin cabinet, which I

found to contain some unpublished Bengal coins of great value.

The importance of mural and medallic evidence for Bengal History

arises from the paucity and meagreness of written sources. Whilst for the

history of the Dihli Empire we possess general and special histories, often

the work of contemporaneous writers, we have only secondary sources and

incidental remarks for the early Muhammadan period of Bengal, i. e., from.

A. D., 1203 to 1538. Nizamuddin Ahmad, who served Akbar as Bakhshl,

the friend and protector of the historian Badaoni, is the first writer that

gives in his Tabaqat i Akbari, which were completed in 1590, a short con¬

nected account of the independent kings of Bengal from 1338 to 1538.

For the time between 1203 and 1338, we depend on incidental remarks

made by Dihli writers, as Minliaj i Siraj, Baranl, and ’Aflf. Eirishtah,

who flourished in the beginning of the 17th century, has a chapter on the

same period as Nizam ; hut though he gives a little more, it seems that he

used the same, at present unknown, source as the author of the Tabaqat i

Akbari. But there can be no doubt that this source was a work defective in

chronology and meagre in details. Eirishtah also cites a historical com¬

pilation by one Iiaji Muhammad of Qandahar, of which no copy is at pre¬

sent known to exist.

The latest writer on Bengal History is Ghulam Husain of Zaidpur,

poetically styled £ Salim,’ who composed his Biyazussaldtin, or £ the Gardens

of Kings,’ at the request of Mr. George Udney oi Maldah. This work, the

27 E E

210

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

title of which contains in the numerical value of the letters the date of its

completion (A. H. 1202, or A. D. 1787-88), is rare, but is much prized as

being the fullest account in Persian of the Muhammadan History of Bengal,

which the author brings down to his own time. From a comparison of

his work with that by Firishtah, it is evident that for the early portion

he has used books which are likewise unknown at present, and it is unfor¬

tunate that his preface gives no information on this point A Flis additional

source, it is true, cannot have been a work of considerable size ; yet he gives

valuable dates which, as will be seen below, are often confirmed by

collateral evidence. Salim has also made a fair use of the antiquities of

the Gaur District. Stewart, who used the Biyaz as the basis of his

History of Bengal, has given a translation of the greater part of the work ;

but from a leaning to Firishtah he has left out useful passages, which will

be found below.

A commentary on Inscriptions necessarily contains references to the

history and the geography of the country ; but in order not to overload the

subject with unconnected remarks, I have, in the following, separated the

geographical from the historical portion, and have thus found means to

collect, in a convenient way, numerous stray notes which for several years

have been accumulating in the course of my historical studies.

am

* When quoting this unknown source, Salim uses phrases as ‘ dar risalah e didah-

I have seen in some pamphlet,’ or ‘ ba-qaule,’ 1 according to another state-

’ «

ment,’ &c.

The Asiatic Society Library has one MS. of the Riyazussalatin (No. 526), written

in bold sKikastah, 277 pages, 8vo., 15 lines per page, copied in 1851 at Hajipur by

one Sadruddin Ahmad. Beginning — Jahan jahdn hamd sazdwdr i bdrgdh i jahdn-dfarine

ast, Tiih in mazahir i Tcauni-rd ba-yad i qudrat i hdmilah i Ichwesh ba-liilyah i wujud

muhalla sdkhtah, &c. The work consists of a Preface in four parts, and four Chapters,

of which the last contains two parts. The end contains the following description of

the character of the “ new rulers” —

“ The English among the Christians are adorned with the head-dress of wisdom

and skill, and ornamented with the garb of generosity and good manners. In resolu¬

tion, activity in war, and in festivities, in administering justice and helping the

oppressed, they are unrivalled ; and their truthfulness is so great, that they would

not break a promise, should they even lose their lives. They admit no liar to their

society, are pious, faithful, pitiful, and honorable. They have neither learnt the

letters of deceit, nor have they read the page of vice ; and though their religion is

opposed to ours, they do not interfere with the religion, rites, and propagation of the

Muhammadan faith.

‘AD J

All wrangling about faith and heresy leads to the same place : the dream is one

and the same dream, though the interpretations may differ.”

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

211

Part I.— GEOGRAPHICAL.

Before the conquest of Bengal by the Muhammadans under Bakhtyar

Khilji in A. D. 1203, Bengal is said to have been divided into five districts —

(1) R a d h a, the country west of the Hugli and south of the Ganges ;

(2) B a g d i, the delta of the Ganges ; (3) B a n g a, the country to the east

of, and beyond, the delta ; (4) Barend r a, the country to the north of the

Padma (Podda) and between the Karataya and the Mahananda rivers ; and

(5) M i t h i 1 a, the country west of the Mahananda. We do not know whe¬

ther these names refer to revenue districts, or merely indicate (as they now

do) popular divisions based upon the course of principal rivers ; but as the

different orders of Brahmans and Kayasths take their distinctive names

from these divisions, it may be assumed that they existed or were recognized

at the time of Ballala Sen, who classified the two castes.

The ease with which Bakhtyar Khilji took possession of Bengal by

his surprise of Nadiya,* the then capital, stands unparalleled in history,

unless we compare it with the almost peaceful transfer of the same country,

five hundred and fifty-five years later, from the Muhammadans to the East

India Company. But it would be wrong to believe that Bakhtyar Khilji

conquered the whole of Bengal : he merely took possession of the south-eastern

parts of Mithila, Barendra, the northern portions of Radha, and the north¬

western tracts of Bagdi. This conquered territory received from its capital

the name of L ak’li naut i, and its extent is described by the author of the

Tabaqat i Nagiri , who says that the country of Lak’hnauti lies to both sides

of the Ganges and consists of two wings : the eastern one is called Barendra,

to which Deokot belongs ; and the western has the name of Ral [i. e.,

Radha], to which Lak’hnur belongs. Hence the same writer also distin-

guishesf Lak’hnauti-Deokot from Lak’hnauti -Lak’hnur. From the town

of Lak’hnauti to Deokot on the one side, and from Lak’hnauti to the door

of Lak’hnur, on the other side, an embanked road (pul) passes, ten days’

march. Distinct from the country of Lak’hnauti is Banga {dig dr i Bang ,

Bangadesh, Tabaqat, p. 207), and in this part of Bengal the descendants of

the Lak’hmaniyali kings of Nadiya still reigned in A. H. 058, or 1200, A. D.,

when Minhaj i Siraj, the author of the Tabaqat, wrote his history. J Deokot,

which still gives name to a large parganah, was correctly identified by

Buchanan with the old fort near Damdama, on the left bank of the Purna-

* Lak’hman Sen, the last king of Bengal, though called king, cannot have been

much more than the principal zamindar of his time, “ lie was a liberal man,” says

the author of the Tabaqat, “and never gave less than a lak’h of cowries, when lie

made a present — may God lessen his punishment in hell !”

f Tabaqat, pp. 1G2, 242.

J Tabaqat Namin', p. 151. Thus an expedition against Banga by tho governor

of Lak’hnauti is mentioned in G57. Tabaqat Naifin, p. 2G7.

212

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

bhaba, south of Dinajpur. Close to it lies Gangarampur with its ruins,

and the oldest Muhammadan inscription known in Bengal. # Lak’bnur,f

the town or 4 than ah’ of the other 44 wing,” has not yet been identified.

The name occurs in no Muhammadan history after the time of the Tabaqat

i Na^iri, and the only hint given is, that it lay west of the Hugli, on the

road, at about the same distance from Lak’hnauti city as Deokot lay from

the capital — which would be the northern portion of District Birbhum.

Minhaj’s remark that Banga was, in 1260, still in the hands of Lak’h-

man Sen’s descendants, is confirmed by the fact that Sunnargaon is not

mentioned in the Tabaqat ; nor does it occur on the coins of the first century

of Muhammadan rule. It is first mentioned in the Tarikh i Barani as

the residence, during Balban’s reign, of an independent Bai ; but under

Tughluq Shah (A. D. 1323), Sunnargaon and Satgaon, which likewise

appears for the first time, are the seats of Muhammadan governors, the term

4 Bangalali’ being now applied to the united provinces of Lak’hnauti,

Satgaon, and Sunnargaon. £

The Tarikh i Barani, the Tarikh i Flruzshahl by ’Afif, and the Travels

of Ibn Bat Utah yield but little additional information. Firuzabad, or

Panduah (north of Maldaha, or Maldali) which General Cunningham sig¬

nificantly calls 4 Hazrat Panduah,’ or 4 Panduah, the Residence,’ appears as

the new capital, and in connexion with it Fort Ekdalali, said to be 4 near

Panduah.’ The actual site of this fort is still a matter of doubt ; even the

* Of Kai Kaus Shah, A D. 1297. Journal, A. S. B., 1872, Pt. I., p. 102.

t Major Raverty, of whose translation of the Tabaqat two fasciculi have just

appeared, informs me that all his best MSS. have Lak’hnur. The Bibliotheca

Indica edition has AP"®? and often also \ and it was, no doubt, the last spell¬

ing that led Stewart to substitute Nagor (in western Birbhum), which certainly lies

in the direction indicated. Outside of the Maratha wall of Nagor, we have a Lak’hi-

pur and a Lak’hinarayanpur.

J Barani, p. 452. He spells Satgaon, not Satgaon. It is almost useless to remark

on the geography of Bengal as given in the Tabaqat before the appearance of Major

Raverty’ s translation, who has collated nearly all existing MSS. of the work. The

Bibliotheca Indica edition is untrustworthy. Taking it, however, as it is, we find the

following places mentioned— Nudiyah, in this spelling, for Nadiya; Lak’hnauti j

Banga; Hal (Radha) ; Barendra ; Lak’hnur; Deokot ; Narkoti (?),

pp. 156 to 158; (?), p. 158; (?) and (perhaps

U*FW), p. 168; Bangaon, p. 153; Fort Bislmkot, founded by Husamuddin Twaz

near Lak’hnauti, pp. 180, 243. Besides these, a few places are mentioned on the

frontiers of Bengal, as Kamrud (always with this spelling) for Kamrup;

Jagannath ( Puri) ? ; and a few places in Asarn or Tibbat ; ?, p. 263; and

Jajnagar, regarding which vide below.

The Tarikh i Firishtah furnishes the isolated fact of the foundation of ltangpur

by Bakhtyar Khilji on the frontier of Bengal (Lucknow Edition, p. 293).

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

213

author of the Riyazussalatin, who lived in the neighbourhood of Maldah

and Panduah, says nothing about it.#

About 850 A. H. (A D. 1410), during the reign of Nagiruddin Mah¬

mud Shah, the capital was transferred to Gaur. Thus Lak’hnauti is hence¬

forth again called in history. The transfer, though it may have been connected

with the restoration of an old dynasty, was unfortunate. Gaur lies in the

middle between the Ganges and the Mahananda, thus occupying, as is the

case in all Deltaic lands, the lowest site ; and east of it lies the Kallak Saja

marsh, called in the Ain Cliuttid-pattid , into which the drainage of the

town opened. Every increase in the waters of the Ganges caused the marsh,

which is connected with it, to rise, and “ if the [earthen] embankment broke,

the town was under water,” f and the drainage was driven hack into the

town. Hence the removal of the capital, a short time afterwards, to

Tan dali, J and the ultimate desertion of the town as a fever centre for itaj-

maliall.

The meagre information supplied by the Tabaqafc i Nizami and Firish-

tah throws no further light on the geography of Bengal, hut leaves the

impression that during the reigns of the independent kings (A. H. 739 to

944, or A. D., 1338 to 1538) the extent of Muhammadan Bengal was the

same as what we find it in A. D. 1582, the year in which Todar Mall pre¬

pared his rent-roll of Bengal, a copy of which Ahul Eazl has given in the

Ain.

The coins and inscriptions of the above period yield a few particulars.

We have the seven Bengal mint towns given by Thomas, § to which I can

* Mr. Thomas compares with Ekdalah the name of ‘ Jugdula/ a village east of

Hazrat Panduah, towards the Purnabhaba. The Indian Atlas Sheet No. 119 also

mentions a village Jagdal due north of Maldaha, near the Mahananda, in Lat.

25° 17' 30", and a ‘ Jugdul’ and a ‘ JugdaT will be found south-east of Gaur, Long.

88° 28', Lat. 24° 42. Even in other parts the name is common ; for Jagdal is the Bangali

‘ Jogoddul/ ‘ a leaf of the world/ the world being the lotus, and each town a petal of it.

Another Ekdalah will be found on the same sheet, south-east of Bogra (Bagura),

Long. 89° 40' 30", Lat. 24° 35'45", and a third is in Rajshahi, a little south-west of

Nator. The name seems to be the Bangali ‘having one wing/ and Dodala

‘ having two wings/ occurs likewise as a name of villages.

f Ain i Akbari.

J Eennell marks ‘ Taralx’ near the Pagla River (a branch of the Ganges and

perhaps the old bed of the river), south-west of the fort of Gaur. “ Tanda standeth

from the river Ganges a league, because in times past the river flowing over the

bankes, in time of raine did drowne the countrey and many villages, and so they do

remaine. And the old way the river Ganges was wont to run, romaineth drie, which

is the occasion that the citie doeth stand so farre from the water." Ralph Fitch.

The losses of Akbar’s Bengal army in Gaur will be found in my Ain translation,

p 370.

§ Lak’hnauti, Firuzabad (Panduah), Satgaon, Shahr i Nau (?), Ghiyaspur,

Sunnargaon, and Mu’azzamabad. Chronicles, p. 151.

214

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

now add three more, viz. Fat h aha d, Khalifatabad, and Husainabad, which

will be discussed below. The inscriptions reveal the important fact, that

Bengal was divided into revenue divisions called Mahalls, over which, as in

the Dikii empire, Shiqdars* * * § were placed, and into larger circles under

£ Sarlashkars,’ or military commanders, who have often also the title ofVazir

(Diwan). Of places mentioned on inscriptions I may cite — Iqlim Mu’az-

zamabad (Eastern Maimansingh) ; Thanah Laur (north-western Silhat, — •

both occur also united under the same Sarlashkar) ; Sarliat, in western

Birbhum, now in the Santal Parganahs ; Laopallah, east of the Island in

the Hugli opposite Tribeni Ghat, evidently in olden times an important

place as lying at the point where the Jabuna leaves the Hugli and

commences her tortuous course, first easterly, then southerly, into the

Sundarban ;f and also several places which have not yet been identified, as

Simlabad, Hadigarh, and Sajla-Mankhbad. J

From the middle of the 16th century we have the works and maps of

Portuguese historians, notably the classical ‘ Da Asia’ by J oao de Barros (died

1570) ; and the graphic descriptions of Caesar Frederick (1570) and .Ralph

Fitch (1583 to 1591). Nor must I forget the Persian traveller Amin Razi,

an uncle of Nur Jalian, who composed his ‘ Haft Iqlim’ in A. H. 1002 (A. D.

1591) ; but it is doubtful whether he visited Bengal, or merely wrote down

what he heard at Agrah. I shall occasionally refer to the works of these

travellers below. §

But by far the most interesting contribution to the geography of

Bengal, in spite of the unsatisfactory state of the MSS., is Todar Mall’s

rent-roll. Though of 1582, it may be assumed that Todar Mall merely gave

in it what he found to exist with regard to both divisions and revenue ; for

Bengal was only subjugated during Jahangir’s reign, and properly assessed

* How extensively tlie Hindus were employed as revenue officers may be seen

from the fact that the Arabic-Persian Shiqddr and Majmu’ ahddr have become Bang-all

family names, generally spelt ‘ Sikdar’ and ‘ Mozoomdar.’

f The island opposite Tribeni has a conspicuous place on De Barros’ Map of

Bengal and on that by Blaev ( vide PI. IY.). The maps also agree with Abul Fazl’s

statement in the Ain, that at Tribeni there are three branches, one the Saraswatl, on

which Satgaon lies ; the other, the Ganga, now called the Hugli ; and the third, the

Jon or Jabuna (Jamuna). De Barros and Blaev’s Maps shew the three branches of

almost equal thickness, the Saraswatl passing Satigam (Satgaon), and Cliouma

(Cliaumuha in Hugli District, north), and the Jabuna flowing westwards to Buram

(Borhan, in the 24-Parganahs).

J Journal, A. S. Bengal, 1870, Pt. I., p. 284.

§ I have not mentioned Nicold de Conti’s Travels (1419 to 1444, A. D.), because

he only mentions one town in Bengal, Cernove on the Ganges, which Col. Yule has

identified with the' Shalir i Nau,’ or ‘ New Town’ on Sikandar Shah’s coin of 1379

(Thomas, In. Coinage of Bengal, Journal, A. S. Bengal, 1867, p. 65) * but the position

of this town is still a matter of doubt.

215

1873.] H. Bloclimann — Geography and History of Bengal.

by Prince Shuja’ a short time before 1G58. In the Ain we find that Bengal

proper was divided into 19 Sirkars, and G82 Malialls. Eight of the 19 Sirkars,

and 201 of the GS2 Mahalls, have Muhammadan names. The rent-roll in¬

cluded both the khdligah (£ genuine,’ vulgo khalsa) or crownlands, and the

aqtd or jdgir lands, i. e. lands assigned to officers in lieu of pay or mainten¬

ance of troops. The distribution of the Sirkars depended, as in the old

Hindu division, on the courses of the Ganges, Bhagirathi, and Megna,

or, as the Ain expresses it, on the courses of the Padmawati, Ganga, and

Brahmaputra, as will be seen from the following list of the Sirkars.

A. Sirledrs North and Bast of the Ganges.

1. SirkarLak’hnaut i, or Jannatabad, extending from Taliagarhi

(K’halgaon, Colgong) along the northern banks of the Ganges, and including

a few mahalls now belonging to district Bhagalpur and Purniah, and nearly

the whole of Maldali district. Besides Gaur, this Sirkar contained the

ancient town of Bangamati.# 6G mahalls; khalsa revenue, Ps. 471, 174. f

2. Sirkar P u r n i a li, or Puranniah, the greater and chiefly westerly

portion of the present district of Purniah, as far as the Mahananda. £

9 mahalls ; revenue Rs. 1G0,219.

3. S i r k a r T a j p u r, extending over Eastern Purniah east of the

Mahananda, and Western Dinajpur. 29 mahalls ; revenue, Rs. 1G2,096.

4. Sirkar Panjra li, so called from the Haweli maliall Pan] rah,

north-east of the town of Dinajpur, on the Atrai River, comprising the greater

part of Dinajpur district. 21 mahalls ; revenue, Rs. 145,081.

5. Sirkar G ’ h o r a s: ’ h a t, so called from the town of G’horagfhat

or Chauk’handi on the right bank of the Karataya, comprising portions of

Dinajpur, Rangpur, and Bagura (Bograh) districts, as far as the Brahma¬

putra. Being a frontier district towards Koch Bihar and Koch Hajo, it

contained numerous jagir lands of Afghan chiefs and their descendants. The

Sirkar produced a great deal of raw silk. 88 mahalls ; revenue, Rs. 202,077. §

6. Sirkar Barbakaba d, so called from Barbak Shah, king of

Bengal ( vide below), and extending from Sirkar Lak’hnauti along the Podda

to Bagura. It comprises portions of Maldali and Dinajpur, and a large part

of Rajshalii, and Bagura. Its cloths were well known, especially the stuffs

* Maldali is once mentioned in the Tuzuk i Jaliangzrt (p. 178) — “ When I [Jahangir]

was prince, I had made a promise to Mir Ziyauddin of Qazwin, a Saifi Sayyid, who has

since received the title of Mustafa Khan, to give him and his children Parganali Maldali,

a well known Parganali in Bengal. This promise was now performed (A. D. 1617).

f Akbarshaln Rupees (1 Rupee = 40 dams). Grant substitutes ‘ Sicca Rupees/

at 2s. 3d.

J It seems as if the Mahananda, in its upper course, is often called Mahanadi.

Van den Broucko calls it on his map ‘ Martnade.’

§ Somo MSS. have 209,577 Rs.

216

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

called khdgah (the “ koses” of old writers) as the khagah of Shahbazpur,

the gahan the 4 sanes,’ or ‘ salines’ of Dutch writers), and the

mumini. 38 mahalls ; revenue, Rs. 436,288.

7. S i r k a r B a z u h a, extending from the preceding across the

Brahmaputra into Silhat, comprising portions of Rajshahi, Bagura, Pabna,

Maiman Singh, and reaching in the south a little beyond the town of Dhaka

(Dacca) A The name 1 Bazulia’ is the plural of the Persian word bazu, 4 an

arm, a wing and all mahalls in this Sirkar have the word bdzu after their

name, which on our survey maps appears under the Bangali form ‘Bajoo.’f

32 mahalls ; revenue, the largest of all Sirkars, Rs. 987,921. To this

Sirkar belonged Dhaka, and Sherpur Murcha, or Mihmanshahi, south

of Bagura on the Karataya, which is several times mentioned in the

Akbarnamah as a military station.

8. Sirkar Silhat, adjacent to the preceding, chiefly east of the

Surma River. As will be seen below, the country was only conquered by the

Muhammadans in the end of the 14th century, and was exposed to continual

invasions from Tiparali and A'sam. According to Marco Polo, the Ain, and

the Tuzuk, Silhat supplied India with eunuchs. Jahangir issued an edict for¬

bidding the people of Silhat to castrate boys. Like Kamrup, Silhat is also

often mentioned as the land of wizards and witches, and the fame of its jddii,

or witchcraft, is still remembered at the present day. 8 mahalls ; revenue,

Rs. 167,032.

9. Sirkar Sunnargao n, to both sides of the Megna and the

Brahmaputra, containing portions of western Tiparah, Bhalua, and Noak’hali,

subject to repeated attacks by the Rajahs of Tiparah and Arakan. 52 ma¬

halls ; revenue, Rs. 258,283. The Haft Iqlim gives Rs. 330,000.

* Stewart says that Dliaka is a modern town, ££ because the name does not occur

in the Ain.” But it does ; vide my text edition, p. 407, where the Mahall to which

it belongs, is called Dhakka Bazu. In Gladwin’s spelling £ Dukha Bazoo’ it is, how¬

ever, scarcely recognizable. Dhaka occurs in the Akbarnamah as an Imperial tlianah

in 1584; and Sir A. Phayre ( vide above, p. 53) mentions it in 1400.

f Thus the country west of Pabna is called ‘ Bajooras’ and east of it ‘ Bajoochup’

— corruptions of Bdzu i vast, e the right wing,’ and Bazu i chap ‘ the left wing.’ Other

corruptions are — Esub, or Eshub, or Esop, or Isaf, for £ Yusuf thus £ Esubshye,’ for

£ Yusuf-shahl ;’ Nasipore, for Nasibpur, (from Na<pb Shah) ; Nujeepore, for Najibpur;

Haleeshur (opposite Tribeni) for Halishahr, — Haweli i Shahr [Satgaon] ; Mahomed-

shye for Mahmudshahi, (Jessore) ; Bajitpore, for Bayazidpur (in Dinajpur) ; Juffurshye,

for Zafarshahi, (not Ja’farshahi) ; Kali Modunpur (which sounds like a Hindu name),

Kallm-uddinpur ; Puladassy, north of Bagura, for Fuladshahi ; Masidpore and Maj id-

pore, for Masjidpur ( vide Beames, Comp. Grammar, p. 209).

In the spelling of Bengal names care should be taken with the frequent ending

dalia , 4 eddy,’ as Maldaha, spelt in Persian Maldali ; but the final h is radical, and the

name should not be spelt Malda, as Malwah, Rajah, &c., = Malwa, Raja, &c.

Aurangzib forbade by edict spellings like Malwah, Rajah, &c. ; he wanted people

to spell Malwa, Raja.

217

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

10. S i r k a r C h a t g a o n (Chittagong) , never properly annexed

before the reign of Anrangzib. 7 mahalls ; revenue, Rs. 285,607.

B. Sirlcdrs in the Delta of the Ganges .

11. Sirkar Satga on. A small portion only, the land between the

Hugli and the Saraswati, lay west of the Hugli, whilst the bulk of the Sirkar

comprised the modern district of the 24-Parganahs to the Kabadak, western

Nadiya, south-western Murshidabad, and extended in the south to Hatiagarh

below Diamond Harbour. To this Sirkar belonged Mahall Kalkatta

(Calcutta) which, together with two other mauza’s, paid, in 1582, a land

revenue of Rs. 23,905. 53 mahalls ; revenue, Rs. 418,118.

12. Sirkar Mahmudabad, so called after one of the three

Mahmud Shahs of Bengal, and comprising northern Nadiya, northern

Jessore, and western Faridpur. 88 mahalls ; revenue, Rs. 290,256.

13. Sirkar Khalifatabad, or southern Jessore and western Ba-

qirganj. The Sirkar is called after Khalifatabad, which was the name of the

small Haweli-parganahnearBagherhat (vide below) . The largest mahall of this

Sirkar was Jesar (Jessore), or Rasulpur ; and among others, we find here the

Mahalls Mundagacliha and Malikpur, which the Khan i A’zam, when gover¬

nor of Bengal under Akbar (Ain translation, p. 326), is said to have given

to Bhabeshwar Rai, the ancestor of the present Rajahs of Jesar. The name

of Jesar, therefore, occurs as early in 1582 ; hence Van den Broucke’s map

(1660) also gives it conspicuously as ‘ Jessore.’ * 35 mahalls ; revenue,

Rs. 135,053.

14. Sirkar F a t h a b a d, so called after Fath Shah, king of Bengal,

comprising a small portion of Jessore, the whole of Faridpur, southern

Baqirganj, portions of Dhaka district, and the Islands ofDak’hin Shahbazpur,

Sondip, and Sidhu, at the mouth of the Megna. The town of Faridpur lies

in the Haweli Parganah of Fathabad. 3 mahalls, revenue, Rs. 199,239.

15. Sirkar B a k 1 a,f or Isma’ilpur, north-east of the preceding, com¬

prising portions of Baqirganj and Dhaka districts. It is the Bacala of old

maps. 4 mahalls ; revenue, Rs. 178,756.

C. Sir leans South of the Ganges and West of the Bhagirathi (Hugli).

16. S i r k a r A u d a m b a r, or T a n d a h, comprising the greater portion

of Murshidabad district, with portions of Birbhum. The name Audambar

occurs also in other parts of India, e. g. in Kachh.J Tandali did not long

enjoy the position of capital : Slier Shah already had made plans to remove it

* Vide , however, Westland, Jessore Beport, p. 29.

f The author of the Siya/rul Mutaatclilcharm calls it Hogla (llfyfc), from the

Bangali word hogla, which signifies marsh reed — a name which no doubt explains the

name of Hugli ; but he strangely confounds Sirkar Bakla with Sirkar Satgaon (Hugli).

J Vide Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, I, p. 248.

28

V F

218 H. Bloch m arm — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

to A'g Mahall on the opposite bank. But this was only carried out by

Rajali Man Singh, who changed the name of Ag Mahall to Raj Mahall,

and subsequently to Akbarnagar. The same Sirkar became again in later

times under Prince Shuja’ the seat of government, and later still under

Nawab Ja’far Murshid Quli Khan, who changed the name of the old town

of M ak li q li c a b ad,* the Muxabad or Muxadabad of old maps, to Murshid-

abad. 52 mahalls ; revenue, Rs. 601,985. The Haft Iqlim gives its revenue

at Rs. 597,570.

17. Sirkar Sharifabad, south of the preceding, comprising the

remaining portions of Birbhum, and a large portion of Bardwan district,

together with the town of Bardwanf itself. Mahalls Barbak Singh and Fath

Singh, so called after the Bengal kings Barbak Shah and Fath Shah, and

Sherpur ’Atai, where Man Singh defeated the Afghans (Ain translation,

p. 341) also belonged to this Sirkar. 26 mahalls ; revenue, Rs. 562,218.

18. Sirkar S u 1 a i m a n a b A d, a straggling Sirkar, which comprised

a few southern parganahs in the modern districts of Nadiya, Bardwan, and the

whole north of Hugli district. This Sirkar was so called after Sulaiman

Shah of Bengal, who also called several parganahs after himself in Murshid-

abad, Jessore, and Baqirganj districts ; but whether the name was too long,

or was purposely changed after Akbar’s conquest of Bengal in honor of

Prince Salim (Jahangir), it only occurs now-a-days in the form 4 Salimabad.’

The chief town of the Sirkar was Salimabad [Sulaimanabad], on the left

bank of the Damudar, south-east of the town of Bardwan. It is marked as

4 Silimath’ on Van den Broucke’s map. Ola (the old name of Birnagar) in

Nadiya, known from the Srimanta legend, and Panduah, on the E. I.

Railway, with its Buddhist ruins and ancient mosques, also belong to this

Sirkar. 31 mahalls ; revenue, Rs. 440,749.

19. Sirkar Madaran, extending in a semicircle from Nagor in

Western Birbhum over Raniganj along the Damudar to above Bardwan,

and from there over K’liand Grhosh, Jahanabad, Chandrakona (Western

Hugli District) to Mandalg’hat, at the mouth of the Rupnarayan River.

16 mahalls ; revenue, Rs. 235,085.

Thus the above nineteen Sirkars, which made up Bengal in 1582, paid

a revenue on klialsa lands, inclusive of a few duties on salt, hats, and

* The Akbarnamah mentions a Maklnyic Khan, brother of Sa’id Khan ; vide my

Ain translation, p. 388. Makhgmj Khan served in Bengal and Biliar, and his brother

Sa’id Khan was for some time governor of Bengal.

f The Muhammadan pronunciation of the Bangali Bordomdn. The Haft Iqlim

mentions an extraordinary custom that obtained in this Sirkar. ‘‘ Ferainae hujus

provinciae instrumentum quoddam fictile penis instar in vulvam et in anum iuferunt,

ut sordes removeant. The old kings have in vain tried to break them off this habit.”

Regarding the Muhammadan antiquities of Bardwan, vide Journal, As. Beno-al

for 1871, Pt. I, p. 254.

1873. J H. Bl'ochmanu — Geography and History of Bengal. 219

fisheries, of 253,482,100 dams, or Rs. 0,337,052.* According to Grant, the

value of the jagir lands was fixed at Rs. 4,348,892, so that we have, in

1582, A. D., as total revenue of Bengal, in its then circumscribed limits, the

sum of Rs. .10,085,944. This was levied from the ryots in specief as the

equivalent of the rub\ or fourth share, of the entire produce of the land,

claimed by the sovereign as despotic proprietary lord of the soil.

This rent-roll remained in force during the reign of Jahangir. The

remittances from Bengal to Dihli were, it is true, not very regular, nor up

to the sums levied, so much so that Jahangir appointed, in the end of his

reign, Fidai Khan, governor of Bengal, merely because he promised to send

regularly one million of rupees to court. Under Shahjahan, the boundaries

of Bengal were extended in the South-West, Medinipur and Hijli having

been attached to Bengal, and in the East and North-East by conquests in

Tiparah and Koch Hajo ; and when Prince Shuja’ was made governor, he

made, shortly before 1658, a new rent-roll, which shewed 34 Sirkars and

1350 Mahalls, and a total of revenue, on khalsa and jagir lands, of Rs.

13,115.907. Shuja’s rent-roll remained in force till 1722, an addition having

been made after the conquest of Chatgaon. In that year, Nawab Ja’far

Khan (Murshid Quli Khan) issued his Kamil Jama ’ Tumdri , or ‘ Perfect

Rent-roll,’ in which Bengal wa sdivided into 34 Sirkars, forming 13 Chaklalis,

and sub-divided into 1660 Parganahs, with a revenue of Rs. 14,288,186.

It was, however, only after the rule of Nawab Ja’far Khan that the

Abwdb revenue J gradually appeared in the books. Though vast sums had

been levied on this head, they had been looked upon as private emoluments

of office. As early as in the tenure of Shuja’ Khan, Nawab Ja’far ’s

successor, we find the Abwabs entered as yielding Rs. 2,172,952, and they

rapidly increased under ’Ali Yirdi Khan and Qasim Khan, so that, when

the E. I. Company in 1765 acquired the Diwani, the net amount of all

revenue collected by authority in Bengal was Rs. 25,624,223.

It is not my intention to enter here further in the historical portion

of the revenue question of Bengal, nor shall I minutely describe the

Sirkars and the Mahalls or detail the historical and geographical

* Grant’s total is Rs. 6,344,260, or Rs. 7,208 more, chiefly on account of the

higher sum given by him for Sirkar G’horag’Mt. Yth Report, p. 258.

f “The ryots ( ra’iyyat ) of Bengal are obedient and ready to pay taxes. During

eight months of the year they pay the required sums by instalments. They personally

bring the money in rupees and goldmuhurs to the appointed place. Payment in

kind is not usual. Grain is always cheap. The people do not object to a survey of

the lands, and the amount of the land tax is settled by the collector and the ryot

(nasaq). His Majesty, from kindness, has not altered this system.” Am i Akbari.

J Imposts as fees on the renewal of annual leases of zamindars (khaqnawisi) ;

nazranahs ; fees for remission of imperial revenue ; zar i mahaut, or imposts levied for

the maintenance of the Nawab’s elephants j and many more.

220 H. Blochmann — Geography ancl History of Bengal. [No. 3,

changes that took place ; these I must necessarily reserve for the second

volume of my Ain translation. But I shall now attempt to trace the

frontiers of Bengal under the Muhammadan rule as far as existing historical

sources allow us to do.

The Frontiers of Muhammadan Bengal.

Abulfazl estimates the breadth of Bengal from Garin to Chatgaon at

four hundred hos. From north to south, the longest line was from Koch

Bihar to Chittua in Sirkar Medinipur. “ The zamlndars are mostly

Kayasths.” Not a word is said on the strength of the Muhammadan popula¬

tion, or the progress of Islam — comparative statistics were not thought of in

his age. The remark made by old English travellers that the inhabitants

of the islands and the coast of south-eastern Bengal were chiefly Muham¬

madans, and the uncertain legend regarding the introduction, in the

beginning of the 16th century, of Islamitic rites into Chatgaon by Nu£rat

Shah are the only allusions that I have seen on. the subject. Neither history

nor legends allude to the conversions among the semi-aboriginal rural

population, that must on a large scale have taken place during the reigns

of the independent kings of Bengal, chiefly, no doubt, through the exertions

of the numerous Afghan Jaglrdars.

The military and naval power of the country is fixed at 23,330

horse, 4,260 guns, 1,170 elephants, and 4,400 boats. In Nawab Ja’far’s

rent-roll, however, the strength of the naval establishment ( nawara )

consisted of 768 armed cruisers and boats, which were principally

stationed at Dhaka, to guard the coast against the Mags and foreign

pirates ; and the number of sailors included 923 Firingls, chiefly employed

as gunners. The annual charges of the navy, including construction and

repairs, was fixed at Rs. 843,452, which was levied under the name of

’ amalah i nawara from parganahs in South-Eastern Bengal. The same

rent-roll mentions that the garrisons along the whole eastern frontier from

Chatgaon to Rangamatl on the Brahmaputra consisted of 8,112 men ( 'ahsham ),

who cost 359,180, Rs. per annum.

Of the roads in Bengal we have no information prior to Van den

Broucke’s map (1660) in Valentyn’s work. He marks (1) a principal road

passing over Patna, Munger, and Rajmahall to Suti, where the Bhagirathl

leaves the Ganges. From here a branch went to Moxudabath (Murshid-

abad), Plassi (Palasl), and Hagdia,* crossed the Bhagirathl for Gasiapore,

* Hagdia is Agardip. Van den Broucte’s map gives here an interesting

particular. He marks Hagdia on the left bank of the river, and Gasiapoor (Ghazipur)

on the right bank. Both places lie now far from the right bank, with only a small

k’hal between them, and a large semi-circular lake round both. The lake, as else-

1873.]

221

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

and passed on to Bardwan, Medinipur, Bhadrak (wrongly marked on the

right bank of the Baitarani), and Katak. The other branch went from

Suti along the right hank of the Podda to Fathabad, from where it passed on

to Dhaka. These two branches are marked as principal roads ( shahi rastali).

(2) A road from Bardwan to Baccaresoor (Baklesar in Birbhum, famous

for its hot springs, within the Maratha Intrenchment of Nagor), and from

there to Qasimbazar and the banks of the Ganges, and across the river to

‘ Hasiaarhati.’ This is Hajrahatti, on the left bank of the Podda, now also a

ferry place, near the entrance of the Burul Biver, below Bampur Boalia,

and seems to be the Qazihatti (Beng. Kajierhatti), which Abulfazl

mentions in the Ain. From Hasiaarhati the road passed to a place called

Harwa, and from there to Ceerpoor Mirts, i. e. Sherpur Murchah, on the

Karat ay a, and passing over Tessiadin (Chandijan, north of Sherpur, ?) to

Gorregaut (G’liorag’hat) and Bareitliela (Baritala) on the Brahmaputra,

which will be mentioned below as a frontier town. (3) A road from

Bardwan over Salimabad, Hugli, Jessore, Bosnah, Fathabad, across the river

to Sjatterapoer,* Casisella, and Idrakpur, opposite the confluence of the

Lak’hia and the Dalasari, near Ballal Sen’s palace. (1) A road from

Dhaka, across the Dalasari to Piaarpoer and Bedlia, which latter place is

marked at the point where the Dalasari leaves the Jamuna, and from there

to Sasiadpoor (Shahzadpur, in Pabnah), and Handiael (Harial).

The Western Frontier.

In the north-west, the frontier of Bengal extended hut little beyond the

Kosi Biver ; but under some of the early Muhammadan governors and the

independent kings, the Bengal empire included all upper Bihar north of the

Ganges as far as Saran. Of Ilyas Shah, for example, it is asserted that he

was the founder of Hajipur, opposite Patna, on the Ghandak, although

Firuz Shah, on his return from Bengal, appointed for the first time Imperial

collectors in Tirhut. Sikandar Shah’s coins, again, have been found far

west of the Kusi.

Southern Bihar only belonged to Bengal from the time of the conquest

by Bakhtyar Khilji to about 730 A. H. (A. D. 1330), when Muhammad

Tughluq annexed it to Dihli. From 800 again (A. D. 1397), the whole

of Bihar belonged to the kingdom of Jaunpur. Under Buhlul again, Darya

Khan Lohani was governor of Bihar ; and under Ibrahim, Darya’s son Baha¬

dur Khan assumed independence in Bihar under the title of Shah Muliani-

where in Bengal, is the old bed of the river, which now follows the shorter route

along the chord of the loop. This change, therefore, took place after 1660.

Thus also Nadiya lies now on the right bank of the river ; but west of the town,

there is still the old channel, which goes by the name of Ganga Bharat.

# Kennel gives Satrapur ; but modern maps give no such name.

909

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

macl.* It is not clear how far these Afghan chiefs depended on Husain Shah

of Bengal, whom inscriptions represent firmly established in 903 at

Munger, while other inscriptions from Bonhara and Cheran (near Saran)

would lead us to conclude that the whole of Upper Bihar and the western

portions of Southern Bihar belonged to him in A. H. 908 and 909 (A. D.

1502, 1503). On the other hand, we hear in history of the cession by

Husain Shah of Bihar, Saran, and Tirhut, and of the reconquest of

these lands by Nu^rat Shah, who, if he could not hold them, assisted the

Afghans against Babar. Nu^rat Shah seems even to have passed beyond

the Ghandak ; for a mosque near Sikandarpur, on the right bank of the river,

in District A’zamgarh, was built during his reign.

South of the Ganges, the western frontier is better defined. Fort Ta-

liagarli, or GarM,f near K’halgaon (Colgong) on the Ganges, was looked upon

as the entrance, or key, to Bengal — a position which Muhammadan historians

compare with that of Fort Sahwan on the Indus, the key of Sindh.

From Garhi the frontier passed along the Ganges to the south of Ag-

M all all (Raj Mahall), when it again turned westward to north-western

Birbhum, passing along the boundary of the modern Santal Parganahs to

the confluence of the Barakar and the Damudar, from where it went along the

left hank of the Damudar to the neighbourhood of the town of Bardwan.

From here the frontier took again a westerly direction, and passed along

the north-western and western boundaries of the modern Hugli and Habrah

(Howrah) Districts down to Mandalg’liat, where the Rupnarayan flows into

. the Hugli River.

This boundary, it will he seen, excludes the whole of the Santal

Parganahs from the south of K’halgaon to the Barakar, Pachet,J and the

territory of the Rajahs of Bishnpur (Bankura). In vain do we look in

Santalia for Muhammadan names of villages and towns ; and though there

can be no doubt that the Muhammadan kings of Bengal tried to hold parts

of the hills by establishing thanahs and appointing jagirholders, no

permanent settlements were formed. One of the most westerly thanahs in

southern Santalia was Sarliat, N. W. of Shiuri (Soory) in Birbhum, which

is mentioned in Tribeni inscriptions ;§ whilst the settlement of Pathan

* Called in many MSS. Mahmud.

f It is not known winch king built the fort j but it may be accidental that the

name does not occur in the Tabaqat i Na^rf and in Barani. At K’halgaon, Mahmud

Shah III., the last independent king of Bengal, died in 945 (1538 A. D.).

J Regarding the invasion ofChutia Nagpur by the Muhammadans, vide J. A. S. B,

1871, Part I, p. 111.

§ Sarhat, spelt on inscriptions Sirhat, lies on the left bank of the Ajai River. Its

name on modern maps is corrupted to Saruth. Rennell has Sarhaut. Outside the

place, the survey maps mark two old forts. A little to the south of it, a village of

the name of Lukrakhonda is marked. Rennell on his map of Birbhum (Bengal Atlas,

999

— 0

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

jagirdars, before and after the time of Slier Shah, as a standing militia

against the inroads of the tribes of Jhark’hand (Chutia Nagpur), led to the

formation of the great Muhammadan zammdari of Birhhum, which gave the

E. I. Company some trouble.

In Todar Mall’s rent-roll the following Mahalls are]mentioned along

this portion of the western frontier of Bengal — Ag Mahall (Itaj mail all),

Kankjol, Kunwar Partab, Molesar,* in Sirkar Audambar or Tandali ;

Bharkundah, AkbarshaM, Katangah, in Sharifabad (Birhhum) ; Nagor,

Sainbhum, Sliergarh (Raniganj), Champanagari (N. W. of the town of

Bardwan), Madaran (Jahanabad and Chandrakona, west of Hugh), Chittua

(District Medinipur), and Mandalg’hat, at the mouth of the Rupnarayan, all

belonging to Sirkar Madaran.

The name of the frontier mahall of B h a r k u n d a h in Birhhum, men¬

tioned above, seems to have been formerly extended to the whole of Birhhum

and the Santal Parganalis. In this extended sense, it is used in the Tarilch i

JDaudif on De Barros’ map of Bengal, and on Blaev’s map of India (vide

PL IY). In the latter, it is only given as c Barcunda,’ but in the former as

‘ Reino de Barcunda,’ extending from Ferrandus (a corruption of Bardwan)

to Gorij, in which we recognize Garhi, the £ key of Bengal.’ West of

Barcunda, De Blaev and De Barros give ‘ Patanes,’ i. e. the Pathans,

the military and semi-independent landholders of the western Bengal

frontier. On the Ganges, both maps shew Gouro (Gaur), and opposite to it,

‘ Para’, for which De Barros gives £ Rara.’J Both spellings may be mistakes

for Tara, i. e. Tandah, which should of course be on the other side o±J the

river ; or £ Rara’ stands for the old Hindu division of Radha, which there

commences. South of £ Ferrandus,’ the old maps give ‘Mandaram’ and

4 C o s p e t i r,’ which latter name is wrongly placed on Blaev’s map north of

Mandaram, whilst De Barros has it correctly west of it. In Mandaram we

recognize Madaran, the chief town of Sirkar Madaran, a name which even

now-a-days is pronounced by the peasants Mandaran.§ £ Cospetir,’ or De

No. II.) places a * Laearacoond,’ in conspicuous letters, south of Nagor j but modern

maps give no such locality. Could this be the Lak’hnur of the Tabaqat ?

* Sdbiq ( i . e. former) Molesar and Darin Molesar. The former name is wrong

spelt in the Indian Atlas (Sheet 113) Sarik Molisser.

f Dowson, Elliot’s History of India, IY., pp. 360, 364.

J South of Para or Rara, Blaev and De Barros give a place of the name of

Moulauadangur ; and below Gouro, Patana or Patona, and Meneitipur, which I have

not identified.

§ I have identified Madaran with Bliitargarh in Jahanabad, in the north-western

corner of Hugh District. Vide Proceedings, As. Socy. Bengal, for April, 1870, where

the legends of the place are given.

As the name of Jahanabad occurs in the Akbarnamah, it lias no connexion with

Shahjahan’s name, but refers more likely to one of the numerous Khan Julians of

the Patlian rule.

224

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

Barros’ ‘ Beino Cospetir,’ a name that puzzled me long, is clearly ‘ the king¬

dom of the Gajpati,’ or Lord of elephants, the title of the kings of Orisa, the

final r being nothing hut the ending of the Bangali genitive. Sirkar Madaran

was indeed the frontier of Orisa ; but if the legends of the Hugli District speak

of the Gajpatis having once extended their kingdom to the Ganges (Hugli

Biver) , it must have been prior to the time when Satgaon became the seat

of Muhammadan governors.

It is remarkable that among the names of the jungly and hilly frontier

districts, we find so many ending in bhum. Thus we have Birbhum

Sainbhum, along the left hank of the Ajai, in Birbhum district ; Sik’harbhum

or Shergarh, the mahall to which Baniganj belongs ; Gopibhiim, along the

right bank of the Ajai ; Bamanbhum or Brahmanbhum, in northern

Medinipur District ; Manbhum, Barahblium, Dhalbhum, Singbhum, in

Chutia Nagpur ; Tunbhum, in southern Parulia ; Malbhum, the frontier

of Bardwan and Medinipur Districts ; Bhanjibhum, with the town of

Medinipur, fi &c. Similarly, the frontier district between Bangpur and the

Brahmaputra, comprising Mahalls Bliitarband and Bahirband, is called

in Shuja’s rent-roll 1 Bangalbhum.’

I mentioned Mahall Mandalg’hat at the confluence of the Bupnarayan

and the Hugli as the south-western frontier of Bengal. The Districts of

Medinipur and Hijli (south-east of Medinipur) were therefore excluded.

They belonged to the kingdom of Orisa till A. H. 975, or A. D. 1567, J

when Sulaiman, king of Bengal, and his general Kala Pahar defeated

Mukuncl Deb, the last Gajpati. Even after the Afghan conquest, Medinipur

and Hijli continued to belong to the province of Orisa, when Khan Jahan

Afghan was appointed by Daud Shah governor of Orisa, Qutlu Khan

Lohani being made governor of Puri. On the 20th Zi Qa’dah, 982, (3rd

March, 1575) Mun’im KhanKhanan, Akbar’s general, defeated Daud

Shah at Tukaroi or Mughulmari, north of Jalesar, and in the peace of

Katak, in the beginning of 983, Bihar and Bengal were ceded. In

984, Daud again invaded Lower Bengal, but was defeated and killed on

the 15th Babi’ II, 984, near Ag Mahall by Husain Quli Khan Jahan,

when Bengal was again annexed to Dihli, and the Afghans withdrew to

Orisa. Then the Bengal Military Bevolt broke out, and Orisa was invaded,

in A. H. 1000, (A. D. 1592) by Man Singh, when the country was

finally annexed to the Dihli empire. Hence Medinipur and Hijli appear

* The name occurs in the Ain as a Mahall j but as name for a large division it

does not seem to have been used before the 18th century.

f The A'in also mentions a mahall Bhowalbhum under Sirkar Madaran j modern

maps do not give this name.

% So according to the Akbarnamah. Stirling fixes an earlier date ; but Sulaiman

i*eigned from A. H. 975 to 980. Besides, Akbar sent in 972-973 ambassadors to

Mukund Deb.

1873.] H. Bloehma nn — Geography and History of Bengal. 225

together in Todar Mali’s rent-roll as one of the 5 Sirkars of the province of

Orisa. Subsequently, Orisa had separate governors ; but under Prince

Shuja’ their power was lessened, and the portion from Mandalg’hat to

Bales war (Balasore) was separated from Orisa and permanently attached to

Bengal.*

Hijli ( Hidgelee , Hedjelee , Grant ; Hingeli, Van den Broucke ;

Ingellee , Rennell ; Injelee , Stewart, Marshman ; Angeli , Purchas, Be Laet,

&c.) appears in the Ain under the name of Maljhatta. According to the

legends preserved in the District, the Muhammadans first attempted a

settlement during the reign of Husain Shah of Bengal, about A. D.

1505, when one Taj Khan Masnad i ’All and his brother Sikandar

Pahlawan established themselves at the mouth of the Rasulpur River ,f

opposite Sagar Island. They conquered the whole of Hijli, which is said to

have remained in the family for nearly eighty years, when it passed into the

possession of a Hindu. As late as 1630 we hear of the conquest of Hijli.

“ Hingeli, which had for many years a chief of its own, was conquered about

1630 by the Great Mogul ; but in 1660, the lawful chief of Hingeli, who

from a child had been kept a prisoner, found means to escape, and with the

help of his own to re-conquer his country. But he did not long enjoy it :

he was in 1661 brought into Aurangzeb’s power with the help of the E. I.

Company [the Dutch Company], and was again imprisoned and better

looked after than at first.”];

The Southern Frontier.

The southern frontier of Muhammadan Bengal was the northern outskirt

of the Sundarban, which extended, generally speaking, in the same manner

almost as it now does, from Hatiagarh, south of DiamondHarbour on the Hugli,

* “ Sjah Sousa liad already during his time divided Hingeli from Orisa, and had

put there a separate governor, and it is for this reason alone that Hingeli, which by

position belongs to Orisa, has been attached to Bengal. So it is also with the gover¬

nors of Ballasour and Pipeli [P i p 1 x or Shahbandar, now deserted, on the Subar-

narekha River], which the Great Mogul ordered once to be under the governor of

Orisa and then again under the governor of Bengal, because the two places are close to

the sea.” F. Yalentyn, Vol V.

Yan den Broucke’ s map of Bengal in 1660, given by Valontyn, still shews

north-west of the town of Medinipur the “ Gedenkteeken,” or memorial stone,

(corresponding to the £ Old Tower’ of modern maps) that marked the frontier

between Bengal and Orisa. Grant says that the coast of Hijli and Medinipur

as far as Balasore (Buleswar) was attached to Bengal on account of the Mags and

the Portuguese privateers, who were to some extent controlled by the Imperial

fleet stationed at Dhaka.

f Few rivers in India have Muhammadan names. Due south of Contai the maps

give a village of the name of Masnad ’Alipur. Taj Khan’s tomb is on the Rasulpur

River.

I From Yalentyn’ s work, Vol. V. The ’Alanigirnamah says nothing about it.

29 G

22 G

H. Blochmann — Geography and History oj Bengal. [No. 3,

to Bagherhat in southern Jessore and to the Haring’hata (Horingotta), or

‘ Deer-shore River i. e. along the southern mahalls of Sirkars Satgaon and

Khalifatabad. Beyond the Haring’hata and its northern portion, called the

Madhumati or ‘ honey-flowing,’ the frontier comprised Sirkars Bakla and

Fathabad, the modern districts of Faridpur and Baqirganj (north). Sirkar

Fathabad included the islands of Dak’hin Shahbazpur and Sondip, at the

mouth of the Megna. Tiparali, Bhaluah, Noak’hali, and District Chatgaon,

were contested ground, of which the Rajahs of Tiparah and Arakan were,

at least before the 17th century, oftener masters than the Muhammadans.

It was only after the transfer of the capital from Rajmahall to Dhaka, that

the south-east frontier of Bengal was extended to the Phani River, which

was the imperial frontier till the beginning of Aurangzib’s reign, when

Chatgaon was permanently conquered, assessed, and annexed to ‘ pubah

Bangalah.’

Various etymologies have been proposed in explanation of the word

‘Sundarban.’ It has been derived from sundar and ban , ‘ the beautiful

forest ;’ or from sundart , a small timber tree (Heretiera litoralis), which is

exported as fuel in vast quantities from the coast and is supposed to

have been so called from its red wood. Others again have derived the

word from Chandradip-ban, or Chandradip forest, from the large zamindari

of Chandradip, which occupies the south and south-east of Baqirganj District.

Or, the name has been connected with the Chandabhandas,* an old Sundarban

tribe. Grant derives it from Chandraband, ‘ the embankment of the moon,’

which seems to have been the etymology that obtained at his time, and which

has led to the spelling ‘ Soonderbund’ adopted by Europeans.

The application of the name to the whole seacoast of southern Bengal

is modern. Muhammadan historians call the coast strip from the Hugli

to the Megna ‘ B h a t i,’ or * low land subject to the influx of the tide,’ and

even now-a-days this name is very generally used. The sovereignty of this

district, according to the Akbarnamah and the Rajah Pratapaditya

legend, was divided among twelve chiefs ; and Col. Wilford, whatever may

have been the source of his information, says that “ the kings of Arakan and

Comilla were constantly striving for the mastery, and assumed the title of

lords of the twelve Bhuniyas.”+

The sea coast itself is marked on Van den Broueke’s map in Valentyn’s

work as ‘ onbekent,’ or ‘ unknown,’ consisting of numerous islands and

* A copperplate grant in the possessionof the Society, found at ’Adilpur (Edilpore),

mentions that the villages of Baguli, Bittogada, and Udayamuna, were given, in the

third year of the reign of Keshab Sen, i. e. in 1136 A. D , to one Jovaradeb Sarnia.

The grant mentions the tribe of the Chandabhandas. The reading Cliandabhanda, as

Babu Pratapachandra Ghosh informs me, is an improved reading for Cliattabhatta,

as the name was read by Gobind Ram ; vide Journal, 1838, Vol. VII, p. 40.

f As. Researches, XIV, p. 451.

227

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

rivers, ‘ peryculeous’ for ships, being the place where the “ Jagt ter Shelling”*

foundered in 1661.

In order to trace the direction of the northern outskirt of the Sundar-

ban, as it existed sometime before 1582 A. I)., we have again recourse to

Todar Mall’s rent-roll in the Ain. There we find that Mahall Hatia-

garh (below Diamond Harbour) was, in 1582, the most southerly assessed

mahall of Sirkar Satgaon. The jungle boundary then passed north-east to

Baridhatti and Medinhnall, north-west of Port Canning, to Balinda and

Maliihatti (Myehattee), then south again to Dhuliapur,f and Bhaluka to

the Kabadak Iliver. These mahalls belong to what is now called the

24-Parganahs ; and Sheet 121 of the Indian Atlas of the Survey Depart¬

ment will shew that they lie even now-a-days very little north of the

present northern limit of the Sunderban in the 24-Parganahs. Going up

the Kabadak, in Jessore, we come to Amadi,J to the north of which, in the

immediate neighbourhood, we have Masidkoor, a corruption of Masjidkur, one

of the clearances of Khan Jahan (died A. D. 1459), § the warrior saint of

Khalifatabad or Southern Jessore, to whom the traditions of the present day

point as an indefatigable establisher of Sundarban-abadis (clearances.) The

A'in then gives Mahall Tala, with Tala on the left bank of the Kabadak

as chief town and Kopilmunij] near it, and then mahalls Sahas, Khalippur,

Cliarulia, liangdiya (wrongly called in the Indian Atlas Sang did) and

Salimabad,^[ north of the modern Morrellganj at the beginning of the

Haring’hata. North-west of Morrellganj, on the Bhairab (the ‘ dreadful’),

we have the small station of Bagherhat, which gives name to a Sub-Division,

and in its immediate neighbourhood we come to another clearance by the

patron-saint of Jessore, where his mosque and tomb stand. It is the

country round about Bagherli&t which up to the end of last century bore

the name given it in the Ain, ‘ Haweli Khalifatabad,’ the ‘ Vicegerent’s

clearance.’ Here, amidst the creeks and the jungles, which no horseman

can approach, Nu^rat Shah, as will be seen below, erected a mint, appa¬

rently in opposition to his father ’Alauddin Husain Shah.**

* Vide Mr. Foster’s article, Journal, As. Socy. Bengal, 1872, Part I, p. 36.

f North of Ishwaripur (Issuripore), the residence of Pratapaditya.

X Marked wrongly on the Survey map Armadi. Pennell has correctly Amadi.

§ Westland, Jessore Report, p. 20 } Gaur Das Baisakh, Journal, As. Soc. Bengal,

1867, pp. 130, 131 ; also, Journal, 1872, Part I, p. 108.

|| Rash Bihar i Bose, J. A. S. Bengal, 1870, Part I, p. 235} Westland, Jessore

Report, Chapt. YI, and p. 286.

Here also the Ain has the form Sulaimanabad.

## It is curious that a little higher up on the Bhairab, east of Khulna, where the

Atharabanka (the ‘ eighteen windings ’) joins the Bhairab, there is an ’Alaipur, i. e.

’Alauddin’s town. Were it not for the distinct statement of the Riydzussalatm that

’Alauddin, after arriving as an adventurer in Bengal, settled at a Chandpur (a very

228

H. Bloehmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 8,

Thus we see that in southern Jessore also the northern limit of the

Sundarban has not considerably changed since 1450 A. D.

Passing from the Haring’hata eastward, we come to Sirkars B a k 1 a and

F a t h a b a d. Sirkar Bakla only contained four mahalls, viz. Isma’ilpur or

Bakla ; Srirampur ; Shahzadpur ; and ’Adilpur, (from ‘ ddiV just,’ corrupted

on the maps to Edilpore) , which all belong to Baqirganj District. Abulfazl, in

speaking of the great cyclone that swept in 1583 over Bakla, says that

the then zamindar of Bakla had a son of the name of Pramanand Bai.

Sirkar Fathabad derives its name from the Haweli mahall Fathabad, in

which the modern station of Faridpur lies. Yusufpur and Belphuli, in

Jessore District ; Haweli Fathabad and Sirdia (Sherdia), in Faridpur ;

Balaur, Telhatti, Sarail or Jalalpur,* Khargapur, in both Faridpur and

Dhaka ; Hazratpur, in Dhaka ; Basulpur, in Dhaka and Baqirganj ; the

Islands of Sondip and Shahbazpiir ; and a few other mahalls which I have not

yet identified, belong to this Sirkar. Thus we see that the greater

portion of both Sirkars lies between the Haring’hata (Madhumati) and the

Titulia Biver, which flows between Baqirganj District and the island of

Dak’hin Shahbazpur. At the mouth of the Titulia we find the Don Manik

Islands, one of the few still surviving geographical names of the Portuguese.!

Opposite to these islands we have mahall N a z i r p u r, which we find on the

maps of De Barros and Blaev, placed rather far to the north. Near it, we also

have £ Fatiabas’,{ the chief town of Sirkar Fathabad. The whole south and

south-east of Baqirganj District is occupied by the old Chandradip

zamindari, which according to some, as we saw above, gives name to the

Sundarban. On Bennell’s map it is marked ‘ depopulated by the Mugs.’

Abulfazl says that there were in Sirkar Fathabad three classes of

zamindars, which perhaps refers to the independent Afghan, Hindu, and

Portuguese chiefs. When Akbar’s army, in 1574, under Mun’im Khan-

Klianan invaded Bengal and Orisa, Murad Klian, one of the officers,

was despatched to South-Eastern Bengal. He conquered, says the

common name) in Radka District, i. e. west of the Hugli, I would be inclined to

identify the Chandpur near this 'Alaipur as the place where the Husain dynasty of

Bengal kings had its home, especially because Husain first obtained power in the

adjacent district of Faridpur (Fathabad), where his earliest coins are struck.

The Indian atlas (sheet No. 121) spells ’Alaipur ‘ Alypore,’ which blots out every

historical recollection, and places it moreover wrongly on the right bank, instead of

on the left, of the Atharabanka. ’Alaipur is a flourishing place and has numerous

potteries.

* Which, like the name of the Sirkar, reminds us of Jalaluddin Fath Shah.

f Their names for Hugli (Porto Piqueno) and for Chatgaon (Porto Grande) are no

longer known ; but Skerpur Firing!, Firingibazar, Point Palmyras, still remind us of

their former importance in this part of India.

J Yan den Broucke’s map has wrongly Fathpur.

• 229

IS/ 3.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

Akbarnamah, Sirkars Bakla and Fatliabad, and settled there ; but after

some time, be came into collision with Mukund, the powerful Hindu

zammdar of Fatliabad and Bosnah, who, in order to get rid of him,

invited him to a feast and murdered him together with his sons.* * * § This

notice helps us to explain a remark made by Grant that in Shah Shuja’s

rent-roll (1658) a portion of Sundarban land had for the first time been

assessed at Rs. 8,454, the abadis being called Muradkhanali.f The name of

Mukund still lives in the name of the large island ‘ Char Mukundia’ in the

Ganges opposite Faridpur. This Mukund is the same zamindar whom the

Padisliahnamah wrongly calls * Mukindra of Bosnah.’ His son Satrjit

gave Jahangir’s governors of Bengal no end of trouble, and refused to

send in the customary peslckasJi or do homage at the court of Dhaka. He

was in secret understanding with the Rajahs of Koch Bihar and Koch Hajo,

and was at last, in the reign of Shahjahan, captured and executed at

Dhaka (about 1636, A. D.) One of his descendants, or successors in the

zamindari, is the notorious Sitaram Rai of Mahmudpur.J

Another Zamindar of Fatliabad is mentioned in the beginning of

Shahjahan’s reign, Majlis Bayazid, — by his very name an Afghan.

The Parganahs to the south of Baqirganj are called on the maps

£ Boozoorgoomedpore’ and ‘ Arungpore,’ which names are connected with

Buzurg Umed Khan, son of Shaistah Khan (Aurangzib’s governor of

Bengal from 1664 to 1677) and with Aurangzib, ‘ Arang’ being a cor¬

ruption of Aurang. East of these two Parganahs we have Shaistah-

nagar.§ These names, though they do not perhaps shew when the mahalls

were reclaimed, point to the time when they came for the first time on the

Imperial rent-roll.

Sirkar Fathabad, as stated above, comprised the islands of Dak’hin-

Shalibazpur, S o n d i p, &c. Of the latter island we have a short notice by

Caesar Frederick, the Venetian merchant, who travelled in Asia, as he himself

says, from 1563 to 1581. He left Pegu for Cliatigan (Chatgaon), “ between

* Ain translation, p. 374.

f Grant derives the name from murcid and Tthdnah, the 1 house of desire j’ but

there is little doubt that we should derive it from Murad Khan, ‘ Murad Khan’s

clearance.’ I do not know to what part of Baqirganj or Faridpur the name was

applied. Grant also says that Murad Khanah was sometimes called Jeradkhanah.

1 Journal, As. Socy. Bengal, for 1872, Part I, pp. 58, 59. Satrjit’s name occurs

in the name of the town of Satrjitpur on the Noboganga, in north-eastern Jessore, not

far from Mahmudpur (wrongly called Mahomedpoi’e on all modern maps) on the

Madhumatiand from the old town of Bosnah, on the Alangk’liali [Elleixkalli] Branch.

Vide Westland’s Jessore Report, p. 32.

§ Shaistah Khan’s real name is Mirza Abu Talib ; hence we find in Dhaka, District

a Talibabad. Nur Jahan was Shaistah Khan’s aunt; vide Ain translation, p. 512.

230

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

which two places there was much commerce in silver,”* * * § but “ encountered a

‘ Touffon’ ( tiifan , cyclone), which take place in the East Indies every ten

or twelve years ; they are such tempests and stormes, that it is a thing

incredible but to those that have seen it,” and was driven to Sondip. “ And

when the people of the Island saw the ship, and that we were comming a-

land : presently they made a place of bazar, or a market, with shops right

over against the ship, with all manner of provision to eate, which they

brought down in great abundance, and sold it so good cheape, that we were

amazed at the cheapness thereof. I bought many salted kine there for the

provision of the ship for half a Larine apiece, which Larine f may be 12 shill¬

ings 6 pence, being very good and fat ; and 4 wilde hogges ready dressed for a

Larine ; great fat hennes for a Bizze [pice] a piece, which is at the most a penny :

and the people told us that we were deceived the half of our money, because we

bought things so cleare. Also a sack of rice for a thing of nothing ; and

consequently all other things for humaine sustenance were there in such

abundance, that it is a thing incredible but to them that have seen it. This

Island is called S o n d i v a, belonging to the kingdome of Bengala, distant

120 miles from Chatigan, to which place we were bound. The people are

Moores, and the king a very good man of a Moore king, for if he had been

a tyrant as others be, he might have robbed us of all.”

Balpli Pitch also was about the same time in south-eastern Bengal. He

says,“ From Chatigan in Bengala I came to B a c o 1 a [Sirkar Bakla] ; the king

whereof is a Gentile [Hindu], a man very well disposed and delighted much to

shoot in a gun. His country is very great and fruitful, and hath store of rice,

much cotton cloth, and cloth of silke. The houses be very faire and high

builded, the streetes large, the people naked except a little cloth about their

waste. The women wear great store of silver hoopes about their neckes and

armes, and their legs are ringed with silver and copper, and rings made of

elephants teeth.

“ Prom Bacola I went to S e r r e p o r e, J which standeth upon the river

Ganges, the king is called Choudery. They be all here abouts rebels against

their king Zebaldim Echebar:§ for here are so many rivers and islands,

* The export of silver from Pegu to Bengal may have supplied the Bengal mints

with silver. Sir A. Phayre and Dr. T. Oldham speak of the export of gold

from Burma to the Coromandel coast. Considerable quantities of silver may

also have come from Asam, where silverpieces even for small fractions of a rupee were

current.

f Lan Ain translation, pp. 23,37. It is so called from Laristan in Persia.

X Sherpur Firing], marked by Yan den Broucke a little south of Idrakpur, on the

Dalasari, m Parganah Bikrampur, where Raja Ballal Sen’s residence was. It is not

given on modern maps.

§ The first b is a constant misprint for l : Jalalnddin Akbar.

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

231

that they flee from one to another, whereby his horsemen cannot prevail

against them. Great store of cotton cloth is made here.

“Sinnergan [Sunnargaon] is a towne six leagues from Serrepore,

where there is the best and finest cloth made of cotton that is in all India.

The chief king of all these countries is called Isacan,* and he is chiefe of all

the other kings, and is a great friend to all Christians. ### I went from

Serrepore the 28th November 1582 for Pegu.”

Son dip was only conquered in the end of 1666 (middle of Jumada

II., 1076), when Dilawar Khan Zamindar submitted, though not without

fighting, to Aurangzib’s army that invaded Chatgaon.

I have a few words to say on the hypothesis which has often been

started, that the whole of the Sundarban was once in a flourishing condition.

No convincing prooff has hitherto been adduced ; and I believe, on physical

grounds, that the supposition is impossible. The sporadic remains of tanks,

ghats, and short roads, point to mere attempts at colonization. The old

Portuguese and Dutch maps have also been frequently mentioned as

affording testimony that the Sundarban, even up to the 16tli century, was

well cultivated ; and the difficulty of identifying the mysterious names of the

five Sundarban towns Pacaculi, Cuipitavaz, N oldy, Dipuria (or

Dapara), and T i p a r i a, which are placed on the maps of De Barros, Blaev,

and Van den Broucke close to the coast-line, has inclined people to believe

that they represent “lost towns.” Now the first of these five towns, from

its position, belongs to the Sundarban of the 24-Parganahs, and the second

(Cuipitavaz) to that of Jessore District, whilst the remaining three lie

east of it. But Pacaculi is either, as Col. Gastrell once suggested to me, a

mistake for Pacacuti, i. e. pakkd kofhif a factory or warehouse, erected

by some trading company, as we find several along the Hugh ; or it stands for

Penchakuli, the name of the tract opposite the present month of the

Damudar, or a little above the northern limit of the Sundarban. Cuipitavaz

I have no hesitation to identify with Khalifatabad.§ Van den Broucke

also places it correctly south-east of Jessore. Noldy is the town and mahall

of Noldi (Naldi) on the Noboganga, east of Jessore, near the Madhumati.

Dipuria is Dapara, or Daspara, south-east of Baqirganj station, near the

right bank of the Titulia, still prominently marked on Pennell’s map ; and

Tiparia cannot stand for anything else but the district of Tiparah, which is

correctly placed north-east of Daspara.

* Tsa Khan. Abul Fazl calls him c king of Bliati,’ and says that twelve zammdars

were under him. He was powerful enough to make war with Koch Bihar. Vide Ain

translation, p. 342, note.

f Westland, Jessore Report, p. 231.

t Houses are either kachcha [mud-houses], or 'pahlcd, brick or stone-built.

§ The letter/ often turns in Bangali top; hence Khalffatabad becomes Kolipit-

abad. Thus l'iruzpur becomes Perojepore.

232 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of B eng ah [No. 3,

The old Portuguese and Dutch maps, therefore, prove nothing. They

support the conclusion which I drew from Todar Mall’s rent-roll, that in the

24-Parganahs and Jessore the northern limit of the Sundarban, omitting

recent clearances, was in the fifteenth century much the same as it is

now. But considerable progress must have been made in Baqirganj

District, as we see from the numerous accessions, during that period,

to the Imperial rent-roll.

Of other names given on old maps along the southern boundary of Bengal,

we have (above Noldy) Nao Muluco (P), Bur am (Borliun, in the 24-

Parganahs) ; Maluco (Bhaluka, on the Kabadak, ?) ; west of them,

Agrapara and lore, (Agrapara and Dak’hineshor, north of Calcutta) ;

and on the other side of the Hugli., A b e g a c a, which seems to be some

Amgachha, unless it is slightly misplaced and refers to Ambika (Kalnah) ;

Bernagar, which should be Barnagar, on the other side of the river

below Xore ; Betor (?) as on Blaev’s map, and B e 1 o r, (?) on that of De

Barros. Van den Brouke’s map gives, in Hugli District, Sjanabath (Jahan-

abad) ; Sjandercona (Chandrakona) ; Cannacoel (Kanakul) ; Deniachali

(Dhonek’liah) ; Caatgam (Satgaon) ; Tripeni (Tripani, the Muhammadan form

ofTribeni) ; Pandua (Panduah) ; Sjanegger ; Basanderi (the old mahall Ba-

sandhari), where Van den Broucke makes the remark,’ t Bosh Sander ie alwaar

Alexandre M. gestuyt werd , 4 the bush Sanderie where Alexander the Great

was stopped !’

Again, along the lower Ganges the old maps have B i c a r a m (Bikram-

pur, south of Dhaka) ; Belhaldy; Angara (Angaria, at the confluence

of the Kirtinasa and the Megna) ; Sornagam (Sunnargaon) ; Dacca ;

Mularangne;* Bunder (Bandar, 4 harbour’) ; Nazirpur, mentioned

above ; Bulnei or Bulnee,? ; Guacala or Gucala, perhaps a mistake

for Bacala ; Noorkuly or Noricoel, as Van den Broucke gives it, (Norikol,

due south of Dhaka, and a little south of the right bank of the Kirtinasa) ;

Sun diva (Sondip Island); Jugadia (Jogdiah in Noak’hali near the

Little Pliani, mentioned in the ’ Alamgirndmah as an Imperial thanah, and

often quoted as the seat of English and French factories in the eighteenth

century); Traquetea, ? ; Maua, or Moua, and Alvia, for which

Van den Broucke gives Mava and Alvia,? ; Je fieri, on Van den Broucke’s

map, the same as Pennell’s Jeffri, at the mouth of the Phani, right bank.

The coast of Arakan on the maps of De Barros and Blaev is broken up

into numerous islands as the Sundarban coast : it looks as if some of them

belonged to Bengal. Thus we find Bulua and Bacala, which must refer to

Bhaluah in south Tiparah and Bakla. Chokuria may be identified with

Chukuria, marked on modern maps opposite Maskal Island, on the Mamori

* As this place is marked on an island south-west of Dhaka, it seems to be Mul-

nadangi in the south of Char Mukundia.

233

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

River, as thanah and saltgolah ; but the names Irabu, Maoa (perhaps a

mere repetition of the Maua given above), Santatoly, Orieton, are unknown

to me.

Blaev’s map (PL IY) and the Chart of the empire of the Grand Mogul by

1ST. Sausson (A. I). 1652) give opposite Chatigam (Chittagong) a town, called

Bengala or Bengola. Purchas (a compiler who never came to India) says

in his 4 Pilgrims,’ 44 Gouro, the seat Royall, and Bengala are faire Cities. Of

this, the Gulfe, sometimes called Gangetieus , now beareth name Golfo di

Bengala .” Pennell, in his 4 Memoir,’ mentions the town as being given 44 in

some ancient maps and books of travels ; but no traces of such a place

exist.” But he says that it is placed near the eastern branch of the

Ganges, and that it may have been carried away by the river (Ganges ?),

Lately also, a writer in Mookerjea’s Journal (Dec. 1872), Mr. H. J. Rainey,

published an imaginative account of the submersion of this now lost city,

which in his opinion had given name to the kingdom of Bengal. But the

town is nowhere mentioned by Muhammadan historians, nor by Ibn

Batutah, Caesar Frederick, and Ralph Fitch who were in Chatgaon, nor by De

Barros and Van den Broucke. The probability, therefore, is that no such town

ever existed, and that the name was put on Blaev’s map from Purchas’s

statement ; or else the name 4 Bengola’ is a mere corruption of what

we call a £ Bungalow’ (&JLGj? hangalah ), or a 4 Flagstaff Bungalow,’ of

which we find several marked on District maps of Chittagong along the

Ivaranphulf River, as early as on Pennell’s chart. However, this mysterious

town is not to be identified with the place 4 Dianga’ given by Van den

Broucke half way between Chittagong and Rammoe (Ramu, or Rambu*),

because Dianga is the Dak’hindanga or the Brahmandanga, both on the

Sangu River, south of Chatgaon, where saltgolahs still exist. f

Regarding the State of Codavascam, which the old maps place east and

north-east of Chatgaon, vide Wilford’s Essay, As. Researches, Yol. XIY,

p. 450.

The province of Chatgaon was no secure possession, and seems to have

been alternately in the hands of the kings of Bengal, the Rajahs of Tiparah,

and the kings of Arakan. In 750 A. H. (A. D. 1350), about which year

Ibn Batutah was in Chatgaon, J it belonged to king Fakhruddin of

Sunnargaon. That year falls within the reign of the Arakanese king

Meng-di, who is said to have reigned from A. D, 1279 to 1385, or 106

years, § when the king of Thu-ra-tan (Bengal), called Nga-pu-klieng, courted

* The most south-easterly point to whieh the Mughuls advanced.

f The word ‘ danga,’ which occurs so often in geographical names in Bengal,

signifies ‘ highland’.

J Called in Lee’s translation Regarding Fakhruddin vide below.

§ Vide Sir A. P. Phayre’s History of Arakan, Journal, A. S. Bengal, for 1814, p.

45. Thu-ra-tan Sir Arthur Phayro identifies with Sunnargaon.

30

ii it

234 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

his alliance. About 1407, again, the king Meng-tsau-mwun fled to Bengal,

and witnessed the war between .Rajah Kans and Jaunpur. He was

ultimately restored to his throne with the help of Bengal troops ; but he

became “ tributary to the king of Thu-ra-tan, and from this time the coins

of the Arakan kings bore on the reverse their names and titles in the

Persian character. This custom was probably first made obligatory upon

them as vassals ; but they afterwards continued it when they had recovered

their independence , and ruled the country as far as the Brahmaputra Biver.

Meng-tsau-mwun, having got rid of his allies , meditated a change of

capital.”

In 1512, Chatgaon was conquered, according to the Raj Mala,# by the

Rajah of Tiparah, who drove away Husain Shah’s garrison. Whether the

Rajah of Tiparah kept it for any time is doubtful ; for in 1517, “ John

de Sylvera was invited by the king of Arakan, and he appears to have gone

to Chatigam, then a port of that king’s dominions.!” Anyhow, we can now

understand why Nucrat Shall, Husain Shah’s son, should have invaded Chat¬

gaon ;! but although popular belief ascribes to his invasion the first

Muhammadan settlements in the District, it is clear from the preceding that

his invasion cannot have been the first.

It is not known how the District was again lost ; but during the troubles

of Slier Shah’s revolution, the Mughul invasion, the aggressions of the Portu¬

guese, and the Bengal Military Revolt, Chatgaon did not belong to Bengal.

If, therefore, Todar Mall in 1582 included it in his rent-roll, he did so on

the principle on which he included Kalinga Dan dp at and Sirkar Raj ah -

mandri in the rent-roll of Orisa.§

The Eastern Frontier.

The eastern frontier of Muhammadan Bengal extended from Sunnar-

gaon and the Megna (but in Shahjahan’s reign, from the Phani River

over southern and western Tiparah) northward, and then passed to the east

including the District of Silliat. The boundary passed along the southern

slopes of the J aintiali, Khasiah, and Garo Hills to Mahall Sherpur in northern

* Journal, A, S. Bengal, Vol. XIX, for 1850, pp. 545, 546.

f Vide Sir A. Phayre’s History of Pegu, J. A. S. B., 1873, pt. I, 127.

X For particulars vide my extract from the TdrtJch i Hamuli in Journal, 1872,

Part I, p. 336.

§ “ From Satagam [Satgaon-Hugli] I travelled by the country of the king of Tipara,

with whom the Mogen [Mags] have almost continual warres. The Mogen which be of

the kingdom of Recon [ Rakhaing , Arakan] and Rame [Ramu], be stronger than the

king of Tipara, so that Cliatigan, or Porto Grando, is often times under the king of

Recon.” Ralph Fitch.

Muhammadan historians spell the word ‘ Rakhaing’ Rakhang , or give the

still shorter form Rulch, whence De Laet’s “ Roch, on the borders of Bengala.”

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of 13 eng al.

Maimansingh to the right bank of the Brahmaputra near Chilmari,

and from here along the river to Mahall Bhitarband, which formed the

north-east frontier. The sirkars that lay along the boundary were Sunnar-

gaon, Bazulia, Silhat, and G’horag’hat ; and the neighbouring countries to

the east were Tiparah, Kachliar (the old Hirumba), the territories of tlie

independent Rajahs of the Jaintiali, Khasiah, and Garo Hills, and, on the left

bank ol the Brahmaputra, the Karibari Hills, the zamindars of which were

the Rajahs of Sosang. They depended in reality on the powerful kingdom

of Koch Hajo,* * * § the ‘ Azo' or ‘ Asoe ’ of old maps, which extended along the

left bank of the Brahmaputra to Kamrup. In the Karibari Hills, the

Muhammadans possessed, opposite to Chilmari, the old frontier tlianah

Hatsilah, which Rennell still marks as ‘ Hautchella.’ The north-eastern

frontier was never absolutely fixed. Baritalah, on Van den Broucke’s map

Bareithella , was looked upon as a frontier town till the beginning of Aurang-

zib’s reign.

The invasions on the part of the Asamese were as numerous as the

inroads of the Muhammadans into Asam, which had commenced under the

successors of Bakhtyar Khilji. During the reigns of Rajah Ivans and

his son, the Asamese under Chudangplia (A. D. 1411 to 1425) conquered

north-eastern Bengal as far as the Karataya ;fi and as about the same time

Jaunpur was at the height of its power, successfully encroaching on the

western frontier, and the Rajahs of Tiparah made likewise invasions, £ we

may assume that Bengal under the kings of the Kans dynasty was most

circumscribed. With the restoration of the Ilyas Slialii dynasty (about

A. D. 1440) and the gradual downfall of Jaunpur, Bengal recovered her

ancient limits, and entered upon her most flourishing period. The invasion

of Husain Shah into Kamrup is well known ;§ but Kamrup was only perma¬

nently annexed in 1G37, when Gauhatti became the north-eastern frontier

of Bengal.

o

Silhat, as we shall see below, was conquered in A. D. 1384, and the

earliest inscription hitherto found there, belongs to the reign of Yusuf Shall

(A. I). 1480). North-western Silhat had the name of Laud, or Laiir, and

the tlianah which the Muhammadans established there, was under the

commander of the £ iqii m Mu azzamabad, £ the territory ol Mu azzamabad,

also called ‘ Mahmudabad.’ The exact extent of Mu’ azzamabad is still un¬

known ; but the name occurs on coins and on Sunnargaon inscriptions, once in

conjunction with Laur, and once with Tiparah, and it seems, therefore, as if

the “ iqlim” extended from the Megna to north-eastern Maimansingh and

* Vide Journal, A. S. Bengal, Part I, 1872, p. 53.

t So according to the Asam Buranji ■, vide LJseiul Tables, p. 2/3.

J Raj mala, J. A. S. B., XIX, 1850, p. 542.

§ J. A. S. B., 1872, Part 1, pp. 70, 335.

230

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

the right bank of the Surma. In the Ain, we find, indeed, under Sirkar

Sunnargaon, a Mahall Mu’azzampur, the chief town of which lies between

the Brahmaputra and the Lak’hia and bears the same name. The present

inhabitants, as Dr. Wise tells me, know nothing of its ancient renown ;

and the only old building is a ruinous dargah, called after a saint Shah

Langar, the impression of whose foot draws crowds of pilgrims about

the time of the Td ulfitr festival. The saint is said to have come from Egypt.

The thanah Laur is also mentioned in the A' in as a Mahall of Sirkar

Silhat, which consisted of Partabgarh ; Panchkhand ; Banyaneliang ; Bajua

Bayaju (?) ; Jaintia ; PXaweli Silhat ; Satrk’handal ; Laud and Harinagar.

The author of the Haft Iqlim calls Silhat repeatedly 'y m Srthat, and

this forms explains perhaps the 4 Rein o Sirote,’ which De Barros and Blaev

give instead of 4 Silhat’ ( vide PI. IV). The town of Sirote is correctly

placed on the right bank of the Surma, which leaves no doubt as to the

identity of both names.

K a m r u p, which also appears under the names of Kamrud, Kamru,

and Kanwrd, is often mentioned together with Kamata. f The Brahmaputra

which Xbn Bat Utah calls the 4 Blue River’, is correctly described by the old

traveller as coming from the mountains of ICamrup. De Barros, however,

and Blaev give the river the name of Caor, and show it as flowing from the

Reino de Caor, north of Comota and Sirote. Wilford identifies Caor with

44 Gcda or Gfaur, i. e. Gorganw,” meaning G’hargaon, the capital of A'sam.

But G’hargaon (which is the correct spelling) was only built by Chu-klun-

pha, between A. D. 1549 and 1563, i. e. at a time when the materials had

long been sent to Europe from which De Barros in Lisbon wrote his book.

It seems, therefore, more natural to compare 4 Caor’ either with 4 Gaur,’

the old name of northern Silhat, and which under the form of Gor is placed

by Blaev north of Bengal, or with the name of the Garos who inhabit the

hills near the bend of the Brahmaputra. J

The south-east frontier was T ip a rah, or Tripura, spelt on old Muham¬

madan inscriptions T fur ah, whence perhaps the form Tipora given by De

Barros and Blaev. Abulfazl, in the Ain i Akbari, says — •“ Tiparah is inde¬

pendent ; its king is Bijai Manik. The kings all bear the name of Manik, §

* So at least according to some MSS. Vide my test edition, p. 406, wliere

Jl is a misprint for J Laur lies at the foot of the hills.

f For Kamata vide below. Husain Shah is said to have invaded Kamrup and

Kamata ; and the Ain says, Kamrup and Kamata are in the possession of the Rajah

Koch Bihar.

$ Regarding Wil ford’s identification of Sirote, vide Asiatic Researches, XIY, pp.

387,436. The places which Blaev gives between Gor and Caor, as Kanduana,

Mewat, &c., are mentioned below.

§ According to the Rajmala, the kings of Gaur had conferred this title on the

Tiparah Rajahs. It is impossible to reconcile the discrepancy between the Rajmala

and the Ain as regards the time when Bijai Manik reigned. According to the Am

237

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

and the nobles that of Narayan.” The military power was estimated at

200,000 foot and 1,000 elephants ; and numerous invasions of Silhat and

Sunnargaon hy the Rajahs of Tiparah are mentioned in the Rajmala. The

old capital was Udaipur, or Rangamati, on the left bank of the Gumti.

Hence Van den Broucke speaks of 6 Oedapoer and Tipera hut on his map

he places between Tipera and the Brahmaputra, above Bolua, the “ Ryk van

Udesse,” which is not marked on the maps of He Barros and Blaev. As he

does not mention Udesse in his text, the name is either a mistake for Udai¬

pur, or he has been misled by his countryman De Laet, who says, “ Udessa,

or Udeza, whose metropolis is Jokanat or Jekanat, the furthest province of

this empire to the eastward, is adjacent to the Mag kingdom, whose in¬

habitants are most ferocious barbarians,” and who thus places Orisa (Odesa)

and Jagarnath near Arakan.

The western and southern portions of Tiparah are included in Todar

Mali’s rent-roll in Sirkar Sunnargaon ; but they were only conquered,

according to Grant, in Shahjahan’s reign ; and in A. D. 1728, we hear of a

re-conquest, when the district was placed on the rent-roll under the name

of Raushanabad.

Before going further, I have a few words to say on the country of

Jajnagar, which Stewart, Stirling, Dowson, and Thomas agree in identifying

with Tiparah. Stewart and Dowson, however, also apply the name to a

portion of Orisa, and compare the word with the name of the town of

Jajpur, north-east of Katak, on the Baitarani. Jajnagar is mentioned as a

country full of wild elephants ( jfypR0 ) in the Tabaqat i JSTapiri, and the

two Tarikh i Firuz Shahis, i. e. up to about A. D. 1110, after which the

name disappears. It also occurs in the Ain ; but the passage refers to the

reign of Hoshang of Malwah (A. D., 1105 to 1131). t

It is first mentioned as lying, together with Bang, Kamrud, and Tirhut,

near the kingdom of Lak’hnauti ;J and when Tughan Khan (Tzzuddin

Abul Rath Tugliril) invaded Jajnagar, he left Lak’hnauti city in Shawwal,

611, and arrived after about a month, on the 6th Zi Qa’dali, at Katasan, the

frontier of Jajnagar. § In the following year, 612 [A. D., 1211], the Rai

of Jajnagar invades the kingdom of Lak’hnauti, and first seizes on Lak’hnor,

which above was identified with Rarlia (west of the Ilugli), where he

he would have reigned towards the end of the lGth century; but the Rajmala places

his reign much earlier. Journal, Yol. XIX, for 1850, p. 546.

* “ The countries of Oedapoer and Tiparah are sometimes independent, sometimes

under the great Mogul, and sometimes even under the king of Arakan.”

f It may be that Da k’kin historians use tho term to a later period.

J Tab. Nac;irf, p. 163.

§ Loc. cit., p. 241. Katasan has not been identified. The MSS. have also Katas,

and Katasin.

238

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

This remark would seem to shew that, in the opinion of the author of

the Tabaqat, Jajnagar lay somewhere west or south-west of the Bardwan and

Hugli Districts, i. e. in Jharkhand, or Chutia Nagpur.

The next invasion, on a large scale, was undertaken by the Emperor

Balkan, who in his pursuit of Sultan Mugliis, about A. D. 1280, marched

from Lak’hnauti to Sunnargaon, the independent Rai of which makes

himself responsible not to let Mughis escape either by land or by water.

From Sunnarg:ion,# Balban arrives, after a march of 60 or 70 kos, at the

confines of Jajnagar, where Muglns is surprised and killed.

From this remark by Barani, Stewart, Stirling, Thomas, and Dowsonf

conclude that Jajnagar corresponds to Tiparah ; and the eastern parts of Hill

Tiparali certainly lie about 70 kos from Sunnargaon. The Raj mala , however,

does not state that Tiparah had the name of Jajnagar.

Jajnagar is again mentioned during the reign of Grhiyasuddin Tughluq,

when Ulugh Khan, in 1323 A. D., invades Talinga, Jajnagar, and Bedar

and lastly, when Firuz Shall, after his second unsuccessful invasion of Bengal

to conquer Sikandar, returns, in 1360, from Hazrat Panduah to Zafarabad

and Jaunpur,§ where he stays during the rainy season. He then marches

over Bihar to Jajnagar; arrives at Satgarh (?), the Rai of which retreats ;

then comes to Baranasi, the residence of a great Rai ; crosses the Mahindri,

and goes for some distance into Talinga, to which country the Rai had fled.

Firuz Shah then retreats, passes through the country of Rai Paiihan [Bir

Bhan Deo, Lucknow Edition ], and arrives in Padmawati and Baramtala,

great fields for elephants, and returns quickly to Karah. ||

Lastly, in the Ain (my text edition, p. 172, 1. 6), Hoshang of Malwah

goes in disguise to Jajnagar, in order to obtain elephants.

In these passages it is clear that Jajnagar represents a country between

Talinga and Bihar, or, as expressed in the Tabaqat, west of Rarha, i. e., the

* Barani, p. 87. The Bibl. Indica Edition has Hajinagar, Jajinagar, and (once)

Jajnagar.

f History of India, Vol. Ill, pp. 112,113. The Bibl. Indica Edition of Badaoni,

I, p. 129, calls Mughis wrongly Mu’izz, and says that he had gone towards Jajnagar

and Tarkilah (or Narkilah, as the Lucknow edition of Badaoni has).

1 Badaoni, I, 223. Dowson, III, 234. Barani, 450.

§ Zafarabad, which is so often mentioned by Muhammadan historians, lies on the

right bank of the Gumti, a little below Jaunpur, which lies on the left bank. The

maps give, of course, Jaffurabad.

|| Badaoni, I, 247. Dowson, III, 312 to 316. Dowson has Banarasi, for

Baranasi ; and Firishtali (Lucknow edition, p. 147) has £ Banaras, which is the

residence of the Rai of Jajnagar.’

Katak is called in the Ain ‘ Katak Banaras j’ and from the account translated by

Dowson from ’Afif it is clear that south-western Orisa is meant, although the

comparison of Jajnagar and Jajpm* * * § may be redundant. Rennell in his Bengal Atlas

(Map VII) gives a Baramtala in Singhbliurn, near northern Mayurbhanj.

1873.] H. Biochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. 239

wild districts of western Orisa, Chutia Nagpur, and the eastern portions of

the Central Provinces, of which Batanpur, Bastar, and Sirguja are also

mentioned in the Ain as hunting places for wild elephants. But it is

remarkable that Barani, in relating Balban’s expedition, places Jajnagar

70 kos beyond Sunnargaon, whilst in his account of Tughluq Shah’s reign

he gives the same name to a district near Talinga ; and we are forced either

to believe that there were two Jajnagars, one famous for elephants near

south-western Bengal (Tabaqat i Naqiri, Barani, Firuzshalii, Ain), and

another in Tiparah or south-eastern Bengal (on the testimony of a single

passage in Barani) ; or to assume that there was in reality only one

Jajnagar, bordering on south-western Bengal, and that Barani in the above

single passage wrote Sunnargaon by mistake for Satgaon,* which would

remove all difficulties.

The Northern Frontier.

From Bhitarhand, near the bend of the Brahmaputra, and in later

times from Gauliatti in Kamrup over K’hontag’hat, the frontier passed along

the southern portions of Koch Bihar to Mahall Patgaon, or Patgram (west

of Koch Bihar), which is mentioned by Mughul historians as the frontier-

town in the extreme north, and from there along the foot of the hills and

forests of Sikkim and Nepal to the northern portions of Purniah District.

Thus by far the greater portion of what is now-a-days called the Koch Bihar

Division, did not belong to Bengal.

The Sirkars along the northern frontier were G’horag’hat, Panjrah,

Tajpur, and Purniah.

The inhabitants of northern Bengal according to the Tabaqat i Naciri

were the Koch, Mech, and Tharu tribes, whose Mongolian features struck

the first invaders as peculiar. f

The Bajalis of Northern Bengal were powerful enough to preserve a

semi-independence in spite of the numerous invasions from the time of

Bakhtyar Khilji, when Debkot, near Dinajpur, was looked upon as the most

important military station towards the north.

During the fifteenth century, the tract north of Bangpur was in the

hands of the Bajahs of K am at a (U/cB), to which country passing allusion

was made above. The kingdom is prominently marked as ‘ Beino de Comotah,’

or Comotay, on the maps of De Barros and Blaev (PI. IV). The town of

* Barani’ s statement of the distance of 70 kos would admirably suit Satgaon;

it would bring us to Mayurbhanj and western Chutia Nagpur.

f For ‘ Tharu’ Stewart has Neharu, but there can be no doubt that the author

of the Tabaqat means the Tharus of Mithila. Vide Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p.

126 ; J. A. S. B., 1872, Part I, p. 66.

The Pddishdhndmah says of the Asamese also that they resemble in features tho

Qaraqalpaks of southern Siberia.

240

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

Kamata, or Kamatapur, lay on the eastern bank of the Darla river, which

flows south-west of the town of Koch Bihar, and joins the Brahmaputra

near Bagwah. The river near its confluence with the Brahmaputra, sepa¬

rates mahall Bhitarband from Bahirband. The town itself and the Darla

river are correctly marked on the old maps. Buchanan estimated the circum¬

ference of Kamatapur at nineteen miles ; the palace, as in the case of Bur¬

mese and Chinese towns, stands in the centre. History informs us that

Kamata was invaded, about 1498 A. D., by Husain Shah, and legends state

that the town was destroyed and Nilamba, the last Kamata Rajah, was

taken prisoner. He escaped, however, and disappeared ; but people believe

that at some time in future he will be restored.

The Kamata family was succeeded by the Koch djmasty, to which the

present Maharaja of Koch Bihar belongs. The new Rajas secured their

possessions by erecting along the boundary a line of fortifications, many of

which are still in excellent preservation.

The prevalence of human sacrifices in Koch Bihar is known from the

Ain. The Haft Iqlim has the following : “ There is a cave in this country,

which, according to the belief of the people, is the residence of a Deo. The

name of the Deo is Ai, and the people are zealous in their worship. Once

a year they have a feast, when they kill all sorts of animals found in

the country, believing that the meritoriousness of the slaughter comes from

Ai. They likewise kill on the same day the Bhogis, who are a class of men

that have devoted their lives to Ai, saying that Ai has called them. From

the time they become Bhogis, they may do what they like ; every woman

is at their command, hut after one year they are killed.”

The first European traveller that visited I£och Bihar was Ralph Fitch,

tie says: “ I went from Bengala into the country of Couche or Quicheu,

which lies 25 days’ journey northwards from Tanda. The king is a Gentile ;

his name is Suckel Counse f his country is great and lieth not far from

Cauchin China : for they say they have pepper from thence. The port is

called Cacchegate.f All the country is set with bamboos or canes made

sharp at both endes and driven into the earth, and they can let in the water

and drown the ground above knee deep, so that men nor horses can pass.

They poison all the waters if any wars he. Here they have much silk and

musk and cloth made of cotton. The people have ears which he marvelous

great, of a span long, which they draw out in length by devises when they

be young. There they he all Gentiles, and they will kill nothing. They have

* Sliukl Gosafn ; vide my essay on Kocli Bihar and Asam, Journal, As. Soc. Beno-al

1872, Part I, p. 53.

f I. e. the place where the merchants from China meet. Caccliegate is C h i c li a-

k o t a, north of the town of Koch Bihar and south of Baksa Fort, Long. 89° 35' in the

Bengal Duars. It is now British.

241

1873.] H. Bloclimann — Geography and History of Bengal.

hospitals for sheep, goats, dogs, cats, birds, and for all living creatures.

When they he old and lame, they keep them until they die. If a man

catch or buy any quick thing in other places and bring it thither, they will

give him money for it or other victuals, and keep it in their hospitals or let

it go. They will give meat to the ants. Their smal m.ony is almonds,

which often times they use to eate.”

As Ralph Fitch mentions Chichakota, and the ’Alamgirnamah Kan-

thalbari,* as belonging to the Koch Bihar, it follows that portions of the

Duars must have once belonged to Koch Bihar.

Aurangzib’s army under Mir Jumlali took Koch Bihar on the 19th

December, 1661, when the town was called ’Alamgirnagar,f a name which

has not come into use ; and the imperial collectors expected to raise a

revenue of eight lak’hs of rupees, whilst in Prince Shuja’s rentroll of 1658

Koch Bihar is put down as yielding Rs. 3,27,794.

On Van den Broucke’s map, the whole Himalaya tract, from northern

Bihar to A'sam, is called ‘ ’T Ryk van Ragiawarra,’ or the realm of Rajawara

and in the text he says, that “ Ragiawara consists of several separate

countries, which sometimes fight the Great Mogul, and at other times are

forced to submit.” Of these several countries he mentions on the map ’T

Ryk van Morang and ’T Ryk van Jesval, which latter name is also given

on Blaev’s map and will be remarked on below.

The Morang was entered by Mughul troops in the beginning of

Aurangzib’s reign. We first hear of an expedition led by Mirza Khan,

Faujdarof Darbhanga, and Ilali Virdi Khan, Faujdar of Gorak’hpur, against

the refractory zamindar of Morang (beginning of 1075, or end of A. D.

1664). Mirza Khan died during the expedition ; but Ilali Virdi Khan

returned with fourteen wild elephants and nine presentation elephants. J

In the end of 1079 (beginning of 1669), Ma^um Khan reported that a false

Shuja’ had appeared in Morang and had caused disturbances there, and

Ibrahim Khan and Fidai Khan received orders to capture him wherever he

shewed himself, and to send his head to Court. Lastly, in 1087 (beginning

of 1676), we hear of a conquest of Morang, but no particulars are given.

* West of Kanthalban, the maps give a place called Mogulmurri [Mughul mail],

evidently the scone of a fight with Mughul troops. Another Mughulmari lies between

Bardwan and Jahanabadj a third between Medinipur and Jalesar, where Akbar’s

troops defeated Daud Shah (Am translation, p. 376); and a fourth, eight miles north

of Medinipur.

f Tlianah Sangramgarh, one of Aurangzib’s frontier thanahs near Noak’hali,

had received the same name in allusion to the title of the emperor.

J ’ A'lamgirnamaii, pp. 850,875. Madsir i ’ A'lamgvH, pp. 64,150.

242

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

Blaev’s Map of Bengal and of the Mughul Empire.

The map of Upper India by William and John Blaev (PI. IY) is taken

from their “ Theatrum Orbis Terrarum,” Amsterdam, 1645 to 1650, Yol.

II,* and is based upon the Portuguese and Dutch charts that existed at

the time, and upon the descriptions of European travellers. As far as

Bengal is concerned, it is a reprint of De Barms’ map, and represents,

therefore, the knowledge which European geographers had of Bengal about

1540. In point of accuracy it is much inferior to Yan den Broucke’s map

of 1660, f given in Yalentyn’s work. But the map is of great interest, as

it helps us to unravel the difficulties in Terry’s enumeration of the provinces

of Bengal and other portions of the Dihli empire, J which has also been

followed by the Dutch traveller De Laet in his “ India Yera” (Amsterdam,

1631), and of which traces may still be found on Yan den Broucke’s map.

It is with a view to explain the extraordinary configuration of Bengal on

the old maps that I have given the present chapter a place in this essay.

From a glance at the map, it will be seen that our early geographers

had no information of the extent and situation of the countries which we

now-a-days call the Central Provinces and Chutia Nagpur. Hence Gwaliar,

Narwar, and (on Yan den Broucke’s map) Malwa, bound Bengal on the west ;

the Santal mountains are continued eastwards to meet the A'sam mountain-

chains, and places belonging to the Central Provinces have been put north

of Bengal.

Terry enumerates the following provinces as belonging to the Mughul

empire — 1. Candahore , Qandahar ; 2. Cabal; 3. Multan; 4. Haiacan ,

Hajikan, a sirkar of Sindh; 5. BucJcor, Bliakkar ; 6. Tatta ; 7. Soret

with Jonagar , Sorat’h with Junagarh; 8. Jesselmeere ; 9. Attoh ; 10.

Beulah , Panjab ; 11. Chishmeere , Kashmir ; 12. Banchish , “ the chief city

is called Bislmr ; it lyetli east, somewhat southerly from Chishmeere, from

which it is divided by the Kiver Indus.” Here we have the first misplace¬

ment. Terry means Bangasli and Bajor (Sawad, Swat) ; but for Bast, he

should have said West.

* Capt. J. Waterhouse drew my attention to a copy of this work in the Library

of the As. Society.

f Mattheus Yan den Broucke was Land-Voogd, or governor, of Choromandel

which included Bengal, from 1658 to 1664, during which time he compiled the map

in the Vth Volume of the ‘ Beschryying yan Choromandel’ in Francis Valentyn’s

‘ Oud en NiewOost Indien’, Amsterdam, 1728. (Library, As. Soc. Bengal, No. 2266.)

J Edward Terry was chaplain to Sir Thomas Row, the Ambassador to Jahan¬

gir’s Court, and was later Rector of the Church at Greenfoi’d, Middlesex. He

presented his £ Voyage to East India,’ in 1622, shortly after his return to England,

to the then Prince of Wales ; but he only published it in 1655, when he was sixty-four

years old.

1873.]

213

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

13. Jangapore,11 the chief city so called; it lieth upon the River

Haul , one of those five rivers which water Peniab.” (?) De Lact has

‘Jengaporor Jenupar,’ between Lahore and Agra. 14. Jenba , east of

Peniab, Cliamba. 15. Delleef Dihli. 16. Bando ; £ it confineth Agra

to the west.’ This is Bandhu, or Bandhugarh, south-east of Agrah.

17. -Malum ; 18. Chitor ; 19. Gujarat ; 20. Chandis, Ivhandesh ; 21.

Berar, with the chief city Map ore ;f 22. Narwar ; 23. Gwaliar ; 24.

Agra ; 25. Samhal, Sambhal, or Muradabad District. 26. “ Bakar , the

chief city called Bikaneer, it lyeth on the west side of the River Ganges-.”

The whole remark seems to be erroneous. 27. Nagracot , Nagarkot or

Kangrah. 28. iSiba, “ the chief city is called Hardware. J” 29. Makar es ,

the principal cities are called JDekalee and Burhola .” Terry means the

Gakk’har District, the chief cities of which were Dangali and Pharvvalah ; vide

Ain translation, p. 621. Terry also remarks that the Caucasus (Hima¬

laya) divides Kakares from Tartaria, which accounts for its northern position

on Blaev’s map. 30. Gor, “ the chief city so called ; it is full of mountains ;

the River Sersily, a tributary unto Ganges , has its beginning in it.”

Vide 32.

31. Bitan , “ the chief city so called ; the River Canda waters it, and

falls into the Ganges in the confines thereof.” This is Paithan, the form

used by Abulfazl for Pathan, or Pathankot. Terry evidently means the

whole hill tract of the Sirmur range, as far as the Alaknanda. It is,

however, possible that he meant the Markanda ; but this river does not

flow into the Ganges. The error in the position of Pitan is remarkable,

as Terry, DeLaet, and Blaev give Temmery (a Dutch spelling for Dhameri,

the old name of Nurpur, near Pathankot) between the Ravi and Nagarkot

(Kangrah).

32. Kanduana , “ the chief city is called Karhakatenka ; the River

Sersily parts it from Pitan. This and Gor are the north-east bounds of this

Monarchy.” There can be no doubt that Kanduana is Gondwanali (Central

Provinces), of which the capital is Garlia- Katanga (Jabalpur) ; vide Ain

translation, p. 367. If Gor is the north-east boundary of the empire, it is

the Gaur of Silliat, mentioned above, or the Garo Hills. Sersily is a misprint

for Sersity, the Saraswati, which after the Jamuna is the principal (legendary)

* « Which signifies an Heart, and is seated in the heart of the Mogul’s territories.”

Terry. This unfortunate etymology shews however that Terry knew some Persian,

because he cleverly disposes of the final yd. Similarly, he derives « Khusrau,’ from

and and ‘ Sultan Khurram’ from karam, liberality!

f Shahpur, built by Sultan Murad, Akbar’s son, six lcos south of Balapur, now in

ruins.

4 i

the Ain,

do not know whether the country near Haridwar was over called Siba.

a parganah of the Hisat Jalandhar 1 Juab is called Sibali.

Iu

244

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 8,

tributary of the Ganges. The map follows the legend and makes the

Saraswati flow into the Ganges near Helobass (Ilahbas, the old name

of Ilahabad).# De Laet increases the confusion by calling the Sersily

( Perselis.’ But the passage need no longer exercise commentators. Blaev’s

map clearly shows how erroneously the early geographers arranged the

provinces.

33. Patna, “ the chief city so called ; the Biver Ganges bounds it on

the west ; Sersily on the east ; it is a very fertile Province.”

34. Jesual, “ the chief city is called Raiapore ; it lieth east of Patna.”

Van den Broucke puts Jesual east of Morang ; and Blaev’s map marks it

as a country for elephants. It seems, therefore, that Raipur in the Central

Provinces is meant, the elephant country par excellence, though the

name ‘Jesual’ is not clear to me.

35. Mevat, “ the chief city is called Narnol ; it is very mountainous.”

This is Mewat, south-west of Dilili, with Narnol. I am at a loss to

understand how Mewat could have been placed so far away from Dihli ; but

Blaev’s map shows why Terry and De Laet mention it here. The error was

not even detected by Van den Broucke, who places ’T Ryk van Mewat east

of the Brahmaputra, south of ‘ Cos Assam. ’f

36. Udessa, “ the chief city called Jelcanat ; it is the most remote part

east of this empire.” De Laet says : It is the furthest province of this

empire to the eastward, is adjacent to the Maug kingdom, whose inhabitants

are most ferocious barbarians.” DeBarros and Blaev have avoided this

mistake; Van den Broucke, however, places ’T Ryk van Udesse north of

Bollua (Bhaluah), between Tiparah and the Brahmaputra. But Orisa and

Jagannat’h are meant. The spelling Udessa is clearly a transliteration

0f 3jt, U'desa, and DeLaet has overlooked the identity of ‘ Orisa’

and ‘ Udessa.’

37. Bengala.

It would take me too far from my subject, were I to enter on the

identification of the places in western India on Blaev’s map. I hope to do

so at a future period, or would rather leave the task to Mr. E. Lethbridge,

who has lately published valuable extracts from De Laet’s work in the

Calcutta Review.

* According to tlie legend, the Saraswati, which is lost in the sand east of

Bhatinda District, joins the Ganges below the ground at Ilahabad. Hence at Tribenx

and other places in Bengal, wherever two lfivers leave the Ganges, we find the names

Saraswati and Jamuna repeated.

f The London edition of 1655 has ‘ Jesuat.’ De Laet has “ Jesual, whose

metropolis is Baiapore or Bagapore, lies to the east of Patna, and north-west of

Bengala.”

X Asam is often called Koch Asam.

1873.]

245

Part II. — HISTORICAL.

The Muhammadan period of the history of Bengal may he conveniently

divided into five parts —

I. The 1 Initial period,’ or the reigns of the governors of Lak’hnauti

appointed by the Dibit sovereigns, from the conquest of Bengal by Muham¬

mad Bakhtyar Kliiljt, A. D. 1203 to 1338 A. D.

II. The period of the independent kings of Bengal, from 1338 to 1538.

III. The period of the kings of Slier Shah’s family and their Afghan

successors, from 1538 to 1576.

IV. The Mughul period, from 1576 to 1740.

V. The Nawabt period, from the accession of ’All Virdi Khan, in 1740,

to the transfer of Bengal to the E. I. Company.

In the following pages, I shall principally treat of the first and second

periods.

I.

The Initial Period (1203 to 1338, A. D.)

The first period has been almost exhaustively described by Mr. E.

Thomas in his £ Initial Coinage of Bengal,’ published in the Journal for

1867, in which he details the results of his examination of selections made

from 13,500 pieces of silver, accidentally found in Koch Bihar in August,

1863. I can, therefore, with regard to this period, merely give a few

interesting inscriptions which have since turned up, and note a few coins —

second gleanings from the Koch Bihar trouvaille — which are in the Society’s

cabinet.

Of the following inscriptions belonging to the Initial Period, one was

received from General Cunningham, and the others from Mr. Broadley, who

handed over to the Society in all twenty-two rubbings, which I have de¬

ciphered and translated. The original stones are either attached to old public

buildings in the town of Bihar, or are preserved in the Museum of that place A4

No. 1. The Tughril Inscription of Bihar. [B. C.]

r .. '"w

Joe))) ^,<1^ ^0} ^ A kyUjJ) j-sc)

* ♦♦ **

^ I } ^

yjj \JJ ^ ^ \J0

i 5 )j\X/0 All | <a1^. ^ ^ 1 ^.XQ.!} ^ 1 ; j

** UJ , i

* Together with the rubbings, Mr. Broadley made over to the Socioty readings of

several early Muhammadan coins of importance, and also a few notes on the Muham¬

madan buildings of the town of Bihar. The coins have since passed into the collection

of Col. Guthrie, and have been published by Mr. E. Thomas in his ‘ Second Part of

the Initial Coinage of Bengal’ (about to bo reproduced in this Journal). The “ notes”

246

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

This building was ordered to be erected during the days of the reign of the

Majlis i ’All, the great Khan, the exalted Khaqan, ’Izzul haq waddin, the help of

Islam and the Muslims, the helper of princes and kings, Abul Fath Tughril, the

Royal, may God perpetuate his reign ! The slave, Mubarak Khan, the Treasurer, —

may God grant acceptance !

In the month of Muharram, 640, [July, 1242, A.D.]

The inscription is a large slab of basalt, and is at present in the

Bihar Museum. It was found let into brick work on the north side of the

great Dargah, to protect the doorway from rain. A photozincograph of it

was published by me in this Journal for 1871, Pt. I, Ph vii.

It is of interest to remark that South Bihar was under the Lak’hnauti

governors from Bakhtyar Khilji’s time.

Tughril in 631 (A. D. 1233-34) succeeded Saifuddin Aibak as governor

of Lak’hnauti, in which office he continued till the 5th Zi Qa’dah 642 (or 4th

April, 1245) , on which day he was forced to cede his office to Qamaruddin

Timur Ivhan. Tughril was appointed to Audli ; and Timur Khan remained

in Lak’hnauti till 29th Shawwal, 644, (or 9th March, 1247) on which day

both he and Tughril died.#

The following are the governors of Bengal from Saifuddin Aibak to

Bughra Khan. The dates differ slightly from Mr. Thomas’s list on p. 8 of

his ‘ Chronicles.’

Saifuddin Aibak. Dies at Lak’hnauti in 631. Tabq., p. 239.

’Izzuddin Abul Fath Tughril Tughan Khan, governor from 631 to 5th

Zi Qa’dah, 642. Tabq ., p. 245. He withdraws to Audh, and dies on the

29th Shawwal, 644.

Qamaruddin Timur Khan, governor from 5th Zi Qa’dah, 642, to 29th

Shawwal, 644, when he, too, dies. Tabq., p. 246.

Ikhtiyaruddin Yuzbak Tughril Khan, proclaims himself king under the

title of Sultan Mughisuddin. Perishes in Kamrup. Tabq ., p. 263. No

dates are given.

Jalaluddin Mas’ud, Malik Jam Kliilji Khan, becomes governor on the

18th Zi Qa’dah, 656 (or 17th Nov., 1258). Tabq ., pp. 206, 225.

’Izzuddin Balban, was governor in 657, in which year he was attacked

by Tajuddin Arsalan Khan Sanjar i Khwarazmi, who, however, was captured

or killed by ’Izzuddin. Tabq., p. 267. f

are of little value, and are moreover incomplete, so that I can only give my read¬

ings and translations of the Bihar inscriptions. They are marked ‘ B. C.’ (Bihar

Collection.)

* Tabaqdt i Nagiri, pp. 245, 246, where Tughril is called Tughril TugMn Khan.

Hence the tdrikh on p. 246 is wrong, and for sin we have to read mim. ‘ Tughril’

signifies a kind of falcon or hawk, and tughril shudan, like shunqdr shudan, means

‘ to die.’ c Shunqar’ also is a kind of falcon.

f Hence Tajuddin Arsalan Khan should not be put among the governors of

Bengal.

1873.]

247

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

Muhammad Arsalan Tatar Khan, son of Arsalan Khan Sanjar. He

had been for some time governor, when the emperor Balhan ascended the

throne (664). Bar ani, p. 66. After a few years he was succeeded by

Tugliril, who proclaimed himself king under the name of Sultan

Mughisuddm. His fate has been mentioned above. No dates are given.

Bughra Khan, Napiruddm Mahmud, second son of emperor Balban.

No. 2. The Barahdari Inscription of Bihar. [B. C.]

This inscription also belongs to the time of the early governors of Ben¬

gal ; hut unfortunately the first half with the name of the governor is want¬

ing. Its date however, A. H. 663, shews that it belongs to the time of

Muhammad Arsalan Tatar Khan, governor of Bengal in the end of the reign

of Na^iruddin Mahmud of Dilili. The inscription was found in the yard

facing the shrine of Shall Fazlullali, Barahdari Maliallah, Bihar.

» ** I

jl+x+Jf j 2 d ^/oIaJ[ <Xlx/

— H

II bs:'0

M

* * may God (perpetuate) his rule and governorship, and may He cause his edifice

to remain in the realm * # by the erection of this blessed tomb in the months of the year

* * Sultan Shah, (0 God, illuminate his grave, and whiten his forehead, and make his

grave a garden of the gardens of Paradise, but do not make it a pit of the pits of

fire !). On Saturday evening, the 18 th Jumada I, 663. The architect is their § slave,

who is obliged by their rewards, Majd of Kabul. [8th March, 1265.]

No. 3. The Kai Kdus Inscription of Kagol. PI. Y, Nos. 1 and 2.

A rubbing of this inscription was received from General Cunningham.

Its date is, curious to say, the same as that of the Kai Kaus inscription of

Gangarampur, published by me in the Journal, for 1872, p. 103. Mr.

Thomas has published coins of this king, hearing the dates 691, 693, 694,

695 (Chronicles, p. 149), and the cabinet of the As. Soc. of Bengal contains

two clear specimens of 691, and 696 (Lak’hnauti mint).

The inscription is —

^UaJLjj }jj& Ajjrf ( ? ) f'i )

AftBA. ^ ,jUa.U* ^ * * « * Uicxll

jUIaJ ^)a*.d\ ^U>IA. y f U &U)

sjJ v>> <J*> \J*> .

♦♦

# The text has a dual.

248

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

* J,

UJ

^jUJ) ^Ala^J) * * * # <uJ^«5

" ^ w

V*J| yA 45 aJU'I JcSl

yj yJ

All) cjk A ~£t_

) | aA.$.A.W; • «

- > Cl/" >

This Jami’ Mosque was built during the reign of the great Sultan, the owner of

the necks of nations, the master of the princes of the Turks and the Persians, the lord

of the crown and the signet, Ruknuddunya waddi n [Kai Kau]s Shah, the

king, son of a king who was the son of a king, the right hand of God’s Viceregent, the

helper of the Commander of the Faithful, and during the governorship of the great

Khan, the exalted Khaqan, Ikhtiyar ul haq waddin, the Khan of the Khans of the

East and of China, the second Alexander, Firuz Aitigin Sultan, (may God perpe¬

tuate his rule !) ## [by] the victorious, the invincible, the champion, Ziyauddaulah

waddin Ulugh Khan, may God perpetuate his rule and increase his benefits!

On the 1st day of Muharram, of the year 697. [19th October, 1297]*

* This inscription contains what Mr. Thomas calls an unusual reiteration of the

words ibnu sultanin ibni sultan , which is perhaps more unusual on coins than on

inscriptions. But the spirit of pride that breathes in the words is apparent, when we

compare with it the legend of the coins struck in Tirhut by the rebel Bahadur,

given in Badaoni II, p. 298.

In Raziyali’s Bengal coinage (Thomas, Chronicles, p. 107), I read for which

has no sense, mumiddatu , ‘ the helper,’ the same as ^cli. ‘ Razivah’ stands for

‘ Raziyat unnisa,’ i. e. one who among women is looked upon with favour.

I also take this opportunity to give my reading of the Nagiruddin Mahmud In¬

scription, published by Mr. Thomas in his Chronicles, p. 129, an inscription which in

style is similar to the above Kai Kaus inscription. General Cunningham has favored

the Society with a rubbing of it.

^UaLJf AxU/C ^9 jjjUjJf J

•— ^4/0 CIA]/ i 2 IxJixfl

2 A^l/0 a1J( ; | y£ll^o ^9 j l i-x.

J O-^1 f&et (JW\ lJAJ\ J.K lj aj&JL,

^9 AaJU/o a1)Ij| ^»(jf ^5 f j

n j j Jj)

‘ This building was erected during the reign of the great Sultan, the owner of

the necks of nations, Naijiruddunya waddfn, the king of kings, who protects

the people of the Faith, the heir of the kingdom of Solomon, the lord of the signet in

the kingdom of the world, Abul Muzaffar Mahmud Shah, the son of the king

(may God perpetuate his rule and kingdom !), by order of the learned and great Malik&

A’zam Qutlugh Khan Bahaulhaq waddin, the Malik of the Maliks of the

Eastern Provinces and China, B alb an the Shamsi [slave of Shamsuddm Iltitmish]

during the period of his governorship, may his high qualities endure ! On the 10th

Rajab, 652,’

From this it will be seen that A’zam Qutlugh Khan (Balban) does not call himself

Malik ul * Adam ‘ the Malik of the world,’ but almalik ul ’dUm, * the learned Malik.’

1873.]

219

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

The reading of the name c Aitigin’ or 11 beautiful moon,’ in this

inscription was suggested by Mr. Redhouse, and I gladly correct my reading

rt gin in the Kai Kalis inscription, published by me in the Journal for 1872,

p. 103, where the correct name of the builder is Zafar Khan Bahrain Aitigin,

the Royal ( sultani ).#

The date of this inscription is the latest yet discovered of Kai Kaus’s

reign.

Kai Kaus seems to have been succeeded by bis brother Shamsuddin

Firuz Shah (I). Mr. Thomas quotes coins of this king, dated 702, 715, 720,

722, and the cabinet of the Asiatic Society of Bengal has three specimens,

struck at Lak’hnauti, with clear dates 706 and 715, and (slightly doubtful)

710.

Three inscriptions of Finiz Shall have hitherto been found, of which

one, dated 1st Muharram, 713, or 28th April, 1313, was published by me in

this Journal, for 1870, Part I, p. 287. f The other two inscriptions are from

Bihar, and are dated 709 and 715. They reveal that Firuz Shah had a son

Hatim Khan,! who in those two years, and probably in the interval, was

governor of Bihar.

No. 5. The Firuz Shah (I) Inscription of Bihar. [B.C.]

UjjJ) ( S ) S' U*J I SJJt

w ^ ^

Aihd Ljf j AjUal*^ aH*. ^Ual, II sti J3jyi yOi J) ^j] ^jjJI _,

aXU ak. J.LLJI ^U. ^U. * # ^UJI JjU) JaUI| dU!l

This (additional ?) building was erected in the reign of the great Sultan

Shamsuddunya waddin Abul M u z a ff a r Firuz Shah, the king, (may God

perpetuate his kingdom and his rule !) and during the governorship of the just and

liberal Khan, the champion of God, ## H a t i m Khan, the son of the king, may God

perpetuate his rule ! The weak slave Muhammad Husain Tak’harori. During the

months of the year 709. [A. D., 1309.]

A plate of this inscription was published in this Journal, for 1871,

Part I, PI. viii. The inscription itself is attached to a lofty gateway,

which together with an arched hall, fast falling to decay, and a roolless

mosque, forms the remains of what tradition calls Hatim Khan’s palace.

It stands on a gentle eminence, due east of the Bihar mountain.

* Or, we might at onco translate, ‘ the Sultan for sultani, as abs: act noun,

occurs on numerous coins ; vide Proceedings A. S. Bongal, for Juno, 1870, p. 152.

The translation of the other portions of the inscription is here confirmed.

■f Wliero in the third line for read fjM-

t Besides the four sons mentioned by Mr. Thomas, Clmmicles, p. 148.

32 K K

250

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

No. 6. .

O' uft) <JJ

^UaLJI ^ fj

All) |*|j) ^l-A^As-? ^IoU/^I ^UjJ) Y,U>) J ^UaLJI AA jjjXi

2*\s>. ^jplts^) ^JkiJ ^iy ) j Hhj Jfjiyi <Av*J) ka^JUlo

v>> ^

US

»* •

*«..wX£

This mosque was built in the reign of the great Sultan Stamsuddunya

w a cl cl l n Abul Muz affar Piruz Shah, the king, and during the govern or ship

of the Khaqan of the age, known as Hatim Khan, may God cause their shadows

to last ! The slave, who trusts in God and hopes for His mercy, the meanest of

mankind, Bahrain, son of Haji, may God turn to him and may He pardon his parents !

On the first day of the month of Rajab of the year 715. [1st October, 1315.]

This inscription, a fine slab of basalt, leans against the wall of the

Chhota Dargah in Bihar.

Two other sons of Firuz Shah, Shihabuddin Buglidali Shall and the

well known Gfhiyasuddfn Bahadur Shah, struck coins as £ kings of Bengal’

during the lifetime of their father. Of the former, Mr. Thomas says

(Chronicles, p. 194) — C£ Neither history, incidental biography, nor numis¬

matic remains avail to do more than prove the elevation, as they seem to

indicate the brief and uneventful rule, of Shihabuddin Bughdah Shah. No

date or place of mintage is preserved.” However, the cabinet of the Asiatic

Society possesses two specimens, # one of the same kind as published by Mr.

Thomas (Chronicles, PI. YI, No. 4), and a new variety, containing the same

legend, but with the letters, on the obverse, close together, and with a

instead of the star on the reverse. The former fortunately contains a

complete margin, with the clear legend —

This silver coin was struck at LaTdhnauti in the year 718.

Mr. Thomas looks upon the cl in the name of this king as the Hindi 5,

which is so often interchanged with J re. This maybe the case, inasmuch as

Shiliab, according to Muhammadan custom, would assume the name of his

grandfather fy*?, hughra ;f but in India, people seem early to have substituted

a clal for the re ; hence we find in the Ain the form huglidi.%

Grhiyasuddin Bahadur Shah was the last of the Balbani kings of Bengal.

<£ In A. FI. 733, Muhammad ibn i Tughluq is found issuing his own coin in

* Evidently Babu Rajendralala Mitra’s selections from the Kocfi Bihar board,

f Which signifies a male ‘ Bactrian camel’ (with two humps). The spellings

given in dictionaries are Ij-fj - \j*\ - j*.i - .

1 Vide my Ain translation, p. 143.

251

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

Bengal, and Bahadur, defeated and put to death, contributed an example to

insurgent governors in his own skin, which was stuffed and paraded

through the province and the empire.” # And already the year before, we

find that a palace had been built, or renovated, in Bihar for the Imperial

JSTdib, which tradition still calls the ‘ sukunat,’ or residency.

No. 7. The Sukunat Inscription of Bihar. [B.C.]

(Al <3Lb j cshVu ^jU ^ ^

J.J | ^U-xLo t-fBo J &‘/C^ iS &

Ai*o ^LAcj j-^Jl {Jj'0 $4^ 1 c_s^ J cKiGi^ (jUal^Jl ^LdtUj

This high and world-adorning gate, and this lofty, heaven-touching portico,

were renewed in the reign of the Khalffah, the asylum of the world, whose court is

the heaven the Lord of the kings of the universe, the ruler of mankind who gives

security and safety to the people of the Faith, the heir of the kingdom of Solomon,

AbulMuiahid Muhammad, son of Tughluq Shah, the Sultan, (may his

kingdom and rule be perpetuated!). On the first day of the blessed month of

Ramazan, 732, A. H. [27th May, 1332].

From this time till the beginning of the 10th century, Southern Bihar

as remarked above, remained detached from Bengal, and followed the fortunes

of the empires of Dihli and of Jaunpur. , , , 1q .

Muhammad Tughluq’ s governors of Lak hnauti, Satgaon, and Sunnai-

f n did not long remain undisturbed, and the death of Bahrain Khan,

Governor of the last province, was the commencement of new revolutions,

which led to the establishment of a lme of independent kings.

n

II.

The Second Period, or the period op the Independent kings op

Bengal (1338 to 1538, A.D.)

For this period I shall take the kings singly, and collect for each reig

• I have been able to gather from the rubbings

!>, -T. Wise, and Mr. E. V. West macott,

a \ and from unpublished Bengal coins m the Society s cabinet.

i h.„e also compared the corresponding chapter

with the' statements given in the Tabaqtt i Akhari and m 1 mshtah.

The line of the independent kings commences with

11

* Thomas, Chronicles, p. 200.

252

H. Bloclimann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

I. Fakhruddi'n Abul MusafFar Muba'rak Sha'h.

He had been Sildhddr, or armour-bearer, to Bahrain Khan, the Dihli

governor of Sunn drgaon, and on his master’s death in 739 A. H., or 1338

A.D., proclaimed there his independence.

According to the Tabaqat i Akbari, Firishtah, and the Riyaz ussalatin,

Mubarak Shah was killed by ’All Mubarak in 741, after a reign of two

years and some months. # But as his coins extend over a period of more than

ten years, from 739 to 750, it looks as if the date given in the histories

should be corrected to 8 bo ^ Ju» ‘ ten years and some months.’ Mr.

Thomas is willing to antedate Mubarak Shah’s accession to 737 ; but the

coins r1 ronicles, p. 2G3, and Plate vi, fig. 7) do not satisfactorily prove

this, because the reading in the absence of diacritical marks, is more

likely which the histories give, especially because the numerous coins

hitherto found do not give the intervening year (738).

The name ‘ Mubarak Shah’ has been proved by coins, the histories only

call him Sultan Fakhruddin or more familiarly still, Fakhra. f Ibn Batutah

also mentions him under the name of Fakhruddin, and says that he was an

eminent man, kind to strangers and ^Jufis.^

Mubarak Shah’s son is mentioned below. His son-in-law Zafar Khan

fled from Sunnargaon over Tattali to Firuz Shall in Dihli, who, at his

request, invaded Bengal a second time in the beginning of Sikandar Shah’s

reign. §

II. ’Ala'uddi'n Abul MusafFar ’A1P Sha'h.

Regarding this king the Riyazussalatin has the following :

‘ It is said that Malik ’All Mubarak, who as king is styled Sultan

’Alauddin, was a trusted servant of Malik Firuz [subsequently Firuz Shah

III. of Dihli], and Malik Firuz was brother’s son to Sultan Ghiyasuddin

Tughluq Shah, and son of the paternal uncle of Muhammad Shah. Muham¬

mad Shah, in the first year of his reign, made Malik Firuz his Naib-Barbak.

Now at this time, Haji Ilyas, the foster-brother of ’Ali Mubarak, did

something wicked and fled from Dihli. Malik Firuz asked ’All Mubarak

what had become of Haji Ilyas. ’Ali Mubarak went in search of him ; and

when he found no trace of him, he told Malik Firuz that Plaji Ilyas had

run away. Firuz scolded him and told him to leave his presence. ’Ali

* Tlie Riyaz has five months. Stewart places his death in 743 ; but all histories

have 741.

f Dowson, Elliot’s History, III, p. 304.

J See Ibn Batutah, p. 195.

§ These facts are only mentioned by Shams i Siraj, who moreover places

Fakhruddin’ s defeat and death immediately after Firuz Shah’s first invasion of Bengal

in 754. This is clearly a few years too la/te.

253

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

Mubarak now went to Bengal. On his way, one night, he bad a dream and

saw the revered saint Jalaluddin Tabriz!, who said to him, “ I will give thee

the kingdom of Bengal ; hut thou wilt have to build me a vault.” ’All

Mubarak put the finger of acceptance on his eye, and asked where it was to

be built. The saint replied, 44 In the town of Panduah at a place where thou

wilt see thirty bricks one over another, and below them a fresh rose of

a hundred petals.”

4 When ’All Mubarak arrived in Bengal, he entered the service of Qadar

Khan, [the Imperial governor of Lak’hnauti] and received from him the

command ( bakhsliigari ) of the army. But when Fakliruddin revolted against

Qadar Khan, ’All Mubarak killed his benefactor, and proclaimed himself

king under the title of Sultan ’Alauddin. He then made war upon

Fakliruddin, and slew him 44 as a punishment for having killed his benefactor.”

Leaving thanahs in (the province of) Lak’hnauti, ’Alauddin marched to

subjugate other parts of Bengal. But from the time he had proclaimed

himself king, the whirlpool of pleasure had made him forgetful of his promise

to the Saint, when one night Jalaluddin again appeared to him and said,

“ O Sultan ’Alauddin, thou art now king of Bengal, but me thou hast

forgotten.” The king next day at once searched for the bricks, and found

them just as the saint had described. There he built the vault, the ruins of

which exist to this day.

4 Now about this time Haji Ilyas also arrived in Panduah. Sultan

’Alauddin put him into prison, but after some time, at the request of his

mother who had been Sultan ’Alauddin’s nurse, he set him at liberty, and

allowed him to come to court. Haji Ilyas, in a short time, found means to

gain over the army, killed ’Alauddin with the help of the eunuch, and

proclaimed himself king under the name of Shamsuddm Bhangrah.

4 The reiffn of Sultan ’Alauddin lasted one year and five months.’

This extract is so far satisfactory, as it explains the relation between

Firuz Shah, ’Ali Mubarak, and Haji Ilyas.

The evidence of coins, as in the case of the preceding king, gives

’Alauddin ’Ali Shall a longer reign than the histories. Mr. Thomas (Chronicles,

p 2G5) gives a coin of the year 742, and he adds that he has seen coins of

7 14 745, 746. There is nothing strange in the name '’All Mubarak , which

he thinks has arisen from 44 a strange jumble of Muhammadan writers,

who endowed ’Ali Shah with the surname of liis adversary Mubarak Shall

for ’Ali Mubarak is as common a name as Mubarak ’Ali, and the histories

say that this was ’Ali Shah’s name before accession.

From the fact that the coinage of Mubarak Shah is restricted to the

Sunnargaon mint, and that of ’Ali Shah to Firuzabad ( i . e. Panduah), we may

conclude that the former held Eastern, and the latter Western Bengal.

But ’Ali SI rah was vigorously opposed by Haji Ilyas, who struck coins

254

II. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

in Panduah, ’All Shah’s capital, in 740 ancl 744, and in uninterupted

succession from 7 46 (probably the correct year when ’All Shah was overcome

by him) to 758.

III. Ikhtiya'mddi'n Abul MusafFar Gha'zi' Sha'li.

Fakhruddin Mubarak Shall was succeeded in Eastern Bengal by Ikhti-

yaruddin, who styles himself “ son of the Sultan.” We may, therefore, ac¬

cept Mr. Thomas’s hypothesis that he was the son of Mubarak Shah. Coins

are the only testimony on which the name of this king of Eastern Bengal

has found a place in the list of kings. The figure of one of the coins given

by Mr. Thomas, as also the specimen in the cabinet of the Bengal Asiatic

Society, shew the year 753.^

IV. Shanxsuddi'n Abul MusafFar Ilya's Sha'h.

The relation of this king to ’Alauddin ’All Shah and Firuz Shah III.

of Dihli has been mentioned above. Having in 746 become master of West¬

ern Bengal, he established himself, in 753, in Sunnargaon (Thomas, p. 269),

and thus founded a dynasty, which, with an interruption of about forty

years in the beginning of the 9th century of the Hijrah, continued to rule

over Bengal till 896 A.H.

Ilyas Shah’s successes in Eastern Bengal were followed by an attempt

to extend the western boundaries of the kingdom, and according to the

Biydz he pushed as far as the Banaras district. In order to punish him,

Firuz Shah, in 754, after marching through Tirhut and Purniah, invaded

Bengal and besieged Ekdalah. The defeat of Ilyas Shah is almost humor¬

ously described by Ziya i Barani. But “ the invasion only resulted in the

confession of weakness, conveniently attributed to the periodical flooding of

the country,” and Firuz Shah withdrew, f appointing collectors, apparently

# Thomas, Chronicles, PL VI, fig. 9. The margin clearly gives A figure

with would he desirable, so that the reign of this king might be fixed from 751

to 753.

f It is said in the Tabaqdt i Akbari , under Ilyas Shah, that Firuz Shah’s expedition

lasted from the 10th Shawwal, 754, till 11th Kabi’ I, 755. As the latter date corresponds

to the 5th April 1353, it could only have been prospect of the rains, not the setting in

of that season, that drove Firuz Shah back to Dihli. The army, according to Barani,

complained of mosquitos in the vicinity of Panduah.

The ‘ Firuzpurabad,’ mentioned by Stewart and quoted by Mr. Thomas (p. 264, note

2), where Firuz Shall pitched his camp, should be c Firuzpur.’ The Riydz says — “ At

a place where now Firuzpur lies (bajde kill alyaum Frnlzpur dbddast, not Firuzpurabad

astj , Firuz Shah pitched his camp, and starting from that place on horseback laid siege

to the fort of Panduah. In the fort Sultan Shamsuddin had left his son, whilst ho

himself had retreated to Fort Ekdalah, which is very strong.” The maps shew

several Firuzpurs round about Gaur ; thus two are south of the fort of Gaur.

255

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

for the first time, in Tirliut, and was glad in subsequent years to exchange

presents with Ilyas Shah.

As Haji Ilyas is the legendary founder of Hajipur, opposite Patna, we

may assume that in northern Bihar the Ghandak formed the frontier ; in

south Bihar, however, the frontier could not have passed beyond Munger,

because the inscriptions preserved in the town of Bihar (vide below) shew

that in 732, 737, 753, 761, 792, and 799, the town of Bihar was under Dihli

governors.

Just as Mubarak Shah and ’All Shah are called in the histories by their

first name, so is Ilyas Shall also invariably called Sultan Shamsuddin. The

name ‘ Ilyas Khaje,’ which Stewart gives, is not to be found in historical

works. Stewart also mentions 760 as the year in which Ilyas died, but the

histories only mention that his reign lasted sixteen years and some months.

In 758, he had for the third time sent ambassadors with presents to Dihli,

and Firu z returned the compliment by sending him horses ; but the Dihli

ambassadors on reaching Bihar heard that Ilyas had in the meantime died.

The latest of Mr. Thomas’s coins of Ilyas Shah also bear the year 75 8. #

Ilyas Shah is nicknamed ‘ Bhangrah,’ a corruption, it seems, of the

Hindustani bhang era, £ a seller, or eater, of the drug bhang (hemp).’ Firish-

tah says that he does not know the origin of the word ; but Ziya i Barani

evidently knew more about it; for he says, rejoicing in his joke, — “And

the well known Bengal Paiks, who for years had borne the name of ‘ the

Bengal Ancients’ or ‘ the Dead,’ had taken a quid from Ilyas the Bhang-eater,

in order to shew that they were ready to sacrifice their lives for him ; and

standing in front of the train of that wild maniac, together with the mouldy-

looking Ban gali Bajahs, they bravely threw about their arms and legs ; but

as soon as the battle commenced, they put from fear their fingers into their

mouths, gave up standing to attention, threw away swords and arrows, rub¬

bed their foreheads on the ground, and were consumed by the swords of the

enemies.” A graphic description, by the way, of the Bengal Military Police

in 1353, A. D.

No inscriptions have hitherto turned up that mention Ilyas Shah ; nor

does the author of the Biyaz, who had a good personal knowledge ol the

ruins of Gaur and Panduah, speak of any buildings erected by him. He

only says — ‘ It is said that Sultan Shamsuddin made in Bengal a reservoir

in imitation of Hauz i Sliamsi at Dihli.’

* Iteinaud, however, quoted by Marsden (p. 5G6,note) mentions two Sunnargaon

coins of 754 and 760. The MS. of the Riyaz belonging to the .Asiatic Society of

Bengal mentions 758 as the year in which the last ambassadors left for Dihli ; Stewart

has 759 j and the Tabaqat and Firishtah, who copies from it, have ‘ in the end of

759.’ The earliest coin of Sikandar figured by Mr. Thomas (Journal, As. Soc. of

Bengal, 1867, Part I, p. G3, and PI. II, No. 12) belongs to 761.

256 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

Regarding the coinage of Ilyas Shah, vide Thomas, Initial Coinage of

Bengal, Journal, As. Soc. Bengal, 1867, pp. 57, 58.

V. Abul Muja'hid Sikandar Sha'h.

Ilyas Shah was succeeded by his eldest son Sikandar Shah. The begin¬

ning of his reign was marked by a second attempt* * * § made by Firuz Shah to

annex Bengal ; but as in the first, Ekdalah held out, and Firuz returned to

Dihli, and never again interfered in Bengal matters.

‘ In 7 66,’ says the Riyaz,f £ Sikandar commenced to build the Adinah

\i. e. Friday] Mosque ; but he had not finished it when he died, and the

building remained half completed, and now-a-days parts of the edifice may

be seen in the jungle near Panduah, about a kos from it. I have seen it

myself : it is, indeed, a fine mosque and must have cost a great deal of

money. May Sikandar’ s efforts be thankfully remembered !’

According to the same author, Sikandar Shah died after a reign of nine

years and some months — a statement also given in the Tabaqat — of wounds

which he had received ‘ on the field of Goalparah,’ fighting with his favourite

son Ghiyas, whom the machinations of a jealous step-mother had driven into

rebellion.];

* Sikandar was the contemporary of the revered saint ’Alaul Flaq.’

Several inscriptions belonging to Sikandar’s reign have been found.

One of the year 765, from Dinajpur, was published by me in the Journal for

1872, p. 105. I remarked there on the beauty of its characters ;§ but the in¬

scriptions inside and outside the Adinah Mosque, rubbings of which the Society

owes to General Cunningham and Mr. W. L. Heeley, are the finest that I

have seen. The characters are beautiful, and the rubbings have created

sensation wherever I have shewn them. The inscription inside is 13|-ft. long

and 1-d ft. broad, but contains only verses from the Qoran [Sur. IX, 18, 19],

on the top in Kufic and below in (what people call now-a-days in India)

* In 760, according to tlie Tabaqat andtbe Riyazj Stewart has 761. Regarding

Firuz Shah’s desire to reinstate Zafar Khan, Mubarak Shah’s son-in-law, in the

government of Sunnargaon, the cause that led to the expedition, vide Dowson, Elliot’s

History of India, III, 301, ff.

1 Stewart has 763.

J Ghiyaz marched with a large army from Sunnargaon, and pitched his camp

at Sunnargarhi. Stewart has Sunnarkot. From the other side, his father issued

forth with a terror-inspiring army, and the next day, on the field of Goalparah, both

parties engaged in deadly strife. The whole story is only to be found in the Riyaz.

The Goalparah meant here is, no doubt, the village quite close to Panduah, S. W.

of it. I have not identified Sunnargarhi.

§ It was written by one Ghiyas. General Cunningham is inclined to think that

the Ghiyas is Sikandar’s son.

1873.] H. Bloghmann — Geography and History of Id eng al.

257

Tughra characters. The stone outside measures 4 ft. 9 in. by 10 in., and its

letters are just as beautiful.

No. 8.

The SiTcandar Shah Inscription , Adinah Mosque , Ilazrat JPanduah ,

A. H. 770, (vide PI. V, No. 3) .*

n

^UsXmaJ) Ai )

W ^

)) &A *.*>>AU j <£.1<W L ^ _ t- ^

This . mosque was ordered to be built in the reign of the great king, the

wisest, the justest, the most liberal of the kings of Arabia and Persia, who trusts in

the assistance of the Merciful, Abul Mujaliid Sikandar Sha h,the king, son

of 1 1 y a s Shah, the king, — may his reign be perpetuated till the day of promise !

He wrote it on the 6th Rajab of the year 770. [14th February, 1369.]

Neither inscriptions nor coins give Sikandar Shall a full julus name ;

he only has a kunyah , Abul Mujahid. Perhaps it would be going too far in

speculations, if I were to say that Ilyas naturally called his son Sikandar ;

hut a Muhammadan, on hearing the name of Ilyas, will immediately think

of the ah i hayat , ‘ the water of life’ ; and as Sikandar is the legendary

successor of Ilyas (the Prophet Elias) in search of the precious commodity,

the name of the father may have suggested that of the son.

As stated,above, the histories assign Sikandar Shah a reign of nine

years and some months. Stewart says that he died in 769, a year obtained

by adding nine years and a fraction to 7 60, which he assumes to have

been the year in which Ilyas Shah died. The above Panduali inscription

extends Sikandar’s reign to the latter half of 770, and the coins figured by

Mr. Thomas in his £ Initial Coinage’ (J. A. S. B., 1867, PI. II, Nos. 12, 14,

and 13) give the dates 761, 782, and 783. But Mr. Thomas also states

that among the large number of Sikandarshahis that passed through his

hands, he found coins of almost every year between 750 and 792, with

the exception of the years 755, 762, 767, 768, 769, 774, 775, 777, and 778.

It thus becomes clear that Sikandar Shah struck coins as prince. Mr.

Thomas also quotes A’zam Shahi coins ol 772, 775, 776, the years when

Sikandar’s coinage is most interrupted, and again from 790 to 799. Fur¬

ther, we have to remember that the poet Hafiz sent the well known ghazal

# I have elsewhere remarked on the numerous grammatical mistakes in Bengal

Arabic Inscriptions. They consist chiefly in wrong articles, mistakes in gender, in

oblique cases, and in wrong constructions of the Arabic numerals. In order not to

disfigure the text, I shall no more indicate such errors by a (sic).

33

L L

258 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

to Ghiyasuddm A’zam Shah, ‘king’ of Bengal ; and as Hafiz died in 791

(^Ra/o vMA being the date of his death), the ghazal must have been sent

to Bengal during Sikandar Shah’s lifetime. The fact that A’zam Shah’s

early coins (of A. H. 772) were struck in Mu’azzamabad ( vide above),

agrees with the statement of the Riyaz that he rebelled in Eastern Bengal,

where he remained “ nominally subordinate or covertly resistant to paternal

authority.”*'

VI. Ghiya'suddi'n Abul Muzaffar A’zam Sha'h.

The only fact given in the Biyaz and omitted by Stewart is that “ A’zam

“ Shah was treacherously murdered ( ba-daghd Jcuslitah ) by Rajah Kans

“ after a reign of seven years and some months,! or, as I have seen in a

“ little book, after a reign of sixteen years, five months, and three days.”

The coins of this king, as mentioned before, go to 799 ; the latest figur¬

ed by Mr. Thomas (Initial Coinage of Bengal, Pl. II, No. 15) is of 795. J

No inscription of this and the following two kings have been found.

* It is also curious that in the inscription of 777, published by me in this

Journal for 1870, p. 292, no king is mentioned, as if it had been doubtful who the real

king was.

In order to remove all doubts regarding a confusion of and ^jjuJ in the

reading of Sikandar’ s and A’zam Shah’s coins, a few clear drawings of Sikandar

Shakis struck between 783 and 792, and of A’zam Skahis, struck in 772, 775, 776,

would be required. A’zam Shah’s reign, according to the common statement, lasted

7 years, which we certainly get when we subtract 792 (the latest year cited by Mr.

Thomas for Sikandar Shah) from 799 (the latest year cited for A’zam Shah) ; but if

we take the second statement, given in the Riyaz, regarding the length of A’zam

Shah’s reign, viz. 16 years, 5 months, and 3 days, and subtract it from 799, we get

783, the year of Mr. Thomas’s latest figured coin.

t T e-> according to the wrong chronology of the Tabaqat and the Riyaz, in 775.

t I may here suggest a few unimportant alterations in Mr. Thomas’s readings

of A’zam Shah’s coins (‘Initial Coinage,’ J. A. S. B., 1867, pp. 68 to 70). First ,

is to be corrected to i Again, the mysterious {loc. cit}

p. 68) is nothing but ycimin. Lastly the reverse of coin No. 38 {loc. cit.

p. 70), as I see from a specimen in the Society’s Coin Cabinet, is

A^l/o &Uf <xlA. j iJU| cXj|

May God render his power everlasting, and may God perpetuate his reign, _ abbada alldhu

not the name ’ Abdullah , — which removes from the mint officials the charge of

ignorance. It was only Akbar who, in his hatred of everything that was Arabic,

recommended the substitution of Alif for ’Ain, and $ for &c.

In the reverse of the Sikandar Shahi {loc. cit., p. 64, No. 23), as I also see from a

coin in the possession of the Society, there is a wrong Alif before and a

{waw) is omitted before Alqdhiru,—( Who renders assistance to the religion of God

and who is victorious over the enemies of God.’ This cancels the footnote.

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. 259

VII. Saifuddi'n Abul Muja'hid Hamzah Sha'h, son of A’zam Sha'h.

The histories give him the epithet of Sultan ussalatin, and praise him for

his virtues. Firishtah says : — “ And the Bajahs of the country did not draw

their heads out of the yoke of obedience and practised no neglect and delay in

paying taxes.”

According to the Tabaqat, he reigned ten years. But the author of the

Biyaz saw “ in the little hook,” that the reign of this king was 3 years, 7

months, and 5 days, which would bring his reign to 802, or 803, A. H.

Marsden has published a coin of this king, without, however, giving

the Boyal name (Numism., PI. XXXVII, No. DCCLIV). It follows in

appearance the coins of Sikandar Shah and A’zam Shah ; the margin

contains ‘ Firuzabad,’ but no year. The specimen in the cabinet of the

Asiatic Society is of very rude manufacture, and has most clumsy letters,

especially on the reverse.

Vide PI. VII, No. 1. Silver. Weight, 162.505 grains. A. H. (80)4.

(Asiatic Society of Bengal, one specimen.) Bare. Circular areas.

Obverse —

Beyerse — j

Margin — * * #

Assisted by tlie assistance of the Merciful, Saifuddunya wad din Abul

Mujahid Hamzah Shah, son of A’zam S h a h, the king. The helper of Islam

and the Muslims # * year # * 4.

VIII. Shamsuddi'n ? ?, son of Saifuddi'n Hamzah Sha'h.

The Tabaqat says that this king followed the path of his father, and

died after a quiet reign of three years and a few months. Firishtah states

that as the king was young and deficient in intellect, an infidel of the name

of Kans, who was an Amir of the court, obtained great power and influence,

and usurped the executive and the collection of taxes. The Biyaz has the

the following : “ After enjoying himself for some time, he died, in 788, from

an illness, or through the foul play of Bajali Kans, who at that time was

very powerful. And some writers have asserted that this Shamsuddin was

no son of the Sultan ussalatin , but an adopted son (mutabanni), and that hi s

name was Shihabuddin. Anyhow , he reigned 3 years , 4 months , and 6 days.

It is clear that Bajah Kans, who was zamindar of Bhat Uriah, rebelled

against him, killed him, and usurped the throne.”

The Saints of Gaur and Hazrat Panduah.

Before proceeding in my account of the kings of Bengal, it may bo

convenient here to collect the information which we possess regarding the

* 1. e.t according to the erroneous chronology, ho would have died in 785.

260 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

Muhammadan saints of Gaur and Panduah. Their names often occur in

Bengal History, while their dargahs, as elsewhere, are the natural depositories

of inscriptions.

The principal personages of saintly renown are Shaikh Jalaluddin

Tabriz!, Shaikh Akin Sirajuddin ’Usman, Shaikh ’Alaulhaq, and Nur Qutb

’Alam.# All larger works on Muhammadan Saints contain biographical

notices of them.

1. Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi.

He was a pupil of Abu Sa’id Tabrizi and of the renowned Shaikh

Shihab-uddin Suhrawardi. He accompanied the latter on his pilgrimages to

Makkah, and used to carry on his head a small oven with the hot pots in

which his master kept his food. Numerous miracles are ascribed to him.

Among others, he converted, with one look, at Badaon a Hindu milkman to

Islam. Though several times charged with immoral practices, he defeated

his accusers. When he went to Bengal, he commenced to destroy idols ;

in fact, his vault occupies the site of an idol temple. He kept a langarklidnah ,

where he housed and fed beggars and travellers. He died in 612 A. H.,

or A. D. 1244. The place where he died does not seem to be accurately

known. The Mutawallis of the tomb near Gaur say that he died in

Aurangabad (the old K’harki), and that his shrine in Bengalf is a mere

jawab, or imitation-vault; but the Ain i Akbari (IVtli book) says that he

was buried at Bandar Diu Mahall.f Vide below under Yusuf Shah.

2. Shaikh Akin Sirajuddin ’’Usman.

Siraj came as a boy to Nizamuddin Aulia of Dihli, who handed him over

to Fakhruddin Zarradi to teach. In course of time, he became very learned,

and was told to go to Bengal, where he died in 758, A. H., or 1357, A. D.

The Haft Iqlim says that Nizam called him ‘ the mirror of Hindustan,’ and

that he only received, when advanced in age, proper instruction from

Fakliruddin. After Niz&m’s death, he went to Lak’hnauti, and all the

king became his pupils.

For the inscriptions at his tomb, vide below under Husain Shah.

* Besides these, the Riyaz mentions a Shaikh Raja Bayabam (died in 754, when

Firuz besieged Ilyas Shah). Shaikh Hamid of Nagor, one of Nur Qntb ’Alam’s

teachers, belongs to Nagor in Jodhpur, not to Nagor in Birbhum, as Stewart says.

f As most Dargahs in Bengal, Shah Jalal’stomb is rich. Its lands lie chiefly in

Bardwan District, at Bohat, near Maimari , a station on the E. I. Railway, There

is a Madrasah and a Sarai in Bohat.

The oven is still shewn at the Ganr shrine, and “till three generations back

it cooked rice without fuel.”

% I. e., either the Maldives, or Diu in Gujarat. Vide Dowson, IV, 96, note.

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

261

3. Shaikh ’ Alauddin 'Ala-ulhaq.

’Ala-ulhaq was the son of Shaikh As’ad of Lahor, and one of the

spiritual successors of Shaikh Akhi Sirajuddin ’Usman. According to the

JHa dr ij-ulwildy at, he was a true Quraislii Hashimi, and traced his descent

from Khalid bin Walid. He was at first exceedingly proud of his origin,

wealth, and knowledge, so much so, that Shaikh Akhi complainingly told

Nizamuddi'n Aulia that he was no match for ’Ala-ulhaq. But Nizam

told him not to mind it, as ’Ala would in time become his (Akin’s) pupil.

It seems that ’Ala in his pride called himself Gang i Nabdtf and when

Nizam heard this, he cursed him, and said, “ May God strike him dumb !”

The curse instantly took effect ; nor was ’ Ala-ulhaq’ s tongue loosed till

he became the humble pupil of Shaikh Akhi. As Shaikh Akhi travelled a

great deal on horseback, ’Ala-ulhaq accompanied him walking barefoot

and carrying his master’s pots filled with hot food on his head, till he became

quite bald. Nor did he feel concerned when Shaikh Akhi, with a view of

humbling him, passed on his journey the houses of his brothers, who were

all Amirs and rich men.

Once some travelling faqirs came to ’ Ala-ulhaq’ s cell. One of them

had a cat with him ;f hut whilst in ’Ala’s house, the cat was lost. The

owner asked the saint to ‘ make’ him a new cat ; hut when ’Ala said that he

did not know from what to make one, he replied, “ What do I care from

what you make it, make it out of the horn of a stag, if you like.” ’Ala was

annoyed and said, “You shall feel the horns.” Thereupon another of the

faqirs, in order to vex the saint, said, “ Well, can I make a cat from my

testicles ?” and ’Ala replied, “ There you shall feel it.” When the faqirs

had left the house, the former was killed by an ox, and the second got an

attack of orchitis, of which he died.

’Ala-ulhaq spent large sums in feeding pupils, beggars, and wanderers.

But the king of the land got envious, because the public treasury even

could not have borne such a heavy expenditure, and he drove the saint to

Sunnargaon. He stayed there for two years, and gave his servants orders

to spend twice as much as before. And yet, he only possessed two gardens,

the income from which was eight thousand silver tankahs per annum ;

hut as he gave a beggar the land as a present, all money must have been

supplied him from the unseen world.

* Fariduddin ’Attar, tho great saint of Pak Patan (Ajodhan) in tlie Panjab has

the title of Oanj i Shalcar, ‘ store of sugar.’ But shafcar may bo unrefined, whilst

nabdt is applied to the best refined sugar. ’Ala-ulliaq, therefore, placed himself

above Farid.

f What the dog is to Europeans, is the cat to Indians. To kill or loso a cat

is most unlucky.

262

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of 'Bengal . [No. 3,

’Ala-ulhaq died on the 1st Rajab, 800, or 20th March, 1398, and his

tomb is at Hazrat Panduah.

4. SJiaiJch Nuruddin JVur Qutb ’ A'lam .

He is the son and spiritual successor of ’Ala-ulhaq. In order early

<to practise the virtue of humility, he washed the clothes of beggars and

wanderers, and kept the water constantly hot for ceremonial ablutions ; nay,

he even swept the cell of his father and cleaned the privies attached to the

house. One day, whilst thus engaged, his pure body was polluted, and

his father allowed him to proceed to other work, as woodcutting. He refused

the invitation of his worldly brother A’zam Khan, who was the Yazir at

the court of Muhammad Tughluq.*

Qutb ’Alam died in 851, or A. D. 1447, and lies buried at Panduah.

The words shams ul hiddyat , ‘ lamp of guidance,’ are the tarilch of his death.

He was succeeded by his sons Ruf’atuddin and Shaikh Anwar.

IX. Ra'jah Ka'ns.

We saw above that Shamsuddm (II.) — a king whose existence and royal

titles have not yet been verified by medallic or mural evidence — was

dethroned by Kajali Kans. This Rajah, at the present stage of research,

belongs to legends and traditions rather than to authenticated history, there

being little else known of him besides the fact that through him the

succession of kings of the house of Ilyas Shah, which had successfully ruled

over Bengal for more than fifty years, was broken, and that his son became

a Muhammadan.

The remark of the Riyaz regarding Shamsuddm and the probability

that he did not belong to the old dynasty, but was an adopted son and was

called Shihabuddin, receives a particular importance from the following

coins of a new king, whom I shall now assign, for the first time, I believe,

a place in the list of the kings of Bengal. Their manner of execution, which

follows closely on that of the coins of preceding kings, and the mint towns

mentioned proclaim them to be Bengal coins. The name of the new kina’

is —

Shiha'buddi'n Abul Muzaffar Ba'yazi'd Sha'h.

His coins do not mention the name of his father, and the absence of

the usual phrase ibn ussultan, ‘ son of the king,’ indicates that he was either

a usurper, in which case ‘ Bayazid ’ might represent the Muhammadan

name of Rajah Kans after conversion, or a puppet king, in whose name

Rajah Kans reigned and coined in the ‘ Darul Islam’ of Bengal.

If we take the first alternative, we have against it the clear statement

of the historians that Kans remained a Hindu, and also the circumstance

* This is rather early, considering that 752 is Tughluq’s last year.

2G3

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

that his son does not mention the name of his father on his coins, which he

would scarcely have omitted, if Ivans had turned Muhammadan. And if

we look upon this Bayazid Shall as a successful rival of Rajah Kans, we

have history and legends against us. Hence the theory of a puppet king — a

bendmi transaction — is perhaps the least objectionable.

1. Vide PI. VIII, No. 2. Silver. Weight, 163*94 grains. A.H. 812.

Circular areas. (Asiatic Society of Bengal, one specimen.)

Obverse. — ski y\ j kWf

Margin. — Cut away.

Reverse. — ^

Margin. — A | t . . . . <&w|

Assisted by the assistance of the Merciful, Shihabuddunyd wad din

Abul Muzaffar Bayazid Shah, the king.

The helper of the Commander of the Faithful, the aid of Islam and the Muslims,

may God perpetuate his reign ! This coin was struck ***** year 812.

2 Vide PL VIII, No. 3.# New variety. Silver. Weight, 165*76

grains. Firuzabad, A. H. 816. (Asiatic Society of Bengal, two specimens.)

Rare. The obverse has sixteen convex scollops, and the reverse eight

concave ones.

Obverse. — As in No. 1.

Margin. — Cut away.

Reverse. — ^

Margin. — a | *| ( ^ ebf )

In the Margin — (Abu Bakr) struck at (’Umar) Fjruz-(’ Usman) abad_win the year

(’Ali) 816.

Rajah Kans has been identified by Mr. E. V. Westmacottf with

Ganesh, Rajah of ‘Dynwaj,’ or Dinajpur. The Riyaz, who appears to have

compiled his chapter on this usurper from local traditions, calls him ‘ Rajali

of Bhaturiah.’ Whether this name is an ancient one, I cannot say ; it does

not occur in the Ain, nor have I seen it before the time of Rennell’s Atlas

(1778), in which the name of Bhaturiah is given to a large District east of

Maldah, hounded in the west by the Mahananda River and the Purna-

* In the figure of tbis coin, there is a wrong stroke between the a and f in the

year.

f Vide Calcutta Review, No CX, October, 1872. Col. Dalton suggests a compa¬

rison of the name ‘ Kans’ with ‘ Rons,’ or ‘ Konch,’ the same as Koch (Koch Bihar),

Koch is often pronounced with a nasal twang, as if it were spelt Rons.

It is also curious that a Parganah near Dinajpur (south-west of it) has the name

of ‘ B a j i t p u r,’ a well known Bangali corruption of Bayazidpur, which at once

reminds us of Bayazid Shah. We may attach some significance to this, as the name is

evidently old ; for the name of this very parganah occurs in the Ain i Akbari (my

text edition, p. 403, in Sirkar Panjrah).

2CI H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

bhaba its tributary, in the south by the left bank of the Ganges, in the

east by the Karataya, and in the north by Dinajpur and G’horag’hat. Bhatu-

riah, therefore, is the district to both sides of the Atrai River.

The Tabaqat i Akbari merely states the fact of Kans’s usurpation, and

assigns him a reign of seven years. Firishtah, who has been followed by

Stewart, says that, “ though no Muhammadan, he mixed with them and

loved them, so much so that some Muhammadans testified to his conversion,

and claimed for him a Muhammadan burial. After a vigorous reign of

seven years, he went to the world of annihilation, and was succeeded by his

son, who had the honor of being converted to Islam.”

The Riyaz represents the views of the opponents of the Rajah, and

gives the following : —

£ When Sultan Sliamsuddm died, Rajah Kans, a Hindu zamindar,

seized the whole kingdom of Bengal, and sat proudly on the throne.

Oppression and bloodshed followed ; he tried to kill all Muhammadans, and

had many learned men murdered. In fact, his object was to drive Islam from

his kingdom. One day, people say, Shaikh Badr ul Islam, son of Shaikh

Mu’muddm ’Abbas, went to the wicked tyrant, but did not greet him.

When the Rajah asked him why he had not saluted him, he replied, “ Learned

men are not supposed to greet infidels, especially an infidel tyrant, who like

thee sheds the blood of Muhammadans.” The unclean heretic was silenced,

he winced under the reply, and thought of nothing else but to kill the

Shaikh. He, therefore, called him one day to a room, the door of which

was very low and narrow. But the Shaikh saw through the plan,# and put

his foot first over the threshold, and then entered without bending his head.

This annoyed the Rajah so much, that he gave orders to take him to the

path of his brethren. The Shaikh was at once executed. All the remaining

learned men, on the same day, were put on board a ship and were drowned

in the middle of the river.

4 The usurpation of this infidel and the slaughter of Muhammadans

drove at last the Saint Nur Qutb ul ’Alam to despair, and he wrote a letter

to Sultan Ibrahim i Sliarqi (of Jaunpur), who at that time had extended his

kingdom to the [Eastern] frontier of Bihar f complaining of the injustice done

to Islam and the Muslims, and asking the king to march against the infidel.

Ibrahim received the letter with due humility, and consulted with Qazl

* The Rajah evidently wished the Shaikh to come to him in a stooping position,

which might he looked upon as a ‘ salam’.

f The Jaunpur kingdom was founded in 796, and Ibrahim Sharqi, the first titular

Sultan, reigned from 804 to 844. The faulty chronology of the Tabaqat, Firishtah,

and Stewart, makes Rajah Kans die in 794. The story of the Riyaz, therefore,

agrees very well with the testimony of coins ; but it is strange that the author of the

Riyaz did not see the anachronism.

2G5

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

Shihabuddin Jaunpuri, the chief of the learned of the age, who was allowed

at court to sit on a silver chair. The Qazi represented the worldly and

religious advantages that would flow from a war with the infidel on the

one hand, and from a visit to the great saint, on the other. The king,

therefore, collected a large army, invaded Bengal, and pitched his camp at

Sarai Firuzpur. Rajah Kans now applied to Qutb ul ’Alam, begged to be

forgiven, and asked him to intercede on his behalf with the king of Jaunpur.

The saint replied that at the request of an infidel he could not bid a

Muhammadan king stop ; in fact, he had himself invited the enemy to come.

The Rajah placed his head on the feet of the saint, and said, he was willing

to perform anything he ordered him to do, whereupon Qutb ul ’Alam told

him that he would not interfere until he was converted to Islam. The

Rajah placed the finger of acceptance upon his eye ; hut the wife of the

infidel led him hack to perdition, and he evaded conversion. But he took

his hoy, who was twelve years old and had the name of Jadu, to the saint

and said, “ I have got old and wish to renounce the world ; make this boy a

Muhammadan and give him the kingdom of Bengal.” Qutb ul ’Alam,

thereupon, put some pan which he was chewing, into Jadii’s^ mouth,

taught him the creed, and thus made him a Muhammadan, giving him the

name of Jalaluddin. According to the Rajah’s wish, he also sent a proclam¬

ation through the town, ordering the people to read the Friday prayer in the

name of the new king. The blessed law of the prophet was thus carried out

with new vigour. Qutb ul ’Alam now went to king Ibrahim, and asked

him to return. The king looked angrily at Qazi Shihabuddin, who said to

Qutb ul ’Alam, “ At your request the king has come here, and now you come

to him as ambassador to implore his mercy. What shall men think of this ?”

The saint replied, “ When I called you, a tyrant oppressed the faithful ;

hut now, in consequence of your approach, the new ruler has become a

Muhammadan ; fight with infidels, not with a king that belongs to the

Faith.” This silenced the Qazi ; but as the king still looked angry, the

Qazi had the boldness to enter into a scientific discussion with the saint.

After many questions and answers, Qutb said, “ To look on the poor with

contempt or entangle them in examinations, brings no man prosperity. Your

miserable end is at hand.” He then looked even at the Sultan with

expressions of anger. Ibrahim now got vexed, and returned with a sorry

heart to Jaunpur. It is said that not long after, Sultan Ibrahim aud Qazi

Sliihabuddin died.

‘ When Rajali Kans heard that Sultan Ibrahim was dead, he deposed

Jalaluddin, took again the reins of the government into his own hands, and

ruled according to his false tenets. He made several hollow cows of gold,

threw Jalal into the mouth of one, and pulled him out behind; the gold

# As saints do with their pupils, or in order to break the boy’s caste.

M M

266 H. Bloch maim — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

was then distributed among the Brahmans. He hoped that the boy would

thus return to his old faith. But as Jalal had been converted to Islam

by a saint like Qutb ul ’Alam, he remained faithful to his new belief, and

the talk of the infidels made no impression upon him.

‘ Bajah Kans now again commenced to persecute the Muhammandans.

When the measure of his cruelties was full, Shaikh Anwar, son of Qutb ul-

’Alam, said one day to his father, “ It is a matter of regret that, with you

as guardian saint, the Muhammadans have so much to suffer at the hand

of this infidel.” The saint was just at his devotions, and angry at the

interruption, he exclaimed, “ The misery will not cease till thy blood is shed.”

Anwar knew that whatever his father said, was sure to come true ; he,

therefore, replied that he was a willing martyr # # The oppression of

Bajah Kans reached the climax, when he imprisoned Shaikh Anwar

and his brother’s son Shaikh Zahid. But as he dared not kill them,

he banished them to Sunnargaon, in the hope that they would confess

where Qutb ul ’Alam had buried his money and that of his father. But

even though they were sent to Sunnargaon, and were much threatened, no

money was found, because none had ever been buried, and Shaikh Anwar

was ordered to be killed. Before his execution, he said that at such and

such a place they would find a large pot. People dug and found a large

vessel with only one gold coin in it. On being asked what had become of

the other money, Anwar replied, “ It seems to have been stolen.” Anwar,

no doubt, said so by inspiration from the unseen world.

‘It is said that on the very day on which Shaikh Anwar died, Bajah

Ivans went from his palace to the infernal regions. But according to the

statement of some, he was killed by his son Jalaluddin, who, though in

prison, had won over the officers. The oppressive rule of this monster had

lasted seven years.’

X. JalaTuddi'n Abul Muzaffar Muhammad ShaTi.

According to the histories, he is the son* of Bajah Kans. His real

name is given in the Biyaz as ‘ Jadu,’ and by Firislitah as ‘ Jatmall’ or

‘ Jaimall’ — the MSS. differ. There is a place J atmallpu r, a little east

of Dinajpur, and we may assume the first name to be correct. As the coins

of Bayazid Shah go up to 816, and the coins of Muhammad Shah commence

with 818, the latter year, or 817, must be the beginning of his reign ; and

if he reigned for seventeen years, as stated in the histories, his reign may

have lasted from 818 to 835, which agrees with the year on Marsden’s coin

* Stewart supposes that he was the eldest son of the Rajah by a Muhammadan

concubine. According to the Tabaqat and Firishtah, he reigned seventeen years, and

died in 812 AJI. Stewart says, eighteen years.

1873.]

267

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

of his successor Ahmad Shah (836). General Cunningham tells me that the

Bodleian Library at Oxford has a specimen of 831.

1. Vide PI. ArIII, No. 4, and Marsden, Numism., PI. xxxyii, No.

dcclxy. Silver. Weight, 166‘89 grains. Mint town ?. A.H 818. (As. Soc.

Bengal, one specimen.)

Obverse area, hounded by sixteen convex scollops ; reverse area, a four-

leafed shamrock.

Obverse. — ^LLJi gtw jj| j Li&JfJjL.

Margin, none.

Reverse.— M } AO

Margin. — A} A #### aX*J(

V

Jala] ucldunya waddin A b u 1 Muzaffar Muhammad Shah, the

king. The helper of Islam and of the Muslims, — may his reign be perpetuated ! This

coin was struck in . in the year 818.

Marsden gives this coin as dated 823, hut his figure does not shew that

year.

2. Vide PI. VIII, No. 5. New variety. Silver. Weight, 165'695

grains. A. IP. 818. (As. Soc. Bengal, one specimen). Obverse area as in

No. 1; reverse, eight concave scollops.

Obverse. — ^ikLJi LW| J&a* <jUaLJf

Margin, none.

Keyerse. — 1^6

Margin, AjU^U^ ( pf )

The just king Jalaluddunya waddiu Abul Muzaffar Muhammad

Shah, the helper of the Commander of the Faithful, the aid of Islam and the

Muslims. (Abu Bakr) struck (’Umar) in the year (’Usman) eighteen (’All) eight

hundred [818, A. H.].

3. Vide PI. VIII, No. 6. Silver. Weight, 155725 grains. Sunnar-

gaon (?), A. H. 821. (As. Soc. Bengal, one specimen.) Obverse area, as in

No. 1 ; reverse area, a square inscribed in a circle.

Obverse and Reverse, as in No. 1.

Margin, Ar I (? # # # *

During the time of Muhammad Shah, says the Riyaz, the town of

Panduah became so flourishing, that it cannot be sufficiently described.

T1 le king also built a mosque, a reservoir, the Jalali Tank, and a Sarai in

Gaur ; in fact, Gaur also was again during his reign occupied. He reigned

for seventeen years. In the year 812 [822], he made the Palace of Gaur his

residence. A large dome with his tomb still exists in Panduah, and

the tombs of his wife and his son are at the side of his in the same vault.’

2GS

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

[No. 3,

XI. Shamsuddi'n Abul Muja'hid Ahmad Sha'h.

Marsden (Numismata, PI. xxxyii, No. dcclxxiy) has published a silver

coin of this king, whom the histories call the son of Muhammad Shah. The

coin hears the clear date 836 A.H. (1432-33, A.D.), and differs from

the preceeding Bengal coins by having the Kalimah on one side.* The

Tabaqat merely states that he reigned for sixteenf years, and died in 830

A. H., whilst Firishtah adds that he was a good and liberal king. The

Riyaz gives him a different character. 4 As Ahmad Shall was of rough

disposition, tyrannical, and blood thirsty, he shed the blood of innocent people,

and tore open the bodies of pregnant women. When his cruelty had risen

high, and great and small were in despair, Shadi Khan and Na^ir Khan,

two of his slaves, whom he had raised to the rank of Amirs, made a

conspiracy and killed him. This took place in 830, after Ahmad Shah had

reigned sixteen, or, as some say, eighteen, years.’

4 Shadi Khan now desired to get rid of Na£ir Khan ; hut Nagir Khan

outwitted him, killed him, and issued orders as king. The Amirs and

Maliks, however, refused to obey him, and murdered him, after seven days,

or, as some say, after twelve hours.’

With Ahmad Shah ends the dynasty of Rajah Kans. Taking the year

817, the beginning of Muhammad Shah’s reign, as a well attested starting

point, and assuming the duration of each reign as given in the histories to

be correct, we would get —

Duration of reign. Ascertained dates.

flSyazid^Shah) } 817 — 7’ 0r 810 to 817- Coius of 812 and 816'

Muhammad Shah, 817 -f 17, or 817 to 834. Coins of 818, 821, 823, 831.

Ahmad Shah, 834 + 16, or 834 to 850. Coin of 836.

Now above we saw that the last ascertained year for Hamzah Shah’s

reign is 804. If we then allow, on the ’testimony of all histories, above

three years to Shamsuddin, son of Saifuddin, we would be brought to the

year 808, the commencement of the usurpation of Rajah Kans, and the

reckoning, according to the data which we at present possess, is on the

whole satisfactory.

The length of Ahmad Shah’s reign only is open to doubt ; for if his

reign be extended to 850, we are forced to assume that for the greater part

of his rule he was vigorously and successfully opposed by Nayimddin Mah¬

mud, whose coinage, as will be seen from the following, goes back at least

to 846 A. H.

* The reading of the obverse is —

f Stewart has eighteen.

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

2G9

Restoration of the Ilya's Sha'h Dynasty.

XII. Na'siruddi'n Abul Muzaffar Mahmu'd Sha'h (I).

The histories agree in describing him as a descendant of Ilyas Shah.

He seems to have been supported by the old party who were tired of Ahmad

Shah ; old families are said to have gathered round him ; and Gaur, the old

capital, was rebuilt by him. The wars between Jaunpur and Dihli, as

Firishtah correctly observes, gave Bengal rest, and Mahmud Shah, according

to the histories, reigned in peace for thirty-two years, or according to some

“ not more than twenty-seven years,” and died in A. H. 862.

In the histories, he is called by his first name Na^r Shah, instead of

Mahmud Shall. Bengal history presents several examples of similar

inversions, if the retention of the familiar name of the king can be called so.

The chronology of Mahmud Shah’s reign has been considerably cleared

up by a coin in the possession of Col. H. Hyde, the President of our Society,

and by the inscriptions received from General Cunningham and Dr. Wise.

The dates now ascertained are 846; 861 ; 20th Sha’ban, 863; 28th Zil

Hajjali, 863. Again, the oldest inscription of Barbak Shah, discovered by

Mr. E. Y. Westmacott, is dated pafar, 865. We are, therefore, certain

that Mahmud Shah must have reigned at least till the beginning of 864.

But if the second statement of the histories regarding the length of his

reign (27 years) be correct, we would get the year 836 as the first year of

his reign, the very year in which Marsden’s Ahmad Shall! was struck. This

would make Mahmud Shah an opposition king for the whole length of

Ahmad Shill’s reign, which the histories say was not the case. We re¬

quire, therefore, more evidence to fix the beginning of Mahmud’s reign.

1. Coin of Mahmud Shah. New variety. Silver. Weight, 165*08

grains. (Col. H. Hyde.) A. H. 846. No mint-town. The margin contains

little crosses.

Obverse.' — aR* j+c aajJA

Reverse. — yilij t j*\ ^j6J\ j

He who is assisted by the assistance of God, the evidence of the Khalifali of God

in this age, Na^iruddunya waddin Abul Muzaffar Mahmud Shah,

the king. A. H. 846.

Mahmud Shah’s coins hitherto published are almost valueless. The

cabinet of the Asiatic Society has only one specimen, without date or mint-

270

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

town, like No. 8 of Laidley’s Plate of Bengal coins (Journal XY, for 1846?

PI. iv). Some have the Muhammadan creed on one side in (so called)

Tughra characters, and, on the other side, the name of the king Nagirud-

dunyd waddin Abut Muzaffar Mahmud Shah. The margin of the specimen

is unfortunately cut away. Mr. Laidley’s No. 7 has the same obverse ;

the reverse is the same as on Hamzah Shah’s coins — *

But the three inscriptions of this king are very valuable, viz., one from

Satgaon, dated A. H. 861, or 1457 A. D. ; one from Dhaka, dated 20th

Sha’ban, 863, or 13th June, 1459 ;f and one from Graur, discovered by General

Cunningham, dated 28th Zil Hijjah, 863, or 26tli October, 1459.

No. 9. The Mahmud Shah Inscription of Satgaon (A. H. 861). £

^ dilj t^i) <m| J15

ly/i u)l <_s^^ aU| si rl , S^jJI ^sT ,

w-J wW sjj WW <*>

All) £/o Hi &U j ^Js^. ^Ai ^ yz jJlj ^

_ kV W <JJ UJ xjo

J ^ el5^c 2 J l <? ^ i <;A J

s/J ^ f ^ U>

aALL A-'Ad) # # # # &AS-') 9 Uju <xJ <UJ) , Aj alf

j fu*i l»Aw * * * * * [ ]

\JJ <jj vJJ VjO

aAIsI.w' 2 A-'a< •> i>*- 3 yikjly) ^M); UJM) jAd

s—^3obs'0^) ^la£$) ^-s^l AL &ibvt j 'by'*} ^JLc) ^

* I am doubtful whether Laidley’s Nos. 11 and 12 belong to this king. The

obverse of No. 11 consists of seven circles, four with * Na<jir Shah,’ and three with

f assultan the reverse is illegible. It is unlikely that the king should have called

himself Na<jir Shah on some coins, when other coins and all inscriptions give his royal

name ‘Mahmud Shah.’ Laidley’s No. 12 is curious j it shews on the reverse the

kalimah in clumsy Kufic characters, and on the obverse five circles with ‘ Mahmud

Shah assultan In the centre of the piece are three rings, thus — °0°. Three rings

thus arranged are Timur’s arms j vide Vamb^ry’s Bokhara, p. 205.

f Received from Dr. J. Wise. It was published in Journal, As. Soc. Bengal,

1872, Part I, p. 108.

J This inscription was first published by me in Journal, As. Soc. Bengal, for

1870, Part I, p. 293, where notes will be found on the locality. The name * Mahmud’

is broken away, only the dal is left, which in 1870, when I copied the inscription from

the stone, I mistook for a ntin. General Cunningham’s rubbing leaves no doubt that

it is a dal. I therefore republish the inscription with this important correction.

1873.]

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

271

^ OH

^ *"*/ 1 * uy)^. ! oli | i^JUj aU)

a ■+> r

)) LUiUj ^ ^jXXm y ( ) ll-ou

God Almighty says, f Surely lie builds the mosques of God who believes in God

and the last day, and establishes the jirayer, and offers the legal alms, and fears no

one except God. It is they that perhaps belong to such as are guided. And how

beautifully does He whose glory shines forth and whose benefits are general, say,

‘ Surely the mosques belong to God, do not call on any other besides Allah.’ And the

Prophet says, — may God’s blessing rest upon him and upon his house and his compa¬

nions ! — ‘ He who builds a mosque for God, will have a house built for him by God in

Paradise.’

# * * * py wp0 assisted by the help of the Merciful, # * * by proof and

evidence, the help of Islam and the Muslims, Na^iruddunya w add in Abul

Muzaffar [Mahmu]d Shah, the king, — may God perpetuate his kingdom ancl

his rule and elevate his condition ! It was built by the great Khan, the exalted, the

liberal, who has the title of Tarbiyat Khan — may God Almighty protect him from the

evils of the end of time by His grace and the perfection of flis mercy ! In the year

861. [A. D. 1457.]

No. 10. The Malimud Shah Inscription of Ilazrat Tanduah , (PI. V,

No. 4).

General Cunningham found this inscription at the Chhota Gar gall in

Panduah.

.vn.i it ^ju; a;i ju , e^Ji *^13 ji ^ ju; an jo

OH yj o

js ^ju; an js # [pys® AsA-aO lAuO Ita

^Uum) JLolUJ) JUUjj y * J y

U> oo yj

H 1 y y 1 Ao.'')!}

1^ ) ^}) A ((<Jj y I A \*f> )f t

wahi! J *WI ^ , ^1) (yi ^ JuT^i ^ b ^

) y flU I J a) Alla l ^jJollLwJI A^.c L f y

\

Jo OH JO IW

y All A>1^ ^UaLu; A/X ) J-) ^AiJ y IajA/J

_ _ yJ .

)) oU5) y cuUUJ) ^/© JxcA') Ia& ^ ^XJy

God Almighty says, c Every creature tasteth death’ (Qor., Ill, 182). He also

Bays, ‘ When their fate comes, they cannot delay it an hour, nor anticipate it’ (Q01*.,

X, 50). He also says, ‘ Everything on earth fadeth, but tho face of Thy Lord

remaineth full of glory and honor.’

272

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

Our revered master, the teacher of Imams, the proof of the congregation, the

sun of the Faith, the testimony of Islam and of the Muslims, who bestowed advantages

upon the poor and the indigent, the guide of saints and of such as wish to be guided,

passed away from this transient world to the everlasting mansion, on the 28th Zil

Hijjah, a Monday, of the year 863, during the reign of the king of kings, the protector

of the countries of the Faithful, Nagiruddunya waddin Abul Muzaffar

Mahmud Shah, the king, — may God keep him in safety and security ! This tomb

was erected by the great Khan, Latif Khan,- — may God protect him against evils and

misfortunes !

XIII. Ruknuddi'n Abul Muja'hid BaTbak Sha'h.

The histories agree in calling him the son of Na^ir Shah, i. e ., Mahmud

Shah, and in assigning him a reign of seventeen years. The Riyaz says,

seventeen, or sixteen ; and the latter statement is evidently nearer the

truth, as by the preceding inscription Barbak cannot have commenced to

reign before 864.

To judge from the Tribeni inscription published by me in this Journal

for 1870, p. 290, it would appear that Barbak as prince was governor of

south-western Bengal in 860 ; but the inscription styles him c Malik,’ not

‘ Sultan,’ from which it is clear that he was no rebel.

The following inscription, which Mr. E. V. Westmacott found in

Dinajpur, is very valuable, as it proves that Barbak was king in the very

beginning of 865.

No. 11. The Barbak Shah Inscription of Dinajpur.

I <JJ w

P *

( ^ : f^cl

**i> Jijj js.

sjj

JXf ) ^lA ji! p&xso ^UitA j

O** w Sjj

All] A-oJA yt-Al j ^ ;Ui) ^ f ^

)) ^-*A jQ. lal) ^ .x-sAj

In tbe name of God the merciful and the clement ! A victory from God and a

near success, and announce it to the Faithful (Qor. LXI, 13). God is excellent as a

protector, and He is the most merciful of the merciful (Qor. XII, 61).

273

Westmacott — The Bindjpur Barbak Shah Inscription.

The building of this mosque (took place) in the reign of the king, the son of a

king, lluknuddunya waddin Abul M u j a h i d Barbak Shah, the king, son

of M a h m u d Sha h, the king, — may God continue his kingdom and rule ! — by the

direction of the great Khan, the noble chief, the hero of the age and the period, Ulugh

Iqrar (?) Khan, commander and wazir, builder of this religious edifice, the said

mosque. And the repairer of the tomb (is) the great Khan and noble chief Ulugh

Nuqrat Khan, the jangdar and shiqdar of the affairs of Jor and Barur and of

other Mahallahs. Dated, the 16th day of the month of Safar, — may God bring it to

a happy and successful end ! — of the year 865. (1st December, 1460, A. D.)#

JTote on a Barhak Shah Inscription from Binajpur. — By E. Vesey

Westmacott, Esq., C. S.

‘ I send a rubbing of an inscription of tlie reign of Barbak Sliah, A. H.

8G5. It states him to have been the son of Mahmood Shah, a point upon

which a bit of additional evidence is not without value. It is very clearly

cut on the usual black stone, which is commonly called basalt, but which is

more like a slate. In one place I found the surface flaking off, and so brittle,

that I was afraid to clear it of the whitewash, with which it was clogged, as

thoroughly as I should have liked. The slab is about twenty-two inches by

ten, and the inscription is in five lines.

‘ It is let into the eastern front of a little brick-built mosque adjoining

the grave of Cliihil Grhazee, the Peer, mentioned by Dr. Buchanan in his

report on Dinagepore, p. 29. The grave, surrounded by an iron railing, is

54 feet long, and is supposed to correspond to the stature of the saint. It

is on the north side of the path up to the mosque, some hundred yards to

the west of the Darjeeling road, four miles north of Dinagepore, and not far

from the Gopalgunge temples. The Mootawallee is a very ignorant fellow,

and I have found out nothing of the Peer beyond his name.

‘ The founder of the mosque was “ Shikdar of the affairs of Baroo r,”

and of another place. Baroor I fake to be the parganah of that name,

now in Poorniah, outside the western border of Dinagepore.

i On each side of the inscription has been let into the wall a stud, or

circular piece, of the same stone, which have on the right side of each a

groove, as if for a clamp, which makes me think they were not originally

cut for their present position. They are about eight inches in diameter.

The centre of each bears in Tughra the muhr i nuhuwwat or c seal of prophet-

ship,’ surrounding this is an inscription of which I send rubbings, but

which neither the Moulawi nor I can decipher. In an outer ring, half an

inch lower, the northern stone bears the inscription — •

# I take this opportunity to correct the wrong- reading of a title in the Barbak

Shall Inscription published by mo in this Journal, lor 18/0, It. I., p. ..90, Iuscr. VII,,

where for I should have read jdmaddr i cjhair i

mahallt, as explained in Journal for 187li, Dt. I., p. 106

3G

274

Westmacofct — The Dincijpdr Barbate Shah Inscription. [No. 9>

L 2^2/° LiiL3jlA'« AS &AJL> ^j>)

*♦ \J» _

)] AjJ Jam ^ A.J.C Ail)

This is the picture of the seal of prophetship which was between the two

shoulders of Muhammad Mustafa — may God bless him !

4 As door steps to the mosque and to the enclosure surrounding the

grave are pieces of hewn stone, similar pieces lying close by ; they are more

or less carved and appear to be parts of doorways. Such stones are common

in all parts of the district, and are said by tradition to have been brought

from Bannagar, near Debkot. They are similar to the remains of Gour and

Poroowa [Panduah]. On the south side of the path is the female portion

of a ling , of large size, a queer ornament for the premises of a Mahomedan

f

saint.

4 The mosque is somewhat ruinous, the roots of plants are tearing it in

pieces. I think that it is of greater antiquity than most in the district,

from the strength of the brick arches, the workmanship of the dome, and the

fact that the hewn stones which are built into the inner side of each

archway, have been cut to fit their places, although bearing marks of clamps

to show they have been taken from another building.

4 Three archways, twenty-eight inches wide and nearly six feet high, lead

into a vestibule twelve feet by five and a half, at each end of which a similar

archway opens to the north and south. Three more archways lead into a

chamber, twelve feet square, surmounted by a dome, now cracked in several

directions. In the west wall are three niches, and two small archways on

the north and south lead into the open air. On the inner side of each of

the ten archways, a little below the spiring of the arches, hewn stones, six

or eight inches thick, are carried through the whole thickness of the wall

which is three feet through. It is unusual in Dinagepore to find that the

workmen have dressed the stone as they have here.

4 It is usual to build them in just as they are, often with most incongru¬

ous Hindoo carvings upon them.’

Regarding the 44 seal of prophetship,” it is said in the Madarij-

iinnubuwwat by ’Abdul Haq of Dihli, that the seal between the shonlders of

the Prophet was a thing raised above the surrounding parts of his blessed

body, resembling the body in colour, smoothness, and brightness. And it is

stated in the Mustadrih that Walib ibn Munabbih said that no prophet was

sent on earth that had not the sign of prophetship on his right hand, except

the Prophet, who had the sign between the shoulders. Shaikh Ibn Hajar

in his commentary to the Mishkat says that the seal contained the words

AlJfj, “and God is one, He has

no associate ; pay attention wherever thou art, for thou art victorious.”

275

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

Some traditions say that the seal was of light, and others, that it vanished

from the skin when the Prophet expired, so much so that people knew

by its disappearance that the prophet was really dead. Several authorities

compare the seal to the egg of a pigeon: some call it a ^ ‘ a red

fleshknot,’ and others say that it was a wart covered with hair.

Marsden gives a Barbak coin which clearly shews the year 873. #

The cabinet of the Asiatic Society of Bengal contains the following : —

1. Vide PI. IX, No. 7. New variety. Silver. Weight 16P025

grains. (Asiatic Society’s Cabinet.) A specimen in the possession of Babu

Bajendralala Mitra weighs 164335 grains.

ObVEIISE. - * # # (♦jUaLJf ti+s'0 &1J[ ^|| <xtf y

BEVERSE. — • # JkLJt

Neither of these coins give Barbak’s full name.

XIV. Shamsuddi'n Abul Muzafifar Yu'suf Sha'h, son of Barbak Shah.

Firishtah represents him as a learned man, who, after his accession

charged the ’Ulama to see the law of the Prophet carried out. ‘ No one

dared drink wine.’

The histories assign him a reign of seven years and six months, and

say that he died in 887. If so, the end of his reign was marked by a suc¬

cessful rebellion of his uncle Fatli Shall ; but it is just as likely that Yusuf

died early in 886.

Marsden has a coin of this king without year, and Laidley gives a new

variety of 881. f General Cunningham’s inscriptions give the following

dates —

1. Panduah, 1st Muharram, 8S2, or 15th April, 1477.

2. Hazrat Panduah, 20th Bajab, 884, or 8th October, 1479.

3. Gaur, 10th Bamazan, 885, or 13th November, 1480.

No. 12. The Yusuf Shah Inscription of Panduah, Hugli District. %

(PI. YI, No. 1.) A. H. 882.

^ IjoJ aU) Mi &IJ aUI JLi

^9 aUI Ui^J) ^_j9 U=

sjj

^ * -XJ fsO

v^5 • el

Ml) AS-xlA. AaAaj yf)

,9 tArs 4

J

* Vide also Journal, As. Soc. Bengal, 1870, Part I., p. 299, note,

f Babu Bajendralala Mitra has a specimen (like Laidley’s) of 883 The

margin, similarly to Fatli Shah’s coins, contains shamrocks separated by dots.

Weight 163-G5 grains.

+ Vide, Journal, As. Socy., Bengal, 1870, Pt. I., p. 300.

27G

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

u/ ^ w ^

} ^*x.>cxJ) ^^-kLavi ) ^^1 ^A.kk*J) | y

u» . *» ^

A-w j| ^UaLJI ^j| ^UaluJI *L& jjua-d) ^.jl

I jJ gJ ^

^JlsA-q ^©.Is^) cXs-*^ ) |Jjb ^ AjlklAw j l.£\/o <S.UJ A.LA. ^lki^A.1)

yjj KP vV

S^l ^)y) *jjJ) ^>;!jJl ^IUj <df) **.lw Jafi) ^ds*

' •* •. I

I)

w ^-6." j j ^xjUo j ^ gkl &X-OJ ^j.s:'0 ^sc

God Almighty says — * Surely the mosques belong to God. Do not call on any

one besides Allah. And he upon whom God’s blessing rest, says, ‘He who builds a

mosque in the world, will have seventy castles built for him by God in the next

world.’ This mosque was built during the reign of the king of the age, who is assisted

by the assistance of the Supreme Judge, the viceregent of God by proof and evidence,

the king, the son of a king who was the son of a king, Shamsuddunya wad din

Abul Muzaffar Yusuf Shah, the king, son of Barbak Shah, the king, son of

Mahmud Sliah, the king — may God perpetuate his kingdom and rule ! The mosque

was built by the Majlis ul Majalis, the great and liberal Majlis, the lord of the sword

and the pen, the hero of the age and the period, Ulugh Majlis i A’zarn — may God

Almighty protect him in both worlds !

Dated Wednesday, 1st Muharram, 882. Let it end well!

No. 13. The Yusuf Shcth Inscription of Hazrat Panduah. A.H. 885.

&J <*Xf) ^JJ &U !i*S'w*/C ^ AM j Axis <UJJ ^xjj) JIS

f • ^ f

JiUJ) ^IkLJ) lis^l |jjb i

U> je >jj \JJ ** Jj

^f, ^ j J jj] I ^ Vx j jJ )

f .1 vV >JJ

^J.sr/,° allkl-w ^ J.Xl^c &UJ cXlA. ^UaLd) *L

-Co dy*y^/0

^ ^ <df) aUsJ ^Ici

9 , OJ OJ \J~> OJ

Vsi <**J

** f ^

J ^ I | ^ ^ <**dc

— <jj \*>

&UI ArO „xxJl

L_5 *

/! >L JaI . i it . i

••

The Prophet (may God’s blessing rest upon him !) says, ‘ He who builds a mosque

for God, shall have a castle built for him by God in Paradise.’ This mosque was built

in the reign of the just and liberal king Shamsuddunya waddin Abul Mu¬

zaffar Yusuf Shah, the king, son ofBarbak Shah, the king, son ofMahmud

Shah, the king, — may God perpetuate his kingdom and rule! — by the Majlis ul

Majalis, the exalted Majlis, — may God whose dignity is exalted also exalt him in

both worlds ! And this took place on Friday, the 20th Rajab (may the dignity of the

month increase !) of the year 881, according to the era of the flight of the Prophet,

upon whom God’s blessing rest !

277

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

No. 14. The Yusuf Shah Inscription of Gaur. A.H. 885.

aJU!

W yjj wN) Jj

■ ^ ^ 1 *#

f • VA"' .

AkLJI cUr i |Jj& lj * Alsfi L^i A/ ( Jtx!>

# ^UaLuJ) A/& ^s'0 ^Ual«J) A/X jjUaLvJ) ^tkLuJ) ^j)

<*iJA.yo abo ; ^c) ds?4**^! )d£> ^ fj

)) IA

The Prophet, &c. &c., [as before]. This mosque was built in the reign of the king,

the son of a king who was the son of a king, Shamsuddunya wad din Abul

Muzaffar Yusuf Sliah, the king, son of B arbak Shah, the king, son of

Mahmud Shah, the king. The mosque was built by the great Khan, the exalted

Khaqan, * # # * * [not legible.]

Dated, the 10th day of the blessed month of Ramazan, 885.

A rubbing of another Yusuf Shahi Inscription has been received from

Dr. J. Wise. Dr. Wise says — “ The inscription is from one of the four

mosques which surround the tomb of Shah Jalal at Silhat. It is a fine

Tughrd inscription, but unfortunately one-tliird of it has been built into the

masonry, the slab forming the lintel of the door !”

The inscription is —

No. 15. The Yusuf Shah Inscription of Silhat.

4.k.c))! Id-k L ^ Ailki-w j aALo &1J| dlA. ^jlki.,«J)

I «»

Alii kira* J oI^As^I ^cLmJI JjZwA!) ^k*.*!)

» ♦* • *

##*# cull 5 Xi

#### Abul Muzaffar Yusuf Shah, son of B a r b a k Shah, the king,

son of Mahmud Shah, the king — may God perpetuate his rule and kingdom!

And the builder is the great and exalted Majlis, the wazir (dastur), who exerts

himself in good deeds and pious acts, the Majlis i A’la — may God preserve him against

the evils and * *

To judge from Dr. Wise’s rubbing, the inscription, in point of beauty,

ranges immediately after the Sikandar Shah inscription No. 8, mentioned

above, and it would be well, if the Sar i gaum , ‘ the head of the clan,’ as the

Mutawalli of the tomb is called, would take steps to have this beautiful

inscription taken out of the masonry, and thus restore it to light and history.

Dr. Wise has also sent the following interesting note on Shall Jalal.

278

J. Wise — Shah Jalal of S illicit.

[No. 3,

Note on Shcth Jalal , the patron saint of Silhaf. — By Dk. J. Wise,

Dha'ka.

The following abridgment of the life and miraculous adventures of

Shah Jalal, the conqueror of Silhat in the 14th century, is taken from the

Suhail-i'Yaman, written by Na^iruddin, late Mim^if of Silhat ; his work was

composed in the year 1859. It is an abstract of two earlier histories, one

of which is called the “ Risalah of Muhi-uddin Khadim the other, by an

unknown author, is designated the “ Rauzatus-Salatin.’

According to the Mrn^if, Shah Jalal Mujarrid Yamani was the son

of a distinguished saint, whose title of Shaikhush-Shuyukh is still preserved.

He belonged to the Quraish tribe. Shah Jalal’s father was named Muham¬

mad ; his grandfather Muhammad Ibrahim. His mother was a Sayyidah.

She died within three months of the birth of this her only son. His father

died fighting in a jihad against the infidels.

The youth was adopted by his maternal uncle Sayyid Ahmad Kabir

Suhrwardi, a Darwish of no mean accomplishments, who had studied

under the renowned Shah Jalal ud-din Bukhari.

For thirty years Shah Jalal is said to have lived in a cave without

crossing the threshold. He was at last summoned from his seclusion by his

uncle, owing to the following circumstance. One day seated in front of his

house at Makkah, lost in contemplation, Sayyid Ahmad saw a doe big with

young approach him. The doe related how a lion had appeared in the

wood in which she lived, and was killing all her comrades. She finally

requested him to come and drive away the brute. Shah Jalal was called

forth from his cave, and directed to go and turn out the lion. On the

way he puzzled himself what was to be done when the lion was seen.

Unexpectedly, however, he met the animal, and the lustre which shot

from his eye was so dazzling, that the lion fled and was heard of no

more.

On his return, Sayyid Ahmad was so pleased with his behaviour, that

he gave him a handful of earth and told him to go forth and wander over

the world, until he found earth of similar colour and smell. Where

he did, he was there to make his abode.

Hindustan was then the land to which adventurers directed their steps,

and Shah Jalal followed their example. He passed by a city of Yaman,

the king of which was informed that a great Darwish was near. He

accordingly sent a cup of deadly poison instead of sliarbat, to test his

power. Shah Jalal at once divined its nature, and informed the king’s

messengers that the instant the draught was swallowed, the king would die.

The poison was quaffed without injury to the saint, but, as foretold, the

king died.

1873.]

J. Wise — Shah Jalal of Silhat.

279

Shah Jalal proceeded on his course, but four days afterwards he was

overtaken by the Shahzadah, who had determined on leaving his kingdom

and on folio wins: the saint in his wanderings.

After journeying for many days, they arrived at Dihli, where the

celebrated Nizam-uddin Auliya then resided. When Shah Jalal entered the

city, Nizam-uddin was sensible of the arrival of a saint. He, therefore, sent

messengers to search for him and to invite him to come and eat with him.

Shah Jalal accepted the invitation and gave the messengers a bottle filled

with cotton, in the centre of which he placed a live coal. The receipt of

this wonderful bottle satisfied Nizam-uddin that this was no common

Darwish. He accordingly treated him with every honour, and on his

departure he gave him a pair of black pigeons.

The narrative is now transferred to Silhat. In a Mahallali of that

city, called Tol-takar, resided at this period Shaikh Burhan-uddin. How

a Muhammadan got there, or what he was doing so far away from

his own countrymen, puzzles Muhi-uddin, who thinks that this solitary

believer must have belonged to some Hindu famity, and that he could not

have been a true Muhammadan. Burhan, the story goes, had made a vow,

that if he was blessed with a son, he would sacrifice a cow. A son being born,

he performed his vow ; but as bad luck would have it, a kite carried off a

portion of the flesh and dropped it in the house of a Brahman. The incensed

Brahman went to Gfaur Gobind, the king of Silhat, and complained. The king

sent for Burhan and the child ; and on the former confessing that he had

killed a cow, the child was ordered to be put to death, and the right hand

of the father cut off.

Burhan-uddin left Silhat and proceeded to the court of Gaur. The king

on hearing of what had occurred, ordered his nephew (bhanja) Sultan Sikan-

dar, to march at once towards the Brahmaputra and Sunnargaon with an

army.

When news reached Silhat that an army was approaching, Gaur Gobind,

who was a powerful magician, assembled a host of devils and sent them

against the invaders. In the battle that ensued, the Muhammadans were

routed, and Sultan Sikandar with Burhan-uddin fled. The Prince wrote to

his uncle, informing him of the defeat and of the difficulties met with in

waging war against such foes. The monarch on receiving the news, ga¬

thered together the astrologers, and conjurers, and ordered them to prophesy

what success would attend a new campaign. Their reply was encouraging,

and Na^ir-uddfn Sipahsalar was directed to march with a force to the

assistance of Sultan Sikandar. This re-inforcement, however, did not restore

courage to the Muhammadan soldiery, and it was decided to consult with

Shah Jalal, who with 360 Darwishes was waging war on his own account with

the infidels. The Sultan and Na^ruddin proceeded to the camp of the saints,

280

J. Wise — Shah Jalal of S illicit.

[No. 3,

where the Shah encouraged them by repeating a certain prayer, and pro¬

mised to join their army and annihilate the hitherto victorious army of

devils. Along with the Shah were Sayyid Muhammad Kabir, Sayyid

Haji Ahmad Sani, Shaikh Abul Muzaffar, Qazi Aminuddin Muhammad,

Sliab zadah Yamani, &c., &c.

The advance of this army of saints was irresistible. The devils could not

prevail against them, and Gaur Gobind, driven from one position to another,

at last sought refuge in a seven-storied temple in Silhat, which had been

built by magic. The invaders encompassed this temple, and Shall Jalal

prayed all day long. His prayers were so effective, that each day one of the

stories fell in, and, on the fourth day, Gaur Gobind yielded on the promise

of being allowed to leave the country.

The terms agreed to, Gaur Gobind retired to the mountains (hohistdn).

While at his protracted prayers, Shah Jalal discovered that the earth on

which he was kneeling was of the same colour and smell as that given him

by the Makkali Darwish. He, therefore, determined on establishing his

abode there. With him remained Sliahzadah Yamani, Haji Yusuf, and Haji

Khalil. The rest of the saints retired with the army.

The remainder of Shall Jalal’s life was spent in devotion and in mi¬

raculous actions which still live in the traditions of the people. It is

believed that Shah Jalal never looked on the face of woman. One day,

however, standing on the bank of a stream, he saw one bathing. In his

simplicity, he asked what strange creature it was. On being informed, he was

enraged, and prayed that the water might rise and drown her. He had no

sooner expressed this wish than the water rose and drowned her. Other less

questionable actions are related regarding him. For instance, he caused the

corpse of Nagir-uddin Sipahsalar, who died at Silhat, to disappear from a

Mosque, while the friends were mourning over it. On another occasion he

wished that a fountain like the holy Zamzam of Makkah might spring up

near his abode, and immediately the fountain appeared.

Shah Jalal was translated (intiqdl) the 20tli of the “ Kali Cliand,”

A. H., 591, in the 62nd year of his age.

Dr. Wise also writes — “ It is a curious fact that the Shah is invoked

by the Silhat ganjah (hemp) smokers. I have got a Silhat lunatic, who

every day before smoking his chillum of tobacco invokes the saint in the

following manner : —

Ho ! Bisheshwar Ldl ,

Tin laid h Tir Shah Jalal,

JEk bar, club dr d, Jagannath ji led pig dr a

Khdne led dudh bhdt, bajdne Ico dotard.

281

1873.] H. Bloclimann — Geography and History of 'Bengal.

The chronology of the c Life of Shah Jalal,’ as Dr. Wise observes, is

confused. His death is put down as having occurred in 591, A. II., and he

said to have visited Nizamuddin Aulia, who died in 725, A. II. Again,

according to the legends still preserved in Silhat, the district was wrested

from Gaur Govind, the last king of Silhat, by king Shamsuddin in 1381

A. D., or 786 A. H., during the reign of Sikandar Shah, whilst ‘king

Shamsuddin’ can only refer to Shamsuddin Ilyas Shah, Sikandar’s father.

Dr. Wise also draws attention to the statement made by Ibn Bat Utah

who “ from Sadkawan [Chatgaon] travelled for the mountains of Kamru

[Kamrup, western Asam]. # # His object in visiting these mountains was to

meet one of the saints, namely, Shaikh Jalal uddin of Tabriz. Jalal

then gives him a garment for another saint ‘ Burhan uddin,’ whom Ibn Batutah.

visits in Ivlianbalik (Pekin). Ibn Batutah, as remarked above, was in Eastern

Bengal, when Fakhruddin was king (739 to 750, A. H.). But here again

the confusion of dates and names is very great. J alal uddin of Tabriz died,

as we saw above, in 612, and the Sillmt Jalal is represented as a man from

Yaman.f Neither Jalal nor Burhanuddin is mentioned in the biographi¬

cal works of Muhammadan Saints.

XV. Sikandar Sha'h II.

The Biyaz says that this king was the son of Yusuf Shah ; the other

histories say nothing regarding his relationship. Stewart calls him “ a youth

of the royal family,” but afterwards calls Fath Shah his “ uncle.” The

Biyaz says that he was deposed on the same day on which he was raised to

the throne ; the Ain i Akbari gives him half a day ; my MS. of the Tabaqat,

two and a half days ; Firishtah mentions no time ; and Stewart gives him

two months.

XVI. Jala'luddi'n Abul MuzafFar Fath Sha'h, son of Mahmud Shah.

Fath Shall was raised to the throne, as “ Sikandar Shah did not possess

the necessary qualifications.” The histories say that his reign lasted from

887 to 896, A. H., and yet, they only give him seven years and five months

(Stewart, seven years and six months). The inscriptions and coins, however,

given below shew that he reigned in 886 ; and if the “ seven years and five

months” are correct, Fath Shah could only have reigned till 892 or 893,

which agrees with the fact that his successor FiTuz Shah II. issued coins in

893. Fath Shah was murdered at the instigation of the Eunuch Barbak.

Laidley has published two silver coins of this king, of which one seems to

have been struck at Fathabad in 892. The following is a new variety 4

* Lee, Ibn Batutah, p. 195.

f Vide the Silhat Inscription of 1505, given below under Ilusain Shah.

j The coin given by Marsden as a Fath Shahi does not belong to this king.

37 0 0

282

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

1. Vide PL IX, No. 8. Silver. Weight, 15865 grains. Fathabdd,

A. Ii. 886. (As. Soc. of Bengal, one specimen.) Circular areas. The margin

consists of ornamental designs, resembling the niches in mosques and

rosettes.

Obverse. —

•» ,

REVERSE.- — AA1 f &Uf X&sf0 RA dj+s:'0 <^J|

Jalaluddunya wad din Abul Mnzaffar Fatb Shah Sultan, son of

Mahmud Shah, the king — may God strengthen him with victory ! Fathabad, 886.

The following five inscriptions of this king have been received by the

Society —

1. JDhaJcd, 1st Zil Qa’dah, 886, or 2nd January, 1482.

2. Bhdmrai, 10th Jumada I., 887, or 27th June, 1482. Published,

J. A. S. B., 1872, p. 109.

3. Bikrampur , middle of Rajab, 888, or August, 1483.

4. Simnargaon, Muharram, 889, or beginning of A. D. 1484.

5. Sdtgdon , 4th Muharram, 892, or 1st January, 1487. Published,

J. A. S. B., Pt. I, 1870, p. 294.

No. 16. The Hath Shah Inscription of Bandar, near BhdJcd.

A. H. 886. (PI. VII, No. 1.)

The Society is indebted to Dr. J. Wise for this important inscription,

regarding which he writes as follows — “ The inscription was found on an old

Masjid at Bandar, on the banks of a K’hal called Tribeni, opposite Khizrpur

(Dhaka). This K’hal was in former days the junction of the Brahmaputra,

Lak’hya, and Ganges. At its opening on the left bank of the Lak’hya, a fort

still stands, said to have been built by Mir Jumlali [vide Journal, As. Soc.,

Bengal, 1872, Pt. I, p. 96]. The place called Bandar is now a mile inland

(vide PI. IV), but during the height of the rains, the K’hal is navigable for

native boats. The inscription is the most perfect as yet met with in this

District.”

L <Vl) £* Hi aU j a.1] (

H

* 1 L aUI L )ds,UA,/'0 j &Rc <UJJ ^ ^.1^

jJ\ ^ Ridl| jJH^. ^UabuJJ

&iUal^w j &£iso <UJJ dlA. ^UxLtJ) AA

JJ JO

)l b^x! ! J LUiUj J joI ;

283

187 3.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

God Almighty says, 1 The mosques belong to God. Do not associate any one with

God.’ The Prophet, may God bless him! — says, ‘ lie who builds a mosque, will have a

castle built for him by God in Paradise.’

This auspicious mosque was built by the great Malik Baba S a 1 i h in the reign

of the king, the son of the king, Jalaluddunya wad din Abul Muzaffar

Path Shah, son of Mahmud S h a h, the king — may God perpetuate his kingdom

and rule! — on the 1st Zil Qa’dah, 886, A. II. (2nd January, 1482, A. D).

The builder of the mosque appears to have been a very pious man.

Three miles west from Sunnargaon, Dr. J. Wise discovered a mosque built

by the same man, and adjoining the mosque his tomb. The masjid is

within half a mile of the mosque to which the preceding inscription belongs,

and was built in 911, ATT. A portion of the date of the inscription

is designedly, as it would appear, chipped off.

No. 17. The Baba Salih Inscription of Sunnargaon.

)<JJ& L glo All) lli All j LfJ a!1| Jti

y) ^jJ) ^ UiAl) JdaluJ)

L ^ vill-Tl a!)) aIA. ^112.1^]) A.&

ey'" — J - - - LJ, - W ^

sC aA/$,x«**0 j ( yA I.J J ^ ^

! I A:yAA ) ) )

God Almighty says, &c. [as above]. This blessed mosque was built in the reign of

Sultan ’Alauddunya waddin Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah, the king, —

may God perpetuate his reign! — by the great and liberal Malik, the servant of the

Prophet, who has made a pilgrimage to Makkah and Madinah and has visited the two

footprints of the Prophet, H a j i Baba Salih. Dated 9#1, A. II.

The wanting words are no doubt which would be 911.

A small slab let in the brick work of Baba Salih’s tomb contains the follow¬

ing date of his death.

No. 18. The Inscription on Bcibct Salih's Tomb.

2 Aa^ i ^ A/djOil ) ^ P ) All ^ All)

)| tajAs*. All |

%♦

DBJ) AaIc ^aaJ) ^A,«Aal) ^Ayys^l 'Lbjj * * *

♦* **

* * * ^jJ) Al^ ^ Jj$l * * J) ^

O God ! There is no God but He. He will surely collect you towards the day

of resurrection, and who is more truthful a speaker than God ? [Qor., IV. 89.] * *

the tomb of the pilgrim to Makkah and Madinah, who has visited both footprints of

the Prophet, the servant of the Prophet (upon whom bo peaco !), Haji Baba

Salih * * ( almutawajfd , who died) on ItabP I., ... 2.

284

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

Thus it seems that he died in A. H. 912. Dr. Wise says — “ No one

here has heard of the name of this pious man. The neighbourhood of these

mosques is very old. Qadam Rasul (the ‘ Footprint of the Prophet’), a

famous place of pilgrimage, on a mound some sixty feet high, is a little

to the north-west. Gangakol Bandar is on the west, and across the Lak’hya

River is Khizrpur with the ruins of what I believe was the residence of Tsa

Khan, mentioned in the Ain i Akbari.”

A third mosque built by Baba Salih is in ’Azimnagar, District Dhaka.

No. 19. The Baba SaliJis Inscription of ’ Azimnagar .

) oyJ) Aw ^ <ulc <slf! ^jul)

♦♦

OJ . . .

fjCJ] ^

' ♦*

^ | ♦ As'WA“0,^| ItXA Axj IAj

The Prophet — may God bless him ! — says, ‘ Mate quick the prayer before the

end, and hasten the naubat before death. This blessed mosque was built by the

exalted, liberal Malik, Baba Salih, and the building was completed on the first

Muharram 910 [or 901, — the numbers are uncleai’].

No. 20. The Bath Shah Inscription on Adam Shahid's Mosgue at

Bikrampur (Dhaka District ). A. TI. 888.

General Cunningham and Dr. J. Wise have each sent rubbings of this

inscription.

<dJ) )j.c£i Hi All ^ « JkJ aIJJ lli

d5^ at'0 J ^

«> o «« t* i

J^J) | i->

♦♦ *

^IkLvJ) ^li jjj j Jlk*.

J ^Uj AUw L^^-J .)j G ^ f ^iJkLJJ v^sr"'0 jJ

v> ♦*

)) LUJUj j

God Almighty says, &c., [as above]. This Jami’ Masjid was built by the great

Malik, Malik Kafur, in the time of the king, the son of the king, Jalaluddunya

waddin Abul Muzaffar Fath Shah, the king, son of Mahmud Shah, the

king, in the middle of the month of Kajab, 888, A. H. (August, 1483, A. D.)

Dr. Wise writes as follows —

‘ The Masjid of Adam Shahid is in Bikrampur at a village called Qazi

Qa9bah; within two miles of Ballalbari, the residence of Ballal Sen. Mr.

2S5

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

Taylor, in Iris “ Topography of Dacca” states that Adam Shahid, or Baba

Adam, was a Qazi, who ruled over Eastern Bengal. He gives no authori¬

ty for this statement, and, at the present day, the residents of the village

are ignorant of this fact. They relate that Baba Adam was a very powerful

Darwlsh, who came to this part of the country with an army during the

reign of Ballal Sen. Having encamped his army near ’Abdullahpur, a

village about three miles to the N. E., he caused pieces of cow’s flesh to be

thrown within the walls of the Hindu prince’s fortress. Ballal Sen was very

irate, and sent messengers throughout the country to find out by whom the

cow had been slaughtered. One of the messengers shortly returned and

informed him that a foreign army was at hand, and that the leader was then

praying within a few miles of the palace. Ballal Sen at once gallopped to

the spot, found Baba Adam still praying, and at one blow cut off his head.

‘ Such is the story told by the Muhammadans of the present day,

regardless of dates and well-authenticated facts.

‘ The Masjid of Baba Adam has been a very beautiful structure, but it

is now fast falling to pieces. Originally, there were six domes, hut three

have fallen in. The walls are ornamented with bricks beautifully cut in the

form of flowers and of intricate patterns. The arches of the domes spring

from two sandstone pillars, 20 inches in diameter, evidently of Hindu work¬

manship. These pillars are eight-sided at the base, hut about four feet from

the ground they become sixteen-sided. The mihrabs are nicely ornamented

with varied patterns of flowers, and in the centre of each is the representation

of a chain supporting an oblong frame, in which a flower is cut.

‘ The style of this Masjid is very similar to that of the old Goaldih

Masjid at Sunnargaon and to that of ’Isa Khan’s Masjid at Khizrpur.’*

No. 21. The Bath Shah Inscription of Sunnargaon. A. H. 8S9.

General Cunningham has sent a rubbing of the following inscription —

jj ^ ^ ^

gHJ) j * )<AsJ Hi! Hi Hi j <sil)

Jj VA>

UjjJ) J 1U. ^i JtU * £W)

* Dr. Wise, in one of his letters addressed to the Society, makes the following

remark on Slier Shah’s road from the Brahmaputra to the Indus.

“ I gee in the last volume of Elliot’s * History of India’ that doubts are expressed

of there ever having been a road made from Sunnargaon to the Indus by Slier Shaly

as mentioned by Firishtah and others. In this district there are two very old bridges,

which local tradition states were constructed by that monarch, and which lie exactly

where such a road would have been. One is still used, the otlior has fallen in.”

286

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

*JL[I <iU. J) dj.t.s:'0 ^tkLcJI %{& J yj} y

, ^ j ^ r

^Akl.m jJ) .... XJjjJ) As"“xA ) ^ gilj * &iUxLw ^ AH,*

«• ♦»

^ ! dyty^^J y4.£>.sC yy] y tikUk*/* +$*) jijy y y L

* ♦♦

^ r

^joUj ^ ^.UO AA.u<

)) h\JU y

God Almighty says, &c., (as before). And the Prophet says, &c., (as before).

This mosque was built during the reign of the great and exalted king, J a 1 a 1-

uddunya waddin Abnl Muzaffar Path Shah, the king, son of M a h-

mud Shah, the king, — may God perpetuate his kingdom and rule ! The builder of

the mosque is Muqarrab uddaulah, Malik . uddxn, the Royal, keeper of the ward¬

robe outside the Palace, the commander and wazir of the territory of M u ’a z z a m-

a b a d, also known as Mahmudaba d, and commander of Thanah Lawud.

This took place during Muharram, 889. (A. D. 1484.)

The geographical names occurring in this inscription have been discuss¬

ed above.

The IIaeshT Kings.

The pretorian hand of Abyssinians, which Barbak Shah had introduced

into Bengal, became from the protectors of the dynasty the masters of the

kingdom, and eunuchs were the actual rulers of the country. The very

names of the actors during the interregnum between the end of the Ilyas

Shall dynasty and the commencement of the house of Husain Shah, proclaim

them to have been Abyssinian eunuchs and what royalty at that time

was in Bengal is well described by Abul Fazl, who says that, after the

murder of Bath Shah, low hirelings flourished ;f and Firishtah sarcastically

remarks that the people would only obey him who had killed a king and

usurped the throne. Faria y Souza also says of the kings of that time : —

“ They observe no rule of inheritance from father to son, but even slaves

sometimes obtain it by killing their master, and whoever holds it three days

they look upon as established by divine providence. Thus it fell out that

in 40 years’ space they had 13 kings successively.”

* Names as Kafur (camphor), Qaranful (clove), Firuz and Ffruzah (turquoise),

Almas (diamond), Yaqut . (cornelian), Habsbi Khan, Indil, Sidi Badr, &c. Camphor

was looked upon as an anti-aplirodisiac ( vide my Am translation, p. 385) ; hence the

name was appropriate. The Fath Shah inscription No. 20 mentions a Malik Kafur ;

and we are reminded of the Kafur Hazardinan of ’Alauddm’s reign.

f ‘The kings of Bengala, in times past, were chosen of the Abassine or ^Ethio¬

pian slaves, as the Soldans of Cairo were some time of the Circassian Mamalukes.’

Purchas,

287

1873.] H. Bloclimann — Geography and History of Bengal.

Tlie Habshi kings are Sultan Shahzadah, Firuz Shah, and Muzaffar

Sliah. Mahmud Shah II. appears to belong to the old dynasty.

XVII. Sulta'n Sha'liza'dali.

(Barbak, the Eunuch.)

The owner of this odd title reigned either two and a half months

(Tabaqat and Firishtah), or perhaps eight months (Firishtah), or according

to a pamphlet which the author of the Riyaz possessed, six months. He

was murdered by

XVIII. Saifuddi'n Abul Muzaffar FiTu'z Sha'h (II.).

(Malik Indil Habshi.)

He had been a distinguished commander under Fath Shah, and proved

a good king. According to the histories, he died a natural death after a

reign of three years, in 899, — a wrong date. The Riyaz says that a

mosque, a tower, and a reservoir, in Gaur were built by him.

The coin published by Marsden as belonging to this king, has been

shewn by Mr. Thomas to belong to Firuz Shah Bahmanl.

The following passage from Joao de Barros refers to either this

king or Husain Shah : —

‘ One hundred years before the Portuguese visited Cliatgaon, a noble Arab

arrived there from ’Adan (Aden), bringing with him 200 men. Seeing the

state of the kingdom, he began to form ambitious projects of conquest.

Dissimulating his intentions, he set himself up as a commercial agent, and on

this pretext added to his followers a reinforcement of 300 Arabs, thus rais¬

ing; his total force to 500 men. Having; succeeded through the influence of

the Mandarijs , who were the governors of the place, in procuring an intro¬

duction to the king of Bengal, he assisted that monarch in subduing the

king of Orisa, his hereditary foe. For this service he was promoted to the

command of the King’s body-guard. Soon afterwards he killed the king,

and himself ascended the throne. The capital was at this time at Gaur.’

The chronology of Firuz Shah II. ’s reign may he fixed with the help

of the following, apparently unique, coin, the original of which is in the

British Museum. Col. Guthrie kindly sent the Society a cast, from which

the woodcut below has been made. The coin gives the year 893 (A. D.,

1488). This year entirely agrees with the ascertained dates of Jalaluddin

Fath Shah’s reign, and with the earliest ascertained year of Muzaffar Shah.

Firuz Shah II., therefore, reigned from 893 to 895, or 890. The former,

895, is perhaps preferable to 89G, because both Mahmud Shah and Muzaffar

Shah reigned in 896.

I. Firuz Shah II. Silver. No mint town. A. II., 893. (A. D.

1488.) No margins.

288

H. Bloclimann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

Obverse. — Hit aJa ^ikLJf y\ l*W|

<xj LIsIao j

Reverse. — a 9r ai|>k *U| cy+s?'0 &kl| ill <C| il

S ai fuel dun ya waddfn Abul Muzaffar Firuz Shall, the king, — may

God perpeiaiate his kingdom and rule ! There is no God but Allah, Muhammad is

the Prophet of God. Treasury issue of 893.

XIX. Na'siruddi'n Abul Muja'hid Mahmu'd Ska'h (II).

He was raised to tlie throne on Firuz Shah’s death, though the govern¬

ment was in the hands of one Hahshi Khan. After a short time, Hahshi

Khan, and immediately after, Mahmud Shah, were killed by Sidi Badr

Diwanah, who proclaimed himself king.

Though the histories call Mahmud the son of Firuz Shah, there is little

doubt that the statement of Haji Muhammad Qandahari, preserved by

Firishtah, is correct — “ In the history by Haji Muhammad Qandahari, # it

is written that Sultan Mahmud was the son of Fatli Shah, and that Hahshi

Khan was a eunuch of Barbak Shah, who by Firuz Shah’s orders had brought

up Mahmud. After Firuz Shah’s death, Mahmud was placed on the throne ;

but when six months had passed, Hahshi Khan shewed inclination to make

himself king, and Sidi Badr killed him.” These facts agree well with the

following circumstances : First , all histories say that Fath Shah, at his death,

left a son two years old, and his mother, at Sultan Sliahzadah’s death,

declared herself willing to leave the throne to him, who had brought her

husband’s murderer to account. Secondly, according to Muhammadan cus¬

tom, children often receive the names of the grandfather ; hence Fath Shah

would call his son NaQruddin Mahmud ; but as the Jcunyah must be

different, we have here 1 Abul Mujahid,’ while the grandfather has c Abul

Muzaffar.’

General Cunningham found the following inscription of this king in

Gaur ; unfortunately, the date is illegible.

# The Lak’hnan edition of Firishtah calls him ( Haji Mahmud.’ His historical

work is not known at tlie present day.

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

289

No. 22. The Mahmud Shah (II) Inscription of Gaur. (A. H. 896 ?)

(PI. VII, No. 3.)

aJJ) aJJ ^ ^xj ^,0 M &lf) Jl*

** ♦♦ ♦♦

^ sP *

si ^ d^i #

^UaRJ) AJi UidJ) jAS ^1UJ5|

£j| ^**1) jJarVI ^sr*) Js-^l ^XJ AillaJU j *XJLo Hi) HA

<Ua« J, ] 51 ^ (*^Jlf) %^UfJ ***

II [S XjUjUj _j j

The Prophet (may God bless him !) says, ‘He who builds, &c., [as before]. This

mosque was built iu the reign of the king of the time, (who' is endowed) with justice

and liberality, the help of Islfcn and the Muslims, Nagiruddunya wad din

Abul Mujahid Mahmud Shah, the king — may God perpetuate his kingdom

and rule! — by the great and exalted Khan Ulugh Majlis Khan . (illegible). Dated,

23rd Rabi’ .

Marsden has published a silver coin of this king, which has likewise

no date ( vide Numism., PI. XXXVI, No. DCCXXIV) ; but, as Laidley

correctly observes, he ascribes it wrongly to Mahmud Shah of Dihli. The

legend of the coin is —

Reverse. — ( ? ) j <xiu.U>

Obverse. — • sb* jp • UWf j.A jaWf ^(LJLJi

The words hiVadl wal-ihsan are not clear, they may also he ojbo yjf l j

as elsewhere suggested by me ; but the former coincides with the phrase used

in the inscription. I cannot see the word which Laidley gives.

According to the chronological remarks made by me regarding the

reign of Firiiz Shah, we have to place Mahmud Shah’s reign in 896, A. H.

XX. ShamsuddiTi Abul-Nasr MuzafFar ShaTi.

(SIdi Badr Diwanah.)

The reign of this king, who is represented to have been a blood-thirsty

monster, is said in all histories to have lasted three years and five months •

but his death at the hands of the next king cannot have taken place in 903,

because his coins and inscriptions mention the years 896 and 898. He must,

therefore, have been killed in 899, the first year in which Husain Shah struck

coins.

A MuzafFar Shah inscription was published by me in the Journal for

1872, p. 107, from an imperfect rubbing. Since then Mr. W. M. Bourke

38 r p

290

II. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

has sent me a clear rubbing with the date distinct. I, therefore, republish

it with a corrected translation.

No. 23, The Muzaffar Shcth Inscription of Gangarampur.

A. H. 896. (A. D. 1191.)

♦»

UidJ) d^c ^ f XTst') j &LJ> HI) Ua£

bill AiUaEu ^ ^.Xl/o <GJ) dlA ^Ual-w* jj) ^J>dJl j

This mosque was built in the time (?) of the renowned saint, Maulana ’Ata — may

God render his grave pleasant and may He make Paradise his dwelling place ! — dur¬

ing the reign of Shamsuddunya wad din Abu 1-N a 9 r Muzaffar Shah,

the king — may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule ! Dated, A. H. 896.

Mr. Bourke’s rubbing shews that the word sama.nmiah is cut into the

second bar, which separates the third line from the second. Below the last

line there is another line cut into the lowest bar ; but the letters are too

small and partly broken to admit of a satisfactory reading. I can recognize

the words ‘ Mulla Mubarak’ and mi’nidr, ‘ builder.’

Laidley has published a silver coin of this king, the legend of which is

(vide J. A. S. B., Yol. XY, for 1816, PI. Y, No. 19)—

Obverse. — &ijf HA. ^lALH} ^.AA/o ^ax)\ ff ^ Ui^Jl

dhliJUi* j

Margin . — Cut away.

Reverse. — The Kalimah. Year, illegible.

Margin — the four Khalifahs.

The Honorable E. C. Bay ley is about to publish a gold Muzaffar Shahl,

which seems to be of 896, A. H.

Muzaffar Shah, according to the Riyaz, built a mosque in Gaur.

General Cunningham has sent the Society a rubbing of another inscription

from the Chhota Dargah (Nur Qutb ’Xlam’s Dargah) in Hazrat Panduah.

It is, in point of execution, a very line inscription.

No. 24. The Muzaffar Shah Inscription of Panduah . A. H. 898.

Vide PI. VI, No. 2.

^Jd ^jl ( j All) jjlj

^be aJJ j UH (IZso cljUjvj ej>bJ <!Ui

♦♦

I «. O* *JJ

^ ^ aIJ ) ^b? J VaJ}

18 /3.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. 291

ujUdjSJ AjyaJ) L^AAf) * ^xJUJl

♦♦

cM vjO ^

v.1^ l#u\/ ) ^ ^••bw*^nXX' 1 lcX& ^ ^XJ ^ $t»X9 A)<«'| ^ ^

♦* t~*

<*> o*>

^xH-uaU)^ ei^c

>J>J \J*i

*AA ^ sr,*1 ^Dj ^ *.Alal /UJ 2 A^l/O <£.li) jdis* ^1.13,1^0 jSth/Q j yj]

A

'\ ^

jj \J>J \JJ uJ *JJ

• ^O-Aul! f Uk- ^*-'1(3 ( j dli) CLiyC (S&SZ‘r° *.X>/a< I

^ h.

aAHUj fjj-t*^' *X«* ( _ TjUx. ^f^ucj

God Almighty says, ‘ Yerily, the first house that was founded for men, is the one in

Bakkah [Makkah], blessed, and a guidance to all beings. In it are clear signs : the

place of Abraham, and who entered into it, was safe, and God enjoined men to visit

it, if they are able to go there ; but whosoever disbelieves, verily God is independent

of all beings. [Qor. Ill, 90 to 92.)

In this Sufi building the tomb of the pole ( qutb ) of poles was built, who was slain

by the love of the All-Giver, the Shaikh of Shaikhs, Hazrat Nurul H a q waslishara’,

Sayyid Qutb ’Ala m — may God sanctify his beloved secret, and may God illumi¬

nate his grave ! This house was built in the reign of the just, liberal, learned king,

the help of Islam and the Muslims, Shamsuddunya wad din Abul-Nacr

M u z a ff a r Shah, the king, may God perpetuate his kingdom and rule, and may He

elevate his condition and dignity ! This house was built during the khilafat* of the

Shaikh ul-Islam, the Shaikh of Shaikhs, son of the Shaikh of Shaikhs, Shaikh

Muhammad Ghaus — may God Almighty ever protect him!

Dated, 17th Ramazan, 898. [2nd July, 1493.]

Nur Qutb ’A'lam was mentioned above among the Saints of Panduah.

The Husaini Dynasty.

On Muzaffar Shah’s death in 899, ’Alauddin Husain Shah, son of Sayyid

Ashraf, usurped the throne. Of the reign of no king of Bengal — perhaps of

all Upper India before the middle of the 10th century — do we possess so

many inscriptions. Whilst the names of other Bengal kings scarcely ever

occur in legends and remain even unrecognized in tire geographical names of

the country, the name of “Husain Shah, the good,” is still remembered from

the frontiers of Orisa to the Brahmaputra.

J have treated of the chronology of the reigns of Husain Shah and his

successors in my article, “ On a new king of Bengal, &c.,” published in the

Journal, for 1872, Pt. I, pp. 331 to 310, and according to that paper, we

have —

# The reign, if I may say so, of a spiritual teacher.

292

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

1. ’Alauddin Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah, 899 to 927 (929 P).

2. Na^iruddin Abul Muzaffar Nu^rat Shah, 927 (929 ?) to 939.

3. ’Alauddin Abul Muzaffar Firuz Shah (III.), 939.

4. Ghiyasuddfn Abul Muzaffar Mahmud Shah (III.), 940 to 944,

(defeated by Slier Shah).

I have now only to describe a few unpublished coins and to give

several new inscriptions belonging to the reigns of these kings.

XXI. ’Ala'uddi'n Abul Muzaffar Husain Sha'ii.

Marsden (PI. XXXVIII, Nos. DCCLXXIX and DCCXCIII) has given

two different Husain Shahis, the former of Fathabad, 899, A. H., and the

latter of Husainabad, 914, A. H.* Laidley has two new types, one struck

at Husainabad, 912, A. H., and the other ( vide his plate, No. 21) resembling

that of Marsden, but with a different legend. The cabinet of the Asiatic

Society contains a few new varieties, with and without dates.

1. Vide PI. IX, No. 9. Silver. Weight, 163 *57 grains. No mint-

town. A. H. 900. (As. Soc. Bengal, one specimen). Circular areas ; no

margin.

ObVEESE. — jjda+)\ y\ j Xp

BeVEESE. — 1** AlkFo 2 <X>B? 0.1 A OAam (A-kb-s

Col. Guthrie in a MS. list of Bengal Coins in the British Museum

quotes Husain Shahis struck at Jannatabad (Husainabad ?) in 918 and 919.

The inscriptions belonging to Husain Shah’s reign are most numerous ;

the date of the latest two is 925, A.H. Those of which the Society has

received rubbings from General Cunningham are marked [G. C.].

1. Hunger, 903 ; mentions Prince Daily al. Published Journal, 1872,

p. 335. [G. C.].

2. Machain , Barganah Ballipur , Dhaka, 22nd Jumada I, 907, or 3rd

December, 1501. Deceived from Dr. J. Wise.

3. Bonhara , in Bihar, 908. Published, Proceedings 1870, p. 112.

4. Cher an, in Bihar, 909. Published, Proceedings 1870, p. 297. f

* Marsden reads the latter date 917. On the former coin, the king’s first name

is spelt jXsq instead of with an intermediate ivdw. This ivdw should

not be read : it arises from a whimsical rule of a class of pedantic Katibs who main¬

tain that the vowel u after a long d, as in ’ Alau, requires “ a support.”

The obverse of the latter coin, to which I alluded in the note to p. 301 of the

Journal for 1870, Ft. I, is still a puzzle to me, though I have wasted much time in

looking at the coin, patiently waiting for a happy guess. I now believe that the

second line is VukFvj^jlidf a Iqdim bisaltanatihi, the last word being written discon¬

nected, as sultdnahn on the reverse. But the third line is unclear. The weight of the

coin is 162 '61 grains.

f For a Gaur Inscription of 909, vide Glazier, Report on Rangpore, 1873, p. 108.

1873.]

293

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

5. Silhat, 911. From Dr. Wise.

G. JMdldah , 911. [G. C.]

7. Sunnargaon, 911. Given above, No. 17.

8. Hazrat Banduah, 915. [G. C.]. The rubbing is unclear.

9 to 11. Gaur , two of 916, and one of 918. [G. C.]

12. Sunnargaon, 2nd Babb II., 919, or 7th June, 1513. [G. C.]

Published, Journal, 1872-, p. 333.

13. Birhhum , 922. Published, Journal, 1861, p. 390.

IT. JDJidmrai, 922. Published, Journal, 1872, p. 110.

15. Sunnargaon , 15th Sha’ban, 925, or 12tli August, 1519. [G. C.]

16. Gaur, 925, or A. D. 1519. Published with plate, J. A. S. B.,

1871, Pt. I, p. 256.

No. 25. The Husain Shah Inscription of Machain. (A. H. 907.)

aJ aU) ^ aIJ ^ j fuj 2 aaJU djj) ^.1^ ^

| «A) .J illlj. .*>)) A-vu AkJI ~>) UijJI

mS " J' " <ZJ' & J J' IZJ" ^ "

yjj

Aa*v so ^ f A.JII2J.4M j AfP/O djj) jl.2k.

)) A; j

The Prophet says, &c., &c. (as before). This Jami’ mosque was built by the great

and liberal king ’ A 1 a u d d u n y a waddi n A b ti 1 Mnzaffar Husain Shah, the

king, son of Sayyid Ashraf u.l-Husaini — may God perpetuate his kingdom and rule !

Dated, 22nd Jumada I, 907. (3rd December, 1501).

No. 2G. The Husain Shah Inscription of Silhat. A. IP. 911.

<Lj A^lxp) A*ijJ) _ 11) # | A.IJ ) ^ - XU.J

♦ jJt* * XjXxI 1 ^JUJ aU)

jU ^UaL«J) jjjxJ} 'hj.uj All) S fys*

♦* ♦♦

Gj <xjlli.Lv j a£.Lo cdlA. ^UaLuJ) bLx j.j! ^jjJ) j GjjI)

.jfi) jXjj j ^ ^Id^AA. JA*.«jAlA. • ^locUlA.

’ ♦♦ rW

) l ^ £■ l " C J.2*- ) &X/jj dL'l .ola*. <

In the name of God, the merciful and the clement ! He who ordered the erection

of this blessed building, attached to the house of benefit (Silhat.) — may God protect

it against the ravages of time ! — is the devotee, the high, the great, * * * Shaikh

J a 1 a 1, the hermit, of K any a— may God Almighty sanctify his dear secret! It

was built during the reign of Sultan ’Alaudduny a waddi n Abul Mnzaffar

Husain S hah, the king, by the great Khan, the exalted Khiqan, Khali<j khan,

294

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

keeper of the wardrobe outside the palace, commander and wazir of the District

Mu’azzamabad. In the year 911 (A. D. 1505.).

In this inscription Shaikh Jalal, whose biography was given under

Yusuf Shah, is called Kanyai, i. e. of Kanya, which appears to be a place in

Arabia.

He is said to have ‘ ordered’ the erection of the building. This can

only refer to an order given in a dream, as in the case of ’All Shah and Jalal

Tabrizi.

No. 27. The Husain Shall Inscription of Maldah. A. H. 911.

JO JJ JJ JJ JJ JO

&J aJUI ^ Am* j aIJ) JUJ

jJ .J jj . jJ

*lc a i J| ^UsJlaJl ^/olsr) ^ ^ aJJ/Q

JJ . Jj JJ JJ jJ JJ

^ ^UiLuJ) ^.j! I 1

JJ Jj

!! ( (Gam 2 A^l/o A.JJ I aIjs*

The Prophet says, &c., &c. This Jami’ mosque was built by the great and liberal

king ’Alauddunya wad din Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah, the king, son of

Sayyid Ashraf ul Husaini — may God perpetuate his kingdom and rule ! In the year

911. (A D. 1505).

No. 28. A Husain Shah Inscription from Gaur. A. H. 916.

L ) ♦ xA/ u-A-xl] )a& ^

♦♦ v

V>J >JJ >J*> Sjj JJ

t*/-? Mb J) ^&iaud} j.j) ^j>aJ) ^ IxijJ) klt.c

]) h\

JJ

AX.C

jj jo

h-X/wo ^ p Aoliixlw ^ <S.H/o Hi) <oi.

l_A ••

Jl

•ir

The door of the tomb of the venerated Shaikh Akhi Sirajuddin was

built by the great and liberal king, ’Alauddunya wad din Abul Muzaffar

Husain Shah, the king, son of Sayyid Ashraf ul-Husaini — may God perpetuate

his kingdom and rule! In the year 916. (A. D. 1510.)

Shaikh Akhi was mentioned above among the saints of Gaur.

No. 29. Another Husain Shah Inscription from Gaur. A. H. 916.

jj jj jj jj jj

VjJHl jtc £ ) Jax-Jf ^UaLuJ) A4.C ^3 uAH) IjJb L ^Xj

•• ♦♦

^ OJ Jj

aJJ i l ) V - 3jaI>) AX-ua ^.alsuJ) J.j] J

♦»

^ Vjj

t *1 A.X-W ^ A j J.c] j A. ^ ^ j ) 2 ^AIsIau 2 ^JL1®

1 ) A..)Ga.W«.J * fxi\C

*• > J

1873.]

295

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

The door of this tomb was built during the reigu of the exalted and liberal king,

’Alauddunya w addin Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah, son of Sayyid

Ashraf ul-Husaim, — may God perpetuate his kingdom and rule, and elevate his condi¬

tion and dignity, and may He render his benefits and evidence honorable ! In the

year 916. (A. D. 1510.)

No. 30. A third Husain Shah Inscription from Gaur. A. H. 918.

i

sjj ijj

♦♦

AJJJ jiA. v i f \ yS\

)] y j.<aa>s£ AX^ Ajvl^l«< y A^f'*®

This gate of the Fort was built during the reign of the exalted and liberal king

’Alauddunya waddxn Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah, the king, son of

Sayyid Ashraf ul-Husaim — may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule ! In the

year 918. (A. D. 1512.)

No. 31. The Husain Shah Inscription of Sunnargaon. A. H. 925.

Jx\ My )a^) aU) go )y:jJ Hi All J^UJI J ^ ^Uj aJJ) Jti

^ jA 0*0 <J>J \JJ yjJ

IxidJ) Aw y a4c aJJ) _xU| Jli

♦♦ '

tSv£ , J !aj& Aj * A.W) J )f«a3 ( a/ aJJ) 1j

* v ^ • w_S * ♦ Lj .✓ Cl/** 4 v_S 4

♦♦ ♦♦ *» ♦*

\JJ \ JJ

A.£Uo t>l^k. ^ AJvau \***&. ^Ua-Lu ^JjbH^J) ^Ijal^w

4* ^

Ojklj jjlA. ^.a£| ^ Ajtklw j

V. ♦♦

God Almighty says, Surely the mosques, &c., (as before). And the Prophet

says, &c., &c., (as before).

This mosque was built in the reign of the king of the kings, Sultan Husain

Shah, son of Sayyid Ashraf ul-Husaim — may God perpetuate his kingdom and rule !

This mosque was built by Mulla Hizabr Akbar Khan, on the 15th Sha’ban, 925. (12th

August, 1519.)

XXII. Na'siruddi'n Abul Muzaffar Nusrat Sha'h.

Of the inscriptions belonging to the reign of this king, I have pub¬

lished three, viz. —

1. Sunnargaon , 929, or 1523. [G. C.] Published, Journal, 1872,

p. 338.

296 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

2. Satgaon, Ramazan, 936, or May, 1529. Published, Journal, 1870,

p. 298.

3. Gaur, Qadam Ilasul, 937, or 1530-31. [G. C.] Published, Journal,

1872, p. 338. Vide Glazier, Rangpore Report, p. 108.

A few weeks ago I received a black basalt slab from the old mosque

in Mangalkot, Bardwan District, with the following inscription —

No. 32. The JSFugrat Shah Inscription from Mangalkot. A. H. 930.

VxxJ AJ Mi) , Jo Mi )tis^ -jo ( .sc JL « aMc A.JU) Xe , ajJ) . )t 9

♦» t* ♦»

^UaJluJ I 1 ^lEEM) l J ^/'olW) A:sr'tu^) ) Ait ^ AAs:^)l J Ml/O

^MaM) AJ ) ^ Gi jsi )

Aj51.J AitiM-w ^ Mi/O Mil AlA. ^lial.uJ )

)) aA,

The Prophet says, He who builds, &c., (as before). This Jami’ Mosque was

built in the reign of the exalted king, who is the son of a king, Naqiruddunya

waddin Abul Muzaffar Nuijrat Shah, the king, son of Husain Shah,

the king— may God perpetuate his kingdom and rule ! Its builder is Khan Miyan

Mua’zzam, son of Murad Haidar Khan — may his honor continue ! In the year 930,

A. H. (A. D. 1524.)

The following important inscription I owe to the kindness of J. R.

Reid, Esq., C. S., A’zamgarh, N. W. Provinces, who sent me a rubbing.

The slab was found on the right bank of the G’hagra, near Sikandarpur.

No. 33. The JSFugrat Shah Inscription of Sikandarpur , AJzamgarh.

A. IP. 933.

^ Ml I MJ) J y*j A*5?/0 aJJ) All 5)

* aasj) ^ f aJ ^.JUj aU) IjJaJ) i

** *» ♦. ♦.

j.}) ^^a1) j )aJ

f ♦♦

St j lUsr^iyj XjsCj ^3 All) ^tkLJ) xlA a****. j

*♦ ^ v</

f V ^ ^ i cAj.A ijd j^xxsz* JaMAA*

)l LU^j ^ .jaIj j

There is no God, &c. He who builds a mosque, &o. The founder of the mosque,

during the reign of the just king Na^irudduny a waddin Abul Muzaffar

N u 9 r a t Shah, son of Husain Shah, the king— may God place him among the

number of his servants! — is the great Ulur [Ulugh], i. e. the great Khan . Khan,

commander of the district of Khar id. On the 27th Rajab 933. (29th April, 1527.)

297

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

The inscription confirms the histories, according to which Nu^rat Shah

extended his authority over the whole of Northern Bihar ; and as Kharid

lies on the right hank of the G’hagra, Nu^rat Shah must have tem¬

porarily held sway in the A’zamgarh District.

Tire coinage of this king contains numerous varieties, among which

there are several struck by him during the lifetime of his father. The

latter coins are mostly of a rude type, and look debased ; besides, they are

restricted to the Sundarban mint town of Khalifatabad (Bagherhat) and

to Fatliabad. They either indicate an extraordinary delegation of power

or point to a successful rebellion.

1. Vide PI. IX., No. 10. Silver. Weight, 15406 grains. Khalifat-

abad , 922, A. H. (As. Soc of Bengal). Circular areas ; no margin.

Obverse. — y) 5 booJf j*c b JkL^Jf

BeVERSE. — odA ^Ikl-Jl

«•

<1 r r ^WiiuU.

3. Vide PI. IX., No. 11. New variety. Silver. Weight, 163T4

grains. Mint town ?. A. H., 927. (Cabinet, As. Soc. of Bengal.) Circular

areas ; no margin.

Obverse. — y\ ^Ua.1 — It ^ j 0llal«J|

Bevtcb.se. — <Xxl./o &JJ| ad ^ ^ , j t |

<5 r v <xkP.Lj j

3. Vide PL IX, No. 12. New variety. Silver. Weight, 162 952

grains. No mint town, or year. Circular areas, and scollops in the margin.

The characters are neat. (As. Soc. Bengal.)

Obverse. — As in the preceding.

BEVERSE. — £ S ^ J ] (Xl^- t* )(hl . ,3. |

I am doubtful as to the correctness of the last words yad i Hurmuzd ,

c by the hand (engraved by) Hurmuzd.’ The characters, though smaller, are

clear, and yet it is difficult to suggest anything else.

The years of the three Nu^rat Sliahis published by Marsden and Laidley

are not clear ; they may be 924 (Marsden) and 927, or 934 and 927. The

Cabinet of the As. Soc. of Bengal, besides the above, contains six different

types, among which there is a silver coin struck at Nugratabad , 924 A. H.,

but it is not clear to what locality this new name was applied.

Nuyrat Shah’s name as prince seems to have been Na^b Khan ; at last

this would explain why the histories call him Na^b Shall.

He was succeeded by his son

XXIII. ’Ala'uddi'n Abul Muzaffar Fi'ru'z Sha'h (III).

The Kalnah inscription (A. H. 939) of this king, which I published in

the Journal, for lt>72, Pt. I, p. 332, is of some importance, and I now give

a plate of it (vide PI. VII, No. 2). The name of this king is only

39 Q Q

298 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

mentioned in the Riyaz, and though we do not know his source, his statements

have, in several instances, been proved to be correct. In the MS. of his

work in the As. Soc. of Bengal — the only copy I know of at present — this

king is said to have reigned three years , which is impossible but Stewart

found three months in the copy which he consulted.

The Society’s cabinet possesses a specimen of this king’s coinage,

struck in 939, A. H., the same year as mentioned in the Kalnah inscription.

1. Vide PL IX., No. 13. Silver. Weight, 163'215 grains. Husain-

abdd, 939, A. H. Circular areas. The margins are divided into four

quadrants, at the beginning of each of which there is the letter nun, and

in each quadrant there is an arabesque, which looks like the word . The

same design is given on Marsden’s Nucrat Shah.

Obverse. —

Reverse. — <3olkl.vo ^ -vvx sc <xlif &1^. i ^ ^

qr<?

Firuz Shah III. was murdered by his uncle

XXIV. Ghiya's-uddi'n Abul Muzaffar Mahmu'd Sha'h (III).

General Cunningham’s Gaur Inscription of this king, dated 911, was

published by me in the Journal, for 1872, Ft. I., p. 339.

Our Society possesses a coin of Mahmud Shah of the same type as the

one published by Laidley. He refers the coin to 933 ; but the Society’s

specimen has clearly 913 A. H. The concentric circles contain the words

hadr i shahi , or ‘ royal moon.’

General Cunningham lately sent me the tracing of a Mahmud Shahi

round copper coin, which has the same inscription on both sides, viz.

e^-ft But though the phrase ha dr i shahi

seems to shew that the coin belongs to Mahmud Shah (III.) of Bengal, it

would be desirable to have specimens with dates or mint towns.

Mahmud Shah is mentioned in De Barros’ work, from which the fol¬

lowing facts are taken. Nuno da Cunha, the Portuguese governor of Goa

[ ]. sent in 1531 Alfonso de Mello with two hundred men in five ships

to Chatgaon, which then again belonged to Bengal, in order to effect a set¬

tlement. De Mello, on his arrival, thought it wise to send a few of his men

with presents to Gaur, where Mahmud Shah, who tyrannically held the

crown, kept his court, in great apprehension of being deposed, but with such

state that only his women amounted to the number of 10,000 ; but though

De Mello’s men found in Alfa Khanf a friend, the king imprisoned them,

* The passage, however, is corrupt. Vide Journal for 1872, Pt. I, p. 339.

f This is, no doubt, the Alfa Husaim of Baghdad, mentioned by me in J. A. S. B.,

1872, Pt. I, p. 337.

m3.]

290

H. Blochmann — Geograph y and History of Bengal.

and gave orders to seize De Mello in Chatgaon. The latter was shortly

after treacherously captured with thirty of his men and was sent to Gaur,*

where they were kept strictly confined, because Antony de Sylva Meneses

had soon after taken reprisals and sacked Chatgaon. Now at that time Slier

Khan and his brother ’A'dil Khan had deserted from the Mughul to the king

of Bengal. But Slier Klian wished to revenge the death of the youth whom

Mahmud had slain, — De Barros means Firuz Shah III. — to procure the

throne. Slier Klian, therefore, made war on Mahmud, and the king

asked his Portuguese prisoners to assist him in the defence of Gaur. At the

same time Babelo arrived with three ships sent by the Goa Governor, to

demand the release of the captives, and Mahmud after securing their co¬

operation sent them to Gorij [Garhi] near K’lialgaon, where they valiantly,

though in vain, opposed Sher Shah. Mahmud, pleased with their prowess,

applied to Nuno da Cunlia for further assistance ; but when Perez de Sampayo

came with nine vessels, he found Gaur in the hands of Sher Khan and heard

that Mahmud had been killed.

III.

I now conclude this essay with my readings and tcanslations of the

Bihar collection of rubbings from the time of Muhammad Tughluq to the

year 1455 A. D.

The first inscription is taken from the vault of one Sayyid Ahmad Pir-

Pahar, regarding whom nothing is at present known in Biliar ; but it seems

to refer to the building of a portico by a near relation of Muhammad

Tughluq.

No. 34. The Muhammad Tughluq Inscription of Bihar. A. H. 737.

jti - S'0 j3\j

I _ aM cStli 5>.vA lo — .A

• ♦ •

.y - -ClA J.p - d ^ -

M

^jt-P ^xSSyx*» pJ

fihZ Si j S^xilsi)

jS - J>4.2C/0 (jf - xt

$1 _ -a b

zyASiJ ( b

Xyxxi

•»

# * # e/d V i?/0

* The Portuguese describe Gaur as three leagues in length, well fortified, and

with wide and straight streets, along which rows of trees were planted to shade the

people, “ which sometimes is in such numbers that some are trod to death.

300

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

1. I praise God a hundred times, and abundantly glorify Ahmad, the elect.

2. This heaven-touching portico was erected .

3. The world- adorning M u h a m m a d, who breaks through the ranks, the sha¬

dow of God in every realm,

4. A b u 1 M u j a h i d, the Khalifah of high dignity, . .

5. The builder of this desirable edifice is the slave Mubarak Mahmud,

6. Of royal descent, the grandson of Shah .

7. This dynasty, on account of its elevation, has obscured the memory of

Subuktigin i Ghazl.

When this... was erected, I said, it was 737, A. H. (A D., 1336-37.)

If the name in the sixth line were not broken away, we might fix the

name of the builder with the help of p. 451 of Barani’s history.

Nos. 35 to 37. The Malik Ibrahim Bayyu Inscriptions of Bihar.

The next three inscriptions belong to the Dargah of Ibrahim Abu

Bakr Malik Bayyu, who is par excellence the saint of Bihar. The shrine

lies on the hill to the north-west of the town.

Malik Bayyu was first mentioned by Buchanan, who supposed him to

be a purely mythological personage. Mr. T. W. Beale next published in his

valuable Miftdh uttaivdrikh (p. 90) the first of the following inscriptions.

Col. E. T. Dalton also mentions him in his ‘ Ethnology of Bengal’ (p. 211),

and says that Jangra, a Santal Rajah, destroyed himself and his family in

the Fort of Chai Champa, Hazaribagh District, when he heard of Malik

Bayyu’s approach.

The 4 Mujawirs’ or custodians, of the shrine claim to be descended from

the Malik. According to traditions still preserved among them, Ibrahim

Malik Bayyu was an inhabitant of Butnagar, and was sent by Muhammad

Tughluq to chastise Hans Kumar, Rajah of Rohtasgarh. The Rajah

frequently came to Bargaon, the great Buddhist monastery, to worship. He

oppressed the poor Muhammadans of the country. Now it happened that

an old woman, a Sayyidah, killed a cow, in order to celebrate the nuptials

of her grandson, when a kite snatched up one of the bones, and let it fall

near the place where the Rajah worshipped. The Rajah was, of course,

enraged, and put the Muhammadan bridegroom to death. At the advice of

her friends, the old woman complained to Muhammad Tughluq. Being

uncertain as to whom he should intrust with the command of an expedition

against Hans Kumar, he consulted the astrologers. They told him, “ This

very night a storm will occur in the city, of such violence that all the lights

will be extinguished. In whose house a lamp may be found burning, he is

the man best fitted for the undertaking.” Ibrahim Malik Bayyu was found

reading the Qoran by lamp-light, and next morning he was appointed to

command the expedition, tie at once advanced to Bihar, and surprised

Rajah Hans Kumar at the Suraj Pok’har, Bargaon. Although the

301

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

escaped to Rohtasgarh, the number of the slain was so great, that Malik

Bayyu returned with fifty sers weight of sacred threads. He now occupied

himself in subduing the warlike tribes of the province, and unfortunately

fell at the moment of victory, his enemy Rajah Hans Kumar having been

killed in the same battle. Malik Bayyu’s body was brought to Bihar ;

and the Rajah’s head and the sacred threads were buried at the foot of the

hill, which still bears the name of Mund-mala.

According to the inscriptions on Malik Bayyu’s shrine, he died,

apparently peacefully, on the 13th Zil Hijjah, 753, or 20th January, 1353,

in the second year of Eiruz Shah’s reign and about a year before his

invasion of Bengal.

No. 35.

jvy ^

Jjr* ^

JJJ*

AjJASo A-sr^e^

^JjGAwAsA^

C5LJ B I ^2*.

1. In the time of the reign of the world-taking Shah (may the mulk i nauruz

be in Bihar !),

2. The king of the world, Sultan Firuz, who was victorious over the kings

of the Universe,

3. The angelic Malik Bayyu Ibrahim, who in his faith was as zealous as

Abraham.

4. In the month of Zil Hijjah, on a Sunday, of the time, when thirteen (days)

of the month had been in grief,*

5. In the year 753 A. H., travelled on that day to Paradise.

6. 0 Lord, in Thy kindness, make the account of the last day light for him !

£ '-I'A 1.XJ

f &**■*»&£

1. This Jagirdar of Bihar is the Malik, the sword of the dynasty, from the point

of whose sword the sun turns his head

* The poetry is bad enough, but metrical slips also occur. The metre is short

hazaj f and the t in 4 budast has been elided.

302

H. Bloclimann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

2. Like his namesake (Abraham), he broke idols, so that in the future world

the title of £ Iconoclast’ might be given him.

3. (He is) the warrior who breaks the ranks (of the enemies) j when he ar¬

ranged his ranks, Rustam fell into feverish restlessness, and Bahman lost his firmness.

4. Although the sun defeats the army of the planets, he makes at last for

himself a screen of the mountains.*

5. On the day of the sun it was, on a Sunday, when, like a ruby in a stone,

ho (Malik Bayyu) went away from the world, in order to sleep,

6. When thirteen days had passed away from the exalted month of Zil Hijjah,

aud 753 years of the era.

No. 37.

1. In this dome, which in a spiritual sense has a higher value than the dome of

heaven,

2. Sleeps a lion, from whose dread (unintelligible),

3. The pivot of the realm, Ibrahim Abu Bakr, who wielded his sword for

truth like Haidar (’Ali).

4. Such a warfare,' such a conquest of realms, will not take place a second time

in the seven realms.

5. 0 God, as he has now fallen down at Thy door, open in mercy Thy door to

him !

6. Perfume the walls of his grave with the musk of Thy mercy and the camphor

of Thy forgiveness !

No. 38. The Firuz Shah Inscription in the Ghhota I) argali. A. H. 761.

Tlie Chhota Dargali of Bihar is the shrine of Badruddin Badr i ’Alam.

This faqir came from Mirat’h, is said to have spent a long time at Chatgaon,

and settled at last in Bihar, where he died in 844 A. H., or 1440 A. D., the

tarikh of his death being <3^ ‘ he joined the glory of the Lord.’

It is said that the famous Sharafuddin Munyari had invited him, but Badr

delayed in Chatgaon, and only arrived in Bihar forty days after Sharafud-

din’s death.

The slab stands in the northern enclosure, and curious to say, has on

the other side Inscription No. 6, given above. It thus contains the name

* The light of the sun is so strong that the planets are not visible ; but even the

sun sets and loses himself behind the mountains. So also Malik Bayyu.

803

1873.] H. Bloclmiann — Geography and History of Bengal.

of the Bengal Firuz Shah on one side and that of the Dihli Firuz Shah on

the other. We often find slabs with Hindu carving’s on one side and

Muhammadan inscriptions on the other ; hut I have not heard of a

Muhammadan inscription having been treated so ; for it is repugnant to the

feelings of a Muslim to have God’s name walled up. The slab is now

considered an infallible cure for evil spirits of all sorts.

vr,f^3E‘'° jjl

jjf t«S Jjd

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vil >j.sp^ )| &/&.SL& <Xjy-w bA

^ <X-w» ^ (j AAA+&

1. This auspicious building was renewed in the reign of the justice-fostering

king,

2. The lord of the world, Firuz Shah, through whom niches and pulpits

[i. e., mosques] flourished,

3. Through the exertion and at the request of the special slave, (who is) the

Reporter (band) of the District, in the time of the just king,

4. An angelic man, a noble whose guarantee is sufficient, a wise man, renowned

in the seven realms.

5. Seven Hundred years have passed away of the Era of the Hijrah, and sixty-

one besides.

6. May the king on the throne of power remain for ever victorious and successful,

as (indicated) by his name !

The following two inscriptions are of importance for the history of the

Dihli empire.

No. 39. Tice Muhammad Shah Inscription of Bihar. A. H. 792.

This inscription belongs to the ruined mosque in Kabir-uddinganj , the

most northern Mahallah of the town of Bihar. The mosque has three

cupolas, the centre one circular, the others octagonal. Two of its lofty

minarets have fallen down.

Regarding the king, vide Mr. Thomas, ‘ Chronicles,’ p. 306. The metre

(long ramal ) precludes the possibility of an error in the date.

1. In tlio time of the reign of S h a h M u h a m m a d, the illustrious, this Masjid

became generally used, (by) the grace of God, the Creator.

2. When Khwajah Ziya, son of ’Ala, erected this edifice, it was 792 after the

llijrah. (A D. 1390.)

304 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

No. 40. The Mahmud Shah (of Dihli) Inscription of Bihar. A. H. 799.

This inscription belongs to the Khdngah , or cell, of Ziya ul Haq,

governor of Bihar, who was mentioned in the preceding inscription. The

slab was found in the cluster of religious buildings known in Bihar as the

Chhota Takyah, ‘ the small cloister,’ in which there is the tomb of Shah

Diwan ’Abdul Wahhab, who is said to have died in 1096, A. H.

As the inscription mentions Mahmud Shah as the reigning king in

799, it follows that Nu^rat Shah was not acknowledged as opposition king

by Malik Sarwar of Jaunpur, to whom Bihar then belonged. Vide

1 Chronicles,’ pp. 31.2 to 317.

\j 1^0 L« j\ b <Ki

1. During the reign of the king of the world, Mahmud Shah, Ziya ul

Haq, governor of the province, built this Khdnqdh.

2. Seven hundred and ninety-nine years had passed since the Hijrah, when this

asylum was completed. May it be the refuge of the weak ! (A. D. 1397.)

Nos. 40 to 42. The Mahmud Shah (of Jaunpur) Inscriptions of Bihar.

(A. H., 847 and 859.)

From the preceding inscriptions we see that Bihar, in the 8th century

of the Hijrah, belonged to the Dihli empire. With the establishment, im¬

mediately afterwards, of the Jaunpur kingdom, it was separated from Dihli.

Bihar with Qanauj, Audh, Karah, Dalamau, Sandela, Bahraich, and Jaunpur,

had since 796 been in the hands of Malik Sarwar Khwajahsara, who had the

title of £ Sultan ushsharq,’ or ‘ king of the East.’ He does not appear to have

struck coins, and the fact that the preceding inscription does not mention

his name, confirms the statement of the histories that he did not assume the

ensigns of royalty. He was succeeded by his adopted son Malik Qaran-

ful,* whose elder brother Ibrahim ascended the throne of Jaunpur in 804,

under the title of Sultan Shamsuddin Abul Muzaffar Ibrahim Shah. After

a reign of forty years, he was succeeded by Nayiruddin Mahmud Shah (844

to 862), to whose reign the following three inscriptions belong.

The inscriptions do not mention Mahmud’s kunyah ; the coins (Thomas,

Chronicles, p. 322) do not even give his first name. But as Napiruddin

Mahmud Shah of Jaunpur is the contemporary of, and has the same name

* This word is generally derived from the Greek caryophyllum, a clove ; but the

GhiydsullugTidt derives it more correctly from the Hindi learn, 1 ear,’ and phul, flower,

because women and eunuchs often put a clove into the lobe of the ear. An ear-

ornament, resembling the head of a clove, has also the same name. It is possible

that Malik Qaranful, like Malik Sarwar, was a eunuch.

305

18/3.] H. Bloclimarm — Geography and History of Bengal.

as Na^iraddin Mahmud Shah (I) of Bengal, care is to he taken not to

confound the two.*

lire first of the following three inscriptions belonged to a mosque

which stood opposite to the Clihota Takyah, on the opposite bank of the

Adyanadi, in Bihar. The mosque has disappeared ; only a large square

stone platform is left, where the slab was found.

The second and third inscriptions belonged to the ruinous Paharpur

Jami’ Masjid.

No. 40.

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In the name of God, the merciful and the clement. He upon whom be peace

(the Prophet) says — “ He who builds a mosque for God, for him will God build a

house in Paradise.

1. By divine grace and for the sake of Mu<jtafa [the Prophet], the Jum’ah

mosque was built in the reign of the faith-nourishing king

2. Shah Mahmud, son of Ibrahim the Just, a king who takes realms from

kings, (and) gives beggars tribute.

3. The builder of this mosque is the great lawyer, who is pure in nature, the

beloved of the Prophet and of Murtaza (’AH),

4. The chief and the centre of the world, the perfect Sayyid, with whom realm

and faith, religion and the royal house, take refuge,

5. (Who) ordered this building (to be erected), he the best in the Eastern

(Jaunpur) kingdom, the Jagfrdar ( muqti ’), the lord of this district, Naqr ibn i Baha.

6. This building in Bihar is stronger than the portico of Kisra ; it is a Ka’bah

in grandeur, and in loftiness the edifice of sublimity. f

7. It was on the 1st ltajab, of the year 847 A. H., [25th October, 1443, A. D.]

when with the assistance of God tho first prayer was read (iq&mat shud) in this

mosque.

* Tho Jaunpur Mahmud Shahf coins generally have the word suit am, and

allude to the investiture by some Khalifali.

f The phrase Jl *u ^u0 ^ is a Hindi construction for tho Persian

Comparative.

40

It it

30 G

H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

No. 41.

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In tlie name of God, &c., (as above).

1. Blessed be God, in the time of Naciruddunya w addin Shah Mali-

m u d, son of the righteous Sha h I b r a h f m [of Jaunpur],

2. The hero of the world, the refuge of the kingdom, the noble chief, who through

the mercy of the Lord of the Universe has found grace to do good,

3. Built this Jami’ Masjid in such a way, that on earth the arch of its structure

dwells together with the moon and the fish.*

4. Its pulpit and niche, from the excess of the loftiness of (their) dignity, have

received such a lustre that even the Ruh ul Amin (the warden of Paradise) has

approved (of them).

5. And from the upper world, the call comes continually down (to earth), 1 This

is the garden of Eden, enter it (and live in it) for ever.’

6. Wednesday, the 27th of the month of fasting (Ramazan) of the year 859 is

the date of its erection (14-tli September, 1455, A. D.).

7 Ahmad (the Prophet) sincerely ( ba-jan ) desires to protect this religious

building for the sake of the pure spirit of Shaikh Sharaf u 1-h a q waddi n.f

No. 42.

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If ^ Ujj

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* I. e., the building is so high, that it touches the moon, and its foundation is so

deep, that it touches the fish, upon which the earth is supposed to rest.

t The metre is as bad as the poetry. To get out the metre, we have to read sharf

for sharaf — which is Hindustani, and have to scan haqqa waddin.

1873.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.

307

. . c^jj ( o.w

In the name of God, &c.

1. The Jami’ Masjid, by the grace of God the Lord, and for the sake of Mustafa,

the Lord of power and dignity,

2. Was( erected) during the reign of a king, the fame of whose justice surrounds

the west and the east, (extending) from the back of the fish to the moon.

3. Namely, the son of Sliah Ibrahim the Just, the exalted, the sun of Royalty,

the king of the world, Mahmud Shah (two distichs illegible).

6. The glory of the holy temple (in Jerusalem), the honor of the Haram (the

temple in Makkah) .

7. The slave Fazlullah wrote this on the 27th day of the Fast, A. H. 859 (10th

September, 1455, A. D.)

I now bring this essay to a close. It has extended over more pages

than I originally had intended. I hope in a short time to put together the

collection of inscriptions belonging to the Pathan and Mughul periods,

received by the Society from General Cunningham and Dr. J. Wise,

to whose unwearied exertions Bengal History owes so much. In the

meantime it would be well if other members also, and all such as take an

interest in the subject, would send rubbings and coins to the Society ; for

in the absence of written histories it is only from mural and medallic re¬

mains that we can expect to gain a correct knowledge of the history of

Bengal.

Table

Table of the Independent Muhammadan Kings of Bengal, from A. II. 739 to 944, or A. T>. 1338 to 1538.

308 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. [No. 3,

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irnal. As. Socy. Bengal, Pt. I, 1S73

Cabull

Atrodt

Ban cbi

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Sanball

Patanes

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Cbitor

Refbutos

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£ Pale /

Sf treat vir*

D.Iohanni Hvydzkovsb,

€$ nit. T> attune tn j£trfinrttn.Xe^J*.'

etc . iWu .ImjlcJam.'n/is Senator!

et Seek tr.e. nee nan Cent Jet Satie •

tjtij .IjTetfjri : VibuLim —

>4 *«<w i> /> jw /> cv» *i.-« L

Narlin«

(11, JU.*. v.v>v.j . 1 (viTrT.IQ/O.

X 1U l,v>

No. 1 & 2- The Kai Kaus Inscription of Kagol, A. H. 697.

No. 3. The Sikandar Shah Inscription of Hazrat Panduah, A. H. 770.

Fh.otozmcograph.eA at the Surveyor Gr-ueral’s Oific- i is_.--.Lrt

No. 2. The Muzaffar Shah Inscription, of Hazrat Panduah, A H 398

Journal, As. Socy. Bengal, Part I. 1C73.

Plate VII.

No. 1. The Fath Shah Inscription of Dhaka, A. H. 886,

No. 3. The Na^iruddm Mahmud Shah (II.) Inscription of Hazrat Panduah.

Journal, As. Socy. Bengal, Pt.. I, 1873

pi. vm.

& StxhyfLelct , L Mi

Unpublished Corns of the Muhammadan Kings ot Bengal.

Calcutta

jS .jStdgfielcL LUk

Unpublished Coins of the Muha.mma.cLan Kings of Bengal

Calcutta

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Part I. -HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c.

No. IV.— 1873.

Note on two Muhammadan Goins. — By the Honorable E. C. Bayley,

C. S.' I.

I have the honor to bring to the notice of the Society two fine gold

Muhammadan coins which I have lately seen. They are both as yet

undescribed.

The first is a gold coin of N a e i r-u d d i n K h u s r a u, the usurper

who ascended the throne of Dihli after the assassination of Qutb-uddiu

Mubarak in 720 A. H., and reigned a little more than four months.

The coin is in beautiful preservation and weighs about 1G9 grains.

It is of the same type as the silver coin, described as No. 155 of Thomas’

1 Pathan Kings.’ The marginal inscription is, however, complete and runs,

In the centre, too, of the reverse, the word preceding reads

clear as “^b” “ Nayir ul-rahman.” The drawing of the original of Mr.

Thomas’ coin as given in the plates (PI. iii, fig. 73) seems as if the latter

had been imperfect at this word. The legends are, therefore, probably the

same, except as to the denomination of the coin given in the margin.

The gold coin which I have above described, is in the possession of Col.

J. J. IT. Gordon of the 29th Regiment Native Infantry, who procured it at

Peshawar.

The other coin is also a Muhammadan coin, hut belongs to a later date

and another mint. It is a coin of the Bengal usurper M u z a If a r S h a h, and

41 s s

312

Honble. E. C. Bayley — Note on two Muhammadan Coins. [No. 4,

also greatly resembles the silver coin of that Monarch, figured by Marsden,

(PL xxxv, fig. dcxcii) and attributed by him to Shams-uddin Altamsh.

Major Waterhouse has been good enough to photograph this interesting

coin, and I enclose a copy of the photograph.

I give the legend as I read it in full, but there may be some doubt as

to one word and as to the date, of which more presently.

Beyeese. Oeyeese.

Muhammadan profession of faith, %[&

or “ K alimah/’ with the date. ^ <Alx) UJj MA JkU

Margin — the names and titles

of the four companions.

The first difficulty is as to the title “ yj” The legend in this line

and that below it, is very much cramped at the end, and is with difficulty

legible. I read this word therefore with some doubt, it is possibly meant

for \y\.

Unfortunately, the chief doubt of the reading centres in the date.

The numerals are preceded by two scarcely legible groups of letters, which

. •

I take to represent y, and these cover the numerals, which are very

%•

ill executed. Attached to the marginal scroll on the left may be seen a trian¬

gular mark. This may be either a part of the scroll itself, or it may be

intended for the cipher \ or 8.

On the other hand, the extreme right hand cipher, if examined by a glass,

resolves itself clearly into two, and it may therefore either stand for i or 6,

or for ♦ and | , i. e., “ 0” and “ 1.” The date may therefore be read as 901,

Or 896, indifferently.

This is unfortunate, for the date of this king is uncertain. We know but

little of him. The main facts which seem to be clear are, that he murdered

his immediate predecessor Mahmud Shah, and at once ascended the throne.

After some time a rebellion arose, headed by his eventual successor ’Ala-

uddin Husain. It would appear, moreover, Muzaffar Shah was before long

driven into the fortified city of Gaur, and that he held his own within this

refuge for a very considerable time, defeating all the attacks of his opponents.

In the end, however, they triumphed j one account says by the treachery

313

1873.] Honble. E. C. Bayley — Note on two Muhammadan Coins.

of his courtiers, whom lie had disgusted hy his cruelty ; another story is that

emboldened by success he rashly hazarded a battle outside his fortification,

and fell in the contest.

The popular dates assigned to this king vary very much, but it is speci¬

fically stated that his reign lasted three years and five months.

One set of dates, that most generally accepted, carries his reign as far

down as 903, which would place his accession in either the beginning of 899

or end of 898, A. H. ; but, as will be seen, this is probably too late.

The only one point on which there is no doubt is that he erected a

building at Gfaur in 898. This is testified by the inscription published in

the Society’s Journal, Yol. xlii, p. 291, by Mr. Bloclnnann from the Gaur

impression furnished by General Cunningham.

Another piece of evidence, but a less conclusive one, is the coin publish¬

ed by Marsden, PI. xxxviii, No. dccxcii, and which is dated in 899. It

is attributed by Marsden to ’Ala-uddin Husain ; but if correctly attributed,

as is probable, it is, I think, indirect evidence, not that Muzaffar Shah was

then dead, but that he was still alive in possession of Gaur. For this coin

of ’Ala-uddin is struck at Fatliabad, a mint of which I believe no other

specimens exist, whereas his later coins bear the mint mark usually of

“ Jannatabad,” the well known mint name of new Lak’lmauti or Gaur.

It is of course more than probable that ’Ala-uddin Husain, in the flush of

victory and with his adversary penned up and beleaguered in a fortress, at

once assumed, while himself in camp or at some obscure town, the regal style

and struck coins, while Muzaffar Shah might still have done the same inside

his strong fortress.

The facts we have then are these : Muzaffar Shah was reigning in S98.

He was probably still reigning but penned up in Gaur at some period

in 899. He reigned three years and five months.

All of these facts are consistent with the dates either of 89G or 901 A. H.,

but in either case this coin must mark one extreme limit of Muzaffar’s

Shah’s reign. My own feeling is rather to read the date as 901 A. H., rest¬

ing mainly on the general assignment of a later date to him by native histo¬

rians, and on the appearance of the date itself. I am bound to state, how¬

ever, that such authorities as General Cunningham and Mr. Bloclnnann

prefer to read S9G.

This coin was found at Gaur some years ago, and is in the possession of

E. Lowis, Esq., C. S.

314

[No. 4,

Notes on Two Copper-plate Inscriptions of the Twelfth Century , A. JD., re¬

cording Grants of Land by Gomndachandra Leva of Kanauj. — By

BaTu Ra'jekdrala'la Mitra.

In April last, I received from Mr. E. T. Atkinson of Allahabad two

copper plates bearing Sanskrit inscriptions, together with a transcript in

modern Devanagari and an English translation of one of them. Mr. Atkin¬

son informed me that the plates “ had been found in the village of Basahi,

about two miles north-east of the tahsili town of Bidhuna, in the Etawah

District. The village is in a small klierd or mound into which a Thakur

cultivator was digging for bricks to build a house. He came on the remains

of a pakka house, in the wall of the daldn of which were two recesses (tdk),

and in each of these recesses was a plate.”

No. 1, the smaller of the two plates, measures 16 inches, with an average

breadth of 10^- inches. It has a clasp rivetted on the middle of its upper

edge to which is attached a chain of two rings of unequal thickness, holding

a heavy bell-shaped copper seal. The legends on the seal are a figure of

Garuda, the vehicle of Vishnu, and a conch shell, a rude imitation of the

famous panchajanya conch or war trumpet of that divinity, with the name

of S H Govindachandra Deva in the middle. The seal is peculiar to the

last line of the Kanauj kings, and implies that those who adopted it were

the especial followers of the Vaishnava faith.

The writing on the plate extends to twenty-two lines, the last begin-

ing at about the middle of the lower edge. The character is the well-known

Kutila, deeply cut, and in an excellent state of preservation.

The record was first sent to Pandit Bapudeva S'astrf, who had it deci¬

phered and translated by one of the pandits of the Sanskrit College of Bena¬

res. The transcript prepared by the pandit is generally correct, and is

annexed below with a few slight alterations ; but the translation, being loose

and periphrastic, has been replaced by another.

The subject of the inscription is the grant, to an astrologer named

A'hneka, of a village named Vasabhi, in the canton of Jiavani, in the Etawah

district. The donor is Raja Govindachandra Deva of Kanauj, and the date

of the gift, Sunday, the 5tli of the waxing moon in the month of Pausha,

Samvat 1161, corresponding with the end of December in the year 1103 of

the Christian era. The boundary of the village is given in full, and Mr. Aik-

man, who communicated the plate to Mr. Atkinson, identifies the place

with the modern khera village of Basahi where the record was found. He

says, “ The only name like Jiavani in Pargannah Bidhuna is Jiva Sirsani,

about ten miles south-east of Bidhuna, which has a large khera. The name

315

1873.] Rajendralala Mitra — Two Copper-plate Inscriptions.

Bandhama still exists as tlie name of a village about 2J miles east of Basahi.

Pusani may be identified with Pusaoli, two miles south of Basahi. For

Varavvala the local pandits give Belgur, two miles southwest; for Bantlia-

ra, two miles west of Basahi. Savahada is apparently the modern Sabhad,

2f miles N. N. W. of Basahi. Ail these are khera villages with which the

whole north-east of the Bidlnma Parganah appears to be studded. Tradition

has it that Sahad in the Phaphund Parganah, which is now but a khera,

was the site of the elephant stables of the rulers of Kanauj, and, though

there is now no vestige of a wall, the villagers still point out the sites of

the gates, as the Dihli Darwazah &c.”

The attesting witnesses to the gift were the high priest, the accountant

general, and the warder of the palace, the conveyancer being a man of the

name of Yijaya Dasa, son of Pandit Kuke.

No. 2 measures eighteen inches by eleven and a half. It originally

had one or more rings and a seal attached to its top : but they are now lost.

Its corners are broken, and the inscription, which extends to twenty-four

lines, has been very much defaced by rust, making it quite illegible in some

places. Owing to this the pandit, who deciphered the first plate, could not

make anything of the record. Careful clearing and an impression taken

under a copper plate printing press, have, however, enabled me to read a

good part of it, and filling up such portions as are irretrievably lost of the

preamble, which is the same as in a record published in the twenty-seventh

volume of this Journal, and the concluding imprecatory and commendatory

verses from several land grants already published, I have succeeded in res¬

toring the record with the exception of a few proper names of places which

are not of any material importance. The portions taken from other records

have been enclosed in brackets in the subjoined transcript.

The subject of the patent is the gift of two villages by Gfovindachandra

to a Thakur of the name of Devapala Shrma, son of Thakur Udyi, and

grandson of Thakur Yogi, of the Kasyapa clan. The title of the donee and

his ancestors appears in its ancient form of Thakkura. The date of the gift

is the third of the wane in the month of Phalguna, Samvat 1174, or just

thirteen years after the first grant. The dates are given, in both cases, both

in letters and figures, and so there is no doubt whatever about the

accuracy of my reading.

The preamble of the first grant opens with a reference to a dynasty of

which one Gahadavala was the founder, and Karlla the last prince. One of

the descendants, some unknown generations removed from Gahadavala, was

Mahiala, and after some generations Bhoja, who does not appear to have

been the immediate predecessor of Karlla. Of these several names, that of

Bhoja is the most important. As a sovereign of Kanauj, he must be one of

the two Bhojas of the Saran plate noticed by me in my paper “ on a Land

316

Rajendralala Mitra — Two Copper -plate Inscriptions. [No. 4,

Grant of Maliendrapala Dcva of Kanauj,”# probably the last who was the

same with the “ Lord Paramount” named in the Gwaliar inscription trans¬

lated by me and included in my paper on the “ Vestiges of the Kings of

Gwalior, ”f and noticed also in my essay on the “ Bhoja Raja of Dhar and

his Homonyms.”^ The date of the last Bhoja of Ivanauj was 885, A. D.,§

and that of the Bhoja of Gwaliar 875, A P.,|| showing an interval of only

ten years which may reasonably be supposed to have been included in a sin¬

gle reign. This identification would make the dynasty of Gahadavala to be

the same with that of Devasakti, which, according to my calculation, com¬

menced in the year 779, A. D.^f

When Karlla, the last prince of the dynasty, died, cannot be ascertained ;

but it must have been at about the third quarter of the eleventh century.

The inscription notices a revolution immediately after his death ; perhaps he

was destroyed by a rising of bis own people, who expelled his descendants

from Ivanauj and made over the kingdom to Chandradeva, or at least helped

him to take it.

The dynasty of the last named prince was founded by Yasovigraba,

whose name occurs in a large number of inscriptions ; his date, however,

is nowhere satisfactorily settled. ## His son Mahichandra was the father of

Chandradeva. No inscription of either of these has yet been met with. Of

Madanapala, the son and successor of Chandradeva, an inscription has been

published, bearing date the 3rd of the waxing moon in the month of Magha,

Samvat 1154 — 1097 A. D.ff According to the inscription under notice

he was the reigning sovereign in 1103, A. D., when his son Govindachandra,

as heir apparent, gave away the village of Basahi.

The second inscription describes the dynasty of Yasovigralia, but makes

no mention of the line of kings which preceded it. According to it Govinda¬

chandra was reigning sovereign or Maharaja on the 3rd of the wane in

the month of Phalguna, in the Samvat era 1174 = A. D. 1117. So he must

have succeeded his father between 1103 and 1117 A. D. On the 6th of the

wane in the month of Magha, Samvat 1182 = A. D. 1125, he gave away a

village in the canton of HaladoyaJJ and his reign may be assumed to have

* Ante XXXIII, p. 321.

f Ante XXXI, p. 391.

X Ante XXXII, p. 91.

§ Ante XXXI, p. 409.

|| Ante XXXIII, p. 96.

Ante XXXII, p. 409.

** A summary of all the Yasovigrahas noticed in inscriptions will be found in a

footnote to a paper entitled “ Of two Edicts bestowing land recorded on plates of

copper.” Ante XXVII, p. 217-

tt Ante XXVII, p. 218.

Xt Ante XXVII, p. 247.

317

1873.] Kajendralala Mitra — Two Copper-plate Inscriptions.

extended to tlie close of the third decade of the twelfth century, and probab¬

ly to a much later period. His son and successor was Vijayachandra. He

is said to have died in 116S A. D.,# leaving the kingdom of Kanauj to his

son Jay chandra, the last king, from whom the country passed to the Muham¬

madans. There are several copper plate patents extant of this sovereign.

Six of them found by Captain Fell at Benares, and now in the Library of

the Asiatic Society, bear dates as follow : —

Nos. 1008-3 and 0, Sam vat 1233 A. D. 1175.

No. 1008-4, Samvat 1234 == A. I). 1176.

Nos. 1008-5, 7 and 8, Samvat 123G =; A. D. 1178.

Lt. Col. Caulfield’s Faizabad plate, f Samvat 1243 = A. D. 1187.

His overthrow by the Muhammadans took place in A. D. 1193, which

gives a period of about twenty-six years for his reign.

As the history of these sovereigns has been discussed at length by

Colebrooke, Wilson, and others, and I have at present neither the time nor the

inclination to write a monograph, I shall close these brief notes with a few

remarks on the nature of the gift and on the various kinds of rights, taxes, and

cesses which they bestowed on the donees.

The gifts, as a rule, are absolute, and' to last, in the metaphorical

language generally used are such occasions, “ as long as the sun and moon

will endure.” Their resumption is also prohibited with dire imprecations.

But no where is any mention made of the right of actual possession of the

donor. The first impression produced on reading a copper-plate grant is

that the proprietory right of the donor is conveyed to the donee, but looking

to the fact that almost invariably there is a clause in the deed which says

“ the inhabitants and local officers, should render to the donee all rents,

taxes,” &c., or other words to that effect, the conclusion becomes evident that

the right conveyed is, like that of the zamindars, limited to rents, &c., and

does not extend to actual possession, which is taken for granted will rest

with the tiller of the soil, except of course in the cases of unoccupied land,

forests, mines, wastes, &c., which are frequently separately mentioned. This

peculiarity in the land tenures of India was first pointed out by Colonel

Sykes, and it shows the existence of zamindari rights of middle men apart

and distinct from the occupancy rights of the cultivators. It shows also

that the right of possession did not rest with the king. He was entitled to

demand revenue or fcara, and cesses, but not to dispossess the occupant at will

and pleasure. However extraordinary this may appear to persons who

associate the idea of Indian sovereignty with every thing that is arbitrary and

autocratic, it is a fact which is in perfect keeping with the laws of the land.

* Ante XXVII, p. 218.

+ Colebrooke’ s Essays, II. pp. 289, 295, and 29G. Journal, As. Soc., II., pp. 341.

and 342 ; XXVII, p. 218. Auto X, p. 98.

318

Bajendralala Mitra — Two Copper-plate Inscriptions. [No. 4,

According to the Tattvahaumudi , there were formerly four classes of tax-

gatherers intermediate between the actual occupant on the one side and the

king on the other ; these were the Gramadhyaksha, the Kautumbika, the

Vishayadhyaksha, and the Sabhadhyaksha, and the revenue passed succes¬

sively through their separate hands before it reached the king.* Whether

these persons were paid officers, or owners in some sense or other, I cannot

ascertain, but in the Vivctda Chintdmani a rule is quoted which says, “ A

gift of land made by the king by taking it from its proprietor through

anger or avarice, or under a pretext, (i. e. not lawfully resumed) is illegal.”!

.There are laws quoted in it of the rights of squatters and lease-holders,

apart from those of permanently fixed cultivators, who held the position of

the ryots of the present day.! This becomes the more apparent from the

nature of the right of the king in land as defined by STikrishna Tarka-

lankara in his commentary on the Dayabhaga of Jimutavahana. “ When the

owner of one kingdom,” says he, “ buys a country or the like from the owner of

another, the right acquired in his purchase is that of realising revenue, which

the seller had, and not anything similar to the right acquired in land by

inheritance, which is also connected with land, and which is not of the same

nature with the former, and cannot be produced by its transfer, the dis¬

cordance being in their natures. ”§ Accordingly, we find in one of the Sanclii

inscriptions a vassal of Chandra Gupta purchasing from one of his own sub¬

jects a piece of land, at the legal rate, for 12,500 dinars for a Buddhist temple. ||

The rights conveyed by the patents also indicate this very clearly.

The first right named in the records under notice is called bhaga or “ a share”

of the produce. It is, I believe, the same with the bliagajota of the present

day, in which an owner allows the cultivation of his land by a farmer on

the understanding of receiving a share (bhaga) of the produce, the cost

and labour of cultivation being borne by the latter. The share varies from

four to ten-sixteenths, according to the nature of the soil and other circum¬

stances ; but it is ordinarily fixed at half the produce, which in the case of

paddy is sometimes meant to include the straw, and sometimes to omit

it. Owners of land are occasionally required to supply seed grain ; but

* fwjT-

^ ^ wnniT ydt 1

f Prasannak a mar Tagore’s Translation, p. 124.

1 Ibid., pp. 130-31.

<t^j srrsra, ^r^qfrr^fcr-

rnq crfsTT^m rrreii-

C\ C\ -s

YmTcf I

Bharatachandra Siromani’s edition of the Dayabhaga, p. 18.

|| Ante Yol. YI, p. 455.

1873.]

319

Rajendralala Mitra — Two Copper-plate Inscriptions.

this is not common. At the time of Gfovindacliandra, the share was, I

believe, a tenth, as I tind in the inscription No. 1 the word blidga -

kutaka-das'a , which means the share ( bliaga ) for a plough-share ( KutaZca ) to

be das'a “ten” the “ten” meaning either ten hundredths or one tenth.

The ordinary practice of calculating by fractions of the rupee or sixteenths

has, I imagine, not been adopted here, as the very next word bandha vins'ati

twenty or a twentieth for mortgages, would in that case mean twentysix-

teenths, which would be absurd. One-twentieth or twenty-hundredths — •

most probably the former was the rate of cess for mortgages. But what¬

ever the rate the right was clearly limited to rent, and did not extend to

actual possession.

The second right of the zemindar is named Bhoga , literally meaning

enjoyment, but most probably intended to imply usufruct, as in the current

terms BJwgabandhak , Bhogaldbh, Bhogddhikdr, Bhogasanad , &c., a mort¬

gage is meant in which the article pledged is permitted to be used in lieu

of interest. It might mean the actual possession and enjoyment of the

land, but that cannot be the object intended by the conveyancer, for in

that case he would not have described it as> “ payable,” and enjoined the

inhabitants or ryots to “ render it.” The condition of payment, or rendering,

implies that the land was left in the possession of the ryots, and the donee

was still to have some enjoyment of it. This could be effected by al¬

lowing the landlord to have the right of using it when the land was left

fallow, either as field for grazing his cattle, or taking the grass from the

field after the cultivator’s crop had been removed from it. A right of

this description is enjoyed in the North-Western Provinces to this day ; and

a case once came up in appeal to the High Court of Calcutta from Behar in

which the zemindar claimed the right of taking grass from the field of his

ryot, after the ryot had removed his crop. This is indicated in a passage in

the Vivdda Chintdmam where it is stated that “ the produce of seeds thrown

from one field into another by a storm or a deluge, is enjoyed by the

proprietor of the field,”* i. e., the produce resulting without the interven¬

tion of the ryot is due to the zemindar, even during the currency of a lease,

unless otherwise provided for in the lease.

The next is Kara , i. e., rent proper or revenue, in which a fixed amount,

whether payable in money or kind, has to bo rendered for the use of land

irrespective of the actual produce at any given time. The standard for

fixing the rate was doubtless the produce, but when the rate was once fixed,

the produce was no longer taken into consideration.

The next is Bravani kara , or a toll on quadrivials, i. e., a toll at turn¬

pikes, it being very unlikely that a traveller was called upon to pay a toll

at every cross road. The translator of the Delhi College copper-plate

* Prasannakumar Tagore’s edition, p. 131.

42

T T

320

Rajendralala Mitra — Two Copper-plate Inscriptions.

[No. 4,

fancies that from the mention of this tax, “ it may possibly be inferrible

that the impoverishment of the imperial coffers had recently given rise to a

new species of fiscal exaction but the impoverishment is altogether imagi¬

nary ; there is nothing to show that Gfovindachandra’s reign was financially

a bad one, and needed any extraordinary fiscal measures for relief. On

the contrary, Govindachandra and his two successors, who exercised supre¬

macy for nearly the whole of the twelfth century, and possessed the finest

and richest portion of India, including the Gangetic doab, a good portion of

Oudh down to Benares, and an undefinable portion of the tract of country

to the south of the Ganges and Jumna from Tikkari to Gwalior, were rich

and prosperous, the most distinguished sovereigns of their times, lavish in

bestowing entire villages, not unoften two, three, or more at a time, in free

gift to Brahmans, it is extremely improbable that they laboured under

pecuniary difficulties. Were the difficulty tobe admitted as a fact, still the

question would remain, how could the bestowal of the right to raise such a

tax relieve the tightness of the imperial exchequer ? To make it really

beneficial, the donor should have reserved the right for himself, and not given

it away to a subject.

These four forms of taxation are mentioned in the second plate, and the

grant appears to be limited to the enjoyment of these, which the tenants

were to contribute. In the first grant the gift is absolute, including the

power of administering justice, the punishment being limited by the nature

of the offence, sadrisaparadha danda. But even here the tenants are not

altogether lost sight of, nor their rights annulled, for it ordains that the

share ( bhaga ) for each plough, kutaka , should be ten or a tenth (das’ a : bhdiga-

ku tala- das a) .

The right of the donee in mortgage is fixed at one-twentieth or five

per cent., which is somewhat more than the stamp tax of the present day.

He is authorised also to raise a tax for beggars — a poor rate — which is to be

equal to a prastha, or four kudavas , which is equal to “ forty-eight double

handfuls but whether that was required to be contributed by every tenant,

or for every biggah of land cultivated, I cannot ascertain. The tax is named

agu-prastha. A similar rate of tax is also fixed for the administration of

justice akslia-patala-prastdia. For the watch and ward of the village, a similar

rate is likewise fixed. It is called prdtihdra-prastha or a cJiaukidari tax, and

in some vllages of Bengal, it is still current, though the measure of corn given

is different. Royalties are also fixed for mines (dkard), collection of fragrant

grass, meaning evidently the wild Bend grass or Khaskhas (turush ka-danda) ;

wild tree-cotton (< iiiara ) ; reeds for mat-making (kata) ; and trade in

precious metals and jewels, collectively called hiranga or gold. In the

translation of the Inscription published in the twenty-seventh volume of

this Journal (p. 249), the word turushka- danda has been rendered into

* Ante XXVII, p. 248.

1873.] Rajendralala Mitra — Two Copper Hate Inscriptions. 321

“ Mahommedan amercements,” the translator suggesting that it implies that

Ci the encroachment of the northern invaders were gaining head, and that

their dominion was becoming to be recognised but I cannot accept this

version as correct. It assumes the presence in Etawali of such a Moslem

population as would be worth taxing ; and that is far from being probable.

The word turuslika dubtless means a Turk or a Moslem, and it is undeniable

that the incursions of Mahmud Ghaznavi did leave some of his followers

scattered in different parts of Indue, but they did not make up such a

population in villages as to make judicial fines imposed on them of any

material value. At any rate such fines do not by any means indicate Moslem

sovereignity in India, nor does their imposition by Brahmans under

the orders of a Hindu king in the year 1103 imply its extension. It may

be added, that the right of administering justice carries with it that of

fining, and the donee who got the right, enjoyed the fines from Hindu and

foreign offenders alike, and a special mention of “ Mahommedan amerce¬

ments” was not at all needed. But the most important argument against

the theory appears to me to be the position which the word turuslika danda

occupies in the text. It is preceded by dkara , “ mine,” and followed by

dliara , “ tree cotton,” and kata “ mat reed,” and one naturally expects it to be

the name of some article of produce; and this is supplied by the old meaning

of turuslika “ an aromatic substance,” added to danda , “ a stick,” an aromatic

reed. In the western parts of the Burdwan district, where the khas-khas

is common, a royalty is to this day charged by zemindars for permission to

cut it.

Transcript of Inscription No. I.

V -st^t *tjj^ ii

w ii ^ n

ii ^ ii

-c ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^

ffifcr^JiprqcrT

^t?tt fVw ^ ^rqfrpg^^yr: 11 ^ 11

' f^qfr^frT^rr: W |

11 y 11

cpFrisTfa %<jffqfrn^'frqr^ ^Bt 1

^B^cfqmq: 1

^i^tq^Br^T Bcjhitm#! tf<T BrqrTH^q^: 11 ^ 11

322

Rajenclralala Mitra — Two Copper Plate Inscriptions. [No. 4,

q^jqf Tfqf^r

*jqrT

qiqifq; i x*n ii

^T^T ^^if%^Tcf qTqqqq-

^rf^"5T^iVcrfq^'^wn?tqT i vr?r^ wrw ftcq fq^rnTf qT^qq

Ok rl ^ ^

*sr{^ ^nqr i ^t^r^qTjwT^f qwtqrn BBqiBqqH~qqqqrq g^qr-

qqf<T I qmT$q *T3T ^q^qq^Tqnwqr^qfqq: ^sirqijq^:*

C\

w^qyqsi, q^q, fq^fcr, qj^wi^q^si^G qqlqiTq^nqp:,

q>T, rwmt^t^pi; i qqgsrf qnqHwqnn qf^gpri q^qrrqw

'J C\ ^

Wf ^tJWT yfiqq^rqrFj: uq | qTqifqqTTTcJTq^

■q^q^fqq^q qftfqrf ^rq*nqqf<w ^itqr i w^uupqq

qmqjnqTq ^hpi, ^fqq^, ^fir*;^, fqqqpiq ^wqpq f^qpi sqifmqq;

q^KTafqq^g^rfq^q-^qq' f?iqqq

^qrq- ^pst* qiq<T sugqqq qqrb* I

X ^T^Jprr qvfpjqT qq f <g fqfqT ^xfmX vx-

^qyqq qqri[f%fq*;fqqT qyq;qwr?r f%qq i

^rq^fq^qT X^ ^T qT^JeTT

qrqqpsfq enqyfq smer: ^t qqtqf qqi n ^ ii

>3 ^ -J vj

q^faq^qi qqq qT^fq: qjpjKfqj i

w w ^x qfqqiqy rr^y w^t qr^q? ii * ii

C\ -V '

^f^rff qT^/fTf qf ijT qy rf q^PQq I

XI fqg"RT qrffWqT fwfq: qq q^ffq II \ II

'X

qfq q: qffr^wrm qqi qfq 3yqq$fq |

rTTfVT q^I^RIT PTqq ^RqrfqqT || 8 ||

q^fTqrqf qqw qpqqqswq q |

Jiqt qnfeqqrqq q ^njr?r ii * ii

f%fwg qTifqq^qnqq\qqqqi^qT^^fftqiq;^jTiqqt qqf qqOT qfeq:

'J Cv.

^Sfiqqfq;qqq;Tqqfq H

Translation of No. 1.

Om ! Salutation to the glorious Vasucleva.

1. I adore Damodara, the first among the Gods, the three folds of skin on

whose belly are said to be the three worlds in his lap.

2. In the dynasty of Gahadavala was born the victorious king, comparable to

Nala and Nabhaga, the son of the auspicious Mahiala.

3. When king Bhoja had become an object of sight to the charming wives of

the gods, ( i . e. died) j when the career of king Shi Karlla had come to a close, when

there was a revolution, then Chandradeva became king. On gainm0, him, who was

o oo?

like the lord of heaven, for her husband, earth was gratified. He was a protector of

the universe.

4. Having brought under subjugation all irrepressible and inimical kings, the

Bovereign established his reproachless metropolis at Kanyakubja.

323

1873.] Rajendralala Mitra — Two Copper Plate Inscriptions.

5. Of him was bom the renowned of earth, Madanapala — a lion to the inimical

elephant Ilapati, (king of Ha), who engaged himself in frequent warfare,* and made

the trunks of his decapitated enemies dance (in the battle field).

6. Of him was born the celebrated prince Govindachandra, whose lotus-like

feet were adored by hosts of mortal sovereigns — a prince of refulgent might, the

ornament of mankind, and the disturber of the enjoyment of his enemies.

On Sunday, the 5th of the waxing moon, in the month of Pausha, of the Samvat

year one thousand one hundred and sixty one, Samvat 1163, Pausha. 5th Sudi,

Sunday. f Having this day bathed here at Asatika, £ on the sin-destroying Yamuna, — -

having offered libations of water to the tutelary divinities, sages, (rishis) men, animals

and manes, — having worshipped the sun, the sovereign and glorious lord of all, S'iva,

and the asylum of the universe Vasudeva, — having duly made offerings to the fire (the

prince) thus addresses all the respectable inhabitants of the village of Vasablii, in the

district or circle ( Pattern a) of Jiyavam. This village with all its fields, and orchards

of Madhuka and mangoes, together with the sky over it and the region below it, as

also the power of administering justice, the right to a tenth for every ploughshare, to

a twentieth on mortgages, to royalties or shares ( prastha ) of corn, for beggars, justice,

watch and ward, mines, aromatic reeds and gold, along with all other, — the village

having on its East the village of Bandhamauni ; on its West the village of Yedabhala ;

on its South the village of Pusani ; and on its North, the village of Savahada, thus

bounded on four sides — for the increase of virtue and good name of my parents and

myself, and knowing life to be as impermanent as a bubble on water and the value

of wealth to lie in charity and enjoyment, has been granted as a sasana for the

period of the sun and the moon to the astrologer Brahmana, Ahneka, son of Ivulye,

and grandson of Meine, of the Balivrich Sakha (branch) of the Gautama clan (gotra),

having Gautama, Avitatlia, Angiras'a for his threefold Pravara, by Govindachandra

Deva, son of the Maharaja, on the winter solstitial conjunction (of the month of

Pausha and Magha) with water held in his hand, and purified by Kus'a grass.

1. With folded hands this is my prayer to all future sovereigns of my and other

dynasties, that they should never take any tifibute from this village — not even a blade

of durba grass. Those who wish to do their duty should, obedient to the mandates

of sages, preserve intact my gift, (as long as) the wind blows and the sun continues

to shine.

2. This earth has been enjoyed by many kings, including Sagara and others. To

whomsoever belongs the earth for the time being, he enjoys the fruit (of such gifts).

3. Whoever robs earth, whether given by himself or others, becoming a maggot,

sinks with his parents into ordure.

4. Both he who accepts land and he who grants it, are equally meritorious, and

they dwell eternally in heaven.

5. The alienator of land-grants cannot expiate his crime even by (dedicating to

* The word prabandha means both continuous action and a treatise. The latter

would imply that the king composed some treatises on tactics, but the second clauso

would bo more in keeping with the former meaning which has been adopted in the

text.

f The repetition is due to the circumstance of the date being given first in words

and then in figures.

J Probably the name of a ghat or a village on the Yamuna.

224 Rajendralala Mitra — Two Copper Tlate Inscriptions. [No. 4,

public use) a thousand tanks, by (performing) a hundred Yajapeya rites, and by

giving away in charity ten million heads of cattle.

This was written by Yijayadasa, son of the Pandit Shu Kuke, with the consent

(or in the presence ?) of the family priest Shu Jaguka, the chief accountant (Mehatta-

Ica,)* Shu Brahmana, and the warder ( Pratihdra ) Shu Gautami.

Transcript of Inscription No. II.

\ 11 | ^ fspq:

W^T)1ir^T(fsp*

^ viix^T^T) ii n

C\ J ^ C\

fav WTqifYef W II cT^TT^r (tT«T^t

0s*

Tfw pfnwif?w^T

q furore rr€t ws) fetf^T: ^-q: i ijYi^TTrrrqrrTT^nFnTTii.q-

qiryqi^q ^Tfqqr(^rTfsqfre ii tftipfsr qcifsc-

a qfKdT^mr^rJT^ i ^r??T?3T7j<3mfq?t fyimi ^y-

%rTT q^eft II WT^mT vpgy^fqr-

fqofq)^ fa—

(sRfp?^: I WTfaWtf^faTwfa^: q%fa: q^Tfaq^p^^:q^;qf^>

^ (W^Yfa'irt I ^TT;wfqf^r^r|T^?ir^rr^n^rT^3T)lTrerr: icq: qqq?CTKq

quf faqyfayq-q: l| fTqTTqaTTqcT fawTYqqT^qfaqiqTqq^-qq^T^jy-

'S (^TT I T 3Ptf fa) ^fa ^ ^qjiq-

TT^: II «T TT^TPTTqqfaY’* I q*q-

vj J

^ (q)fq^T (T5 W) JI^Ti: II

%fa faWYIST^fafafacrq^W q^WlilY^YYTTT^TfaTTWqY^Y-

qY^Bfa^Tfa^faqTffaqfaqi^fi^ifaqyq

<£. (fa^)^qW^T^^TqqT^*rfTYq»^TTrWTfaYr^qTB^Tq^iTfagTqfaq;-

qqT^qqi^ry^TqqY^?TYqiWYT^TfaYT*m^Y—

V qK^fa^Tfallfafa^^qfaT fqaTfa ( ) firqTf*faT

f^fw^qqqT'^fn^rfq TT^YT^qqYT^farqfafacrq—

'J 'J \J

* I take this word to be the ancient form of the Uriya HWiinti and the Bengali

Mayiti, an officer whose duty is to keep accounts.

825

1873.] Rajendralala Mitra — Two Copper Plate Inscriptions.

\ \ faqKTOTqfaqT^TJTTfa (

qqiq? WTqqifiqnfaq>TfaqqqTqT^Tqqfa ( qTqqqjTfq;^—

\J

fa q l

TOT fa(fafT^ vr)^erf TOTqfafafaqqTqT TO^^TT TOn^q^T-

qTTJ TO^T^TT TOmqfa qTOq>TqqqqTfeqmq^q^TOfqJTT--

(to^tot fa^rfa^g-mrcfa^faT ^fafaiqTOT q^TOqjfaqiqTqF^q-

TO?TO *iTfa <fafaiqf TTOT ^fasfq TOrT W5^ ^f T ^

\U . qfaTOiqTTO qqqqqTqqiq ^TTqr fqfaqq qqq-

4(q) qf^TO^TOfeTOfa^fa^T fqfq^qB^qTTOq^TOqTOKrfaqqq-

^ v ^ v3 si *3 nJ vj

^rQlfqfqqffT^q^

^a. qfa^ faqqqqTg^rriTO^ qqf froiq qrfaq ^fqqi ^fro^r

^C^T ^TrTTfq^TTT?^^ qWTOT$fTOTO qTT^qjrTqrq ^T^qT^IT^ —

qqqTO q^qfaTfriqTqrq qq^qtTOqq^ wth^t-

^T^Tfaqrrqf^f ^fTiq qTqq (snqqt—

V$ 3T?q) qq;qrfafa TOT TOTqfaqTTORfaTOi:qqfaqTKq^faq4q;TqTqTW-

fw<q\TO ^TTOT II

C\

qqfai qTq ^t^tt: i

*?fa q: qfa^wrfa TO *ffq

%rz qq^fq I TOT IfT Wqtq?FT faqqT WqTTfa*TT II ^ II ^ TOTTO ^

q^TOT qqqTW: i *rfaq;rq<q fq^Tfa qpqqqq, to^to n ^ 11 qqfaqTqr

(vrifqq: qT—

\cC f^)q^5iq tot tot qrqq TTTOq: I qTqT%sTOqfag4qm^T% qi^q

qT^qfaT qqfg: 11 ^ n q^iTOTOT tot qi^fa; qjnrrfafa: i (q*q q^j

fro)*q q*q q^T qfTOj a 11 ^qwqqf jtttot TOTOTOirqrq i qqqqqr-

qrfarq qiqqiTO^^qfr na.ii qqunqt TOWTTOTOTOq ^ I (qqf %Tfa-

q)q;faq tortot q ipqfa ii ^ ii ^TOT q^qf qT 4t TOq q^rom I q-

fqBTTqf qrfaTOr fa^fa to qqqfq i.^n qfaqqqqqrfa ^qf qqfq i

s^ qrfajfaT "qT^TOT "q qT^jq qfai qTOIF II qifTOtTO^q aj^^TTO-

qifaq: i qr^qqrq sto^t q;q (q^TOffa^1 n £ n qrq^t^ q;qifq

q^T) qrqj q;Tqifa qfflT^q^Tj^qi^Tfa l fqqTT'qjqT5qqfaqTfa qifq %r qTq

qi’a: qq^Tq;qJfa ll \° \\ qTqiqfqqqfa^ q^q^fqqogqTqTqqrqqq^r

«^a fqq)4iqqTqii i qc^r^: ^r q^q%r q^rqr-

qiq ii q^:fa%T^qq

326

Bajendralala Mitra — Two Copper Plate Inscriptions.

[No. 4,

Translation.

1. Lot this be auspicious. May that agitation at the commencement of his

dalliance with S'ri, when her hands rolled about on the neck and shoulders of eager

and lustful Vaikuntha, be to your prosperity !

2. When the line of protectors of the earth, born of the race of the ungenial-

rayed orb (the sun), had departed to heaven, there lived one of the name of

Yasovigraha, the munificent, who, in the plenitude of his effulgence, was like the sun

himself.

3. His son was Mahi chandra, whose glory, resembling the light of the moon,

was spread wide by him beyond the sea.

4. Unto him was born a son, the king Shi Chandradeva, the lover of polity,

the discomfiter of hosts of enemies, the dispeller of the gloom of impatient, heroic

warriors, by whose glorious majesty was repressed the revolts of the subjects of the

unrivalled great kingdom, of auspicious Gadhipura,* * * § which was earned by the valour of

his aiuns.

5. Repairing, as a protector, to Hash, Kusika, Uttara Kos'ala, Indrasthana, and

other places of pilgrimage, he marked the earth by the performance of a hundred

tula rites, in course of which he repeatedly gave to the twice-born his own weight in

gold.f

6. His son was Madanapala : that crest -jewel of the lords of the earth flourishes

as the moon of his race. By the waters, which sparkled in jars at his coronation,

the earth was washed clean of all the sinful dust of this iron age.

7. When he went forth to conquer, on the earth sinking under the over-powering

weight of the foot-falls of his maddened and careering elephants, high as lofty

mountains, the serpent Sesha, crushed as it were by it, and having its crest-jewel

fractured and thrust down into its bleeding mouth, for a time hid its face in its

folds.!

8. Erom him descended the king Govindachandra, even as the moon issued

forth from the ocean. His long arms, extending like creepers, tied and checked all

elephant-like upstart kingdoms, and he was the source of thick fiuid-nectar-sprink-

ling eloquence. §

9. His numerous elephants could nowhere in the three quarters find worthy

tuskers that could fight with them, and so they repaired to the quarter of the wielder

* Ancient name ofKanauj.

f The ceremony is a very costly one, but it is not uncommon. Within the last

ten years it has been several times celebrated in Calcutta, and in course of it not only

gold, but silver, rice, paddy, sesamum seed and other articles were weighed against

the donor, and presented to Brahmans. The Danakhanda of Hemadri, now in course

of publication in the Bibliotheca Indica, contains a full description of the details of this

rite.

! It is commonly believed that certain species of serpents bear veiy bright

jewels on their heads ; S'esha, the king of serpents on whose head rests the earth,

according to Pauranic cosmogony, has the largest jewel.

§ If the word gavaya be taken in its ordinary acceptation of kine, the meaning of

the phrase would be “ the source (whence men obtained) kine which gave thick, sweet

milk.”

327

1873.] Rajendralala Mitra — Two Copper Plate Inscriptions.

of the thunderbolt (East) where the lord of Abliramu* (Airavata the elephant of Indira)

was their only rival.

The same Govindachandra Deva, whose feet are profoundly adored by hosts of

sovereigns, the highly revered, + the great king over great kings, % the supreme

lord,§ the devout worshipper of S'iva, || the sovereign of the three classes of kings, viz.

AsVapati, Gajapati and Narapati,^f master (Vachaspati) of all knowledge and logic,

successor of the highly revered the great king over great kings, the chief lord, the

devout worshipper of S'iva, S'ri Madanapala Deva, who was the successor of the highly

revered, the great king over great kings, the supreme lord, the devout worshipper of

S'iva, S'ri Chandra Deva, the sovereign who, by his arms, carved the happy kingdom

of Kanyakubja, reigns supreme.

He commands, acquaints and enjoins the inhabitants of(?)and those who have come

thereto from other places, as also kings, queens, heirs-apparent, ministers, priests,

warders, ( pritihara ) generals, treasurers ( bhanddgdriJcas ) justiciaries ( atcshapatolilcas )

physicians, astrologers, guardians of female apartments (or dwellers of the zenana,)

envoys, and owners of elephants, horses, towns, mines, commons, and herds of cattle :

Be this known unto you, that after bathing in water consecrated by mantras, after

offering according to law water to mantras, gods, sages, mortals, elements and manes,

after paying due adoration to the fiery light (sun) whose rays are potent in dispelling

dense darkness, after worshipping the cresent-crested (S'iva), after performing puja to

Vasudeva, the preserver of the three regions, after offering oblations of frumenty and

clarified butter to the partaker of butter (fire), for the promotion of virtue and fame of

myself and of my mother and father, I have, by this patent, with water held in my hand

and consecrated with Kusa grass, for the period of the duration of the sun and moon,

bestowed on the third of the wane, in the month of Phalguna, in the year of Samvat

one thousand one hundred and seventy-four, (in figures) Samvat 1174 Phalg’., the two

above written villages, together with their soil and waters, their iron and salt mines,

their fisheries, pits and salt fields, their orchards of mango and madhuka trees, their

gardens, topes, grass fields and pasturages, including everything above and below,

* Name of the mate of Airavata.

f Paramabhattdra'ka. In Sanskrit dramas bhattdralm means a king, but in

ordinary language a revered personage is generally implied.

+ Mahdrdjddhirdja equivalent to the Arabic sultan us-saldtin. The term may be

split into two — Maharaja and adhirdja “ great kiug, and paramount sovereign.”

§ Parama=supreme and tsvara— lord or god. The epithet has been loosely

rendered into Emperor in the translation of the Delhi College plate (xxvii p. 249).

|| Parama-Mdhd-isvara. In the Benares inscription of Col. Stacy, it is placed in

opposition to parama vaishnava , some of the princes named being parama mahes'vara,

others parama vaishnava. The long d after m shows that the word is a derivative and

refers to Mahes'vara or S'iva. A sectorial meaning may be objected to on the ground

of the seal having the Vaisnava emblems of Garuda and concli-shell, indicating that

Govinda was a Vaishnava. But the expression of equal respect for both S'iva and

Vishnu is not uncommon.

Evidently intended for some tributary kings. The Itajas of Orissa used to call

themselves Gajapatis ; those of Talingana and Karnata bore the special title of

Narapati, and some of the Burmese monarchs were As'vapatis ; but it is not at all

likely that any of these bore allegiance to the kings of Kanauj. Vide ante xxvii, p. 24.

43 v u

328 R&jendralala Mitra — Two Copper Plate Inscriptions. [No. 4,

with their four abuttals well defined, and within their boundaries, on the Brahman

Thakkura, Devapala S'arma, son of Thakkura Udai ; and grandson of Thakkura Yogi, of

the Kas'yapa clan ( gotra ) and Kasyapasara-naidhu sept ( jpravara ). Knowing this

you should comply with his orders, and render unto him all dues, shares, rents, tri¬

butes, quadrivial tolls, &c., whatever have to be given.

On this subject are the following s'lokas :

1. (The same as the 4th s'loka of the first grant.)

2. A conch shell, a throne, an umbrella, choice horses, and excellent elephants,

Purandara, are the royal insignia, which constitute the reward of giving away land.

3. Ramachandra repeatedly intreats all present and future lords of earth (to

bear in mind) that this bridge of virtue (the granting of lands) is common to all

sovereigns, and should be preserved by you at all times.

4. (Is the same as the 2nd of the first grant) .

5. He who robs a gold piece (suvaima), a cow, or a finger’s breadth of land, dwells

in hell until the dissolution of the universe.

6. (The same as the 5th of the first grant.)

7. The same as the 3rd of the first grant.

8. The donor of land dwells in heaven for the space of sixty thousand years ;

the resumer, and the abettor thereof, are doomed to abide in hell for a like period.

9. The resumers of lands dedicated to Gods and Brahmans, become dwellers in

arid wastes devoid of water, and dry hollows in trees, and are born as black serpents.

19. All the gifts of former kings are productive of virtue, wealth, and fame, — how

an he, who claims the name of goodness, resume them which are to them but as

emblems of vomited food ?

11. Sovereignty is like unto clouds impelled by wind, ( i . e. inconstant), worldly

pleasures are sweet only for the moment, the life of man is but a drop of water at the

point of a blade of grass ; virtue verily is the only great frie: I for translation to a

future world.

By the Kayastha Thakkura S'ri —

1873.]

329

A Metrical Version of the opening Stanzas of the Prithirdj Bdsau, with a

critical commentary. — By F. S. (Trowse, M. A., B. C. S.

“ Manuscripts are in general grossly incorrect ; and a familiarity with the metre

will frequently assist the reader in restoring the text where it has been corrupted.”

ColebrooJc, on Sanskrit and Prakrit Poetry.

The following version of the opening Stanzas of Chand’s great poem

does not lay claim to any poetical merit. It simply professes to be a close

and accurate reproduction of the original, so far as the difficulties of the

text allow, in readable and intelligible English. Occasionally the exigencies

of rhyme and metre have necessitated some slight expansion or curtailment ;

and in a few passages the exact turn of expression has been deliberately aban¬

doned, either because there was a doubt about the reading, audtherefore a little

vagueness was preferable to what might turn out to be mistaken accuracy,

or because a rigid adherence to Hindi style would have had a forced and un¬

natural effect, and to that extent have misrepresented the original. But

throughout, the translation is line for line, not unfrequently word for word ;

the connection of ideas, not always easy to trace, has been carefully studied

and faithfully preserved ; and not a word materially affecting the sense has

anywhere been either omitted or inserted.

These, it must be admitted, are rather the merits which should charac¬

terize a prose translation ; and as a literal rendering of these very same

stanzas has aleady appeared in the last volume of the Society’s Journal, the

present version might be hastily condemned as a mere work of super-eroga-

tion. The rendering to which I refer is therefore appended in a running

foot-note ; the words to which exception is taken as being (in my opinion)

specially incorrect being printed in italics ; and the text is inserted above,

in order that the correspondence, or otherwise, of the one with the other

may be rapidly apprehended. For other reasons it was desirable that such

comparison should be made ; though it may be added that the present

metrical version would never have been attempted but for the opening

sentence of the preface to the prose translation, which fathers upon me a

retractation which I am not conscious of having made.

In my reprint of the text I have for the sake of the metre corrected the

copyist’s errors of spelling in many places where without such correction the

lines could not possibly be scanned. It is incredible that Cliand himself was

guilty of these false quantities, since in one of the verses which I translate,

it will be seen that he specially prides himself upon his accurate knowledge

and observance of the laws of prosody. The alterations, which affect the

sense, are very few in number, and are all fully explained and defended in

my running commentary.

330 F. S. Growse — A Metrical Version of the Prithirdj JRdsau. [No. 4,

I. 5TCW I

II

7R3R Prefer T^r ^ ^TTO f%T%^ I

f*K wjr sffa ^ ^rc^nre ii ^ ii

I. Bowing low before my master, I the queen of speech entreat,

And the world-supporting serpent and great Vishnu’s holy feet.

Then the perfect, sin-consuming god of gods that awful power,

Life of man and life of nature, I the poet Chand adore.

Thus after due mention of his Guru, the poet addresses his invocation

to Sarasvati, Sesli-nag, Vishnu, and Mahadeva, the first of these four divi¬

nities being clearly indicated by her title of Vani. Half of the second line

is difficult, but if translated literally, would I believe stand thus, “ The

supporter of the weight of creation, that is, of the world,” meaning Sesh-

nag. It can scarcely be doubted that sishtam is a corruption of srishtam ,

‘ created,’ not of sreshtham , ‘ the best’ or ‘ highest ;’ for the substitution of

i for ri is quite according to rule, as in sidla,1 II. a jackal’ for srigdla , but I know

no instance of the substitution of i for re or t for th. In the third line,

the words tama-guna is indicate Mahadeva, who is lord not 1 of vice and of

virtue,’ but of the quality (gun ) of darkness ( tama ). In siddhi-srayam the

first part of the compound may mean ‘ success,’ or may allude to the eight

Siddhis, Rasollasa, Tripti, Samya, Tulyata, Visoka, &c., the constituents of

perfection ; and adopting the latter view I translate by ‘ perfect.’ In

the fourth line, I have corrected the unmeaning word Ghandana-mayam by

the simple process of division into Glianda namayam , ‘ I Chand reverence.’

In the first half of the line, acliara should probably be read for cliara ; for

certainly the intention is to represent the god as the life both of sentient

and insentient creation.

II. I

STSR ^ II

C\

I. The prose translation :

“ First reverently bowing, bowing, the poet adores the feet of the Gurus. Taking

refuge at the feet of the highest, the aff order of support, the husband of the opulent

Lachhi j who stands the lord of vice and of virtue, consuming the wicked, the lord

of heaven, blessing with success ; who is as sandal-wood to the life of living beings

moving on the earth, lord of all, bestower of blessings.”

II. The prose translation :

“ First the very auspicious root is to be celebrated. Irrigated with the water of

the truth of tradition, religion like a fair tree with one trunk sprung up, with thrice

six branches rejoicing the three worlds. Leaves of various colours , leaves like mouths

there were. Colour of flowers and weight of fruit it had, speech unfailing, princely ,

rejoicing with fragrance the sight and touch , dsan tree of hope to the parrot-like poet.”

1873.] F. S. Growse — A Metrical Version of the Prithirdj Bdsau. 331

qqi TO 11

fqq^ to tIto f^wx ii

qq ^q qfr tot ii

fTO XU TO^T II

^Trf II

qrc*? xT^ ii

qpq qjqq qrf% ^ ii ^ ii

II. From the seed of Revelation,

Watered by Law divine,

Sprang with thrice six spreading branches

Faith, a straight and goodly pine,

Each leaf a lettered sign.

Rich in fruit of lovely colour

And honied flowers of song,

Sweet to taste, to see and handle,

For the poets, parrot throng.

In the first line I have divided the unknown word Sruta viya into

Sruti viya ; Sruti being the highest Revelation as distinct from Smriti,

mentioned in the next line, divine Law or Tradition. Viya, if allowed to

stand, is of course 4 seed \ hut it might he better to read boya, 4 to he

sown the difference between the two words in Nagari writing being almost

imperceptible. The fifth line is probably corrupt ; hut baran certainly

means not 4 colour,’ hut 4 letters of the alphabet which, according to the

Mimansa Philosophy are supposed to he eternal and immutable. In line 7

amir is not the familiar Persian word meaning 4 a noble,’ hut is for amrit ,

4 nectar.’ In the last line the word as is a little doubtful, but dsan unquest-,

ionably means simply 4 eating.’

in. ^ i

Tito i fnnr qq^rq qq; vx ii

to fw qqj i qx;^ qi^nr ^ qq w*: ii

wpqT TO 1 qr^qr *r ^q 11

CSv J

TO I W<r TO qf% II

III. The prose translation :

“ First having indeed proclaimed a blessing , having honoured the sacred writings,

whose beginning is the Veda, whose tliree-fold branches in all four directions arc

possessed of colour and leaves like letters, ltcligion, having sprouted out through the

bark, flowered fair in all four directions : its fruit, virtuous deeds springing out im¬

mortal, dwelling amidst mortals; firm as counsel of kings, or as tho earth ; the wind

shakes it not, giving to lifo the flavour of nectar, the kali-yug affixes no stain to it,

containing truth, wisdom, and perpetual freshness”

832 F. S. drowse — A Metrical Version of the JPrithirdj Ttascm. [No. 4,

W ST •sfT'S? ■5Ttf?T ¥f?T I ^<T II

«TT^f ^JT | ^rr ??tT II 3 II

III. The Vedic Scriptures, G-od’s best gift,

First claim respect profound,

With three-fold branches spreading wide,

Each leaf a lettered sound ;

Its bark religion, whence the bud

Of virtue forced its birth,

Ripening to fruit of noble deeds,

Heaven’s bliss midst men on earth.

Who tastes, unshaken by the blast,

Firm as king’s counsel, stays,

Aye growing to more perfect good,

Unsoiled by these foul days.

I have headed these stanzas ‘ Chhappai,’ that being a more correct

designation of them than ‘ Kabitt.’ In the first line the word jgraman is

precisely identical in meaning with nigam in the following line ; both are

synonymes of the Yeda. A strictly literal translation would be “ first

having taken the blessed scriptures, reverence them, the divine oracles, the

original Yeda.” It will be noticed that the poet keeps hovering round

the same idea, which he repeats in three different metres. Line four here

corresponds precisely with line five of the Vathua, and as there bar an must

be translated ‘ A letter of the alphabet.’ In the last line occurs the word

drhati , which I translate ‘ growing,’ taking it to be formed from the root

ridh. A Mathura Pandit explained it by sambandh , ‘ connection ;’ in which

sense chiefly as a business term, for dealings with an arthiya , or ‘ broker,’

the word is still very common.

IY.

wrftr faro i ^ u

J 0\ c\

l 11

I «TTTT ^ ^Tl KtT TWRT II

I WlfcT WT ^ ^JlfrT II

^ ^ I II 8 II

IY. The prose translation :

“ Taking possession of the earth like a garden-plot ; irrigating it with the fulness

of the Yeda as with water ; placing in it good seed, upsprung the shoot of know¬

ledge, combining branches of three qualities , with leaves of many names, red as earth.

It flowered with good deeds and good thoughts, complete deliverance, union of sub¬

stances. The twice-born of pare mind have experienced its flavour of perfect wisdom,

a banian tree of delight, spreading abroad virtues ; the branches of this excellent

tree in the three worlds, unconquered, victorious, diffusing virtues.”

1873.] F. S. Growse — A Metrical Version of the Prithirdj Rctsau. 333

IY. The world, a pleasant garden-plot,

Watered with Yedic lore,

From good seed cast into its midst

The plant of wisdom bore.

Three great houghs spread, and the earth grew glad

At the leaves’ new melody,

While flowers of virtue swelled to fruit

Of immortality.

The bird-like sage quaffed the sweet juice

Of this exquisite marvellous tree,

With its single stem and its far-spreading houghs

Full of glory and victory.

In the first quatrain, the only word of any difficulty is hhugati , which

I take to be equivalent to bhog. In the second occurs the phrase ratt chhiti.

Here ratt is simply the past participle of the verb rang , meaning not £ red,’

nor even £ coloured,’ but in its secondary sense ‘ affected by love,’ like the more

common mohit , £ charmed.’ The two words are parenthetical, and the most

literal translation of them possible is £ earth is charmed.’ The three boughs,

to which such frequent reference is made, can scarcely be taken to mean

the three qualities sattva , rajas , and tamas , but indicate rather that the

influence of religion extends over the three worlds of earth, heaven, and hell.

In line seven, I have altered susan, apparently a mere misprint, to suman ,

not £ good thoughts,’ but £ a flower.’ In the ninth line, duja might mean

1 twice-born ;’ but it seems a more appropriate carrying out of the allegory

to take it in its other well-known sense of £ a bird.’

WX VfoRIST'qTrT I

j

nxt I

f«r*r •TT'R w

i

w n

5. Tf# ^ f%frj I

^TTZJT II

^ II

*rx ^ ^tt i

^ ^ xjt ii

10.

334 F. S. Growse — A Metrical Version of the Prithiraj Pc'tsau. [No. 4,

15. f%-?JT ^TTf^T ^ I

i

fTTTJI jfjfT II

\J

20. f%f ^ inf^; 3ir4 ii

?nr ^ ^ *s*ft i

\j ^ ^

f^j-?r ^r v^ft n

faffr f*r?ft ^wt ifewt i

24. frr^f *ft ^f%€t ?rat ii

Y. First reverence to the serpent-king, who ordereth all things well,

Whose name is told ways manifold, though one, unchangeable.

Next he adored the Sovereign Lord, the god of quick and dead,

Who by strong spells set fast the world on the great serpent’s

head.

5. In the four Vedas’ holy texts is Hari’s glory shewn,

A witness to eternal truth, where only sin was known.

Be Vyasa third, from whom was heard the tale of the Great War,

Where Krishna, first of charioteers, drove Arjun’s sounding car.

Fourth, Sukadev, who at the feet of king Parikshit stood,

10. And wrought salvation for the whole of Kuru’s lordly brood.

Sri Harsha, fifth, pre-eminent in arts of poesy,

Who on king Nala’s neck let fall the vreatli of victory.

Sixth Kalidas, in eloquence beyond all rivals great,

Whose voice the heavenly Queen of Speech vouchsafed to

modulate.

15. Upon whose lips great Kali’s self thought it no shame to dwell,

The while he framed in deathless verse King Bhoja’s Chronicle.

V. The prose translation :

First be the well-adorned Bhujangi taken, whose name this one is spoken in many

ways. Second be taken the god, the lord of life, who placed the universe by power¬

ful spells on Sesh-nag. In the four Vedas by the Brahmans the glory of Hari is

spoken, of whose virtue this un virtuous world is witness. Third the Bharati Vyasa

spake the Bharath, who bore witness to the more than human charioteer. Fourth

Sukadeva at the feet of Parikhit, who extolled all the kings of the race of Kuru.

Fifth . who placed a six fold necklace on the neck of king Nala. Sixth Kalidasa,

fair of speech, fair of wit, whose speech is that of a poet, a master-poet, fair- speaking,

was made the pure fragrance of the mouth of Kali, who firmly bound the dyke of three¬

fold enjoyment. Seventh, Danda-Mali’s charming poem, the wave of whose wit is as

the stream of Ganga. Jayadeva, eighth, poet, king of poets, who only made the song

of Govinda. Take all these poets as thy spiritual guide, poet Cliand, whose body is

as a sacrifice inspired by Devi. The poets who have uttered praises and excellent speech,

of them poet Chand has spoken highly

1873.] F. S. Growse — A Metrical Version of the PritJiiraj Ttasau. 335

Be seventh in place the jocund grace of Danda-Mali’s theme,

Sweeping along, full, deep and strong, like Ganga’s mighty stream.

Eighth Jayadeva, bard of hards, most worthy that high name,

20. Whose sole delight to tell aright the great god Gohind’s fame.

Thus each great name of elder fame I the hard Chanel invoke ;

For as the present god inspired, those loving servants spoke.

In humble phrase I dare to praise the deeds of one and all,

24. Who can but gather up the crumbs that from their table fall.

If this passage is genuine, and there seems no reason to doubt the

fact, it is of some value in the history of Sanskrit literature as tending to

determine the date of the two poets Sri Harsha and Jayadeva. Dr. Biihler

assigns the former to the middle of the twelfth century, relying chiefly on

the authority of Baja Sekhara, a Jain writer of about the year 1350 A. D.

This view, which is by no means in accordance with ordinary Hindu tradi¬

tion, has been ably combated in the pages of the Indian Antiquary, and

must now he considered as finally refuted. For though Chand may not

have been a very profound critic of Sanskrit style, and may have been as

regardless of chronological precision as most of his countrymen, still it is

impossible that he should have committed the blunder of referring to remote

antiquity a writer, who — according to Dr. Biihler’s hypothesis — would

have been all but, if not quite, his contemporary. Similarly in Jayadeva’s

case, the desire of European scholars to prune down the exaggerated

figures, in which Hindus are prone to indulge, has led to error in the op¬

posite direction. Professon Wilson concludes him to have been a disciple of

the great religious reformer Bamanand, who flourished in the thirteenth or

fourteenth century. This connection, so far as I can ascertain, is not war¬

ranted by any text in the Bhakta Mala, the recognized authority for the

lives of the Vaishnava saints, and is totally disproved by the fact now brought

to light that Jayadeva is mentioned by name by Chand, who wrote some

hundred years before the time of Bamanand even.#

The metre Bhujanga pray at is a series of rhyming couplets, each line

comprising four of the foot called in Sanskrit prosody Ya-gan , i. e. one short

followed by two long syllables. In the twenty-four lines, as originally

printed, there are as many as eighteen false quantities ; but the defect in

every instance is obviously the result of mere carelessness on the part of the

transcriber, and has been rectified by some one of the three simple and re¬

cognized prosodiacal expedients, viz., the introduction ot an anusvara, the

reduplication of a consonant, or the change of the quantity ol a vowel.

In the first line, the word Bhujangi contains an allusion to the name ol the

# I have stated the argument at greater length in two letters on the subject

which have appeared in the Indian Antiquary.

44

v v

336 F. S. Growse — A Metrical Version of the Prithiraj Pdsau. [No. 4,

metre, which it is quite impossible to preserve in a translation, but primari¬

ly it denotes the serpent God, Sesh-n6g ; blmjanga being a common name

for a serpent. Sudhdri, like every other word with the same termination, has

not a passive but an active signification, and means ‘ the good arranger as

mantra- dhari means ‘ a layer down of counsel,’ and ras-dhari 1 a composer

of dances.’ It will be observed that the poet is giving a brief catalogue of

all the great authors of earlier date, and places at their head the god Sesh-

nag, the first artificer or 71-0177x7/$ of the universe. He then passes on to

the Yedas, which he represents as directly inspired by Vishnu, and thence

to the Maha-bharat of Vyasa, the Sri-Bbagavat of of Suka-deva, and so on,

in each case either mentioning by name or describing the author’s principal

work and eulogizing his genius. Thus in the fifth line we are forbidden by

the context from taking the obscure word bambham to represent the £ Brah¬

mans’ as the authors of the Veda, which has already been distinctly ascribed

to Vishnu himself. I would rather consider it as a corruption of babJiru , a

title of that god, and couple it with the word Hari which immediately

follows it.

In line eight, utta would seem to be an abbreviation for uttam , 1 the

best ;’ while Parathth is simply the Hindi form of the Sanskrit Partha,

meaning ‘ the son of Pritha,’ a very familiar name of Arjun, the great hero

of the Malia-bharat. In lines nine and ten, the reference is to the Sri

Bhagavat, which was recited by Sukadeva to king Parikshit when at the

point of death, as the best means for procuring the 1 salvation’ (uddhara)

of his soul.

In the following couplet, I have corrected the unmeaning word shaddha

to suddha. The allusion is to Sri Harsha’s famous poem, the Naishadha,

which narrates in twenty books the adventures of the hero Nala, king of

Nishadha, and concludes with the description of the Svayam-vara, where

Damayanti in token that she had selected him for her husband * dropped

upon his neck the wreath of flowers.’

Lines thirteen to sixteen are eulogistic of the great poet Kalidasa, to

whom Chand ascribes, not with perfect accuracy, the composition of the

Bhoja-prabandha, a work in mixed verse and prose.* A literal translation

of line fourteen would be “ whose voice Sarasvati made a charming voice,”

rag being not £ speech’ but the £ queen of speech ;’ and rani not £ a poet’

but £ voice.’ In line fifteen, vdsam is not £ fragrance,’ but 1 an abode ;’

and in line sixteen the words setu bandliyau mean simply £ composed,’

having been selected with alliterative allusion to the prabandha which forms

part of the title of the work under mention. It may be noted upon lines

seventeen and eighteen, that Danda-mali’s great work, the Dasa-Ku-

* Tlio prose frame-work is known to liave been composed by Ballala Misra,

but many of the peotical extracts may with great probability be ascribed to Kalidas.

1873.] F. S. Growse — A Metrical Version of the Prithiraj Hasan. 337

mara-Charita, has still less claim than the Bhoja-prabandha to be considered

a poem ; since unlike most Sanskrit literature it is entirely in prose.

The style, however, is sufficiently elaborate to make it ordinarily included

among the Kav}Tas.

In line twenty, an alteration required by the metre is equally essential

for the sense : kitti, with the last syllable long, being when so spelt the past

participle of the word Jcarna, £ to make,’ must be corrected to kitti, with the

last syllable short, a corruption of kirti, ‘ fame.’ Gayam also should be

translated as the verb £ sung,’ rather than as equivalent to git a, ‘ a song.’

In the twenty-second line, habbi cannot possibly be taken as a deri¬

vative from the root hu , £ to sacrifice ;’ it is far more natural to connect it

with hava , ‘ love and dalliance.’ In the last line, I take uchishti as a

substitute for uchchhishta , corresponding to the Hindi jlmthd, £ the frag¬

ments of a feast.’

VI.

^ i ^rr ?x I

cf«T | ^ift tl € II

VI. Hearing Chand rate his art so low,

His lovely consort cries :

O pure and all unblemished bard,

Skilled in rare harmonies.

Here uchisht must of course be taken, as at the end of the last stanza,

to denote something utterly low and vile. In the third line tan pavitra

is rather £ pure of body’ than £ purifier of the body,’ and pdvan, with

precisely the same meaning, is added simply for the sake of emphasis.

VII. I

efi^t ^T«T I <T*T ’TR'T ^ |

rfcT *irT I II

cfcT ^ Tjrf | ^ I

| II

VI. The prose translation :

“ The speech in verse of Chand, excellent, hearing him utter, his wife says,

Purifier of the body, O poet, uttering excellent speech.”

VII. The prose translation :

“ Saith the wife to her husband : Purifier of offspring, great poet, uttering spells

and charms, lilce an oblation offered to Devi, hero of spells, very terrible, giving

pleasure to kings by thy poetry : the childish sports one by one of the gods having

extolled in thy poems, having uttered unchecked speech, /rom which to me comes wisdom,

that word which is the visible form of Brahm, why should nut the best of poets speak

it ?”

838 F. S. Growse — A Metrical Version of the Prithirdj lidsau. [No. 4,

^f<r ^Tx i vv ii

^sr^tr ^ i qqf ^ 11 ^ 11

VII. Nay, good my Lord, thus quoth his spouse,

Great bard, unblemished elf,

Whose prayers and spells have power to win

The love of Heaven itself,

Hierophant of mystic lore,

Charm of the courtly throng,

Like to a child in untaught play

Lisping divinest song ;

In faith pronounce one holy name

(For faith and love make wise),

’Tis Brahma’s self ; no dregs of eld

Deem then thy melodies.

There can be no question as to the meaning which the first line is

intended to convey, hut it seems impossible grammatically to extract that

meaning from it, if the word sama be retained. I have altered it to mama.

In the second line also, I have made a change by substituting tan for

tant ; it now corresponds precisely with the third line of the preceding

doha ; and a repetition of the kind, after a change of metre, is a very favorite

artifice with Hindi poets. The erroneous reading of tant is due to its

occurring at the commencement of the very next line, where it caught the

copyist’s eye. In the third quatrain, I have introduced two emendations ;

first by combining ho and vid into one word hovid , ‘ wise ;’ and secondly, by

joining hahiya with the following negative, and so converting it into the

plural form habiyan. The words habbiya and uchisht have already been

commented upon.

VIII. W 1 ^ I

w qDmr vv Vk i ^ ^ i

^ ^ffr i ||

former ^TT% I sfsf i

i *tk ^ n

f?r1% sr^j f i spErar I

sreifa 1 i ii c:ii

VIII. The prose translation :

“ To his wife saitli the bard Chand, muttering soft and low, that true word of

Brahm, purifier of all others , itself pure, that word which has no form, stroke,

letter, or colour, unshaken, unfathomable, boundless, purifier of all things in the three

worlds, that word of Brahma let me expound, the glory of the Gurus, pleasing to Saras-

vati, if in the arrangement of my phrases I should succeed, it will be pleasing to thee,

O lotus-faced one.”

1873.] F. S. Growse — A Metrical Version of the Vritliirdj Vdsau. 339

With reverence to his dearest spouse

Quoth Chand in accents mild :

That holy name of God most high,

Pure, infinite, undefiled,

Beyond the compass of all shape,

Form, stroke, or lettered sign,

Fathomless, indivisible,

That no sphere can confine,

Hymned I that name, hy my lord’s help

And Sarasvati’s grace,

Jeers still would mock my faultering style,

0 Queen of the lotus face.

In the first line, I have allowed the word sam to stand, thinking it

possible that it might be intended to represent the Sanskrit swa. The

combination barbandi would seem to he a misprint ; though it is impossi¬

ble to say, as it is omitted altogether from the prose translation ; obviously

it consists of two distinct words bar 1 excellent’ and bandi , ‘ reverencing.’

In line seven, aJcal is not £ unshaken,’ but £ without parts,’ that is £ indivisi¬

ble.’ The next line literally translated would be £ that can find no limit in

the three worlds qTcf^T being divided into *TR In the eighth line,

prasad is not in opposition to rachna , but the words are parenthetical, and

the construction expressed in full would he Gurulce prasad se , aur yadi Saras -

vati prasann ho. In the eleventh line, for chukaun with u short, meaning

£ to complete,’ I think it would he better to read the same word with u long,

meaning £ to fail.’

IX. I 3PR I

^ ^ i •ttjt n

^ WT TferT I %T*TpT II

W JTJT I ^ffcT ^ II

f^T^rT | ^ ^ II

Ov

IX. 0 reverent and most pure-souled bard,

Versed in all rhythmic law,

IX. Tlio prose translation :

“Thou art tho poet, the excellent bard, gazing on the heavens with unclouded

intellect, skilful in the arrangement of motres, having made the song of the pcacoclc-

youth. The wave of thy wit is like Ganga, uttering speech immortal , soft , good men

bearing it are rejoiced, it subdues like a spell of might. Tho incarnation king

Pritliiraj the lord, who maintained the happiness of his kingdom, hero, chief of

heroes, and all his paladins, of them speak a good word.”

340 F. S. Growse — A Metrical Version of the Frithirdj Rasau. [No. 4,

Who lisped in numbers as a babe,

Numbers that knew no flaw,

Like Ganga’s stream, on pours thy song

In rich mellifluous flood,

A spell of might that all confess,

But most the wise and good ;

The incarnate god, who rules the world,

King Prithiraj the Great,

Of lordly chieftains lordlier lord,

Be it thine to celebrate.

The word nag which occurs in the second line, is one that hears many

meanings, but the context shews that in this passage it must be interpreted

in its technical sense of ‘ the art of prosody.’ A literal rendering of the

next two lines would be ‘ whose verses are without any faults who in child¬

hood made poems.’ I fail to discover any possible allusion to the Kumara-

sambhava. In the sixth line amiyct kal are ‘ sweet strains,’ without any

reference to ‘ immortality.’

X. ww l ^ i

Slf<T ^ 1 II

i ’snfcg n

i ii

fairer i ^ ii

vj * 5^ C\

^ ^rT ^f?rrr farf I UrR- ^’tT JffcT ^ffT II

xjv? f?r«r i h v° »

X. Unto his fair and stately dame

Quoth Chand in loving wise :

Dear charmer, clinging vine of love,

Foretaste of Paradise,

With girlish eyes of witching glance,

My queen, my soul’s delight,

Noting all faults but knowing none,

Heaven’s rich-dowered favourite ;

List while I tell in faltering tones

How infinite a throng,

X. The prose translation :

“ To her of the elephant gait, Chand singing a pleasant rhyme said, Ravisher of

the soul, tendril of enjoyment, possessing the fragrance of the ocean of the gods,

thou of the glancing eye, in the flower of thy youth, beloved of my soul, giver of

bliss, wife, free from all evil qualities, thou who hast obtained the fruit of the

worship of Gauri j as many poems as there have been from first to last, consider how

endless a string there is of them, the description of this matter is in many books, thus

having taken in the best counsel

1873.] F. S. Growse — A Metrical Version of the Prithiraj Pdsau. 341

Of diverse talents, diverse theme,

Are the great lords of song.

In this passage the only line of any difficulty is the seventh, which

I translate £ faultless, observant of faults omitting the first word garu,

which may either represent garv , ‘ pride,’ or he a mis-reading for guru. A

literal rendering of the last quatrain would he ‘ from first to last what poems

there have been, their endless (varieties of) style and theme I tell. Count¬

less are the hooks : now gather from my poor wit this attempt to describe

them.’

XI. ^ i

f^r^r ^Tx ii

f^TT-^FTTK I

Vj J

vfa SfX •TTJT VTH 11

Tjfa sT^T ^TlT I

etffa cfri mx i

*rr*rfjT i

jr«f ^ ^ ii

J J

XI. First I adore the one primeval Lord,

Who breathed the unutterable, eternal word ;

Who out of formless chaos formed the earth,

And all creation, as he willed, had birth.

Through the three spheres his three-fold glory sped.

Fiends, gods and men — earth, heaven and hell o’erspread.

Then the supreme, in Brahma’s form revealed,

By the four Vedas heaven’s closed gate unsealed.

How sing the great creator, uncreate,

Passionless, formless, aye unchanged in state :

And so on for the remainder of a long paragraph ; which, as it con¬

tains nothing of special difficulty, has already been adequately translated,

and therefore need not be repeated. It does not advance very far in the

promised poetical catalogue, for after extolling the divine author of the

XI. The prose translation :

“First reverencing my first of gods, who uttered the imperishable word Om,

who mado the formed out of the formless, the will of his mind blossomed and bore

fruit, the sheen of the three qualities, inhabiting the three worlds, shining on gods in

heaven, men on earth, serpents in hell. Then in the poom of Brahma leaving the

Brahma-egg, the lord, the essence of truth, said the four Vedas, the creator uttered

them unwritten , without qualities, having neither form nor lino.

342 F. S. Growso — A Metrical Version of the Brithiraj Hasan. [No. 4,

Vedas, it just mentions by name the Puranas, the Bamayana and the five

Maha-kavyas ; when the poet is stopped hy his wife, who desires to have

the Puranas enumerated more in detail. In the seventh line, I prefer the

alternative reading Brahma uclidri to Brahmanda chari , which the editor

has adopted ; and I translate £ then spake Brahma, the visible form of

Brahm,’ which appears to me a very simple and intelligible form of expres¬

sion.

Before concluding this article, it may he interesting to adduce a

specimen of a genuine native commentary on Chand : accordingly, I append a

paraphrase of the first four lines of invocation, written hy Pandit Makhan

Misr, a Sarasvat Brahman, resident in Mathura, who has the largest library

of Sanskrit MSS., and is one of the best-read scholars in that city of

Sanskritists.

i

•W7TX q<f¥q W q\fqq qHq 37^ WRf

qnl* qq q\f%q f*r*r^r %

q7q}q ^7*7 qWrft iNf 37^ % fapg qff%q

V7^«TqT7T % fqjT % ^7^ q»f%q ^T^TTf^ ^77 J1%3T V q7V9

q*f¥q >47W qrt %’ ^ q^qrft q»f%q 3T^7q;qqft qnM?

^7#t ^T7 %' ^7qq Ijq 3T^qff fqfn

3T^ % <73737*7 ^37 ^737 <7T % %7 *7 frTsfrT qifNq fqq^ fqq 7%<T

qjq f ^ %' ^ qffqq q7q «T7fi q<f%q qgfu sroq-

%qTV %' l^cT7^ ^7 Wl€t #7 qqrq CTT^ qq

^7qq %’ qui %qr qrc <tt^ qr^?; qr tqvqx qrf^q

^Tfq;qi ^ ottw q*f%q i7"qq?if^q» ^ qffqqrq ^^irq *773? ^*7 orq

¥4<t<*7 %’ qqc?x q»f%q qqqr % q^ qrf%q q^cqr ^qq7T % qjqq qrr%q

fq^q ^ n \ ii

The above is a good illustration of the extreme difficulty which really

learned Hindus, whether they come from the east or the west of India,

find at the present day in understanding their own vernacular in its earliest

form. Their suggestions as to the train of ideas, traditional usage, &c., are

often valuable ; but their etymological explanation of particular words is

frequently of the wildest and always requires confirmation. Hence the Eng¬

lish editor of Chand must in the main depend on his own resources and

stand or fall hy himself.

1873.]

343

The Initial Coinage of Bengal under the early Muhammadan Conquerors.

Fart II. — By E. Thomas, F. K. S.

(Continued, from Journal, Vol. XXXVI, 1867, p. 73.)

The discovery of an undisturbed hoard of no less than 13,500 coins in

Koch Bihar, inhumed some five centuries since, recently claimed attention

both from the number and importance of its representative specimens, which

so effectively illustrated the history of the kingdom of Bengal for a

consecutive period of some 107 years.* The earliest date thus accorded

towards the purely Initial Coinage of the country under its newly-installed

Muslim administrators did not reach higher than the reign of the

Empress Baziyah, a.h. 631-637 (a.d. 1236-1239), or more than 31 years

after the first entry of the adventurous KJiilji and Turhi troops into the

recognized Hindu capital of the lower Ganges. f A still more recent

discovery of a comparatively poor man’s cache , in the fort of Bihar, £

elucidates an earlier chapter of the local annals : and though the contents

of the earthen vessel in this case are limited in number to a total of 37

pieces, and restricted in their dates to a term of 13 years, they, in some

respects* compete advantageously with the previously-recovered unexampled

store, in the value of their contributions to the obscure records of the

Gangetic Delta, and in priority of date bring us more than 20 years nearer

to the first occupation of Bengal by Muhammad Bakhtyar lihilji in 600

a.h. As in the larger and almost regal treasure trove of Koch Bihar, the

specimens in the present instance prove to be essentially of home or

indigenous fabric. With the exception of a single northern piece of the

supreme Sultan of India, they are one and all the produce of the mints of

Bengal proper, and mark with singular fidelity the varied incidents of the

alternate rise and fall of the provincial governors during the unsettled

relations existing between suzerain and vassal from a.h. 614 to 627, when

Altamsh came into real and effectual possession of the south-eastern portion

of his Empire.

* Journ. Iv. A. S. (n.S.) Vol. II., 1866, p. 145. Reprinted in the Journal of the

Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. XXXVI, 1867, p. 1.

f The name of Nuddea, VTdljtT, Navadwtpa, the “ new island” (converted into

by the Muslims), would seem to imply a southerly movement, in concert with the silt of

the Ganges, of the seat of Government down to the comparatively modern occupation of

this site, on the abandonment of the successive traditional capitals of earlier dynasties.

I 1 have no information as to the exact circumstances of the discovery of this small

hoard, beyond the general intimation that it was secured by Mr. A. M. Broadley, in

or near the Fort of Bihar. The coins have now become the property of Colonel Guthrie,

who had already contributed the materials for my earlier notice of the Initial Coinage of

Bengal.

Y Y

•15

344 E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — JPt. II. [No.-. 4,.

One of the most instructive facts disclosed by these few pieces is, that

the rich and comparatively undisturbed territory of Bengal felt the want of

a supply of silver money long before a similar demand arose in the harassed

provinces of the North-West. The southern coins date, as far as can be seen,

some nine years prior to Altamsh earliest effort at a silver coinage in his

northern dominions ; and even liaziyah’s silver money of deferred date bears

every token of exclusive manufacture in the subordinate Lak’lmauti mint.

I have already quoted the testimony of Minhaj i Siraj, to the effect,

that on the first conquest of Bengal by the Muslims, they found no metallic

or other circulating media of exchange except that supplied by cowries

even the compromise of the mixed silver and copper jitals of the various

Hindu dynasties of the central ltajput tribes was unknown in the sea-board

marts of the south.

The chronicles of the proximate kingdom of Orisa, whose boundaries

touched, if they did not often trench, upon the ancient kingdom of Gaur,f

explain how so infinitesimal and largely distributed a currency was able

to supply the wants of so rich and essentially commercial a population. It

would appear, from the official records preserved in the Temple at Puri,

that although there was no silver money in use, gold in convenient weights,

if not in the form of absolute coin,]; was freely interchangeable with the

more bulky heaps of cowries. In these same official palm-leaf documents

we find the powerful king of Orisa, Anang Bhim Deo (a.d. 1174-1201),

describing the geographical limits of his kingdom, specifying, with close

exactitude, its now proved superficial area (39,407 square miles) ; and adding

that, as the revenues of his predecessors of the Kesari line had amounted,

with a more limited extent of territory, to 15,00,000 marJis of gold, so his

own added boundaries had raised the State income to 35,00,000 marks. Mr.

Stirling (our most trusted revenue authority), relying upon still-extant local

* J.R.A.S. (n. S.) II., p. 148. See also Hamilton’s Hindustan, i., 40.

f Mr. Stirling says, under the Ganga Vansa line, for a period of nearly four centuries;

(from A. I). 1132), the boundaries of the raj of Orisa may be stated as follows : . . . .

“ North, a line drawn from the Tribeni, or Triveni, Ghat above Hugli, through Bishnpur,

to the frontier of Patkum : East, the river Hugli and the sea.” As. Res. xv. 164. Hunter

i., 280. “ To the north of the mouth of the Saraswati lies the broad and high Tribeni

Ghat, a magnificent flight of steps, said to have been built by Mukund Deo, the last

Gajpati of Orisa.” Blochmann,. As. Soc. Bengal, 1870, p. 282.

x On the above occasion, likewise, a new coin and seal were struck by the Raja’s

orders, with the titles which are used to this day by the Khurdali Rajas, who claim to

represent the majesty of this once powerful race. They run this : Vira Sri Gajapati ,

Gauresioara, etc. “ The illustrious Hero, the Gajpati (Lord of Elephants), sovereign of

Gaura (Bengal), Supreme Monarch over the rulers of the tribes of Utkala, Karnata, and

the nine forts,” etc. Stirling, As. Res. xv., p. 272.

345

1873.] E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Ft. II.

tradition, defined the niarli at 5 mash as' weight f while Dr. Hunter, under

later and more vague native inspiration, pronounces it to he } of a Jcarisha ,

which measure may be assumed to represent the local pronunciation of the

old widely-spread karsha of Manu, corresponding with the normal weight

of the gold suvarna, i. e. 80 ratis. f Taking the rati at 1*75 grains, this

will make Mr. Stirling’s return amount to 43'75 grains (5 X 5 = 25 ;

25 X 1*75 = 43-75) per mark; whereas Dr. Hunter’s estimate, under the

same figures, would only produce 35 grains (140 -r- 4 = 35) ; but, as he

assumes the modern Jcarisha to be equal to “ one TolaJi or one Rupee” of

our modern system, — the amount of which however he does not further

define^, — and taking the 180 grain total as the test,§ the result is not far

removed from Mr. Stirling’s earlier estimate under the old regime ; — -

producing, in effect, a return of 45 grains for the marh (180 -f- 4 — 45).

But, singular to say, if we revert to the more ancient standard of the

* Asiatic Researches, xv., 271. Mr. Stirling, however, seemed to imagine that the

sum named for the total revenues, as tested, by this estimate, was too high ; , hut later

investigations fully support the reasonable measure of the king’s boast.

f J.R.A.S., II., pp. 169, 170. Chronicles of the Pathan Kings, p. 221.

% “ Orissa,” a continuation of the “ Annals of Rural Bengal,” (London, Smith and

Elder, 1872) i., pp. 316, 317. Dr. Hunter, like myself, has endeavoured to make his

antiquarian researches instructive in their application to the defects of our own government

in India, consequent upon the too frequent disregard of the superior local knowledge and

hereditary instincts of the races we are appointed to rule over.

After enumerating the ascertained totals of the revenue of the province at various

periods, the author goes on to say, “ Prom time immemorial Orissa, like some other parts

of India, has used a local currency of cowries. When the province passed into our hands

in 1803, the public accounts were kept and the revenue was paid in these little shells.”

We “however stipulated that tbe landholders should henceforth pay their land-tax in

silver, and fixed the rate of exchange at 5120 cowries to the rupee.” (In 1804, the official

exchange was 5120, and the practical rate of exchange from 6160 to 7680.) ....

“ Had our first administrators contented themselves with taking payment in silver at the

current rate of the cowrie exchange, the Orissa land-tax would now have been double what

it is at present. But had they resolved to collect it at a grain valuation, according to

Akbar’s wise policy, it would now be more than double ; for tlie prices of food have rather

more than doubled since 1804. The system of paying the land-tax by a grain valuation

appears to me to be the best means of giving stability to the Indian revenues.” — Orissa,

ii., 172. Dr. Hunter had not seen my notice of “ The Revenues of the Mughal Empire”

(Trubner, 1872) when this was written. 1 had equally appreciated the equity and

suitableness of the system of estimate by agricultural produce, which had come down to

Akbar’s time from the earliest dawn of the civilization of the nation at large ; but I had

to condemn Akbar for introducing a new element in the shape of a settlement to he paid

in silver, on the average of the prices of previous years — an assessment he hoped, in

defiance of the proverbial uncertainty of Indian seasons, to make immutable; furnishing,

in effect, the leading idea we so unwisely followed in that deplorable measure, Lord

Cornwallis’s “ Permanent Settlement of Bengal.”

§ Prinsep’s Essays, U.T., p. 7.

346 E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Ft. II. [No. 4,

sataraktilca , or 100 -rati* weight, — a metric division which was reproduced

and reaffirmed in the authorized tanlcah of the Pathan dynasty, and to which

we have to allow a theoretical weight of 175 grains, — Dr. Hunter’s \ toldh

will come out, to the exact second place of decimals, of the 4375 (175 -f- 4

= 43*75), obtained from Mr. Stirling’s data.

The determination of the true weight of the rati has done much both

to facilitate and give authority to the comparison of the ultimately

divergent standards of the ethnic kingdoms of India. Having discovered

the guiding unit , all other calculations become simple, and present singularly

convincing results, notwithstanding that the basis of all these estimates

rests upon so erratic a test as the growth of the seed of the Gfunja creeper

(Aims 'precatorius) , under the varied incidents of soil and climate. Never¬

theless, this small compact grain, checked in early times by other products

of nature, is seen to have had the remarkable faculty of securing a uniform

average throughout the entire continent of India, which only came to be

disturbed when monarchs, like Slier Shah and Akbar, in their vanity, raised

the weight of the coinage without any reference to the number of rat is

inherited from Hindu sources as the given standard, officially recognized in

the old, but altogether disregarded and left undefined in the reformed

Muhammadan mintages.

I may as well take this opportunity of disposing of the other technical

questions bearing upon the general subject ; and, without recapitulating the

investigations elsewhere given at large, I may state generally, that I

understand the rati to have been P75 grains, the 100 rati piece — reproduced

in the ordinary Dihli tanlcali — 175 grains. The liajput jital , composed of

mixed silver and copper, preserved in the early Dihli currencies of the

Muslims, is f-j in value of the 1*75 grain silver coin ; but the number of

jitals in any given composite piece was dependent upon the proportional

amount of the silver added to the ruling copper basis. The kani, like

the jital is -g1^ of the tanlcah ; but the lcani is found to be the practi¬

cal as well as the theoretical divisor, applicable alike to land and other

measures, preserving its more special identity in the southern penin¬

sula. Both terms have now been found in conjunction on a single piece

of metropolitan fabric, where the jital is authoritatively declared to

be of the value of one Jcani.f In more advanced days under the Pathans,

immense quantities of pieces were coined to meet the current exchange

* Chronicles of Pathan Kings, pp. 3, 167, 223, 224 (note). Dr. A. Weber, in the

Zeitchrift for 1861, p. 139, cites the parallel designation of Sa l a Krislinala, from the text

of the Black Yajur Veda (circa 800 B.C.). The commentator uses the local name above

quoted.

t Numismatic Chronicle (x.s.) iv., p. 40, et seqq. J.R.A.S. (x.s.), II., pp. 150, 166;

168. Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delili, pp. 161, 252.

1873.] E. Thomas — Ihe Initial Coinage of 'Bengal. — It. II 347

answering to or ^ of the tanlcah ; and under Muhammad Tughluq, amid

other useful breaks in the too-uniform descending scale of the small change,

a new division was introduced in the form of a or six-lcani piece, which

subsequently became better known as the Mach tanlcah

It would appear that the normal or conventional rate of exchange of

the precious metals mechanically accepted in India from the earliest times

was as silver to gold 8:1; copper to silver 64 : 1. Of course these rates

were constantly liable to fluctuation; f Indeed, we can trace the effect of

the influx of the gold of the Dak’hin, after its conquest, in the fall of that

metal, evidenced by the obvious readjustment of the weights of the gold

and silver coinage at the Imperial seat of Government. But the copper

rate must have had a very extended lease of immutability, as this ratio of

64 : 1 was maintained from the most primitive ages up to the time of

Sikandar Lodi (a.d. 1488-1517).

As regards the application of these data to the examples specially

under review, it would seem that the Bengal silver coinage was, from the

first, deficient in weight in reference to the corresponding issues of the

Dihlf mint ; but the Dihlf silver coins were avowedly designed to fall in

with the concurrent gold pieces of identical weight, and of full standard in

metal : whereas we must suppose that the Lak’hnauti silver pieces, in

introducing a new element, were graduated to exchange in even sums

against the extant gold currency of Bengal and Orisa. Now the gold

marli weighed, as we have seen, 4375 grains, which, with gold as 1 to 8 of

silver, would require 350 grains of the latter metal as its equivalent, or two

175 grain tanlcahs , reconciling alike the fours of the Hindu ideal, with the

fives and tens of Muslim predilection ; but as there is reason to believe

that the local gold was not refined up to a high state of purity, this defective

standard may readily account for the corresponding reduction of a few

grains on the full total of the silver pieces, equally as it may have justified

the acceptance of a lower touch in the silver itself.

Later in point of time, under Bahadur Shah (710-730 A.n.), the

progressive fall in the value of gold is more definitively marked by the

diminution of the weight of the silver piece to the uniform standard of 166

grains, J in contrast to the 169 grains which are preserved in some of the

primary issues here described (Nos. 6, 7).

* Pathan Chronicles, coin No. 207, p. 252. See also pp. 218, 219. I was mistaken

in my first impression that the Bengal tanlcahs themselves might have a claim to this

obnoxious designation. J .R.A.S., II, 160.

f In Akbar’s time, even, the progressive alteration in the value of gold, since so much

accelerated, had only reached the proportion of 9’4 : 1. Chronicles, p. 424. J.R.A.8., II.,

p. 63.

J Pathan Chronicles, p. 235. In my previous article in this Journal , I was led by

848

E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Pt. II. [No. 4,

The central figure in the historical tableau, illustrated by these

introductory coinages, stands prominently to the front in the person of

Ghiyas-ud-din Twaz — an outline of whose career I now append.

Ghiyas-nd-din ’ Iwaz bin Al-Husain.

Husam-ud-din Twaz Khilji , a native of Ghor in Afghanistan, on joining

Muhammad Bakhtyar Khilji in Bengal, was entrusted by that commander

with the charge of the district of GangautriA He was afterwards promoted

to the important military division of Deokot, f by Qutb-ud-dm Aibak’s

representative commissioner in the South-east, and with his aid eventually

defeated Muhammad Sheran and the other confederated Khilji chiefs. J On

Ibn Bat Utah’s indiscriminate use of the terms “ Dirliams and Dinars,” in their local

application in Bengal, to suppose that his definition of coin exchanges referred to the

relative values of gold and silver, and that it in so far supported my estimate of 1 : 8

(J.R.A.S., II., p. 61, note 1). I now find that towards the close of Muhammad bin

Tughluq’s reign, the exchange had come for the moment to be 1 : 10 (Chronicles, p. 227),

in lieu of the ordinary 1 : 8. The entire difficulty of the obscure passage in the Journal

of the African Voyager has, however, been set at rest by the more comprehensive tables of

values furnished by the Egyptian traveller Shaikh Mubarak Anhdti (Notices et Extraits,

xiii., 51), which show that the dinar of silver (i. e. the tanlcah ) was equal to 8 dirhams

( hasht-Jcdni ). See also Elliot’s Historians, iii., pp. 577, 582.

J.R.A.S. (n.s.), II., p. 157. The new and unworn pieces in the Koch Bihar

trouvaille averaged 166 grains ; and the earlier issues, of 188, 189 grains, found with them,

had generally been reduced in weight to correspond with the later official standard.

# Variants - — Text, p. 158, and MSS. I have preserved Stewart’s

• • ♦*

version of the name in my text, but the site of Gangautri has not been identified. There

is a town called Gurguri (24° 23' ; 86° 55') on the line of country between Bihar and

Nagor, but it is not known to have been a place of any mark. There is also a celebrated

fort of high antiquity on the same line of communication, named Gfdor (24° 53/; 86° 55’),

which may have served as an outpost of the Bihar head quarters.

f Deokot (lat. 25° 18' ; long. 88° 31'), the chief place in Gangarampur (district of

Dinajpur), is now known by the name of Damdama. Hamilton states that “ it received

its present appellation from its having been a military station during the early Muham¬

madan Government” (p. 50). Muhammad Bakhtyar, after his first success against the

King of Bengal at Nadiya (that 23° 25'; long. 88° 22'), contented himself with destroying

that town, and withdrew his troops nearer to his base of communications, to a position

about 90 miles to the northward, somewhere about the site of the future Lak’hnautf, Deokot

again being some 50 miles N.N.E.

Minhaj i Siraj, in describing Lak’hnautf, at a later date (641 A.n.), mentions that

the province lay on both sides of the Ganges, but that the city of Lak’hnautf proper

was situated on the western bank. The author adds, that an embankment or causeway

((Jj) extended for a distance of ten days’ journey through the capital from Deokot

to Nagor in Bfrbhum, (lat. 23° 56'; long. 87° 22'). — Stewart’s Bengal, p. 57. Persian

text of Tabaqat-i Nagirf, pp. 161, 162, 243. Am-i-Akbari, ii. 14. Elliot’s Historians,

ii., p. 318, iii. p. 112. Rennell’s Map, p. 55. Wilford, As. Bes. ix., p. 72.

X The subjoined curious notice of the distribution of the boundaries of the kingdom of

343

1873.] E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Bt. II.

the definite appointment of ’Ah Mardan Khilji to the kingdom of Bengal by

Quth-ud-din Aibak, he paid his devoirs to the new Viceroy by meeting him

on the Kusi, and accompanied him to Deokot, where he was formally

installed in power. When Qutb-ud-din died at Lahor, in 607 a.il, ’Ah

Mardan assumed independence under the title of ’Ala-ud-dm ; but after a

reign of about two years, he was slain by the Khilji nobles, and Husam-

ud-din was thereupon elected in his stead (608 a.ii.). History is silent

as to when he first arrogated kingly state, and merely records Shams-ud-dm

Altamsh’s expedition against him in 622 a.h., with the object of enforcing

his allegiance to the Imperial crown, when, after some doubtful successes^

peace was established on the surrender of 38 elephants, the payment of 80

laics [of tankahs f ], and the distinct recognition of Altamsh’s suzerainty in

the public prayers, with the superscription of his titles on the local coinage.

The Emperor, on his return towards Dihli, made over the government of

Bihar to ’Ala-ud-din Jani, who, however, was not long left undisturbed ; for

the Southern potentate speedily re-annexed that section of his former

Bengal shortly "before the Muhammadan conquest has been preserved in Hamiltons’s.

‘ Hindustan.’ The compiler does not give his sjiecific authority.

“ During the Adisur dynasty, the following are said to have been the ancient

geograplucal divisions of Bengal. Gaur was the capital, forming the centre division, and

surrounded by five great provinces.

“ 1 . Bareli dr a, bounded by the Mahananda on the west ; by the Padma, or great

branch of the Ganges, on the south; by the Kortoya on the east; and by adjacent

governments on the north.

“ 2. Bangga, or the territory east from the Kortoya towards the Brahmaputra. The

capital of Bengal, both before and afterwards, having long been near Dacca in the province

of Bangga, the name is said to have been communicated to the whole.

“ 3. Bagri, or the Delta, called also Dwfpa, or the island, bounded on the one side

by the Padma, or great branch of the Ganges ; on another by the sea ; and on the third

by the Hugli river, or Bhagirathi.

« 4. Rarhi, bounded by the Hugli and the Padma on the north and east, and by

adjacent kingdoms on the west and south.

“ 5. Maitliila, bounded by the Mahananda and Gaur on the east ; the Hugli or

Bhagirathi on the south ; and by adjacent countries on the north and west.”

« Bollal Sen, the successor of Adisur, is said to have resided partly at Gaur, but

chiefly at Bikrampur, eight miles south-east of Dacca.” Bollal Sen was succeeded by

Lakshmana Sen, who was defeated by Muhammad Baklityar. The author continues,

“ it is possible that the Raja only retired to his remote capital, Bikrampur, near Dhaka,

where there still resides a family possessing considerable estates, who pretend to be his

descendants. Wc also find that Soonergong, in the vicinity of Bikrampur, continued to

be a place of refuge to the Gaur malcontents, and was not finally subjugated until long

after the overthrow of Rfija Lakshmana.” — Hamilton’s Hindustan (1820) i., p. 114.

Ij} f f J

Text, p. 158. yB ji J

p. 51. Klliot’s Historians, ii., p. 315.

lj* O/ooA- Stewart’s Bengal,

S50

E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Bl. II. [No. 4,

dominions, — an aggression which was met, in A.n. 624, by the advance of

Nagir-ud-din Mahmud, the eldest son of Altamsli, in force, who, in the

absence of Ghiyas-ud-din Twaz on distant enterprises, succeeded in obtaining

possession of the new seat of government. In the subsequent engagement,

the Bengal army was defeated, and Ghiyas-ud-din killed, after a reign

estimated by the local annalist at 12 years. *

This is all the information we are able to gather from the incidental

biographical notices furnished by our sole authority, Minhaj i Siraj, that

most intelligent employe of the rulers of Dilili, and welcome visitor at the

Court of Lak’hnauti in a.ii. 641, where he saw and appreciated the material

undertakings of this self-made king, whose memory he lauds enthusiastically.

A tribute Altamsli had virtually anticipated, when he was at last permitted

to behold the glories of his adversaries’ capital, in 627 a.ii., and then conceded

the tardy justice of decreeing, that in virtue of liis good works, Ghiyas-ud-

din Twaz should, in his grave, be endowed with that coveted title of Sultan,

which had been denied to him while living.f

We have now to examine how far the recently discovered coins will fdl

in this defective historical outline.

Coins struck in the name of Altamsh, in Bengal.

No. 1. Silver. Size, l\. Weight, 168 grains. Unique , in this date.

PL x. fig. 1. a.h. 614.

Reverse.

Obverse.

p — hi

J | jj f

Device.

Horseman at the charge.

liar gin —

* Allowing ’All Martian from 607—8 to 609 — 10, this leaves an interval up to 612

during which Husam-ud-dm Twaz was content to remain head of the Ivhilji oligarchy and

local governor.

f Tabaqat-i Nagirl, Text, p. 163. Mr. Blochmann has an interesting paper, in the

September number of the Indian Antiquary (p. 259), on Muhammadan Titles. Among

other questions discussed is the derivation and early application of the title of Sultan. The

author remarks that “ the first clear case of Sultan having been used as a title belongs to

the time of Itukn-ud-daulali, deputy over Bars, under the Khalifah A1 Mutfi billali,” A.n.

338, or A.n. 949. MM. Oppert et Menant were under the impression that they had

discovered the title so early as the time of Sargon, who, in his grand inscription at

Khorsabad, is said to speak of Subaco as “ Silt an, or Sultan d’Egypte.” — Journal Asiatique,

1863, p. 9, and text, p. 3. Commentary, 1864, p, 10. Some doubt has, however, since

been thrown upon this identification, as the designation reads optionally, if not preferably,

imn- Schrader, Cuneiform and Old Testament Studies (1872), p. 157-

351

1873.] E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Bt. II.

The date of a.h. 614, this earliest numismatic record contributed by

the Bengal mints, is further remarkable as the epoch of Altamsh’s final

assertion of supremacy on the defeat of his last powerful competitor in

Hindustan, Na^ir-ud-din Qubdchah , after he had already disposed of his other

prominent rival, Taj-ud-din llduz, in 612 a.h. The issue of these provincial

coins, at this conjuncture, would seem to attest the first voluntary

recognition of Altamsh by Husam-ud-din Twaz, who was at this time in

undisturbed possession of Bengal and its dependencies. The adoption of

the Cavalier device on the obverse may have been suggested by the

conventional acceptance of that design on the money of the native princes

of the North-west, whose hereditary types were copied by Muhammad bin

Sam, and retained for a long period by Altamsh himself. In the new

mintage, however, the Rajput horseman with his spear is- superseded by the

Turk! Cavalier with the historical mace,# and the general outline of the

coarse Northern steed may perchance have been heightened to record a

triumph, or to carry a menace to the subjected Bangalis,f who had left their

king to escape ignominiously, and virtually surrendered their capital to the

eighteen troopers of Muhammad Bakhtyar’s advance guard.

Among other peculiarities of these coins is the tenor of their legends,

which differ from the ordinarily adopted Imperial intitulations of the Sultan,

who is here designated as ^haJ^the slave or freedman of Qutb-ud-dm Aibak,

— a term which may have concealed a latent taunt to one who was now

supreme in the chance virtue of his arms, or may otherwise indicate the

independent Kliilji method of discriminating the followers of Qutb-ud-dm

* Mahmud of Ghaznfs favourite weapon. Tradition affirms that it was preserved

in all honour by the guardians of his tomb at Ghazni. (Atkinson, Expedition into

Afghanistan, p. 222). So much credence was attached to this ancient legend, that we find

Lord Ellenborougli in 1842 instructing his generals in sober earnestness, to “ bring away

from the tomb of Mahmud of Gliaznf his club which hangs over it.” Muhammad

Bakhtyar himself had also won glory by the use of his mace in his gladiatorial encounter,

single-handed, with an elephant, who was compelled to retreat before the first blow of his

powerful arm.

f The name of Asivapatis, “ Lords of Horses,” was subsequently applied specifically

in Orisa to the Muhammadan conquerors. Mr. Hunter remarks, “ The Telugu Palm Leaf

MSS. state that between (Saka 895) a.d. 972 and a.d. 1563, three great powers successively

arose. During this period, the Gajapatis, ‘ Lords of Elephants,’ ruled in Orissa and the

north of Madras ; the Narapaiis, ‘ Lords of Men,’ held the country to the southwards.

The Lords of Horses were the Musalmans, who, with their all-devouring Pathan cavalry,

overthrew the two former.” — Orissa, ii., p. 8. Stirling, Asiatic Researches, xv., p. 25-4.

Am-i-Akbari, Gladwin’s translation, i., p. 319. Abul Fazl, in describing the game of cards,

affected by his royal master, speaks of “ Ashweput, the king of the horses. He is painted

on horseback, like the king of Dehli, with the Cliutter, the Alum, and other ensigns of

royalty ; and Gujput , the king of the elephants, is mounted on an elephant, like the king

of Orissa.”

352

E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Ft. II. [No. 4,

as opposed to the Mu’izzi faction of the nobles of Hindustan, who had

already tried conclusions with each other, to the disadvantage of the latter.

No. 2. Gold. Weight, 706 grains. JJnigue. Gaur , a.h. 616. #

This unique gold coin of the period, put forth under Muslim auspices,

is of more than usual value in confirming the locality of the mint of its

counterparts in silver, which are deficient in any geographical record ;

indeed, none of tl\e Bengal coins, which form the bulk of the trouvaille

to which the present notice is devoted, bear any indication of the site of

which they were struck. Found, however, in company with so many clearly

local pieces, there would have been little hesitation in assigning them to the

southern division of the new Muhammadan empire ; hut the distinct

announcement of the place of issue of the gold piece is of importance, not

only in fixing definitively the then head-quarters, hut in presenting us with

the name of Gaur,% regarding the use of which, at this epoch, there was

* For a figure of the coin, vide Chronicles of the Pathan Kings, p. 78.

f Qilij Arsalan, the Saljuq of Anatolia (a.h. 656), uses this title of

(Frsehn, p. 156). The three sons of Kai Khusrau (a.h. 647) employ the term in the plural

*

X I need have no hesitation in admitting that on the first examination of this piece,,

as an isolated specimen of a hitherto unknown mintage, I was disposed, in the absence of

any dot either above or below the line of writing, to adopt the alternative reading of

instead of j yq, while confessing a preference for the latter transcription, on account of the

need of the preposition ^ (Chronicles of the Pathan Kings, p. 79) ; hut, at the time, 1

was unprepared to expect that Altamsh’s sway had extended to the lower provinces, which

were avowedly in independent charge of the Kliilji successors of Muhammad Bakhtyar.

This difficulty is now curiously explained by the concurrent silver pieces, and the supposi¬

tion that the local chieftain found it expedient to profess allegiance, nominal or real, to

the preponderating influence of the master of Hindustan. In like manner, the recently

discovered silver coins have supplied a clue to the more satisfactory decipherment of the

marginal legend, and the explanation of other minor imperfections in the definition of the

exotic characters of the gold coin, which it is useless to follow in detail.

353

1873.] E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Bt. II.

some controversy.* Advantage lias been taken in this, to the native

comprehension, more elaborately-finished piece, to insert in the vacant

spaces on the field, above and below the main device, the words,

“ struck at Gaur,” and although the requisite dot below the he has escaped

definition, there need be little doubt as to the purport of the entry, which

it was not thought necessary to reproduce on the less-esteemed silver money,

whose status with the mint officials, as equally with the public at large,

ranged at a lower level.

The date of G16 a.h. on this coin, supported and in a measure explained

as it is by the marginal legend on No. 3, proves that the professed

allegiance of the local ruler of Bengal to the head of the followers of Islam

at Dihli, was no momentary demonstration, but a sustained confession of

vassalage extending over one complete year, and portions of the previous

and succeeding twelve months.

The topographical record on No. 2 would further seem to show that

Husam-ud-din had not as yet transferred his capital to the new site of

Lakhnauti , to the west of the river, whose designation first appears in a

definite form on the coins of the Empress Raziyali, in A.n. 635. f

No. 3. Silver. Size, 7. Weight, 168 grains. Very rare.

PI. x. fig. 2. a.h. 616.

Eeveese.

Obveese.

(J* f J - I j-J t

L- -A

-■?

Horseman at charge.

Margin —

aU| Jj _ -voj aJJ| \}\ aJj y

(Xjl+L-y j O..W v*

&

(i

#

No. 3 a. Variety. Weight, 162 grs. PL x., fig. 3. Date illegible.

The Persian legend on the obverse is given in very imperfectly defined

characters, and offers the peculiarity of the insertion of the Hindi letters

for Shah, ’ above the name of the king, thereby indicating that both die-

engravers and the local public were naturally better versed in the old

alphabet than in the newly-imported letters ol the conquerors.

* J Jt.A.S. ii., N.S., p. 187. Cf. also Albirum ; Remand, Memoire sur I’Inde, p. 298,

quoted in J.R.A.S. i., N.S., p. 471. As. Res. ix., 72, 74; xvii. 017. IV ilson s Glossary, sub

voce, etc. Rennell, Map of Hindustan, p. 55. Stewart’s Bengal, pp. 44, 57.

f Chronicles of the Pathan Kings, p. 107. J.R.A.S., n. s., II., p. 187, coin No. 14

infra.

E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Bt. II. [No. 4,

354

Coins of Ghiya's-tjd-dTn Twaz.

No. 4. Silver. Size, 7%. Weight, 161 grs. (full weight.)

PL x., fig. 4. a.h. 616. (7 specimens.)

Obveese.

LioJf

y\ j

(±): {je

Reverse.

y\ aPi y

dlj|

AlJ(

Margin — ^

djl^iLy j j. o«i

Coin No. 4 teaches us that in the same year 616 a.h., in the early

part of which Husam-ud-din Twaz had confessed allegiance to Altamsh, he

seemingly grew weary of such pretences, and openly declared himself Sultan

in his own right, assuming the regal title of Ghiyas-ud-din , and the quasi-

liierarchical function implied in the designation of Ndicir Amir Al Muminin ,

“ Defender of the Commander of the Faithful.” Whether this overt assertion

of independence was suggested by his own growing power, or was due to the

imagined weakness of the suzerain, is not clear ; but there can be no question

as to his success in the extension and consolidation of his dominions, or to

his vigorous administration of a country, fertile in the extreme, and endowed

with such singular commercial advantages of sea and river intercourse.

At this particular juncture, Altamsh does not seem to have been pressed

by any important home disturbances, but there were dark clouds on the

N. W. frontier. The all-powerful ’Ala-ud-din Muhammad Khdrazmi, whose

outpost extended over so large a portion of Asia, had been coining money

in the inconvenient proximity of Ghazni throughout the years 613, 614-616,

a.h. f and no one could foretell when he might follow the ordinary precedent

and advance into Hindustan. As fate determined, however, it was left to

his son Jaldl-ud-din to swim the Indus, at the risk of his life, as a fugitive

before the hosts of Chingiz Khan, in 618 a.h.

The mention of Chingiz Khan suggests to me the desirability of

repeating a correction, I have already recorded elsewhere, of a singular

delusion, shared alike by native copyists and English commentators,

regarding one of the supposed incidents of the sufficiently diversified career

of this scourge of the world, to the effect that his unkempt savages had

penetrated down to the impossible limit of the lower Ganges. The whole

series of mistakes, Asiatic or European, may now be traced back to a simple

clerical error in the transcription from a chance leading copy of the

ordinarily rare work of Minhaj i Siraj — where the name of Chingiz Khan

has been substituted for the more obvious designation of the

ancient town of Jajnagar .

# J.R.A.S. ix., 381 ; xvii., 202 ; Chronicles of Patlian Kings, p. 86.

355

1873.] E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Ft. II.

Modern authors, examining a single passage, might well have felt

reserve in reconstructing at hazard a primary version ; hut the editors of

the Calcutta official printed text have gone so far towards perpetuating the

enigma they were unable to unravel, as to add to the difficulties of solution

by making Chingiz Khan fight (so far on his way to Lak’lmauti) the

memorable battle of Perwan [30° 9 7 N., G9° 16 / E.] on the conveniently

converging site of Baclaon (p. 348), which was situated on one of the

favourite main lines of transit to the south, east of the Ganges. This

conglomeration is, however, the less excusable, as Stewart, in his History

of Bengal, had already pointed out Firislitali’s palpable mistake to the

same effect ; and the editors themselves unconsciously admit the preferable

variant of inserted in the foot-note, p. 199. Dr. Hunter, I see, in

his new work on Orissa (ii. 4), incautiously follows Stewart’s first impressions,

in the notion that the “ vanity” of Muhammadan historians had intentionally

“ converted the attack of the humble Orissians into an invasion of Tartars”

(Stewart, p. 62). # I myself prefer the more obvious and direct explanation

above given, which perhaps reflects more upon our defective criticism than

upon Muslim vanity. f

* Mr. Stirling, in his most exhaustive Memoir on Orissa, published in the Asiatic

Researches in 1822, observes : — “ Major Stewart, in his History of Bengal, places an

invasion of Orissa by the Mussalmans of Bengal during this reign, that is A.D. 1243. The

Chronicles of the country contain no mention of such an event. I have not Major Stewart’s

authorities at hand to refer to, hut strongly suspect that he has been led into an error by

mistaking some word resembling Jajipur, for Jajipur in Orissa. He expresses himself

thus : ‘ In the year 614 (a.d. 1243), the Baja of Jagepur (Orissa) having given some cause

of offence, Toghan Khan marched to Ketasun, on the frontier of Jagepur, where he found

the army of the Raja had thrown up intrenclnnents to oppose him’. . . . Now, in the

first place, Jajipur was never a separate principality, as here described; and there is no

such place in Orissa as Ketasun. Ferishtah is altogether silent on this subject in his

history of Bengal, but in his general history he ascribes the siege of Gour, in the very year

in question, to a party of Mogul Tartars who had invaded Bengal by way of Cliitta, Thibet,

etc. Dow’s mistake of a similar nature is scarcely worth noticing. He makes Sultan

Balin pursue the rebel Toghral into Jajnagar (a.d. 1270), which he calls Orissa, whereas

it is evident from the mention of Sunargaon as lying on the road, that Jajnagar is some

place beyond the Ganges.” — Stirling, As. Res. xv., p. 274.

It seems to have escaped Mr. Stirling’s notice, that Stewart had already corrected his

own error in speaking of “ Jagepore” as “ Orissa,” pp. 61 and 65, by placing that town in

its proper position in “ Tipperah,” in a later passage (p. 70) ; and he further improved

upon his advanced knowledge by saying in a note, at p. 72, “ Jagenagur is said to have

been a town in Orissa, near Cuttack ; but this passage proves it to have been situated on

the eastern side of the Burhampooter. The Jagenagar mentioned by Ferishtah should have

been written Jagepore.” [P] Stewart, Hist. Bengal, p. 72. Dow, i. 202 (4to. edit.). Briggs

i., 260. See also Chronicles of Pathan Kings, p. 121.

f Cf. Elphinstone (new edit, by Professor Cowell), p. 377. Elliot, Muhammadan

Historians ii., pp. 264,344, Dr. Lee’s Ibn Batutah, Oriental Tr. Fund, p. 97. Firishtah

356

E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal.— P t. II [N0. 4,

No. 5. Silver. Size, 8 b Weight, 165 grs. a.h. 617.

(2 specimens.)

Obyeese.

Reyeese.

<xlJ|

&u

Margin — ^ &CJ| #<aa

fljUJuo

No. 6. Silver. Size, 8. Weight, 169. (Coarse badly formed legends).

a.h. 617. (2 specimens.)

LW| |

U~ — ^ — j

-X - i/C (

&■

Obyeese.

^uyut

{jpy£ J-d

J jX<\j. — ^li

^ LS^J

«♦

J

Reyeese.

aR| ill <Cf i/

— lJ |

• jJA/0 5. — +j|

(AT

J-

-X/Of

Margin —

H ^

I** {* *

4-i.Ata £-V«w* <XV/jo

No. 6«. Variety. One example giv-S the altered marginal reading of

*A

*JUu * *

v:

A1 Naqir li-din Illah was invested in the Khilafat in a.h. 575, and

died on the 1st Shawwal, a.h. 622 (5th October, 1225, a.d.). Bar Hebrfeus,

Ahulfaraj , pp. 269-301. Ibn Asir, p. 285, fixes his death at the end of

Ramazan. Price, Muhammadan History, ii., 210.

The tenor of the legends of the consecutive issues of a.h. 617 disclose

an increasing confidence in his own power on the part of Grhiyas-ud-din ’ hvaz ,

in the addition made to his previous titles, and in the assumption of the

superlative Al A’zam, “ the highest,” as the prefix to the Al Sultan in

place of the heretofore modest adjective of Al Midazzam, “ the great.”#

Bombay Persian Text, i., p. 122. Badaom, Calcutta Persian Text, p. 88. Tabaqat i

Nagiri, Calcutta Persian Text, pp, 157, 163, 199, 243, 245.

# Altamsli himself seems to have been indifferent to this distinction, but its importance

is shown in the early coinage of Muhammad bin Sam, who invariably reserves the super¬

lative prefix for his reigning brother, while he limits his own claims to the virtually com¬

parative ^Jijt+ip And further to mark these gradations, he prominently adopts the higher

title after his brother’s death. Chronicles of Patlian Kings, pp. 12, 13, 14. Ariana

Antiqua, pi. xx., figs. 29, 35.

357

1873.] E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Ft. II.

Here, for the first time in this series, we meet with the official or regnant

designation of the Khalifah of Baghdad, who has hitherto been referred to

by the mere generic title of “ Commander of the Faithful.”

It would appear from this innovation, as if Gfhiyas-ud-din had already,

indirectly, put himself in communication with the Pontifical Court at

Baghdad, with a view to obtaining recognition as a sovereign prince in the

Muslim hierarchy, — a further indication of which may possibly he detected

in the exceptional insertion of the month in addition to the ordinary year of

issue on the margin of No. 6a. ; a specification which will be found more

fully developed in the succeeding mintages, where it admits of an explanation

which is not so obvious or conclusive in this instance.

No. 7. Silver. Size, 9. Weight, 169 grs. PI. x., fig. 5.# Dated

20th of Babb ul akhir, a.h. 620. (7 specimens.)

Obyeese.

UioJl £>6^

y J^\ pi )

^ j

♦f

Axl^o &JLff

Eeyekse.

aD| if| Hf y

dXJ I

aBf UJ(

Margin — ^ JSJ\ y

Ax.uj^.i.^1 £aj j ^j-Q*** 1^'°

A_>l*A** J

No. 7a. Variety. Weight, 165 grs. Coin of the same date and

similar character, which transfers the complete name of into the third

line ; the dubious prefix to the second j hijJt reads more asjr*^, while

the suggested above given, appears as y**.

If the preceding coins had left any doubt as to Ghiyas-ud-din’s

designs in regard to the assumption of sovereign power, the tenor of the

legends on Nos. 7 and 7a, would conclusively set that question at rest.

Here, not content with the recently- arrogated title of we find

him calling himself “ Sultan of Sultans ,” by direct appointment of the

* See also Marsden, No. dcclyii, p. 564. There are two coins of this type in his

collection in the British Museum. Marsden remarks, “The date of this coin, the earliest

of those belonging to the princes who governed Bengal in the name of the Kings of Dehli,

but who took all opportunities of rendering themselves independent, is expressed distinctly

in words . The titles and patronymics of the Sultan by whom it was struck

are for the most part illegible ; not so much from obliteration, as from the original

imperfect formation of the characters.”

358

E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Bt. II. [No. 4,

Khalifah,* associated with which is the entry of a specific date, with, the still

more unusual definition of the day of the month, which is preserved constant

and unvaried throughout the entire issue. More remarkable still is the

abnormal departure from the conventional form of coin legends, in the

omission of the preliminary “ Al Sultan” and the abrupt introduction of

the regnal title of the once probational Husdm-ud-din , under his more

ambitious designation of Ghigas-ud-din. In short, the entire drift of the

altered superscription points to an intentional reproduction of some formal

phraseology, such as would be eminently consistent with an official transcript

of the revered precept emanating from Baghdad.

I should infer from these coincidences that a formal diploma had by

this time been conceded by the Supreme Pontiff, admitting the newly-erected

kingdom Bengal within the boundaries of Islam, and confirming the reigning

monarch in possession, with added titles and dignities. The date so

prominently repeated may either be that upon which the patent was

originally sealed , or more probably it points to the auspicious moment of

the reception of the ambassadors, who conveyed the formal document and

paraphernalia of investment, at the Court of Lak’hnauti. This assignment

in no way disturbs my previous attribution of the inaugural piece of

Altamsh,t marking his attainment of the like honours in a.h. 626. The

very concession to the Bengal potentate possibly led his once suzerain to

seek a parallel sanctification of his own rights, which he had previously been

content to hold by the sword : and the difficulty of communication with

Baghdad over alien kingdoms and disturbed frontiers would account for a

delay of the emissaries on the one part and the other, which would not affect

the open ocean passage between the mouths of the Ganges and the sea-port

of Bagrah.

* The term ^ is of frequent occurrence on the early Muslim coinages, and is

usually associated with the name of the officer — whatever his condition — responsible for

the mint issues, as which is translated by Fraffin as “ manibus” (i. e. cura

*» M

et opera) Ahmadis or “ curante,” — a definition accepted in later days on the Continent

as “par les mains de, par les soins de, etc. In the present instance it would seem to

imply a more or less direct intervention by the Commander of the Faithful himself in favour

of his nominee.

f Initial Coinage of Bengal, J.B.A.S. ii., N.S., p. 154, No. 1, note ; Chronicles of the

Pathan Kings, p. 46. Of course, this exceptional issue will now have to cede priority of

date both to the Bengal coins of a.h. 614, etc., and likewise to the northern piece of

Altamsli, No. 8, which must he taken as anterior to No. 10.

1873.]

359

E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Bt. II

Coin of Altamsh.

No. 8. Silver. Size 8^-. Weight, 168 grs. Square Kufic characters,

which seem to belong to Lahor or some northern Mint.* PI. x., fig. 6.

A.H. 62*.

Obverse.

j UWf

si

tsiAL ^UaLJl

dJL/f

Reverse.

i/i sJ\ y

S+3Z/C

f dJJj

^A/cl dP(

Margin — 5 I

Bengal Coins of Altamsh subsequent to the re-assertion of iii&

Imperial Sway.

No. 9. Silver.. Size 8. Weight, 161 grs. Bengal type of coin.

a.h. 622.

Obverse.

(j£.+ax1j|

j.*clj dJJ|

Lip'0

Reverse.

As in Nos. 6 and 7,- — coins of

Ghiyas-ud-din, with the name of

the Khalifah Al Nagir-li-din Illah.

Margin —

M »»

AjUJU* j

Altamsh does not seem to have found it convenient to proceed against

his contumacious vassal, who was now ready to meet him on almost equal

terms, till a.h. 622, when the coinage immediately attests one part of the

compact under which peace was secured, in the exclusive use of the name

* Chronicles of the Patlian Kings, p. 15. PI. i., figs. 4 — 8.

•f This word as designating the coin is unusual ; but we have the term

for the Mint, and the etc., as the ordinary prefix to the AA&Jt or dSCJf of the

Patlian monarclis. The letters on the Bengal coins look more like which, however,

does not seem to make sense. Frselm long ago suggested that the word i -ij+o ought to bo

received as a substantive, especially in those cases where the preposition did not follow

it, in the given sentence, as a prefix to the name of the mint city.

47 2 a

3G0 E Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — JPt. II. [Mo. 4,

of the Emperor of Hindustan on the money of Bengal. # That the issue

represented by No. 9, proceeded from the local mints, is evident alike from

the style and fabric of the pieces, their defective metal, and the uncouth

forms of the letters of the legends.

No. 10. Silver. Size 8. Weight 168 grs. (2 specimens.) PI. x., fig. 7>

a. ii. 624.

Obyeese.

Eeyeese.

aJJ I All y

Al|| (_j

Ap| jjgI)

f j&°t

### CJ j +a

Margin — ■ A. be j j

A1 Zahir bi-amrillah, the Khalifah whose name is inscribed on this coin,

succeeded his father on the 2nd of Shawwal, a.h. 622, and died on the 14th

Ptajab, a.h. 623 (July 11, 1226, a.h.). Bar Hebrams, Abulfaraj , p. 302.

No. 11. Silver. Size, 7. Weight, 167 grs. JJnigue. PL x., fig. 8,

a.h. 624.

Square area, within double lines,

following the pattern of some of the

examples of Muhammad Ghori’s

coins.

| J |

The words jJ\ ji*\ are

inserted in the interstices between

the square area and the circular

marginal line, as in the Dihli coins

of Bahrarn Sliah.f

Eeyeese.

Legend in the area as in the last

coin, with the name of the Khalifah

Al Zakir.

Ajl/o O.wo j j

J ^ J djj'f <Liq L5s^‘ *

tfJjb/o ^bj a£*» J A.V.LA J JU tij j Jbu j±s:*j

Calcutta text, pp. 163, 171.

f Chronicles of the Patlian Kings, p. 118.

361

1873.] E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Bt. II.

It might he supposed to he an open question as to whether Ghiyas-ud-

din 'Iwaz or Nagir-ud-din Mahmud , — the eldest son of Altamsh and his

viceroy in Bengal — presided over the mints which put forth the coins classed

under Eos. 10 and 11. As regards the latter, at present unique, piece, there

can he little douht, from its assimilation to the ordinary Dihlf models, that

it formed a portion of the revised and improved coinage of the south after

Mahmud’s defeat of Ghiyas-ud-dfn in 621 A.n. In like manner, the

introduction of the term on No. 10, as a prefix to the title of Sultan

Altamsh, points to a feeling of filial reverence, which is altogether wanting

even in Ghiyas-ud-din’s repentant manifesto in the legend of No. 9.

Mahmud’s appointment to the government of Audh dates from a.h. 623,*

and the tenor of one of the narratives of Minhaj i Siraj would imply that

he proceeded southwards with hut little delay ; so that all coins hearing the

date of 624, with the name of Altamsh, might preferentially he assigned to

his interposition, more especially as Ghiyas-ud-din at, and prior to this, period

had placed himself in a renewed attitude of insurrection.

Coin of Nagir-ud-din Mahmud Shah, as Viceroy in Bengal.

The administration of the Bengal mints under the official auspices of

Nagir-ud-din Mahmud , as developed in the issues Nos. 10, 11, leads up to

and confirms1 with more full effect an identification I have hitherto been

obliged to advocate in a less confident tone — that is, the attribution of the

piece, figured in my £ Chronicles of the Pathan Kings,’ p. 81, to the eldest

son of Altamsh, at some period towards the close of his brief career. With

these newly-discovered evidences of his overt intervention in the local cur¬

rencies, the transition to a subuded and possibly paternally-sanctioned nu¬

mismatic proclamation, in his own name, would he easy, more especially if

that advance was made simultaneously with the effusive reception at Dihli

of the reigning Khalifah’s earliest recognition of Altamsh’s supremacy,

coupled with the desirability of making this Imperial triumph manifest in

those southern latitudes, where other dynastic names had already claimed a

prior sanctification, f

# Persian text, 180.

f Minhaj i Sir?ij, after completing his account of Nngir-ud-dfn’s conquest of Ghiyas-

ud-dfn ’Iwaz, and the transmission of the spoils to the Sultan at Dihlf, continues —

xfi j

cjfjl/c j( fj j o/AA

g\ Ax) jfc # 1/ciJ _ A-**» b ^,.<1 CLsj AX'i' ^

M I I ♦*

p. | A | * ch ,*’J **~**^B * * p-"* J

(See also Elliot’s Historians, ii., pp. 326, 329.) The Khali fall’s emissary arrived at

Dihlf on the 22nd of Rabf’-ul-Awwal, (3rd month of) a.h. 626, p. |VD and news of the

death of Nacir-ud-dfn Mahmud reached the capital in the 5th month of the same year,

p. 174.

362

E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Bl. II [No. 4,

Such an authorized augmentation of the Prince’s state is rendered the

more probable, as Altamsh in a measure shared with his favourite son the

honours and dignities conferred by the Khalifah, and simultaneously extended

to him the right to use an umbrella with the tint of Imperial red.* Na^ir-

ud-din Mahmud, the contemporary biographer remarks, was from that time

looked upon as the recognized successor to the throne of Hindustan.

Equally, after Mahmud’s premature death, his father still so held him in

honour that his body was brought to Dihli, and enshrined under one of the

choicest domes that Eastern Saracenic art could achieve, which to this day,

amid its now broken marbles, stands as a monument of the virtues of this

prince, and preserves in its decaying walls the remains off the first royal

tomb of the slave kings erected near the capital, f on the shattered entrance

arch of which we can still trace the devotional prayer of the father for the

soul of his son, whose mundane glories he briefly epitomizes as “ King of

Kings of the East,” implying, in the conventional terms of the day, all

India beyond the Ghagra.

And still further to secure a contemporary memento of his lost heir,

Altamsh conferred the same name and title upon a younger son, who, in his

* The founder of the Gliaznawi dynasty, the Great Sabuktigin, assumed regal state

under the shadow of a red umbrella. Altamsh’ s ensigns are described as black for the

right wing AX*a/o oihjjlj, and red for the left wing <Jl*J cnktp . Mu’izz*

ud-din Muhammad bin Sam’s standards bore the same colours, but the discrimination is

made that the black pertained to the Ghoris, ai I the red to the Turks, p. | TV. Ghiyas-

ud-dxn Muhammad bin Sam used black and red for the two wings respectively, p. 83.

f Inscription on the Tomb op Sulta'n Gha'zi [Na'sir-tjd-di'n Mahmtt'd] at

Dihli', dated a.h. 629.

jGj cAiJbc t</cf

* ^ j I ^ 1

UioJf A/0(Nff <?]h (Jk frfiif

^x/cf ^lkl~Jf yf ( yjjf j

A.Uf f (jjy**-' | c. £.1/0 AyAj^.1 Afllx) AlJf <n!A. ^.XA/o^Jf

• • i «• ^ « » A*'l •• *

II AjU>^o j J L55 Ai£^f^ Aj^fljb

This Tomb, which is known at the Maqbarah of Sultan Ghazi, stands amid the ruins

of the village of Malikpur Koyi, about three miles due west of the celebrated Qutb Minar.

Asar-us- Sanadid, Dihli, 1854, pp. 23, 30 (Nos. 12, 18, Facsimile), and 60 (modern

transcript revised). See also Journal Asiatique, M. G. de Tassy’s translation of the Urdu

text; also Journal Archaeological Society of Delili, p. 57, and Hand-book for Delili, 1863,

p. 85.

X Bukn-ud-dm Firuz Shah, another son of Altamsh, who for a brief period held the

throne of Dihli, found a final resting-place on the chosen site of Malikpur ; and his brother

in deferred succession, entitled Mu’izz-ud-din Bahram Shah, followed him into the Tomb

of the Kings in the same locality. — Asar-us- Sanadid, pp. 25, 26. Elliot’s Historians, iii,

382. Chronicles of Patlian Kings, p. 290.

363

18/3.] E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of Bengal. — Pt. II.

turn, was destined to occupy the throne of Dihli for twenty years, and the

name of Nayil -ud-din Mahmud was perpetuated anew in the next generation

under another dynasty, as the designation of Balban’s heir, who carried it

back to Bengal, where he was permitted to found a new family of southern

kingb, who for half a century succeeded in maintaining a fitful sovereignty?

seldom disturbed by the more powerful Sultans of Hindustan.

£so. 12. Silver. Size 8. Weight, 163.1 grs. Unique . British

Museum. Vide Chronicles, p. 81.

Obverse. Reverse.

lylLLJl

fbo^/f ^ S. ^9

jXk\ aHL -AiuL-Jf

A1 Mustancir billah was inaugurated on the 14th of Rajab, 623 a.h. =

1226 a.d., the same day that his father Al-Zahir died. Bar Hebrceus

p. 303.

I quote, in illustration of my previous remarks, the legends on the

special issue of Altamsh on the occasion of the receipt of his diploma of

investiture in a.h. 626.

Weight of the B. M. Coin, 164 grains.

Obyeese— HJ| J^; *JJ\ 5) H) $

Reverse — As above, in No. 12, with similarly formed characters. #

It may be noted that on a like occasion of the reception of the Egyptian

Khalifah’s diploma at Dihlf in 744 a.h., Muhammad bin Tughluq adopted a

similar method of exhibiting his respect by introducing the pontiff’s name

on the coinage to the exclusion of his own.

The identification of the individual, who styles himself Haul at Shah

with many high-sounding prefixes, on the subjoined coin, demanded a certain

amount of patient patch-work, which I have relegated to the note below. f

* Chronicles of the Patlian Kings, p. 46.

<_5^ ^ I

M —

— «•

»♦ J

Ojj f \j ijTic ^,1 A.U.Rm J j.Ac J £A«j

M

tl <X/ef jb J^U (JL*

H

Text, p. IV^

864 E. Thomas — The Initial Coinage of JBengal. — It. II. [No. 4, 1873.

Suffice it to say that JDaulat BJidh bin Maudud is the person who is spoken

of elsewhere as Ikhtiyar-nd-din Bale:a'# Khilji , and who appears in history

on the single occasion of his possessing himself of the kingdom of Bengal

on the death of NaQir-ud-din Mahmud, and his subsequent suppression and

capture on the advance of Altamsh’s forces in the selfsame year, 627 A.H.,

he was unwise enough to record on his unauthorized coinage.

No. 13. Silver. Size 9i. Weight., 168. Unique - Plate x., fig. 9.

a.h. 627 F

Obverse.

aU b^ajjL»+J f

^_A.fiJfj)|

Reverse.

(Jib 3 L*a^.v£ (J IxJl

•*

(j-fi/Oj.*.1) ^j.A.a:| ^A$i=> <*JU|

Margin — # *

The reading of cs3^L?*t is speculative : the letters 1*1 f are distinct, as

are also the two dots of the <j?, hut that latter itself cannot be traced, and

the visible remains of the character succeeding the Wl are more like

+•

than the suggested gs>

lSAIx! (^jlkl^)

Calcutta Text, p. | f l£lj jIaa:Lj i®ll«c <Xaa3 ^3 ^ y

In tlie printed text, under the first Court Circular list of the y (Jj.-lxi of Sultan

Shams-ud-din, we find the following entry iAI-Lc ^5:^3 (.*» • and in the

second document, purporting to he a variant of that official return, we read sr^*

^LxA.|t®fLo (pp. | y y and | y A ), which latter version is greatly improved

hy the Oriental Lord Chamberlain’s list preserved in a MS. in the B. M. (Addit. No.

26,189), which associates more directly the title with the name, and identifies the

individual as l£b Lja.| .SlJLo,

# The word Balled has exercised the commentators. It may be found, however, in

the early Ghaznawi name of Baited- tigfn. means a “ camel colt,” and ^ax!)

is “ handsome.”

Journal , As. Socy. of Bengal, Pt. I., 1873.

w

’-r} ifr,-

r*. '

Initial Muhammadan Coinage

of Bengal.

V- ■' -

'

INDEX

TO

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, FOR 1873.

Paet I.

BRITS precatorius, 346

abwab, taxes, 219

Adam Shahid, a Bengal saint, 285

A-da-ra, king of Pegu, 56

A-di-ka, king of Pegu, 56

TAdilpur, in Eastern Bengal, 22 6m., 228

Adinah Mosque, 256, 257

Adinna Radza, 130

iEgle marmelos, 17

Agamavagisa, 18

Agardip, 220m.

AgMahall, 218, 224

Ahmad Pir-pahar, a Bengal saint, 299

Ahmad Shah, Shamsuddin Abul Mujaliid,

of Bengal, 268

Ai, a Koch divinity, 240

aikslniva, or cane liquor, 16

Aja bemoans the loss of his wife, 9

Ajatasatru, 111

Akbarnagar, in Bengal, 218

Akliamwan, 41

’Alaipur, 227 228 n.

’Alamglrnagar, (Koch Bihar), 241

Alangk’hah River, 22 9m.

’Ala-ud-din Jam, 349

’Ala ul Haq, a Bengal saint, 256, 261

Albuquerque, Commentaries of, 196

Alexander the Great, 232

Alfa Khan, or Alfa Husaini, aBangali noble¬

man, 298

*’AH Shah, ’Alauddm Abul Muzaffar, of Ben¬

gal, 252

Altamsb, of Dibit, 349, 350, 359

Alvaros, Francisco, 200

A-min-na Radza, king of Pegu, 56

Ami'n Ilazi, a historian, 214

Anang Blum Deo, of Orisa, 344

Anauralita, 40

Andropogon muricatum, 19

Anethum sown,, 19

Angira against wine, 4

An-gu-la, king of Pegu, 56

Antonio Galvan, works of, 196

Anwar, Shaikh, 262, 266

A-ra-ka, king of Pegu, 55

Arakan, 232, 233, 234m., 237 n.

arislita, or soap berry liquor, 16

arrack, prohibited to Ksliatriyas, 5

Asam, 235, 236, 239m.

Asava, 6

Asclepias acida, 21

Asparagus racemosus, 17

Atalah Mosque, 160

Atharabanka River, 227 m.

A-thek-ka Radza, king of Pegu, 56

A-tu-tha Radza, king of Pegu, 57

Audambar, 217

Aurangpur, 229

Aurangzfb, 21 6 m.

Avadansa, 20

Avadanas, stories of drunkenness in, 8

A’zam Shall, Gliiyas ud-din Abul Muzaifar,

257, 258

’Azimnagar, Dhaka District, 284

Azo, [Hajo] Asam, 235

Baba Adam, a saint, 285

Baba Salih and his mosques, 283

Badaoni, 238m.

Bad-da-ra Radza, 56

Badr i ’A lam, a saint, 302

Badrul Islam, Shaikh, 264

Bagdi, a part of Bengal, 211, 319m.

Bagherhat, 227

Bago, the native name of Pegu, 24

Bahadur, the Tirhut rebel, 248m.

Bahadur Shall, Gliiyas ud-din, of Bengal,

250, 347

Bahirband, 224, 240

Bajitpore, 263m.

Bakharyakund, Inscriptions at, 163

Bakla, or Bacala, 217, 226, 228, 229

Baklesar, in Birbhum, 22 L

Balaunja, Parganali of, 119

2

Index.

Balban, 238, 248

Baleswar (Balasore), 225%.

Ballal Seni of Bengal, 211, 221, 230%., 284,

349%.

Banaras, ruins of, 160

Bandar, near Dhaka, 232, 282

Bandar Diu Mahall, 260

Banga, or Bangadesh, 211, 237, 349%.

Bangalah, 212

Bangalbhum, 224

Bangalfs, pay readily taxes 219%. ; make

bad soldiers, 255

Bannagar, 274

Banpara Nagas, vocabularies of, vide Appen¬

dix

Baqirganj, 228

Baramtala, 238

Baranasi, 238

Barbak, the Eunuch, 281, 287

Barbak Shall, Rulm ud-djn Abul Mujahid,

215, 269, 272

Barbakabad, 215

Barbak singh, in Bengal, 278

Barbosa, Odoardo, 201

Bardwan, 218, 223

Barendra, a part of Bengal, 211, 349%.

Barcunda, vide Bharkundah

Baritalah, 221, 235

Barros, Joao de, 194, 214, 287

Bartholomeus, History of Indian Chris¬

tianity, 199

Barer, a Parganah, 273

bases, Inflexional, of the Gaurian Lan¬

guages, 59

Bassia latifolia, 17

Bastar, 239

Bayazid Majlis, 229

Bayazidpur, 263 %.

Bayazid Shah, Shihab-ud-din Abul Muzaf-

far, 259, 262, 268

Bayley, The Hon. E. C., on Kausambhi

coins, 109, 191

■ - „ - on Muhammadan coins,

311

Bazulia, 216, 235

Beames, J. on the Grammar of Chand

Bardai, 165

Bengal, divisions of, 211, 349 ; list of kings,

308 ; vide Bangalah.

JBengala, or Bengola, a doubtful town, 233

Bhabeshwar Rai, 217

Bhagavata Purana, quotations from the, 10

Bliagiratlii River, changes its course, 220 %.,

221%.

iBhangrah, meaning, 253

Bharkundah, 223

Bhatf, or Sundarban, 226

Bhaturiah, 263

Bhitarband, 224, 235, 239, 240

Blntargarh, 223%.

Bhoja, a prince of Kanauj, 315

Bliowalblium, 224

bhum, in proper nouns, 224

Bhumma Radza, king of Pegu, 56

Bihar, 221, 222, 251

Bihar Inscriptions, 245, 299 ff.

Bijai Manik, 236

Bikrampur, Dhaka District, 232, 284, 349%.

Binya Dhamma Radza, of Pegu, 120, 159

Binya-e-lau, king of Pegu, 159

Binya keng, king of Pegu, 159

Binya-nwe, king of Pegu, 159

Binya-Ran, king of Pegu, 159

Binya Rankit, king of Pegu, 120, 159

Binya-u, king of Pegu, 44, 159

Binya Waru, king of Pegu, 121, 159

Birbkum, 212, 222%., 223

Birnagar, 218

Bishnkot, 212%.

Bishnpur, 222

Blaev’s map of Bengal and India, 242

Blochmann, Contributions to the Geography

and History of Bengal, 208

Bocarro, Antonio, 199

Bohat, 260%.

Borhun, 214%., 232

Borkela, burial slabs at, 112

Bosnah, 229

Bourke, W. M., Bengal inscriptions, 209,

290

Brahma Dat, king of Pegu, 56

Brahmaputra, 236

Buddha Ghosha, 28

Buddha king, Thalia jita Mita, 111

Buddha, relics of, in Rangoon, 26

Bughdah Shah, Shihab-ud-dm, of Bengal,

250

Bundu, 115

Buranda, 115

Butler, J., comparative vocabulary of tribes

in the Naga Hills, vide Appendix

Buzurgumedpur, 229

Byat-ta-ba, 46

CaCCIIEGATE, (Bengal) 240

qahan, a stuff, 216

Calcutta, 217

Camoens, the Portuguese poet, 197

Caor, or Brahmaputra, 236

Cassia arabica, 18

Castanheda, the Portuguese historian, 195

Castro, 197

cat, 261%.

cenotaphs of the Kasias, 117

Cernove, 214%.

Chai Champa, in Hazanbagh, 300

Chaksliana, 20

Chand Bardai, grammar of, 165, 329

Chandabhandas, a tribe, 226

Chandpur, 227%.

Chandijan, 221

Chandradip, 226

Chandradeva, gets Ivanauj, 316

Index.

8

Chandrakona, 218, 223

Char Mukundia, 229, 232??.

Chatgaon (Chittagong) 217, 220, 228ft., 229,

233, 234, 298, 299

Chauk’handf, 215

Chaumuha, in Hugli, 214ft.

Chichakota, 240

Chiliil Ghazi, a saint, 273

Chilman, 235

Chokahatu (Cliutia Nagpur), 115

Chokuria, 232

Chronicles of the Mun tribe, 40

Chudangpha, of Asam, 235

Cliutia Nagpur, monuments in, 112

Chuttia-pattia, a marsh, 213

Cochin, Gay’s History of, 198

Codavascam, 233

coinage, silver, 344 ; of Bengal, 343

coins, of Kausambhi, 109 ; Muhammadan,

205, 269, 311, 345

Comota, vide Kamata.

conversions to Islam, 220, 265

Correa, a Portuguese historian, 193

corruptions, of names, in Bengali, 21 6ft.,

231ft.

Cos Assam, 244ft

Cospetir, identified, 223, 224

Coutinho (Lopo de Sousa), siege of Dfu, 196

cowrie money, 344, 345

Croton poly an drum, 17

Cuipitavaz, identified, 231

Cunningham, A., General, inscriptions, 209,

247, 248, 256, 270, 271, 285, 288, 292,

298, 307

cycloues, in Bengal, 230

DaCEUZ, affairs of China, 196

Dak’hin Shahbazpur, 217, 226

Dalton (Col. E. T.), on stone monuments

in Cliutia Nagpur, 112

Damdama, 211

ddngd, in Bengali names, 233ft.

Dapara, or Daspara, 231

Darblianga, 241

Darla River, 240

Daruharu, village of, 115

Darya Khan Loham, 221

De Barros, 194 ; vide Barros.

De Goes (Damiao), Chronicles of king

Manuel, 196

De Couto, Diego, a Portuguese historian,

194

De Laet, 225, 234ft., 242, 244

De Laval, 201

delirium tremens, Sanskrit words for, 21

De Resende (Garcia), Life of Joao II, 196

De Sousa, History of the Dominicans, 199

Deokot (Debkot), 211, 212, 239, 274, 348

Devala against wine, 4

Devapala Sarnia, 315

Dcvayani, daughter of Sukrucharya, 3

Dhaka, 216ft., 226, 228, 282

Dhamma bi-ya, king of Pegu, 56

Dliam-ma Dzedi, king of Pegu, 159

Dhamma Dhadza, 55

Dhamma Pala, 55

Dhamma Radza, 56

Dhamma Thanka, 55

Dianga, 233

Dilili, 362

Dilawar Khan, of Sondfp, 231

Dmajpur, 256, 263, 263ft., 266, 272, 273

Dip -pa Radza, king of Pegu, 56

Dipur ia, 231

distilling of liquor, 18

Dm, in Gujarat, 260ft.

Dodala, a village name, 213ft.

dog, 261ft.

Don Manik Islands, 228

draksha, or grape liquor, 16

drinking, praise of, 14

Duars, the, 241

Dzau-au, 43, 159

Dzau-dzip, king of Pegu, 44, 159

Dzau-ta Kurnma, 55

Dzaya, identified with Jaya Sinha, 33

Dzeya Radza, king of Pegu, 56

EdILPORE, vide ’Adilpur.

Ekdalah, Fort, 212, 213ft., 254

Enga-Thamanda Radza, 57

Eng-gu-ra, 55

English, the, their character, 210ft.

Eunuchs, 216 ; their names, 286ft., 304ft.

FaKHR UD-DIN Laghan, 237

Faria y Souza, a Portuguese Historian, 195

Faridpur, 217, 226, 228, 229

Farid-ud-din Ganj i Shakar, 261ft.

Fath Shah, Jalal-ud-din Abul Muzaffar, of

Bengal, 218, 228 ft., 281

Fath Singh, 218

Fathabad (Bengal), 214, 217, 226, 228, 282,

292, 313

Fergusson’s opinion on Atalah Mosque,

160

Fidai Klian, governor of Bengal, 219 ; — of

Tirhut, 241

Firing! Bazar, 228ft.

Firingis, 220, 228ft. ; vide Portuguese

Firuzabad, vide Hazrat Panduali.

Firuzpur, near Gaur, 254

Firuzpurabad (P), 254

FIruz Shall (111.), ’Ala-ud-dln Abul Muzaf¬

far, of Bengal, 297

Firuz Shah (III.), of Dihlf, 252, 254ii., 256ft.,

301

Firuz Shah (II.), Saif ud-dm Abul Muzaffar,

of Bengal, 287

Firuz Shah (I.), Shams nd-diu Abul Muzaf¬

far, of Bengal, 249, 250

4

Index.

Fitch, Ralph, 214, 230, 234»., 240

Fontainlias, Gabinetee Litterario das, 208

foreign wines, notice of, 19

Frederick, Caesar, the traveller, 214, 229

frontiers of Bengal, 220; Western frontier,

221 ; Southern— 225 ; Eastern — 234 ;

N orthern — 2 3 9

(j[ AH AD AVAL A, founder of a dynasty,

315

Ganda Radza, king of Pegu, 56

Ganga, arrack vowed to, 7

Gangarampur, 212, 290

Garhi, or Taliagarh, 215, 222, 223

gaudi, or rum, 5

Gauhatti, 235

Gaur, or Lak’hnauti, 211, 212, 213, 215,

237, 250, 251, 260»., 267, 276, 277, 299^.,

312, 313 348 ; vide Jannatabad

Gaur, in Silhat, 236, 243

Gaur Gobind, of Silhat, 279

Gaurian Languages, grammar of, 59

Geinda Radza, of Pegu, 57

G’hargaon (Asam), 236

Ghazipur, on the Bhagirathi, 220 n.

Gliazi Sliah, Ikhtiyar ud-din Abul Muzaffar,

of Bengal, 254

Ghiyaspur, 213m

Ghiyas-uddin ’Iwaz, of Bengal, 348

G’horag’hat, 215, 221, 239

Ghulam Husain Salim, author of the ‘ Riyaz-

ussalatin’, 209

Gits-tsa-wisya, king of Pegu, 57

Goalparah, near Panduah, 256

gold, its proportional value to silver, 347

Gouvea’s history of the Archbishopric of

Goa, 198

Governors of Bengal, 246, 348

Govindachandra Leva, Inscription of, 314

Gor, in Silhat, vide Gaur

grog, Tan trie purification of, 18

Growse, F. S., Metrical version of Prithirai

Rasau, 329

Haft IqUm, title of a history, 214

Hajf Ilyas, vide Ilyas Shah.

Hajl Muhammad Qandaharl, a historian,

288

Hajipur, founded, 221

Hajraliatti, 221

Hamzah Shah, Saif-ud-dln Abul Muiahid,

of Bengal, 259, 368, 270

Hans Kumar, Rajah of Rohtasgarh, 300

Hanthawati, 29

Harial, 221

Haringhata River, 226

Harwa, 221

Hatiagarh, 225, 227

Hatim Klian, of Bengal, 249, 250

Hatsilali, 235

Hazrat Panduah, or Firuzabad, or Purrooa,

212, 213 238, 253, 256, 262, 267, 271

Heeley, W. L., Bengal inscriptions, 209

Henry the Navigator, Life of, 193

Herculano, History of the Inquisition in

Portugal, 199

Hijli, 224, 225

Hoernle ,A. F. R., on Gaurian Languages,

59

Horne, C., on Banaras ruins, 160

hospitals, for animals, 241

Hough’s Christianity in India, 198

Hugh, its name, 217, 228 n.

human sacrifices, in Koch Bihar, 240

Husainabad, a Bengal mint town, 214, 298

Husaini Dynasty, of Bengal, 291

Husain Shah, ’Ala-ud-din Abul Muzaffar, of

Bengal, 222, 227, 234, 235, 240, 292, 311

Husam-uddin Khilji, of Bengal, 348

I BN Batutah, 233, 236, 252, 281

Ibrahim Bayyu, Malik, of Bihar, 300

Ibrahim Shah, Shams-uddin Abul Muzaffar,

of Jaunpur, 264, 265, 306

Idrakpur, 226, 230 n.

Hah Yirdi Khan, 241

Ilyas Shah, Shams-uddin Abul Muzaffar, of

Bengal, 221, 253, 254, 257, 281

Indumati, wife of Aja, 9

inscriptions, at Dihli, 362

insignia of royalty, 362

Iqim Mu’azzamabad, vide Mu’azzamabad.

’Isa Khan, 231

Isliwaripur, 227 n.

Isma’ilpur, 217, 218

JaBUNA or Jamuna River, (Bengal) 214,

244».

Jadu, son of Rajah Kans, 265, 266

Ja’far, Nawab, Murshid Quli Khan, 218,

219

Jagdal, 213 n.

Jahanabad, 218, 223

Jajnagar, 237ff., 355n.

Jajpur, 237, 355

Jalal-uddin Tabriz!, a saint, 253, 260

Jalal of Silhat, vide Shah Jalal

Jannatabad, (Bengal) 215, 313 ; vide Gaur

Japla, Parganali of, 119

Jatakas, stories of drunkenness in, 8

Jatmall, son of Rajah Kans, 266

Jatmallpur, 266

Jaunpur, 160, 264^.

Jaunpur Dynasty, 304

Jaunpurnamah, 160

Jefferi (Eastern Bengal), 232

Jesar (Jessore), 217

Jesval, 241, 244

Jhark’hand, 223

jital, a coin, 346

Index.

5

Jogdiah, 232

Jor, a Parganah, 273

KaCHA, son of Vrihaspati, 3

Kachliar, 235

Kadamvari, 18

Ivai Kaus, Rukn-ud-din, of Bengal, 247, 249

Kamata, 236, 239

Karuatapur, 240

Kiimpfer’s Japan, 200

Kamrup, or Kamrud, 212%., 216, 235, 236

Kanauj, copper grants of, 314

Tcani, a coin, 346

Ivans, Rajah, 234, 235, 258, 259, 262, 263,

264, 268

Kant’halb'<ri, 241

Karataya River, 215, 216, 235

Ka-ra-wika Radza, king of Pegu, 57

Karibari Hills, 235

Karlla, the last prince of Kanauj, 315

Ivatak, or Ivatak Banaras, 238%

Katasan, 237

Katha Kunnna, king of Pegu, 57

Ka-tha-wun, 55

Kaula, sect of the, 11

Kausambhi, coins of 109, 191

Ke-tha-rit Radza, 56

Idiaqah, a stuff, 8

Iv’halgaon, 222, 222%.

Khalifatabad, 211, 217, 227, 231

Klian Jalian, of Khalifatabad, 227

Kharid, in A’zamgarh District, 297

kb a rj jura, or date liquor, 16

Klie-baung taken, 54

Khizrpur, near Dhaka, 282

Iv’hontag’bat, 239

Khuu-lau, king of Pegu, 159

Khurdah, Rajas of, 344%.

Kichaka, brother to Sudeshna,~6

Koch Asara, 244%.

Koch Biliar, 239, 240, 245

Koch Hajo, 235

Koina (the), 113

koli, or jujube liquor, 16

Kuhn-lau, brother to Wareru, 143

Kumara Sambliava, quotations from the, 9

La Croze, Christianity in India, 198

Lafitan, Portuguese discoveries, 195

Lak’hmaniyah kings of Bengal, 211

Lak’lmauti ; vide Gaur

Lak’hnur, 211, 223%., 237

Lai Darwazali, Hindu pillar at, 163

Land Tenures inentioned in copper plate

grants, 318

Laopallah, 214

Larka Kols, monumental stones of the, 112

Laud, or Laur (Silhat), 214, 235, 236

Lee, History of the Syrian Church, 198

Ligusticuin ajwana, 19

Linschoten’s Itinerarium, 201

Lukrakhonda, 222%.

Ma’CI/M Khan, 241

Madaran, 218, 223

niadatanka, or delirium tremens, 21

Madatyaya, 21

Madavyadlii, 21

madliuka, or honey liquor, 16

madhuka or mowa spirit, 5

Madhumati River, 226

Madyapasana, 20

Maffei, Historia Indica, 198

Mag-lia, quotations from the, 10

Mags, 225, 228, 234%, 244

Maha-Bad-dara, king of Pegu, 55

Mahabharat, quotations from the, against

the use of spirits, 3

Mahananda River, 211, 213, 215, 263

Maha Radza weng, 27

Malia-tha-la, king of Pegu, 55

Maha-thungada, king of Pegu, 56

Maha Tsit-ta, king of Pegu, 56

Mahendrapala, land grant of, 316

Maliichandra, father of Chandra Deva, 316

Mahimu Arindu Radza, 57

Maliimu Thawala Kumara, 57

Ma-hing-tha Radza, 56

Mahmiidabad, 217, 235

Malimudpur, 229

Mahmud Shah, of Jaunpur, 304, 306

Mahmud Shah (I.), Nacir-ud-dln Abul Mu-

zaffar, of Bengal, 269 ff.

Mahmud Shah, of Ililili, 304

Mahmud Shall, NaAr-ud-din Abul Muzaffar,

of Dilili, 247, 248%.

Mahmud Shah (III.), Ghiyas-ud-dm Abul

Muzaffar, of Bengal, 222%., 298

Mahmud Shah, (II) Na^ir-ud-diu Abul Mu¬

zaffar, of Bengal, 289

Mahobakliand, 165

Maimansingh, 235

maireya, or rum, 16

maireya wine, 6

Makluyl^altad, 218

MakhguQ Khan, 218%.

Malabar, History of the Church of, 198

Malaca Conquistada, a Portuguese epic, 198

Maldali, 215, 294

Maldives, 260%.

Malikpur Koyi, near Dilili, 362%.

Maljhatta, Hijli, 225

Mandaka Radza, 56

Mandalg’liat, 218, 222, 223

Man-da Radza, king of Pegu, 56

Mangalkot, near Bardwan, 296

Mani Radza, king of Pegu, 56

Manouchi, Aurangzebe’s physician, 198

Man Singh, 218

Mann against the use of spirits, 3

Ma-nu-ha Radza, 56

G

In dex.

Many a, Radza, 56

Machain, 1)1 1 aka District, 292, 293

Ma-ra-di Radza, 56

Marco Polo, 216

mark, a gold weight, 344, 345

Maria, Vincenzo, 200

Markandeya Purana, quotations from the,

10

Marsden’s Sumatra, 200

Masjidkur, 227

Masnad ’Ahpur, 225%.

Mech tribe, 239

Medinlpur, 224

Meneitipur, 223 %.

Meng-Bala, 43

Meng Kyi-tswa Tsau-ke, 49

Mewat, 244

Mhan-dan, king of Pegu, 159

Mig-ga dih-ha Radza, 57

Mihmanshahi, 216

Mlrath, 302

Mir Jumlah, 241

Mirza Khan, 241

Mitbila, a part of Bengal, 211, 239%., 349 %.

Monhyin Mengtara, 121

Morang, 241, 244

Moulavadangur, 223 n.

Mozoomclar, explained, 214 %.

Mu’azzamabad, or Iqhrn Mu’azzamabad,

213%., 214, 235, 250

Mu’azzampur, 236

Mubarak Shah, Fakhr-ud-dm Ahul Muzaffar,

of Bengal, 233, 252, 256%.

muctra, or wine biscuits, 20

Mughulmari, 224, 241

Muhammad Shah, Ahul' Muiahid, of Dibit,

251, 299

Muhammad Shah, of Bihar, 221, 222

Muhammad Shah, of Dilili, 303

Muhammad Shall, Jalal-ud-din Ahul Mu¬

zaffar, of Bengal, 266, 268

Muhammad Tughluq, of Dibit, 251, 299

Muhammadans, in Bengal, 220, 343

Muhammadan coins, notes on, 311, 350

muhr i nubuwivat, 273, 274

Mukund, of Bosnali, 229

Mukund Deb, of Orisa, 224, 344%.

Mun, or the people of Pegu, 34, 35

Murad Klian, 228, 229

Muradkhanah, 229

Murshidabad, 218

Murshid Quit, vide Ja’far.

Muzaffar Shah, Shams-ud-dfn Ahul Nasr,

of Bengal, 289 ; coin ofj 311

N ACIR Khan, 268

NaQir-ud-dtn Khusrau, coins of, 311

Nagir-ud-dtn Mahmud, name of two sons of

Altamsh, 362

Nagir-ud-dtn Sipalisalar, 279, 280

Nadiya, 211, 212%., 221%., 343

Naga Hills, vocabularies of tribes in, vide

Appendix

Nagananda, drunkenness in, 8

Nagor, in BIrbhum, *212, 221 260%. ; in

Jodhpur, 260%.

nakuli, or wine biscuits, 20

names, of Eunuchs, 286%.

Nara Radza, king of Pegu, 56

Nara-thura, king of Pegu, 55

Nara-thu Radza, king of Pegu, 56

narikelaja, or cocoanut liquor, 16

nawdra, or fleet, 220

Nazirpur, 228

Nicolo Conti, the traveller, 214%.

Nilamba, Rajali, 240

Noldy, 231

Norikol, 232

Nucrat Shah, Nacir-ud-dfn Abul Muzaffar,

of Bengal, 220, 222, 227, 234, 295

Nudiya, old for Nadiya, 212%., 313

Nur Jahan, 214, 229%.

Nur Qutb ’Alam, a saint, 260%., 262, 264

in Bengal, 218

Orisa, 221, 238; revenue of, in 12th cen¬

tury, 341; 355

Osorio, Bishop of Sylves, 196

PaCHET, 222

Pacaculi, 231

Padmawati, 238

Paihs, of Bengal, 255

paishti, or arrack, 5

Paithinasi against wine, 4

panasa-, or jack liquor, 16

Panduah, in Hugh, 232, 275

Panduah, vide Hazrat Panduah.

Panjrah, 215, 239, 263%.

Patgaon, or Patgram, 239

Peal, S. E., Vocabulary of the Banpara

Nagas, vide Appendix.

Pegu, 230%.

Pegu, Pounder of, 30, 57

Pegu, History of, 23, 120

Pegu, Invasion of, 52

Pegu kings, list of, 57

Pegu, traditional history of, 25

Peppe, T. F., on Monumental stones, 119

Perselis River, 244

Pliant River, 226

Phayre, Sir A. P., History of Pegu, 23, 120

Pipli, 225%.

Pita-kat, or Buddhist books, 28

police, military, of Bengal, 255

Porto Grando, or Chittagong, 228%.

Porto Piqueno, or Hugh, 228%.

Portuguese, their Indian histories, 191 ; 225,

228 ; employed as soldiers in Bengal, 199 ;

vide Firingis.

Portuguese in India, Authorities for the His¬

tory of the, 193

Index.

7

Pratapaditya, Rajah, 227 %.

Prithiraj Rasau, 165, 329

Pun-na-rika Radza, king of Pegu, 57

Purchas, the historian, 225, 233

Purniah, 215, 239

QaDAR Klian, 253

Qaraqalpak tribe, 239

Qazihatti, 221

Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Shah, 311

J^ADHA, (Rarha) a part of Bengal, 211,

223, 237, 349 %.

Radzadirit, 48

Radza Thura, king of Pegu, 56

Raghuvansa, quotations from the, 9

Ragiawarra, 241

Raipur, 244

Raja Bayabani, a saint, 260 %.

Rajendralala Mitra, on Spirituous Drinks in

India, 1, 58

„ , on two copper plate inscriptions

from Kanauj, 314

Raj Maliall, 2i8

Raj Mala, history of Tiparali, 234, 236%.

Rajawara, 241

Rakhang, vide Arakan,

Ramanya, or the country of Pegu, 24

Ramu, 233, 234 %.

Rangamati, 215 ; — on the Brahmaputra,

220 ; — in Tiparali, 237

Rangpur, 212%., 239

Ramganj, 224

Rasulpur, or Jesar, 217

Rasulpur River, 225

Ratanpur, 239

rati, true weight of, 346

Raushanabad, or Tiparali, 237

Raziyah, queen of Dihli, 248 %., 343

revenue, of Bengal, from 1582 to 1762, 219 ;

of Koch Bihar, 241 ; of Orfsa, 344

Rivara, Sr. da Cunha, 203

R iyazussalatin, a Bengal History, 209

roads, in Bengal, 220

Rolitasgarh (Bihar), 300

Rongso, village of, 114

lioteiro (The), Vasco de Gama’s account, 196

3 AH WAN, on the Indus, 222

saira, or long pepper liquor, 16

Sakuntala, scenes of drunkenness in, 8

Sallmabad, 218, 227

San Romano, a Portuguese Historian, 195

Santals, 300

Saranda Pir, Hills of, 113

Saraswati River, 243, 244%.

Saraswati River, in Hugh, 214%.

Sarcostema viminalis, 21

Sa’id Klian, governor of Bihar, 218%.

Sarliat, in Birbhum, 214, 222%.

sarlashkar, an officer, 214

Satgaon, 212, 213%., 214%., 217, 227, 239,

251, 270

Satgarh (P), 238

Satrapur, 221%.

Satrjit of Bosnali, 229

Satrjitpur, 229

Sautramani, 22

seal, of prophetsliip, 273, 274

Sersilg, 243

Sliadi Khan, 268

Shahbandar, 225%.

Shahbazpur, 8

Shall Jalal, of Silliat, 277, 278, 293

Shall Langar, 236

Shahr i Nau, 213%., 214%.

Shahzadpur, 221

Shaikh Akin Siraj ’Usman, 260

Shaistahnagar, 229

Shams-ud-dm (P), son of Hamzali Shall, 259,

264, 268

Shan kings of Pegu, list of, 159

Slians, rebellion of the, 51

Shari fabad, 218

Sheng-tsau-bu, king of Pegu, 159

Shergarli, 224

Sherpur ’Atal, 218

Slierpur Firingf, 228%., 230

Sherpur Murclia, 216, 221 ; — Maimansingh,

234

Slier Slnili, of Dihli, 217, 285%.

Shihab-ud-din, vide Bayazid Shah.

Shihab-ud-din, Qazi, of Jaunpur, 265

shiqdar, an officer, 214

Sliukl Gosain, of Koch Bihar, 240

Shuja’, Prince, his rentroll, 219, 241 ; a

false Shuja’, 241

Siam, kings of, 49

Sidi Badr Diwanah, 289

Sidhu, 217

Sikandar Palilawan, 225

Sikandarpur, near A’zamgarh, 296

Sikandar Shah, Abul Mujahid, of Bengal,

255%., 256, 279, 281

Sikandar Shah (I I.) of Bengal, 281

Sik’karbhum, 224

Silliat, 216, 234, 235, 236, 278

silk, raw, 215, 240

silver, import of, 230%.

Sirguja, 239

Sirkars, list of, 215

Si risa Kntumba, 119

Sirote, 236

Sita vows wine to Yamuna, 7

Sitaram Rai, 229

Sit/ar ul-MutaalcJikharin, a history, 217%.

Sondip Island, 217, 226, 229, 230,' 231

Soma nectar, 21

Sosang, (Garo Hills) 235

soura wine, directions for preparing, 22

spirit, ban of Sukracharya against, 3

8

Index ,

spirit, use of, prohibited in the Vedas, 2

spirituous drink in Ancient India, 1, 58

Srfhat, 236

Srimanta, the merchant, 218

Sudeshna, queen Virata, 6

Sukra chary, anecdote of, 3

Sulaimanabad, 218

Sulaiman Shall, 218

sultan, a Mhammadan title, 350 n.

Sultan Slializadah, of Bengal, 287

Sundarban, 226; cultivated formerly, 231

Sunnargaon, 212, 213%., 216 231, 233%.,

236, 237, 238, 251, 261, 283, 285, 295

Sunnaragarln, 25 6%.,

Sunnarkot, 256

sura, or arrack, 16

sura wine, 6

Suvarnablium, kings of, 55

Symplocos racemosa, 18

Tolbort, T. W. H., Authorities for the His¬

tory of the Portuguese in India, 193 ff.

Tribem, 214, 232, 244%.

Tripura, vide Tiparali.

Tsam-bu-dipa, king of Pegu, 56

Tsan-da-la Radza, king of Pegu, 57

Tughril, Sultan Muglus, 238 [246

Tughril, Tzz-ud-din Tughan Khan, 237, 245,

tughril, its meaning, 246%.

Tukaroi (Orisa), 224

U:

BA-DE-WA Meng, 55

Uba-ma-la Radza, 57

Udaipur, in Tiparali, 237

Udesse, 237, 244

U-din-na Radza, king of Pegu, 56

Udny, Mr. G., 209

Upadansa, 20

Upadarsa, 20

TU-run-nata, king of Pegu, 56

ABAQAT I NAOIRT, Bengal Geography Ut-tama Radza, king of Pegu, 56

in the, 212%. TT" ’’

Taj Klian, conqueror of Hijli, 225

Taj pur, 215, 239

Ta-ka-runt-bi, king of Pegu, 159

tala or toddy wine, 5, 16

Taliagarh, or Garhi, 215, 222

Talibabad, 229

Talinga, 238

Tandah, or Tara, in Bengal, 213%., 217, 223

tank ah, a coin, 347

tanka, or wood-apple liquor, 16

Tantras, quotations from the, 11

Tarabya, king of Burma, 47

TdriJch i JELamidi, a history, 234%.

Tavernier, 202

Tek-ka Meng, king of Pegu, 56

Tellez, History of Ethiopia, 200

Tenreiro (Antonio), Itinerary of, 190

Terry, E., ‘Voyage to East India,’ 242%.,

243%.

Tlia-du-ka, king of Pegu, 56

Tha-le-tsi, Fort of, 53

Thamala, founder of Pegu, 34

Tha-ma-na Radza, 56

Tlia-min-Radza, king of Pegu, 57

T’liaru tribe, 239

Tlieri Radza, king of Pegu, 56

Tliilia Radza, the first king of Pegu, 55

Tliiri Dhamma Tliauka, 55

Tlii-wa-rit, 55

Thomas, E., Initial Coinage of Bengal, 343 If.

Tliu-tsau-ba-di, 56

Tliungada Radza, 56

Tiparah, 235, 236, 238

Tirhut, 221, 255

Tishya, identified with Titlia, 33

Titha, king of Pegu, 55

Titulia River, 228

Todar- Mall, 214

Tolia-ya-dan A-tliwa History of Pegu, 23

Uttara, king of Pegu, 55

V AJAPEYA sacrifice, 22

Valentyn, Fran9ois, his work, 202, 225, 226,

242%.

Van den Broucke, 242%.

Varuni liquor, 6

Vasco de Gama, 193

Vas Jhtha, against wine, 4

Vijayacliandra, son of Govindcliandra, 317

Visvamitra, entertained with wine, 6

[159

A-RE'RU, king of Martaban, 41, 42,

weights, 345, 346

Westmacott, E. V., on a Barbak Shall In¬

scription from Dinajpur, 273 ; 209

Wi-dza-ya Kamma, 56

wine biscuits, or updansa, 20

wines, ingredients of different sorts of, 15, 18

wine, in the Ramayana, 8

wine, in the Mahabharata, 5

Wimala, founder of Pegu, 34, 57

Wise, Dr. James, on Shall Jalal, 27S; 209,

282, 284

witchcraft, 216, 279

X-

AVIER, St. Francis, 197

X^AJKAVALKYA against wine, 4

Yasovigraha, founder of a dynasty, 316

Yusuf Shall, Shams-ud-dm Abul Muzafiar,

of Bengal, 275

z

AFARABAD, 231%.

Zafar Klian, of Sunnargaon, 256%.

Ziya-ud-dm, Alir, of Maldah, 215%.

Ziya-ulhaq, of Bihar, 303, 304-

APPENDIX

TO THE

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal?

Vol. XLII,

Part I., for 1873.

CONTAINING

YOCABULAEIES OF NAGA HILL TBIBES,

by Capt . J. Butler and S. E. Peal, Esq,

11

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1873.] John Butler — Vocabulary of tribes of the Nay a Hills.

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XXX

[Appendix,

Vocabulary of the Banpard Nay as. — By S. E. Peal, Esq., Sibsayar, A'sdm .

(Continued from Journal, A. S. Bengal, Part I, for 1872, p. 29.)

In the following vocabulary a represents the a in bar ; a stands for ais>

as in naught ; ai, as in aisle ; au, as in loud ; e, as ei in eiyht ; e, as in hen ;

i as in hill ; 1, as ee in heel ; 6, as the o in not ; o, as in note ; u, as in fully

1873]

S. E. Peal — Vocabulary of the Banpara. Nagas.

xxx

Blood,

Blossom,

Blue,

Boar,

Boil,

Bone,

Bough,

Bow,

Box,

Boy,

Bracelet,

Branch, (tree),

Brandy,

Bread,

Breakfast,

Breeze,

Brick,

Bridge,

Brimstone,

Bring,

Broad,

Broken,

Brook,

Broom,

Brother,

Brow,

Buffalo,

„ wild,

Bug,

Bull,

To Burn,

Burial,

Bush,

Butterfly,

Cable,

Cake,

Calamus,

Calf,

Camphor,

Cane,

Cannon,

Canoe,

Cap,

Carcass,

Cascade,

Cat,

Caterpillar,

adzi.

pua.

nak che.

vak la, mai la.

ta.

rzan, orzan.

hora, ra.

panchak.

yantu.

shwak.

nausa, man sa.

kapsan.

pan kang.

zu.

an.

kan sa ha.

vin.

rang vin le.

sky wind makes,

ha (lit. earth),

shai.

hing.

pau he, pau hai.

kau.

pak.

shwa sa.

haja.

atai.

kong ra.

lui.

lui hing.

ve kof.

mai hu, hapang.

van sung le.

ruk tua.

pau ka.

pi twak.

ru.

an, an.

re.

mai hu sa.

sha¬

re.

lan tua.

kwa sa.

kohom.

zi le (lit. dead is)

ti chong le.

(water great is),

mia.

tchong.

Cave,

Centipede,

Charcoal,

Cheap,

Cheek, n.

Chest,

Chicken,

Chief,

Chillie, n.

Chin,

Chunga (Bamboo )

tube,) )

Chrysalis,

Claw,

Clay,

Cloth,

Cloud,

Coal,

Cock,

Cold,

Come,

Cord,

Corn,

Cost,

Cotton,

Cough,

Countenance,

Cow,

Crab,

Crack,

Crag,

Creeper,

Cricket,

Crocodile,

Crook,

Crossbow,

Crow,

Cucumber,

Cushion,

Cut, v.

Cymbal,

Dagger,

Damp,

Dance,

Dancing,

Dark,

Darkness,

Dart,

Daughter,

Dawn,

ha kon.

p ii soi.

mak.

na.

navem, bomzrong.

kha tok. [bird )

a sa (lit. young

vang hum,vangsa.

hing bu.

ka ra.

tun.

chong pua.

chakin.

ha.

ni.

rang shai.

ha nak.

a pang,

dang.

pau hi, pau he.

ru.

tza.

lahi.

pai.

aliai le.

tun.

mai liu.

shan.

hak (hak le).

ha hung.

ru ka.

do mo.

kun ki.

kum.

hap.

aka.

mai ku.

kang tai.

hut ko, hat ko.

si.

bit sa.

shun.

<izai.

azai le.

nuk, nak.

rang nuk le.

sky black makes.

na hi.

a phe.

shorn sliak.

xxxii S. E. Peal — Vocabulary of the Banpara JSTayds. [A; v

Day,

Dead,

Deaf,

Dearth,

Death,

Debt,

Deep,

Deer,

Deity,

Deluge,

Demon,

5?

Dense,

Depart,

Descend,

Dew,

Diarrhoea,

Die,

Dig,

Dike,

Dinner,

Dish,

Distant,

Ditch,

Don’t,

Dog,

Done,

Door,

Dore,

Drake,

Drink,

Drown,

Drum,

Dry,

Duck,

Ear,

Early,

Earth,

Earthen- ware,

Earthquake,

E at,

Eclipse,

Edge,

Eel,

Er0*

Elastic,

Elbow,

Elephant,

Equal,

Erect,

xxxiv S. E. Peal — Vocabulary of the Banyard JVdyas.

This is mainly Banpara Naga. Contiguous tribes often have so many

words in common as to be able to converse ; while in other cases the differ¬

ences are so great, that the dialects are mutually unintelligible.

The letter r at end of a word seems rare, so far I have not met a

single uase, and I am inclined to think it is never used, inasmuch as all

Assamese vyords used by them that so end, have the final r turned into

t, as khar (gunpowder) to kliat, kapor (cloth) into kaput, &c.

xxxvi S. E. Peal — Vocabulary of the Banpara Nay as. [App ,-e '• 373.

The letter s also seems to follow the same rule. In saving n , sh),

*

they say mat, and got for gos (tree).

Some words are very widely used as ‘ rang,’ which applies to

atmospheric phenomena, and may even be traced in their word for ‘ go ;

and ‘devil’. Naga ideas of Divine persons being very limited, the same

word that stands for ‘ devil’ also serves for ‘ god.’ Indeed their god

at best is a local and generally malignant sprite, who can be propitiated

by small presents of eatables.

The word £ mai’ is very generally used as prefix to names of animals. The

word good seems derived from this source, and it is equally suggestive

to note that the word for sweet , ti, means also water.

Generally speaking, Banpara Naga is as monosyllabic as it can be,

and in speech is cut up short and jerky, especially when they are excited.

/-