CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

3 1924 066 284 583

I

JOURNAL

# OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

VOL. XLIII.

PART I. (History, Literature, &c.)

(Nos. I to IV. — 1874: with nineteen plates.)

EDITED BY

jP he Philological ^Secretary.

“ It wilT flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science

in different parts of Asia , will commit their observations to writing, and send them to

the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long

intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm. Jones.

CALCUTTA :

jpRINTED BY p. J3. J-EWIS, )3aPTIST JAlSSlOU J^ESS.

1874.

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A .. i 4

*

CONTENTS

OF THE

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, FOR 1874,

»

Part I.

No. I.

Page

On the Ruins at Dimapur on the Dunsiri River, A'sam. — By Major

H. Godwin-Austin (with six plates), . 1

On the History of Pegu. — By Major-General Sir A. P. Phayre,

I^. • 01 . S • 1 1, ...*••« a. («••••• ........ ...a...*. «••••• a........ ...... ■ ...... 13

Essays in aid of a Comparative Grammar of the Gaurian Languages.

No. Y. — By the Rev. Dr. A. F. R. Hoernle, Banaras, . 22

Translation of an Arabic pamphlet on the history and doctrines of

the Wahhabis, written by the grandson of ’Abdul Wahhab,

founder of the sect. — By J. O’Kinealy, C. S., . 68

Notes on Sunargaon, Eastern Bengal. — By Dr. James Wise, Dhaka,

(with a plan and a plate), . 82

Note on a new gold coin of Mahmud Shah bin Muhammad Shah bin

Tughluq Shah, of Dihli. — By J. G. Delmerick, Dihli, (with

a woodcut), . . . 97

No. II.

Note on a hoard of 543 Sassanian Coins in the possession of Col.

H. Hyde, R. E. — By the Honorable E, C. Bayley, C. S. I.

(with a plate), . . 99

Note on the Palam Baoli Inscription. — By Ra'jendrala'la Mitra

(with a plate), . . . 104

Annals of ’Oman, from early times to the year 1728, A. D. From

an Arabic MS. by Sheykh Sirha'n-bin Sa’Td-ein Sirha'n-bin

Muhammad of the Benu ’ All tribe, of ’Oman. Translated and

annotated by E. C. Ross, Political Agent at Muscat, . Ill

IV

Contents.

Page

No. III.

On the Barah Bhuyas of Eastern Bengal. — By Dr. James Wise,

Dhaka (with a plate), . . . . . ... 197

Notes on Shall Isma’il Ghazi, with a sketch of the contents of a Pers¬

ian MS., entitled “ Risalat ush-Shuhada,” found at Kanta

Duar, Rangpur. — By G. H. Damant, B. A., C. S , . . 215

Persian Text of the Risalat ush-Shuhada, . 222

Letter by Col. E. T. Dalton, C. S. I., Commissioner of Chutia

Nagpur, on a large picture representing the conquest of Palamau,

in 1660, by Daud Khan, Aurangzib’s General, . 240

Note on the site of Fort Ekdalah, District Dinajpur. — By E. Y.

Westmacott, C. S. (with a map), . 244

On the supposed identity of the Greeks with the Yavanas of the

Sanskrit Writers. — By Ra'jendrala'la Mitra, . 246

Contributions to the Geography and History of Bengal (Muhamma¬

dan Period.) No. II. — By H. Blociimann, M. A., Calcutta

Madrasah (with a plate), . . . . 2 SO

No. IY.

The Temple of Jaysagar, Upper A'sam. — By J. M. Foster, F. S. A.,

(with four plates), . 311

Note on the Chittagong Copper-plate, dated Saka 1165, or A. D.

1243, presented to the Society by A. L. Clay, Esq , C. S. — By

Pranna'th Pandit, M. A. (with a plate), . 318

The Etymology of Local Names in Northern India, as exemplified

in the District of Mathura, — By F. S. Growse, M. A., B. C.S., 324

Transcript of the Pala Inscription of the Buddal Pillar, Dinajpur,

by Pagidit Harachandra Chakrayarti', communicated by

E. Y. Westmacott, C. S. With an annotated translation by

PrataYachandra Ghosha, B. A., . . 356

Note on an Inscription of the time of Skanda-Gupta from Indor-

khera. — By Ra'jendrala'la Mitra, (with a plate), . . 363

Index, . 375

LIST OF PLATES

<

IN

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, FOR 1874,

Part I.

y/P\. I (p. 3). Plan of Dimapur, A'sam.

//£\. II (p. 3). View of Dimapur, A'sam.

/PI. Ill (p. 8). Ditto ditto.

J /PL IV (p. 3). Gateway at Dimapur.

y/Pl- V (p. 5). Architectural Ornaments on the Temple of Dimapur.

^ yV\. VI (p. 5). Ditto ditto ditto.

Nt ^Pl. YII (p. 88). Map of Sunargaon.

\a yPl. YIII (p. 88). Tomb of Ghiyasuddin A’zam Shah of Bengal, at

v Sunargaon.

//^Pl. IX (p. 100). Mint marks on coins struck by Khusru I, Hormazd IY,

and Khusru II.

/ y V\. X (p. 104). Facsimile of the Palam Baoli Inscription.

/PI. XI (p. 202). The Rajbari Math on the Padma, Bikrampur District.

PL XII (p. 244). Map of the Environs of Ekdalah, Parganah Dhanjar,

yU 310 V Dinajpur.

i PL XIII (p. 293). Unpublished Coins of the Muhammadan Kings of

Bengal.

a _ PL XIV (p. 3 LI). The Jaysagar Temple, Upper A'sam.

Pis. XY, XYI, XYII (p. 315). Architectural Ornaments on the Jaysagar

<4 44^ J Temple.

r!vr f. , v. .. Pl. XVIII (p. 318). The Chittagong Copper-plate.

\P1. XIX (p. 303). Facsimile of an Inscription of the time of the Skanda

Gupta from Indor-khera.

ERRATA

IN

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, FOR 1874

Part I.

Page 83, not e,for Qazi-qa^ah read Qazi-qagbah

- - 98, line 2, add to the end y\

- - 116, last lin e,for Zohair23 read Zohair28

• - 133, line 1 ,for Ka'sim read Bin el-1£a'sim

► - 196, line 12, for Menah read Hinah

- 249, line 14 >for Zeus read Hermes

- - 273, line VI, for kov cos read ywvia

- 268, line 2d, for read toto

- 268, line 30, for fTOT^TT read fTOTW

- 268, line 33 ,for TOT read TOT

- 268, line S3, for ET f\\read

- - 268, line 31, for read

- 267, line 21, for Mauriya read Sunga

- 286, note, for Parichhat read Parichhit

- - 293, note, for given read gives

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Part I— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. I.— 1874.

On the Ruins at Dimapur on the D unsir i River , A'sam. — By Major H.

H. Godwest-Austen, F. R. G. S., F. Z. S., Sfc., Deputy Superin¬

tendent , Topographical Survey of India.

(With two pliotocollotypes, three pliotozincographs, and one lithograph.)

The ruins at Dimapur on the Dunsiri, 45 miles South of Golaghat

are exceedingly interesting. They have been known and visited by the

comparatively few Europeans who have passed through this part of A'sam,

but I do not think any notice has been taken of them, save by Major (now

Colonel) J. Butler in his book ‘ Travels and Adventures in Assam’, where

two drawings are to be found of the entrance gateway and the ruins near,

with a short account of the place ( vide Appendix A). On our return at the

end of April from field work in the Naga Hills, we halted two clajs at

Dimapur, to make an examination of the place. Of the history of the city 1

was unable to obtain any information, and no native of the present place can

tell one anything reliable. There seems, however, to be a general belief that

the town was founded and built by a Kachhari Raja, and destroyed by the

Nagas from the south. Not having seen elsewhere buildings or sculpture

bearing any resemblance to those at Dimapur, I made a plan of the ruins,

with the assistance of Mr. M. T. Ogle of the Topographical Survey Depart¬

ment, and he with Captain J. Butler, son of the above mentioned Col.

Butler and Political Agent, Naga Hills, made on the following day the circuit

of the N. W. side facing the outer wall of the town. I have thus been able

to give a very fair plan of the whole place. The unpleasantness of this

work can be imagined : the dense underwood with the constant showers then

A

2

H. H. Godwin* Austen — On the Ruins of Dimapur. [No. 1,

occurring was dripping wet, leeches swarmed, as well as several species of

gadlly, and the air was close and smelled with decaying vegetation. The

place is a favourite lair for tigers, who find the old, wet, grassy tanks

pleasant spots in the heat of the day, and Captain Butler had not long

previously lost a grass-cutter who was carried off, while grass was being

loaded on the elephants. The plans, with drawings of the pillars, and more

detailed examples of the style of sculpture will, I hope, prove of interest to the

members of the Asiatic Society, and perhaps lead to a notice of other similar

remains in the A'sam valley, with the history pertaining to them,

A general account here of Dimapur will better convey an idea of the

present position of the ruins, before I notice them in detail and shew

how great a change has come over the place, since the days when we must

imagine it a large and prosperous town, extending with its tanks over

nearly two square miles of ground. The present position of Dimapur is on

the right bank of the Dunsiri, where we have a stockade and a few men of the

Naga Hills Police Force. There are a few houses round about it, and owing

to the greater security our late occupancy has brought about, the place is

gradually increasing in size. The soil in the vicinity is rich, and traces of

former cultivation are still to be made out near the large tanks, but are now

all overgrown with forest ; it is this portion which the Mikirs and others of

Dimapur are now clearing and taking up again. With the exception of these

small and recent clearances, all else, the ruins included, is covered with

primeval forest larger and denser on the left bank perhaps than the right.

The latter is higher than the former near the site of the stockade, and is

about 25 feet high, of strong sandy clays. To the east of the stockade is

the first tank, about 270 yards square, with a fine broad solid embankment

about 25 yards at top, sloping gradually outwards, steeper slightly on the

inner side. On the top of the embankment, Captain Butler has built a fine

timber bungalow, overlooking the water, a very pretty site, with the distant

Naga hills shewing on a clear day above the great forest trees of the oppo¬

site side. A second tank is passed a short distance south on the road to

Samaguting, and is perhaps a little larger in extent ; others, Captain Butler

informed me, he had seen in the vicinity. Our time did not admit of looking

them up, and it is tedious work forcing a way with elephants into the dense

jungle, and takes a long time. The old town is situated on the left bank,

the lowest. It was bounded on the north by a brick wall, 900 yards long ;

on the south, by the Dunsiri ; the western wall was followed for 950 yards

from the N. W. angle, but must be quite 1400 yards up to the river ; the

eastern wall is 700 yards long, with an obtuse salient angle; the fine solid

brick gateway (still standing) is situated on this side, 150 yards from the

N. E. angle. The sculpture and stone ruins are about the same distance on

the left, after passing through the entrance arch. Numerous small tanks

1874.] H. H. Godwin- Austen — On the Ruins of Dimdpur.

3

occur within the walls, now for the most part silted up and overgrown

with tall grasses. To explore the place thoroughly would take several

days, and would no doubt bring to light other pillars and remains besides

those we saw. Broken bricks were observed by me near tank No. 2 ( vide

plan), and it was said that the eastern wall is to be traced south of the river,

but statements regarding this differed, and I do not think it does so. But it

is a point worth clearing up by any one who may have the time and opport¬

unity.

Dimapur now stands in a country one might well call uninhabited.

The nearest villages in the low country are Mohungdijua, 18 miles N. W.,

and Borpathar, 28 miles north ; the Naga village of Samaguting on

the first low range is 11 miles distant. To what it owed its former size and

importance is difficult to say, excepting we suppose that relations with

the hill people on the south were of a different nature in those days. It is

quite possible that the hills were then in the occupation of the Kachhari race.

If such were the case, Dimapur would have been an important place, up to

which the Dunsiri is navigable nearly all the year round, connecting it with

the large walled town, the remains of which are to be seen at Numaligarh

on the same river.

The entrance gateway is a fine solid mass of masonry, with a pointed

arch ; the stones which are pierced to receive the hinges of double heavy doors,

are still in perfect preservation. It is flanked on both sides by octagonal turrets

of solid brick work, and the intervening distance to the central archway is

relieved by false windows of ornamental moulded brick work. It is curious

that no advantage has been taken of the thickness of the walls to construct

chambers in it. The building is still in good preservation, but has evidently

been shaken on occasion by earthquakes. There is an appearance about the

architecture as if Muhammadan artisans had been employed on its con¬

struction. All the ornamentation is simple scroll, not a single representation

of any bird or beast. Neither is there anything in keeping with the sculp¬

tured stones of the ruin adjacent, some on either side of the archway, where

the circular rose pattern occurs, of which I have given a drawing. The

wall of the places adjacent to the gateway on either side appears to have been

higher than the other portion, but its average height now is not more than

6 to 8 feet, having fallen everywhere, and in some places shews only as a bank,

the bricks being buried in the vegetable mould of years. The bricks are of all

sizes and of flat form, common to all the old brick work that I have met with

in A'sam and Bhutan Duars. However, at Dimapur, no brick is exactly

of the same size. They appear to have been made by pressing the clay be¬

tween boards to about 1^ inches in thickness, and then cutting it in squares,

no two sides of which were truly parallel. The courses were very neatly laid,

and the mortar was very white and good. Some of the bricks had been very

4 H. H. Godwin- Austen — On the Ruins of Dimdpur. [No. 1,

sharply cut into angles and edges for the cornice work. All the moulded

bricks were of very fine clay and well burnt. The clay in the neighbourhood

is of a superior kind.

Turning sharp to the left from the gateway, we followed the wall on

the outside for about 200 yards, and then turning in through a gap in it,

came at about 80 yards on the site of the ruins at their northern end. It is

a peculiarly striking place, unlike anything I have seen in India, nor have

I ever seen mention elsewhere of ruins like these. When perfect, it must

have been an imposing looking place ; even now buried as it lies, in the dense

gloomy forest, it excites wonder and admiration for the labour expended in

transporting such massive blocks of sandstone so far. The nearest point,

at which the tertiary sandstone could have been quarried, would be upon

the first line of hills, some 10 miles distant, while up the Dunsiri valley it

would be much farther : and if they were brought from this side, it is not im¬

probable that rafts might have been employed to bring the stone a part of the

distance. It is not easy at first to make out the plan of the place owing to

the underwood, but our Khasi coolies soon cleared paths about the place and

opened it up.

The carved pillars, the most distinguishing feature of the ruins, are

arranged in two rows in front of what must have been a long sort of corridor.

Whether this was enclosed in any way, or divided into compartments by mat-

walls, is impossible to say, neither is it quite easy to understand the manner in

which it was roofed, though in my drawing it is shewn how I imagine this was

done. The highest pillars and highest portion of the covered part or corridor

are in the centre and diminish on either side ; the pillars at the south¬

ern end are certainly older, ruder, and of coarser make than those in

the centre or north, and the distance between the two rows of pillars

is narrower at the south end. The pillars are all of one general pat¬

tern, and remind one much of gigantic chessmen. What they are intended

to represent is difficult to say ; some would perhaps set them down as a

form of lingas ; but may not their origin be sought for in the very widely

spread custom in this quarter of India of erecting rough stone monuments,

and may not the custom have taken the form of these carved pillars, brought

into their present position with such enormous expenditure of labour by a

population, lowlanders, richer and more civilized than their mountain neigh¬

bours, but with whose customs and superstitions they assimilated. The

tallest pillar is about 15 feet ; the smallest at the south end, 8 feet 5 inches ;

a great number, 12 to 13 feet. The diameter of one of the largest was 6 feet.

No two are precisely alike in the minor ornamentation, but all are of one ge¬

neral form, large semi-circular tops with concentric foliated carving below on

the shaft. There is seen ( vide PI. V, bottom) what may possibly be intended

for a spear head ; if it be such, it is the only object represented. However

1874.] H. H. Godwin- Austen — On the Rums of Dimcijpur. 5

in the Y-shaped supports of the corridor, animate objects (vide PI. VI ) are

introduced, and the elephant, deer, dog, duck, peacock and polyplectron or

pea pheasant can he made out ; but, worthy of remark, not a single human form

not even a head. The lotus is evident in all the carved work, and there is a

general primitiveness of design which is very apparent. The simple circle

within circle, more or less elaborated, is the distinguishing type of the sculp¬

tured work. The only instance of carving I know on the monoliths of

the Khasi Hills, is this simple circle with petalifonn pattern. The

old temple at Nimaligarh has such a circle carved on the huge slab

that once roofed the single centre chamber, but in other respects there is no

similarity of design. The scroll patterns of Nimaligarh shew an advanced

style of Hindu art, are very intricate and laid out with mathematical ex¬

actness, and the figures are nearly all men and women, most obscene in

their character, all cut in the hard granite of the Mikir Hills. I regret that

my time was too limited, to make a plan of this temple, which when perfect

must have been a very striking and well proportioned edifice. Even as it

was, for the short look at the place, I am indebted to the courtesy of the

acting manager of the tea plantation close by, who kindly lent an elephant,

and w7ent out to the ruin with me.

The Y-shaped supports or pillars are unique, at least to me, and from

measurements of the broken portions appear to have been longer armed

on one side than the other, and those in the. front row a little taller than

those at the back. This was no doubt to carry the roof in a regular slope

outwards and to the rear. A mortice has been cut on the top surface of each

arm, and probably carried a connecting piece from one V to the other.

This was probably of stone, from the size of the mortice. I could not find

any block that corresponded with such. There is no doubt that stones have

been removed. It is perhaps questionable whether this was a temple at

all. I am inclined to think that it was the site of a great market place

or “ Nath,” from its position first inside the gateway, and also from the

general appearance of the place. The covered corridor would have very much

the appearance of the long-roofed sheds, run up in many paths during the rains

in this part of India (where bamboo and thatching grass are plentiful and

close at hand), the roofs slightly sloping to the back. If the temple

were Hindu or Buddhist, we should have had the form of some deity in¬

troduced somewhere in the sculpture. I think it, therefore, more likely that

this was a town of an aboriginal race (old Kaclihari P), who would have had a

simple demon worship and no idol forms, as we find the case with races of

this form of religion at the present day. The idea of a large bazar would

very likely enter the minds of a large colony at Dimapur ; and the setting

up of the stones would have been carried out at the time, as an act of pro¬

pitiation or of handing down the memory of its foundation to posterity ;

G Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu. [No. 1,

the same reason for which individuals of certain Naga tribes erect stone

monuments at the present day, not 20 miles distant. There was certainly

no hack or front side to the corridor in the strict sense of the term, for the

Y-pillars are carved on both faces and on the lower or outside face of the

arms. To the west of this edifice, and parallel with it, runs a broad shallow

ditch, dry in the cold weather, and on the edge of it, opposite the centre of

the corridors, stands a large isolated pillar now much broken, skirting an old

tank ; and about 150 yards further, another isolated pillar is found, the largest

in the place, being 16 feet 8 inches high and 23 feet in circumference. These

great solid masses of sandstone (which is very soft when first quarried) must

have been brought in and set up in the rough and then carved, or they

would have been much damaged in getting them up. In this largest pillar

such is evident ; the original mass did not admit of its being cut with per¬

fect curve, and here and there the concentric rings of carving follow into the

natural and original indentations of surface. The gradual rise of land sur¬

face with probable sinking of the stones had hidden the sculptured portions

for more than a foot of one examined. Some of the pillars have been brought

down by falling trees, but I think an earthquake has had its share ; for one

of the corner V-supports has been twisted quite out of its original position

( vide large plan) from west to east, 90 degrees, the weight of the arms of

those on either side falling in contrary directions would have aided this.

The sketches I have attached to this paper with the drawings of the pillars

as they now appear will, I trust, give some idea of the style of architecture

of these curious old ruins which are fast disappearing with the rapid growth

and damp of the surrounding forest.

On the History of Pegu. — Py Major General Sir Arthur P. Phayre,

K. C. S. I., C. B.

(Continued from Journal, Part I, for 1873, p. 159.)

Maha Upa Radza, the eldest son of the deceased emperor, burnt the

body of his father, on the fifth day after his death, with the funeral

ceremonies used for a Tsekya wate (Chakrawartti), or universal monarch.

The bones were collected and cast into the river at its mouth. He then

declared himself his father’s successor, and appointed his own son Meng-

kyitswa, Upa Radza. He is in the Talaing history styled Nanda Bureng.

The army which had been sent to Arakan was at once recalled. The king

of Siam, Byanarit, came it is said to Hanthawati, and did homage, as did

other tributary kings. But the king of Ava, uncle to the Emperor, did not

appeal, and his dauglitei, who was married to the Upa Radza, complained

7

1874.] Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

to her father of being neglected and degraded. The king of Ava now

entered into communication with his brothers the kings of Tauno-u and

Prome, and also with the king of Zimme, to sound them as to how far they

would support him against the young emperor. They at once disclosed

the intrigue. The emperor suspected that many of his nobles and officers

had joined in a conspiracy against him, and thirty of them with their wives

and children were burnt as traitors. The Emperor now determined to

march to Ava, and was joined by the kings of Prome and Taungu with their

armies. Advancing by the latter city, the emperor reached Pan-wa in May,

1584. The battle which followed, the Burmese history represents rather as

a duel between the uncle and nephew, than as an action between two

armies ; while a contemporary European authority seems to intimate that

after the personal encounter between the two leaders, a great slaughter of

the Ava army occurred. The king and the emperor, each on his war-

elephant, fought desperately, and had a select body of supporters who joined

in the conflict. But the two chief antagonists appear to have singled each

other out. The victory depended on the staunchest elephant, and though

the emperor’s fell exhausted, yet a fresh one being supplied, which he forth¬

with mounted, the victory was secured to him. The king of Ava fled and

escaping from the field, entered the Chinese territory, where he died soon

after. The emperor carried away his uncle’s family to HanthSwati, and

appointed Maung Setya, a son of the Emperor Tabeng-shwe-hti, to be

governor of Ava. He died not long after, and Meng-re-kyau-tswa, a

younger son of the Emperor, was made tributary king.

During the contest near Ava, the conduct of Byanarit, king of Siam,

was at first suspicious and then openly hostile. The Burmese and Talaino-

histories leave it doubtful what family Byanarit belonged to, but this is

made clear by the history of Siam. That history, as related by Pallegoix

and quoted by Sir John Bowring, agrees in the main with the history of

Burma regarding the great struggle between the two countries during

about fifty years in the sixteenth century ; but differs considerably as to

the dates of some events. The first and unsuccessful siege of the capital

Yuthia (Yodaya) by Tabeng Shwe-hti, according to the Siamese history,

took place in A. D. 1543. This event in the Burmese and Talaing histories

is stated to have occurred in 1548-49. The next invasion of Siam was by

Bureng Naung, and took place according to the Burmese history in A. D.

1563-64, but by the Siamese history in 1547-48. On this occasion the

white elephants were taken, and the king of Siam was carried away, his son

Bramahin being made tributary king. The Siamese history states that, in

1552, the king abdicated in favour of his son. This event probably answers

to the statement in the Burmese history of the king while in captivity at

Pegu, becoming a Italian about the year A. D. 1568. He would thus neces-

8 Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu, . [No. 1,

sarily vacate the throne in the opinion of his own subjects. After this, he

was allowed by the emperor of Pegu to go to his own country as a pilgrim.

But there he threw off his monk’s frock, and excited a rebellion which led to

the second siege of Yodaya by Bureng Naung in 1569. During this, the

king, that is he who had formerly abdicated and become a Italian, and who

is called Bratha-di by the Burmese, died. His son Bra-ma-hin, called

Mahin tha-ra-thi-rat in the Siamese history, succeeded him, but was forced

to surrender the city, in A. D. 1555, or fourteen years earlier than the date

given for the same event in the Burmese history. This king was also

carried off to Pegu, but the Siamese history states that he died on the way.

The Burmese history is silent on this point, and it is not improbable that

he was put to death. The emperor of Pegu then, according to the Burmese

«

history, appointed one of the Zimme royal family to be tributary king of

Siam. In the history of Siam, he is called Plira Thamma raxa tliirat, and

it is stated that he had formerly been king of Phitsilok. Though appointed

to the kingdom by the emperor of Pegu, he was faithful to the interests of

his own race ; and his son Phra Naret, the Byanarit of the Burmese, at the

age of sixteen distinguished himself by his hospitality to the Pegu troops on

the frontier. This young prince by the death of his father became king

of Siam about the year 1577, A. D., though the Siamese history places that

event ten years earlier. Siam now become practically independent. Byanarit

is called by the Portuguese the black Prince, and lived until the year 1605,

A. D., as mentioned by the Hollander Ploris, though the Siamese annals

state that he died in 1593.

When Nanda Bureng was collecting his forces to advance to Ava in

1581, he summoned the king of Siam to attend with his army. Byanarit

no doubt had designs to establish his own independence, but he appeared

to obey the order and entered Pegu by the Tsit-taung route. The emperor

was then in the upper country, but the Upa Kadza, who was regent at the

capital, directed the king of Siam to march on Ava. Instead of doing so,

he came close to the city, and menaced an attack upon it. Hearing, however,

that the emperor had defeated the king of Ava, he retired to Muttama, and

carried off from thence a number of the inhabitants into Siam. The emperor

at once sent a force against Siam under the Upa Badza. The expedition

was hastily planned and badly executed. In marching down the banks of

the Menam, the invading army was attacked by Byanarit, and forced to

retreat with heavy loss. To retrieve this disaster, the emperor himself in the

year 1587 led a large army which invested Yodaya. The Burmese history

admits that the besiegers were unequal to the task. Thousands died from

want and exposure, and the emperor was forced to make a disastrous retreat,

returning to his capital in June 1587. The year following, the king of

Prome having died, the emperor appointed one of his sons to that kingdom.

1874.]

9

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

The emperor, anxious to preserve the empire unbroken, determined once more

to invade Siam, in order to subdue that country. But the large armies

which his father had assembled could no longer he raised. The expedition

was entrusted to the Upa Badza, who marched in November 1590. Nearly

the whole of this army was destroyed by incessant attacks from the Siamese.

The Upa Badza was severely rebuked by his father on his return, and many

of the superior officers were put to death. As some compensation for this

disaster, the kings of Prome and Ava were successful in an expedition against

Mogaung, where the Tsaubwa had rebelled.

The emperor once more sent an invading army against Siam under the

Upa Badza. He succeeded in reaching near to Yodaya, hut in a battle

with Byanarit, in February 1593, the Upa Badza was killed, and but few

of the invaders lived to return home. Meng-re-kyau-tswa, the king of

Ava, was now appointed Upa Badza.

Pegu was now utterly exhausted. Discontent was universal, and the

emperor, suspicious of every one, became wantonly cruel. The Buddhist

monks of Talking race excited his hatred. Numbers of them he forced to

become laymen, and then either exiled or killed them. Thousands of the

Mun people abandoned their country and fled, while those caught in their

flight were put to death for the attempt. The country of' the delta became

depopulated, and an attempt was then made to drive down the people from the

upper Era wati, to till the fertile land of Pegu. But famine and plague raged,

and there was no help.* During this calamity, the king of Siam having

come with an army to Martaban, the whole Talking population joined him.

He advanced to Hanthawati, but hearing that a force was moving down

from Taungu, he retreated to Martaban, and thence to his own country.

The king of Prome now rebelled against his father, and determined to take

possession of Taungu, the native state of the family. He marched there, but

as the Siamese had retreated from Pegu, the king of Taungu set out to

return home and recover his capital. His brother of Prome then retired,

carrying off all the cattle he could seize. At this time, the younger brother

* The traveller Bernier, writing from Dilili in 1663 to the minister Colbert, alludes

to these dreadful events. Commenting on the internal disorder and the weakness of

most Asiatic states, he observes : “ To remove the danger of commotion, and put an

“ end to all fears on that subject, nothing more appears necessary than the measure

“ adopted by a Brahmin of Pegu, who actually caused the death of half that population

“ by famine, converted the country into forests, and prevented for many years the

“ tillage of the land. But all this did not suffice. Even the Brahmin’s plan was unsuc-

“ cessful ; a division of the kingdom took place, and Ava the capital was very lately on

“ the point of being captured by a handful of fugitives from China.” The Brahmin of

Pegu here mentioned is the “ Brahma king of Pegu” of the Portuguese, the Burma king

as we now write it. In 1662, a Chinese army did advance to Ava, to demand a fugitive

Prince, whom the king of Ava delivered up, pretending to suspect him of hostile designs.

E

10 Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu. [No. 1,

of the emperor, styled Ngyaung Ram Meng, governed the country of the

upper Erawati with his capital at Ava, and remained faithful to the empire.

The emperor by his incapacity and his cruelty alienated all the other

members of his family. Even his uncle, the king of Taungu, and his brother

the king of Zimme now followed the rest. The king of Taungu wrote to

the king of Arakan, who had become powerful, to join him, and the same

year 958, or A, D, 1596, according to the Burmese history, the son of the

king of Arakan, styled Meng Khamaung, came with a large fleet, and took

possession of Syriam, This town had gradually become the principal port

of Pegu, and was the great depot for foreign produce intended for the

capital. The king of Taungu now sent an army against Pegu under his son

Nat sheng naung ; but it was not until 1598, that he and the Arakanese

prince had concerted operations, and invested Hanthawati, Numbers of

the leading nobles and citizens now left the city, and many of them fled to

Ava. The emperor’s son Meng-re-kyau-tswa entered the Taungu camp and

was sent off to the city of that name, where the queen, at the instigation of

her son, put him to death. The king of Taungu now entered the city and

took possession of the palace ; the emperor and all his family surrendered

themselves prisoners. The city was plundered, and though the Arakanese

force does not appear to have participated in the occupation, a portion of

the plunder was reserved for them, and a white elephant and one of the

emperor’s daughters was sent to their camp. The city was taken in De¬

cember, 1599, and thus ended the reign of the emperor Nanda Bureng, called

also Nga-tsu-daraga. He and his empress were sent without delay to

Taungu.

The king of Siam, Byanarit, hearing of these events, determined to

march to Pegu to take his revenge for former invasions of his country.

The king of Taungu did not desire to make Pegu the seat of his kingdom.

The Talaings were inimical ; the country was spoiled, and from the presence

of Europeans he felt that he could do nothing without a fleet. He therefore

returned to his own country, leaving everything to the prince of Arakan.

But he carried off many of the inhabitants of the city, and immense treasures ;

the Burmese history adds also the holy tooth relic which had been acquired

from Ceylon. This relic, it is stated, was some years later taken, when

Taungu was captured by the son of Ngyaung Ram Meng, and carried to

Ava, where it was enshrined in the Radza Mupi-tsula Zedi. The king of

Siam marched on to Taungu, and demanded that the emperor should be

delivered up to him. This being refused, he invested the city, but provisions

failing he was forced to retreat. Returning to Martaban, he made a Talaing

chief tributary king of that portion of Pegu with the title of Binya Dala,

and Bya-thabaik was made tributary king of Tavoy. He then returned to

his own kingdom. The prince of Arakan carried off from Hanthawati what-

1874.] Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of 'Pegu. 11

ever of value remained, and the city was utterly destroyed. Pegu proper

seems now to have been ruled by various local chiefs and by the Portuguese

adventurers at Syriam.

Nga-naung-dau, son of the king of Taungu, urged his father to put the

emperor to death, as a measure requisite for their own safety. The king

replied that what he had done was for the public benefit, and not from

hatred to his nephew. The prince then went to his mother, and though

she was the sister of the emperor, by her order he was secretly murdered,

early in the year 1600. Thus the empire of Pegu, which only forty years

before, European travellers had described as the most powerful in Asia

except China, was utterly broken up.

It will be interesting now to quote from European authors notices of

the events we have summarized from the death of Bureng Naung in A. D.

1581. These events are related by the Portuguese historian Sousa ; by

Nicolas Pimenta, a Portuguese priest ; by Gasparo Balbi, a Venetian mer¬

chant traveller ; and by Peter Floris, a Hollander. Ralph Pitch, an

Englishman, also came to Pegu in 1586 during the reign of Nanda Bureng.

He gives a faithful account of the country and people, but says little of

public events. He describes the king as keeping great state, and says,

“ When he goeth to war he goetli very strong. At my being there, he went

“ to Odia in the country of Siam with 300,000 men, and 5000 elephants.”

This refers to the expedition of 15S7, described in the Burmese history.

Balbi, who was at Pegu in 1583, states that he had an audience with the

king who received him kindly. This was before the evil days came, which

totally changed his disposition. The traveller, however, saw the beginning

of his troubles in his quarrel with his uncle the king of Ava. Suspecting

that his own nobles were intriguing against him, he had them burnt as

traitors with their wives and children, “ an eminent and spacious scaffold”

being built for the purpose. The Burmese history, diminishing as usual the

cruel act of the king when any such is mentioned, says that only thirty per¬

sons were burnt ; Balbi says “ four thousand, great and small,” which must be

an exaggeration. Still the number must have been very large. “ I also,” he

states, “ went thither, and saw with great compassion and grief, that little

“ children without any fault should suffer such martyrdom.” “ Ten days

“ after that I saw the king upon an elephant, all over covered with gold and

“ jewels, go to war with great courage. He encountered with the king of

“ Ava, and they two fought body to body, without any hindrance from the

“ armies.” He states that the king of Ava was killed on the spot, which

differs from the Burmese account, and that the emperor’s elephant was

killed. Nicolas Pimenta, whose narrative is translated in Purchas, came

from Goa to Pegu in 1597, and remained in the country for a year or two.

He relates the principal events in the reign of Nanda Bureng, “ of the race

12

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu. [No. 1,

of the Bramas,” and how that king, maddened by his misfortunes, com¬

manded his son the king of Ava to bring “ all into the kingdom of Pegu

“ now so destitute of inhabitants ; but the aire not agreeing, they brake out

“ in pushes and diseases.” The king of Siam then besieged Pegu. By the

“ help of some Portugals and Turks the city escaped ; but famine succeeded

“ with a worse siege, insomuch that they killed and did eat each other.”

For subsequent events, Pimenta refers to the letters of two Jesuit

Fathers, Andrew Bones and Francis Fernandez, who relate the surrender of

the emperor of Pegu to the king of Taungu, and the arrival in Pegu of a

second expedition sent by the king of Arakan to secure some of the treasures

still left in the city. “ I went thither,” says the Father, “ with Philip

“ Brito, and in fifteen days arrived at Syriam, the chief port in Pegu. It is

“ a lamentable spectacle to see the ruins of temples and noble edifices ; the

te ways and fields full of skulls and bones of wretched Peguans, killed and

“ famished and cast into the river in such numbers, that the multitude of

“ carkasses prohibiteth the way and passage of any ship.* * * * The

“ king of Arakan is yet Lord of Pegu, though not acknowledged by those

“ who fled and hid themselves, and hath delivered Syriam to Philip de Brito,

“ that the Peguan fugitives might have refuge under Portugal protection.”

The narrative of Faria y Souza relates the insane measures of Nanda

Bureng after the death of his son, who, as we have seen, was killed in Siam

in the year 1593, and which, as already shown, long after attracted the

notice of Bernier. “ The king of Pegu,” he states, “ in a rage for the death

“ of his son, turned his fury against the people, and some days burnt above

“ ten thousand, throwing so many into the river Ganga* as stopped the

“ passage even of boats. He forbid them sowing,! which caused such a

“ famine, that they not only eat one another, to which purpose there was a

“ public butchery of man’s flesh, but devoured part of their own bodies. *

“ * * This was followed by a pestilence that depopulated the whole

“ kingdom. The neighbouring princes taking this advantage, fell upon the

“ king of Pegu, covetous of his treasures. Among them was the Black of

“ Siam, who retired with the loss of 100,000 men. The king of Taungu

“ was he that possessed himself of all ; he promised life, liberty, and estates

“ to all that would come over to him. The first that deserted were the

“ Portugueses and Moors ; for some Portugueses are like Moors in matter

* An error as to tlie name of the Pegu river.

f This interference with agriculture, which is also mentioned by Bernier who appears

to have read this account, is alluded to in the Burmese history in a somewhat obscure

passage. The crown-prince Meng-re-kyau-tswa, about A. D. 1593-94, it is stated, took

possession of a large area of rice land, with the object apparently of cultivating it, doubtless

by forced labour, under government direction, in order to lower the price of rice. It is

admitted in the history that the effect was the very reverse.

1874.]

13

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

u of interest. After them followed a bastard son of the king, whose head

“ was cut off by order of the king of Pegu’s sister, wife to him of Taungu,

“ saying that he who was false to his father, could not be true to her. # *

“ # # The king of Pegu in despair delivered himself up to the king of

“ Taungu, who being possessed of the city and palace, found such treasure

“ that he made no account of silver and other metals and riches. It is

“ avouched for truth that he could not remove all the jewels and gold in

“ twelve caravans, each consisting of 700 elephants and horses. The news

“ of this treasure drew thither the king of Arakan, who contenting himself

a with what he of Taungu undervalued, gathered above three millions, and a

“ great train of large cannon. The king of Taungu presented him of Pegu

“ to his sister, and she who having killed his son for betraying him, it was

“ thought would comfort him, used him reproachfully, and afterwards seeing

“ the king her husband inclined to mercy, caused him to be beaten to death.”

Pegu, hut yesterday the seat of a great empire, was thus utterly over¬

thrown. And, strange spectacle, though the king of Arakan had some

authority on the coast, no one seemed able or willing to become the master

of an extensive country, with a fertile soil and a healthy climate, command¬

ing the outlet of a noble river, and capable of being made a great kingdom.

The fate of this land was for the moment decided by the presence of

European adventures, who swarmed in Pegu and Arakan. At this time, the

king of Arakan was Meng Badza gyi, called also Thado Dhamma Badza.

His predecessors, more than a century earlier, had been tributary, or at least

subordinate, to the kings of Bengal ; they had adopted the custom of issuing

a coinage, and generally inscribed thereon, in addition to their own titles, the

Muhammadan name which each king assumed. In the reign of Meng Pha-

laung, father of Meng Padza gyi, the kings of Bengal had become weakened,

and he held Chittagong and the country as far as the Megna river. The

Muhammadan name he adopted was Salim Shah ; which the Portuguese

historian has written Xilimixa. He determined to occupy Pegu, but know¬

ing that the Portuguese could command the sea, he was willing to hold it,

partly at least, through one of that nation. At this time there was a

Portuguese youth who appears to have been a ship boy, and became a menial

servant in the palace at Arakan. By faithful service he came to be

thoroughly trusted, and was honoured by his master with a title signifying

“ the faithful or honest one.” This is rendered in the Portuguese history

“ Xenga,” and indeed appears in the Burmese history, though in the some¬

what contemptuous form of “ Nga Zenga.” His real name was Philip de

Brito and Nieote. He was sent by his master in the year 1600 to hold

Syriam for the king, but the Portuguese were to be allowed to live there

under their own laws. The king of Arakan reserved his own rights over

the country of Pegu generally. The Portuguese historian relates three events

u

[No. 1,

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

in the following words : “ Nilimixa, king of Aracam, who had possessed him-

“ self of the crown of Pegu, to express his gratitude to the Portugueses that

“ served him, gave them the port of Siriam, at the mouth of the river of

“ the same name that runs within a league of Bagou, the court of the kings

“ of Pegu. This grant was obtained of the king for the Portugueses by

“ Philip de Brito and Nicote, who most ungratefully proved false to that

“ Prince that had raised him from a vile collier to his favour and esteem.

“ The manner was thus : Nilimixa, confiding in Nicote, was by him persuaded

“ to erect a customhouse at the mouth of that river for the increase of his

“ revenue ; and his design was to seize upon it and build a fort there, to

“ give footing to the Portugueses for the conquest of that kingdom.” The

king built a fort but appointed an officer of his own, styled Bannadala

(Binya Dala), to command it, and Nicote determined to take possession of

it. This he effected by means of a small body of Portuguese under John de

Oliva, Paul del Bego, and Salvador Bibeyro. Nicote then went to Goa to

gain the support of the Viceroy to his enterprise. The king of Arakan,

afraid to send troops by sea where the Portuguese were masters, marched

six thousand men across the mountains to a point on the Era watt river,

and from thence conveyed them by boat. They were under the command

of Bannadala, and were joined by some troops sent by the king of Prome.

They appeared before the fort near Siriam, where Bibeyro commanded. He

at once boldly issued out and attacked them with a handful of men.

Though this attack was successful, yet Bannadala soon received large

reinforcements and surrounded the fort. The investment continued for

eight months, and Bibeyro determined not to surrender, burnt three ships

he had in the port. At length relief was sent by the Viceroy, Ayres de

Saldanna, and the investing force withdrew. But when the Portuguese force,

which appears to have been principally seamen, and was required elsewhere,

sailed from Pegu, the enemy again gathered, and the siege was renewed.

This time, however, from some superstitious dread, consequent on the

appearance in the sky of “ fiery meteor,” the besieging army broke up and

fled. Bibeyro now took such prudent measures, that the leading men

among the Talaings, who only waited for a master, joined him with their

followers, and offered to proclaim Nicote as king of Pegu. Bibeyro accepted

the crown in his name. In the mean time, Nicote had received from the

Viceroy the titles of Commander of Siriam, and General of the conquest of

Pegu. He married the Viceroy’s niece, her mother being a Javanese, and

returned to Pegu with six ships. He at once announced his reception of

the kingdom in the name of his sovereign, and entered upon his duties as

governor. He repaired the fort, built a church at Siriam, and marked out

a new city, which, with prudent management might have become the capital

of a great province under the crown of Portugal for many generations.

1874.] Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu. 15

The king of Arakan wishing to temporize, sent to compliment him,

and he returned a rich present to his former master. But this false

courtesy on both sides was soon changed to open war. Joined with the

king of Taungu, the king of Arakan sent a force under his son Meng

Khamaung, with whom were two chiefs, called by the Portuguese Ximicolia

and Marquetam. They advanced to the Portuguese town with a fleet of

seven hundred small vessels. These were met and defeated by a small

fleet under the command of Paul del Itego Pinnero. The Prince Meng

Khamaung fled, but was followed by Nicote himself in some fast galleys

and was taken prisoner. Nicote, to his credit be it said, treated the prince,

to whom he had formerly been servant, with deep respect. “ He watched

him sleeping,” says the Portuguese historian, “ holding his buskins in his

“ hands with arms across, a ceremony used by the meanest with their kings,

tl in those parts, and himself attended him on all occasions.” The king

of Arakan entered into communication with Nicote for the release of his

son, and appears to have come himself to Pegu for that purpose. From

Goa the Governor received orders to surrender the prince without ransom.

But with strange inconsistency, after his generous treatment of the young

Prince, he demanded a ransom of fifty thousand crowns, on the ground

that it was for the expense of the fleet he had fitted out. This led to fur¬

ther hostilities, which are thus related by the Portuguese historian. “ The

“ king of Arakan, justly offended thereat, set out a small fleet against him and

which was easily defeated, but gave him occasion to enslave 100,000 Chris-

“ tians and treat them with great rigour ; which nevertheless moved not many

“ of them, though but new converts. Afterwards he combines with the

“ king of Tangu, who besieges the town with a great army by land, while

“ he shuts it up by sea, with 800 sail in which he had 10,000 men. Paul

“ del Rego met him with 80 ships, and failing of the success he had for-

“ merly, setting fire to the powder, blew up himself and all that were with

“ him, rather than fall into the hands of the enemy. The siege continued

“ so long, till the besieged were ready to surrender, when on a sudden upon

“ some suspicion, the king of Tangu quits the field by night, and he of

“ Arracam found it to no purpose to be longer upon the sea.” This was

the state of affairs in the year A. D. 1603.

Nicote now seemed secure in his high position. The Talaing chiefs

sought his friendship and protection, and the king of Taungu entered into

a treaty, or at least a verbal arrangement, with him. His son Simon married

a daughter of the king of Martaban, Binya Dala. But the native histories

record with bitterness that all the pagodas round the city of Pegu were

dug into, and plundered of their gold and silver images and other treasures.

The Shwe Dagun, out of respect, it is to be hoped, to the national feeling,

was spared. But the Talaing historian remarks that the foreigners wor-

16

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

[No. 1,

shipped not this sacred building, nor the holy relics enshrined therein.

The chief Budliist monk, therefore, from the gifts of the people prepared a

new hti, and placed it on the summit of the pagoda with such ceremonies,

as in the absence of a native king, could be solemnized. But the people

were deeply dissatisfied with the foreign rule, and murmuring said, should

this continue long, our race and religion will come to an end. Indeed, the

mention by the Portuguese historian of a hundred thousand converts to

Christianity, without any explanation of the means by which their conver¬

sion was effected, suggests that Nicote in the midst of his worldly strife,

vainly thought to strengthen his government, and perhaps to atone for

his sins, by pressing Budhists to become nominal Christians.

The history of Pegu now becomes so mingled with that of Burma,

that the two can most conveniently be combined in one narrative. A power

was rising in the country of the upper Erawati, which was destined to

avenge the intrusion of foreigners and again to unite the two countries

under one crown. Ngyaung Bam Phra, brother to the Emperor Nanda

Bureng, who, as we have seen, was in A. D. 1594 governor in the upper

country, reduced it to order from the confusion into which it had fallen on

the breakup of the empire. The whole country north of Pugan submitted

to him. The deposed emperor’s son, Meng kyi nhaung, who ruled at

Prome with the title of Thado Dhamma Badza, saw danger to himself from

this new power to the north of him. He therefore applied to his uncle, the

king of Taungu, suggesting that they should combine against a power

which when strong enough, would certainly attack them. This was agreed

to, and the king of Prome assembled an army to march on Ava. He went

on board his barge of state to move up the river, but was assassinated in

the month of October, 1597, by one of his officers styled Ban-naing-tsa.

The murderer then put to death all the members of the royal family whom

he could lay hands on, and declared himself king of Prome. Some of the

murdered king’s family fled to Arakan, and one son, Meng-re-uzana, to

Ava. The king of Taungu, who had set his army in motion to march

on Ava, now recalled it, and held it in readiness for service against

Hanthawati.

Ngyaung Bam Meng, being thus relieved from the threatened danger,

rebuilt the palace, repaired the pagodas and completed the defences of his

capital. He also assumed the title of Nu-ha-thu-ra Maha Dhamma Badza,

In 1599, he marched against the Shan states of Monyin and Mogaung, the

Tsau-bwas of which had refused to pay tribute. He was obliged to with¬

draw without effecting his object. The following year, he attacked Bame-

tlien, which had been occupied by the king of Taungu. This town he took

without difficulty. In the year 1601, he was successful in an attack on the

Shan state of Ngyoung-rwd. He next marched against Ba-mau, the chief

1874. J Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu. 17

of which fearing to he taken, fled to the Chinese city of Mhaing-tshi. The

king followed to the border of the state of Maing-tim, and from thence sent

on his son, the Ein-shfi-meng, to demand the fugitive. The governor

having referred for orders to the Emperor of China, was about to surrender

the Tsaubwa, who attempted to escape. He was, therefore, arrested and put

to death, or, according to another account, he swallowed poison. His body

was then sent to the Ein-she-meng, and his wife and children were delivered

up.

Early in the following year, the king, in gratitude for his great success,

commenced to build the foundations of the pagoda, called Kaung-mhu-dau.

It was finished and dedicated in the year 1004. * In 1003, Monfi was

subdued, and the adjoining states submitted. The king then occupied

himself in settling the civil administration of the country and reorganizing

his army. He next marched to Mogaung, defeated and captured the

Tsaubwa, who was put to death, and his family carried off. The states of

Momeit, Thi-bau, and Thein-ni were next subdued. On this last expedition,

the king suddenly became ill, and seeing his end approaching, charged his

son to recover the whole empire subdued by his father, Bureng Naung, and

never to be separated from his brothers. He urged him, when he should take

Prome, to spare Ran naing-tsa, who though now ruling in his own name,

had removed a formidable obstacle from their path. The king died in

March 1605, and the body was brought to Ava, where it was burned with

the funeral honours of a Tsekya-wate. His son succeeded him, and assumed

the title of Maha Dliamma liadza. He is also styled An auk Phet. He

completed the pagoda commenced by his father, and placed the hti upon

it. At the close of the rainy season of 1607, he marched against Prome.

The king of Prome had sought support from Arakan, but the expected

army had not arrived, and the city was invested. After eight months, it

was taken by assault. In obedience to the injunction of his father, the king

spared the usurper’s life. He and his family were sent to Ava. Before

long, however, he was sent to Mogaung, and so is heard of no more. The

king’s brother Meng-ke-tliing-ga-thu was appointed governor of Prome, and

the king himself now returned to his capital. There he received presents

and friendly messages from the kings of Arakan, of Taungu, and of Zimme,

who felt that a powerful rival had arisen, who might become their master.

But their offerings and greetings were treated with haughty disdain by one

who now felt himself superior in power to each and all. He was indeed

intent on fulfilling the dying charge of his father, and worked incessantly

to prepare for the conflict. Early in 1610, he marched with a large army

* Such is the statement in the Burmese history ; but if the pagoda five miles

distant from Ava on the right bank of the river be intended, there is a great discrepancy

in this date and that which appears on an inscription within the enclosure of the pagoda.

C

[No. 1,

IS Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of JPeyu.

against Taungu. The king of that state, who was the son of him who had

taken Hanthawati twelve years before, at first behaved with courage, and

came outside the city to fight the invader. But losing heart, he entered

into negociations, agreed to become tributary, and gave up some of his

family as hostages. Maha Dhamma Radza then returned to Ava, carrying

with him, the Burmese history states, the holy tooth relic which his grand¬

father had received from Ceylon, and which the king of Taungu had taken

from Pegu when he plundered that city in A. D. 1599. The king did not

relax in his efforts to strengthen his army, and gathered round him men of

influence from Prome and Taungu.

Philip de Nicote and Binya Dala, king of Martaban, knew that the king

of Ava only bided his time to attack them. They appear to have entered

into secret communication with the king of Taungu, and after making a

league with him, then treacherously attacked him. They marched there,

plundered the city and burnt the palace. The king they carried off as a

prisoner. Nothing certain is known as to the causes of this attack, but it

brought the king of Ava without delay against Syriam ; and the Portuguese

governor, though recklessly aggressive, appears to have been utterly

unprepared to resist attack. In the month of October 16 12, the Burmese

army proceeded down the Erawati in an immense fleet of boats, and, during

December, Syriam was invested on all sides. By the following April, Nicote

who was short both of provisions and powder, was forced to surrender. The

city was given up to plunder, and the unfortunate Nicote was made prisoner.

The Burmese history relates that, after five days, the king called for him and

reproached him with his attack on Taungu. He excused himself by saying

that he had been called by the king of that city. As Nicote belonged to

that hateful description of heretics who destroy pagodas and holy images,

he was impaled on a high stake before his own house, so that all might see

him, and so died miserably. The king of Taungu was also put to death.

All the foreigners of the same race as Nicote, between four and live hundred

in number, were sent to the upper country. A few days after the city had

been taken, five foreign ships, manned by Muhammadan sailors, arrived.

Four of these were captured and one escaped. They were full of firearms

which had been sent for the use of the garrison. Afterwards a ship belong¬

ing to Nicote’s wife arrived from Achin, and was also captured. Binya

Dala of Muttama now made his submission, and was allowed to remain

there as tributary king, with the title of Binya Dhamma Radza. The

king of Siam had advanced to Ye, in order to watch events. The king

determined to drive him out, and sent his brother with an army. He

attacked the Siamese, but was defeated and made prisoner.

As the capture of Syriam marks the downfall of the Portuguese power

in Pegu, it will be convenient to quote here the account given by the

1874.]

19

Sir Arthur P. Phayre-'-Ow the History of Pegu.

Portuguese historian of Nicote’s proceedings : “ Some of the neighbouring

“ princes, startled at this success of Nicote, sought his friendship and an

“ alliance with the king of Portugal. The first that effected it, was the

“ king of Taungu. Nicote marries his son , Simon, to a daughter of the king

“ of Martaban, thereby to strengthen himself, and have the opportunity of

“ gathering more riches. And being now desirous to rob the king of Taungu,

“ though actually then in peace with him, to colour his wicked design, he

“ pretends that the king was overcome by him of Ova, (as indeed he was

“ and made tributary) since the treaty, as if that could absolve him for breach

“ of faith. In fine, with the king of* Martaban’s assistance, he fell upon,

“ took, and robbed him of Taungu, and returned with him and above a

“million of gold, without hearkening to the protestations he made of continu-

“ ino* a faithful vassal to the crown of Portugal. ”

The final catastrophe is related as follows : “ Our fortune in Pegu

“ now declined with the same swiftness it had rise, and it was just a wicked

“ encrease should have a sudden detriment. The violence committed by

“ Philip de Brito Nicote on the king of Taungu provoked the anger of the

“ king of Ova, under whose protection he was. Scarce had he heard the

“ news, when casting on the ground his gown and veil,# he vowed to the

“ idol Biay of Pegu, he would not enter within his gates, till this quarrel

“ was revenged. He marched with 120,000 men, having put to seaf 400

“ vessels of considerable strength, in which were above 6,000 of those

“ Moors of noted valour, called de Caperuga, or ‘ that wear caps.’ All that

“ was without the walls of Siriam he burnt, but met witli vigorous opposition

“ at that place, notwithstanding Nicote was quite unprovided, having

“ suffered most of his men to go for India, and being scarce of powder as

“ who had fired the vast quantity of it found at Taungu. In this distress,

“ he sent a soldier to buy powder at Bengala, and he run away with the

“ money ; and having sent for some to the town of St. Thomas, they sent

“ him none. Besides, those few Portugueses that were with him, committed

“ such outrages, robberies, and murders, as seemed to hasten his ruin. For

“ want of powder there was no firing of cannon ; they poured boiling pitch

“ and oil upon the enemy. His number of men might suffice, having 100

“ Portugueses]; and 3000 Pegues. Nicote sends out three ships against the

# I am not aware of a custom among the Burmese of making a vow by throwing

down garments. Nor do the Burmese men now wear what could be correctly described

as “ gown and veil.” The “ Biay of Degu,” I suppose, stands for Plira Dagun, now called

“Shwe Dagun Plira,” the great pagoda at Bangoo i.

f An error probably in translation for the river. The king of Ava came down the

Erawati.

X The Burmese history states that between four and five hundred remained as

prisoners when the place surrendered. This number included women and children. The

“ hundred Portugueses” refer only, no doubt, to European fighting men.

20

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

[No. 1,

“ lieet ; in one of them all the men were slain ; the two retired with all

“ theirs wounded. The enemy began to undermine the works, and the

“ besieged laboured much, but to small purpose. After the siege had lasted

“ 34 days, Nicote sent to beg mercy, but was not heard. He thought to

“ prevail by the means of the king of Taungu, whom he had robbed of his

“ crown, riches, and liberty ; but the king of Ova understood and was

“ resolved to punish him. The king of Arakan whom he had so grievously

“ offended, sent 50 sail to his assistance, which were all taken by the

“ besiegers. The king of Ova gives an assault, and they fought three days

“ without intermission. The end of it was that 700 of the besieged were

“ slain, one Banna whom Nicote had always honoured, having betrayed

“him. Nicote was taken, carried to the king and by him ordered to be

“ impaled, and set up in an eminence above the port, that he might the

“ better look at it, as the king said. He lived two days in that misery. His

“ wife De Luisa de Saldanna was kept three days in the river to be cleansed,

“ because the king designed her for himself ; but being brought before, and

“ exclaiming against him, he ordered her leg to be bored, and that she should

“ be sent to Ova among the other slaves. Francis Mendez and a nephew

“ of his were treated as Nicote. Banna demanding a reward, was soon torn

“ to pieces, the king saying he could never be true to him, that betrayed

“ the man who had so much honoured him. Sebastian Rodriguez was

O

“ cooped up with a yoke about his neck. At first, the king designed not

“ to spare any of the inhabitants of that place, but growing calm, he sent

“ many as slaves to Ova. Then passing by Martavam,he obliged that king

“ to kill his own daughter’s husband, because he was Nicote’s son, that

“ none of the race might remain. This was the end of that man’s avarice,

“ who being naked a few years before, was raised to be worth three millions.

“ He had one when he went to Goa ; brought another from Taungu ; and

“ had got at least another since by prizes and trade. The enemy confessed

“ they lost at that siege 30,000 men. But that it may appear that seldom

“ any great calamity happens without the help of a woman, it is necessary

“ to show how Nicote’s wife was one of the principal causes of his ruin.

“ She entertained one of his Captains as her gallant, and perceiving the

“ Portugueses censured their familiarity, they persuaded Nicote he had no

“ need of them, which was the reason they were dismissed, and that the cause

“ of his ruin.”

Thus the seat of power in the basin of the Erawati was once more fixed

in the upper country, and with the capital at Ava ; for the successor to the

empire of Bureng Naung and the ancient Burman monarchy deemed Pegu

to be too much exposed to the attacks of the western foreigners to be his

residence.

1874.]

Sir Arthur P. Phayre — On the History of Pegu.

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22

[No. 1 ,

Essays in aid of a Comparative Grammar of the Gaurian Languages. — Py

Rev. A. F. Rudolf Hoerjstle, L). Ph., Tubingen , Professor of San¬

skrit, Lay Ndrayaid s College , Pandr as.

(Continued from Journal for 1873, Pt. I., p. 108.)

Y. — Essay on the Inflexional Ease of masc. and fern, nouns.

In the former essay the Inflexional base of neuter nouns has been

discussed. It has been shown that the direct form of the inflexional base

of neuter nouns may have a two-fold ending, either in ^ or in %f , Cf,

y, x" Hi $ and that the Gaurian ending represents the Sanskrit (monosyl¬

labic) ending , and the Prakrit ending ^3 ; whereas the other Gaurian

terminations are contractions of some final Sanskrit or Prakrit dissyllable ,

as Skr. X^K, or P^k. X%, and conse¬

quently, that if the Gaurian neuter noun ended in ^f, f't etc., but its

corresponding Skr. neuter noun in , the former cannot he directly

derived from the latter, hut in order to obtain the necessary terminal

dissyllable, the base of the Skr. neuter must he increased bv the addition

of the peculiar Prakrit affix eff, and the Gaurian neuter directly derived from

the Prakrit neuter, thus amplified from the Sanskrit. Most of the Gaurian

neuters in ^f, Y etc., come under the last category ; i. e ., all except

the Infinitives and Gerunds and a few others. In general, the rule may be

stated thus : that Gaurian neuters in are derived from the general base

common to both Sanskrit and the Prakrit, while the Gaurian neuters in

^qf, ip, ■'*, etc., are derived from the particular Prakrit base formed by the

affix W (see Illrd Essay, p. 154). Again, as regards the oblique form of the

Gaurian neuter inflexional base, it was shown that it is merely a corruption

or curtailment of the Prakrit organic genitive.

The case of the inflexional base of masc. and fern, nouns in Gaurian is

exactly analogous. To prove this will he the object of the present essay.

I shall first investigate the inflexional base of the feminine, afterwards

that of the masculine.

The direct form of the inflexional base of the Gaurian feminine nouns

which are derived from a (Sanskrit) base in % may he, like that of the

Gaurian neuters, of a two-fold kind, viz., it may either terminate in ^ or in

X ; e. g., barren ivoman is (Skr. ^^Tr) or ‘twf (Skr. of the base

; sheep is or of the base etc. These two forms do not

always occur in the same word. Very often one form is peculiar to this

feminine, the other to that ; as, feminines in ^ are, ^TrT word (Skr. ^Htt),

t*TT«T shame (Skr. bed (Skr. ^T), alms (Skr. fa^T)

sleep (Skr. f^nrr), etc., feminines is ^ are, *3^1 chalk (Skr. ^fz^rr),

1874.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

28

clock (Skr. earth (Skr. ^31 tT^t) , etc. IMost Gaurian feminines,

especially adjective feminines, are of the latter kind.

As regards the form in % the principle of its derivation has been

already explained in Essay III., the regular feminine of bases in ter¬

minates in Sanskrit and Prakrit in ; (the few cases of a feminine in ^

may be considered as exceptional ; the feminine affix ^ being by rule

added to all bases consonantal or vocal, not ending in ^f). The Gaurian

feminine ending is a regular phonetic corruption of the (Sanskrit or)

Prakrit termination according to Gaurian phonetic law which reduces

all Prakrit final long vowels or diphthongs to their constituent vowels. The

other Gaurian feminine ending on the other hand, cannot he a modifica¬

tion of the Skr. or Prak. termination ; for as compared with the Gaurian

termination % it clearly represents phonetic increase, which, if it were the

immediate resultant of the Skr. or Prak. ending would he contrary to

glottic laws. How, then, is the Gaurian feminine ending in which

corresponds to the Skr. and Prak. feminine ending ^ of bases in ■% to be

derived? If we consult the result of the previous enquiry (viz., that the

Gaurian neuter ending has a Prakrit original ^f, and the Gaurian ending

3IT , etc., a Prakrit original etc., or etc.), we shall

conclude that the Gaurian feminine ending ^ is a modification of an original

Prakrit ending ^EfT. and the feminine ending?) a modification of the Prakrit

feminine ending T^\T or ?^T, belonging to Prakrit bases in or

Bases in st,3f and form in Sanskrit and likewise in Prakrit their femi¬

nine in (cf. Panini, 46. 7, 4, 46, 47) ; e. g\, Skr. Pr. hoy,

has fern. Skr. ^Tfi^efTT, Pr. ^Tf^T^EfT ; so ifi^: horse, Pr. lias in the

fern. mare which in Prakrit becomes and in Gaurian ifTlff.

• ♦

If the previous enquiry regarding the Gaurian neuters be correct, it follows,

that the Gaurian fern, in which corresponds to the Gaurian neuter in

^Ejf , ^ , etc., (and masc. in ^T, ^EfT) must he derived from a particular Prakrit

base in ‘S^fT, formed by the affix ; while the Gaurian fern, in W, which

corresponds to Gaurian neuters in ^ (and masc. in ^), are derived from the

general base in ^ (fern. ^T) ; and again, while the Gaurian final ^ of fern,

nouns is a modification or corruption of the Prakrit final monosyllable ^T,

the Gaurian final must be a modification of a Prakrit final dissyllable

This presumption can be shown to be well founded by the following

considerations. Just as occasionally in Sanskrit masculine and neuter bases

in (i. e., formed by the affix which is of so frequent application in

Prakrit) occur, so are also feminine nouns in met with occasionally, and

all such Sanskrit fern, nouns in end in Gaurian always in ?); e. g.,

Skr. clock, Gaurian Epft ; Skr. earth, Gaurian ; Skr.

chalk, Gaur. wt; Skr. Gaurian Some of these feminine

24

A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — J Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

nouns in ^ have alternative forms in clearly showing thereby that the

termination of those nouns is a modification of ; for the ending '^T has

resulted from by the elision of first becoming in Prakrit,

afterwards in Gaurian (by the Gaurian law inserting a connecting conso¬

nant between hiatus-vowels) E. g., beside *3^1 chalk there is

beside handful also (Pr. Skr. 7}TS3TT) . Of these alter¬

native forms the longer ones in are merely Prakrit which have been

transferred as such into the Gaurian, while those in ^ are the same Prakrit

words, only having become proper Gaurian by becoming subject to

Gaurian laws; e. g., take the Skr. chalk; in Prakrit, it becomes

next in passing into Gaurian, the Gaurian alternative law comes

into play, of either inserting the connecting consonant or making sandhi

of the hiatus-vowels. Hence in Gaurian, it becomes, either by inserting

■5EJ , which is the Lrakritic form of the word, or, making sandhi, it

becomes subject to the disintegrating action of the further Gaurian law

(explained in Essay III.) of reducing a final long vowel (in the present case

^t) to its inherent short vowel (i e., here ^), whereby it becomes a proper

Gaurian word. Thus instead of we have now and now (by

sandhi) the final becomes contracted to ^ ; just as Prakrit

water is contracted in Gaurian to rrnift or TT«ft; Pr. theft (Skr. *$[>5')

Gaurian ^PCt, etc. Thus we arrive at the present proper Gaurian form *§^§4.

The truth of this theory (that the fern, termination ^ is a contraction of

S^f) is born out by the fact, that in the old Hindi of Chand sometimes a

final ^ is found as a mere compendium scripturae for as the metre shows ;

e. g., in the verses

V'Z II

*rt*r ^ ^ i

<T^T II Devagiri Prast.

The metre requires eleven instants in the first and third line and the last

syllable to be short ; it is evident, therefore, that is merely as it were a

stenographic or modernised writing for (as, indeed, it is still occasion¬

ally written), and likewise tpgftfor (or Chand must have

chanted and forms almost Prakrit, or halfway between the old

Prakrit and the modern Gaurian forms.

Yi hile Sanskrit feminine nouns in ^^FTT end in Gaurian always in on

the other hand, Sanskrit feminines in end in Gaurian sometimes in

sometimes in gy If we keep in view the fact, that in Prakrit an amplified,

but equivalent, or materially identical base is formed by the addition of the

affix ^r, so that Skr. bases in are represented in Prakrit by the two equi¬

valent base-forms in ^ and ^cjf, and the Skr. fern, in by the equivalent

25

1874.] A. F. Rudolf IToernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

fem. in and ; it is evident that the Skr. fem. ending in be¬

comes in Gaurian ^ or Xi according as the Skr. fem. in assumes in

Prakrit one of the two equivalent fem. forms in ^EfT or (-^t). If the

Skr. fem. in retained in Prakrit its form in ^JT, it assumed in Gaurian

the fem. form in % but if it assumed in Prakrit the feminine form in

(T^T ), it changed in Gaurian to the form in ^ ; and if it had in Prakrit

either form in or f^r, it shows also in Gaurian either form in ^ or

Hence, e. g., the Skr. fem. itfT ewe, is in Gaurian both and simply

because in Prakrit the word was current in both its equivalent forms

and ; on the other hand the Skr. fem. may have been in

Prakrit current generally only in the one form ^Tiy, and hence appears in

Gaurian only in the form qT<T, but never in the form «Teft or and

again all Skr. adjectives (as true) were in the (colloquial) Prakrit,

generally at least, current in the amplified form in f^T (as true};

and hence appear in Gaurian generally as ending in \ (as

This theory is clearly proved by a few exceptional forms occurring in

High- Hindi. Exceptions, it may be remarked, as a general rule, are like

archaic and poetical forms, invaluable for the determination of the origin

of grammatical forms, the derivation of which has become obscured. There

is a small number of Hindi masculine nouns in ^r, which form their femi-

nines not, according to the rule, in but irregularly in ; e. g.

old man (Skr. Pr. ‘ggre^HT) forms its feminine not old

woman ; dog has fem. <fifyrqT; parcel, fem. tjfg'qT; coat ,

fem. ^ifwl^T; doll, etc.f Now fffRT, etc., clearly stand for the

Prakrit (Skr. sf%aRT), ffffF^T, etc. The masculine corresponding to

would be which is represented on the one hand in Skr. by

on the other hand in Gaurian by ^"ST.. But it is evident that the

origin of the regular feminine in T cannot be different in kind from that

of irregular feminines in ^??T. Their difference simply consists in the degree

to which phonetic corruption has gone in either, and the anomaly of those

Hindi nouns which have a feminine in ^qfT, is merely this, that while in the

masculine they have assumed the proper Gaurian form in (or srjT, i. e.

^'%T), in the feminine they retain the full Prakrit form in (i. e. T^Tf),

instead of assuming like the others, also in the feminine the proper Gaurian

form in It follows, therefore, that the feminine ending in is a curtail¬

ment of the original Prakrit ending (^l) or ; and that all Gaurian

* The reason, probably, was to keep it distinct from the word ^Trft or light ,

candle.

f The Bangali lias 3 -ft old woman ; and the low Hindi (Ganwari) has also vrgl

cv (\ • ’

besides ofsT^y. I11 the Ganwari every fem. in \ may have an alternative from in T-STT,

to express contempt or emphasis and determinateness ; see note on p. 94. — The Marathi has

frflt not ^frF?H.

D

2Ct A. F. Pudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Saurian Languages. [No. 1,

feminines in like their corresponding masculines in %, or ^T, are derived

from a particular Prakrit base in X^i, corresponding to the masculine

and neuter formed by means of the affix ^f.

I have already briefly adverted to the phonetic process, by which the

Prakrit termination (or *3fT) has become modified or corrupted into

the Gaurian termination Though the Gaurian is by no means adverse to

the hiatus, when originated within its own sphere ; it is, as a rule , intolerant

towards those cases of hiatus which originated in the Prakrit. There is a

most obvious and natural reason for this tendency, without it the language

would have destroyed itself. After the Prakrit had thrown out the

consonants, the vowels by themselves could not have long retained existence.

The only way of preserving the word from complete annihilation was, either

to insert consonants for the vowels to lean upon and to be protected by, or

to contract them (by sandhi) into consonants or diphthongs (resp. vowels) ;

e. g., the Sanskrit {arrived) becomes in Prakrit ; the form

contracts in Gaurian to ^T%, and this again might have been contracted into

and thus altogether frittered away, if this process of corruption were not

arrested by the Gaurian through the insertion of the connecting-consonant

■q , by which the form is changed to W (in High-Hindi ^T??T).

Similarly, the Sanskrit {sitting) becomes in Prakrit ; and

to save this almost entire conglomeration of vowels from destruction, the

Gaurian makes sandhi of the hiatus-vowels, and changes the form ^f^sT§T

into (or High-Hindi). This Gaurian tendency comes into opera¬

tion on the Prakrit feminine termination s^T. Sometimes the Gaurian

inserts the connecting-vowel ^ (thus T^Tf); in that case, the semivowel

protects the two vowels x and ^T, especially the final ^|T, which would other¬

wise be reduced to (by the other Gaurian law of shortening finals). In

this way originated those Gaurian feminines which end in ; and their man¬

ner of origination explains why in their case the Pr a /critic form of the word has

been preserved (instead of th e proper Saurian form). Generally, however,

the Gaurian has recourse to the other method, of making sandhi. First, the

final Prakrit is reduced to ■% according to the Gaurian law ; next, the

preceding T is contracted with the following ^ to x by sandhi. Accordingly,

the Prakrit termination changes to ^ or (with insertion of euphonic

^j) -^>q[5 and then to X’ F. g., Skr. challc becomes in Prakrit

and in Gaurian either or (first finally) ; or again, Sanskrit

done becomes in Prakrit fw ; in Gaurian first fe?P3j (fafsj), finally 7tf\.

That this is really the way in which the Gaurian feminine in ^ originated,

is proved by the fact, that the intermediate form in ^ (for ^) is still very

commonly found m the oldest Hindi poetry of Chand, as the following

verses may serve to show ;

'J

1874.] A. F. Kudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

27

f?rf% qft BTC \\i I. 0-

'J C -V

H. H- BTuft (BB b) ^ I etc.

Sasivritha katba XXY, 2 ;

Or

btcb ^fare i. e.

H. H. «?t^r x*l % BgB crt I

btbt htw bbb% wft II XXV, 35.

Or cff^T mfv BfBSB fare I

BiBB ^TBT fa^TY fare II i. e.

H. H. I

BIB 3\B<n b cffBT fa^TC *rt II ibid. XXV, 41.

These verses contain examples of the feminine form in BB (Y^O ; w*.

f^B (Skr. ^tTt) Skr. (Pr. B^farBT), Bf^fare (Skr.

Pr. BTsffaiBrT) ; fare (Skr. ^cfT, Pr- fai^T or faren).* The sandhi

cliange of to B may be considered to have taken place in this way, that

as the final Prakrit ’BT was shortened to BJ and finally dropped, the preceding

C was lengthened to \ by way of compensation. This view has in its

favour the analogy of other similar cases in Gaurian, where the shortening

of the final long vowel is compensated by lengthening a short penultimate

vowel. There is, e. g., the case of the Marathi feminine bases, formed by

the Gaurian affix as BTlfaj fem. of BBt elephant. In Sanskrit the fern,

would be Bfaret (of BBTt), in Prakrit (of According to the

Gaurian law, the final long ^ of the Prakrit is reduced to \ ; thus

making Bfalfaj; and according to the other Gaurian law this resulted final

\ becomes quiescent , and is not written ; thus making BfalB (just as

BfTB Jire is written for 'BrfJT, having done for 3ifa:, etc.) ; finally by

way of compensating these losses, the penultimate short C is lengthened to

* To the word I beg to call special attention. I think it tends to prove my

theory of the origin of the Hindi Genitive post position ^ tfr) from the participle

■jjjTT. See Essay II, pp. 138, 139, where I thought it very probable that such forms would

yet be discovei’ed in the oldest Gaurian Hindi of Chand. — The Hindi Genitive position

though identical in sound, is differently spelled from the feminine fa>v of the past part

falBT ; both represent the Skr. feminine ^fTT- The reason of the difference is this,

the Skr. form ^rTT may assume in Prakrit two forms, with or without the affix ; i. e.

it may be either fap^j (s?kTT) or faf^^lT (— sSfaBIT)’ By an identical phonetic process

the form faf^T turns in Gaurian into and far^^T into fap^. Now a little com¬

parison of Gaurian past participles with Skr. and Prakrit ones will show, that, as a rule,

Prakrit past participles, when they passed into Gaurian in their proper sense of a past

part., passed into it in the amplified ( particular Prakrit) form made by the affix

Conformably to this rule, it was the Prakrit from faf^BSfT, which gave to Gaurian the past

participle faf^, while the alternative Prakrit form fared sank down in Gaurian to be

the post-position or affix

28 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

thus we obtain the form Urejt<jT or (according to Marathi orthography)

That this is the true account of its origin is proved by its oblique

form (e. g. Gen. ^fi), where the form of its Prakrit original

re-appears, namely, the originally short \ in the penultimate, and the original

vowel ^ in the final syllable. # This final \ of the oblique form proves that

^ •

the inflexional base of the direct form originally ended in X- The case is

exactly the same as that of the feminine nouns in ^ (like q[R, etc.), which

have an oblique form in \ ; and which has been fully discussed in the 3d

Essay, p. 159. The oblique form namely, is identical with the

Prakrit genitive or ^fspin^r. It follows from this derivation

of the feminine affix that it can properly be added only to such nouns in

as are derived by means of the Sanskrit affix . But it is, irregularly,

added also to such nouns in x, as are derived (as will be proved further on)

from a base formed by the affix ; e. g\, fern, of gardener,

and also to nouns in ^ (as fern, of qTR) and ^ (as qRiqr from qR

tiger). That this is the true derivation of the feminine affix is confirmed

by the Bangali, which has, e. g., as against the Marathi

as against the Marathi qTEjpjr ; against the Marathi I

suspect, however, that the irregularity, just noted, is only apparent ; and

that we have here two altogether different affixes which though identical in

outward form, are widely different in origin. The affix namely, as

added to nouns of a Sanskrit base in T«T (as ^wt), contains the Skr. fem.

affix which by the action of the laws of phonetic decay has been altogether

lost, while the remainder is really part of the original base and not any

affix at all. On the other hand, the affix tR, as added to the other nouns,

contains probably the Sanskrit feminine affix, (as feminine, i. e.

wife, of Indra), of which the final has also been lost, while the remaining

vowel ^ (i. c. minus qr) is a modification of the original vowel ; e. g.

the feminine of qR was probably originally qRT^nt, in which form the

vowel ^jr, perhaps under the influence of the final long x was changed to ^

(compare the feminine corresponding to the masculine affix ^qr) ;

hence the Bangali ^TR^t ; again the final X, as usual, was reduced, and on

the other hand, the penultimate X lengthened to thus arose the Marathi

^Rp^!- Some confirmation of this theory may be found in the fact, that

while such Bangali nouns as qTRlT blacksmith form a fem. qiRTT«ft (the

Sanskrit equivalent of which would be wife of a black smith), corre¬

sponding Marathi words as blacksmith , form a feminine

The Gaurian fem. ending as we have now seen, is a modification of

the Prakrit fem. ending (Sanskrit ^KT). This fem. termination ^y

* The penultimate X reappears because the reason for its lengthening no more exists.

f It may be noted that if in these feminines, in which the penultimate has been

lengthened in Marathi, the antepenultimate is a long vowel, it is generally shortened ;

29

1874.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

corresponds to a masculine termination in Prakrit, qpfr: in Sanskrit,

and to a neuter termination in Prakrit, in Sanskrit. That is, the

base-termination is weakened in the feminine to Jf. It has been

already stated in Essay IV, that the base may be modified not only to

but also to A few instances of the latter modification occur

already in Prakrit, as regards the masculine and neuter but as regards

the feminine, it is both in Sanskrit and the literary Prakrit almost an

exclusive rule to admit only the modification into But in Gaurian, the

modification into is not uncommon, and we may conclude from this fact

that it was probably a modification peculiar to the vulgar or colloquial

Prakrit (as opposed to the more artificial scenic Prakrit). For we must refer

all Gaurian feminine nouns in to this base in vafqi. Their termination is

tli q proper Gaurian modification of the Prakrit or Skr. exactly as

Gaurian termination qj is the modification or corruption of the Prakrit

termination Skr. ^TT- For the Prakrit termination may become

in Gaurian either, by inserting the connecting vowel q, ^qr ; or, by making

sandhi , it may become in the first instance and finally % the present

form. Feminine nouns, terminating with the first of the two forms NSqr, are,

as we shall see later on, very common in Ganwari Hindi, e. g. #TfqT wife be¬

sides sfpf ; etc. The second of the two forms ^ occurs, as the termination of

many feminine nouns, in Low and High Hindi, and in all other Gaurian lan¬

guages ; e. g., sand is in Gaurian , in Sanskrit it is q'pqqfT, in Prakrit

qiqjqjT ; the Gaurian reduces the final of the latterto and then contracts

(by sandhi)f the preceding ^ with the final qf to ; thus giving us qr^ the

present Gaurian form. The process is in every respect like that by which

the feminine termination is formed by the Gaurian (see above, p. 26). Again

leech ; in Sanskrit it is ; in Prakrit oPsTSiT, which changes in

CV *

Gaurian through the intermediate form to apjf. Again hear vn^l, in

Hindi masc. ; but in Marathi also feminine (see Manual, p. 36. e.) ; in Sanskrit

it is W or, with addition of the affix q\, wqf or and in the low form

or ; all these forms occur ; the fern, of them would be BT%qiT or

the latter would be in Prakrit in the intermediate form

nmm ;

j

®* fr BTfiLtW feminine of BTfiX not • •qf^^irr feminine of • ^ftFe^qT

feminine of q}Trft<T; Jiq'sffaj feminine of jp^-- ^jaiqtftqr feminine of TT^qq, efc- See

* * C\

Dadoba Pandurang’s Mar. Grammar, pp. 36, 37. The reason, no doubt, is that the ante¬

penultimate is not an originally long vowel, but only a Gaurian formation.

# See note 5, p. 105, in the 2nd Essay ; Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal, Vol. XLII,

Part I, 1873.

f The sandhi of -f- qj to ^ may also he explained, like that of ^ 4 to ^

by the lengthening of \3 to ^ as a compensation for the shortening and quiescence of final

SO A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages, [No. 1,

; and thus becomes in Marathi Again, palate is rTT^T or masc.

J « ^ . . . • ^ ^

in Hindi, but fem. in Marathi. In Sanskrit it is rfT^T which is neuter ; but

there is a bye-form made by the affix 3T and this is also feminine, viz.

<TT^R7 ; in Prakrit it becomes ftT^T^T, and in Gaurian, through the interme-

\J vj °

diate form it becomes cfT^T or ^T*f. Again chalk is Sanskrit

vj C\ °

in Prakrit it is ^fsn^T, but also ; for both forms occur as the bases

vj

of Gaurian formation. While the Hindi takes the form and from

it derives its form the Marathi takes the form and from it

derives the form *3^" .

♦

From what has been said regarding the origin of the feminine nouns in

y" and it follows that these terminations are purely Gaurian formations.

With this agrees the fact that all feminine nouns in y; and belong to the

proper Gaurian element in all Gaurian languages, in other words, do not

admit of an oblique form. Only the Marathi presents a very few exceptional

cases of feminine nouns in which have an oblique form in 'i. They are the

following thirteen nouns, (see Manual, p. 36), ^ET^> woman , ^ louse,

leech , sister-in-law , palate , <TT^T forehead, spirits, f ^^flea,

coil of rope , vit^ bear, 31^ sand, yrT<^ mother-in-law , needle. The

probable origin of the final y of the oblique form of feminine nouns, I have

already explained in Essay IY. Assuming that explanation to be correct,

the oblique form in ^ of those exceptional feminine nouns in^ easily explains

itself from the Prakrit. E. g., to ~3T^T sand corresponds in Sanskrit ^r^T^RT,

in Prakrit 3T^T. Gen. of is in Prakrit *TT^Ty. The

J \J \i Vi

latter form would change successively to ^T^T^iy, next to ^T^gy, finally to

^T^T, which is the present form. Again, m^leech is in Skr. ^T^r^TT., Prakrit

; the Gen. is Skr. aT^n^fT^lTb in Prakrit of^^Ty, and this would

change successively to next to «T^ry„ and finally to which is the

present Marathi oblique form of the word.

On the other hand, as regards feminine nouns in and ^T, this

termination has much more the character of a Prakrit formation ; still in the

Hindi-class Gaurian languages which, as has been shown in Essay III,

possesses only a very small number of Era /critic nouns, (viz., the masculine

nouns in ^t), all the feminine nouns in or belong to the proper

Gaurian element, and do not admit of an oblique form. As they have retained

their direct form their Prakritic character almost entirely, (the Gaurian

having added merely the euphonic connecting consonants ^), there can

be no doubt that they would have an oblique form in y in Marathi. In

Hindi, as I have just remarked, they are very common. In the Ganwari (or

Low Hindi) especially, they may be heard as bye-forms of any feminine

nouns in x or and there they are very frequently used ; they are always

employed when the thing expressed by the noun, is referred to as some¬

thing biown and determined (their use being analogous to that of the

31

1874.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

articled noun) ; they are also employed to express cont ;mpt, or affection, or

diminution.*

For this latter purpose only (with a very few exceptions enumerated

above, as ^frfqi bitch , old woman, etc.), they are used in High-Hindi,

where, therefore, their employment is very rare. E. g., the bye-form

of wife, is used in the Ganwari in the place of but otherwise, if

used at all it expresses a contemptible wife? So in High Hindi, means

a large stick, a pole ; but a small stick, and so forth. In erotic poetry,

as may be expected, these feminine forms are very common ; e. g., in the

following verse of Akhtar,

'JRT»T f%*rr sffrPJT II

^ *f3TRrrT T WfrT^T II

^ "V -V -V si, — . o r -a

Ji?: farrar r 3ft ^

Here wfrT^T, ^f<T*lT, are the dimunitives (in the plural) respec¬

tively of the feminine nouns qTrf word (Prakrit ®[TfT or ^Trft breast

(Prakrit ^tTT or wfwr) ; night (Prakrit or ^f^l) .

I proceed to the examination of the inflexional base of the masculine

nouns. The direct form of the inflexional base of masculine nouns in %

like that of the feminine and neuter nouns, may end in a twofold wise .

viz. either in % as milk, heat, etc., or in as done , iip^T, horse ,

etc. In High Hindi, Marathi, Panjabi, and Bangali, the termination %

* Of these three meanings that of diminution is no doubt the original one, as it easily

explains the other two. For general experience shows that in all languages, nouns are used

in preference, in their diminutive form, to express affection or contempt. Moreover, it

may be observed that in the speech of the uneducated, the diminutives are frequently used

without any particular meaning attached to the diminutive form of the word. If with this

fact be put together the further fact, that in Sanskrit diminutives (expressive of affection)

are formed by means of the affix and that Prakrit, the source of the modern verna¬

culars, is the speech of the uneducated, the frequent, apparently meaningless, use of

words formed with the affix in Prakrit, and the extensive use of nouns in igj or

(^cr) iii Gaurian finds a natural solution, at the same time that the theory of the derivation

of the Gaurian nominal termination qjf from the Prakrit termination and the Skr.

termination qjqf receives a strong confirmation. As examples of the affix ^ being used

in Skr. to form diminutives of endearment, I may quote the following from the Uttara

Rama Charitra,

^ I i. e.

king haste thee, deliver the queen’s pet.

or ^ fc^rfaiTT ^T: T i. e.

king rejoice over the victory of the queen’s pet.

Here is used with reference to an elephant, and alternates with the other

word of endearment which is also applied to the elephant occasionally. See Uttara

Rama Charitra Act III, pp. 96, 97- See also Bopp, Krit. Gramm der Skr. Sprache, p. 327

(under and 2nd Ed. In the 4th ed., the reference to diminutives lias apparent¬

ly been withdrawn.

32

A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

appears slightly modified as ^T. In the Braj Bhasha it is Ifr, which is not a

mere modification of ^fT, hut as I think (see below p. 37) rather a co-ordinate

formation to ^}t. I have already noticed in Essay IY. that Sanskrit masculine

nouns with a base in appear in Gaurian invariably with the termination

% (or ^T), as Skr. Pr. ^T^T, Gaurian or irpgr or ijpff, etc.,

while Sanskrit nouns with a base merely in % appear in Gaurian now as

terminating in now in (^T or %r). And remembering that in Prakrit

any base in ^y may, without change of meaning, add the affix m, and thus

end in we may conclude, that if a Sanskrit masculine noun with a base

in ^ ends in Gaurian in it must have previously assumed in Prakrit the

base-form ending in ; while if it ends in Gaurian in W, it must have

previously remained unchanged in Prakrit ; e. g., Skr. pair with a

base "STfwr Vi. e. in ) may assume in Prakrit the simultaneous forms

Vj ^ i

or (lit. : i. e. with affix ; the former becomes in Gaurian

the latter (or ■srrg'T). Again, Sanskrit seed may be in

Prakrit both or (YN^; ; the former gives us the Gaurian

the latter the Gaurian sfiotT or There is, perhaps, not a single

Gaurian masculine norm in (that is, of course, only among those derived

through the Prakrit), which does not also occur (at least in Hindi) in the

other form ending in «yr or % or The latter forms very often are only

Low Hindi, but in not a few instances both forms are used in High Hindi

too ; e. g. and v?yT«JT trust , inland earthen pot , and «KT

load, aTff and pair, and qfT titledeed , etc., etc. On the other

hand, in some cases the form in ^ is confined to the Low Hindi and that in

chiefly to the High Hindi, as notably in the part. pres. ; e. g., ^T^rfT

saying is High Hindi, but Low Hindi ; High Hindi ^jTTfTT belonging ,

Low Hindi ^f3T<T ; High Hindi ^T<tT coming , Low Hindi ^yrerT, etc. So

also, as regards the adjectives, the High Hindi generally uses the ampler

form in ; but Low Hindi generally also the shorter form in ; as Low

Hindi ^ great , 4^ high, High Hindi ; but ^ and both in

High Hindi, (Low Hindi or ^T^) etc.

That the direct form in %r, or ^T, or ^JT, of the inflexional base

of Gaurian masculine nouns is derived from the Prakrit nom. sing, of

a base in follows also as a result from our previous inquiry into the

nature of the direct form of feminine and neuter nouns. For if the feminine

termination in Y and the neuter termination in xf or or ^ of adjectives

and of nouns generally, is a modification of the Prakrit termination (resp.)

Y^T and "syi} (or Y^O? if follows of necessity that the masculine termina¬

tions %, ^T, M, corresponding to those feminine and neuter terminations,

must also be derived from a Prakrit termination ( = ^3v‘), e. g., high

is in Marathi q m Hindi ^.^ri (masculine and neuter),

(feminine). It is evident that if the Mar. and Hindi feminine is a

33

1874.] A. F. Kudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

modification of the Prakrit and the Mar. neuter of the Prakrit

(^9*1) ; the Marathi and Hindi masculine ^^7 must be a modifica¬

tion of the Prakrit ^i}T. For this is the only Prakrit form, which

would yield us a Prakrit feminine and a neuter

This conclusion is confirmed by the fact, that Gaurian masculine bases

in % or ^T, or ^T, and neuter bases K, etc., have an identical oblique

form ; viz., ending in *JT in Marathi, in y in Hindi, Bangali, Sindhi, and in

in Gujarati, Marwari, Naipali. For as the oblique form is identical with

the Prakrit organic genitive, and as masculine and neuter bases of identical

final sound have identical genitives, it follows that Gaurian masculine bases

in ^t, etc., and neuter bases in etc., must have the same oblique form ,

if they are derived both from an identical Prakrit base. Now they have

an identical oblique form, hence they must be derived from an identical

base. As regards the neuters in \ , etc., it has been shown that their

(Prakrit) base must be one in ; hence the base of masculine

nouns in ^T, etc., must also be one terminating in ( — ^^r). E. g.,

(masculine) and (neuter) have both the oblique form ; the

latter represents the Prakrit form which is the genitive singular of

both (masculine) and (neuter). As is the original of

it only remains that must be the original of

The termination is not the only modification of the Prakrit

termination As a rule, when Prakrit has a hiatus, as in the case of

Gaurian either inserts the semivowel \ or \ , or makes sandhi. I11

Hindi both alternatives occur ; but the insertion of a semivowel is confined

to Low Hindi and old Hindi, while the High Hindi knows only the sandhi

form. Probably in other Gaurian languages, the forms with inserted

semivowels may also be found. In Low Hindi, forms of both kinds occur ;

such as insert the semivowel ^ and such as insert the semivowel "sj . The

-s.

former, as far as I know, occur only in Ganwari, and, probably, in all Low

Hindi dialects of its class. But there they are very common ; of every mas¬

culine noun in ^ or ^EfT a bye-form in may be formed. E. g., we may say

in Ganwari or heat, ijrsr or iir^T horse, and so forth. The two

forms and zees formally identical ; simply because they are both

derived from a formally identical Prakrit base ; viz. Sanskrit sw becomes

in Prakrit or and these become in Gaurian and srnTTT resp. ;

Sanskrit becomes in Prakrit inurin', and this becomes in Gaurian

either by sandhi ih'S'T, or, by insertions of \, in^^T. The Prakrit words

and irre% have a formally identical base ; viz. and formed

by the affix ; hence they are also formally identical in Gaurian eirtct and

^RT^T. These ampler bye-forms generally convey the sense of definiteness

or contempt ; and in erotic poetry also of affection ; as in the following

Baiswari verses of Akhtar :

E

84

A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

n^SK^l II

T<T*ft 3$^ ^.cfx: ii

nn^ 3ft ^t<4 v^k^i ii

Or

*nr ^ ^rft ir% ii

TT^T 3ft ^sfc^T II 3\?T3T II

fsTTO 1TT% T II

Here Ti^3T is the bye-form of hut, (Prakrit or TO<gNi) ;

bye-form of hour, (Pr. 3^H, or 3^^%, Sk. sr^G or ;

3\?I3T bye-form of 3TT3 crow (Pr. 3\T?!T or 3^3%). It has been already

remarked in treating of the feminine nouns in ^3T, that the final Prakrit long

■^T is protected by the inserted semivowel 3 . Another instance of this

fact we observe here in the case of these Ganwari masculine nouns in ^3T,

where the final 3[T (for the Prakrit %) has evidently been also preserved

through the insertion of the semivowel 3. We shall have some more

occasions to observe this effect of the insertion of the semivowels 3 or 3 , and

to note the fact that an inserted 3 or 3 may protect a final Prakritic long

vowel, or diphthong, against the operation of the Gaurian law of reduction.

It does not do so necessarily. Strictly the law is this : when the semivowel

is inserted before the Prakrit final long vowel or diphthong, two alternative

Gaurian forms are the result ; one in which the final long vowel is preserved,

and another in which it is reduced according to the ordinary Gaurian laws.

Thus, if in the Prakrit form3rS3jT the semivowel \ is inserted, we get the

two Low Hindi forms 31^31 or 3T^3. In the form 3r33, according: to a

further Gaurian Law, the final becomes quiescent, and the result of this

change is the vocalisation of 3 to which ^ next combines (by sandhi)

with the preceding 3f to 3iT ; hence 3T^3 becomes 3f^T. Now these

nominal forms in 3jT are in Low Hindi well known and regular alternatives

of the other forms in ^[3T. They may be formed of any noun whatsoever ;

e. g. Kin Earn, bye-forms KnnJ or Kni ; nK house, bye-forms or 3^T,

etc. They must not be confounded with the common Braj Bhasha forms

in 3ft, from which they can easily be distinguished, because the Low Hindi

bye-forms in 3?T are alioays accented on the ultimate, while the Braj Bhasha

main-forms in 3fT are never accented on the ultimate, but on the penultimate

or antepenultimate ; (2), because the Low Hindi forms in always shorten

a long vowel in the penultimate syllable, while the Braj Bhasha forms never

do so ; (3), because the Low Hindi form corresponding to the Braj Bhasha

main-form always ends in 3fT (or ^0 5 e. g., Braj Bhasha main-form 3T^F

ghorau , Ganwari main-form irPST ghora ; but bye-form i?T^T ghorau. It is

mark-worthy that the changes of the forms in ^5f3T and 3?T are clearly

connected with the accent (that is not the Prakrit accent, but the Hindi

35

1874.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

accent, or the stress which is laid on a particular syllable in pronouncing a

Hindi word ; what in prosody is called the ictus ) . The forms in namely

are accented on the ante-penultimate ; thus is pronounced with

the airesis or ictus on the first a and thesis on the last a, but the forms in

are accented on the ultimate, thus is pronounced ramati. The fact

is that when the final of is reduced, the accent is thrown forward

on to the penultimate, that is, is pronounced ramava, and if the final

a be quiescent, the form becomes naturally ramau, as any one can

convince himself by actual experiment.

Instances of the other kind of masculine form, which inserts not the

semivowel but into the Prakrit termination (instead of contract¬

ing it by sandhi into *%) occur in the Braj Bhasha class of Low Hindi and

in Marathi. All the phenomena, which have been noticed in connection

with the bye-form in ^cfT and ^T, occur also in the case of these bye-forms

in ; thus, e. g., the Prakrit forms with inserted will give the

Gaurian form with the accent on the ante-penultimate (i. e.,

airesis on the first a, and thesis on the last a), if final ^1 be retained. But

there is an alternative form, in which the final is reduced to % thus

here the accent falls on the penultimate a, and the final ^ becoming

quiescent, the word becomes ramai, with the accent on the ultimate

Both these double forms in and ^ exist in Gaurian. But while the

double forms in and WT are both found in the Gaurian Low-Hindx,

I believe it is only the form in t? which is found in the Braj Hindi, and

on the other hand the form in appears to be confined to Marathi. The

same name, e. g., which in Marathi is (or as it is customary to

write), is in (the Braj) Hindi ^ ; again Marathi is in Hindi

(Prakrit Sanskrit ^jssj^r:). I believe it is the custom in Marathi,

to suppress, in writing such word-forms, the initial ^ of the affix ^i^TT and

join the ^ on to the final consonant of the base ; thus for

for 3T^T*fT, etc. This is merely a peculiarity of writing, which, in this case,

is accommodated to the pronunciation ; just as in Hindi some people write

STT^rTT for oTRTrrr, etc. In all Gaurian languages a short between two

accented syllables (one airesis , the other thesis ) is quiescent ; and of course

two different systems of writing may be followed, either the writing may be

accommodated to the present pronunciation (as in Marathi in this case), or

to the etymology of the word. Perhaps it would be more consistent and

more scientific to generally agree to follow the former method. There need

be no fear of any obscuration thereby of the etymology of the word. But

at all events uniformity should be observed ; not some classes of words

* In all these bye-forms the Marathi retains the Prakrit ante -penultimate vowel

unchanged, whereas in Hindi it is always shortened.

3G A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

written by one method and others by another.* In Hindi (that is,

modern Hindi), as I have already said, the bye-forms which insert the

semivowel ^ , appear always as ending in ^ ; as etc. But in the

oldest Hindi of the bard Chand-Bardai, the intermediate and transitional

form in (between and is the only one which is met with, side

by side with the neuter form in ^rsj, of which examples have been given in

Essay IV. Exactly as there are neuters, like in Chand, so

has he also masculine nouns like iron (for High Hindi %PfT),

series (for High Hindi sftR) ; as in the following verses —

* If a short gy standing between two accented syllables, is followed by an inserted

euphonic semivowel q then it does not become altogether quiescent, but merely becomes

attenuated to the indistinct neutral vowel, out of which all distinct vowels are supposed to

have arisen and which is found in all modern languages, and, e. g., in English is generally

written u ; thus while Marathi ^yyqr^yy or ®raj p"?y*yy "ls pronounced Rdmyd or Ramyd , the

Ganwari ^yyqq is pronounced Ram’va or Ramvd. The observation of this rule, has led me

to modify my opinion on the origin of the Marathi Gen. Sing, in qj and Hindi in rr? which

I discussed in pp. 87 to 94 of Essay IV (J. A. S. vol. XLII, Part 1, 1873.). I stated there

that the original of those endings might be either 7£;qy or -^syy ; aild though the latter

derivation appeared to be the more natural, I preferred the other, because it seemed to

have more evidence in its favour. But the phonetic rule now noticed removes one of

the chief difficulties in the way of ^^y being the original. And I would, therefore,

now derive both the Marathi gen. in and the Hindi gen. in ^ from an original form

in ^syy. Tims the Prakrit gen. of would be #1?^^ and in the original Gaurian

(for in*r^JTV), Pr0110unce(* sonayd, (i. e. airesis on o, thesis on final a) ; here

according to rule the medial ^ becomes quiescent, i. e., the word is pronounced sonyd

(W??T), which is Marathi; next yd changes to ^ and thus we obtain the Hindi form

sone (%T«FT). Now according to the Marathi custom (as noticed in the text) the

quiescent ^ is, in this case, invariably suppressed in writing ; Mar. writes qjyjjyy . but

just as ^yjgy is a contraction of VTfT^T, s0 is a contraction of ^Rcf^y. On the

other hand the fact that the Marathi gen. in efy may be spelled either as ^y or as ~^y

is also explained by the present rule. For before the semivowel cf the medial ^ becomes

merely neutral or indistinct, and therefore some will write it, others will omit it,

according as it is more or less indistinctly pronounced by them. I may add here, another

piece of evidence. A learned Marathi (the Rev. Pandit Nehemiah Goreh) writes to

me : “ If the name ^yqy (or any name) belongs to a respectable man, then it is

pronounced, as if it had no final vowel. But if it belongs to an inferior person, such

as a boy or a servant, etc., then it is pronounced y^yyyy or ^yjgy. In names of females,

if the word ends in ^yy? then in diminutive forms the -^yy is changed with ^ • as

into *^3Vf . ” Observe that all three forms are identical, diminutives or depreciatives ;

and derived from Prakrit bases formed with the affix which also may have that meaning;

now these Marathi forms in ^yy and ^ correspond to the ordinary Hindi forms in ^y and

^ • and, hence, the latter are also derived from Prakrit bases formed with the affix

These Hindi words, no doubt, have no diminutive meaning ; but so have also those

Prakrit bases generally no diminutive meaning.

37

1874.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Q-aurian Languages.

i

faftR II III, 66.

Again TfRq t^T^rT vq l

^wr ^*rc ^ ii III, 52.

Again €j <?TTT 3RJ* TO ^ ^ I

n I, I.

Or -ijTfa^r *fhfiTC ^7 II

«N^ i

cR II I, 18.

Tlie two last verses contain the examples snx<rpTT?:*} (for High-Hindi

^TT^RPCT), and q»qT<T*i (for High Hindi ^TrT, plural. )* The discussion of

the oblique form of these masculine nouns in and ^pqr I shall defer, till

after we have passed in review all Gaurian masculine nouns, the final of

which is formed by inserting a semivowel before the Prakrit termination #r.

It has been stated that the more usual way of treating the Prakrit

masculine termination is not to insert the semivowel "5T or q, but to

contract the words. This contraction (or sandhi) is made in a two-fold

manner: either the vowel ^ is dropped and thus the termination

reduced to iff, or the vowel is retained and thus contracted to ^T.

The latter method is peculiar to the Braj Bhasha ; the former is common

to the other Low-Hindi dialects of that class. In High-Hindi both these

harsh vowels (or diphthongs) are modified to the more agreeable long vowel

; e. g., gone is in Braj Bhasha JT*ff, in Low-Hindi ffiff, in High-Hindi

3RT, for Prakrit Sanskrit ffrR: ; again Sanskrit or amplified

said becomes in Prakrit and in the Braj Bhasha qrfff, in

Low-Hindi qnpT, in High-Hindi qRT ; or Sanskrit high becomes in

Prakrit in Braj Bhasha #qT, in Low Hindi ^3%, in High Hindi

This seems to me a truer and simpler explanation of the Braj Bhdtsha

termination ^fT than that of taking it as a mere provincial broader pronun-

* The final anuswdra in these two instances indicates, I believe, the plural; just as in

Marathi the addition of a final anundsihd is indicative of the plural; e. g. £J7“RT of a

house , hut q rRy of houses. If the semivowel ^ be not inserted, but sandhi made, we

should have qfqTrT^, contracted ^fqTrff, a form which also frequently occurs in the old

Hindi of Chand, and is still the usual form in Marwarx ; and which in the modern Hindi

is modified to qrq '?ff . The final nasal of these plural fonns is merely a deterioration of

an original final which is still preserved in the modern Low Hindi dialects ; e. g.,

fro gn <1*7 3 t ^ ii Rajaniti, p. 30.

and occurs frequently in the old Hindi of Chand, beside the plural forms in qjq and qjj j

«• g-»

^IT I

srt 3R it I, 7.

i. e. “ why should poets call it a rechauffe.”

■ 88 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. J,

ciation of tlie common Low Hindi termination %. For tlie Prakrit

termination of which both and % are modifications, contracts, as any

one can test himself, if quickly pronounced, to WT, and not immediately to

and if it is necessary to consider either % or as a modification of the

other, and not both as direct modifications of it appears to me the

form must be considered as the more original of the two, as the immediate

modification of the Prakrit and ^r, as a modification of ^T. ,

In some Gaurian nouns the Gaurian termination ^T, the contraction of

the Prakrit termination is further reduced to the simple vowels; as

in the pony, traveller, v?f rice, traveller, and others. This

is apparent from the fact that in Marathi these nouns have an oblique

form nouns in which is identical with the oblique form of masc.

nouns in or in Gujarati, Naipali, Marwari, as will be shown below.

It is also proved by the fact, that some of these masc. nouns in ^ are also

used, in Marathi, as neuter nouns in as rff neuter or cf? masculine ; and

it has been shown in Essay IV that the neuter nouns in ^ which have, in

Marathi, an oblique form in ^T, are derived from a Prakrit original in

( = ; hence it follows that their corresponding masculine forms must

be derived from a Prakrit original in E. g., assuming that

stands for an original Gaurian or and this for the Prakrit

^T3^TT%, what follows? The gen. of' would be or

or ; the latter, according to Gaurian rule of sandhi,

would contract to (originally which is actually the oblique

form of ^T3^T^. Hence we may argue backwards that is a contrac¬

tion of Similarly, Prakrit (Sanskrit of VTf) a title of

brahmans, has genitive or or ; contracted in Gaurian

*T?T (originally *ifT^), which is the oblique form of vjf (see Dadoba’s Mar.

Grammar, §. 223) ; it follows that Vff is a contraction ofvi]pgT.# There are

a few other nouns of this class (viz. ending in gy, which is a contraction

of the Prakrit termination ^f%), which have an oblique form in or

This is to be explained thus : that instead of contracting the Prakrit

genitive termination by sandhi, the euphonic semivowel ^ has been

inserted. E. g., Sanskrit ♦* or amplified : brother-in-law ;

Prakrit Gaurian first ^rr%T or ^TTWT (Hindi), next (reduced)

(Hindi) or (Mar.). The gen. of the Prak. is or or"

; the latter becomes in Gaurian, by inserting euphonic \, ^rr^T

(originally or^rrfT, which is actually the oblique form of the Marathi

word ^rrs-, and thus proves the identification of with the Prakrit

^TT^T^iT. Again, MTfF bridge (for original Gaurian or ^t^Tt) is a

contraction of the Prakrit ii or ^'e^T, Skr. ; the gen. of the Prakr.

# The Mar. VTf is a diminutive term of contempt ; just as the Skr. :

39

1874.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages .

is or or ; the latter becomes in Gaurian

or ^rTefjT (originally ^T^rnrb which is the present oblique form of As

noticed already, the medial ^ before the ^ has a neutral sound, and hence

the spelling varies ; sometimes it is written, sometimes it is suppressed. As

will be shown afterwards, Marathi possesses also some other masculine nouns

in ^ which have an oblique form in ^T, which, however, are derived from

Prakrit originals in ; and thus they differ from the masculine

nouns of which we are treating here, whose oblique form ends in ^t, and

which are derived from Prakrit originals in There is a further class

of Marathi masculine nouns in ^ which have no oblique form at all. Now

since the reduction of the Gaurian termination % (for Prakrit to ^ is

an altogether Gaurian one , while the contraction of the Prakrit termination

^3% to is partly Prakritic,f I think, we may conclude that all Marathi

masculine nouns in which do not admit an oblique form, are derived from

Prakrit nouns in (or original Gaurian nouns in %), and not from

Prakrit nouns in

T ^

The oblique form of the Gaurian nouns in (ijy or ^f) ends either in

or in or in Y. The termination ^TT of the oblique form is common to

the Gujarati, Naipali, and among Low-Hindi dialects, to the Ganwari and

Marwari. The termination is peculiar to Marathi ; and the termination

^ to Sindhi, Panjabi, High-Hindl, and most Low-Hindi dialects of the Braj

Bhasha class. E. g., ifKTT or horse has in Gujarati in Mar.

^T, in Hindi %% ^TT- The origin of these oblique forms has been

fully discussed in Essay IV. Whatever has been said about the neuter

oblique forms in ^T, and *r, applies of course, equally to the masculine

oblique forms ; viz., that they are derived from the Prakrit genitive of a

base in ^=JT, ending in ; so, however, that the oblique form in is.

derived from the Prakrit genitive termination by means of sandhi and

the oblique forms in ‘SJT and ^ (the latter being a mere modification of the

former) by means of the insertion of the euphonic semivowel ^ . (See note

on page 56.) I have, however, to add as a further argument, which

escaped my attention there, in support of the theory that the High Hindi

termination Y is merely a phonetic modification of the Marathi termination

^T, the fact, that in Marathi itself adjectives have a two-fokl form of the

* In this case the ^ of the Gaurian form might also be merely a phonetic modifica¬

tion of the f{ in the Prakrit ; just as Gaurian cpn^ prince for Prakrit fGTTTT.

f There are a few isolated traces of the contraction of the termination ^3% to 37,

in Prakrit already ; as for i for ^^3% » see note 5 to EssaJ

IY, p. 105.

X Such proper Gaurian (not Pralcritic) nouns in ^ are more common in poetry ;

e. g., <-y (for friend, in Chand’s verse :

irT fW II XXVIII, 63,

40

A. F. Eudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

termination of the oblique form , viz. in and in ^ ; e. g., to a good bog

is or ^rT3T% ^TT (See Manual § 75, 3. p. 39.) It will be sufficient

here, merely to illustrate the theory by a few examples. Sanskrit :

has the genitive ; Prakrit or or ; in

Gaurian the latter form is either contracted by Sandhi into ijT^TT (originally

irnSTHr), which is the oblique form in Gujarati, Naip all, Marvvari; or by

inserting ^it becomes ijn^T( originally iirsnsjr^) or, as spelled in Marathi (on

account of the quiescence of the medial (originally ifrsriTrr) ; and

this, finally, contracts into iff#, the oblique form of the word in Hindi.

Again Sanskrit or amplified : traveller is in Prakrit

efTZ^K%, and in Gaurian contracted The genitive of the Prakrit

base is or or The last form contracts

by sandhi to (originally ^TT^iXPr), which is the present Marathi

oblique form of the word. Again, San ski a rT » or amplified ♦’ done

is in Prakrit or or ^^1%; in Gaurian (with inserted

euphonic ^ ) 1%5l (Braj Bhasha), f^T (Marvvari), fbrsTT (High Hindi),

(Marathi). The genitive of the Prakrit base is or or)

or ; in Gaurian either 1., the euphonic is inserted, thus

(originally or (originally '^^'^T^') ; the latter is the

present Marathi oblique form (with the peculiar Marathi spelling) ,*

the former contracts the termination to thus which is the present

Hindi oblique form (generally with the euphonic ^ ) f%q ; or 2., Gaurian

makes sandhi of the Prakrit form ; thus f%^T (originally far^T^),

which is the present Marwari oblique form (with euphonic ^) fbfTMT-

It is peculiar to Panjabi, that it possesses a number of masc. nouns of

the category, now under consideration, which end in ^T, instead of ^T, as

in all other Gaurian dialects. Similarly, the oblique forms of these Panjabi

nouns end in if instead of the termination common to all the Gaurian

languages ; e. g., shopkeeper is in Panjabi while in Hindi it is ^Tf^T^T

or ^fsTUT.* The oblique form in Panjabi is in Hindi ^Tf*rij. The

Panjabi shows this final anunasika occasionally also, in other kinds of

nouns, both masc. and fern. ; e. g., ixi"n3 or Smother, cow , crow.

This anunasika is, no doubt, identical in nature with the anunasika which

we have seen is found in the termination of the oblique form of Gujarati

neuter nouns in It may either be a mere provincialism and inorganic

addition, or, as suggested in a note appended to Essay IV, it may be a sort of

compensation for the elision of a consonant ; e. g., in for the elision of

contained in the original ; in ttt^ or either for the consonant

* In Marathi the difference is this : the Hindi and Panjabi are derived from

the Skr. ^TpJT^^T:, Prak. sJlf ; contracted to crr^'t^T or ; hut the Mara¬

thi form is derived from the Skr. cjlf^^Th Pr. contracted into ; see below

page 42, 5.

41

1874.] A. F. Eudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

rT or of the original HTTSqiT (see below pagG 42, 4.)j in , of tlio consonant

of tho original TTTfqqiT ; in qfT'3 of the consonant 3(r in the original qfrqtJ,

though in tliG latter word perhaps the anunasika might be a substitute for

the nasal qr of the noun qypiT, which also means crow.

In Essay IV, it has been stated that the termination qfqr of bases

formed with the affix is sometimes modified into ?;qr, and sometimes to

and it has been shown how by these means some Marathi neuter nouns

in f^and ^ arose. By an exactly analogous process of base-modffication,

masculine nouns in X and ^ seem to have arisen. The principle which I

shall attempt to illustrate is, that the Gaurian termination x of masc. nouns

is derived from the Prakrit termination ; and the Gaurian termination

^ of masc. nouns from the Prakrit termination But both Prakrit ter¬

minations and may arise in various ways : 1. The termination

(i. e. ^ + qr) of a base may be modified to x^ or whence the nom.

sing, would be in Skr. x^: or in Prak. or ; thus : Skr.

(amplified from qf^PH^r) becomes qfrTqifHqii ; nom. sing. ;

Pr. Gaur. qipfit (Hindi.)* Again, Skr. fq^PfiT^qr becomes

fq-^T^rify^T; nom. sg. Skr. Pr. or fq«TTfV% ; Gaur.

ffisrpct Mar.f Again Skr. q^fTrqy watchman ; nom. sg. q’fTrqn, Pr. q^T^ijT

Gaur. q^T T, (Hindi) or q^KT (Mar.) ; but the base becomes also q^Tprqi,

nom. sg. Pr. q^Tft% ; Gaur. (Low Hindi) q^-ft (or q^fpqT) ;

moreover the base becomes also sr^T^; nom. Pr. WfA%, Gaur.

(Hindi) q^ (or q^qT or W^y). Again, ^riqqr barber (Skr. «TTfqtT) ;

nom. sg. ^rrqjfp, Pr. Wiq%, Gaur. (Hindi) ^T^lT ; the base becomes also

^TfqefT, nom. sg. ^nfqqy:, Prak. qi^Tfq% or ^TTfqiiT (see Sublia Chandra

III, 50. Hema Chandra I, 230.) or «nv% ; Gaur. (Mar.) or (Hindi)

*fTV ; the base becomes moreover ^nqqr, nom. sg. Prak. or

»TRqiT or *rT3% ; Gaur. (Mar.) or (Hindi) Compare Skr.

^Hfqy: a hind of sweetmeat , in Prak. which is in Gaurian (Hindi)

^Tf or (Mar.)

c\

2. The base may be one formed by the affixes X or (which, how¬

ever, are probably mere modifications of the affix so that the examples

* See Hema Chandra I, 26, Subha Chandra II, 43, where qffpqcT is said to be in Pra¬

krit q^qfi ; Pr- Pr. IV, 15, has qf%^.

f Or Skr. fqf^TqTTW, Pr- fqfsiWT^T^ or fqfei^TW 5 Gaur. fqferqiXT

or fljf^rxiTTT (Hindi.)

X The derivation of this word from the Skr. ^yqqf is quite clear from the Prakrit

initial The servant who attended his master at his bath and shaved him, was called

The Skr. *rTfqcT is probably a clumsy transliteration of the Prakrit title

•nfqifciT / °r else a corruption of the base which would be an equivalent oi

j^yqqi', as suggested in M. Williams’ Skr. Lexicon,

P

42

A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

under this head, would in reality not differ from those under the former).

Thus from gardener (commonly ); nom. sing.

Pr. ^Tf%^T ; Gaur. Again rTT^f^ from betel 4* X^

vender of betel ; nom. sing. Pr. rrp|f%^T ; Gaur. (or

rTRT^t). Again 37 from rr^T-fT^T oilman; nom. sing. rTT%3P, Prak.

(see Subha Chandra IV, 95. Hema Chandra II, 98.) ; Gaur. cf^fh

Hereto might also he referred the Hindi neighbour from Skr. SffrRT%^

(for the more usual srfrRTf%*r), and watchman from Skr. ^fy37 (for

the more usual ), which have been already noticed under No. 1.

Again scorpion , nom. sing. Skr. hut Prak. or

(see Pr. Pr. I, 15.) or ; Gaur. (Hindi) or, (Mar.) or (Nai-

pall) fV^t. Similarly ST3Tf%37 neighbour Skr. 5RTfcr3f: (more usually

of ) ; hut Prak. (Subha Chandra II, 53.) or tr^TO, (see

Subha Chandra II, 8. Hema Chandra I. 44.) Again, handful (of

+^cff), nom. sing. Skr. Pr. ; Gaur.

' 0 \»\i \J J \JC\

3. Just as the affix 37 may he added to bases in % so it may he added

also (though less usually) to bases in x and ^ ; hence a base in Xp(\ or ^337

arises; e. g., 37f3 or amplified 37f337 poet, nom. sing. 37fh37»*, Pr. 37f3^iT ;

Gaur. (Hindi) 37f33T. Again, 31^ or amplified 31^37 teacher ; nom. sing.

3R37**, Prak. 31WT; Gaur. (Gamw.) 3]^3T. Again, 37"S or amplified 37E37

pungent , nom. sing. 37‘£3i:, Pr. 37^371, Gaur. 371J3T (or In Hindi

these forms are almost altogether confined to the Low-Hindi dialects, and

are always formed by inserting the euphonic semi-vowel in the Prakrit ter-

mination. The Gaurian contracted forms in ^ and 37 of this kind of nouns

hardly ever occur. In High Hindi these nouns are used almost always in

their simple form, without the affix 37 ; thus 37f3 poet , nom. sing. Sk. 37f3:

Pr. 37ft, Gaur. (reducing final long 3\ff ; 3T^ teacher , nom. sing. Skr.,

31^;, Pr. 31"^ ; Gaur. 3T^\ etc.

4. The Prakrit affix 37 may also he added to bases in 32. The

vowel 32 changes in Prakrit to X (according to the general rule, Pr. Pr. I, 28.

and special rule, Suhha Chandra 11,90. Hema Chandra I, 135.), whence we

obtain Prakrit bases in ; or it changes to ^ (see special rule, Subha Chan¬

dra II, 88. 89. 90. Hema Chandra I, 131, 134, 135,), whence we get Prakrit

bases in Thus Skr. or amplified ^<237 brother nom. sing. ^(237.* ;

Prak. ( i . e. *lTf337T), or ( i . e. *fTg3»T) ; Gaur. (Hindi) or

(Mar.) *7T37. Again Skr. or amplified ?7T<23\ mother ; nom. sing. ?rr<237T;

Prak. (i. e. ?ntwr) or 3TT^r (i. e. T7T<J37T,) Gaur. (Hindi, Panjabi)

*11?:, or (Panjabi) TU^f. Again Skr. or amplified Sfcf?j37 grandson ; nom.

sing, Sj«T7l37: ; Prak. 3^% > Gaur. 331 TjT (Mar.).

5. There are miscellaneous Sanskrit bases which, though they contain

some other consonant (not 3f)> also yield in Prakrit a base in ^ or <331 ;

43

1874.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle— -Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

e. g., Skr: snfursr, nom. sing. Prak. ^Tfqr% ; Gaur. (Mar.).

Again, nom. sing. 3T^:, Prak or ; Gaur.

It will have been seen from these examples that the Prak. nom. sino".

in or ^3"% of the bases in and assume in Gaurian a double form ;

viz. either a form in ^ and or one in and . For here again, as

everywhere, the two Gaurian phonetic laws come into play ; viz. of obviating

the Prakrit hiatus either through the insertion of the connecting semi¬

vowels ^ or or through the contraction of the two hiatus-vowels in sandhi.

Those forms which are made by inserting the connecting semi-vowels or

^ , are very common in Gamw. and in the Low Hindi generally, where they

may be formed as alternative forms of any noun in ^ or "3T, very often with¬

out any difference in meaning. The connecting semi-vowel ^ is used for

nouns in and the connecting semi-vowel for nouns in E. g., gardener

is in Ganwari both and Ri%srr,t i. e. the Prakrit is Tuf^riiT, in which

the Gaurian inserts ^ between \ and %, and thus protects and preserves the

Prakrit final % (or ^?l). Again, watchman is xr^^; or or or

; i. e. the Prakrit is xf^T^T or and the Gaurian, by inser¬

ting c^and and Then again, the inserted semi-vowels

■?J and qT protect the final Prakritic ^fT.+ So again brother is both v.T^ and

Sometimes these nouns in^^T and \3"3rr (like the feminine nouns with

the identical termination) imply, as distinguished from the nouns in ^ and

* Rarely, also is inserted in the Prak. termination • e. g., 3T^*j in the opening¬

line of Chand’s Epic, ‘STRl' 31^7 Xf?q ||

f The antepenultimate is shortened according to a peculiar Ganwari law.

X In poetry the final long j is often found shortened for metre’s sake ; e. g., in the

following verse (kavitta) of Chand,

^f«Tl HR I cr^Tl xn^ *Tf II

i ^ 11

rT^rJ Njxpfj I T3T ^T5TrT II

srr^r w i 11 I, 7y

We have here etffasj for 3ffR*JT (Pr. ejrf?pgr, Skr. or (Pr-

Skr- ^fw); ^TT^for (Pr- Skr. ^TS^Ti)i for

The full form is also met with, when the metre admits, as in the following

(fflTCt) of Akhtar —

^ i y-srw xj jiarftqT n

Xf3T ^Tff ^TrT Xf^T3T 3[*JT ||

^ XfT 3TT?TC 3T?T II

^ xr^r^rf 3tut i ^ ^ 11

Here (Pr. see Pr. Pr. IV, 15) false has kept the final long to

rhyme with the femin. 313ff^?R,

44

A. F. Rudolf IToernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

qg definiteness or affection or contempt. In High Hindi, they are rarely used,

and when used, then only to express contempt or affection (as q^qi dear

brother) or diminution (as a small pot.') There are, however, a small

number of masc. nouns in ?;qr, which are, altogether incorporated into the

High Hindi, and of which no alternative form in ^ exists at all ; as iifeqr wolf

and a few others. # Otherwise, the usual form of such nouns in High Hindi

as well as in the other (literary) Gaurian languages, is that in and 3T.

The process by which the Prakrit terminations and are

turned into ^ and ^ in Gaurian, is one altogether analogous to that by

which the Prakrit feminine terminations and qqT are turned, in Gaurian,

into ^ and It has been already fully explained. Its application to masc.

nouns will be best shown by a few examples ; e. g., Skr. qfqqr: scorpion be¬

comes in Prakrit or or fqf^'qr ; in Gaurian, by one of its laws,

the final ib is reduced to qr or % thus fbarq or or ; next, by

another Gaurian law, the final hiatus-vowels are contracted by sandhi ; thus

we have the forms (Hindi), fbq (Mar.), and fb^t (Naip.) Again, Skr.

qT?TT or amplified brother ; Prak. VfT^T or ; in Gaur., through

the intermediate stage of and they become and Again,

Skr. qqxft, Pr. qqfq% or qqq% ; in Gaur. first qqfcq and qqqq, next

qqbb and qqq, etc.

The correctness of this theory of derivation of the Gaurian masculine

nouns in ^ and qq receives strong support from the oblique form, which

most nouns in ^ and a few nouns in ^ admit in Marathi. Most nouns in

^ do not admit an oblique form ; while most nouns in ^ do admit one. This

is quite in order ; for, as I have shown in a former place, the termination

^ is generally an altogether Gaurian formation, being a reduction of the

original Gaurian termination %, itself a contraction of the Prakrit termina¬

tion qqr. On the other hand, the Gaurian termination ^ is a partly

Prakritic formation, being an immediate contraction of the Prakrit

termination Similarly, the Gaurian termination ^ in those few nouns

which admit an oblique form , is a partly Prakrit formation, being an

immediate contraction of the Prakrit termination

The oblique form of the masculine nouns in ^ terminates in q[; that

of the masculine nouns in "3* in qr ; e. g., qrqft gardener has genitive

TTFSrqT ; ^Tbd barber , genitive ^TqrqT ; v?T3? brother, genitive vqqT qT ;

fqq scorpion, genitive fbqiqr, etc. It has been stated already, that the

Skr. ifqqf : becomes in Prakrit fbl>% ; the genitive is in Sanskrit

in Prakrit fbw'qqj or or fbwqnq ; in Gaurian the latter becomes

* The reason of this exception is plain ; it is simply to avoid confusion ; e. g.,

the short form of qfbqi could not be distinguished from sheep, except by the gender

the former being masc., the latter feminine. Vjfbqj means literally the sheep-catcher.

45

1874.] A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

contracted by sandhi (according to Gaurian law) to fgfq (originally

or, as it is spelled in Marathi (acccording to a peculiar Marathi phonetic

law#), fW^T. Again, Sanskrit ^ng^f ♦* sweetmeat , Prakrit ^Tf%, has in the

genitive Sanskrit *rfW, Pr&krit'Vf^i^ifor or ; in Gaurian

the latter is contracted to ^fT^T (originally ^rr^re). From the analogy of

these, we may conclude that other nouns in ^ which have an oblique form

in ^T, must also he derived from Prakrit nouns in ^3% (i. e. bases in ^r) ;

and their oblique form in cfT is merely a phonetic modification of the

Prakrit genitive. Thus the oblique form HTRT must be derived from a

Prakrit noun brother (for Sanskrit ; the genitive of

*TT^3% is or or the latter contracted in Gaurian

becomes ViTCT (originally ; similarly, must be derived from the

Prakrit noun (for pr?rp^:) 5 the genitive of it is or ^TT^T*jr

or iT^TT^T^r, which in Gaurian is contracted to (originally q^c^T^"), the

present Marathi oblique form of the word. Now we know from the Prakrit

grammarians that these Prakrit nouns Hr3ijT, qtrrTj%, etc., realty do exist.

Thus also Sanskrit 3TTW wheat , Pr. JIT^% (or 3tT^T) ; Gaurian Jl# (Hindi)

or Jli (Marathi) ; genitive Prakrit or JIT^fTH or ; Gaurian

contracted (originally 3T^r^), which is the present oblique form of the

Marathi word. All these oblique forms are occasionally spelled so, as to

separate the semivowel ^ from its conjunct consonant ; thus fq^r or ;

Tcpyrc£fT or q WM ; 3IWT ?T^T ; because in the case of the semivowel q, there

is a tendency in all the Gaurian dialects, to sound the neutral vowel before

it. It should be noted, moreover, that in the case of all oblique forms

in qT of such nouns in 3i, the termination of which is a modification of the

Prakrit termination 3"%, the conjunction of \ with the base consonant is the

more original and correct spelling. But in the case of all oblique forms

in qT of such nouns in 3>, the termination 3? of which is a modification of

the Prakrit termination the separation of q from the base consonant

is the better way of spelling.

The analogy of the masculine nouns in 3T leads us further to conclude

that also the masculine nouns in ^ which admit an oblique form in ^T,

must be derived from a Prakrit base-form in (^^T), the genitive of which,

ending in or or is modified into the oblique form in qT,

and the nominative of which ending in is modified into the direct form

in To this may be added a further argument, that the genitive of the

only other kind of Sanskrit or Prakrit base which might have come into con-

* Marathi has generally an unaspirate mute consonant, where the Hindi and Prakrit

show an aspirate one ; e. g., Skr. Prak. Hindi Mar. J Skr.

f%qq, Prak. Hindi Marathi ; Skr. Pr. fq‘W% ; Hindi ,

Mar. etc.

C\

46 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

sideration (viz., the base in ^«T with a nominative in ^ and genitive in

cannot well he the original of the oblique form of the nouns in E. g.

TTT^rt gardener, might at first sight be supposed to be identical with the

Sanskrit and Prakrit noun nominative singular of the base ;

but then, the genitive of that noun is Sanskrit TrTl%*P, Prakrit ?nf%ffy,

which foym (i. e. wf%vri) could not well have been the original of the

oblique form ?TP3jT (Mar.) of the Gaurian noun ; for it would be

necessary to assume the elision of the nasal 'mr and the change of the final sqy

to ^T, both phonetic modifications, otherwise without precedent.* But

besides ?nf%»r , the Sanskrit and Prakrit have another base with the identical

meaning, viz. The genitive of this base would be Skr.

Prak. or or TTlf%3jr^; Gaur. (contracted) ■JTT^qr (orig.

■5RT^r^), which is the present oblique form of the Gaurian noun ?ry^ft.

Hence it follows necessarily that the Gaurian direct form *TT^ft, must be also

a modification of the nom. sing, of the base i. e. Skr. Prak.

Similarly the Gaurian noun oilman must be derived from the

nom. sing. (Skr. of the base ; for its oblique form

leads us back to a Prak. genitive or or

belonging to the nom. (not to of rff%«T ).

It remains to examine the oblique form of those masculine nouns which

by means of inserting the semivowel \ or \ have preserved the Prakrit

termination %, and therefore terminate in T^fT, ^T.

In High Hindi (not in Low Hindi, where they may be used without

any appreciable modification of meaning) and in Marathi, these nouns are

commonly used to express smallness (and hence affection or contemptf).

* Prakrit final is in Gaurian always reduced to or (quiescent) ^ ; but Pra¬

krit (^fj) contracted to Gaurian or

f In the manual these nouns are not noticed at all. Dadoba in his grammar notices

those in (i. e. ^?jy) only, see page 274. But the others do also occur occasionally.

Molesworth in his Mar. dictionary mentions, e. g., f^^y (i. e. f^j^^y) sharp, a small

dagger (of scorpion), corresponding to Hindi fsf^y or py^y.. Another means

of forming these affectionate or contemptive diminutives is the affix ‘ST ^t % (Mar.)

or ^y? pp (Hindi). So, e. g., in the Low Hindi verse —

TUT ft II

^ToTT ^t II

^JITT II

II

Here we have the diminutives epyii^y crow (<?fyji) and ^fy^y pinnacle (^ft),

of the one kind ; and *jy£tt mother (*y£) , ^TJ soul (^ or off), iy^% palpitates

(irr%), °f the other kind. Regarding the Mar. diminutives in ^y } see Dadoba, p. 272.

Manual, pp. 113, and 34.

47

1874.] A. F. B/udolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages.

Their oblique form ends in High Hindi and the Low Hindi dialects of the

Braj Bhasha class in ^ ; that is, their termination changes to ^ir,

^3% ; e. g., bitter, gen. 3T^i 357 ; — ifj%3T wolf gen. 357;— xp^7T

watchman , gen. q-^^m 357, # -—3513171 small crow, gen. 3573m 37; — small

pot, gen. 35T ; -f3W3T small dagger, gen. f 3f>3 35T. But in Marathi and

in the Low Hindi dialects of the Ganwari class the oblique form of

these nouns end in 3H, that is the termination remains unchanged to

outward appearance ; e. g., the Mar. TTEJT small Ram ; gen. TTiRJT (i. e.

^•j-JTqT xfy) • Ganw. 31"^f3T horse, gen. 3T1TT7T 35 ; %Tf^3T drinking pot, gen.

35; xp^7T watchman, gen. q^T7T 3f, etc. This circumstance,

however, should not mislead to the conclusion that the oblique and direct

forms are (formally) identical ; that is, that in Gaurian these nouns belong to

the proper Gaurian element. That this is probably not the case, but that

the identity of the terminations of the oblique and direct forms is merely

the accidental result of phonetic modifications, is sufficiently indicated by

the fact that those terminations are different (i. e. and ^ ) in the other

Low Hindi dialects. According to the method previously explained, these

oblique forms would originate thus ; e. g. the genitive of the Prakrit iffe%

would be or or ; the latter form becomes in Gaurian,

by inserting the euphonic semivowel 3, (originally which is

the oblique form of the word in Ganwari; next, the final is contracted

into thus or (with euphonic inserted) iifsm, and this is the

oblique form of the word in High Hindi and Braj Bhasha.

In conclusion, I will again add tables, exhibiting at a glance the results

arrived at in this essay and the previous one.

In the next essay (VI), I propose to examine an old Hindi oblique

form of an altogether different kind from those hitherto discussed ; viz.

the oblique forms in f% and

# These three nouns are also High Hindi, and not diminutive; iffirqT is derived by

means of the affix ^eff from iju sheep ; just as gardener from Tff^fT garland and

Tables.

On bases in % ^ ;

48

A. F. Rudolf Hoernle — Essays on the Gaurian Languages. [No. 1,

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68

[No. 1,

Translation of an Arabic Pamphlet on the History ancl Doctrines of the

Wahhabis, written by ’ Abdullah , grandson of ’ Abdul Wahhab , the

founder of Wahhabism. — By J. O’Kinealy, C. S., Calcutta.

This pamphlet* contains a complete description of the taking of Makkah,

and shews that the Wahhabis looked on it in the same light as the

Crusaders did the taking of Jerusalem. They entered the holy city not as

warriors, but as pilgrims. It is interesting from a historical point of view, as

it is a means by which we can test the conflicting statements of Burckhardt

and Corancez ; hut what is of far greater interest is, that it proves, beyond

all possibility of doubt, the identity on all important points of Wahhabi

doctrines in Arabia with Wahhabi doctrines in India, and confirms the

prevalent view that one is the offshoot of the other. Many parts corrobo¬

rate the statements of Palgrave as to the intolerance of the sect, and

there will be found towards the end a list of mortal sins, which are almost

the same as those given in his book.

’Abdullah with several other Wahhabis of Najd was put to death in

1818 by Ibrahim Pasha, when the latter took Darayah. His grandson ’Abdur-

Kahman, and his great-grandson ’Abdul Latif were both alive when Pal¬

grave visited that city in 1862.

Translation.

In the name of God , the Compassionate and Merciful !

Praise be to God, the Lord of the Universe, and blessing and peace be

upon our prophet Muhammad, the faithful, and on his people and his

companions, and those who lived after them, and their successors of the next

generation ! Now I was engaged in the holy war, carried on by those who

truly believe in the Unity of God, when God, praised be He, graciously

permitted us to enter Makkah, the holy, the exalted, at midday, on the 6th

day of the week on the 8th of the month (Muharram), 1218, Hijri. Before

this, Sa’ud, our leader in the holy war, whom the Lord protect, had sum¬

moned the nobles, the divines, and the common people of Makkah ; for

indeed the leaders of the pilgrims and the rulers of Makkah had resolved on

battle, and had risen up against us in the holy place (haram), to exclude us

from the house of God. But when the army of the true believers advanced,

the Lord filled their hearts with terror, and they fled hither and thither.

Then our commander gave protection to every one within the holy place,

while we, with shaven heads and hair cut short, entered with safety, crying

# The original is preserved among the Government DiliK MSS. (Arabic MSS., No.

86J).

1874.] J. O’ K mealy — History and Doctrines of the Wahhabis . G9

“ Labbaika,” without fear of any created being, and only of the Lord God.

Now, though we were more numerous, better armed and disciplined than the

people of Makkah, yet we did not cut down their trees, neither did we hunt,

nor shed any blood except the blood of victims, and of those four-footed

beasts which the Lord has made lawful by his commands.

When our pilgrimage was over, we gathered the people together on

the forenoon of the first day of the week, and our leader, whom the Lord

save, explained to the divines what we required of the people, and for

which we would slay them, viz., a pure belief in the Unity of God Almighty.

He pointed out to them that there was no dispute between us and them

except on two points, and that one of these was a sincere belief in the

unity of God, and a knowledge of the different kinds of prayer of which

did a was one. He added that to shew the significance of ‘ shirk,’ the prophet

(may he be blessed !) had put people to death on account of it ; that he

had continued to call upon them to believe in the Unity of God for

some time after he became inspired, and that he had abandoned

shirk before the Lord had declared to him the remaining four pillars

of Islam. The second point related to actions lawful and unlawful as

prohibited. He said that as regards these they retained but the name,

while the use, nay any vestige of them, had altogether disappeared.

Then they jointly and severally admitted that our belief was best, and

promised the Amir to be guided by the Qoran and the Sunnat. He accepted

their promise and pardoned them. Neither did he give any of them the least

annoyance, nor cease to treat them with the greatest friendship, especially

the divines. And he spoke to them of our faith, publicly and privately

giving them proofs of what he believed. We, too, asked them to discourse and

confer with us and to speak the truth without reservation. Moreover, we

explained to them what the Amir had spoken to them publicly, and pointed

out the proofs of it in the Qoran and the Sunnat, and in the conduct of our

spotless ancestors, such as the orthodox Caliphs who ruled over their

followers. For the prophet had said, “ upon you be my Sunnat, and the

Sunnat of the orthodox Caliphs after me.” We also gave them proofs from

the four Imams, Doctors of Divinity, and those who were instructed by

them up to the third generation after the prophet, according to his saying :

“ Well, for you is my generation, next that which follows, and after it the

succeeding generation.” Again we pointed out to them that we were searchers

after truth wheresoever it might be, and obeyed those proofs which were

clear and open without caring whether they were opposed to what our

ancestors had or had not done. In fine, they were not able to chide us for

a single thing, while we showed them their errors in asking help in their

necessities from the dead ; and as they had still some a few doubts about it,

we removed them by relevant proofs from the Qoran and the Sunnat. They

70 J. O’Kinealy — History' and Doctrines of the Wahhabis. [No. 1,

then acknowledged our belief, and there was not one amongst them who

doubted or hesitated to believe that that for which we condemned men to

death, was the truth pure and unsullied. And they swore a binding oath,

although we had not asked them, that their hearts had been opened and

their doubts removed, and that they were convinced whoever said, ‘Oh

prophet of God !’ or ‘ Oh Ibn ’Abbas !’ or ‘ Oh ’Abdul Qadir !’ or called on

any other created being, thus entreating him to turn away evil or grant

what is good, (where the power belongs to God alone,) sueh as recovery from

sickness, or victory over enemies, or protection from temptation, &c. ; he is a

1 Mushrik,’ guilty of the most heinous form of shirk, his blood shall be shed

and property confiscated. Nor is it any excuse that he believes the effective

first cause in the movements of the universe is God, and only supplicates

those mortals, who are between death and resurrection, to intercede for

him or bring him nearer the presence of God, so that he may obtain what

he requires from Him through them or through their intercession. Again,

the tombs which had been erected over the remains of the pious, had become

in these times as it were idols whither the people went to pray for what they

required, they humbled themselves before them, and called upon those lying

in them, in their distress, just as did those who were in darkness before the

coming of Muhammad.

Among those present were Mufti Shaikh ’Abdulmalik ul-Qala’i, a

Hanafite, Husain ul-Maghribi, a Maliki Mufti, and ’Uqail bin Yahya al-

’Alawi.

When this was over, we razed all the large tombs in the city which the

people generally worshipped and believed in, and by which they hoped to

obtain benefits or ward off evil, so that there did not remain an idol to be

adored in that pure city, for which God be praised. Then the taxes and

customs we abolished, all the different kinds of instruments for using tobacco

we destroyed, and tobacco itself we proclaimed forbidden. Next we burned

the dwellings of those selling hashish, and living in open wickedness, and

issued a proclamation, directing the people to constantly exercise them¬

selves in prayer. They were not to pray in separate groups according to the

different Imams ; but all were directed to arrange themselves at each time of

prayer behind any Imam who is a (muqallid) follower of any of the four

Imams (may the Lord be pleased with them !). For in this way the Lord

would be worshipped by as it were one voice, the faithful of all sects

would become friendly disposed towards each other, and all dissensions

would cease.

We appointed a ruler over them, ’Abd ul-Mu’in, the Sharif, and his

rule was established without shedding of blood, and without dishonoring

or annoying any person. Praised be the Lord of the Universe!

Afterwards, we gave them a pamphlet, composed by Shaikh Muhammad

71

1874.] J. O’Kinealy — History and Doctrines of the Wahhabis .

on the Unity of God, which contains all the arguments supported hy their

sentences hearing on it, in the Qoran and the Hadis which are muwatir , so

that the souls might he comforted. And we compiled from extracts of

it a smaller pamphlet fit for the common people which we commanded he

distributed in their places of meeting, read in their assemblies and explained

to them by the divines, so that hy learning the doctrine of the Unity of

God, and seizing it with a firm grasp, they might awake to the knowledge of

shirk, and become careful. The pamphlet is as follows :

In the name of God , the Merciful and Compassionate !

Know that God has been kind to you, inasmuch as you are the best of

the race of Abraham, and worship God in a pure manner. The Lord

commanded all mankind to do so, and it was for this purpose He created

them, as He said, “ I only created the Jins and mankind to worship.”

Then know that God created you to worship Him, and know that there

cannot he worship without belief in the Unity of God, just as He will not

listen to a prayer unless offered up after purification. When shirk enters

into any form of worship, it vitiates it, as is related in the Hadis. Also He

has said, “ Mushriks are not in a position to worship the Lord, since they

testify against themselves that they are infidels. Their acts shall not avail

them, and they shall burn for all eternity.” Therefore, whoever calls upon

other than God entreating him to grant something which is only within His

power, such as obtaining a benefit or avoiding a misfortune, he, indeed, is

guilty of shirk in his worship, as the Lord has said, “ Those who go astray and

call upon others beside the Lord, shall not be answered, even until the

day of judgment ; and those on whom they call, shall not heed them ; and

when mankind shall rise again from the dead, they will look upon their

supplicators as their enemies, and their worship as infidelity.” Again, the

Lord has said, “ Those whom you supplicate other than Me, can avail you

nothing. When you supplicate them, they will not hear your supplica¬

tion, and even should they hear you, they will not answer, and instead

of speaking in your favour, they will adjudge you infidels on the day of

judgment.” In short, the Lord exalted and blessed has declared that

entreating others than Him is shirk ; therefore, whoever says, “ Oh prophet

of God,” or “ Oh Ibn ’Abbas,” or “ Oh ’Abdul Qadir,” or “ Oh beloved,”

&c., thinking that the person supplicated is a way unto the Lord, or an

interceder with Him, or a means to Him, he is a Mushrik : his blood shall he

shed, and his property confiscated unless he repent. And in the same way,

whoever kills an animal in the name of other than God, or makes a vow to

him or puts trust in him, hopes to he benefited, or fears to he injured by him,

or asks him for assistance in those things which belong to God alone, he

is a Mushrik, of whom the Lord has said, those who are guilty of shirk

72 J. O’Kinealy — History and Doctrines of the Wahhabis. [No. 1,

towards Him, shall not be pardoned ; but except these the Lord will pardon

whomsoever He wishes ! These also are as it were the Mushriks of Arabia,

against whom the prophet (may he, &c. !) stood up in battle and commanded

to worship with a pure heart. This is evident for four reasons given by

God in the Qoran :

1st. It is known that the infidels against whom the prophet (may he

&c. !) made war, had admitted that the Lord was the Supporter, the Creator,

the Giver of life and death, the ltuler over all things. The proofs of this

are the words of the Lord : “ Say, who gives you food from the heavens

and the earth P who is the Master of hearing and seeing P who calls forth

life from death, and death from life ? who rules events ?” They will quickly

say, £ God’. Then answer, “ but you do not fear him.”

And the Lord has said, “ Say, if you know, whose is the earth and

what is in it ?” They will answer, 1 it belongs to God then say, “ is it not

that you do not remember Him ?” Again, “ say, who is the Lord of the seven

heavens, and Lord- of the great ’ Arsh ? They will answer, ‘ God.’ Then say,

“ is it not that you do not fear Him ?” Say, “ if you know, who is he in whose

hands is dominion over everything ? who can compel, yet not be compelled ?”

They will quickly answer, ‘ God.’ Then answer, “ is it not that you do not

fear Him ?” After you have known this, and found it difficult to understand,

how people who accept the scriptures, can supplicate others than God,

turn to the second reason which is as follows :

They say, “ we only turn towards and supplicate those departed, that

they may intercede with God for us. We ask not from them, but from God,

through their intercession.” The proofs against this opinion are the words

of God, “ They worship other than God, that can neither harm nor profit

them, and say, “ these have interceded for us with the Lord.” Answer, “ can

you inform God of anything either in the heavens or the earth of which

He has not knowledge. He is more holy and high than those whom you

give Him as companions.”

Those who have adopted not God, but others as a patron say, “ we

only worship them, that they may propitiate us with the Lord ; for of a

certainty He will decide favourably in matters with which they are con¬

cerned.” They also hold as opposed to us that God will not point out

the way of salvation to infidels or liars.” Having understood this, turn

towards the third reason, viz., that he who calls on an idol to intercede for

him, and he who though abandoning idols yet depends on holy persons,

such as Christ, or His mother, or the angels, is in the same position. The

proof of this is in the words of the Lord, “ Those who seek a means to

God, are they nearer Him ? They hope for His mercy and fear His punish¬

ment, and certainly the punishment of your Lord is severe.” And the

prophet (may he be &c. !) has said, “ There is no difference between those who

73

1874.] J. O’Kinealy — History and Doctrines of the Wahhabis.

worship idols, and those who worship holy persons. They are both in¬

fidels.” Moreover, we fought with them, until they all turned towards

God.

The fourth reason is : The people the prophet speaks of, when in dis¬

tress, took refuge with God and, forgetting their past conduct, abandoned

shirk ; while the people of our times, when in difficulties, seek refuge in sup¬

plicating their Pirs. The Lord has said, “ when they mount their ships, they

supplicate God, taking refuge with Him . . . . . .besides God.” Now, if you

understood this, you will perceive that the Mushriks in the time of the

prophet (may he be &c. !) were not guilty of such heinous shirk as the wiser

Mushriks of our times. The former sought refuge with God in their dis¬

tress ; the latter call upon their Pirs. The Lord is omniscient.

And among the persons who presented themselves* before us with

the people of Makkah and witnessed our victory in discussion, was Husain

ul-Airat'i ul-Hazrami, afterwards al-Hayani. He continued to visit us and

sit with Sa’ud and others of the force who were well learned in the scrip¬

tures, and he asked us of those matters other than the intercession of

Saints, for which our swords were unsheathed. This he did fearlessly,

and without any dread, as he was guiltless of any thing wrong in our

eyes. So we informed him of our belief which is as follows : We believe,

our sect holds the real true religion, is the sect of the Ahl-us-Sunnat

and al-Jama’at, and that our way to salvation is that of the pious an¬

cient departed, most easy and excellent, and opposed to the doctrines of

those who hold that the modern way is the best. We construe the

Qoran and Hadises according to the meaning apparent on the face of them,

and leave the interpretation of them to God, for He is the Ruler. And for this

reason that the divines who have passed away, so acted in answering the ques¬

tion as to whether the highest heaven is level or not, which arose out of the

words of the merciful God, “ The ’ Arsh is level ;” they held that “ level’ ’was well

known, and as it was predicated of ’ Arsh, it was lawful to believe in it, and

heretical to question it. We believe that good and evil proceed from God, the

exalted ; that nothing happens in His kingdom, but what He commands ; that

created, beings do not possess free will, and are not accountable for their own

acts ; but on the contrary they obtain rank and spiritual reward, merely

as an act of grace, and suffer punishment justly, for God is not bound to do

anything for His slaves. We believe that the faithful will see Him in the end,

but we do not know under what form, as it was beyond our comprehension.

And in the same way we follow Imam Ahmad Ibn Hanbal in matters

of detail ; but we do not reject anjT one who follows any of the four

Imams, as wg do the Shi’ahs, the Zaidiyyahs, and the Imamiyyahs, &c.,

who belong to no regular churches. Nor do we admit them in any way to

K

74

J. O’Kinealy — History and Doctrines of the Wahhabis. [No. 1,

act openly according to their vicious creeds ; on the contrary, we compelled

them to follow one of the four Imams. We do not claim to exercise

our reason in all matters of religion, and none of ’our faith demand such

a position, save that we follow our judgment where a point is clearly

demonstrated to us in either the Qoran or the Sunnat still in force, and

though there has been no special command in favour of it, yet there is

nothing of weight against it. As a rule, we hold the same as the four

Imams ; but we reject all sects in connection with property inherited by

our ancestors, and hold them preferred, although it is opposed to the Han-

hali sect. We do not enquire to what sect a person belongs, neither do we

abandon the forms prescribed by the four sects, except where we find a clear

decision contrary to any of them and the matter is merely an outward

observance, such as the action of an Imam at prayers. Hence we direct

Malakis and Hanafis equally to collect themselves an instant, when

standing or sitting before prostrating themselves at prayers, for on this point

the evidence is clear. On the other hand, we do not prohibit the saying of

“ Bismillah” in a loud voice, as is the custom among Shafi’is, neither do we

direct it to be said inwardly. Where two contrary practices were in force,

and the evidence in connection with each is strong, we declare both allowable,

even though this is contrary to any sect. But this occurs only very rarely.

The exercise of our reason in some matters of religion is not prohibited,

nor can such be deemed contradictory to repudiating the right to exercise

our reason in all religious matters ; for above all the four Imams followed

their own will in some minor religious observances, even so far as to act

contrary to the rules of the sect which they founded.

We make use of the usual orthodox commentaries in striving to under¬

stand the Qoran, such as the Tafsir Jarir and its compendium by Ibn Kasir

the Shafi’i, and so also the Bagliawl, Baizawl, Khazin, Haddad, Jalalain, and

other commentaries. We also use the commentaries of the well known

Imams to explain the Hadises, viz., ’Asqalani, Qustulani on Bukhari,

the Nabawi on Muslim, Manawi on Jami’ug^agliir, and Mukhawwa9 on

collections of Hadises, as the Umahat us-sittah, or ‘the six mothers,’ their

commentaries, the different books of all sects in all sciences, all ordinances,

histories, grammar, and all sciences, helpmates to other sciences. We do

not command the destruction of any writings except such as tend to cast

people into infidelity to injure their faith, such as those on Logic, which

have been prohibited by all Divines. But we are not very exacting with

regard to books or documents of this nature, save if they appear to assist

our opponents, we destroy them. As to the destruction of certain books

belonging to the people of Taif by the Badawls, that proceeded from their

ignorance, they were punished for it and so were others for the same thing.

We do not consider it proper to make Arabs prisoners of war, nor have

75

1874.] J. O’Kinealy —History and Doctrines of the Wahhabis.

we done so, neither do we fight with other nations. Finally, we do not

consider it lawful to kill women or children.

As to those liars and concealers of the truth who say, that we explain

the Qoran according to our own views and only hold those traditions which

agree with our opinions, without having recourse to the well known com¬

mentaries on the one or taking into consideration the narrators of the other ;

that we lower the dignity of our prophet Muhammad (may, &c.) and say that

he has rotted in his grave, and that any one of us would derive more ad¬

vantage from his staff than from him ; that he cannot intercede for us ; that

pilgrimage to his tomb is improper ; and that he was so ignorant, as not to

know positively “ There is no God except God” until he became inspired ; — we

answer, ‘ only consider that this sentence “ There is no God hut God” was

given forth in Madinah.’ Moreover, they say, we do not attend to the

sayings of the learned and destroy the writings of those adhering to any

• one sect, because though partly true, they are also partly false ; that being-

numerous, we proclaim as infidels not only the people of our time, hut all

since the beginning of the tenth century (Hijrah), except those who

hold as we do ; that we do not enrol any person in our sect until he admits

that he was a Mushrik, and his father died one ; that we prohibit the

invocation of our prophet (may, &c.) and pilgrimage to his grave even in

cases where it is lawful ; that whoever joins us, is considered as free of all

incumbrances, even his debts ; that we do not allow the Ahl-ul-bait (may

the Lord be pleased with them !) any superior rights ; that we compel

them to marry inferiors, and that we force those who are old to put away

their young wives, in order to marry them to young men among us, although

no suit for a divorce has been instituted before us, nor is it desired by the

parties. All this is simple nonsense, and when we are asked about them,

we only answer in the words of the Qoran, “ Praised be you. These are great

calumnies.” In short, whoever asserts any such thing of us, lies against us.

He who has seen how we order our lives, has visited our meetings, or knows

what we hold, can affirm that all these have been made up, and that the

disseminators of them are enemies of religion, brothers of the devil, who

lure men away from offering up their prayers to God, the exalted, in per¬

fect accord with His Unity, and prevent them from abandoning those different

kinds of shirk of which the Lord has declared that He will never forgive,

though He will forgive whatever else He wishes. We believe that whoever

commits a mortal sin, such as putting a Muslim to death, fornication, taking

interest, drinking wines, or whoever repeats such, does not cease to be a

Muslim, nor will he suffer eternal punishment, provided he dies entertain¬

ing a true belief in the Unity of God.

We believe that our prophet Muhammad (may he, &c.) is more exalted

by God than any other created being ; that he is alive, lives in his grave

7G J. 0’Kinea.ly — History ami Doctrines of the Wahhabis. [No. 1,

a life quicker than that declared by revelation unto martyrs, and that he

can hear the salutations of those who salute him. We consider pilgrimage is

supported by legal custom, but it should not be undertaken except to a

mosque, and for the purpose of praying in it. Therefore, whoever performs

pilgrimage for this purpose, is not wrong, and doubtless those who spend the

precious moments of their existence in invoking the Prophet, shall, according

to the Hadis, obtain happiness in this world and the next, and he will dispel

their sorrows. We do not deny miraculous powers to the saints, but on the

contrary allow them. They are under the guidance of the Lord, so long

as they continue to follow the way pointed out in the laws and obey the

prescribed rules. But whether alive or dead, they must not be made the object

of any form of worship. This does not prevent us from asking them or any

other Muslim if living to supplicate on our behalf. Thus it is related in

the Hadis that Al-mar-ul-Muslim asked that his brother might be accepted by

God, and ’Omar directed ’All to ask Uwais to supplicate that he might be par- •

doned, and he did so. According to what has descended to us, our prophet

Muhammad (may he, &c.) is empowered to intercede for us on the day

of judgment, and so also are all prophets, angels, saints, and children. And

we shall ask it of the Lord God, the Buler over it, the Granter of it to

whomsoever He pleases to those who are amongst the best of men, the

believers in the Unity of God. Thus one of us entreating the Lord God

Almighty shall say, O Lord, you have empowered our prophet Muhammad

(may he, &c.) to intercede for us, &c. (in the form handed down by

tradition), or we shall ask it of the Lord God, the Granter of it to us on

the day of judgment. “ 0 God, you have appointed your pure slave (mortal

or angel, as may be) to intercede.” Thus we shall ask God for those things

which must be demanded from Him and not from them. And as regards

the things over which God alone has power, no one will cry out “ O prophet

of God”, or “ 0 Saint of God, I ask your intercession,” nor will any one say

to this “ help me”, or “ intercede for me”, or “ assist me.” Since calling in

this manner on those who are dead, but as yet not risen to judgment, is a

form of shirk. There is nothing in its favour, either in the Qoran or the

Sunnat. The pious departed have not urged it. On the contrary, they have

decided that it is shirk of the most aggravated form, on account of which

the prophet warred with the world.

To determine the effect of taking an oath in the name of other than

God, it is necessary to look to the intention of the swearer. If he intends

by the oath to give that respect which is due to God, or more, as happens

among certain violent Mushriks of our time, who swear by their Shaikhs _

their gods on whom they rely, such false oaths will not -be accepted like those

sworn in His name, and the swearers are, according to the general opinion

of Muslims, Kafirs, guilty of the most heinous form of shirk, ignorant of

77

1874.] J. 0‘Kinealy — History and Doctrines of the Wahhabis.

the most simple elements of their religion. When an oath is lightly taken,

it is not an aggravated form of shirk ; hut such a habit must be sternly

checked and the swearer directed to beg pardon of God.

As to conjunction with God, we hold that when one says, “ 0 Lord, I

shall obtain conjunction with you through the majesty of Muhammad,” or

“ through our prophet,” or “ through the Majesty of your pure servants,”

or “ through your servant so and so,” this is a sort of worship, sinful in its

nature, (especially as there has been no decision in favour of it), like the

practice of invoking the prophet (may he, &c.) in a loud voice, at Azan

time.

Now as regards the Ahl-ul-bait, a similar question, viz. the lawfulness of

marrying a Fatimite, was asked of the people of Darayah, and they answered

in accordance with former decisions regarding them. It is right to be

friendly and on good terms with them, as is stated in the Qoran and the

Sunnat. But we must remember that Islam is the line of separation

between us and the rest of mankind ; and that there is neither grace nor

goodness without piety which carries with it honor, respect, and reverence.

All learned people are guided by it in the question of precedence, between

persons nearly equal in age or knowledge, or in advancing to meet such

when escorting them to the place of honor. But the custom which is

prevalent in some cities, of honoring those who are young and ignorant,

even so far that they are angry, beat, wound, or at least quarrel with

those who do not kiss their hands instead of shaking them, is not based

on any decision, nor is there any evidence in its favour. On the contrary,

it is forbidden and should be abolished. If one person kisses the hand of

another returning from a long journey, or if he does it to honor him for

his learning, or after a long absence, it is harmless in itself, but is ob¬

jectionable, as it becomes known to those who put faith in such things

and creates a custom among proud people. Hence we absolutely prohibit

it, especially on account of those of whom it is said as a warning : “ It is

not possible to close all the places where hunters watch.” For this very

reason we razed the house of the noble Khadijah, the wife of our Prophet,

the dwelling in which the prophet was born, and other places dedicated to

certain Saints in Makkah, so that the people might be warned and flee from

shirk, inconsistent with His exaltedness, and which He will never forgive.

Shirk is worse even than saying God has a son ; the latter makes Him supe¬

rior to all created beings, the former does away with this superiority. For

the Lord has said, “ A parable is propounded to you about yourselves

“ What your right hands have obtained, is it for you or for your compa-

mons r .

The marriage of a Fatimite to a person not a Fatimite is not incon¬

sistent with the ^conduct of Muslims, nor is it wrong. ’All and ’Omar-

78

J. O’Kinealy — History and Doctrines of the Wahhabis . [No. 1,

ibn-ul-Khattab so married. These two examples suffice. Sakinah, daughter

of Husain-bin-’Ali, married four times, and none of her husbands was a

Fatimite, or of the tribe of Banu Hashim. Such was the custom of our

ancestors, beyond all cavil. We do not compel any person to marry his

slave until she demands it, or he is unable to marry his equal. Arabs are

all equals for Arabs, and the contrary custom which prevails in many cities,

is simply a proof of pride and a desire to exalt one’s self, which, as has been

foretold, is a certain cause of great evil.

A marriage with an unequal is lawful. Thus Zaid who was a slave

married Zainab, the mother of the faithful, a daughter of the Qoraish tribe.

This is well known to all sects and is conclusive.

Suppose it is objected by a person not desirous of embracing the

truth, that according to our argument, viz., whoever says, “ 0 Prophet of

God, I ask you to intercede for me,” is a Mushrik, his blood shall be

shed, applies to the mass of Muhammadans of modern times, and above all

to the Divines who have believed this, and even despoiled those who op¬

posed it. We answer, that it does not follow. The necessary consequence

of a sect is not the sect itself, as is well known. So it is not necessary that

we must be Mujassimah, though we speak of the “ form” of God, but on the

contrary we consider whoever dies in that persuasion is lost. We brand as

Kafirs only those who having heard our call to the true faith, are deaf to it,

and who having heard the proofs in its favour, obstinately reject it. These

are the predominant sects, these we war with, so long as they remain in

wickedness, prohibit lawful acts, or assist others in committing grievous

offences. The non-predominant sects we war with only when they assist

the former, are pleased with them, or join them, and thus increase their num¬

bers, becoming as it were predominant with them. Warring with them is

commanded. We excuse the past generations. They were not protected

from error, and their errors are excusable. And as to those who despoiled of

their property such persons as did not agree with them, they were mis¬

taken, and making a mistake is no harm. Indeed, better than they have made

mistakes, as we know from the tradition of the woman and the decision

about dower. History gives other examples. The companions of the pro¬

phet erred, when assembled together, with the prophet in their midst. But

his glory penetrated them, and they said to a date tree “ give us a sign,”

and it responded. We say, this is the position of those persons who

having fallen away from the right way, subsequently awake to their errors ;

but not of those who are aware of proofs, know the words and practice of

the Imams, and yet remain persistently opposed to them till they die. We

say that there is no harm in excusing persons in the hrst state, nor do we

hold them Kafirs , simply because they were in error, or even because they

continued so. For none of their time opposed their doctrines either by words,

79

1874.] J. O’Kinealy — History and Doctrines of the Wahhabis.

or the sword and spear. They knew of no proofs to the contrary and saw

no clearer way. The greater number of the Musalmans referred to by our

opponents, neglected the advice of those who followed the Sunnat. As a rule

they had totally forgotten the Sunnat, and even the few who were enlightened

turned away from it before it could make any impression on their heart. The

nobles persistently prohibited the multitude from hearing it, and the mo-

narchs tortured those in whose heart its faintest trace could be found, except

the few whom the Lord protected. Thus Mu’awiyah and his friends opposed

and fought against the Commander of the Faithful, ’Ali-ibn-Abi-Talib. They

were wrong and continued so to their deaths. Yet, though they were in

error, as we clearly learn from the Ahl-ul-bait, that none of our pious ances¬

tors considered them Kafirs according to Ijma’, or even very wicked ; on the

contrary they judged them worthy the reward of warriors in the cause of

religion. So when we find a man orthodox in matters of faith, pure, pious,

clean of heart, and seeking to benefit his sect by devoting his time to learn¬

ing the useful sciences, or writing about them, we do not call him a Kafir,

though he may hold wrong opinions on these or other points. This was the

position of Ibn Hajar ul Haisanii, yet we consider his writing as well order¬

ed, do not deny his knowledge for a single instant, but on the contrary take

great care of some of his books, such as the Sliarh ul-Arba’in, the Alzawajir,

&c., believe what he has copied, and though in error in one point, he is one

of the Divines of Islam with whom we hold. Any person of experience and

wisdom, who is just and free from any leaning towards hard-heartedness or

oppression, looks more to what is said than who says it. Again, the customs

and habits of people in authority are obligatory. It matters not whether

they are just, or unjust, exact imitations of those of whom God has said,

“We found our fathers among them following their religion, and we, com¬

ing: after them, imitate them in their customs and vices,” who form a deci-

sion of what is right from the individual and not of the individual from his

acts. With these last we seek no conversation ; but we use the sword until

they are truly and sincerely converted.

And, praised be the Lord, the army of the true believers in the Unity

of God was victorious, its standards were unfurled under most auspicious

circumstances, and “ soon shall those in darkness see what turn their affairs

shall take.” Moreover, we were the more numerous, and God has said “ our

armies shall be greater in number,” and so we were bound to assist the

faithful and reward the religious.

As regards Bid’ at, our doctrine is that Bid’at is whatever has been in¬

troduced after the third generation from Muhammad and is absolutely sinful.

This is contrary to the doctrines of those who divide it into good and bad,

and those who divide it into five kinds, unless as appears probable they mean

to consider as “ good” the acts of the pious departed which were optional,

80 J. O’Kinealy — History and Doctrines of the Wahhabis. [No. 1,

mandubah , ancl obligatory, and call it “ bid’at,” while “ bad” refers to those

acts which are unlawful or prohibited. There is no harm in so grouping

them.

Among the forms of sinful bid’at which we prohibit, is raising one’s voice

at Azan time, on Friday night, during the Ramazan, or at either of the ’Ids

(in Makkah we set aside every thing connected with tazhir and tarhhim as

sinful according to the Divines of every sect), also reading the Hadises of

Abu-Hurairah before the Khatib on Fridays, which is denounced as Bid’at

in the Jami'-u^aghir ; assembling on certain particular occasions to

read the story of the prophet’s birth and believing that it is a special

kind of prayer, even though the members of the assembly have no

knowledge of history. There is no precedent for this. Again, we forbid

people taking to themselves Pirs, or assembling to invoke their Pirs ; call¬

ing on their Pirs with a loud voice, offerin gfatihahs to them, or seeking to

obtain important advantages through them. For example, we prohibit the

ratib-us-Saman and the rdtib-ul-hadddd as included in the more heinous

form of shirk, for which we are ready to battle.

If any person abandon the right way, follows customs which are

not Sunnat but Bid’at, and subsequently refuses to give them up, he is

punished by the Magistrate, such punishment as shall seem fit until he

repents.

We do not prohibit people from reading frequently pamphlets com¬

posed from extracts of the Qoran and Sunnat ; and as to blessing the pro¬

phet, repeating his name, &c., begging pardon from God, reading the

Qoran, &c., all these are commanded by the Law. Whoever exerts himself

in such duties will be rewarded, and as his prayers increase, his reward

increases in a greater proportion, — provided he offers them up according to

law, without changing the words or the form of them. For God has said,

“ Call on your Lord secretly as a suppliant.” And again, “ God has beautiful

names, call on him by them.” The Kitab-ul-lzkar is full of praises of God,

whoever is a seeker of his God can be so with this book, which is in itself

sufficient for religious people.

Among those things which we prohibit is the custom of reciting verses

in praise of the prophet, and at the same time blessing him, that of repeat¬

ing his name or reading it after Tarawih prayers under the belief that it is

a form of prayer. Indeed, multitudes are under the idea that this is a custom

undoubtedly handed down from our ancestors, and hence we forbid it. But the

Tarawih itself is Sunnat, and there is nothing wrong in assembling to read it,

or even in repeating it very often. Another form of Bid’at is the custom

of reading the five prayers, which are farz after the close of Friday in the

Ramazan. This has been prohibited by Ijma’, and we punish it most severely.

There are other forms of Bid’at, such as taking the name of God in a loud

81

1874.] J. O’Kinealy — History and Doctrines of the Wahhabis .

voice, when lifting a corpse or when sprinkling the grave with water.

No authority for such has descended from the pious departed. In con¬

clusion, it is as well to point out that Shaikh Al-Tartusi-al-Mao’hribi

has written a hook called ’Al-bais fi-inkar-il-bida’ wal-ha wadis, and that

Abu Shamah al Muqri has compiled from it a shorter pamphlet, which should

be in the hands of all who are earnest in their faith,

We prohibit those forms of Bid’at that affect religion or pious works.

Thus drinking coffee, reciting poetry, praising kings, do not affect religion

or pious works and are not prohibited, so long as they are not mixed up with

acts of the nature above described, neither do we prohibit Ftikdf in a

mosque in the belief that it is a pious act. Thus Hasan told ’Omar ibn al

Khattab, Commander of the Faithful, that he had sung before one who was

better than he, and ’Omar allowed him to sing.

All games are lawful. Our prophet (may, &c.) allowed Al-Habshi to

play in his mosque on the ’Id day. So it is lawful to chide and punish per¬

sons in various ways ; to train them in the use of different weapons ; or to

use anything which tends to encourage warriors in battle, such as a war-drum.

But it must not be accompanied with musical instruments. These are

forbidden, and indeed the difference between them and a war drum is clear.

However the Daff is allowed at marriages. The prophet (may, &c.) has

said, “ Impurity has descended to us with purity.” And again, “ tell the Jews

that our faith is not difficult.”

We hold that Imam bin Qayam and his Shaikh are true Imams, follow¬

ers of the Alil-us-Sunnat, and we hold their writings in the greatest respect

save that as regards them we are on every point ghair-muyallid , and every

one of us is allowed to accept or reject their opinions, or the opinions of

any person except those of the Prophet. It is well known that we hold

opinions opposed to the Imams on several points. Thus as regards giving

three divorces in one assembly, in one sentence, we hold it obligatory

following the four Imams. We hold waqf proper, vows allowable, and

their proper performance obligatory. Among the many forms of buVat

which we forbid, is offering up Fatihahs to Pirs after the five daily prayers ;

lauding them immoderately, and seeking conjunction with them after the

manner in many cities.

Consolidating prayers, though considered by some as a most pious act,

is as a rule a temptation towards shirk, though persons do not perceive it.

For shirk is so imperceptible, that people are often unwittingly guilty of it.

If not, why should our prophet (may, &c.) have sought protection from it,

viz., “0 Lord, you have guarded me against knowingly committing shirk.

Pardon me, if I have done it unwittingly. To you are known the most

secret things.” It is absolutely necessary that people should hold to these

words, and avoid shirk as much as possible. And Omar ibn ul Khattab

L

82

J. Wise — Notes on Sunargaon , Eastern Bengal. [No. 1,

said, “ The handle of Islam, that best of handles, will be broken.” Then

they asked “ when,” and he answered, when some Moslems know not the

state of ignorance before the Prophet, &c. For these will do shirk and yet

believe that it is a pious, act. O God, guard us from backsliding and grant

that our faith may not be impaired !

This is a short account of the heads of the conversation which, as al¬

ready mentioned, we held with Husain ul-Airat’i. He often asked us to

put it in writing, and as he was importunate, I have done so, but without

referring to our religious books, as I have been busily employed in superin¬

tending matters connected with the Holy War. But whoever is desirous

of knowing our belief, let him come to us at Darayah, and he will see what

will gladden his heart, and his eyes will be pleased in reading the compilations

on the different kinds of knowledge, especially the Tafsirs and Hadfses. He

will see God praised in a pleasing manner ; the assistance He gives in esta¬

blishing the true faith ; the kindness, which He exerts among the weak and

feeble, between inhabitants and travellers.

We do not deny the doctrines of pufis, nor the purification of a per¬

son’s soul from the stains of sin in deed or thought, provided the person who

holds them is firm in his religious observances, and treads the straight road

as marked out. But we do not undertake to carry it out in all our acts

and deeds. Nor do we turn towards, ask assistance, or beg for aid from

other than the Lord God, to whom alone we turn in all our acts. He is

our Agent, our Master, our Deliverer. May peace and the blessing of God

be upon our prince Muhammad and on his family and his companions !

’Abdullah, son of Muhammad, son of ’ Abdul- Wahhab, wrote this in

Muharram, 1218. [April, 1803, A. D.].

Notes on Sunargaon , Eastern Bengal. — By Du. J. Wise, Bliakd,

[With a plan and a plate.]

Sunargaon, or, as the Hindus called it, Subarnagram, was the capital

of a Hindu principality anterior to the invasion of Muhammad Bakhtyar

Khilji, A. D. 1203. At the date of the invasion, Lakshman Sen, of the Vai-

dya caste, was on the throne. He had made Nadia his capital. Defeated

he fled to the residence of his ancestor Ballal Sen in Bikrampur, and either

from there or Sunargaon he ruled over the eastern districts. The natives

of Bikrampur still point out with pride the square moat of his palace, which

is called “ Ballal Bari.”

The next thing we hear of regarding this part of the country, according

to Mr. Taylor,* is that it was governed by Muhammadan Qazis. One

* Topography of Dacca, page 67.

1874.]

83

J. Wise — Notes on Smithy non, JEastern Bengal.

resided at Bikrampur, a second at Sunargaon. The only one whose name

has survived, is Pir Adam, or, as he is called by the Muhammadans of

Dhaka, Adam Shahid.*

Local tradition represents Ballal Sen as ruling at Bampal, about a

mile from where the tomb now is, when Pir Adam suddenly appeared with

an army and caused pieces of cow’s flesh to be thrown into the palace, which

so enraged the monarch, that he marched against his enemy and killed him

while at prayers on the spot where the masjid now stands.

The Hindu army is further stated to have been totally defeated at

’Abdullahpur, a few miles to the west. It would appear that this tale has

some foundation of truth. If there were two Ballal Sens, the later one the

son of Lakshman Sen, the difficulties connected with this part of the history

of Bengal disappears. That shortly after the invasion of Bakhtyar

Khilji officers of his penetrated into and subdued Eastern Bengal is certain ;

for if we follow Muhammadan historians, we find that in A. D. 1279 Tughril,

or, as he styled himself, Sultan Mughisuddin, was Governor of Eastern

Bengal, and his seat of government was Sunargaon. At that date he invaded

Jajnagarf or Tiparah, and having carried off much treasure, he refused to

remit any of it to Dihli.

The reigning monarch Ghiyasuddin Balban sent an army against his

insubordinate deputy. It was defeated. A second shared the same fate.

The emperor then marched in person against the rebel, and occupied

Sunargaon, having been joined in his advance by Dhinwaj Rai,J zammdar

of the city, with all his troops. Tughril fled, but was overtaken and slain,

A. D. 1282. Having heard of the death of his enemy, Balban returned to

Sunargaon, and put every one of Tughril’s family and his principal adherents

to death. Not content with this barbarity, the historians record that he

executed a hundred faqirs with their Qalandar, because they had instigated

Tughril’ s rebellion, and had accepted from him three mans of gold to

maintain their society.

Balban, having subdued the district, "conferred the ensigns of royalty on

* His tomb at a village called Qazi-qatjbah, south of Riqabi Bazar in Bikrampur. It was

surrounded by a wall and put in thorough repair about a hundred years ago. For centu¬

ries a lamp was placed every night on his grave ; but the greater enlightenment of the

present day, under Farazi instruction, has put a stop to such profane rites. Adjoining is a

six-domed masjid, with beautiful carved stone and brick-work in the interior. The in¬

scription bears the name of Jalaluddni Fath Shah, and the date is A. H. 888 (1483) ; vide

J. A. S. B. for 1873, p. 286.

f The modern tradition in Tiparah is that the old name of the district was Jahaz-

nagar, or the “ city of ships.” This is evidently founded on the circumstance that, at a

much later period, the revenue for the support of the nawara, or imperial fleet, was derived

from lands in this district.

+ This is probably the same person as Dhinaj Madhub, who is believed to have been

a grandson of Ballal Sen.

S4 J. Wise — Kotos on Sunargaon , Eastern Bengal. [No. 1,

his second son Bughra Khan, or Naqiruddin Mahmud, and returned to

Dihli, where he soon afterwards died.

Bug-lira Khan was succeeded in the government of Bengal by his sons,

who resided chiefly at L'ak’hnauti. About A. D. 1318, Shihabuddin Bughra

Shah obtained the throne. His reign is believed to have been short. His

brother Ghiyasuddin Bahadur deposed him, and assumed the title of

Bahadur Shah. The deposed monarch retired to Dihli, and secured the

intervention of Ghiyasuddin Tughluqshah on his behalf. In 1323, the

emperor in person advanced with an army to Sunargaon. The usurper

submitted, and was sent with a rope round his neck to Dilhi. An adopted

son of the emperor, Bath Khan, was left in charge of Sunargaon with the

title of Bahram Khan. He is said to have ruled his province “ with much

equity and propriety” for fourteen years. His death, which occurred at

Sunargaon, is fixed at A. H. 739 (A. D. 1338). From other sources,

however, we learn that Bahadur Shall struck coins at Sunargaon in A. D.

1327, on which he acknowledges himself a vassal of Muhammad Tughluq.

Two years afterwards, the coins bear the impress of his own name. It is

conjectured that on the accession of Muhammad Tughluq, A. D. 1325, he

reinstated Bahadur Shall in the government of Sunargaon, and that having

rebelled again lie was again defeated, and this time put to death. His dead

body, Ibn Batutah tells us, was flayed, his skin stripped, and in this state

circulated in all the provinces of the empire as a warning to other governors.

It was probably at this later date that Bahram Khan was elevated to the

government of Sunargaon.

In the following year, Bengal revolted from Muhammad Tughluq. The

revolt was headed by Fakhruddin Mubarak, who had been 4 silahdar’ or

armour-bearer, to Bahram Khan, and who now assumed the title of Shah.

Qadar Khan, Governor of Lak’hnauti, by order of the emperor, advanced

towards Sunargaon and totally defeated Fakhruddin, and took possession of

Sunargaon. Fakhruddin, though a fugitive, did not remain idle. He sent

emissaries into the city who bribed the soldiers to kill Qadar Khan under

the promise of distributing the treasure among them. The soldiers murder¬

ed their commander, and Fakhruddin returning put to death the wives and

dependents of his rival. From A. D. 1339 to 1349, Mubarak Shah held

undisputed rule over Sunargaon. He was succeeded by Iklitiyaruddin

Gliazi Shah, of whom nothing is known.

In 1341, Ibn Batutah travelled in Bengal, and visited Sunargaon, but

he gives us no description of the city. He narrates that Shaida, formerly

a faqir, having been appointed naib of Satgaon, revolted and fled to Sunar¬

gaon. Fakhruddin sent an army to besiege the city ; but the inhabitants

afraid for their lives, seized the unfortunate Shaida, and sent him prisoner to

the king who put him to death.

1874.]

85

J. Wise — Notes on Sunargaon , 'Eastern 'Bengal .

Ghazf Shall succumbed to Shamsuddin Ilyas Shah, who struck coins in.

Sunargaon from 758 to 758 A. H. (A. D. 1352 to 1356). It was during

his reign that the independence of Bengal was for the first time recognised

at Dihli.

On the coins Sun&rgaon is designated “ Hazrat i Jalal,” a title after¬

wards given to Mu’azzamabad,# which was made the mint city, probably in

the reign of Sikandar Shah, son of Shamsuddin. The name of Mu’azzam-

abad is found on coins from 1358 to 1379 ; but others with the name of

Sikandar Shah, and stamped at Sunargaon, with the years from 1355 to

1362 marked on them, have been deciphered.

In 1367, Ghiyasuddin, son of the reigning monarch, rebelled and fled to

Sunargaon ; there he collected an army and marched against his father.

The two armies met at Gowalpara, near Ja’farganj, in the Dhaka district,

and nearly opposite the junction of the Ganges and Jabuna. The father

was carried off the field mortally wounded. Eighty yearsf ago, his tomb

was still pointed out in the neighbourhood. Ghiyasuddin, whose title was

A’zam Shah, ascended the throne. He is chiefly famous for his correspon¬

dence with the poet Hafiz, whom he tried to induce to come and reside at

his court. It is this monarch’s tomb that is still shown at Sunargaon ( vide

below and pi. VIII).

Sunargaon in the 14tli century seems to have been renowned for holy

and learned men, and history informs us that Jait Mai ( Jalaluddin), when

he abandoned the Hindu religion, summoned from Sunargaon Shaikh Zahid,

to instruct him in the doctrines of Islam and direct him in the management

of his kingdom.

It was probably about this time that Sunargaon swarmed with pirs,

faqirs, and other religious mendicants, to a greater extent perhaps than any

other Indian city. Amidst the ruins and forest of modern Sunargaon

natives assert that at least 150 “ gaddis” of faqirs are distinguishable.

Why they should have resorted to this distant city, is difficult to explain.

In 1582, the khal^ah, or exchequer, lands of Bengal were settled by

* About twelve miles north-west of Sunargaon, on the opposite bank of the Brahma¬

putra, is an old village, which gave its name to one of the parganahs of Sirkar Sunargaon,

called Mu’azzampur, which Mr. Blochmann identifies with Mu’zzamabad. The only old

building there now is the Dargah of Shah Langar. It attracts Muhammadan pilgrims

from long distances, who make offerings on a stone which is believed to bear the holy

man’s foot-print.

f The tomb of this monarch is, I believe, still shown in the famous Adfnah mosque at

Panduah, built by him. The tradition, however, in this District is that he was buried where

he fell. On the west of Ja’farganj, where the Jabuna flows at the present time, stood a

village called Goariah, where a Dargah of Sikandar Shah, and a langarkhanah, or hospital,

erected by Jahangir, are said to have been. The “ oldest inhabitant” is positive, how¬

ever, that this dargah was that of a faqir, and not that of a king.

86

J. Wise — Notes on Sunargaon, Eastern Bengal.

[No. 1,

Rajah Todar Mai. The ninth sirkar was Sunargaon. Its boundaries were

the Brahmaputra on the west, Silhat on the north, and the then indepen¬

dent principality of Tiparah on the east. It included the present large

parganah of Bikrampur in Dhaka, Baldak’hal, Dak’hin Shahbazpur,Dandera,

Chandpur in Tiparah, and Jogdiah in Noakhali.

It is noteworthy that the city of Dhaka was included in the seventh

sirkar, that of Bazuha.

In 1586, Mr. Ralph Fitch visited Sunargaon. He is the only English

traveller who has left any description of it. He found the country in a very

unsettled state. The great city of Sripore* at the junction of the Megna

and Padda or Kirfcumnasa was in rebellion under its chaudharf or chief-

magistrate against the reigning monarch “ Zibaldim Ecliebar” (Jalaluddin

Akbar).

From Sripore Mr. Fitch proceeded to Sunargaon, which was only five

leagues distant. “ King Isacan” (’Isa Khan) then ruled the city.

Owing to the incursions of Portuguese and Mag marauders, the seat of

the Muhammadan government was transferred from Rajmahall to Dhaka in

1608. It is interesting to mark how the name of Sunargaon now disappears

from the writings of the early European travellers, and that of Dhaka takes

its place. It is not named by Linschoten (1589), and Sir T. Roe (1615) men¬

tions that the chief cities of Bengal were “ Rajmahall and Dekaka.” Sir J.

Herbert (1630), however, includes Sunargaon with Bucola, Seriepore, and

Chatigam, among “ the rich and well-peopled towns upon the Granges.” Man-

delsloe (1639) writes of “ Rajmahall, Kaka or Daka, Pliilipatum, and Sati-

gam.” In the “ Cosmographie” of Peter Heylyn, published in 1657,

Sunargaon is placed on an island in the main stream of the Ganges.

Of the subsequent history of the city little is known, but the following fact

I have ascertained. Sayyid Ghularn Muqtafa, the representative of a family

which has held “lakharaj,” or rent-free, land at Sa’dipur close to Sunargaon for

several centuries, possesses a most interesting document which affords insight

into the fate of the city. This document, or ‘ mahzarnamah,’ is a petition from

his ancestor to the emperor, soliciting a renewal of the sanad by which the

property was held. It is signed by several of the inhabitants of Sunargaon,

and endorsed with the seals of two Qazis of the city. The witnesses testify

from their own observation that Sunargaon was pillaged by the Mags, and

that all the papers belonging to the Sa’dipur family were carried off. Un¬

fortunately this petition has no date to it ; but the sanad sent in reply,

* Near Rajabari, where these two great rivers meet, an island called Sripur has

always existed. There is still a tradition that it was formerly a place of great trade. At

the present day, this island has joined on to the main land and is called Sripur Tek,

i. e., Sripur Point. There was formerly a custom-house here, where sdyir , or transit

duties were collected by the government.

1874.]

87

J. Wise — Notes on Sunargaon , Eastern Bengal.

signed by Shah Jahan, bears the date A. II. 1033 (A. D. 1623). As Jahan¬

gir was then reigning, his son Shah Jahan probably signed for his father.

This supposition is confirmed by the words “ A’la Hazrat,” which are used

to distinguish the monarch.

From that date until the present, nothing is recorded of Sunargaon. Tn

Major Fennells “ Memoir,” published in 1785, he describes the city as

having “ dwindled to a village.” In 1809, Dr. Buchanan came to this part

of the country with the intention of visiting Sunargaon. The parganah#

he found was called Sunargaon ; but he was told that its proper name was

Udhabganj.f He was also informed that Subarnagram, or Sunargaon,

had been swept entirely away by the Brahmaputra, and had been situated a

little south from where the custom house of Kalagachln now stands. This

information was very incorrect. The city that tradition places south of

Kalagachln' was Sripur, and is nearly fifteen miles south-west of Sunargaon.

Sunargaon is often mentioned by Muhammadan historians ; but Mr.

Blochmann informs me that it is not described by any of them. By Ibn

Batutah it is designated as “ impregnable,” or, as the word may be also

rendered, “ inaccessible.” On his arrival at Sunargaon, Ibn Batutah found a

junk preparing to sail for Java, which proves that even in the 14tli century

it must have been a mart of some importance.

It is to Mr. Balph Fitch, “ Merchant of London,” that we are indebted

for the only extant account of the city. He writes : “ Sunargaon is a town

five leagues from Sripore, where there is the best and finest cloth made of

cotton that is in all India. The chief king of all these countries is called

Isacan, and he is chief of all the other kings, and he is a great friend to all

Christians. The houses here, as they lie in most part of India, are very lit¬

tle, and covered with straw, and have a few mats round about the walls and

the door, to keep out the tigers and the foxes ; many of the people are very

rich. Here they will eat no flesh, nor kill no beast ; they live on rice, milk,

and fruits. They go with a little cloth before them, and all the rest of their

body is naked. Great store of cotton cloth goeth from hence, and much

rice, wherewith they serve all India, Ceylon, Pegu, Malacca, Sumatra, and

many other places.”

About the same period, according to the Am-i-Akbarf, sirkar Sunar¬

gaon was renowned for the very beautiful cloth called khagah, fabricated

there, and also for a large reservoir of water in the town of Kayarah Sundar,

which gave a peculiar whiteness to the cloth washed in it.

Modern Sunargaon. — The following account of the old buildings of

Sunargaon was the result of a visit made in January, 1872. It includes a

description of all that are known to the residents.

#

t

Montgomery Martin’s Eastern Bengal, vol. III., page 43.

Udliabganj is a village, about a mile east of Sunargaon on the Mmakhali River.

83

J. Wise — Notes on Sundry don, Eastern Bengal. [No. 1,

I. — Ednch Pir Ear g ah, in Mahallah Bdghalpur.- — It is in a very ruin¬

ous state. The wall surrounding the enclosure has fallen down in places,

and several large jungle trees grow close to the tombs, and will ultimately

destroy them. The sepulchres of these five Pfrs are placed parallel to one

another, and are raised about four feet from the ground. The river Brahma¬

putra must in former days have flowed past them. It was at one time

intended to cover the tombs with a roof, but the pillars never rose higher

than a few feet. The age of those graves, the names of the holy men, and

the country whence they came, are unknown to fame ; the natives are

satisfied by telling that they came from the ‘ pachhim,’ i. e., west, and they

cannot understand why anybody should wish to know more. At the south¬

west corner of the enclosure is a small uninteresting mosque, which, like the

tombs, is rapidly falling into ruin.

This dargali is considered so sacred that even Hindus salaam as they

pass, and Muhammadan pilgrims resort to it from great distances. There

are only two other shrines to which Muhammadans make pilgrimages in

Eastern Bengal — one is the tomb of Shall ’All at Mirpur, a few miles north

of Dhaka ; the other is the dargah of Pir Badr Auliya at Chatgaon. The

latter is the patron saint of all Hindu and Muhammadan boatmen and fisher¬

men in Eastern Bengal.

II. — About five hundred yards south-east, on the edge of a filthy

trench called “ Mag Diglii,” is the tomb of Ghiyasuddin A’zam Shah,

king of Bengal, and correspondent of the poet Hafiz. This tomb has

fallen to pieces. The iron clamps that bound the slabs together have

rusted, and the roots of trees have undermined the massive stones. This

mausoleum formerly consisted of a ponderous stone which occupied the cen¬

tre, surrounded by pillars about five feet in height. These stones are all

beautifully carved, and the corners of the slabs and the arabesque tracery

are as perfect as the day they left the workman’s hands. The stones are

formed of hard, almost black, basalt. Vide pi. VIII.*

At the head is a prostrate sandstone pillar half buried in earth. It was

apparently used, when erect, as a chiraghddn , or stand for a light.

This tomb might be easily repaired, and the cost of doing so would be

inconsiderable. There is no old building in Eastern Bengal which gives a

better idea of Muhammadan taste than this ruined sepulchre ; and there is

none, when properly repaired, which would so long defy the ravages of time.

The Muhammadans of Sunargaon are too poor to reconstruct it themselves.

They take great pride in showing it, although they know nothing about it

but the name of the Sultan who is buried there, and they take every care

that none of the stones are carried off. Unless Government undertakes the re¬

erection of this handsome tomb, it is not likely that anything will ever be done.

* The lithograph was made from a photograph taken by Mr. W. Brennand,

Principal of the Dhaka College.

1874. j

89

J. Wise — Notes on Sun 6 rg don, Eastern Bengal.

What increases the surprise of the visitor at seeing this tomb is the

contrast between these beautifully carved stones strewing the bank of a filthy

hole and the wild luxuriance of the surrounding forest. In close proximity

are various tombs, reported to be those of the monarch’s ministers. The

roots of trees have destroyed them, and nothing now remains to mark the

spot except the brick “ pushta,” which preserves the mounds from being

washed away.

III. — The village of Magrapara is considered by the natives of Sunar-

gaon to be the site of the ancient city. It has in its immediate neighbour¬

hood several undoubtedly old buildings, and within a short distance is an

eminence which still bears the name of “ Damdamah,” or fort. This mound,

which has a magnificent tamarind tree growing on its top, is circular, but

no traces of fortifications are visible. It has been used for many years by

the Muhammadans as their ‘ ’ Ashurkhanah’ during the Muharram. On the

tenth day, all the garlands and ornaments that are made in place of ta'ziyahs

are here collected and admired by the people.

In the small market of Magrapara is the tomb of Munna Shah Darwish.

At the foot, a light is always burned at night. Every orthodox Muham¬

madan as he passes the tomb stops and mutters a prayer. This saint, about

whom nothing is known, is said to have lived at the same time as the more

famous Pir whose tomb stands a little to the north. This latter is called the

dargah of Khundkar Muhammad Yusuf. It contains the tombs of the

saint, of his father, and of his wife. It consists of two elongated dome-

roofed buildings, each surmounted by two pinnacles covered with or formed

of gold.

If any attempt is made to steal the balls, the residents assert that the

thief will certainly be struck blind. Some hardened sinner, however, has of

late years succeeded in cutting off one ; but the believers in this tale cannot

tell what his fate was. These tombs are destitute of any ornament inside.

They are kept scrupulously clean, and are covered with sheets, on which

devotees throw a few pith-necklaces. When a ryot has reaped an unusually

abundant harvest, he, in gratitude, presents a few bundles of ripe rice at the

tomb. If any calamity, as the illness of a member of his family, is threaten¬

ing, he brings rice, or “ batasa,” and prays the saint to avert the affliction.

Hindus are as confident of the efficacy of this propitiatory offering, and as

frequently employ it as the Muhammadans.

Close to the tombs is a modern Masjid with a “ kitabali,” or inscription,

dated A. H. 1112 (A. D. 1700). It was probably erected by the Pir

Muhammad Yusuf. Facing the mosque is a small grave-yard, enclosed by a

brickwall. The graves are numerous, but none are of any celebrity.

Inserted in the wall at the left-hand side of the entrance is a large, black

stone (2 feet by 1|). The natives believe that if a person has lost any

M

00 J. Wise — Notes on Sunargaon, Eastern Bengal. [No. 1,

property, lie has only to put a coating of lime on this stone and he will infalli¬

bly get the property back. It was covered with an inch and three quarters

of lime at the date it was examined. On scraping off the plaster a beautiful

Tughra inscription was found, with the name Jalaluddin Fath Shah, A. H.

S89 (A. D. 1484). # This is the oldest inscription discovered in the Dhaka

district, with the exception of the one on A'dam Shahid’s tomb in Bikrampur,

which bears the same king’s name and the date, A. H. 888.

On the roadside near Magrapara are two other inscribed stones. The

writing on both is continuous. It includes the name and title of ’Ala-ud-

din Husain Shah, A. H. 919 (A. D. 15l3).f

Close to the tomb above mentioned is a ruined gateway called the

u Naubatkhanah,” where musical instruments were sounded morning and

evening to announce to travellers and faqirs that a place of shelter was at hand.

At the back of the mosque are the ruins of a house called the “ Taliwil,” or

treasury, where, within the memory of many living, feasts were given by the

superintendent, or mutawalli, of the mosque. The present holder of this post

is too poor to entertain anybody. Still further to the north-west are the ruins

of the dwellings of the Khundkars. It is only within late years that this

building, which had an upper room at each end, has become uninhabitable.

The last residents taught boys to recite the Qoran. Now-a-days no educa¬

tion is given in any part of Sunargaon to Muhammadans.

In the Mahallali north of Magrapara, called G-ohatta, is the tomb of a

very celebrated Pir, known as Shah ’Abdul ’Ala, alias Ponkai Diwan. It is

narrated that he retired to the forest, where he sat for twelve years so

absorbed in his devotions that he was unconscious of the lapse of time.

When found, he had to be dug out of the mound the white-ants (ponka) had

raised around him, and which reached to his neck. The same story is told

of Valmiki the sage, and of others. This Pir must have died near the end of

the last century, as his son Shah Imam Bakhsh alias Chulu Miyan came,

within the recollection of many living, from Silhat to die at Sunargaon.

Father and son lie buried close together. At the head of the former is

placed the lattice-stone on which he spent his memorable twelve years. The

tombs are otherwise of no interest. They are merely mud heaps kept

carefully clean and covered over with a grass thatch.

In this same quarter a very large mosque formerly stood which was

believed to have been built by the kings. It fell into ruins, and the proprie¬

tor sold the bricks to Hindus of Narayanganj. Muhammadans extenuate

tliis offence by asserting that the proprietor, who was a pensioned deputy-

magistrate, was insane when he did it. The foundations even are being

dug up. The walls had been eight feet thick. The remains of one of the

* Vide J. A. S. B., 1873, Part I, p. 285.

f Vide J. A. S. B., 1872, Part I, p. 333.

1874.]

91

J. Wise — Notes on Sundrgdont Eastern Bengal,

“mihrabs” still standing, proved that tlie interior had been ornamented

by carved bricks ; no inscription was to be found.

IV. — On the road side east of Magrapara is a small mosque, called the

Yusufganj Masjid. It is rapidly going to pieces, as the dome is covered

with masses of pipal trees, whose roots have penetrated into the interior.

Its walls are 6 feet If inches thick, which accounts for its standing erect

so long.

V. — Beyond the village of Habibpur, on the right hand side of the

road, is the tomb of “ Pagla Sahib,” a very insignificant building. Various

stories are told of the reason this Pir received such a singular name. One

is that he became “ mast,” or light-headed, from the intensity of his devotions.

Another, that he was a great thief-catcher, that he nailed every thief he

caught to a wall, and then beheaded him. Having strung several heads

together, he threw them into an adjoining “ khal,” which has ever since

been known as the munda mala , i. e. necklace of heads. This tomb is so

venerated that parents, Hindu and Muhammadan, dedicate at the tomb the

chonti,” or queue, of their child when dangerously ill. A little further on>

the road crosses a nalah by a very fine Muhammadan bridge of great age.

It is generally called the Kampan i ice ganj ka pul.

VI. — In a quarter near this, called Bari Makhlas, is a comparatively

modern mosque, erected by Shaikh Gharibullah, a former janehandar, or

examiner of cloth, to the Company. It bears the date A. H. 1182 (A. D.

1768), and it is still used by the Muhammadans living in the neighbour¬

hood. Its pinnacles are made of glazed pottery, but the building generally

is plain and devoid of interest.

VII. — Painam, although a most singular village, possesses few ancient

buildings. There is, however, a fine Muhammadan bridge of three arches,

called the Dallalpur pul, over which the road goes to the Kampani Jed Jcofhi.

The roadway is very steep. It is formed of bricks arranged in circles of

about five feet in diameter. The adjoining bridge leading into Painam

village is made in the same way. These circles of bricks are kept in place

by several large pillars of basalt laid flat at the toe or rise of the bridges.

The old Kampani kd Jcofhi is a quadrangular two-storied, native, brick

building, with an arcaded court -yard inside. It was a hired house, and is

now occupied by Hindu karmakars, or smiths.

In the one street of Painam is a modern and very ugly temple of Shiva,

ornamented with numerous pinnacles.

In Aminpur the ruins of the abode of the royal krori , or tax-gatherer, is

shown. Like all old ruins, it is said to contain fabulous treasures protected

by most venomous snakes. A descendant of this family still resides in the

neighbourhood. Close to his residence are the ruins of an old Hindu

building, the only one existing in Sunargaon. It is called “jhikoti,” a

92 J. Wise — Notes on Sunargaon, Eastern Bengal, [No. 1,

term applied to a building with an elongated dome roof formed of concrete,

and with the walls pierced with numerous openings. It was formerly used

for religious purposes.

VIII. — In the division called Goaldih, which consists of dense and

impenetrable jungle traversed by a few foot-paths, are two mosques. The

first is called ’Abdul Hamid’s Masjid. It is in good preservation, being a

comparatively modern structure. Its “ kitabah” bears the date A. H.

1116, (A. D. 1705).

About a hundred yards to the south is the oldest mosque in Sunargaon.

The residents call it the purdnd, or old, Goaldih mosque. Its kitabah had

fallen out, but had been carefully preserved in the interior. On this stone

is inscribed the name of ’Ala-uddin Husain Shah, A. H. 925 (A. H. 1519).*

This curious old mosque is fast going to ruin ; pipal trees are growing

luxuriantly on the dome, which is cracked, and will soon fall in, and creepers

are clinging to the outside walls and aiding in the destruction.

It is built of red brick. Its exterior was formerly ornamented by

finely carved bricks in imitation of flowers, but neglect and the lapse of

centuries has left few uninjured. The interior is 16£ feet square. The

square walls, as they ascend, become transformed into an octagon. At each

corner are quarter domes or arches, and from the intermediate space or

“ pendentive” the dome rises. As usual there are three “ mihrabs.” The

centre one is formed of dark basaltic stones, beautifully carved and orna¬

mented with arabesque work. The two side ones are of brick, boldly cut

and gracefully arranged. The bricks in the archways have been ground

smooth by manual labour, and have not been moulded. The pillars at the

doorways are sandstone, evidently the plunder of some Hindu shrine.

Until twenty years ago this mosque was used for worship. The khadim,

or servant, having died, no care was taken of the building, and the dome

threatened to fall in, so that worshippers migrated to the modern mosque.

As they do at all the old buildings in Sunargaon, Hindus salaam as

they pass this Masjid.

IX. — Beneath a “ gular,” or wild fig tree, near Sa’dipur is a mound with

a large stone inscribed in Tughra characters. Where it came from, or to

what it belonged, no one knew. In the inscription the name of Sultan

Naqiruddin Nu^at Shah, A. H. 929 (A. D. 1523), is written. f

This stone was carefully removed and deposited in a place of safety at

Sa’dipur.

X. — The only other memorial of former days worth mentioning is the

large Kha$nagar tank, south of Painam. It covers 9f acres. The age

of this reservoir is unknown. A few bricks on the west side are evidently

* Vide J. A. S. B., 1873, Part I, p. 295.

f Vide J. A. S. B., 1872, p. 338.

1874.] J. Wise — Notes on Sunargaon, Eastern Bengal. 93

the remains of a ghat. This tank has been gradually silting up, and in the

month of April there is only six feet of water in it. In former days its banks

were covered with the huts of weavers, who found that its water made their

muslins remarkably white. The weavers have died out; but the dhobis

who wash clothes in the tank now, assert that the purifying quality of the

water surpasses that of any other tank or well.

Regarding the site of the old fort of Sunargaon the residents can give

little information. They state that a fort and a mosque, with its dome

made of lac, formerly stood on the east of the modern village of Baid Bazar,

where the Megna now flows. This is the most likely place for it to have

stood, as it would have protected the city from the incursions of piratical

ships coming up the river on the east.

Any account of Sunargaon would be imperfect that did not mention

the changes in the course of the Brahmaputra, which must have had a

most important influence in the selection of the site and on its prosperity.

It is a curious fact that the Kalika Purana poetically relates, that when

Balaram cut though the Himalayas with his axe to allow a passage for

the pent up waters of the Brahmakund, the goddesses Lakhya and J abuna

both sought to marry the youthful Brahmaputra. The god made choice

of the former, and their streams were blended into one. Within the last

century, however, the waters of the Lakhya have been gradually drying

up, while the main stream of the great river has joined with that of the

Jabuna.

In the neighbourhood of Sunargaon are two places connected in story

with the earliest Hindu epics. Nangalband, i. e., the place where the

plough stopped, is the spot where Balaram checked his plough when he

undertook to plough the Brahmaputra from its source. Near this is Pancho-

mi Ghat, where the five Pandu brothers, while in their twelve years’ exile,

are traditionally said to have bathed. At both of these places thousands

of Hindus annually resort to bathe, when the moon of the month of Chait

is in a certain lunar mansion. These ancient legends appear to point to a

period when the cultivated land terminated at Nangalband. The red laterite

soil, which extends from the Garo Hills through the Bhowal jungles, crops

up here and there in the northern parganahs. In Sunargaon, however, no

traces of it are visible. That the alluvium washed down from the hills

should first of all be deposited at the termination of this hard formation is

most probable, and it was perhaps on this account, as well as on the

inaccessibility of the place itself, that the Hindu princes expelled from

Central BengaPwere induced to found a city here.

In the distribution of the sirkars of Bengal by Rajah Todar Mall,

the Brahmaputra* is said to have bounded Sunargaon on the west. It

does so at the present day ; but the stream that bears that name is a shallow

* Ibn Batuta calls the Brahmaputra Al-nahr ulazra q, ‘ the blue river’.

94

J. Wise — Notes on Sunargaon, Eastern Bengal. [No. 1,

one. On the north-west of Sunargaon, however, the dry bed of a river,

which at one time must have been three or four miles broad, is still distinct.

The Minakhali river, which now-a-days connects the Megna and Brahma¬

putra, was probably the course that the former took at some early date on

its way to join the Lakliya opposite Narayanganj. This supposition is

supported by the fact that when Islam Khan built forts to prevent the Mag

marauders from passing up the rivers, the site of one was Hajiganj ; of a

second, “ Triveni,” the confluence of three streams, (which could only be

the Megna, Brahmaputra, and Lakhya) ; and of a third, Munshiganj ; that

this was the course of the Brahmaputra in former days seems certain. The

old bed of the Brahmaputra still exists at Munshiganj, and on its banks

is held the time-honoured fair of the Baruni, or Yaruni, in the month of

Ivartik. The spot where this religious festival is held in honour of “ the

god of water,” is where the Brahmaputra and the Burhiganga meet. The

Burliiganga, or Dhaka Biver, was the old bed of the Granges, when it flowed

through the great swamps still existing between Nator and Ja’farganj.

Old Sunargaon would in this case be favourably situated, being protected

from the incursions of the hated Muhammadans by the Ganges and Brahma¬

putra on the west, and from the inroads of the savage hill tribes by the

Megna on the east.

In Bennell’s maps, published in 17S5, the main stream of the Brahma¬

putra joins the Megna at Bhairab Bazar, as a small branch does at the

present day. Seventy years ago, this was, I understand, the route followed in

the hot season by all boats going to and from Asam and Calcutta, and it is

not two generations since the Balesar k’hal, which runs through Sunargaon,

was navigable all the year round.

Although it is impossible to fix the date of any of these changes, yet

there is every probability that in the days when Sunargaon was a royal

city, its walls were washed by one or other of these great rivers. A visit

to the jungle of Sunargaon, intersected as it is by trenches of stagnant

water and obstructed by raised mounds, suggests the idea that formerly

the abodes of the people were elevated above the highest tides, and that

the city was traversed by numerous canals and natural creeks. No situa

tion could have been better adapted for a conquered people, whose safety

lay in the rivers by which they were surrounded and in the boats which

they possessed.

The site of the ancient Sunargaon is covered by dense vegetation,

through which a few winding footpaths pass. The inhabitants are few.

The children are all sickly and suffering from spleen disease. The men are

generally puny, and so apathetic, that they have not the energy to cut

down the jungle, in the midst of which their houses are buried. In the

rains all locomotion is by boat. The stagnant holes and swamps of the

95

1874.] J. Wise — Notes on Sunargaon, Eastern Bengal.

cold season are then practicable, and the small native boats are punted

throughout the jungle between the artificial mounds. In the cold season,

these holes contain the most offensive water, laden with decaying vege¬

table matter. On the banks the largest alligators are seen basking con¬

tentedly. The trees are chiefly mangoes, the remains of former prosperity.

One decayed stump at Sa’dipur is still shown as the identical tree of which

the unfortunate Shah Shuja’ ate while he halted at Sunargaon. This variety

is still called “ Shuja’-pasand.” Throughout the jungle wild guava, belj

almond, and her trees are found. It is told by the residents with pride — as

if the fact reflected honour on Sunargaon — that one “ khirni” tree (Mimu-

sops Kauki) grows there, while in Dhaka only two specimens exist. The

“ gulab jaman” that grows here is reputed to be of unusual delicacy.

Sunargaon pan is celebrated. It is known as “ kafuri,” from the aroma it

gives off when chewed, and is sold at the price of two biras (96 leaves) a

rupee, while the next quality, u sacln,” sells at sixy^’sd, and the “ sadah”

at four to fi vq paisa. The “mung dal” is also highly esteemed, and it sur¬

passes in quality that grown in any other part of Eastern Bengal.

“ Sarhi bliaja,” or fried cream, is not prepared in any other place of

this district, although it is, I believe, a common article of diet in Patna.

The method of preparing it is only known to the manufacturers. A celebra¬

ted kind of dahi , or curd, is also made here. It is known as that of “ Hari

Das Khani.” It sells for four times the price of the country clalii.

The manufacture of the fine muslins, for which Sunargaon was famous

in former days, is now all but extinct. English thread is solely used by

the weavers, and the famous “ phuti kapas” is never cultivated. In the

Baqirganj district, I believe, a little is still grown, but it is only used in

making Brahmanical threads, for which English cotton is inadmissible.

The only muslin now manufactured by the Hindu and Muhammadan

weavers at Sunargaon is “ malmal.” Jamadani, or embroidered cloth, is

no longer worked at Sunargaon, although it is at Dhamrai, Uttar Shahpur,

and Qadam-Rasul, in the neighbourhood. The art of weaving the still

finer muslins, such as “ tan-zib,” “ sliabnam,” and “ ab-rawan,” is unknown

at the present day.

The decay of the cotton manufactures of Sunargaon dated from the

end of last century, when the Company ceased to purchase muslins. Before

this change, as much as a lakh of rupees was annually distributed from tire

factory of Sunargaon to the weavers, and it is estimated that there were

then 1,400 families of Hindu and Muhammadan weavers in and around

Dallalpur. In the whole of Sunargaon it is said that not more than fifty

looms are now at work.

Another cause of the falling; off in the manufacture of the finest

muslins was the stoppage of the annual investment, called “ malbus i kha^.”

9(3 J. Wise — Notes on Sunargaon, Eastern Bengal. [No. 1,

The zananah of the Dihli emperors was supplied with these delicate cloths

of Sunargaon and Dhaka ; and in Aurangzib’s reign a lakh and thirty thou¬

sand rupees were yearly expended under this head.

The unhealthiness of Sunargaon has been another cause of the decline

of the cotton trade, but the most influential of all has been the introduction

of cheap English thread, which can be woven into cloth at a much lower

price than the native can. A great trade in cotton cloth, chiefly English

piece-goods, is carried on at Painam. The majority of the residents are

prosperous merchants, who make extensive purchases in Calcutta and Dhaka,

which are disposed of in the villages around.

The separation at the present day of the Muhammadan and Hindu

population of Sunargaon is unusual. In all the mahallahs to the north and

west of Magrapara, nine-tenths of the villagers are Muhammadans, while

in those to the east the Hindu greatly preponderate. In Painam again there

is not a single Muhammadan. The householders are chiefly ta’luqahdars, who

pay the Government revenue direct to the Dhaka treasury. There are ninety

of them in this village. There is also a superfluity of JBrahmans. In Painam

the castes are as follows — thirty houses of Brahmans, sixty-five of Saos,

five of Bhuimalis, and the remainder of Barbers, &c. At Aminpur there is

a Government school where the children of these families receive education.

The Muhammadans of Sunargaon are contented to remain uneducated ;

very few can even read the Qor&n, and they have consequently all become

Earazis. There are no pirs or faqirs resident at Sunargaon now. The

superintendent of the mosque at Magrapara is a native of Medinlpur,

who has not as yet acquired the respect of the people. The one man to

whom every one resorts for advice and help, and who is regarded as the

most holy pir in Eastern Bengal, is Shah Karim ’All- He was born in

Silhat, and his residence for many years has been Jagannathpur in the

Tiparali district. He is popularly believed to have the power of raising

from the dead, and of causing rain to fall at his pleasure.

Sunargaon is too poor to support saints now, so the saints have migrated

to places where the alms of the rich will furnish them with the luxuries

which in this degenerate age they find to be necessary.

The Muhammadan women of Sunargaon are all “ pardah-nishin.”

With the changes in the course of the rivers they have been put to much

inconvenience and expense. They are no longer able to visit their friends

by stepping into a boat and being rowed to the house. They have either

to stay at home, or make the trip in a palki.

There are several families in Sunargaon who claim to be descendants

of the old Qazis, but there are none who call themselves Mughuls. Only

one man, who is still looked up to as the descendant of an official of

the days when Sunargaon was a royal city, has the unmistakable colour and

features of the high-born Tatar race.

1874.]

97

Note on a new gold coin of Mahmud Shah bin Muhammad Shah bin

Tughlug Shah, of Dihli. — Bg J. G-. Delmerick, Esq.. Dihli.

(With a woodcut.)

Muhammad bin Tughluq Shah died, according to Zia i Barani, near

Tattali, on the 21st Muharram, A. H. 752 ; and three days after his death,

Shams i Siraj relates that Firuz Shah assumed the robes of sovereignty in

camp, and shortly after marched via Dipalpur and Sirsa to Dihli.

In the meanwhile, at Dihli, Khwajah Jahan, a relation of the late king

and Governor of the Capital, on hearing of the death of Sultan Muhammad,

placed a boy, aged six years, a son of the late king, upon the throne. The

name of this son is not given by either Ziauddin Barani or Shams i Siraj,

who both write of him as a pretended or supposititious son. Several other

Historians whose works I have consulted, are also silent as regards his

name or title, but both are correctly given in the Khulagat ut-Tawarfkh of

Sujan Bai K’hatri, a comparatively modern compilation. My edition of

Firishtah erroneously calls him Muhammad, the same as his father.

Firishtah, however, thought that there was strong reason for believing that

the child set up at Dihli by Khwajah Jahan was actually a son of Muham¬

mad bin Tughluq. *

Firuz Shall marched to Dihli, and on his approaching the city,

Khwajah Jahan finding that nearly all the adherents of the young king

had forsaken him, and joined the popular aspirant, went out himself to

Fathabad to meet Firuz Shah and to obtain forgiveness.*

Firuz Shah personally wished to forgive him, for he was a very old

man ; but it was deemed impolitic to do so by the royal advisers, and he

was therefore decapitated.

The fate of the child, the hapless pageant of royalty, is unknown and

has not been recorded ; but it is not improbable that he, too, like his aged

relative, Khwajah Jahan, met with a tragic end.

Firuz Shah entered Dihli on the 22nd Bajab, 752.

* Vide page 285, Vol. Ill, of Elliot’s Muhammadan Historians, by Dowsou.

98

J. G. Delmerick — Note on a new gold coin.

[No. 1,

Gold Coin.

Obverse —

Reverse —

Rare, A. H. 752.# Weight, 170 grains.

^Ual^Ji J$u.ali3 ^ Cy+xz'Q jjU dj+zz'0

V6T

# When the coin was exhibited at the April Meeting of the Society, Mr. Blochraann

took the date of the coin to be 754, A. H., and interpreted the issue as pointing to an

unsuccessful rebellion in Dibit during the absence of Ffruz Shah in Bengal; vide

Proceedings, April, 1874. He also stated that another specimen was in the possession of

General Cunningham, C. S. I., who, in 1872, had described it in one of his letters to the

Society. Mr. Delmerick has now procured a third specimen, the date of which is distinctly

752 A. H. The Editors.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Part I. — HISTORY, LITERATURE, &c.

No. II.— 1874.

Note on a hoard of 543 Sassanian Coins in the possession of Col. II.

Hyde, B. JE. — By The Honoeable E. C. Bayley, C. S. I.

(With a plate.)

I enclose for the information of the Asiatic Society a tabulated analy¬

sis of a hoard of 543 Sassanian coins, which has recently been acquired by

Col. Hyde, 14. E., and which he has been good enough to submit to me for

examination. As will be observed, it consists wholly of the coins of three

kings — Khusru I. (the celebrated Nauslurwan) ; Hormazd IV., surnamed

il Turkzadah and Khusru II. Parwiz. There are 42 coins of Khusru I.,

103 of Hormazd IV., 394 of Khusru II., besides four the legends on which

are not legible, but of which two may safely be assigned to Khusru II., and

the other to one or other of the two preceding kings.

The coins of all other kings are wanting, even those of Varahran Cliobin,

the usurper general who contested the succession with Khusru II.

Whether this is accidental or not I cannot say. It possibly may he due

to the calling in and recoinage of the money of his earlier predecessors by

Khusru II., whose own coinage was certainly very large.

The dates on the coins range from the 1st 3^ear of Khusru I. to the

39th (or last) of Khusru II., that is, from 530 or 531, A. D. to 628, A. D.

There are a few dates missing, notably the first years both of Hor¬

mazd IV. and Khusru II.

There can, however, I think from the character of the hoard be little

doubt that it was concealed immediately on the deposition of Khusru II.

100 Hon. E. C. Bayley — Note on a hoard of 543 Sassanian Coins. [No. 2,

and in anticipation of the troubles which eventually followed that

occurrence.

It is then clear of all Muhammadan influence, and this may be a matter

of some importance in respect to the marginal marks which are found on

the obverse of some of the coins of Khusru II. The only marks to be

found in this hoard are all evidently expressive of the same formula, what¬

ever that may be, which when clearly written, appears to be -3 aU ,

though this is sometimes altered into ^ , &c., apparently carelessly,

as may be seen by the gradations in which these last two are derived from

the first, which I take to be some form of the word “ afzud.”

No such marks are found in any of the coins in this hoard, of earlier

dates than the 11th year of Khusru’s reign. They are not found at all on

the coins of some mintages, as, for example, on the mintages marked 1, 2,

8, 10, 12, 13, 14, 18, 19, in the accompanying table. I may add, however,

that on another coin, dated the 20th year of Khusru II. and with the

mint mark No. 8 ( which was not found in this* hatch ), I have found another

“ countermark,” viz. : •

Can this indicate that this separate coin was a mere reproduction of

Khusru II. ’s type, struck after his death ? for none of the large batch, which

were clearly struck in his lifetime, have any other countermark than those

I have described.

It is, however, to be said that the application of these marks seems to

have been very capricious ; for they do not appear, when adopted, to have

been continuously used, and they sometimes are not found on the coins of mint

cities which show them both on earlier and later dated coins, and similar

coins of the same mint and year will be countermarked or plain indiffer¬

ently.

As Mr. Thomas is engaged in identifying the mint cities, I have not

made any attempt in this direction ; and the only other remark which

occurs to me is that apparently the obverses have first been struck and

then the reverse, as in process of minting the symmetry of the obverse

impression is very frequently destroyed.

N. B. The small figures above the dates in the accompanying table in¬

dicate the number of coins (if more than one) of the year in question ; thus

Khusru I. 292 means that there are two coins dated in the 29th year of

Khusru I. of the same mintage.

# It was brought from Herat by Capt. Marsh.

1874.] Hon. E. C. Bayley — Note on a hoard of 543 Sassanian Coins. 101

Catalogue of Sassanian Coins, the property of Colonel Hyde, R. E., brought

to India from Baghdad, and apparently constituting one find.

* These numbers refer to the mintmarks of the accompanying plate.

102 Hon. E. C. Bayley — Note on a hoard of 543 Sassanian Coins. [No. 2,

1874.] Hon. E. C. Bayley — Note on a hoard of 543 Sassanian Coins. 103

104

[No. 2,

Note on ilie Pdlam Baoli Inscription. — By Ba'jenrrala'la Mitra.

(With a plate.)

A transcript of this record, together with an Urdu translation, has al¬

ready appeared in Sayyid Ahmad’s A'sar us-Sanadid, or Description of the

Bums of Dihli, and an abstract of it in English occurs in Mr. Tho¬

mas’s “ Chronicles of the Pathan kings of Delhi,” a new translation of it

would have, therefore, seemed to he uncalled for. But a transcript and trans¬

lation of the record prepared for Mr. Thomas, “ differed materially from

the text given in the A'sar us-Sanddid ,” and the revised documents were

missing when that gentleman wrote his work in 1871. An enquiry was

accordingly set on foot by General Cunningham for the original stone, but

“ it could not be found, and was supposed to have disappeared in the muti-

ny.” ( Opus cit., p. 137.) A revised translation of the record now traced at

Bohtak by Mr. J. G. Delmerick, who in March placed a rubbing of it at

the disposal of the Society, will, therefore, not be unwelcome to oriental

antiquarians, particularly as the names given by Mr. Thomas do not appear

to have been correctly transcribed.

The object of the inscription is to record the excavation of a Baoli in the

neighbourhood of Palamba, the modern Palam, in the Dihli district. The

name of the person who caused the Baoli to be excavated was Udhdhara, and

not Utara, as read by Babu Bamsaran Das for Mr. Thomas. He was a petty

zamindar or Thakur, but of good lineage, as the eulogist states that his

family had a place in a genealogical work of some repute at the time. Udh-

dhara’s father came from the village of Uchhapur near the confluence of

the united streams of the Satlaj, the Biyas, and the Chanab with the In¬

dus.

The record is dated “ Wednesday, the 13th of the wane, in the year of

Vikramarka, 1333,” = A. D. 1276, and was composed during the reign of

Ghiyas ud-din Balban of Dihli, whose predecessors are indicated by their

regal titles, and not by their personal names. The titles have been Sans-

kritised, partly with a view to take off their foreign appearance, and partly

to suit the exigencies of the metres used. Thus, Shihab ud-din appears as

Sahabadina ^T^T^t«T, Qutb ud-din as Khudabadina Shams ud-din

as Samasadina Firuz Shah as Pherujasahi , Jalal ud-din

(Baziyah) as Jalaladina Mu’izz ud-din as MaujadinaTlT5T^t*r, ’Ala

ud-din as Alavadina NaQir ud-din as Nasaradina Ghiyas

ud-din asGayasadina «T. Such lengthening and shortening of syllables

is common enough, in the present day, in English poetry dealing with Indian

proper names ; but the systematic neglect of the sibilants appears unaccount¬

able. The use of the cerebral sibilant for the gutteral k in Qutb is also

remarkable.

105

1874.] Bajendralala Mitra — Note on the JPdlam JBdoli Inscription.

The epithets used in connexion with these names are throughout Sans¬

krit. Qutb ud-dln is styled a Bhupala, Firuz Shah a Bhumipati , Mu’izz ud-

din a Nripa, ’Ala ud-din a Nripati, Na<jir ud-din a Prithvindra, and Ghiyas-

ud-din a Hammira, a Nripati, and a Sammrat. These terms, however, have

not been used as specific titles, hut to indicate the persons named having

been kings, with the exception of course of the word Hammira , which is a

proper name, and is used to imply that Ghiyas ud-din was a second Hammi¬

ra in greatness. The praises of this king are sung in the loftiest strain of

flattery, deposing even Vishnu from his role of the preserver of the universe

to instal a Moslim in his place. In the same way, the extent of his prede¬

cessor’s dominion is defined from the Sagar Island, in the Bay of Bengal, to

Ghazni, and down to Cape Comorin.

The predecessors of the Pathans are described to have been first Chau-

hans, and before them the Tomaras. The Pathans themselves are called

S'akas or Scythians, and the word Musalman or Pathan is nowhere used.

Translation .

Sri. Salutation to Ganapati. Om ! Salutation to S'iva.

1. May He who creates, protects, and destroys this (universe) — may

He who irradiates and also immerses in illusion (the minds of) men — may

that Hara, who fulfils the desires of his votaries, be the destroyer of the

travails of this world to you all !

2. Issuing from whose head the heavenly stream (Ganges) laves the

empire in sanctity and prosperity, and, by her ever-undulating waves,

serves as a chauri by his side — over whom the rays of the white-rayed

(moon) form an orb, like a soothing umbrella — may that S'ankara of illimi¬

table glory be to your welfare !

3. The land ofHariyanaka was first enjoyed by the Tomaras,

and then by Chauhanas. It is now ruled by S'aka kings.

4. First came S'ahabadina, then king K h udabadin a,# then

Samasadina, then Pheruj asahi became king.

5. After him J alaladina, and then were born king M a u j a d i n a,

the auspicious, and noble king Alavadina, and the lord of the earth

Nasaradina.

6. He for whom the earth, from Gaud a to Gajjana, from the

country ofDravida to the entirety of Setubandha, all the contented

provinces in the great kingdom of S aur aj y a,f bore vernal floral charms,

produced by the rays of the innumerable precious stones and corals which

* The first letter of the name in the original is the cerebral sibilant which for seve¬

ral centuries has been in the North-Western Provinces pronounced like Tch, and by care¬

less scribes often used for

f A homonym of Saurashtra or Surat, rdshtra and rdjya having the same meaning —

a kingdom.

10G Rajendralala Mitra — Note on the Palam Bctoli Inscription. [No. 2,

dropped on it from the crowns of the bowed-down heads of kings who come

to and fro for his service —

7. he, whose legions daily traversed the earth to both eastward at the

confluence of the Ganges (Gangasa g a r a) and westward at the conflu¬

ence of the Indus with the sea —

8. he, under whose reign courtesans, proudly set off with many coloured

raiments, moved about without fear, filling the air with the tinkle of their

bracelets, produced by the wanton undulations of their hands —

9. he, the bewildering dust raised by the hoofs of whose cavalry march¬

ing in front of his army, overthrew his enemies in front — even he, the lord

of the seven sea-girt land, S'ri Hammira Gay as a- din a, the king and

emperor, reigns supreme.

10. When his horses swept over a high way, the glory of the dust,

produced by the pounding of the earth caused by their hoofs, enveloped the

quarters and the sky, and the grandeur of the sun with his eternal rays

generally so set that kings could not say whether it was day or night.

11. When he issued forth on a military expedition, the Gaud as

abdicated their glory ; the Andhras, through fear, besought the shelter

of caves ; the Keralas forsook their pleasures ; the K a r n a t a s hid

themselves in defiles ; the M aharashtras gave up their places ; the

G u r j j a r a s resigned their vigour ; and the Latas dwarfed themselves

into Kiratas.*

12. The earth being now supported by this sovereign, S'esha, al¬

together forsaking his duty of supporting the weight of the globe, has betaken

liimself to the great bed of Vishnu (the ocean), and Vishnu himself, taking

Laksliml on his breast, and relinquishing all thought of protection, sleeps in

peace on the ocean of milk.

13. The metropolis of this lord of many hundreds of cities, the charm¬

ing great city, called Delhi, flourishes like a cresent-lieaded arrow on the

side of his enemies. Like the bowels of the earth, it is the store house of

innumerable jewels ; like the sky, a source of delight ; like the nether regions,

the abode of many Titanic heroes (Daityas) ; like Maya herself, the most

bewitching.

14. In that city of Delhi, renowned under the name ofYoginipura,

was born Udhdhara, a house-holder, wise, liberal-minded, given to merito¬

rious acts, master of innumerable good qualities, devoid of every blemish.

15. Where the Vitasta, the Vipasa, and the S' atadru, join

in front with the uprising, unbroken, and swelling waves of the factor

Chandrabhaga; where stood the friendly S i n d h u, with its affluents,

* The name of the dwarf Himalayan race is written with the dental t, but the text

has the cerebral letter either for the sake of alliteration with Lata, or for a new com¬

pound of the roots, Tcri “ to scatter” and at a “ to go,” meaning “ whose movements were

scattered.” The epithets used with reference to the different races, have been so selec¬

ted as to alliterate with their names.

1874.] Rajendralala Mitra —Note on the Palam B wli Inscription. 107

1G. whose waters, when drunk, render the sweetness of honey and of

sugarcane, the hydromel of heavenly nectar, even the lusciousness of know¬

ledge, insipid, —

17. where the land is laved by the nectar of that Sindhu and is pure

and pain-assuaging ; where the town of U c h c h a p u r i reviles and laughs

at Arfiaravati which stands by the side of the heavenly Granges, —

18. even there was the abode of his father Haripala, whose father

was Yasoraja. The father of the last was Dallahara, whose father was Ki-

pu. Thus far his genealogy by the father’s side.

# The mother of Uddhara was Chandi, the daughter of Prithu, whose

father was Harischandra ; the father of the last was Utsahana, the son of

Saliadeva, who was the son of Tola.

19. The father of Tola was Vyaghrahara, who was the son of Sinha,

and grandson of G-aura.

20. In the work entitled ‘Vans'avali’ (genealogy), the two genea¬

logies have been given in detail ; here in this record the names have been

taken to the extent desired to recall them to memory.

21. Like the threefold will, wisdom, and energy (the S'aktis of the

Deity), his wife, with Rajasri and Ratnadevi, was Jajala, the eldest.

22. Her son was named Hariraja, (pure in body, speech and mind,

renowned, the abode of the sixty-four accomplishments, apparently, like

Vishnu, the sole protector of the universe),

23. who had two brothers, named, Thera-raja and Jautra, and a sister

Virada. The daughter of the second wife was the liberal-minded Dhana-

vati.

24. Her (the second wife’s) two sons were Gunaraja and Bhupati.

Of the youngest wife, Ratnadevi, the son was Haradevanatha, and a daugh¬

ter.

25. She had also another son, Uttamaraja, and a daughter named Sa-

dali. Thus we have here the root, stem, branches, fruits, and flowersf of

this tree of desire.

26. Numerous and extensive were the alms-houses (Dharmasalas)

established by this performer of sacrifices (Adhdhara) in different places. He,

the wise, with a view to remove the exhaustion of tired travellers, caused a

well to be excavated,

* This stanza has not been numbered in the original ; and the subsequent ones are

numbered consecutively after the last preceding verse.

f The word as far as can he made out, reads like Kunduvalcam . Kunda and vaJca

flowers. It may be also read Kamudalcam, waterlily ; in either case the name of

one or more specific flowers, aud not a term for flowers iu general, which the context

requires.

0

108 Kajendralala Mitra — Note on the Pdiam Baoli Inscription. [No. 2,

27. to the east of the village of Pa lamb a and west of Kusum-

bh apura. He made the well which allays thirst and removes fainting.

28. May this well, like a lovely woman with rotund upheaving breasts,

gorgeous with undulating necklaces, the assuager of the thirst of many a

love-sick swain, and decorated with the seried riches of flower-tufted

plants,* be to your gratification. •

29. Through its effects men, even when overpowered by many evils, are

made to smile. Priding on this power of assuaging fatigue, it appeared to

philosophers like Vidya herself (divine knowledge which overcomes the

tribulations of the mind).

30. May this be to the welfare of the noble Udhdhara Thakkura for

the enjoyment of all the sweets and pleasures of this world in the company

of his wives and sons and friends and dependants ; — of the person with well

governed mind ; — of the faithful, for the fulfilment of his good in heaven and

for his emancipation ; — ol him who is devoted to the two feet of the crescent-

crested (Mahadeva).

31. This eulogium is composed by Pandit Jogis'vara of unbroken

fame, to record the origin of this well of Udhdhara, the receptacle of all

blessings.

In this year of Vikramarka, Samvat 1333, on the 13th of the wane, in

the month of S'ravana, Wednesday. [Here follow three couplets in Kajpu-

tana Hindi, but so full of lacunte as to be unintelligible.]

n n sw: n # sin: fsmra n

(0 i ^x<r>s •qlxixxfw *5tt: i vRrrf *nr-

<TTT^XT II \ II W

SHUcTT rTXTXfVXerf^^RT—

A

00 i **x<^ wf<r i ^7T^n«ftrr-

swrf t vreg- ^T^rrt snru ii * n ^mxxT$T ^rreiwx^x i

^fx^siWX^T ^4* II ^ II Tit

vimw* i

(i) i wftrqftr: n a n

€g[^Trr

* In the original the epithets are so employed as to apply both to the well and to

woman. It is impossible to preserve the double entendres in English.

109

1874.] Bajendralala Mitra — Note on the Pdlam Bdoli Inscription.

(a) i i ^feTqTrrqr?rr%faqfefir-

^f^wc^r^T^T^qqilNr^fcr q^rft n < n TnngTJHjgw

qfrrfer q<rHmfq f%^n—

■J >5

(*). I sr^lP*feT ^rT§^fimrefa I ^^r^Tf^fT^Tnrr^^TTTrT^T^ ^tttt-

^ fe**iT ^^mfer^T^KTJ II ^ II fe^r^T/TOTH-

^T^qferfeis^^q feT^far qwT

S* <N s» ®N

(4) I vfeq: i

'J J

^^t^qfrr^wr^ w*si*w% it ^ ii ^T^^Tq^fl^q^TqT<T^feT^T^1>

^ vj 'j 'J C\

^^Tfvr: ^ffeqififVr i ^Ttx—

(*>) i ara q<TTq: fe^^fe^fqfa^rqrw ^rfrr srrfe T:r*r^fe ji^^tt

j

3TT ^ TT^T fel ^T II <£ II ^f^R«T f\ffesmT<!rqfe JTT^T feT^W ^(?qr

vRqsnfsi^^rq: %^t: i qnnTZT ^rfqr qt^Tq^mT «rer*^T—

(*=) I TTfWTW^fefe(:faO^^TJ ^T<nf^(:f%Kre:T T^ U\°\\

wffe^T^rfa- fef?r f^frrrT^ ^qufq f^nifeT wfit

^rffe: I ^I^ff ^rgf* %T$fq fw^^rT wfw fem^ffr—

N» >J

(<t) I II U H ^^fe*T3rqfecfe ^TWT

fe#t *fT^T f^tfwf | ^T 2*^

K<qfer3T ^t ^TfeT^f5^ ^t qTm<?rqfe ^Pw*?t ?tt^—

(V) i *it ^ifet ii n feife xrc;qf<T:

^Spft *|VR- I fefeqff^TTfeqrKTqr feT^TTmfe^^*rfe*i: II ^ II

^ vj J N

f^w^rTf^qmT^crT[^ofvrf^f^^T^^T—

(u) « ^PHHIT feun- I JW^WTlKVflf: fe<TT

TOW || || *T3 ^T WT feq I fe T%*^T q\cTT W

^ vJ vJvJvi'-Jsi J

II u II qjT^TfT—

(^*0 | *jfeTW% ^^rTTXf^ qfe I ^FEmTqffeW^T-

qft ^^^feqifefT ^T II ^ II TOTW felVI^feT^ffeT W^Taf: (

fq»*jw fefa —

(%X) I few II ^ II ^JSWfTT q^lfeT | ^3WT.

i ^T^fer fe^T ^Kqfq \fH

II II 5Tv« —

110 Rajenclralala Mitra — Note on the Palam Bdoli Inscription. [No. 2,

(x a) ( qqqvifw i qiqrfq rim wimi •TT*nf«r qqtf qfrrqTfq;-

CN -

<TTf^T ll^ctll ijifqrT: I TT^lfw ^TT^T

II^H cIW^ qqT —

Nj

(\*) i ^fTTT^mT qr^T qfqq: i ^TfT^^qrgqf^TfsrvT'it

si?q^fq^q^qfqw ns \\\ ^t^t ^ f^rcwmqwT w t*wt-

J vj vj ' vj

tt; i ^rq^T q?fq qql—

(\$) l qqTWtrqq^qm n ^ n q<nTr5T*[qqt ^fq qqr qr rrq-qT<qqqjr*g \

^TqqT qT^q xjrf qqifq qi^T^T II ^ II ^q*KTonq(:q)q^reT^t qfq-

^?qq^ ^ I ^qiqmT^rwfi^q^ q»*qfq;z —

^ <i

(V®) i fqqT^M ii ^a n ^ ^nq- q^?n<qT fqsn^T qrr qqqqTq>Tfq

^qTfqqiiT i fqiqqqifq qiqrqr^qqTfq^Trr qwr qrfqqfT qnq?*Tfr n ii

qT^^qqi^^ qr fi^qmqf^ i ^Tq lifcrqT qiqt —

(Vs) i ^T^iq^rf^ w \i\\ qtqiqirqqTqqT qfq^ra^Tqiq^tfqw <s^jr-

' / ' s) vj

^T^qqq>qa^qiq^q^TfqiqqT i ^qrrf^qqq^qq^qi^fqqT^Tf^rn

qiqt qnfq ^r^q fqvg m qn^rq qn^n —

(^<t) I II II i?Tq^fq ^Trf *JfTT krsrq^q qiqfqfafcT fq^qr I

\3

f^qifqqTfqifqqTql fq^qiqjT^qf^qf vrifw n ^ n w ^^^q^fqqqi-

vriTriqvnTqiqTrviViq: qqqf^fqfflq^^rrrT^^r^ qj^iT —

Vi 'J J

(^o) i i irqq ^qiqqqT^rq^T^qf^Rci^-

^Tqr^^qffqmqrq- II ^ II q^<^qq>mq qrJTt^^T qqf%: qfuqq qq^T |

qq^TfqqTqqtqTq^ qiqtfqkq ^fqqn^^^w ii \° n

vj

(\\) « qq^sf^iq tqrqifqqi qqq qiqwqfq qq h b\ fam

^5595 11 *™*fe*\*&-

qfqq^ qqqq^ II *Tffo q^fqqTT TSkqrq^ fqf%q^sq qqffq

fqi^r Q]) (Jf) wq^faqiT fi%fq q-fq [0] fiq^q

** ^ qfq^ H qjqqq^T^ 0 qqq% ^qrqqi^ II

1874.]

111

Annals of ‘ Oman , from early times to the year 1728 A. D. From an Arable

MS. by Siieykh Sirha'n bin Sa‘i'd bin Sirha'n bin Muhammad,

of the JBenu ‘ Alt tribe of ‘Oman, translated and annotated , by E. C.

Ross, Political Agent at Muscat .

Introductory Remarks.*

The Arabic work from which the following account of the History of

‘Oman is translated, is entitled “ Keshf-ul-Gh ummeh,’ ’ or “ Dispeller of

grief.” That work, which forms a good sized MS. volume, is not devoted

exclusively to the subject of ‘Oman, but contains likewise accounts of other

countries, and descriptions of various sects of Islam.

Copies of the “ Keshf-ul-Ghummeh” are extremely rare in ‘Oman ; and

out of that country I doubt if it is known, I have only heard of two copies

existing. That from which I prepared this translation was lent to me by

a gentleman residing at Maskat, a member of the A'l-bu-Sa‘id family. The

name of the author was not inscribed on the pages, and no one at Maskat

seemed able to supply the omission. At length, one of the Radius wrote

to certain learned persons at Nezwa, who replied that the author was Sirlian-

bin-Sa‘id, a native of Izlu or Zikld.

It would appear that in ‘Oman it has been customary with the learned

of the priests and Radius at times to write narratives of contemporaneous

events in prose or verse, chiefly touching religious matters. Numerous re¬

cords of this class are probably in existence, and from such sources it may

be that the author of the “ Keshf-ul-Ghummeh” lias composed his annals

of ‘Oman. The first part, however, shows acquaintance with some of the

standard Arabian works.

The date of the composition of the work can be approximately stated.

The narrative is brought down to the year 1728, A. D., and therefore could

not have been concluded at an earlier period. The abrupt manner in which

it terminates, tends to show that the work was not written much

later than that date. The author of the Arabic work translated by the

Rev. G. P. Badger for the Hakluyt Society in 1871, occasionally quotes-

the “ Author of the Keshf-ul-Ghemmeh” as making such and such a state¬

ment. I have not seen the original Arabic of Mr. Badger’s author, but by

a comparison of the English version with the “ Keshf-ul-Ghummeh,” I have

* In the following, pronounce a as in bat ; e as in bed ; i as in bid ; o as in obey ; u

as in bull ; d as in father ; % as ee in deed ; 6 as in note ; u as oo in boot ; ei as i in bite ;

ey as in they ; ow as in cow ; th as in both (ff) > th as th in the (i); hh corresponds

to £ ; gh to £ j dh to ^Jo and & ; h to ^ j g to ^ ; k to ^ is represented by

an inverted comma Qf

112

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman*

[No. 2,

been led to the conclusion that Salil-bin-Razik# copied the majority of the

earlier portion of his hook verbatim from the “ Keshf-ul-Ghummeh.” In¬

deed, when, as occasionally happens, he strays from the pages of that work,

the order of events is confused, and many puerilities not observable in the

older work are introduced.

The work now translated may fairly be considered, as far as it goes,

the most authentic and coherent account of the history of ‘Oman that has

emanated from native sources. But almost all native works of this sort

have striking deficiencies. Trifling details are dwelt on, whilst comparatively

important events are only casually alluded to or dismissed without a word.

It is left as a task for European students to sift, prune, and supplement the

accounts of native historians, and for this purpose no materials are to be

despised.

In the original work, the divisions are similar to those adhered to in

this translation ; only the numbering is different. The account of the

migration of Azdites and their settlement in ‘Oman forms the 4th Chapter,

or Book, of the “ Keshf-ul-Ghummeh,” and the rest of the history of ‘Oman

is found in Chapters 34 to 39 of that work. The intervening portion is on

other subjects.

Book I.1

An account of the immigration of the el Azd2 into ‘ Oman , and the expulsion

therefrom of the Persians.

It is said by el-Kelbi that the first of the el-Azd who came to ‘Oman

was Malik-bin Fahm3-bin Ghanim-bin Dows-bin ‘Adnan-bin-‘Abdullah-

bin Zahran-bin-Ka‘b4-bin el-Harith-bin Ka‘b-bin ‘Abdullah-bin Malik-bin

Nasr5-bin el-Azd, the Azdi, the Dowsi. Now the cause of his emigrating

to ‘Oman was as follows : His nephews, the sons of his brother ‘Amru-bin

Fahm, were wont, when taking the flocks to pasture and returning at even¬

ing, to pass by the house of a neighbour. The latter had a bitch which

used to bark at them and scatter their flocks, and one of them killed it with

his spear. The man, who was under Malik’s protection, complained to him,

■and Malik being angered, said he would no longer remain in a country

where a person under his protection suffered such treatment ; and went

forth and separated from his brother6 against the wish of the latter. An¬

other story is, that a herdsman was set on by a savage dog belonging to a

bondsman of “ Dows,” and slew it with his spear, on which the owner of

the dog slew the herdsman. That upland is named “ Nejd-el-Kelbeh.”7

Malik then went forth from el-Sarat with those of his tribe who bore obe-

* The name of this person was Hamed-hin Muhammad-bin Razik, the designation

“ Salll” signifying

“ son.”

He died at Maskat in 1873.

1874.]

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman.

113

dience to him. When he was well on the road, his camels yearned for their

pasture grounds, and turned wistfully towards el-Sarat. But he jounced

on towards ‘Oman. And he passed not any tribe of the tribes of the Arabs,

of Ma‘add or of ‘Adnan,8 but they sought his friendship, and formed allian¬

ces with him, on account of his dignity and the number of his fighting

men.

He marched on until he reached Rahut,9 a valley in Hadhramowt,

where he halted awhile for rest. Then he learned that the Persians were

in ‘Oman, inhabiting it. So he drew up his forces and reviewed them, and

it is said they were upwards of 6000 in number, horse and foot.

They then arranged themselves in order before proceeding onwards to

‘Oman, Malik placed his son Honat,10 or as some say Ferahid, in command

of an advanced guard consisting of 2,000 horsemen of the bravest of his

army. When they arrived at el-Shihr,11 Mahrahl2-bin IHdan-bin el-Haf-

bin Kadha‘ah-bin Malik-bin Himyar separated from Malik, and stayed be¬

hind at el-Shihr. Malik marched onwards until he entered ‘Oman with his

numerous and well equipped army. He found the Persians holding ‘Oman

for the king Dara, son of Dara,13 son of Bahman ; and at that time they

were the inhabitants of ‘Oman and the dwellers therein. In those days

their leader was the Marzaban,14 who was Lieutenant for their king.

Malik drew aside with his followers to Kalhat15 on the coast of ‘Oman,

as being a more secure position against the Persians. He there left the

families and heavy baggage with a guard to protect them against the ene¬

my’s force, and advanced with the remainder of his army ; his son Honat

leading the advanced guard of 2,000 horsemen. He proceeded in this man¬

ner until he arrived at the district of el-Jowf,16 where he pitched his

camp on the plain. Thence he sent to the Persians asking them to allot

him land in ‘Oman to settle on, with water and pasture, so that he might

dwell amongst them. When his messengers arrived, the Marzaban and his

subordinates held an earnest and prolonged consultation which resulted in

their unanimously deciding to refuse the request of Malik, so they replied :

“ we do not wish this Arab to settle amongst us, that our land should be-

“ come straitened unto us ; we have no need of his neighbourship.” When

their answer reached Malik, he sent a message to them, saying : “ I must

“ positively settle in a district of ‘Oman ; if you accord me willingly a share

“ of the water, produce, and pasture, I shall settle in the country and praise

“ you. If, however, you refuse, I shall remain in spite of you. If you at-

“ tack me, I shall resist you, and if I prevail against you, I shall slay you,

“ and carry off your offspring, and shall not allow one of you to remain in

“ ‘Oman.” They, however, refused him permission, and prepared to make

war on him. Malik on his part remained in the district of el-Jowf until his

people had rested, and he prepared for the struggle with the Persians.

114

E. C. Eoss — Annals of '‘Oman.

[No. 2,

Meanwhile the Persians had made ready to attack him, and the Mar¬

zaban ordered the trumpets to be sounded and the drums beaten, and set

out with all his host from Sohar. It is said his army numbered more than

40,000 men, and some say 30,000, and he had with him elephants. He

proceeded towards el-Jowf to encounter Malik, and halted at the plain of

Selut near Nezwa. When Malik received intelligence of this, he set out

for the plain of Selut with 0,000 men, and encamped opposite the army of

the Marzaban, They remained in their respective positions that day with¬

out fighting. Malik-bin Fahm spent the night drawing up his forces in

order of battle, forming them into right and left wings, and centre, and

stationing the horsemen of the el-Azd in position. He placed his son

Honat in command of the right wing, gave the left to his son Ferahid, and

took his station himself in the centre with chosen men. The Marzaban

also was similarly employed, and both sides were prepared. Malik mount¬

ed a pie-bald charger, clad in his armour over which he wore a red robe,

and on his head was his iron helmet encircled by a yellow turban. His sons

and the warriors of the el-Azd were similarly accoutred in armour and hel¬

met, their eyes only being visible.

When the ranks were formed in order of battle, Malik went around

and addressed his followers troop by troop, encouraging them and exhorting

them to stand firm and warning them that if they fled, they would be pur¬

sued and destroyed by the Persians.

The Marzaban then advanced with all his forces under their comman¬

ders, placing his elephants in front.

Malik met them with his followers crying out to his men of the el-

Azd to charge with him, and to ply the elephants with their swords and

javelins.

Thereupon he charged and his men charged with him, and they

attacked the elephants with sword and spear, piercing them with darts until

the elephants goaded by their weapons turned in flight, trampling under

foot many of the Marzaban’s men. Malik then fell on the army of the

Marzaban with all his men, piercing the ranks of the Persians. The latter

rallied together, and the two forces continued to fight with fury, and noth¬

ing could be heard but the clashing of their weapons. The battle was kept

up the whole of that day until the fall of night separated the opposing

armies, and they retired to their respective positions leaving many dead and

wounded.

The next day the conflict was renewed and kept up until night, the

Persians losing many of their men.

On the third day the battle was again renewed and the Persian com¬

mander having been slain by Malik in single combat, the Persian armv gave

way and fled, losing an immense number in killed and wounded.17

1874.]

115

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman, — Book I.

The Persians then sent to Malik suing for a truce and demanding a

year’s time to evacuate ‘Oman and return to their own country. Malik

agreed to this and promised not to molest them unless they recommenced

the war. The Persians thereupon returned to Sohar, and Malik withdrew

to Kalhat.

It is said that the Persians during the period of this truce destroyed a

great many water channels. Suleiman-bin Baud had constructed 10,000

aqueducts in ‘Oman.18

The Persians then wrote to Dara-bin Dara informing him of the ad¬

vent of Malik and his followers to ‘Oman, and the struggle that had occur¬

red between him and themselves, how his general the Marzaban had been

slain with many of their companions. Then telling him of their weak and

helpless condition, they asked permission to return to their own country

with their families. When their letter reached the king and he read it, he

was incensed, and burned with a desire to avenge the slaughter of his sol¬

diers and generals, so he sent for one of the greatest of his Marzabans, and

giving him command of 3,000 of his most renowned warriors and comman¬

ders, despatched them to the aid of his subjects in ‘Oman. They proceeded

first to el-Bahrein and thence to ‘Oman. All this while Malik was in igno¬

rance of what was going on.

When this reinforcement reached the Persians, they commenced pre¬

parations to renew the war as soon as the period of truce should expire.

When Malik heard of the arrival of the succours, he wrote to the Per¬

sians informing them that if they did not quit ‘Oman, he would march

against them and expel them by force, and seize all their property. But

they, confident in their strength and in the comparative smallness of Malik’s

army, returned a defiant and insolent answer. Malik accordingly marched

against them with his whole army and entered their territory. The Pers¬

ians on their side prepared for battle. When the two armies met, Malik

drew up his army as before, placing his son Honat in command of the right,

and Ferahid of the left, he stationing himself with the remainder of his

sons in the centre. A fierce and prolonged battle was fought, in which the

Persians employed their elephants. One huge animal was killed by Honat

and his brother Ma‘n-bin Malik. After a fierce struggle, the Persians were

routed and fled, pursued by the el-Azd horsemen, who slew an immense

number and made many prisoners. The remnant of the Persian army em¬

barked in their ships and passed across the sea to Persia. So Malik con¬

quered all ‘Oman and took all the property of the Persians. He made

many of the latter prisoners and kept them a long time in prison, after

which he released them, and caused them to be conveyed to the ships, with

their clothing and provisions, and sent back to Persia. Malik then ruled

over ‘Oman and its adjacent districts, and governed it wisely and well. The

116

[No. 2,

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman. — Book I.

journey of Malik and his sons to ‘Oman and their battle with the Persians

have been celebrated in many poems and traditions from which I have only

given an abridged account. Then came to ‘Oman many tribes of the el-

Azd. The first of the el-Azd to join Malik was ‘Imran -bin ‘Amru-bin

‘Amir-Ma-el-Sema with his sons el-Hajr and el-Aswad. From the two

latter many tribes in ‘Oman derive. Afterwards Rabi‘ah-bin el-Harith-bin-

‘Abdullah-bin ‘ Amir-el-Ghitrif went forth with his brothers, also Muladis-

bin ‘Amru-bin ‘Adi-bin Harithah came and entered Hudad, also ‘Arman-

bin ‘Amru-bin el-Azd, then came el-Yahmad-bin Homma, also the sons of

Ghanm-bin Ghalib-bin ‘Othman ; and Ziyad or el-Nadab the junior. Then

MaSvalah, the sons of Shams, and el-Nadab the senior went forth, also el-

Dheyyak, and some of the Benu-Yashkar and of the Benii ‘Amid, and men

of Khawaleh. All these tribes19 went forth, each tribe with its banners.

As they journeyed on, they consumed the substance of all by whom they

passed, until they reached ‘Oman. They extended themselves throughout

‘Oman, and settled in its rich and spacious lands. The el-Azd named it

‘Oman20, because their dwellings had been in a watered valley in (Yemen)

which was probably called ‘Amman, and to which they likened their new

home. The Persians called ‘Oman by the name of Mazun.21 As an Arab

poet has said —

► “ The Kesra named ‘Oman Mazun,

“ And Mazun, 0 friend ! is a goodly land,

“ A land abounding in fields and groves,

“ With pastures and unfailing springs.”

The tribes of the el-Azd ceased not to migrate to ‘Oman, until

they became numerous therein, and their power and fame increased.

At length, they overran the country and extended as far as el Bahrein

and Hajar [el-Hassa]. Then came to ‘Oman Samah-bin Loweij-bin-

Ghalib22, and settled at Towwam, which is el-Jow,23 in the vicinity of

the el-Azd. There were also in that place some of the Benu-Sa’d, and

Benu ’Abd-el-Keis. Samah married his daughter to Asd-bin ’Imran-bin-

‘Amru.24 Some of the Benu-Tamim also settled in ‘Oman, the Al-Kha-

za‘ ali-bin Hazem settlers, too, arrived from the Benu-el-Nabat, whose

abodes were at ‘Obri and el-Seleyf, and Ten‘am, and el-Sirr.25 Some of

the Benu-el-Harith-bin Ka‘b came and settled at Dhank. About one hun¬

dred persons of the Khadha‘ah also settled at Dhank. Some of the family

of BeniYRu-aheh26-bin Kati‘ah-bin ‘Abs came to ‘Oman, amongst them

Abu ’l-Hishm. The rule of Malik became strong in ‘Oman and his wealth

increased, and he was feared by all the tribes of the “ Yemen” and “ Ni-

zar.”27 He was more daring and adventurous than any other Prince. He

chiefly resided on the Kalhat coast and at Yankal. One of the Princes of

the el-Azd, named Malik-bin Zoheir,23 settled in the vicinity of Malik-bin

1874.]

117

E. C. Boss — Annals of 1 Oman. — Book I.

Fahm, and being a chief of great renown, well nigh rivalled the latter in

power. So Malik-bin Falim fearing that mutual jealousy and strife might

arise between them, demanded his daughter in marriage, and Malik-bin

Zoheir gave his daughter, but stipulated that her offspring should have

precedence of all Malik-bin Fahm’s sons by other wives. Malik-bin Fahm

assented and married her on these conditions. By this marriage he had

issue Salimah-bin Malik. Malik reigned over ‘Oman for seventy years,

during which time neither Arab nor Persian opposed his rule. His age was

120 years.

It is said that Malik-bin Fahm was slain accidentally by his son Sali-

mah,29 in the following manner : It is said that Malik used to require his sons

to keep guard at night, each in turn with a body selected from Malik’s most

trusty nobles and followers. Now Salimah was more beloved of his father

than any of his brothers, and had higher rank and dignity assigned him.

His father had taught him archery until he excelled in the art. His bro¬

thers envied him on account of the preference shown him, and sought to

lower him in his father’s estimation, but found no opportunity to find fault

with him. At length, one day some of them approached their father, and

accused Salimah of leaving his post when on watch and retiring apart to

sleep. Malik, however, reproved them, and told them he knew that envy

prompted them to traduce his son Salimah, and that he judged the latter

by his knowledge of him, so they were forced to withdraw without gaining

their object. Afterwards, however, misgiving entered Malik’s mind, and

he resolved to put the charges against his son Salimah to the test. He

accordingly went forth in disguise and secretly, on a night when it was

Salimah’s turn to keep guard. Now it was Salimah’s custom to withdraw

from his comrades and keep watch close to his father’s house. On this

night he had taken his usual station ; and sleep had overtaken him just at

the hour his father came out. His mare seeing the form of Malik in the

distance neighed, on which Salimah started from his sleep in alarm, and saw

his mare with her ears erected. Now it was the habit of the mare on seeing

anything approaching to point her ears in the direction of the object, and

the rider would aim his arrow accordingly. So Salimah discharged his

arrow between the mare’s ears towards Malik not knowing it was his father.

Malik heard the sound of the arrow as it left the bow, and called out, “Ho

not shoot, my son, I am your father.” It was too late, however, and the

dart pierced the centre of his heart.

Salimah, after having slain his father, fled to the Persian coast in fear

of his brothers, and abode at Jashk, where he married a native of the land

named el-Asfahiyeh. His offspring by this marriage were called Benii-eB

Asfahiyeh. Salimah afterwards removed to Kerman which he made himself

master of after a series of adventures,30 and reigned as king until his death..

118

[No. 2,

E. C. Ross — Annals of 1 Oman. — Book II.

By a marriage with a Persian lady he had ten sons, named ‘Abd and Hima-

yeh and Sa’d and Ruaheh and Majash and Kelab and Asd and Taber and

Aswad and ‘Othman. After his death, his sons were disunited, and the

Persians expelled them, and some went to ‘Oman. The majority of the

children of Salimali, however, remained in Kerman, where they were

numerous and powerful.

The Persians did not return to ‘Oman after their expulsion by Malik

until his reign terminated, and his children reigned in his place, and the

kingdom of ‘Oman came into the possession of el-Julanda-bin el-Mustatiril

el-Ma’wali, and Persia fell into the hands of the Benu Sasan.32 There was

peace between them and el-Julanda in ‘Oman, and the Persians kept a force

of 4000 warriors in ‘Oman and a deputy with the kings of the el-Azd. The

Persians abode on the sea coast, and the el-Azd ruled in the interior plains

and hills and districts of ‘Oman, the direction of affairs being entirely with

them.

The Persian monarclis used to send persons who had incurred their

displeasure or whom they feared to their army in ‘Oman. So it continued

until God caused el-Islam to be manifested.33

Book II. i

Account of the people of ‘ Oman from the period ichen they embraced the

7'eligion of el-Islam until they became disunited .

There is a tradition that the first man of ‘Oman to embrace el-Islam

was one Mazin-bin-Ghadhubah, who visited the Prophet and asked him to

pray for him and the people of ‘Oman.

Afterwards the Apostle of God wrote to the people of ‘Oman, inviting

them to adopt the religion of Islam. He wrote amongst others to ‘Abd

and Jeifar2, the sons of el-Julanda (who had died a short time before), to

the effect that if they would accept el-Islam, he would confirm them as

Governors ; otherwise they would be deposed. He sent this letter by ‘Amr-

bin el-‘As, who alighted at a place near Sohar named Damsetjerd, which had

been built by the Persians. Thence he sent a message to the sons of

Julanda, who were the foremost and most influential chiefs of ‘Oman. The

first who met the messenger was ‘Abd, who was the most discerning and

sensible of the two brothers. He sent on ‘Amr to his brother Jeifar with the

sealed letter, and Jeifar broke the seal and read it, and then passed it to ‘Abd

who also read it. The latter then told ‘Amr that this was no trifling matter

he had come about, and that he would reflect on it, and afterwards give a reply.

He then assembled a council of the el-Azd, and sent to Ka‘b-bin Barshah el-

‘17 dl. They all became converts to el-Islam, and sent to all their kinsmen who

vowed obedience to the Prophet, and agreed to offer the proper religious alms.

Jeifar sent messengers to Maheyreh, and Sliihr in the south, and to Daba,3

1874.]

119

E. C. Boss — Annals of 1 Oman. — Book II.

and the furthest limits of ‘Oman to the north ; and at his invitation all the

people accepted el-Islam, save the Persians who dwelt in ‘Oman. When the

Persians rejected el-Islam, the el-Azd assembled round Jeifar, and all agreed

to expel the Persian deputy Maskan and his followers from the country.

As the Persians refused either to join el-Islam or to leave the country quiet¬

ly, the el-Azd attacked them, killed their leader Maskan and many more,

and drove the remainder into their town of Damsetjerd, when they besieged

them rigorously, until they sued for terms. The el-Azd granted them quar¬

ter on condition that they left all their gold and silver and other property

behind and quitted ‘Oman, which they did. ‘Amr continued to reside with

and direct the el-Azd, until the death of the Prophet. After that, ‘Abd-bin-

el-Julanda and many of the el-Azd proceeded to visit Abu-Bekr4 the Just?

who praised the conduct of the people of ‘Oman in accepting the message

of the Prophet willingly and spontaneously. It is said too that ‘Abd served

the Khalifeh in an expedition against the Al-Jifneh. Abu-Bekr then wrote

to the people of ‘Oman thanking them and confirming Jeifar and ‘Abd in

the government. The virtues of these two cannot be fully described, but

much might be written of them. They continued pre-eminent in ‘Oman

until they died. They were succeeded by ‘Abbad-bin ‘Abd-bin el-Julanda,

in the time of ‘Othman-bin ‘Affan and ‘Ali.

Then came the wars and divisions, and Mu‘awiyah succeeded to power -

but his authority was not established in ‘Oman. At the period when

‘Abdul- Malik-bin Marwan reigned and el-Hejjaj governed el-Trak, Sulei¬

man and Sa‘id, the sons of ‘Abbad-bin ‘Abd-bin el-Julanda, ruled in ‘Oman.

El-Hejjaj sent several large armies against them, but they defeated them on

each occasion and put them to flight until at length el-Kasim-bin Shi‘wah

came with a numerous army to ‘Oman in ships, which anchored at one of

the villages of ‘Oman, named Hatat. Suleiman-bin ‘Abbad led the el-Azd

against the invaders, and a battle ensued in which the troops of el-Hejjaj

were routed and el-Kasim and many of his followers slain ; and Suleiman

captured all their property.

When this alarming news reached el-Hejjaj, he sent for Muja‘ali-bin

ShiSvah, brother of el-Kasim, and ordered him to rouse the people and make

a general levy of the Nizar5 tribes. El-Hejjaj was personally incensed and

eager for revenge. He wrote to ‘Abd-el-Malik-bin Marwan, and restrained

the chiefs of the el-Azd of el-Basrah from aiding Suleiman-bin ‘Abbad. I

have found it stated that the army which el-Hejjaj collected and sent

against ‘Oman, numbered 40,000 men. One half was despatched by land

and the other half by sea. The former portion of the army having marched

to ‘Oman was opposed by Suleiman at the head of a force of the el-Azd, con¬

sisting of 3,000 horsemen and 3,500 camel riders. The encounter took

place by the water, which is within five, or some say three, days’ march of

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[No. 2,

the desert country.6 It is the water near the village of B usher (it is now

called el-Balka‘ein). The battle which was a severe one, resulted in the

defeat of el-Hejjaj’s men, who fled and were pursued by Suleiman for along

distance, the latter being wholly unaware of the approach of the second

army by sea, which meanwhile arrived at Bunaneh, and the commander was

informed that Suleiman had gone forth with the main body of his army to

oppose the force which had come by the land route, and that those who

remained with his brother Sa‘id were only a handful. Muja‘ali thereupon

marched night and day until he reached Birkeh, where Sa‘id attacked his

force, and a fierce battle occurred, which lasted until night separated the

combatants. Safid then regarding his army perceived that it was to that of

the enemy like as a white spot on the body of a black bull, and many had

been killed. So he retired during the night taking with him his own and

his brother’s children, and proceeded to the great mountain of the Benii-

Riyam, which is called el-Jebel el-Akhdhar, and also Rodhwan (spelt with

dhammaK). The enemy came up with him, and they remained besieged

until Suleiman came up. Muja‘ah had anchored his fleet of 300 vessels in

Maskat7 harbour, and Suleimin proceeded there and burned more than fifty

vessels, the rest escaping seaward. He then marched against Muja‘ah’s

army, and Muja‘ah conceiving himself unable to cope with Suleiman sought

to escape to sea, but was encountered by Suleiman at the village of Semail.

A severe conflict ensued, in which Muja‘alr was worsted and fled. He, how¬

ever, succeeded in reaching his ships, and embarking sailed to Julfar.3

Thence he wrote to el-Hejjaj who sent to his aid a re-inforcement of 5,000

mounted men, selected from the Bedouins of el- Sham, under ‘Abd-ul-Rah-

man-bin Suleiman, by land. Amongst them was a man of the tribe of

el-Azd who was known by the title “ el-Malaheh,” and they were unaware

that he was of that tribe. This person fled by night to Suleiman and Sa‘id,

and informed them of the approach of the fresh force ; whereupon they

perceived they were unable to resist longer, and taking with them their

families’ property and those of their tribe who chose to follow them,, they

reached one of the districts of the Zenj9, where they abode until their death.

Muja‘ah and ‘Abd-ul-Rahman then entered ‘Oman with their forces and

exercised great severitj^, plundering the inhabitants. (We seek refuge with

God from such things.) El-Hejjaj after that appointed el-Kheiyai-bin Sirah

el-Mujasha‘i governor of ‘Oman. When ‘Abdul-Malek died (A. D. 705), and

el-Walid-bin ‘Abdul-Malek succeeded him, and el-Hejjaj died, Walid ap¬

pointed Yezid-bin Abu-Muslim Governor of el-‘Irak, and the latter sent

Seyf-bin el-Hani-el-Hamadam to govern ‘Oman.

When Walid-bin ‘Abdul-Malek died and his brother Suleiman suc¬

ceeded, the latter removed all the governors who had been appointed in

‘Oman, and sent Salih-bin ‘Abdul-Bahman el-Leithi. Afterwards he saw fit

121

1874.] E. C. Ross — Annals of ’■Oman. — HooJc II.

to re-instate the governors, but made them subordinate to Salih-bin ‘Abdul-

Rahman.

After that Yazid-bin el-Muballib became Governor of ‘Irak and Kho-

rasan, and be appointed his brother Ziyad over ‘Oman, and be treated its

inhabitants kindly, and continued to rule until Suleiman-bin ‘Abdul- Malek

died, and ‘Omar-bin ‘Abdul-‘Aziz succeeded to the government (of ‘Irak).

He placed ‘Adi-bin Artah el-Fezari over el-Trak, who sent a governor to

‘Oman who behaved so badly to the people that they wrote to ‘Oman-bin

‘Abdul-‘Aziz. The latter placed over them ‘Omar-bin ‘Abdullah-bin Sabi-

hah el-Ansan, who treated them well and remained Governor over ‘Oman,

honored by the inhabitants, and receiving their contributions voluntarily

until ‘Omar-bin ‘Abdul-‘Aziz died. Then said ‘Omar-bin ‘Abdullah to

Ziyad-bin el-Muhallib, “ this country is the land of your tribe, do as }mu

please with it,” and straightway went forth from ‘Oman. Ziyad-bin el-

Muhallib then governed ‘Oman, until Abul-‘ Abbas el-Saffah appeared, and

the empire of the Bemi-Omeyyeh passed to him. He appointed Abu- Ja‘far

el-Mansur over el-Trak. The latter appointed Jenah-bin ‘Abbadah-bin

Keis-bin ‘Omar el-Hinai10 governor of ‘Oman, who was the builder of the

mosque known as el-Jenah. Afterwards he was deposed, and his son Mo-

liammed-bin Jenah appointed in his stead. Thereupon Jenah-bin ‘Abbadah

sided with the Ibadhiyeli11 (Ibadhis), until at length the latter acquired the

sovereignty in ‘Oman.

The Ima'm el-Jflahda'-bin Mes‘u'd. — Thereupon they elected el-Ju-

landa bin Mes‘ud their Imam,12 and he was the cause of strength to the

sect, and was a just and popular ruler.

A. D. 750. At the call of el-Saffah, Shiban went forth against el-Julanda,

who, on his reaching ‘Oman, sent against him Hilal-bin ‘Atiyali el-Khorasani

and Yahya-bin Najih with a force of Musalmans.13 Now Yahya was famed

for his virtue ; he uttered a prayer in which he mentioned both sides saying,

“ O God, if Thou knowest us to be in the faith Thou appro vest, and to

“ follow the truth Thou wishest us to hold, grant, that I may be the first

“ of my comrades killed, and Shiban the first on his side, after which cause

“ defeat to befall his followers. If on the contrary Thou knowest that

“ Shiban and his followers hold the faith that pleaseth Thee, and the truth

“ Thou wishest to be established, then cause Shiban to fall the first.”

Then the forces encountered one another, and the first who was slain

on the side of the Musalmans was Yahya-bin Najih whilst Shiban was the

first to fall on his side.

After the death of Shiban, there came to ‘Oman Khazim-bin Khozey-

mah saying they had come in search of that force, namely, Shiban and his

followers, but “ it suffices that God has decreed they should be slain by

“ your hands. I wish, however, to go forth from you to the Khalifah and

122

E. C. Ross — Annals of 1 Oman. — Boole II.

[No. 2,

“ inform him you bear him obedience.” El- Julanda consulted the Musal-

mans as to this proposal, but they were against it. It is also said Khazim

demanded the sword and seal of Sliiban, and that el- Julanda refused ; on

which a battle ensued between him and Khazim, in which all el-Julanda’s

followers were slain, and none remained alive save himself and Hilal-bin

‘Atiyah el-Khorasani. Then said Hilal to el-Julanda, “ You are my Imam,

precede me,14 and I engage not to survive you.” El-Julanda then advan¬

ced and fought until he fell. Hilal then rushed on clad in armour, and the

enemy amazed at his valour for some time failed to recognize him, but at

length they discovered who he was, and raising the cry “ Hilal-bin ‘Atiyah 1”

fell on him and slew him.

The Imamate of el-Julanda had lasted for two years and a month. It

is said that it was Khazim-bin Khozeymah who caused el-Julanda to be

slain. It has also been told me that at his death Khazim was congratu¬

lated by some one on his conquest of ‘Oman, and that he replied, “ Ye

“ deceived me in my lifetime and do ye seek to do so at my death P Alas !

“ how will it be for me for slaying the ‘Oman Sheykh !”

I have also found it stated that a native of ‘Oman went on the pilgrim¬

age ; and with him was a man from el-Basrah who rested not by night

nor slept. The ‘Omani asked him about this, and he replied not knowing

his companion was a native of ‘Oman, that he had gone with Khazim-bin

Khozeymah to ‘Oman and had there fought against a people, the like of

whom he had never seen, and since that day sleep did not visit him. The

‘Omani said to himself, “ You deserve it, if you are one of those who fought

against ‘Oman.” After el-Julanda was killed, ‘Oman fell into the hands of

tyrants who misgoverned the country and oppressed the inhabitants.

Amongst those oppressors were the two Julandaites Mohammed-bin Zaidah

and Rashid-bin Shathan-bin el-Nadhr, In the time of those two, Ghassan-

el-Henai, of the Benu-Maharib, plundered Nezwa, and the Benu Nafa and

Benu-Hamim fled therefrom after many had been slain. This occurred in the

month of Sha‘ban, A. H. 145. [A. D. 762]. Thereupon the Benul-Harith of

Ibra espoused their cause, and amongst them there was a slave belonging to

Bakarah called Ziyad-bin Sa‘id el-Bakari, so they agreed upon proceeding to

el-‘Atik for the purpose of putting to death Ghassan el-Hinai, and they

met him between his house and that of Jenah-bin Sa‘d, at a place called

el-Khor, as he was returning from visiting a sick person of the Benu-Hinah.

He passed by unaware of their presence, and they slew him. Manazil-bin

Khanbash, who resided at Naba and was agent for Mohammed-bin-Zaidah,

and Rashid-bin Shathan the Julandaites, were angered at this proceeding :

and they attacked the people of Ibra unawares. The latter, however, re¬

pulsed them, and forty of them were slain.

God then blessed the people of ‘Oman by bestowing on them love of

1874.]

E. C. Ross — Annals of ’‘Oman — Book II.

123

the Truth, and a portion of the Musalmans rose up in defence of God’s

Truth, and overthrew the power of those tyrants. Insomuch as the learn¬

ed Sheykhs of the people of ‘Oman assembled at Nezwa under the guidance

of Musa-bin Abu-Jabir el-Azkani, and desired the Imamate to be conferred

on Moliammed-ibn Abu-‘Affan.

Now amongst those present were certain chiefs who did not favour the

change ; and the Sheykh Musa fearing the purpose of the Musalmans

might be frustrated and strife ensue, said, “We have elected the son of

“Abu-‘Affan to govern Nezwa and the towns of el- Jo wf ; and I fancy he

“ added until war ceases.”

The Ima'm Mohammed-bin Abu-‘AefaN. — And the Sheykh Abul-

Manthar Bushir-bin el-Mantliar remarked, “We expected to see what would

please us, but we have seen what disgusts us.” Musa rejoined, “ We have

done what you wish,” but his object was to separate them, lest strife

should arise. When the refractory chiefs returned to their respective dis¬

tricts, the Sheykh wrote letters deposing them, and sent governors to the

various towns. I imagine they were deposed before the arrival of the new

Governors. Mohammed-bin Abu-‘Affan then remained in the camp, and

behaved in such a manner as to displease the Musalmans. It has reached

me that what revolted them was his tyranny towards the Musalmans, and

his rejection of good advice. However that be, they devised a stratagem

by means of which they effected his expulsion from the camp of Nezwa ;

after which they held a meeting and deposed Mohammed and elected ano¬

ther Imam. Mohammed had been Imam for two years and one month.

The Imam El-Wa'rith-bin Ka‘b. — Their choice fell on El-Warith-

bin Ka‘b el-Kharusi el-Shari15 el-Yahmadi el-Azdi, who became Imam in

the year 177 A. H. [A. D. 783.] El-Warith revived the ancient virtues of

the Musalmans, and treading the paths of rectitude, honored the Truth and

her followers. He repressed infidelity, and thus God vouchsafed the fall

of the oppressors.

In his time, Harun el-Rashfd sent [against ‘Oman] Tsa-bin Ja‘far-bin

Abul-Mansur with a force of 1,000 cavalry and 5,000 infantry. Daud-

bin Yazid el-Mahallabi wrote to the Imam Warith informing him of the

arrival of Tsa with his army, whereupon the Imam sent Faris-bin Moham¬

med against him. The opposing forces encountered one another at Hatta,10

and Tsa-bin Ja‘fer was defeated and forced to fly to his ships and put to sea.

Abu-Hamid-bin Feleh el-Haddani el-Saluni followed him up, accompanied

by ‘Amru-bin ‘Omar with three ships, and succeeded in capturing ‘Isa, who

was taken to Sohar and there imprisoned. The Imam consulted the Sheykh

‘All-bin ‘Azrah concerning him, and he replied : “ It rests with you whether

to put him to death or to spare him.” The Imam refrained from putting

him to death and kept him imprisoned. I have heard that a party of Mu-

<2

124

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman — Book TI.

[No. 2,

salmans, amongst whom was Yahya-bin ‘Abdul-‘Aziz, set out without the

knowledge of the Imam, and coming to Sohar scaled the wall of the prison

and slew ‘Isa ; the Imam and the Wall being neither of them cognizant of

their proceedings. They then returned to their homes the same night.

On hearing of the death of Tsa, Harun resolved to send another army

to ‘Oman, and the people were in great fear of him. But he died ere his

design was carried out, and God saved the people from the evil he had in

store for them. [A. D. 809.]

It is said that Yahya-bin ‘Abdul-‘Aziz was one of the most excellent of

the Musalmans ; he seems indeed to have been unsurpassed by any of his

contemporaries. His fame equalled that of ‘Abdul Aziz-bin Suleiman. It is

handed down to us that the Sheykh Bashir-bin el-Manthar was wont to say

that the slayer of ‘I'sa should not taste the fire. El-Warith continued to

govern as Imam with virtue and justice, until God took him. He was

drowned in a flood of the Wadi el-Nejdi (or the Wadi Kalbuli), and seven-

tv of his followers perished with him. This event happened as follows :

He seems to have formed a prison near a scammony tree, and many Mu¬

salmans were confined there. The Wadi became flooded, and the waters

flowed down in a raging torrent, when the Imam was informed that the

flood would reach the prisoners. He at once ordered them to be released,

but no one would venture to their rescue from fear of the torrent. Then

the Imam said, “ Since they are in my charge, and I shall be responsible

for them at the day of Resurrection, I shall go across to them.” Accord¬

ingly he made towards the prisoners, followed by a number of his attendants,

but the torrent overtook them and swept all, including the prisoners, away.

When the water of the Wadi dried up, the Imam’s body was buried between

cAkr and Sa‘al, where his grave is well known. His Imamate had lasted

for twelve years and about six months.

The Ima'm Ghassa'n-bin ‘Abdullah. His successor was Ghassan-bin

‘Abdullah el-Fajhi el-Yehmadi el-Azdi, who walked in the paths of the true •

Musalmans, and honoring the truth and those who followed it put a check

on infidelity.

In his time the “ Bowarih”17 used to make descents on and ravage the

coasts of ‘Oman. Ghassan, however, fitted out small vessels with which he

attacked the pirates in reprisal, until they were obliged to discontinue their

attacks on ‘Oman. He was the first ruler of ‘Oman, who constructed vessels

and employed them in naval warfare. During his reign el-Sakr-bin Moham-

med-bin Zaidah was slain. This person was amongst the number of those

who declared the allegiance of the Musalmans due to Rashid-bin el-Nadhr

el-Julandai, and he aided them with money and arms. He was slain in

the following manner: A person belonging to the Eastern districts/8

raised a revolt against the Musalmans, and was joined by Benu-Hinali

1874.]

E. C. Eoss — Annals of ‘ Oman — Book II.

125

and others. It was told to the Musalmans that the brother of el-Sakr

• •

was with the rebels ; but el-Sakr denied it and gave out that his brother

was lying sick in his house. When, however, God caused the rebels to be

put to flight, it was ascertained that el-Sakr’s brother was with them. El-

Sakr was, therefore, suspected of treachery in concealing the conduct of his

brother. So the Imam sent a party to Semail where he was residing.

The Wall of Semail was Abul-Wadhdhah el-Sakr-bin Mohammed, who

accompanied the Imam’s messengers to el-Sakr, fearing on his ac¬

count lest they should fall on him. The Imam had in the meantime sent

a second party after him, and with them Musa-bin ‘All. They met at

Nejd-el-Sahamat. Whilst they were proceeding on their way, certain

persons of their troop attacked el-Sakr, and killed him, Abul-Wadlidhah

and Musa-bin ‘All being unable to prevent them. The latter, it is indeed

said, was alarmed for his own safety ; and had he opened his lips, he would

have been slain with el-Sakr. It has been recorded that the Imam Ghassan

• •

showed displeasure against those who slew el-Sakr.

Those were the days when the kingdom was in its prime and in the

fulness of its power, and learning at its height. Such was the manner of

el-Sakr’s death, but God knows the truth. Among the executive measures

of the Imam Ghassan, the following may be mentioned.

There was at Semed of Nezwa a house belonging to the Benu-Julanda,

the site of which was probably in the plantation named el-‘Akudlyeh

[arches]. One of the arches of this building spanned the high road, and above

the arch were windows. Now the archway was dark, and was frequented

by licentious and disreputable persons. It was said that a woman who

happened to pass through the archway was molested by one of these bad

characters, and the affair came to the knowledge of the Imam Ghassan, who

ordered the owners of the house either to pull down the arch or to light it

up by night, so that the persons passing should see who was there. The

owners of the house, thereupon, opened out a new road for the public

through their plantation, and it was used by people passing until the house

was pulled down, after which the proprietors built a house across the new

road, and the former highway was re-opened to the public. The remains of

the arch may be seen in the southern wall of the mosque at Semed of

Nezwa.

Ghassan continued to govern justly and uprightly, until he fell ill on

Wednesday, the 22nd of Thul-Ka‘deh in the year of the Hijreli 207, and

died of his illness [A. E. 822]. His Imamate had lasted fifteen years, seven

months, and seven days.19 He was succeeded by

The Ima'm ‘Abdul- Ma'lik-bin Hami'd, who derived from the stock

of Sudah-bin ‘All-bin ‘Amr-bin ‘Amir, surnamed Ma-el-Sema, the Azdite.

This Prince governed righteously and justly, and followed in the footsteps

120

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Onion — Boole II.

[No. 2,

of his virtuous predecessors. In those days ‘Oman was blessed with

prosperity. He was installed on Monday, the 22nd of the month of

Showwal, A. H. 208. [A. D. 823], He continued to govern justly until

he became aged and infirm, when dissensions broke out amongst his

soldiery. The Musalmans thereupon consulted Musa-bin ‘Ali concern¬

ing his deposition, and he advised them to assemble the soldiers and

arrange for the government. Musa then assembled the troops, and

proceeded to administer the Government, forbidding wrong-doing and

strengthening the power of the Musalmans. Meanwhile ‘Abdul-Malik

remained in his house, and they did not depose him, so he remained Imam

until he died.20 His reign lasted eighteen years.

The Ima/m El-Muhenna'-bust Jeiear. The Musalmans then elected

El-Mulienna-bin Jeifar el-Fajhi el-Yahmadi el-Azdi, on Friday in the month

of Rejeb in the year 226 A. H. [A. D. 840].

Th is Prince trod in the footsteps of the Musalmans, and adhered to

their principles. He was possessed of much firmness and decision of

character. At his assemblies no person could presume to speak nor to

interfere in favour of one litigant against another ; nor would any of his

attendants venture to rise so long as he was seated ; neither would any

person in receipt of military allowances enter unless properly armed.

One of his agents for the collection of the sadakat (or poor rates) was

a person named ‘Abdullah-bin Suleiman of the Benu-Dhabbah of Manh, and

he used to be sent to the grazing grounds to receive the contributions of cattle.

It is related that he entered the land of Mahrah,21 and went to a person of

that district named Wasim-bin Ja‘fer, from whom two payments were due.

He, however, refused to pay more than one contribution, saying to the

collector, “ Take that, if you like, and if not, behold the graves of your

comrades.” ‘Abdullah thereon held his peace and returned. He had with

him a camel driver, and when he reached ‘Azz, where his home was, he

tarried there, and sent the camel driver on to the Imam. The man arrived

whilst the Imam was holding his levee. As soon as that was over, he

summoned the camel driver, and asked him about ‘Abdullah and how he

had fared on his journey. So he informed the Imam of the conduct of

Wasim. The Imam strictly enjoined the camel man not to disclose what

he had reported to any one, but to keep the matter secret. When ‘Abdullah-

bin Suleiman arrived, the Imam questioned him about Wasim, and ‘Abdullah

repeated what the camel driver had reported. Thereupon the Imam at

once wrote to the Walls of Adam, Senao, and Ja‘alan to the effect that if

they could succeed in capturing Wasim of Mahrah, they were to keep him

securely and send him word. The Wall of Adam wrote to say he had

taken Wasim, whereon the Imam sent to him Yahya the Yahmam, known

as Abu-Makarish, with a body of horsemen. After them he despatched a

1874.] E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman — Boole IT. 127

second detachment who came up with the first at el-Menaif ; then a third

which joined at the village of ‘Azz ; and a fourth troop, which overtook the

others at Manh. In this manner he continued despatching troop after troop,

so that it might be said the prisoner was borne along on their spears, until

they arrived at Nezwa with him. There the Imam ordered him to he

imprisoned, and he remained a year in confinement, during which period no

one dared to mention his name, nor to enquire concerning him. At length,

a deputation of persons arrived from el-Mahrah, who through the el-Yahmad

chiefs interceded for him with el-Muhenna, who consented to release him on

one of the following conditions, from which he desired them to choose —

First, — that they should emigrate from ‘Oman.

Second, — that they should agree to fight.

Third, — that they should bring the cattle every year to the camp of

Nezwa, where impartial witnesses should attest that the due complement

was produced and that none were withheld ; also the witnesses should

arbitrate concerning them at Adam. To these proposals the deputation

replied in the following terms : “ As for emigrating, it is impossible for us

“ to do so ; and as for war, we shall not fight against the Imam ; but we

“ are ready to bring the camels.”

On this the Imam appointed the witnesses, and thenceforth they used

to bring their camels, and march them round every year. I have heard say

that the pillar which stands at Fark was erected in the time of el-Muhenna

as a mark for the Benu-Mahrah, that they should assemble their camels on

that spot ; but God knows if this is true. And in those days el-Mogheyreh-

bin Rusin, the Julandaite, and his associates of the Benu-Julanda, and other

turbulent people raised a rebellion, and went forth to Towwam where Abul-

Wadhdhah was Wall for the Imam el-Muhenna. The insurgents slew the

said Wall. Now at that time Abu-Marwan was Wall of Sohar ; and as soon

as the intelligence reached the Musalmans, he at once set out with his

followers and allies, amongst whom was el-Mattar el-Hindi and his followers of

the el-Hind. When they reached Towwam, God caused the Benu-Julanda

to be defeated and dispersed ; some of them were slain, and the rest took to

flight. On this el-Mattar and a number of ignorant soldiers made for the

houses of the Benu-Julanda and set fire to them. The cattle were tied up

within the enclosure, and it is related that one of the soldiers repeatedly

threw himself into the water, so as to wet his body and clothes and rushed

into the midst of the fire, in order to cut the tethers and to allow the beasts

to save themselves from burning. It is said from fifty to seventy buildings

were burned down. I have heard it related that the women of the Benu-

Julanda fled to the desert, where they remained for some time. They had

with them a handmaid, whom, when they fell in want of food and drink,

they sent by night to beg a supply from a neighbouring village. The girl

12S

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman — Book II.

[No. 2,

succeeded in obtaining some meal and a skin for bolding milk and a fragment

of ajar. She then filled her skin with water from the stream, and was

returning to the women, when she was perceived by a soldier, who overtook

her and took from her the meal which he poured on the ground,

and after taking the water from her also, left her. I have found it

stated that Abu -Marwan did not give the order for burning the village; it is

more probable that he had forbidden such a proceeding, but that his words

were disregarded. It is said that the Imam sent two messengers to the

tribe whose village had been burnt, inviting them to return and promising

to make them fitting compensation. The number of Abu-Marwan’s forces is

stated to have been 12,000. El-Muhenna remained Imam until his death,

which occurred on the 16th of Rabi‘-ul Akhir, A. H. 237, [A. D. 851] he

having reigned as Imam for ten years and some months and days, during

which time he enjoyed the approval and support of the Musalmans in general.

Nevertheless, I find it mentioned in the biography of the Sheykh Abii-Kahtan

Khalid-bin Kahtan that the Sheykh Mohammed-bin Malibub and Bashir

had knowledge of the conduct of el-Muhenna incompatible with the retention

of the Imamate, and consequently they secretly renounced him. God knows

whether this is true.

The Ima'm El- Salt-bin Ma'lik. On the day of el-Muhenna’s death,

the Musalmans elected el-Salt-bin Malik to be their ruler. At that time,

the most excellent of the Musalmans and their leader and guide in science

and religious learning was Mohammed-bin Malibub. They swore allegiance

to el-Salt-bin Malik in the same manner that the just Imams who preceded

him had been acknowledged. He governed justly and uprightly for a long

period, until all the Sheykhs of the Musalmans who had elected him had

passed away. Not onp of them, as far as we know, seceded from him. He lived

as Imam longer than any of his predecessors, until he grew old and feeble.

His infirmity, however, was only in his limbs, for we are not aware that

any one asserted that his mind, hearing, or sight had become impaired.

When the scroll of Destiny announced that his time was come, and

God willed to try the people of ‘Oman, as He had tried those who had

gone before them, Musa-bin Musa rose up against him, and pursued him

until he alighted at F ark. 22 Thereupon the people forsook el-Salt, who

being too weak to retain his position was deposed from the Imamate.

The Ima'm Ra'shid-bin el-Nadhr. Musa then conferred the Imamate

on Rashid-bin el-Nadhr on Thursday, three days before the end of the

month of el-Hijj, 273 A. H. [A. D. 886].

The Imamate of el-Salt had lasted 35 years, 7 months, and 8 days.

His death occurred on Friday night in the middle of Thul-Hijjah, 275

A. H. In his days died the most accomplished and eminent of scholars

Mohammed-bin Malibub.

1874.]

"E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman — Book III.

129

•Book III.

From the Outbreak of Civil Dissensions to the Imamate of 8a? id-bin-

‘ Abdullah . A. D. 886 to A. D. 934.

There then arose dissensions in ‘Oman, and much misery ensued. The

people became divided in religion and counsels, and civil war and discord fell

grievously upon them. Then Musa renounced Rashid and his wickedness

and error, and rising against him deposed him.

The Ima'm ‘Azza'ist-bih' Temj'm. ‘Azzan-bin Temhn el-Kliarusi suc¬

ceeded to the Imamate on Tuesday, three nights before the end of the

month of Safar, A. H. 277. [A. D. 890.] Amongst those present at the

ceremony of vowing obedience were cOmar-bin Mohammed the Kadhi, and

Mohammed-bin Musa-bin ‘All and ‘Azzan-bin el-Hizabr, and Azhar-bin

Mohammed-bin Suleiman.

Musa and ‘Azzan continued to be mutual friends for a long time, but

at length they quarrelled, and ‘Azzan deposed Musa from the office of

Kadhi. ‘Azzan then feared what might happen to him from Musa, and

hastened to send a force against him, which he raised partly from the

inmates of the prisons. They proceeded to Izki,1 where they entered the

walled enclosure of the el-Nizar,2 and set to work to slaughter, seize, carry

off and plunder the inhabitants of Izki. They then set fire to the place,

and burned many of the people alive. Miisa-bin Musa was killed by the

pebbles of Roddah near the mosque of el-Hajar in the quarter of el-Jemir.

In short, they treated the people of Izki with unheard-of barbarity. The

warfare thenceforward became grievous, and hatred and anger were rife ;

each side endeavoured by every means in its power to inflict loss on its

rival. ‘Azzan received those who brought the intelligence of this affair

with honour, and rewarded them with largesse, and withheld his favours from

such as had held back from the expedition against Izki. This affair took

place on Sunday, one day before the end of Sha‘ban, A. H. 278. [A. D. 891].

In consequence of this occurrence el-Fadhl-bin el-Hawari el-Koreishi-

el-Nizari took the field, in order to avenge the massacre of the people of

Izki. He was joined by the el-Madhariyeh,3 and the el-Haddan and some

of the Benul-Harith of el-Batineh ; and he was met by ‘Abdullah el-

Haddani in the mountains of the el-Haddan.4

El Fadhl proceeded to Towam which is el-Jow.5 Thence he returned

to el-Haddan. He was there joined by el-Hawari-bin ‘Abdullah el-Saluni,

and they proceeded on the 16th of Showwal of the same year to Sohar, which

they entered on the 23rd of the same month on a Friday. They attended

Friday prayers,6 and Zeyd-bin Suleiman officiated on the occasion, and

preached to the people, after which he blessed el-Hawari-bin ‘Abdullah el-

Saluni from the pulpit. They remained in Sohar the rest of Friday and

130

E. C. Ross — Annals of ' Oman — Book III.

[No. 2,

Saturday ; and in the evening of Sunday, they went forth to encounter el-

Ahif-bin Hamham el-Hinai, and those who accompanied him of the

adherents of ‘Azzan-bin Temim. For when the latter heard of their move¬

ment, he sent against them el-Ahif-bin Hamham, chief of the Benu-Hinah7

with a force of the el-Yahmad, amongst them Fahm-bin Warith. They

proceeded until they reached Majiz in el-Batineh, and summoned el-Salt-bin

Nadhr, who came forth against them with horse and foot. El-Fadhl-bin

el-Hawari and el-Hawari-bin ‘Abdullali also came up, and a battle ensued,

in which a great number of the Madhriyeh were slain, and the remainder

were forced to fly. This encounter took place on Monday, four days before

the end of the month of Showwal of the above mentioned year.

There continued to be strife amongst the people of ‘Oman, and their

mutual animosities increased in bitterness. The Imamate became to them

as a thing to sport with, and an object of rebellious contention and incentive

to ambitious designs. They followed not God’s book nor the footsteps of

their virtuous ancestors. Matters reached such, a pass that in one year they

set up sixteen different Imams, and in each case failed to hold to the

allegiance they had vowed.

At length, when the fulness of the time was come, Mohammed-bin

Abil-Kasim and Bashir-bin el-Manther of the Benu-Samah-bin Lawa-bin-

Ghalib went forth and proceeded to el-Bahreyn, where at that time

Mohammed-bin Nur8 was governor on the part of el-Mo‘tadhid.9 To him

they complained, on arrival, of the sufferings they had endured from the

Himyarite10 faction, and invited him to accompany them to ‘Oman, tempting

him by holding out hopes of great advantages. The governor acquiesced,

but advised them to visit the Khalifeh at Baghdad and state the circum¬

stances to him, and that their object in coming was a desire for his success.

So Mohammed-bin Abil-Kasim went on to Baghdad, whilst Bushfr

remained with Mohammed-bin Nur. When Mohammed was admitted to

the Khalifeh’s presence, he related to him the whole matter, and obtained a

commission for Mohammed-bin Nur to proceed against ‘Oman ; after which

he returned to el-Bahreyn. On his return there, Mohammed-bin Nur

commenced raising a force from the various tribes, but principally from the

Nizar. He was joined also by some of the tribe Tei from el-Sham, and

marched against ‘Oman at the head of 25,000 men, of whom 3,500 were

horsemen equipped in armour and with their baggage.

The report of Mohammed-bin Nur’s approach caused great commotion

in »‘Oman, where the people were split up into rival factions, their counsels

devoid of concert and their hearts disunited. Some there were who emigrated

from ‘Oman with their families and property, and others found no resource

but to resign themselves to disgrace. Suleiman-bin ‘Abd-el-Malik-bin-

Bilal-el-Salfmf with his retainers proceeded to Hormuz, and the people of

131

1874.] E. C. Boss — Annals of ‘ Oman — Boole III.

Sohar emigrated with their property and families to Shiraz and el-Basreh.

Mohammed-bin Nur meanwhile advanced with his forces and took Jfilfar,

whence he proceeded to Towwam, which he reached, after some encounters

had taken place in the sandy wastes, on Wednesday, six days before the end of

the month el-Moharram, A. H. 280 [A. D. 893] ; and conquered el-Sirr and

neighbouring districts. He then advanced on Nezwa, from which place

‘Azzan-bin Temim, finding himself deserted by the people, fled to Semed-el-

Shan. As soon as Mohammed-bin Nur appeared, Nezwa surrendered to him,

and he continued his advance on Semed-el-Shan, and encountered ‘Azzan-

bin T emim, and on Wednesday, five days before the end of Safar of the same

year, a severe contest occurred, which resulted in the flight of the people of

‘Oman and the death of ‘Azzan-bin Temim.

Thus ‘Oman passed out of the hands of its inhabitants. “ It was not

“ that God had changed His grace which was in them, but they themselves

“ changed the disposition in their souls by sin.”11 For they fought

amongst themselves for power and supremac}?-, each one aiming at having

the authority in his own hands or in the hands of those he favoured. So

God delivered them into the power of one more unjust than themselves.

And since they had become corrupt in their religion, therefore God deprived

them of their kingdom, and set an enemy over them to rule them. The

rule of the Ibadhiyeh from their first accession to power until their overthrow

by Mohammed-bin Nur had lasted one hundred and sixty-three years all

but a month and twelve days. God knows the truth !

Mohammed-bin Nur sent the head of ‘Azzan-bin Temim to the

Khalifeh at Baghdad, and returned to Nezwa, where he took up his

residence. Soon after el-Ahi'f-bin Hamharn el-Hinai wrote to the Sheykhs

of ‘Oman and the tribes of all the districts, calling on and exhorting them

to rise against Mohammed-bin Nur and drive him from ‘Oman. They

responded to the summons, and he marched against Mohammed-bin Nur

with a numerous and well ordered force. When the latter heard of this,

terror seized his heart and he took to flight, and was pursued by el-Ahif

and his army. The prudent course would have been to avoid a battle, and

follow leisurely until Mohammed-bin Nur should pass the frontier of

‘Oman and then to return. But God so willed it for His purposes that

they marched quickly and overtook him at Damma, and a severe encounter

took place, in which many were killed and wounded on both sides. The

contest was going against Mohammed-bin Nur and his followers who were

on the point of taking to flight, and had sought safety on the sea shore.

At this juncture a body of troops appeared on the scene mounted by twos

on camels. These were the advance guard and others of a force of Madhari-

yeh sent by Abu-‘Obeydeh-bin Mohammed-el Sami to the assistance of

Mohammed-bin Nur. As soon as they had drawn nigh to the rival armies,

R

132

[No. 2,

E. C. Ross — Annals of 1 Oman. — j Boole III.

they alighted from their camels and seizing their weapons charged with.

Mohammed-bin Nur against el-Aluf and his followers, who were exhausted

by fatigue. So it happened that when on the point of gaining the victory,

the people of ‘Oman were put to flight, and El-Ahif-bin Hamham and many

of his relatives and others were slain, few of the people of ‘Oman escaping.

Mohammed-bin Nur after this returned to Nezwa, and ruled supreme over

all ‘Oman dividing the people and committing evil throughout the land,

which together with the sons of the land he ruined by his tyranny. As

soon as Mohammed-bin Nur had re-established his authority in ‘Oman, he

degraded the most honorable of the inhabitants and reduced them to the

most abject condition. He caused people to have their hands, feet, and ears

cut off, their e}^es put out, and generally treated the inhabitants with the

greatest severity and contempt. He also filled up the water channels,

burnt the books, and ‘Oman passed out of the hands of its people. After¬

wards desiring to return to el-Bahrein, he placed a person named Ahmed-

bin Hilal as Governor of all ‘Oman, and himself returned to el-Bahrein.

The residence of this Ahmed was at Balila. He also placed a Governor at

Nezwa, named Beyliarah, surnamed Abu- Ahmed. This person was informed

one day that Abul-Hawari and his adherents repudiated Musa-bin Musa, on

hearing which he sent a soldier to Abul-Hawari, who came to him as he

was seated after morning prayer in the Mihrab12 Sa‘id, known by the name

of Abul-Kasim (that is the mosque of el-Shejebi), reading the Koran, and

informed him that Abu-Ahmed required his presence. Abul-Hawari

replied that he had nothing to do with him, and resumed his reading.

The soldier remained in astonishment, not knowing what course to take

with him, until a messenger came from el-Beylnarah with orders not to

interfere with Abul-Hawari, whereupon the soldier returned, and Abul-

Hawari remained unmolested by the blessed influence of the sacred book.

It is said the soldier related afterwards that he had summoned him to arise,

fearing lest his blood should be spilt in the Mihrab.

El-Beyharah continued to be governor of Nezwa until the people rose

and slew him. His corpse was dragged away and buried in a well known

spot a little below the gate called Mo’thir, by the way side of the road

leading to Fark, where they cast manure and ashes and other refuse. God

knows the truth !

The people then gave allegiance to

The Ima'm Mohammed-bin el-Hasan el-KhariM as a Shari

Imam.13 He soon after abdicated, and they elected

The Ima'm El-Salt-bin el-Ka'sim. They deposed him and declared for

The Ima'm ‘Azza'n-bin Hazabr el-Ma'liki', who derived from Kelb-el-

Yahmad. He was also deposed and their choice fell on

The Ima'm ‘Abdullah-bin Mohammed el-Hadda'ni', known as Abu-

Sa‘id el-Karmati. They deposed him also and re-elected

1874.] E. C. Boss — Annals of 1 Oman. — Boole III. 133

The Ima'm El-Salt-Ka'sim (restored) who died in the Imamate.

Next they elected

The Ima'm el-Hasan-bin el-Sahteyni', who died in less than a

month.

The Ima'm el-Hawa'ri'-bin Matraf. Then they elected el-Hawari-

bin Matraf el-Haddani as a Dafi‘i14 Imam. He set to work to repress the

licentious workers of folly with great severity. But on each occasion when the

Sultan came to ‘Oman to tax the inhabitants, he was wont to withdraw from

the house of the Imamate to his private residence, and made no attempt to

prevent his committing injustice and tyranny. As soon as the Sultan had

quitted ‘Oman, he would return to the house of the Imamate, and placing the

crown of office on his head, would say to those around him : “ There is no Gov¬

ernment but belongs to God, and no obedience is due to those who rebel against

God.” Up to the time of his death, some of the Benu-Asameh remained in

attendance on him by order of the Sultan. The Sultan here mentioned

was the Sultan of Baghdad.15 God knows the truth ! On his death, they

elected his nephew ‘Omar-bin Moliammed-bin Matraf.

The Ima'm ‘Omar-bin Mohammed. This Prince adhered to the same

policy as his uncle had adopted, retiring when the Sultan came and

returning to office on the latter’s departure. At this period the Karamiteh16

invaded ‘Oman, on which ‘Omar resigned the Imamate. When the

Karamiteh returned to Balireyn, he did not resume office.

These Karamiteh had overrun many countries including Mekkah and

el-Sham and subdued the various tribes. They were styled Benu-Abi-Sa‘id-

el-Hasan-ibn Bahram-bin Bohrist-el-Heyyani.17 Abu-Sa‘id abolished prayer,

the fast, pilgrimage, and religious alms, and turned these observances into

allegory. He so deluded his weak-minded followers, that they deified him

in the place of the Almighty. He was at length overthrown by ‘Abdullah-

bin-‘Ali, who fought against him with only 400 men, notwithstanding that

their armies were numerous. He continued to strive with them for seven

years, until they were deprived of power.

Interregnum. After this there was an interregnum in ‘Oman, during

which period no Imam was elected.

The Ima'm Mohammed-bin Yezi'd. At length, they elected to the

Imamate Mohammed-bin Yezid el-Kundi [or Kindi], whose residence was

at Semed-el-Kundi. He was elected as a Dafi‘i Imam, being incapacitated

from election as Shari on account of being in debt.18 At this time the

Sultan subdued ‘Oman, and placed two forces in occupation of it, one at

el-Sirr, and the other at el-‘Atik. Thereupon Mohammed-bin Yezid fled

from ‘Oman, and el-Hakam-bin el-Mulla el-Boliri, a resident of Sa‘al, was

elected Imam.

The Ima'm el-Hakam-bin el-Mulla'. We know not of any previous

134

[No. 2,

E. C. Ross — Annals of 1 Oman. — Book IV.

Imam, whether Musalman or sinner, who equalled el-Hakam-bin el-Mulld

in weakness and imbecility. He soon abdicated, and the Sultan placed an

army at Nezwa. God knows the truth !

My own opinion is, that none of the Imams mentioned after el-Salt-bin

Malik were universally recognised by the people of ‘Oman, and that their

rule did not extend over the entire country. They were recognised in

certain districts and not in others, by some of the tribes only, and not by

all. For after the dissensions which had arisen amongst them, the people

of ‘Oman had ceased to act in unison, and could not agree in the choice of

an Imam. As they had cast away the blessings bestowed on them by God,

so their hearts became disunited.

Book IV.

Containing an Account of the Imams Said-bin ‘ Abdullah and Bdshid-bin-

el - Wall d and their successors to the time of ‘Omar -bin el- Kasim- el-

Fadheyli. A.D. 934 to A.D. 1560.

The next of the Imams appointed in ‘Oman, after the people had come

to be divided into factions, was Abul-Kasim Sa‘fd-bin ‘Abdullah-bin Moham-

med-bin Mahbub-bin el-Ralieyl-bin Seyf-bin Hubeyrah, the horseman of the

Prophet (on whom be peace !). I know not the date of his election, nor how

long he was Imam1 ; neither have I learnt by whom he was slain, and for

what cause. I have perused many books and questioned many well-informed

persons in search of information on these subjects, but in vain. Please God,

however, I shall still endeavour to discover.

I find that the first person to declare Sa‘id-bin ‘Abdullah Imam was

Abu-Mohammed el-Hawarhbin ‘Othman, then Abu-Mohammed ‘Abdullah-

bin Mohammed-bin Abil-Muathir, Next I reckon Mohammed-bin Zaxdeh

el-Sxmuli. I find also that this Imam was elected as a Dati‘x, not as a Shari.2

Abu-Mohammed ‘Abdullah-bin Mohammed was wont to extol his learning

and to assert that his attainments surpassed those of any previous Imam.

It has also come down to us that Abu-‘ Abdullah Mohammed-bin Ruli said

that the Imam Sa‘id-bin ‘Abdullah was more learned than any of those who

elected him and associated with him. It is known to us from the

unanimous testimony of the select circle of those who profess the true

Faith,3 that he was recognised as our Ruler and Imam. He passed away. May

God have mercy on his soul ! We know not that any found fault with his

election to the Imamate, ixor with his character ; neither did any secede

from him. We learn moreover of Abu-Mohammed ‘Abdullah-bin Moham¬

med-bin Abil-Muathir that he said : “ We know of no Imam of the

“Musalmans in ‘Oman more excellent than Sa‘id-bin ‘Abdullah, for he was

“ an upright and leanied Imam, and he died the death of a martyr. All

135

1874.] E. C. Ross — Annals of 'Oman.— Book IV.

il these things were combined in him. May God have mercy on him !” It

may be, however, that el-Julanda-bin Mes‘ud was his equal ; hut we are told

that the Sheykh Abu-Ibrahim Mohammed-bin Sa‘id-bin Abu-Bekr said _

“ The Imam Sa‘id-bin ‘Abdullah was superior to Julanda-bin Mes‘ud ; for

“ he was a just and righteous Imam, excelling the people of his time in

“learning, and he died a martyr withal. May God pardon him and

“ compensate us and el-Islam for his loss with the highest requital, where-

“ with He compensates a people for their Imam!” This is what I have

found recorded of his excellence. I find the date of the affair in which he was

killed stated to have been the year 323 A. H. [A. D. 934]. 1 have read a book

in which it is stated that he met his death in the following manner. A woman

of the people of el-Ghashb of el-Rostak was drying grain in the sun, when

a sheep came and ate some of it, on seeing which the woman cast a stone

and broke the sheep’s leg. Another woman who owned the sheep, then

came up and began beating the first woman, who cried to her people to aid

her. One of her friends came up and also one of the other woman’s friends,

and each side being augmented by fresh arrivals a severe contest commenced.

The Imam Sa‘id-bin ‘Abdullah repaired to the scene with a single

attendant for the purpose of separating the combatants, and was killed in

the melee. God knows the truth of this.

The Ima'm Ra'shed-bin el-Wali'd. The next Imam was Rashid-bin-

el- Walid, who was elected in the following manner ; There assembled toge¬

ther the Sheykh Abu-Mohammed ‘Abdullah-bin Mohammed-bin Abul-

Muathir and Abu-Mes‘ud el-Na‘man-bin ‘Abdul-Hamid, and Abu-Moham¬

med ‘Abdullah-bin Mohammed-bin Shxkheh. And amongst those present

at the ceremony were Abu-‘Othman Ramshaki-bin Rashid and Abu-

Mohammed ‘Abdullah-bin Mohammed-bin Salih and Abu-Manthir-bin Abu-

Mohammed-bin Ruh. These persons who assembled on this occasion were

respected and distinguished in the same degree as were those who elected the

Imam Sa’id-bin ‘Abdullah in their time. No persons of sense denied their

excellence nor ignored their uprightness, and of their contemporaries in the

same Faith none were comparable to them. Thus “ there are men for every

time, as there is a word for every occasion.” People of every age desire the

general welfare of their religion. This is proverbial. The authority was

with those who were present and not with the absent. Those who bore

witness could not alter, and those who did not could not demur. He who

gave admittance could not expel, nor could the affirmer deny his word.

Now it was known to this assembly that there was an adversity of

sentiment amongst the members, and that mutual recrimination had place

with regard to the affair of Musa-bin Musa, and Rasliid-bin el-Nadhr.

Wherefore, when they had resolved to elect Rashid-bin el-Walid Imam,

they deemed it expedient to summon a general council, to come to an

136

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman. — Book IV.

[No. 2,

agreement as to the course to be adopted in that matter. Accordingly, a

great number of the elect of the true Faith assembled in the house at

Nezwa, in which Rashid-bin el-Walid used to reside. All of those we have

named as having been present at the election of Rashid-bin el-Walid

attended except Abu-Mes‘ud-el-Na‘man, who was absent. The President of

the Council was Abu-Mohammed ‘Abdullah-bin Mohammed-bin Abul-

Muathir. They unanimously resolved to adopt a policy of neutrality as

between Musa-bin Musa and Rashid-bin el-Nadhr, and to hold aloof from

both as regarded the Government, granting at the same time that both

were sincere believers in their religion. We know not of any of them that

he acted wrongfully in either of these courses. The matter, then, was

settled amongst them in this fashion ; although the wording as to details

may be more or less incomplete, still, the general result was as stated.4

Having agreed on this course, they thereupon proceeded to swear allegiance

to the Imam Rashid-bin el-Walld, binding him to administer the duties

of his office in obedience to God and his Apostle ; to govern uprightly and

repress crime ; to prosecute wars in defence of the Faith as a D&fi‘i Imam ;

and further to tread in the footsteps of the just Imams, his predecessors,

in imitation of their virtue and uprightness. On such conditions did Abu-

Mohammed-bin Abil-Muathir swear fealty in the house at Nezwa, and

after him, in the same manner, Abu-Mes‘ud and the rest of the assembly.

The Imam having accepted their vows, they went forth to the open plain

at Nezwa, where a vast concourse of the people of ‘Oman had collected.

They had come not only from Nezwa, but from the various towns of the

East and the West of ‘Oman, and the assemblage was composed of persons

of unimpeachable integrity, holding positions of rank and authority. They

all assented to and obeyed the decision of the Council without the slightest

sign of repugnance or disapproval. Then arose Abu-Mohammed ‘Abdullah-

bin Mohammed-bin Shiklieh, and approaching Rashid hailed him as Imam,

and announced to the people that the Council had elected him, commanding

them to vow their allegiance. This they did openly and willingly without

a dissentient voice. Some of the persons referred to made their vows

separately, and in other cases in parties ; and for some time people kept

arriving for the purpose of making the compact, until the whole kingdom

had declared for the new Imam. Some appeared in person to swear allegiance,

others saluted him as Imam,5 whilst others again proved their minds by

exhibiting a ready submission. The Imam had no occasion to use force, as

no secret disaffection existed. He sent his governors and agents to all the

districts and villages, and no one molested them. He performed the Friday

service at Nezwa, and he and his agents collected the sadakat6, or poor-rate.

He also reviewed the troops, presenting standards and issuing all necessary

orders. His receipts on account of the revenues of the kingdom were large,

1874.]

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman. — Booh IV,

137

and every district of ‘Oman acknowledged his authority as Sultan,7 and

none rebelled against it in those days. All paid what was his due and

openly acknowledged him as Imam, without the exercise on his part of any

severity, open or secret, or any form of intimidation. On the other hand,

there was no display of weak leniency, nor undue conciliation ; nor was it

necessary for him to work on the sordid feelings and hopes of profit of those

who dissemble their fears, and betray others for gain or ambition. He was

gentle to his subjects, and acted in harmony with their opinions, kindly

indulgent to their defects and faults and pleased with their virtues. He

was impartial in his judgment between all classes, whether noble, religious,

poor, or rich. Those at a distance received equal consideration with those

present. All were received with hospitality, and assiduous attention given

to their affairs. He was accustomed also to consult with those below him

in rank and to avail himself of their advice. Thus he continued to take

on himself the burden of the cases of his subjects, sacrificing his own

enjoyments and the society of those he loved for their good ; and he ceased

not in the same manner to bear patiently the misfortunes and deprivation

of enjoyment and separation from friends, which his subjects caused him to

suffer. He had to endure slander and injury,8 calamity, and indignity, and

bore all with patience, trusting to God for better times. Many of his

subjects were watching for an opportunity to injure him, and in secret

entertained most evil designs against him. “ Iniquity appears in the

countenances of the unbelievers, and their breasts hide not hatred and envy.”9

The Evil one had gained the mastery over their minds, and an evil fate

and their own animosities overcame them. Some amongst them, whilst

seeking his ruin, pretended friendship outwardly. If God gave him success,

they feigned to rejoice and congratulate him. If, however, success attended

the enemy, they would abandon him on pretence of inability to assist,

asserting that if they only had the power, they would fight against the

enemies of the Truth. Many proffered aid in words, whilst in secret

abandoning his cause. Others again assisted him from interested motives,

but only nominally and without sincerity. If good befel, they took

advantage of it, but in time of adversity turned their backs. In short, it

is impossible to enumerate the various evil motives by which they were

actuated. Exception may be made in the case of a few persons who had

not power to assist him, who saw they could not mend a hopeless cause by

remaining faithful.

At length his affairs reached such a point that his people opposed and

abandoned him, and the nobles conspired together to enter into intrigues

against his power with the Sultan whom they prepared to support. The

Imam made strong attempts to prevent this, and fierce enmity ensued be¬

tween him and his subjects, who separated from him at the town of Bahia,

138

E. C. Ross — Annals of 1 Oman. — Booh IV.

[No. 2,

and went forth obstinately in open rebellion, resolved on bis downfal.

The Sultan meanwhile bad been advancing to el-Sirr, whilst the Imam,

being deserted by the main body of bis army who were now opposed to him,

bad only a small and weak body of followers. He bad only left Nezwa

indeed in hopes of inducing them to abandon their intention of going forth

to join the approaching foe. Finding himself deserted and rebelled against,

and unable with his small party to oppose the Sultan, he feared to be sur¬

prised in the place, and withdrew with his followers from Bahia to Ka-

dam.10 He hoped that by this step he had ensured his safety and kept on

his guard. He remained at Kadam until he ascertained that the enemy

had entered el-Jowf, when he became alarmed, and removed with a small

party of attendants to W&di. el-Nakhr.11

He then busied himself actively in endeavouring to raise a force to

oppose the Sultan, and at length succeeded in assembling a sufficient num¬

ber of allies and adherents to commence active operations against the

enemy. By this time the Sultan was encamped at Nezwa. B}7- the advice

of those present of his kinsmen and well-wishers, who thought it best in

the interests of Islam, the Imam remained behind the army which he sent

against the tyrant Sultan at Nezwa. He took his position close to the

pass to Manh, so he was not distant from them. As God had ordained, his

army was defeated and put to flight and dispersed, and the Imam went

forth vanquished and panic-stricken, seeking safety from his pursuers.

The battle occurred in the forenoon, and by evening he found himself aban¬

doned by all his followers, a prey to terror and deprived of all hope of the

success of his people.

The tyrant Sultan then reduced all ‘Oman with its vai’ious districts to

submission. The people sought to ingratiate themselves with the Sultan,

who, on his part, deluded and beguiled them, until all the districts had

submitted to his rule. Meanwhile the Imam lay concealed amongst the

heights of the mountains and in desert places, in fear alike from the Sultan

and from his own subjects, dreading to meet death at every place, and in

terror of being surprised in his sleep. Whilst he was thus a fugitive from

home and family in terror of his life, the people of his kingdom were dwell¬

ing in their houses in peace and security, having artfully conciliated the

Sultan and ingratiated themselves with him. There was nothing to induce

the Imam to withhold his submission ; indeed there was no other course

open to him but submission, as no further effort was possible. He deliber¬

ated concerning his position and consulted with persons of sound judgment.

He acted in accordance with the decisions and sanctions of people of piety,

who pronounced an opinion, which, as far as we know is incontrovertible,

that a Dafi‘i Imam is justified in practising “ religious dissimulation”12

when abandoned by his subjects. And we know not of a more signal

1874.]

E. C. Boss — Annals of 1 Oman. — Book IV.

189

instance of desertion and rebellion on the part of the subjects against their

Sovereign. But God is merciful and beneficent, and He provides for His

servants an escape from every difficulty in matters of religion, and grants

an excuse for all who are helpless. The Imam and his people alike suffered

in accordance with the decrees of Fate. He accordingly returned to his

home and made his submission, hoping to remain in unmolested retirement.

A messenger came to him from the Sultan with an assurance of safety, hut

he seems to have given the promise verbally and not on oath. The Imam

abstained from frequenting the Sultan’s levees until the latter came to him

and forcibly insisted on his doing so. By this act of submission his Imam-

ate, in our opinion, terminated forthwith ; and this furnished an evident

excuse for the establishment of the rule of his rival. We have not heard

that, during his administration of the Imamate and the vicissitudes which

befel, any reproach or blame attached to Bashid-bin el-Walfd. He lived

for a short time after these events, admired by all, and was much regretted

when he died. In his time, Bashid-bin el-Walid was humble in spirit, and

none of the pious found fault with him on account of any of his actions.

May God requite el-Islam and its people for the loss of one who acted just¬

ly and uprightly ! and may He recompense us all and all who knew his

excellence, as a people is recompensed for their Imam, a brother for a bro¬

ther !

We have recounted only a portion of the virtues of Bashid-bin el-

Walid, which we trust will not be questioned, but much more might have

been added on this subject. For he was endowed with every virtue, so

much so in fact, that his good qualities are proverbial, and such as to

baffle all attempts to recount them. His fall dated from the battle of

Nezwa, after which, deserted by his own subjects, he was obliged to

dissimulate and seek the favour of the Sultan ; for there was no refuge

for him from the confines of Julfar to the borders of Ba‘wan ; neither

in the hills of ‘Ataleh, nor in the land of el-Haddan, nor el-Bostak.

Everywhere was bitterness and vileness, and every foe treated him with

obloquy.13

The Ima'm el-Khali'l-eih Sha'tha'n. Amongst the Imams elected

in ‘Oman was el-Khalil-bin Shathan, who probably reigned in the begin¬

ning of the 5th century of the Hijrah.

The Ima'm Ba'shid-bin SaT'd. Next was Basliid-bin Sahd, who died

in the month of Moharram, A. H. 445. [A. D. 1053.]

Verse.

“We mourn not for the loss of goats or sheep or camels ; but when one

dies whose loss brings death to many, then is real woe.”

The Ima'm Mohammed -bin Habi's, On the day of his death, Moham-

med-bin Habis was invested as Imam by Nijad-bin Musa, the Kadhi of the

s

E. C. Ross — Annals of '‘Oman. — Booh IV.

140

[No. 2,

late Imam, and the preceptor Abu-Bekr Ahmed-bin Mohammed pronounced

the khotbeh. This was in 510 A. H. [A. D. 111G.]

# # # #

* # * #

The Ima'm Mohammed-bin Khanbash. Afterwards, Mohammed-bin

Khanbash became Imam. He died in 557 A. H. [A. D. 1162], and was buried

by the small black bill, called Jebel Thu-Juyud, nearFeleij el-Kantak. His

death occasioned greater suffering to the people of ‘Oman than that of any

previous Imam.

The Ima'm Hafs-bin Ra'shid. His son Hafs-bin Rashid was then

elected.

The Ima'm Ra'shid-bin ‘AlT. Then came Rashid-bin ‘Ali, who died

on Sunday, in the middle of Thul-Ka‘deli, A. H. 476. In one work, how¬

ever, the date of bis death is placed at A. H. 513. God knows which of the

dates is most correct.14

The Ima'm Mu'sa-bin Abu- Ja'bir. Then was elected Musa-bin Jabir-

el-Mu ‘all-bin Musa-bin Nejad, who died in the year 549 A. H. [A. D. 1153.]

I have translated the following passage from the MS. work of the learned

‘Oth man -bin Musa-bin Mohammed-bin ‘Othman, who lived in the quarter

named el-Jarmah of ‘Akr at Nezwa.

The Ima'm Habi's-bin Mohammed. The Ima'm Ma'lik-bin el-

Hawa'ei'.

On the 17th of Jumadi-el-Awwal,li died the Imam Habfs-bin Moham¬

med-bin Hisham, whose death was a severe affliction to the people. Malik-

bin el-Hawari became Imam in the year 809 [A. D. 1406], and died in 832

A. H. [A. D. 1429]. I have not discovered accounts of any Imams during the

interval that here elapses of a little more than two hundred years.16 God

knows whether those were years of an interregnum during which no Imam

was elected, or whether the names of the Imams have been lost to us.17 I

have, however, found an account of an expedition of the people of Shiraz

against ‘Oman, under Fakhr el-din Ahmed-bin el-Dayah and Shihab el-din

with 4,500 horsemen. The people of ‘Oman endured extreme suffering

from these invaders. They ejected the principal persons of el-‘Akr at Nezwa

from their houses, and remained in this manner for four months in ‘Oman.

They also besieged Bahia, but were unable to take it. Ibn-Dayah having

died, Gc*d caused their fall. The people also suffered from a severe famine.

That was in the reign of the Sultan ‘Omar-bin Nebhan in the year 674 A.

H.18 [A. H. 1279]. I have also lighted on an account of an expedition of one

of the Amirs of Hormuz, named Mahmud-bin Ahmed el-Kashi, who landed at

the town of Kalliat.19 At that time Abul-Ma‘ali-Kahlan-bin Nebhan and

his brother ‘Omar-bin Nebhan ruled over ‘Oman. On arrival at Kalhat,

Mahmud summoned Abul Ma‘ali, who told him that he held possession of

1874.] E. C. Ross— Annals of ‘Oman— Rook IV. 141

only one district of ‘Oman, whereupon Mahmud replied, “ Taice as many of

my soldiers as you please, and proceed against those of ‘Oman who oppose

you.” Abul-Ma‘ali then told him that the people of ‘Oman had not the

means of paying tribute. All this he said with a view to protect the people

of ‘Oman. Mahmud dissimulated his hostile feelings, and sought to gain his

end by stratagem ; so he invited all the Bedouin chiefs of ‘Oman and gave

them presents, on which they promised him victory over the people of

‘Oman and engaged to join him. He then proceeded by sea to Dhafar.20

Arrived there, he slaughtered many of the inhabitants, plundered much pro¬

perty, and returned towards ‘Oman. He embarked his baggage in vessels,

and performed the first part of the journey by sea. When subsequently

they landed and proceeded by land route, their provisions failed, and they

were beset by hunger. So great was the scarcity, that a mann of meat

sold for a dinar.21 They also suffered greatly from thirst, water being

scarce on that route. It is said that 5,000 of his men died, and some say more.

This was in the year 660 A. H. [A. D. 1262]. I have also found another

narrative of an expedition of the Owlad el-Reis22 against ‘Oman. They

set out in the end of Showwal, A. H. 675 [A. D. 1276]. At that time the

ruler23 of ‘Oman was the Seyyid24 Kahlan-bin ‘Omar-bin Neblian, who

advanced by the desert to oppose them, accompanied by all the people of el-

‘Akr. The Owlad el-Reis surprised el-‘Akr, entered it, and burned its

market places. They plundered the place of all it contained, carried off the

women, and burned the magazines and the principal mosque. The books

were likewise burned. All this occurred in the space of half a day. Kah-

lan thereupon returned with his force, and united with his detached parties.

The Owlad el-Reis and their allies of the el-Haddan attacked Kahlan’s army,

and in the battle which ensued 300 men were slain.

It is probable that during the interval between Mohammed-bin Khan-

bash and Malik-bin el-Hawari, the government was in the hands of the

el-Nebaheneh, but Gfod knows ! It seems probable, also, that they held

power for more than 500 years, with this qualification that, after the term

of years referred to, Imams were elected, the Nebaheneh being rulers in some

districts, and the Imams being recognized in the rest,25 God knows !

The Ima'm Abul-Hasan-bih Khami's. Seven years after the decease

of Malik-bin el-Hawari, Abul-Hasan-bin Khamis-bin ‘A'mir26 was elected

Imam. This was on Thursday in the month of Ramadhan, in the year 839,

A. H, [A. D. 1435]. He died on Saturday, the 21st of Thul-Ka‘deh, A. H.

846. [A. D. 1442.]

The Ima'm ‘Omar-bin Khattab. In the year 885 A. H. [A. D. 1481],

they elected the Imam ‘Omar-bin Khattab -bin Mohammed-bin Ahmed-bin

Shidan-bin Salt.27 He it was who seized the property of the Benu -Neblian,

and divided it amongst those about him of his own sect.28 He took the

142

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman — Boole IV.

[No. 2,

administration of this property into his own hands. This was by the unani¬

mous wish of the Musalmans, who assembled and held inquiry regarding the

bloodshed and the property unlawfully seized and appropriated by the Al-

Nebhan. It was found that it was more than their possessions.29 The Kadhi

under the Imam ‘Omar-bin Khattab was Abu-‘ Abdullah Mohammed-bin

Suleiman-bin Ahmed-bin Mufarrij, and he appointed Mohammed-bin ‘Omar-

bin Mufarrij agent for those of the Musalmans of ‘Oman who had suffered

injustice at the hands of the Al-Nebhan. Ahmed-bin ‘Omar acted in like capa¬

city for the Al-Nebhan Princes. Ahmed-bin Salih-bin Mohammed-bin ‘Omar

adjudged the whole of the property of the A'l-Nebhan, their lands, plantations,

tenements, arms, utensils, water-runs, dykes, in fact all they possessed of

dwellings, wells, furniture, and goods, to those whom they had oppressed.

Mohammed-bin ‘Omar accepted this decree for those of the people of ‘Oman

who had suffered injury, whether living or dead, old or young, male or female.

By this decisive decree the property in question could be claimed by those

injured. Many, however, were unknown, and their claims forgotten, and

it was impossible in such cases to distribute the shares. All such unclaimed

shares of the property were ordered to be given to the poor, it also being

decreed that, whilst there was a just Imam reigning, he was the most fitting

person to receive such property awarded to the poor, and to expend it for

the glory and maintenance of the government of the Musalmans. All

persons who established their claims, were to receive their shares of the *

property of the Benu-Nebhan. On the property being awarded , an estimate

was to be made of what was due in arrears for the yearly produce of such

property, if the claimant had the necessary information, but if he was

unable to estimate this, that portion of the claim was to come under the

head of unknown claims, and to be assigned to the poor, and taken charge

of by the Imam as above. This decree was confirmed and ordered to be

carried into execution. “ If any should alter it after hearing it, verily the

guilt is on those who shall alter it, for God hears and knows.”30

This order was passed on Wednesday evening, seven days before the end

of Jumadi el-Akhir, in the year 887 A. H. [A. D. 1482], This occurred in the

second reign of the Imam ‘Omar. For one year after his first election Suleiman-

bin Suleiman rose against him, and his army was defeated at Himat in

Wadi Semail. • Afterwards he was re-elected He was succeeded by

The Ima'm Mohammed-bin Sttleima'n bin Ahmed-bin Mufabrij, the

Kadhi, in the year of the Hijreh 894 [A. D. 1489.] He was deposed and

The Ima'm ‘Omar-el-Sheri'e was elected in his place and reigned

for one year, after which he retired to Bahia. The people of Nezwa then

re-installed Mohammed-bin Suleiman.

The Ima'm Ahmed-bin-‘Omar. Next was Ahmed-bin ‘Omar-bin

Mohammed el-Zenji.

1874.]

143

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman — Book IV.

The Ima'm Abul-Hasan-bin ‘Abd-el-Sela'm. Then Abul Hasan-

bin ‘Abd-el-Selam reigned as Imam for less than a year, and was overthrown

by Suleiman-bin-Suleiman, who made war against bim.

The Ima'm Moha'mmed-bin Stjleima'n was then set up once more,

and remained in power for a few days.

The Ima'm Mohammed-bin IsmaVl. The next Imam was Moham-

med-bin Isma‘il el-Isma‘ili, who resided in the quarter of Wadi el-Gharbiyeh

on the road which leads to the Mazar gate.31 The cause of his being

chosen was that Suleiman-bin Suleiman assaulted a woman, who was

bathing at el-‘Antak. The woman rushed out of the stream naked and fled

from him. Suleiman chased her as far as the Wadi, when they were

perceived by Mohammed-bin Isma‘fl, who seized Suleiman, threw him down,

and held him there until the woman had escaped into ePAkr, when he let

him go his ways. The Musalmans were so pleased at this proof of his

strength to do right and oppose wickedness, that they elected him Imam in

the year 906 A. H. [A. D. 1500.]

He died on Thursday, nine days before the end of Showwal, A. H. 94232

[A. D. 1535.] His son

TnE Ima'm Babaka't-bin Mohammed-bin Isma'4l was installed on

the same day on which his father died.

On Saturday, ten days before the end of the month of Moharram,

A. H. 965 [A. D. 1557], Barakat evacuated the fort of Bahia, which was

forcibly seized by Mohammed-bin Jafir-bin ‘All-bin Hilal. Previous to

this, however, in the year 964 A. H. [A. D. 1556], the powerful Sul¬

tan, Sultan-bin Mohsin-bin Suleiman-bin Nebhan had taken possession of

Nezwa. Mohammed-bin Jaflr continued to hold possession of the Fortress of

Bahia until the APOmeyr bought it from him for three hundred laks. The

APOmeyr entered the Fort of Bahia on Tuesday, nine days before the end of

Jumadf el-Akhir, A. H. 967. [A. D. 1559.]

It seems probable that ‘Omar-bin Kasim el-Fadheyli was Imam in the

time of Barakat-bin Mohammed-bin Isma‘11, but this is not certain.

The Ima'm ‘Abdttllah-bin Mohammed. On Friday, fifteen days

remaining of the month of Rejeb, A. H. 967 [A. D. 1559], the Imam ‘Abdul-

lah-bin Mohammed el-Karan was invested at Manli, and on Monday, two

days before the end of the same month, he entered the Fort of Bahia.

On Wednesday, three days before the end of the month of Ramadhan,

A. H. 969 [A. D. 1561], Barakat-bin Mohammed-bin Isma‘11 re-entered the

Fort of Bahia, which was vacated by ‘ Abdullah-bin Mohammed el-Karan. The

learned theologian Ahmed-bin Maddad denounced both Mohammed-bin

Ismabl and his son Barakat. He says in his work — “ The religion which

“ we profess, and in which we worship God, enjoins renunciation of Moham-

“ med-bin Isma‘il on account of his having forcibly levied zekat33 from his

144

[No. 2,

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman — Boole V.

“ subjects, whilst neglecting to protect them and prevent oppression. For

“ it has been rightly handed down as an article of the religion of the

“ Musalmans that the “ Jeziah”34 or the “ Sadakat” cannot be lawfully

“ levied except by rulers who prevent the unjust and oppressive levy of

“ exactions. According to the religion of the Musulmans, their means of

11 subsistence cannot be taxed in a land where they are not afforded

“ protection and security.”35

Likewise Mohammed-bin Malibub said that our Imam cannot lawfully

levy taxes, nor receive the free offerings from a people whom he fails to

protect from oppression. If he does so, he acts unjustly towards them, and

there is no difference between him and the oppressors who plunder the people.

The Imam must not take aught from such people, and must refrain from

appointing governors over them without protecting them. The religion of

the Musalmans also forbids the levy of both Jcharaj36 and zekat from one

and the same class of the subjects. Serving Almighty God, we repudiate

Mohammed-bin Ismaffl on account of his oppression of his subjects in

forcing sales of the zekat due on the produce of the date plantations, in

accordance with the arbitrary estimates of his agents, and in forcibly insisting

on it being levied at that valuation to the injury of the people. For the

forced purchase of the zekat on grain and dates, either in advance or after

receipt, is not allowed by the religion of el-Islam. Such is prohibited by

the book and the law and by accord of the peoples. Forced sales also are

forbidden except in cases of storing up against times of famine or refusal to

satisfy just claims. There is no difference of opinion in this matter. So we

renounce and hold ourselves free from the guilt of Mohammed-bin Ismaffl

and his son Barakat.

Book V.

Account of the later JPrinces of the el-Nebaheneh , and others , up to the

accession of the Imam Ndsir-bin Murshid. A.D. 1560 to A.D. 1624.

It is related that when Sultan-bin Mohsin died, (which event occurred

on Monday, eleven days before the end of Rabi‘ ul-Akhir, A. H. 973, [A. D.

1565]) he left three sons, Tahyas-bin Sultan, Sultan-bin Sultan, and

Modliaffar-bin Sultan. The last named was foremost of them in the

Government until he died, on a Saturday in the month of el-Moharram, in

the year 996 A. H. [A. D. 1588.]. He left a young son, named Suleiman,

who, on account of his youth, was incapable of assuming the reins of

Government. His uncle Fellah-bin Mohsin, who was Malik of Makmat,1

on hearing of the death of Modhaffar, came to Bahia, and assumed the

Government in his brother’s place. He continued to govern for seven

years when he died. Suleiman-bin Modhaffar succeeded him when only

twelve years of age, and ruled supreme in ‘Oman and all its districts, levying

1874.]

145

E. C. Ross — Annals of‘Omdn — Book V.

taxes from the people by fair or forcible means, from those at a distance,

as well as those close by. The people of Nezwa collected to oppose him,

and amongst the rebellious was a Jabari, named Mohammed-bin Jafir, who

had a large force under his command. Suleiman-bin Modhaffar and ‘Arrar-

bin Fellah accompanied by Nasir-bin Katan and his followers marched

against the rebels : and in the battle which ensued, Mohammed-bin Jafir

was killed and his army defeated. Nasir-bin Katan, who was watching the

result, interfered to prevent further slaughter.

Mohammed-bin Jafir left a young son, named Mohammed, whose

mother was a daughter of £Omeyr-bin ‘Amir. Suleiman-bin Modhaffar

espoused this lady, when her husband was killed, and spent the cold weather

with her in the plains of el-Shemal, leaving his cousin ‘Arrar-bin Fellah to

act for him at Bahia.

Mohenna-bin Mohammed el-Hadeyfi was at that time Malik of Sohar.

Having received intelligence that the Persians were preparing to attack him,

he sent to ask Suleiman-bin Modhaffar to assist him against them. The

latter consented and proceeded with his forces to Sohar, where the army

was completely organized. The Persians arrived by sea, and a severe fight

occurred, which resulted in the defeat of the Persians and the slaughter of

a great number of their army. After this, Suleiman returned to his

residence at Bahia. He had with him his cousins ‘Arrar, Nebhan, and

Makhzum, sons of Fellah-bin Mohsin,2 of whom there were ten in all. ‘Arrar

was the first of them, and his brother Nebhan had no will but his. El-

‘ Arrar was Prince (Melik) of el-Dhahireh, and Suleiman bestowed on

Makhzum the district of Yankal.

Of the cousins of Suleiman there was also Himyer-bin Hafidh, who had

four sons, Hafidh-bin Himyer, Sultan-bin Himyer, Kahlan-bin Himyer,

and Hud-bin Himyer. The first of these died a year after the return to

Bahia. There were in Suleiman’s service also his relations Muhenna-bin-

Mobammed-bin Hafidh and ‘All-bin Thahal-bin Mohammed-bin Hafidh.

Suleiman had Wazirs at el-Kareiyeh and amongst the el-Nizar of Azld

and at Semed el-Shan. The latter place belonged to the el-Jahadhim tribe,

whom Suleiman treated with severity. They were forced to fly from his

violence and power, and remained dispersed in the districts for the space

of thirty years, fearing to return to the town.

The Benu-Hincih clan was held in the highest estimation by

Sulaiman-bin Modhaffar, and they were a most numerous, powerful, and

warlike tribe. The leaders of this tribe were Khalf-bin Abu-Sa‘id,

and Seif-bin Mohammad-bin Abu-Sa‘id, men renowned amongst the peo¬

ple of their time. There were two tribes of the people of Seikam, the

Benu-Ma‘an and Benu-Neyyer, both cognate to, and allies of, the Benu-

Hinah. A feud broke out between these two tribes, arising from a quarrel

146

[No. 2,

E. C. Ross — Annals of ’■Oman — Boole V.

between two women, and because of tlie mutilation of a camel, and they

became divided ; the Benu Ma‘an with the Benu-Shakeyl joining Suleiman-

bin-Modhaffar, and the Benu-Nayyer joining the Benu-Hinah. On this,

Khalf-bin Abu-Sa‘id went to his house at Darseyt3 with his cousins.

Suleiman-bin Modhaffar was then in the desert, and when he heard what

had occurred, he sent to his Wazir Mohammed-bin Khanjar, desiring him

to tell Khalf to desist from interference with the tribe (Benu-Ma‘an).

The Wazir sent to Khalf accordingly, but finding he did not stop his

proceedings, he reported to his master that Khalf would not attend to his

orders. Suleiman then sent instructions to his Wazir to operate against

the property of the Benu-Hinah at Kadam, and the Wazir ordered this to

be destroyed. As this property belonged to the Sheykli Khalf, this

occasioned a rupture between him and Suleiman, and in reprisal Sheykli

Khalf ordered his cousins to make a raid on Bahia. This they did, and they

killed many of the inhabitants of that place. The Wazir Mohammed-bin

Khanjar then wrote to inform Suleiman of what had occurred at Balila.

On hearing this intelligence, Suleiman returned from el-Shemal to Bahia,

and endeavoured to effect a reconciliation with the Benu-Hinah.4 In this

he was unsuccessful, and both sides prepared for a struggle ; and the

Sultan Suleiman collected all his available forces to attack the Benu-Hinah.

As soon as the Sheykli Khalf heard of this, he sent to ask aid of the Amir5

‘Omeyr-bin Himyer, the Prince of Semail, against Suleiman-bin Modhaffar.

‘Omeyr consented and came from Semail with his followers. Suleiman, being

apprised of this movement, marched with his forces to Gfhobrah, near Balila,

and there encountered ‘Omeyr-bin Himyer. A battle was fought which

lasted for an hour, and which resulted in Suleiman returning to Balila, and

the Amir ‘Omeyr to Semail, the latter leaving some of his men in Darseyt.

The Amir was a person of noble and prudent disposition. On his arrival at

Semail, he sent to the Benu- Jahadhim who were dispersed in various villages.

They came at his summons, and a friendly alliance was established. He

next sent to the Sultan of el-Rostak, Malik-bin Abul-‘Arab, to invite him

to Semail, who accepted his invitation, and with him went also Abul-

Hasan ‘Ali-bin Katan. From Semail they proceeded with the Benu-

Jahadhimto Semed el-Shan, where they entrenched themselves. The Amir

left with them some of his own clansmen and whatever provisions, water,

and munitions of war they required, and returned himself to Semail. As

to Suleiman-bin Modhaffar and the Benu-Hinah, there was incessant warfare

between them.

The Amir ‘Omeyr-bin Himyer and the Sultan Malik-bin Abul-‘Arab

betook themselves to Nezwa to watch the cause of events. Now Malik-

bin Abul-‘Arab had a Wazir in ‘Eini of el-Rostak, and certain inmates of

his house ejected the Wazir. Next, one of the inhabitants of ‘Eini repaired

1874.] E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman — Book V. 147

to Suleiman-bin Mudhaffar, and sought his aid against the hostile faction.

Suleiman sent some of his men under ‘Arrar-bin Fellah to their assistance.

When the Sultan Malik-bin Abul-‘Arab heard what had occurred in his

home, he prepared to set out to return thither. The Amir, however, said to

him : “ Stay with us and fear not, for this affair promises happy results.”

He asked how that could be with the enemy in his house. The Amir

replied, “ That is my affair : and, please God, I shall be victorious. God

(whose name be exalted !) has said, ‘ Difficulty and ease go hand in hand.’ ”

The poet says —

“ When events overwhelm, and the spirit is ready to sink beneath

them ; when misfortunes descend and patience is failing, — still in the end

comes relief.”

The Benu-Hinah then invited the Amir ‘Omeyr-bin Himyer to

advance with his men, promising to give them admission to Bahia. He

accordingly proceeded a part of the way with his forces, but, deeming them

too weak in numbers, he returned to Nezwa. Meanwhile the Benu-Hinah

were in expectation of his arrival on the night fixed for his entry. On his

failing to join them, the Sheykh Seyf-bin Mohammed went from Darseyt

to Nezwa to see him, and a stormy discussion ensued between them, the

Sheykh censuring the conduct of the Amir. The latter ended by desiring

the Sheykh to take as many of his men as he pleased. The Sheykh

accordingly took a great number of men and proceeded to Darseyt, whilst

the Amir awaited the result at Nezwa. Suleiman-bin Mudhaffar was informed

that the enemy’s force had marched from Nezvva to Darseyt, some saying

their object was el-Kareyeh, others Seyfam, and others again Bahia. So

Suleiman divided his army, placing a division at Kareyeh and another at

Seyfam. He also built a fort to cover Felej el-Juzyein, fearing an attack

in that quarter, and placed a detachment in it. Of the rest of his forces

some were stationed at Bahia, and a detachment at el-Khadhra. He also

posted men in the el-Ghaf quarter.

Himyer-bin Hafidh with some of his retainers held the principal

mosque of the town, the rest of his men being placed in el-‘Akr. His

cousin ‘Arrar-bin Fellah with his followers was at ‘Eini of el-Rostak.

Seyf-bin Mohammed proceeded with his force from Darseyt with the

intention of occupying Bahia. They first entered from the western side,

scaling the outer wall. This design they carried out so skilfully, that their

entry was not discovered by any one. Seyf then divided his force

into three parties, one for the right, one for the left, and the third

in the centre ; the latter being opposite the chief mosque of the town.

In this manner he occupied positions well chosen for further opera¬

tions. Subsequently, in the fighting which took place, many of Suleiman’s

chiefs and warriors were slain, and he retained only the Fort and el-

T

148 E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman — Boole V. [No. 2,

Khadhra. Seyf-bin Mohammed then proclaimed an amnesty, and was

joined by many of the towns-people.

When the news reached the Amir ‘Omeyr at Nezwa that his men had

entered Bahia, he set out accompanied by the Amir Sultan -bin Mohammed,

and the Sultan Malik-bin Abul-‘Arab, and el-Mansur £Ali-bin Katan and

the people of Nezwa. Khalf-bin Abu-Sa‘id el-Hinai also moved with his

followers from Darseyt to assist their comrades. They entered Bahia by

night, and the Amir ‘Omeyr alighted in the el-Ghaf quarter. El-Khadhra

was held for the Sultan Suleiman by ‘All-bin Thahal with a large force ;

and the Amir sent word to them inviting them to evacuate the place with

their flags.* ‘All-bin Thahal went amongst his men exhorting them to

hold out, but they refused to obey him, and prepared to leave the place.

Meanwhile ‘Arrar-bin Fellah, who was at ‘Eini of el-Rostak, hearing

of the enemy’s entry of Bahia, immediately marched with his followers to

el-Kareyeh.

The siege of the Fort of Bahia continued, and it was surrounded by

the enemy. The besiegers constructed a wooden tower on a tamarind tree

in the market-place during the night. In this one of the el-Jahadhim,

named Jum‘ah-bin Mohammed, esconced himself and shot one of the

garrison. Another such tower was built by the Amir on the mosque, and

its occupant also shot one of Suleiman’s soldiers in the upper part of the

Fort.

The besiegers at length demolished the wall of the Fort during the

night. Suleiman’s men, however, opposed them and prevented their entry.

Then the garrison, fearing to be slain, asked permission of Suleiman to

evacuate the place. Still they held out for thirteen days more, when, Suleiman

having given permission, they asked the Amir ‘Omeyr to allow them to march

out. He allowed them to pass out with their personal effects, and sent

his Wazir to see them safe. Suleiman-bin Mudhaffar with his cousins and

followers went forth from Bahia, and proceeded to el-Kareyeh, whence he

and ‘Arrar went to el-Dhahireh.

The Amir ‘Omeyr then ordered the Fort of Bahia to be razed to the

ground, which was done, and not a wall nor a building was left standing.

Thus is manifested the power of God, who bestows kingdoms on whomsoever

He willeth.

‘Omeyr then left Khalf-bin Abu-Sa‘id in charge of Bahia and returned

to Semail. Khalf had been only four months in Bahia, when he was

attacked by Suleiman-bin Mudhaffar and his cousin ‘Arrar-bin Fellah, who

entered el-Khadhra whilst he was in el-‘Akr. This occurred on the 4th of

Rabi ‘ul-Awwal, A. H. 1019 [A. D. 1610] ; and at that time Seyf-bin

Mohammed with some of his followers was in el-Sirr. Suleiman-bin

Mudhaffar sent to Khalf-bin Abu-Sa‘id, and offered him the option of

1874.]

E. C. Boss — Annals of ‘ Oman — Boole V.

149

marching out with his personal effects, and Khalf accepted this offer after

obtaining an amnesty for the people of the district. Some of the latter

remained in their abodes, others went forth from fear of the Sultan.

When Seyf-bin Mohammed heard of these occurrences, he returned

from el-Sirr, and the Amir ‘Omeyr also, aware of his movements, marched

from Semail to Nezwa and thence on to el-Kareyeh, which he took and

made over to Seyf-bin Mohammed to hold for him. The Amir then

returned to Nezwa, where he remained some days watching events.

Soon after, Suleiman-bin Mudhaffar died, leaving a son of tender years,

and ‘Arrar-bin Fellah assumed the Government of Bahia. Seyf-bin Moham¬

med then proceeded to Nezwa, and, taking a large force from the Amir ‘Omeyr,

went to el-Kareyeh, where they halted for seven days. Thence they

marched on Bahia, and entered the quarter called Abu-Man, and besieged

‘Arrar-bin Fellah for some days. Then he sent them on their ways with

their arms, &c., and the Fort of el-Kareyeh remained in his hands, and he

spent some years in repairing it.

This entry (?) took place on 6th of Safar, A. H. 1024. 7 [A. D. 1615.]

After him Mudhaffar-bin Suleiman held power, but he died after two

months.

Makhzum-bin Fellah then governed for two months, after which

Nebhan and Seyf-bin Mohammed rose against him to eject him from the

Fort. They allowed him at his request to march out without arms or

effects. He proceeded to Yankal in el-Dhaliireh.

Nebhan-bin Fellah was the next to rule. He placed his cousin ‘All-

bin Thahal as his representative in Bahia and after him Seyf-bin Mohammed.

Nebhan-bin Fellah then went to his home at Makaniyat after removing his

cousin Sultan-bin Himyer from Bahia, fearing lest he should usurp the

government. The latter went to Soliar, and Seyf-bin Mohammed held his

place for a year. God knows !

After that the Amir ‘Omeyr-bin Himyer went up with his followers

to Bahia, but, being opposed by Seyf-bin Mohammed, he returned with his

troops to Nezwa to watch events. After a while, ‘Omeyr again marched to

Bahia and entered el-‘Akr. Seyf-bin Mohammed, who happened to be at

Darseyt at the time, on hearing of ‘Omeyr’s movement, marched with his

followers and entered the Fort unopposed. Thence he wrote to Nebhan-

bin Fellah, informing him that the enemy had entered the town, and request¬

ing him to come with the men he had with him. He was some days collecting

his force, and meanwhile the Amir ‘Omeyr had occupied all the strong

positions in the district. Seyf-bin Mohammed continued to hold the Fort

with his men, expecting Nebhan to succour him, but the latter did not

appear. ‘Omeyr-bin Himyer sent to offer him safe-conduct out, but Seyf

declined, hoping for the arrival of Nebhan. When, however, he despaired of

150

E. C. Ross — Annals of '■Oman. — Book V.

[No. 2,

this, he accepted the terms, and was allowed to march out with his men

with all their effects. Seyf then went to el-Kareyeh, and ‘Omeyr remained

for some time at Bahia, after which he sent to Seyf-bin Mohammed, and a

reconciliation took place between them. Seyf thereafter continued to

administer the Government, and ruled the people justly. He exercised

authority over his cousins, who remained faithful to him. After the affair

of Seyf-bin Mohammed had been settled in this manner, the following events

occurred. Sultan-bin Himyer, Mohenna-bin Mohammed-bin Hafidh, and ‘All

bin Thahal were then residing at Sohar with Mohammed-bin Mohenna el-

Hadeyfi, who wished to take them to their cousin Nebhan-bin Fellah at

Makaniyat, in order to mediate a reconciliation between them. Makhzum

was then in the Fort of Yankal. They were unable to come to terms.

Afterwards Sultan-bin Himyer the Nebhani and ‘Ali-bin Thahal moved

with their combined forces from el-Dhahireh against Bahia, and entered

the quarter of the Benu-Salt of Bahia, on the 9th of Safar, 1024 A. H.

[A. D. 1615]. The Amir ‘Omeyr-bin Himyer, who was at Semail, hearing

of their movement, marched at once to Balila with a force, and after him

came up Seyf-bin Mohammed, and an engagement was fought. The

Nebhani army built a wall of defence all round the quarter they occupied.

‘Omeyr sent to his adherents in all the villages. He was joined by the

Sheykh Majid-bin Rabi‘ah-bin Ahmed-bin Suleiman el-Kundi and ‘Omar-

bin Suleiman el-‘Afif and the Sheykh Sa‘id-bin Hamd-bin Abii-Sa‘id el-

Na‘abi, with the principal inhabitants of Nezwa and Manh. Sultan-bin

Himyer and his force remained for a long time so closely besieged, that not

a man could come out, nor could any one enter to them. At length, Sultan

offered to evacuate the place, if suffered to pass in safety, and the Amir

consenting, they were allowed to march off to el-Dhahireh with their

arms and effects.

Sultan-bin Himyer, Kaldan-bin Himyer, ‘All-bin Thahal, and Muhenna

-bin Mohammed-bin Hafidh continued to reside at Makaniyat until Nebhan

dismissed them from dread of their ejecting him from the place. They

then proceeded to Sohar, and dwelt there for a year with the Hadeyfi

Mohammed-bin Muhenna. But God knows !

Sultan-bin Himyer next suggested to Mohammed-bin Muhenna that

they should make an attack on the district of ‘Omeyr-bin Himyer about

el-Sib of the Batin eh. ‘Omeyr was away, and there were present in his dis¬

tricts Sinan-bin Sultan, the Amir ‘Ali-bin Himyer and Sa‘id-bin Himyer.

Mohammed-bin Muhenna and Sultan-bin Himyer mounted with their fol¬

lowers and set out from Sohar, and the news of this was carried to Sinan

and ‘All and Sa‘id. In as short a time as would serve a man to put off his

shoes, or wash his feet, the hostile forces met and swords were bared on

land and sea, on plain and hill, and a terrible battle was fought, in which

1874.]

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman . — Boole V.

151

‘All-bin Himyer was slain. The contest then terminated, and Mohammed-

bin Muhenna returned to Sohar.

"When the Amir ‘Omeyr-bin Himyer, who was at Bahia, heard what

had befallen his brothers and his cousin, he solemnly vowed not to turn

back from Sohar until he had reaped the enemies with the sword, burnt

them with fire, and scattered them in all directions. He commenced col¬

lecting forces by land and by sea, and there assembled round him a force

of whom God alone could tell the number. He then proceeded to Maskat,

to obtain re-inforcements by sea. He sent also to the Malik of Hormuz

for assistance, and he sent him a number of ships laden with stores and

men and munitions of war. A ship also had arrived on the coast from

India, carrying a large number of troops and some munitions of war,8 and

had been driven back by the wind to Maskat. The Amir ‘Omeyr-bin

Himyer took it, and proceeded with the Christians and others who had join¬

ed him from Maskat, and halted for seven nights at Batineh el-Sib. Mo-

hammed-bin Jafir, hearing of this, marched with his tribe to the aid of

Mohammed-bin Muhenna, and entered Sohar, to the joy of the latter, who

gave him admission to the Fort and encouraged his men. A collision took

place between Mohammed-bin Jafir’ s men and a party in one of the bas¬

tions of the Fort, and they fought for an hour. Mohammed-bin J afir and

his people then quitted Sohar.

When the Amir ‘Omeyr heard of this occurrence, he moved his forces

on Sohar by land and sea, and entered that town on the 19th of Rabi‘ ul-

A'khir, A. H. 1025. [A. D. 1616.]

A battle which ensued between the rival forces, lasted from morning to

night, but without decisive result. A day or two later, the Christians dis¬

embarked from the ships with their implements of war. In advancing they

pushed before them gabions of cotton, to shelter them from the musketry

fire. They also employed cannon, which moved by land on wooden carriages,

and were fitted with wooden screens. On one side of the Fort, Mohammed-

bin Muhenna had a tower in which were a large number of soldiers. The

besiegers dragged their cotton screens to a position opposite this tower, and

battered it with cannon until a breach was effected, when the garrison

evacuated it and the Christians entered. When Mohammed-bin Muhenna

heard of this, he urged on his men, and a fight took place by night at the

tower, in which ‘All-bin Thahal-bin Mohammed-bin Hafidh and Moham¬

med-bin Muhenna el-Hadeyfi were killed, on the 21st of Rabi‘ ul-A'khir,

A. H. 1025. [A. D. 1616.J

After this event, Sultan-bin Himyer-bin Mohammed-bin Hafidh el-

Nebliani. with his brother Kahlan-bin Himyer and his cousin Muhenna-

bin Mohammed-bin Hafidh and their forces occupied the fort.

As soon as the Amir ‘Omeyr became aware of the death of the chief of

152

[No. 2,

E. C. Ross — Annals of 1 Oman — Book V.

the enemy’s army, he led his men to battle. The encounter took place in the

quarter of el-Nakhl, ‘Omeyr and his followers issuing without opposition

from the vicinity of the chief mosque. In the contest Sultan-bin Himyer

was killed, and the enemy’s forces were routed and dispersed ; some were

slain, some burnt, some captured, some wounded, and the rest fled they knew

not whither. In this manner the whole population of the place was disposed

of, and the town itself was completely burnt. The Christians remained in

occupation of the Fort of Sohar, and the Amir (Omeyr returned to Semail

intoxicated with joy.

At this period, Makhzum-bin Fellah was in possession of the fort of

Yankal. He seized two of them (F), and ordered one of his slaves to execute

one of these two. The slave bared his sword to strike, on which the

prisoner prayed him to protect him. He did not heed him and struck one

blow. A second time he cried in vain for mercy, and when he was about

to strike a third blow, the man appealed for protection to God. Makhzum,

on this, rushed on him to gag his mouth, at the same instant the slave’s

sword descending struck the hand of Makhzum, who died from the effects

of the wound in seven days. As for the prisoner, the slave dragged him

away thinking him dead, but he was found by one of the towns-people who

succoured him, and he recovered of his wounds and lived for some time after

that. This happened three months after the capture of Sohar.

When Nebhan heard of his brother’s death, he rode from Makaniyat

to Yankal, and placing there a Wazir returned to the former place. Since

he had left Bahia for el-Dhahireh, a period of thirty months had elapsed.

After that Nebhan-bin Fellah went a second time to Yankal, leaving some

of his men in the fort of Makaniyat. But the people of the latter place

were weary of his tyranny and oppression, and planned to expel him from

the place. So they sent an emissary to the Amir ‘Omeyr-bin Himyer and

to Seyf-bin Mohammed, asking their aid. Both of them marched with

their followers to Makaniyat, and entered the fort without opposition or

bloodshed. After remaining there some days, they rode with a portion of

their forces to Yankal. When Nebhan-bin Fellah became aware of this, he

feared for his safety, and mounting on horseback fled with only four

attendants and without baggage to the town of his maternal uncles of the

el-Riyayeseh. This was twelve days before the end of Safar, 1026 A. H.

[A. D. 1617.]

The Amir £Omeyr and Seyf-bin Mohammed remained for some time

at Yankal. The Amir then made over the lands to the rightful possessors

to freely enjoy the produce thereof, and returned to Makaniyat. He

enquired of the inhabitants what Nebhan was in the habit of taking from

them. They told him that he took one half the produce of the date trees and

one quarter of the yield of the sown ground. The Amir ‘Omeyr reduced

1874.]

E. C. Boss — Annals of ‘Oman. — Book VI.

153

the impost to one-tenth of the yield of the crops. The property of the

Saltan was assigned to whomsoever should be in charge of the fort. After

placing ‘Omar-bin Mohammed-bin Abu-Sahd in command of the fort, the

Amir and Seyf-bin Mohammed returned to Bahia.

Meanwhile Nebhan-bin Fellah, having procured a force from his uncles

of the Al-Eeis, returned to el-Dhahireh and entered Fida. There he re¬

mained for some days, when an inhabitant of Yankal, who was one of his

well-wishers, came to him and offered to procure him admission to the town

and support against the garrison, and to open the fort to him. So he

went and re-entered Yankal with his followers in the middle of Babk ul-

A'khir, A. H. 1026 [A. D. 1617.] He occupied all the commanding posi¬

tions of the place except the fort itself, which was held by some of the

Benu-‘Ali tribe. Nebhan proceeded to besiege these, and some fighting

took place. One of the besieged went forth from the Fort, and proceeded

to ask assistance of the Amirs who dwelt in el-Shemal, Katan-bin Katan

and Nasir-bin Nasir. They with their followers proceeded to Yankal, and

attacked and dispersed the forces of Nebhan-bin Fellah.

On hearing of the entry of Yankal by Nebhan-bin Fellah, the Sheykh

Seyf-bin Mohammed el-Hinai had marched with his troops to oppose him.

When he had traversed a portion of the way, he heard what had happened

to Nebhan at the hands of the Amirs, and thereupon returned to Bahia

with his army.

The Amir ‘Omeyr-bin Himyer at that time collected men to aid the

Sultan Malik-bin Abul-‘Arab el-Ya‘rabi against the Benu-Lamak, and

having lent the aid of all his forces, the result was disastrous to the Benu-

Lamak.

Seyf-bin Mohammed el-Hinai remained in Bahia, and the Al-‘Omeyr

in Sema.il, and Malik-bin Abul-’Arab in Bostak and the el-Jibur in el-Dha¬

hireh until the appearance of the wise Imam of the Musalmans, Na sir-bin

Murshid, who subdued all ‘Oman and reduced to obedience all its districts,

purging the land of tyranny and oppression, of infidelity and rebellion, and

restoring to it justice and security, and governing the people with equity

and kindness until God took him to Paradise.

I shall, please God, relate his advent in the following book.

Book VI.

Appearance of the Imam Ha sir -bin Murshid and an Account of the Imams

who succeeded him up to the occurrence of dissensions amongst the el-

Ya‘a-rabeh. A. D. 1624 to 1718.

When it was the will of God to be gracious to the people of ‘Oman,

and to save them from further violence and oppression, after the sufferings

154

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman . — Book VI.

[No. 2,

they had experienced from civil wars, it came to pass that an uneventful

period ensued in their annals, during which the fierce passions and animosi¬

ties which had animated them were obliterated from their minds. Genera¬

tion succeeded generation, hut the country long continued impoverished

after those truculent chiefs and contending factions had disappeared from

the scene. There remained only the record of the virtuous amongst them

and what they commemorated in their hooks and traditions. Learning

declined and the learned were few. Friendly intercourse was resumed and

the fire of hatred died out of their hearts ; the flames of war were extin¬

guished, and party differences were reconciled. A time came when learning

had so declined and its possessors were so scarce, that it was said that one of

the Princes of the Ya‘arabeh of Wahl of el-Rostak wanted a Kadhi and was

unable to find one amongst the followers of the true sect,1 and therefore

selected a Kadhi from the heretics ; of what sect I know not. This person

endeavoured to overturn our sect and establish his own instead. The peo¬

ple of ‘Oman, on hearing of this, sent to that Prince, who thereupon dis¬

missed the Kadhi and appointed for them one of their own persuasion.

From him the people of el-Rostak received instruction and became steadfast

in the faith.

The majority of the Meliks of ‘Oman were wicked and turbulent op¬

pressors, and they were abetted in their tyranny by the chiefs of the tribes.

Throughout the land, whether in desert or valley, everywhere oppression

was rampant. The people of ‘Oman suffered from those evil doers the

severest misery, from which neither the young nor the aged escaped. All

alike were subject to be plundered, or seized and imprisoned, to be scourged

or even slaughtered. And God caused animosity and hatred to grow in

their hearts.

Now the people of ‘Oman are endowed with certain qualities, which it is

my hope they may never lose. They are a people of soaring ambition, and of

haughty spirit ; they brook not the control of any Sultan, and are quick to

resent affront ; they yield only to irresistible force, and without ever aban¬

doning their purpose. A man of comparatively poor spirit, judged by their

standard, is on a par as regards magnanimity with an Amir of any other

people. Each individual aims at having the power in his own hands or in the

hands of those he loves. He desires every one to be submissive to him, and

his neighbour has the same ambition.2 Unfortunately none are worthy of such

things, but those whom God elects, pious, chaste, and blessed persons, who are

not swayed by their desires, nor prone to be led away by blind passions. So

it came to pass that fierce animosities broke out amongst them, and they

fought amongst themselves, plundering, and carrying off captives. In short,

each party neglected no means of injuring their opponents. There were none

to be found, whether dwellers in houses or dwellers in tents, whether

1874.] *

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman. — Book VI.

155

“Bedu” or u Hadlir”3, whether on the mountain heights or in the sandy

levels, hut had quaffed the draught of terror, and suffered from the general

destruction which encompassed religion, property, and life, except those for

whom God tempered their troubles and whom He saved from the strife by

His bounteous protection. In this manner, they ceased not to struggle in

the abysses of desolation, walking in evil ways, until God vouchsafed unto

them the appearance of his wise servant, the Imam of the Musalmans, Nasir-

bin Murshid-bin Malik4, which occurred as follows.

It happened that when Malik-bin Abul-‘Arab, who has been mention¬

ed in the previous book, was their Sultan, dissensions occurred amongst the

people of el-Rostak. Those of the Musalmans who were steadfast in the

faith, consulted with the learned regarding the election of an Imam, to

govern them in accordance with right and justice, and they deliberated as

to who was worthy of their choice. At that period, the most respected per¬

son amongst them was Khamis-hin Sa‘id el-Slmkasi. Their unanimous

decision was to elect the illustrious Seyyid [Nasir]. So they went to him

and asked this of him, exhorting him to rule uprightly.

The Ima'm Na'sir-bih Murshid. He consented, and was elected

Imam in the year 1034 A. H. [A. D. 1625], and fixed his residence at

Kasra, in the district of el-Rostak, and acted justly, and exerted himself to

uproot ignorance. The tribe el-Yahmad actively supported him, and agreed

to seize by night the fort in which his cousins had resided since the death

of his grandfather Malik. After gaining possession of the fort, the Imam

proceeded to the town of el-Nakhl, in which his uncle Sultan-bin Abul-

fcArab was residing, and took that place after a siege of some days. A por¬

tion of the inhabitants, however, refused to acknowledge the Imam and

besieged him in the fort, until he was relieved by a body of the el-Yahmad,

and his enemies were dispersed, after which he returned to el-Rostak.

There he received visits from Ahmed-bin Suleiman el-Rueyhf with a party

of the el-Ruaheh and envoys from Manh-bin Sin an el-'Omeyri, who abode

some time with him and invited him to Semail and Wadi Beni-Ruaheh.

To this he assented, and marched accompanied by some of the el-Yahmed

until he reached Semail, where he left some of his men with Mank-hin Sinan,

and proceeded on to the Wadi Beni-Ruaheh. As agreed upon with Mani£,

he went on thence to Nezwa, attended by the Kadhf Khamis-hin Sa‘id.

On reaching Izld, many of the inhabitants gave him personal and pecuniary

assistance, and he took possession of the place, and proceeded towards Nezwa,

where he was welcomed by the people and entered the town in safety. He

took up his residence in el-‘Akr, and continued to administer justly for some

months. The Benu bu-Sa‘id,5 the chief family of el- Akr, then formed a

conspiracy in view of ejecting the Imam from the place. The execution of

this plot was fixed for a Friday, when the Imam went forth to prayers, but

156

[No. 2,

E. C. Ross — Annals of 1 Oman — Book VI.

he received timely warning from a person, to whom he had shown kindness,

of what they meditated, and when he had ascertained the truth of the

intelligence, he ordered the family to he banished from the district, but for¬

bade any one to slay or attack them. So they were forced to go forth, and

dispersed throughout the districts. A party of them resorted to Mank-bin

Sinan, who had made a compact with the Imam and taken an oath to follow

the truth. By receiving these persons he broke his word. Another body

of them took refuge with the el-Hinai at Bahia, and assisted that tribe

in their war against the Imam, which then broke out.

The Imam ordered a new Fort to be constructed in ‘Akr of Nezwa in

lieu of the old one, which had been built by el-Salt-bin Malik, and the work

was completed.

The people of Manli also invited him to extend his just rule to them,

and he proceeded to that town, which was opened to him, and administered

the affairs with the active and substantial support of the inhabitants.

So also the people of Semed el-Shan came to him. The governor

[Malik] of Semed at that time was ‘Ali-bin Katan el-Hilali. The Imam

despatched an army under the command of the learned Sheykh Mes‘ud-bin

Ramadhan, who took possession of the town. At the invitation of the

people of Ibra, the Malik of which was Mohammed-bin Jafir, the Imam

sent a force there also, which took the place.

In this way the whole of el-Sharkiyeli submitted to the Imam, except

Sur and Keriyat, which were held by the Christians.

The Imam next assembled an army and marched against the el-Hinai

of Bahia. When he had proceeded as far as the plain of el-Markh, he dis¬

covered treason amongst certain persons of his army, and deemed it most

prudent to return to Nezwa, 'where he commenced raising a fresh force.

A large number of men being assembled, he marched with them towards

el-Dhahireh, and succeeded in gaining possession of Wadi Fadda, where he

ordered a Fort to be built. The inhabitants of the uplands of Dhank,

whose leader was the learned Sheykh Khamls-bin Rueyshid, joined the

Imam, and also the men of el-Glnalin, and his authority was established in

spite of his enemies.

After this the Imam made a tour of the districts he had conquered, un¬

til he reached Semed el-Slian, whence he returned to el-Rostak with the

Benu Riyam.6 There he remained until the army of Mohammed-bin Jafir

advanced to the town of Nakhl, which they entered and took possession of,

all but the Fort. The Imam marched against them at the head of a

numerous army, and was aided by the el-Ma‘awal clan. The enemy had

only occupied the town two or three nights, when they were forced to fly,

and the Imam returned to el-Rostak.

Soon after, the Sheykh Khamis-bin Rueyshid came to the Imam seek-

1874.]

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Omdn — Boole VI.

157

in g his assistance against el-Dhaliireh. The Imam thereupon prepared an

army with which he marched to the assistance of the Sheykh, and halted

at el-Sakhhari. The people , of el-Sirr and el-Dhaliireh assisted the Imam

with contributions of men and money. Thence he proceeded to the Fort

of el-Ghabbi, in which was posted the main body of the A'l-Hilal with

“Bedu7” and “ Hadhr.” Here there was a severe engagement, in the

course of which the Imam’s brother Je‘ad-bin Murshid was killed. The

Imam then marched to ‘Ibid8, which he took, and remaining there two

nights, he returned to el-Sakhbari, after which he besieged the Fort of el-

Ghabbi until God gave him victory over it, when he placed in it as Wall

Khamis-bin Rueyshid. In the town of Bat he placed as Wall a person

belonging to el-Rostak, associating with him Muhammed-bin Seyf el-How-

kani. These two the Imam ordered to reduce the remaining towns of

el-Dhaliireh, and himself returned to Nezwa.

The A'l-Hilal, who occupied a position by the water courses near Dhank,

made war on the Walls. The latter encountered them at el-Deir, routed

them, and captured the camels of Katan-bin Katan, to make use of them in

overcoming the others. They also laid siege to Katan-bin Katan’s Fort.

Katan-bin Katan then went to the Imam, and offered to surrender his Fort,

if his camels were restored to him. These terms were accepted, and the

Imam ordered the camels to be given back to Katan, who surrendered his

Fort and was confirmed as Wall of it by the Imam.

The two Walls then proceeded to Makanlyat, which was held by a

Wazir of the el- Jibur. The latter tribe raised the whole of the Benu-Hilal,

“ Bedu” and “ Hadhr,” and the Owlad el-Rels, and marched towards

Makanlyat ; but, considering themselves unequal to the relief of that place,

they advanced on Bat. The Walls feared for the safety of that town on

account of the scanty supply of water on which the Governor relied, so the

Musalmans marched from before Makanlyat, and surprised the el-Jibur at

Bat. After an encounter, the el-Jibur retreated towards Makanlyat ; but

the Musalmans overtook them, and a battle was fought which lasted from

morning prayer till noon. The Musalmans had to exert themselves to the

utmost, and the slaughter of the rebels was so great, that it is said they

were unable to bury the slain separately, and were obliged to put seven and

eight corpses in one pit. So God upheld the Musalmans.

When intelligence of this affair reached the Imam, he assembled an

army and marched with it against the el-Hinal of Bahia, at which place he

arrived on the night of the festival of the Hijj. He besieged the place for

two months, all but three davs, when the el-Jibur came to the relief of the

el-Hinal. They were encountered by the Imam’s troops, and a severe en¬

gagement took place,] in which Kasim-bin Mathkur el-Dahmashi and a

great number of the army of the el-Jibur were slain. The latter then

153

E. C. Ross — Annals of '■Oman — Book VI.

[No. 2,

retreated, leaving the Hinai chief and his followers besieged in the Fort.

He was at length forced to surrender, and evacuated the place with all his

men, arms, and property, leaving the Fort empty. The Imam after placing

a Wall there returned to Nezwa. The Imam next marched to Semail

against Mani‘-bin Sinan el-‘Omeyrh The latter, as soon as he heard of the

Imam’s approach, made his submission, and advised the Imam to suffer him

to remain in the Fort, promising to be faithful for the future. This the

Imam consented to, and, after completing his design of rebuilding the old

Fort of Semail, returned to Nezwa.

After that, the Imam proceeded with a force to Makanlyat, where he

attacked and defeated the enemy. The garrison, however, held out for

nearly three months in the Fort, after which time the Imam captured it,

and placed Mohammed-bin ‘All there as Wall.

Sa‘ld el-Khiyali and his clan ceased not to persevere in their enmity

towards the Imam, and to correspond with the el-Jibur, until the latter

admitted them to the town of el-Sakhbaii, where they slew a man of the

el-Dhahahakeh and many of the Imam’s soldiers and others, the number

of whom God alone knowTs. The Imam’s army was completely shut up,

and several engagements were fought ; one a very severe one at el-‘Ajeyflyeh,

another at el-Ghabeh, another at el-Mathareh, another at el-Ziyadeh, and

many more hard lights, so that the pillars of el-Islam were well nigh

crumbled to ruins. The Wall was deserted by many of the people, and left

with only a small number, beset by the enemy banded to oppose him, so

that his resolution was almost overcome by his terror. He remained be-

sieged in the fort of el-Ghabbi, the governor of which was Mohammed-bin

Seyf. When Mohammed-bin ‘All, Wall of Makanlyat, became aware of

the state of affairs, he assembled a force to relieve Mohammed-bin Seyf at

el-Ghabbi, and, coming on the enemy unawares, he entered the place, and

defeated and scattered them in all directions. Some gained el-Sakhbaii,

some fled to the desert, and the rest set out for Yankal, which place was

held by Nasir-bin Kat.an. So God gave the victory to the Musalmans.

After these occurrences, Mani‘-bin Sinan secretly entered into corre¬

spondence with Seyf-bin Mohammed el-Hinal, and played the traitor by

violating the compact he had entered into with the Imam. Having col¬

lected a force, the two entered Nezwa, the inhabitants of which place were

not guiltless of treachery and disaffection, as this was effected with their

secret connivance, and with the aid of some of the tribes. On entering

Nezwa, they possessed themselves of el-‘Akr,

The Imam retained only the fort, which they rigorously beset, but just

as they were on the point of breaching the wall, succours arrived from Izkl

and Bahia, including the Benu-Rfyam. These having entered the place to

the relief of the Imam, who was overjoyed at their arrival, the enemy’s forces

1874.]

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman . — Boole VI.

159

dispersed and many of them were slain. This circumstance served to forti¬

fy the Imam’s resolution and strengthen his power. He was then advised

to destroy the fort of Mani‘-bin Sinan, who hearing of the preparation of

an army for service against him fled to Fanja. The Imam’s troops pro¬

ceeded to raze the fort, on which Manh-bin Sinan proceeded to Maskat,

and thence to Lawa, where he joined Mohammed-bin Jafir. The Imam

then ordered his army to Bilad-Seyt, at which place Seyf the Hinai had

built a fort, after he went forth from Balfla. The leader of this army was

the Sheykh ‘Abdullah-bin Mohammed-bin Grhassan, the author of the work

entitled the “ Khazanat ul-Akhyar fi bei‘ il-Ivheiyar.”

When the army arrived at Bilad-Seyt, the Hinai fled from the place,

and, by order of the commander, the fort was razed to the ground. The

Hinai then repaired to the Imam and sought his forgiveness, and all the

tribes of ‘Oman made their submission.

The Imam soon after assembled a large force with which he proceeded

in person, accompanied by the Sheykh Khamis-bin Sa‘id of el-Rostak, against

Nasir-bin Katan of Yankal. After a siege of some days, the place surrender¬

ed, and the Imam after placing a Wall there returned to el-Rostak.

The Imam raised another strong force, in command of which he placed

the Sheykh ‘Abdullah-bin Mohammed-bin Grhassan of Nezwa, whom he in¬

structed to march to el-Jow. With him he sent also the Sheykh Khamis-

bin Rueyshid of Dhank and Hafidli-bin Jum‘ah el-Hinai with Moham¬

med-bin ‘Ali of el-Rostak and Mohammed-bin Seyf el-Howkani. On

arrival, they gained possession of the place, and leaving Mohammed-bin

Seyf as Wall, the commander proceeded with his forces in the direction of

the town of Lawa. For dissensions had broken out amongst the el-Jibur

and, in the strife, Mohammed-bin Jafir had been killed. ‘Abdullah took

up his quarters at the principal mosque, and his army surrounded the fort,

which was held by Seyf, the son of the deceased Mohammed-bin Jafir el-

Hilali. Seyf’s brothers and Wazirs, however, had recourse to the Christians9

at Sohar, where Mani‘-bin Sinan el-Omeyri, also, was then residing.

Thence they harassed the Imam’s army before Lawa by making night

attacks, and they also aided the garrison with provisions and munitions of

war. The sons of Mohammed-bin Jafir next wrote to the Wall proposing

terqis of peace, but he, aware this was merely a ruse, sent a detachment

against them under Mohammed-bin ‘Ali, who fell on the enemy before day¬

break at a place called Mankal, where the southern part of the Fort abuts

on the seashore. The millstones of war revolved amongst them, and after

a severe engagement Mohammed retired with his forces to the fort of Lawa.

They continued to besiege the Fort until Seyf-bin Mohammed sent to them,

begging to be allowed safe egress from the place. The Wall gave him the

required guarantee, and he evacuated the fort with his followers, on which

1G0

E. C. Boss — Annals of ‘ Oman — Booh VI.

[No. 2,

the Wall entered it. During the siege, the Wall had received assistance

from Nasir-bin Katan and the men of the el-‘Umur. ‘Abdullah having placed

a governor there returned himself to the Imam.

The Imam afterwards raised another army, in command of which he

placed Mes‘ud-bin Eamadhan and ordered him to lead them to Maskat.

He marched until he arrived at the well called el-Kuleh10 at el-Matreh.

There the millstones of death revolved between the Musalmans and the

unbelievers, and God granted victory to the former, who demolished the

high towers of Maskat. Many of the unbelievers were slain, after which

they sued for peace, which was granted to them by the Wall, on condition

of their restoring all the property of the el-‘Umur, which was in their pos¬

session, and also that of the Shi'ahs11 of Sohar. On their submitting to

these terms, the Wall assured them of safety, and after obtaining from

them pledges of good faith, returned to the Imam.

Mani‘-bin Sinan meanwhile ceased not to cherish secret enmity against

the Imam and to preach rebellion against his Government. So Maddad-

bin Holwan asked permission of the Imam to compass Maui's death by

stratagem. The Imam having consented, Maddad wrote to Mani‘, inviting

him to come to the fort of Lawa and expressing himself in such kind lan¬

guage that it disposed the other to accede. Now the Wall of Lawa at that

time was Hafulh-bin Seyf. El-Maddad ceased not to ply the ‘Omeyri with

letters couched in terms of friendly advice, and to adjure him on the true

faith not to allow suspicions of evil to enter his heart. Mani‘ rejoiced at

this and placed confidence in Maddad’ s counsels. He was then residing at

the town of Dibba, from which place he rode into Sohar, where he halted

some days awaiting further advices from Maddad. The latter renewed the

promises he had made, and fixed a certain night on which he engaged he

should have admission to the Fort, on which Mani‘ rode to Lawa and alight¬

ed in the town.

On the appointed night, the Wall dispersed his forces and caused them

to wander about the streets, as if about to depart ; it being however, ar¬

ranged amongst them that they should concentrate on Mani‘ from the right

and left. Before Mani‘ was aware of their intentions, the troops had sur¬

rounded him from both sides, and he was seized and slain on the spot, and

his followers dispersed, those who remained by him being slain.

The Imam next prepared a force, the command of which he gave to

‘All-bin Ahmed, assisted by his cousins of the Al-YaTub, and ordered him

to proceed to the town of Julfar, which is el-Sir.12 In those days, that place

was held by the Persian Nasiruddin with a force of Persians. Ahmed-bin

‘Ali proceeded to besiege them in the fort of el-Sir, the Persians actively

defending themselves, and some hard fighting occurred. Some of the peo¬

ple of el-Sir sided with the Persians against the Imam’s forces. There was

1874.]

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman — IBook VI.

101

a flanking tower connected by a wall with the fort, and in this tower were

stationed a body of the garrison who kept up a fire by night and day. On

the sea side there were also two ships of the Christians, which by the fire

of their guns protected the fort from assault by the Musalmans. The

latter determined to attack the tower, which they seized by a night assault,

and from thence they gained possession of the fort, one of the leaders of the

army was placed there as Wall. More troops came up afterwards, amongst

them a body of the el-Dahamish and Khamis-bin Malizam. There was also

another Fort situated on the seashore held by the el-Efrenj.13 The Imam’s

army entered this place by day and took possession of it, and besieged those

who were in the fort, which they occupied themselves. The power of the

unbelievers was humbled, and they sued for peace, which was granted them,

and they evacuated the fort, in which the Wall placed a garrison. Leaving

with the latter a portion of his army ‘All-bin Ahmed, they returned with

the remainder to Nezwa. The Imam was rejoiced at his arrival and at the

news of the capture of el-Sir.

The Imam next ordered Hafidh-bin Seyf, the Wall of Lawa, who had

a body of el-‘Amur with him, to proceed and build a fort against Sohar,

some of the inhabitants of which town had been inviting him to take the

place. The Wall accordingly summoned all in the neighbourhood from

the towns of the Benu-Khalid, Benu-Lam, and the el-‘Amur, and a numer¬

ous force assembled. The Wall then marched on Sohar and passed the

night in the village of ‘Amak. Next day, in the forenoon, he reached Sohar

district without being discovered by any of his enemies. This was on the

last day of el-Moharram, A. H. 1043 [A. D. 1633]. He encamped in a

quarter of Sohar, called el-Bid‘ali, and the Musalmans commenced an at¬

tack on the unbelievers. The combat raged fiercely for a time, the Chris¬

tians keeping up a fire of cannon from the fort. The Wall then changed

his position, the fighting and cannonading continuing. A cannon shot

pierced through the ranks of the besiegers until it reached the “ Mejlis” of

the Wall and struck Rashid-bin ‘Abbad, who thus suffered the death of a

martyr. A fort was then erected by the Wall’s orders, and he took up his

position in it. There ceased not to be warfare between them night and

day.14

After this the Kadhl Khamis-bin Sa‘ld of el-Rostak proceeded with

his followers to the village of B usher,15 where he received a message from

the Christians asking for peace, which request he granted.

Afterwards he sent on his messengers to Maskat and, having mounted

himself, rode to el-Matreh, where he was met by the leaders of the Chris¬

tians, and terms of peace were agreed upon. Khamls thereupon ordered the

abandonment of the strong positions he had occupied against them, and

allowed free communication to be re-established with the town. In this

manner hostilities were avoided.

162

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman — Book VI.

[No. 2,

The Imam next despatched a force against Sur, which besieged and

took that place. A portion of the force went to Kerlyat, where the Chris¬

tians possessed a Fort. The Musalmans erected a fort there and took

that of the Christians. Thus the Imam acquired possession of the whole

kingdom of ‘Oman excepting Sohar and Maskat.

Meanwhile Nasir-bin Katan continued to make raids into ‘Oman every

year from el-Ahsa,1G carrying off cattle and pillaging the country and re¬

turning to el- Alisa. The Imam therefore wrote to his Wall, Mohammed-

bin Seyf el-Howkanl, directing him to obtain information of Nasir’s move¬

ments, and as soon as he heard of his approach, to intercept him with an army

beyond the frontier of ‘Oman. The Wall accordingly collected a force of

“ Bedu” and “ Hadhr,” and when he heard of Nasir’s approach advanced

to meet him. Nasir hearing of the Imam’s army made for el-Dhafreh and

entered its fort, the Benu-Yas assisting him. . Thence he sent messengers

to the Wall to sue for peace. The Wall being in straits for provisions, and

distant from his supplies, agreed to make peace on condition of Nasir re¬

storing all plundered property in his possession and paying compensation

for what had been continued, after which the Wall retired with his fol¬

lowers. Nasir, however, collected the Bedouins of el-Dhafreh and proceeded

to attack the fort of el-Jow, of which Alimed-bin Khalf was Wall. Nasir

being joined by all the inhabitants, who aided him against the Wall, laid

siege to the fort; but the Walls of el-Batineh and el-Dhahireh, hearing of

this, sent succours to Alimed-bin Khalf, and the enemy’s forces retired from

the district. The chief Wall then came with an army from Nezwa, and

ordered the demolition of all the Forts of el-Jow, except that of the Imam,

and the enemies were dispersed. ‘Omeyr-bin Mohammed fled to the Chris¬

tians at Soliar, and others made for the hill pass of Julfar, where they took

to highway robbery and pillaging the districts. The Walls proceeded

against them, and some were killed and others fled. The Wall having seiz¬

ed their camels returned to ‘Oman. Nasir-bin Katan then led his followers to

el-Batineh, and made raids on the camels of the Benu-Khalid and Benu-

Lam.17 They also plundered the women of their ornaments and clothes,

after which they retired to el- Alisa. Soon after, he again invaded ‘Oman,

and advanced towards el-Batineh, in order to pillage that district. The

Imam, however, assembled an army to repel him, and placed in command

‘All-bin Ahmed, supported by Mohammed-bin Salt el-Rlyaml, ‘All-bin Mo-

hammed-el-Tbrl, and Ahmed-bin Belhasan el-Busherl. They proceeded to

the town of Lawa, where they encountered Nasir-bin Katan and his force.

An engagement occurred, in which Nasir was worsted, and fled to Majls,

pursued by the Wall and his followers. Nasir then made for el-Shemal,

and the Wall rode in pursuit. The first to come up with Nasir were

Ahmed-bin Belhasan, and Murad and Rashid-bin Hisam, and a few of the

.1874]

E. C. Boss — Annals of ‘ Oman — Book VI.

163

faithful,18 who overtook him at a place called el-Kharus. This advanced

party of the Musalmans having been assailed by Nasir’s force before the

main body of the Imam’s army came up, they were slain to a man. God

alone is Immortal ! When the army arrived at the spot, they saw their

comrades lying dead, and not a man of Nasir’s force was in sight.

About this time Hamid, alias Mohammed-bin ‘Othman, attacked the

district of el-Sirr, where Mohammed-bin Seyf el-Howkani was Wall. Sa‘id-

bin Khalfan, who happened to be in el-Sirr at the time, demanded an inter¬

view with Ibn-Hamid, and they met at el-Ghabbi, in the mosque of el-

Sharkah, when Sa£id demanded restitution of the property they had plunder¬

ed ; but the other refused and became still more insolent and audacious, so

that Sa‘id was obliged to have him imprisoned in irons in the fort of el-

Ghabbi. Sa‘id then proceeded to el-Bostak and informed the Imam of the

seizure of Mohammed-bin ‘Othman at el-Ghabbi. The Imam ordered him

to be brought to el-Bostak, and he was accordingly conveyed there in fet¬

ters, and remained in confinement for seven months when he died.

The Imam soon after raised another army under command of Sa‘id-bin

Khalfan, supported by ‘Omeyr-bin Mohammed-bin Jafir. This force pro¬

ceeded with the design of seizing the camel herds of Nasir-bin Katan el-

Hilali. Before they reached the spot where the camels were, they were

encountered, at a place named el-Sha‘ib near el-Dhafrali, by the Benu-Yas,

and a battle ensued, in which the leader of the Benu-Yas, Sakeyr-bin ‘Isa,

and his brother Mohammed with a number of the tribe were slain. Oil

this they sued for peace, which the Wall granted, and the army returned.

The Imam then directed them to proceed to a place called Daglifis, where

Nagir-bin Katan had herds of camels. They succeeded in capturing these

camels, which were made over to the charge of ‘Omeyr-bin Mohammed-bin

Jafir, but the latter’s brother, at the instigation of others, restored the

camels to Nasir-bin Katan. The latter and his followers ceased not to pil¬

lage ‘Oman until he became the dread of “ Bedu” and “ Hadhr,” and the

people of the desert sought refuge in the villages. On the occasion of one

of his raiding expeditions, Nasir halted with his army in the south, and sent

a body of his people to close the passes. The Imam sent an army against

him under Seyf-bin Malik and Seyf-bin Abul-‘Arab, The advanced guard

of the Imam’s force came suddenly on Nasir’s force and, being few in com¬

parison with the latter, they were all slain. Nasir then withdrew to el-Ahsa,

and the Imam’s army returned.

After this God aided the Imam of the Musalmans against all wrong¬

doers, whom he ejected from their habitations and removed with the strong

arm. He took pledges from the disaffected and humbled their leaders,

crushed the tyrannical, and checked all oppressors. God was on his side and

bestowed His grace on him, so that el-Islam was exalted and shone forth,

x

164

[No. 2,

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman. — Book VI,

whilst evil and wrong-doing liid their heads. Justice was extended to all

the people of ‘Oman, whether “ Bedu” or “ Hadhr.” There remained only

the party of Christians, who held out within the walls of Maskat, and these

had suffered from war to such an extent that they had become weak, and

their power was falling to decay. Their allies were dispersed, and death

and slaughter had well nigh done their work on the majority of them.

Then God decreed that the Imam should die, and this event occurred

on Friday ten days before the end of Rabi‘ ul-A'khir, A. H. 1050 [A. D

1640], 19 his reign having lasted twenty- six years. All the just were content

with, nay devoted to him. He was buried at Nezwa, where his tomb is

well known.

The Ima'm Shlta'n-bih Sete. On the same day on which the Imam

Nasir-bin Murshid-bin Malik expired, the Musalmans elected his cousin

the Imam Sultan-bin Seyf-bin Malik. This Prince ruled justly, and was

active and diligent in the service of God, failing in no respect. He waged

war on the Christians, who still remained in Maskat, and personally con¬

ducted the operations against them until God gave him the victory over

them and he took the place.20 He continued afteiwards to carry on war

against them by land and sea wherever he found them, and succeeded in

taking many of their towns and ships, and enriched himself with much

booty taken from them. It is said that he built the fort which is at Nezwa

entirely from the spoil of Sirr, and it took him twelve years to complete

the work. He also constructed the aqueduct of el-Birkeh, which is between

Izki and Nezwa, but nearer to the former place. It is probable that strict¬

ures were passed on him as regards his Imamship on account of his engag¬

ing in commerce, as he had agents who were known to trade on his account.

In his time there were many learned men in ‘Oman. Wealth also increased,

and the country was prosperous and brilliant, the people gratefully enjoy¬

ing tranquillity. The harvests were abundant and prices low. He was

affable to his subjects and liked by all. He used to walk out without a

guard and sit and converse with the people. He would salute all, great or

little, slave or free. Thus he continued assiduously to administer the Go¬

vernment until his death, which occurred on Friday morning, the 16th

of Thul-Ka‘deh, A. H. 1090 [4th October, 1680.] His body was interred

where the Imam Nasir-bin Murshid had been buried.

The Ima'm Bel‘akab-bih Sulta'h. They then elected his son Bel‘arab-

bin Sultan-bin Seyf-bin Malik. This prince was generous and beneficent,

and the people ceased not to be grateful to him and to extol his virtue.

He removed from Nezwa to Yabrin, which he made a flourishing place and

where he built a fort. But strife broke out between the Imam and his

brother Seyf, and in the course of their contention many of the people of

‘Oman, learned men, elders, and pious persons, suffered great troubles. Many

1874.] E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman— 'Book VI. 165

souls went to perdition from following the opinions and advice of the fool¬

ish.

The Imam, having gone on an expedition to el-Shemal, on his return

was forbidden entry to Nezwa by the inhabitants, on which he went to

Yabrin.

The Ima'm Seye-bih Shlta'h. The majority of the people of ‘Oman

then assembled, and conferred the Imamate on his brother Seyf-bin Sultan ;

but I conceive that most of them entered into the matter from fear of con¬

sequences, and that some suffered for refusing to join in the plot.

Seyf then went against his brother, and took all the forts of ‘Oman,

except Yabrin which he besieged, and fighting continued until Bel‘arab died

in the castle. His adherents begged to be allowed to quit the place unmo¬

lested, and Seyf consented. I imagine that some of the learned continued

to regard Bel‘arab as Imam up to the time of his death, looking on Seyf

as a rebel against his brother.

After that, Seyf subdued all ‘Oman and ruled justly, protecting the

weak from the strong, and inspiring the tribes of ‘Oman and other countries

with fear. He made war on the Christians in every country, drove them

from their abodes and uprooted them from places where they had establish¬

ed themselves. He wrested from them Bender-Mombasah, Jeziret el-Kha-

dhra,21 Kilvvah, Battah, and other places belonging to them.

‘Oman became very prosperous, and the Imam constructed many aque¬

ducts, and planted date trees and other descriptions of trees. The Imam

amassed much wealth, and possessed many male and female slaves, for he

was very greedy of wealth. ‘Oman was strong and prosperous under his

sway, and he went on in this manner until he died at el-Rostak and was

buried there. His death occurred on Friday night, three days before the

end of Ramadhan, A. H. 1120 [A. D. 1708.]

The Ima'm Sulta'n-ein Seye-bih Ma'lik was then elected Imam and

governed firmly and diligently, warring against the foes by land and by sea.

He attacked the Persians in several places, and drove them from their pos¬

sessions. He also built the fort of el-Hazam, and removed from el-Ilostak

to that place. He expended all the wealth he had inherited from his father,

and moreover borrowed lacs from the property of the mosques and religious

endowments. He attacked and took el-Bahrein ; and neither the people of

‘Oman, nor of any other country, ventured to stir against him. At length,

he died in the fort of el-Hazam, on Wednesday five days before the end of

Jumadl el-Akhir, A. H. 1131 [A. D. 1718], and was buried there.

Thereupon there occurred a difference between the el-Ya‘arabeh and

the heads of the tribes, who were clannish and touchy. They wished to

elect in the Imlm’s place his son Seyf, who was still of unripe years.

But the men of learning, as well as the daughter of the Imam Seyf,

1GG

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman — Boole VII.

[No. 2,

desired that the Imamate should he conferred on Mohenna-bin Sultan, con¬

sidering him worthy of the position and powerful enough to maintain it.

They were moreover not aware of anything in his character or conduct which

should exclude him from reigning. They argued also that the Im&mate of

a hoy was not allowable in any circumstances. It would not he lawful for

him to lead the prayers ; how then could he he Imam of the country, to

govern it, and have power over the property, lives, and honor of the people ?

When it was not lawful for him to take possession of his own property, how

could it he right that he should have charge of the property of God' or of

orphans, or of absentees, and others incapacitated for the administration of

their affairs ?

The Sheykh ‘Adi -bin Suleiman el-Thahali perceived that the people

favoured the claims of the Imam’s son, and though he did not consider him¬

self justified in assisting them in that course, he feared that, as the assembled

people were armed, opposition might induce them to use their weapons and

lead to bloodshed. Accordingly he wished to silence them and break up

the assembly. So he said to them ‘ Seyf is “ Amam” or “ before you.’ ” On

this, they proclaimed him Imam, and fired the guns to announce the event.

The news spread throughout ‘Oman that Seyf-bin Sultan was Imam. When,

however, the commotion had subsided, and people had quieted down, they

brought the Sheykh Mulienna secretly into the fort and elected him Imam.

This was in the same month and year in which Sultambin Seyf died.

Tiie Im'am Muhenna-bin Sultan. The new Imam applied himself to

the Government, and the people enjoyed tranquillity during his time. He

abolished the custom duties at Maskat, and appointed no agent to reside

there, so that the inhabitants made profit by the trade of the place. Prices

fell and the harvests were rich. None of the learned refused allegiance to

Mulienna. He continued to reign for one year when he was slain. I shall,

if it be the will of God, narrate the circumstances attending his slaughter,

and the causes of the disturbances which took place in ‘Oman and of the

condition to which the affairs of its people tended, in a separate book.

Book VII.

Account of the Civil Wars in ‘ Oman and of the state to which the country

was reduced. A. D. 1718 to A. D. 1728.

After the election of Muhenna-bin Sultan, the el-Ya‘arabeh and people

of el-Iiostak ceased not to cherish enmity against him and the Kadhi ‘Adi-

bin Suleiman el-Thahali and to urge Ya‘rab*bin Bel‘arab to rise against the

Imam ; which he at length did, and took possession of Maskat, the Wall of

which was at that time Mes‘ud-bin Mohammed-bin Mes‘ud el-Sarimi el-

Riyami. As YaTab did not enter Maskat with a force, it is probable the

1874.]

E. C. Ross — Annals of cO?nan — 'Boole VII.

167

inhabitants were not guiltless of treason towards the Imam Muhenna. The

latter had gone to Felej el-Bazil in the districts of el-Jow, hut as soon as

he heard this intelligence, he returned to el-Rostak and spared no effort to

meet the emergency. He called on the people of ‘Oman to aid him against

the enemy, but they did not respond to his call and abandoned him to his

fate. The people of el-Rostak had besieged him in the Fort. YaTab,

hearing: this, came from Maskat to el-Rostak, and summoned Muhenna to

come forth from the Fort, offering him safe-conduct for himself and follow¬

ers and property. Muhenna reflected on his position : abandoned as he

was and unaided by any of the people of ‘Oman, he was evidently helpless,

and accordingly accepted the proffered terms and came down from the Fort.

By this act, his Imamate came to an end. Notwithstanding the promises

of security, he was immediately seized, fettered, and placed in the stocks,

with one of his companions. Soon after, some of his enemies’ servants came,

and slaughtered them both as they lay bound and helpless. YaTab then

assumed the reins of government, but did not aspire to the Imamate, which

office pertained to his cousin Seyf-bin Sultan, contenting himself with acting

as regent for the latter, who was too young to assume the Government

himself. All the Forts of ‘Oman surrendered to them, and all the tribes

made their submission. This was in the year 1133 A. H. [A. D. 1720.]

Matters went on in this way for a year, after which the Kadhi ‘Adi-bin

Suleiman el-Thahali proposed to YaTab that he should repent of all his mis¬

deeds, his oppression of the Musalmans, and his rebellion against Mohenna-

bin Sultan and seizure of the Government of the Musalmans. In case of

his doing this, YaTab would be absolved of the guilt of rebellion, and it

would not be necessary for him to make restitution for what he had de¬

stroyed ; for compensation is not incumbent on one who has repented and

received absolution. YaTab followed these counsels, on which he was made

Imam in the year 1134 A. H. [A. D. 1721.]

The Ima'm YYrab-ein Bel‘arab. He then received charge of the

Government in his own name and the various forts of ‘Oman were surren¬

dered to him. After remaining a few days at el-Rostak, he proceeded to

Nezwa, which he entered on the 29tli of el-Sha‘han of the same year. The

people of el-Rostak were not content that YaTab should be Imam, and

displayed a preference for the Sayyid Seyf-bin Sultan. They constantly

wrote to Bel‘arab-bin Nasir, the maternal uncle of the Seyyid Seyf-bin Sultan,

who was at Nezwa with the Imam YaTab. They ceased not to urge Bel‘arab

until he left Nezwa, on the 7th of Showwal of that year, and proceeded to

Bilad-Seyt, where he succeeded in binding the Benu-Hinah to support

him by engaging to release them from the restrictions placed on them by

the Imam Nasir-bin Murshid in the matters of building, carrying arms,

&c. He also gave them rich presents. They accordingly took him to el-

1G8

[No. 2,

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman. — Book VII.

Rostak, where fighting went on, until they succeeded in ejecting the Wall

from the place. They set fire to the gate of the Fort, and the whole front

of the place was burnt, and many leaders of the Benu-Hinah, as also some

chiefs of the Benu-£Adi, were burnt to death. From what I have gathered,

it seems one hundred and fifty lives were lost by the fire. Many books

also were destroyed on this occasion, such as the “ Bay an ul-Shara‘,” “ el -

Musannif ” “ Kitab ul-Istikameh ,” “ Mujlibat ul-Tilismat of about forty

volumes. Many other works were burnt, which were unique in ‘Oman.

Through this fire a vast treasure was discovered.

When intelligence of what the people of el-Rostak had done reached

the Imam YaTab, he detached a body of horsemen1 under the command of

the Sheykh Salih-bin Mohammed-bin Khalf el-Suleymi, and ordered them

to proceed to el-Rostak ; but after reaching ‘Awabi, they were obliged to

retreat, not being strong enough to fight. Befiarab-bin Nasir then wrote

to the Wall of Maskat, Himyer-bin Suleiman -bin Ahmed el-Riyami, to surren¬

der that place to them, which he did. The town of Naklil also was delivered up

without a blow. The insurgents then sent forth a detachment under Malik

bin-Seyf el-YaTabi, who succeeded in taking Semail without opposition, the

Wall evacuating the place. This was in the month of Thul-Ka‘deh of the

same year. The Benu-Rualieh joined Malik, who next marched to Izki,

which he took without any fighting. YaTab then marched with his adherents

of the Nezwa people and the Benu-Riyam, attended by the Kadhi ‘Adi-bin

Suleiman el-Thahali, and came to Izki. The Sheykhs of that place declared

for him, and came out to meet him with offers of hospitality and supplies.

For two days he remained writing to Malik-bin Seyf, summoning him to

come forth from the Fort. And as he refused to do so after that time,

YaTab commenced hostilities and fired twice on him with cannon. The

detachment of the Benu-Hinah under Sahib el-‘Anbur2 of el-Rostak, however,

coming up against YaTab, his army was scattered, and he, finding himself

deserted, returned to Nezwa. The Kadhi £Adi-bin Suleiman fled to el-

Rostak, where the people seized him and Suleiman-bin Khalfan, and bound

them to the pillory, where they were slain by some of Beharab-bin Nasir’s

people, and their bodies were dragged through the streets by the people of

el-Rostak. This occurred on the feast of the Hijj in the same year. Sahib

el-£Anbur then proceeded to Nezwa, and commenced writing to YaTab,

urging him to come forth from the Fort. Some of the Nezwa people, also,

went to him and asked him to evacuate the place, in order to save

bloodshed. They did not cease importuning him to this end, until at

length he consented, on condition of their leaving him in the Fort of

Yabrin and abstaining from molesting him. They entered into a compact

with him to that effect, on which he went forth from Nezwa. By this act

his Imamate terminated. He proceeded straight to Yabrin, and Sahib

1874.]

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman. — Boole VII.

169

el-‘Anbhr entered the Fort of Nezwa, and firing a salute from all the o-uns

proclaimed Seyf-bin Sultan Imam.

The Imam Seye-bih Stjlta'n. All the forts of ‘Oman were surren¬

dered to him, and all the tribes and towns submitted to his authority.

Matters went on in this wise for two months all but three days, when it

was the will of God to bring to pass what He had foreseen would befall the

people of ‘Oman, on account of their fickle and changeable behaviour. For

God does not send vicissitudes on a people until they are untrue to

themselves. In the trials Fie sends, he who is steadfast in his religion is

distinguished from the backslider and hypocrite. God said those words,

“ Do men imagine it shall be sufficient for them to say , ‘ we believe ,’ while they

be not proved ? We proved heretofore those who were before them ; for God

will surely know those who are sincere , and He will surely know the liars.”3

God then foresaw what was predestined to occur, that the actions of

all men should come to light, and the evildoer suffer for his misdeeds, and

the obedient be fortified, each being requited according to his good or evil

deeds, like as pure gold is tested by fire. It has been said too, “ By trial

is a man honored or despised.”

When it was settled that Bel‘arab-bin Nasir should administer the

Government as regent, and that Seyf-bin Sultan was Imam, the various

tribes and chiefs came to offer their congratulations on this. Bebarab-bin

Nasir on this occasion let fall threats against certain tribes, especially the

Benu-Gliafir4 and the people of Bahia. It is said when Moliammed-bin Nasir -

bin ‘Amir el-Ghafiri came with a party of his tribe, the Seyyid BeFarab

uttered menaces against them, on which Mohammed-bin Nasir retired deeply

offended, and entered into correspondence with Ya‘rab-bin Bebarab and the

people of Bahia, urging them to rise in revolt. He went also himself to the

Bedouins of el-Dhafrah, the Benu-NaFm, Benu-Katab, and the rest.

Bebarab on his part sent to invite the chiefs of Nezwa to join him, and

a large number of them did so, and were received with honor, and desired

to give their allegiance to Seyf-bin Sultan. He then sent a detachment5

under his brother Suleiman-bin Nasir with orders to proceed by Wadi-

Semail, and bring Ya‘rab to el-Rostak. He ordered the Nezwa people to

accompany this force, but they ceased not to ask the chiefs of el-Rostak to

intercede with him to excuse them from this duty until he consented. The

detachment proceeded as far as Fark, where they passed the night, and the

people of Nezwa sent them food and refreshments. Suddenly, they heard the

firing of cannon from the Fort of Nezwa, and enquiring what had happened,

were informed that Ya‘rab-bin Bebarab had entered the Fort. Thereupon

they returned to Izki, where Suleiman-bin Nasir seized the Fort and

remained in the town. BeFarab -bin Nasir had meanwhile despatched a

second detachment against ^Ya‘rab by way of el-Dhahireh, but on their

170

E. 0. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman. — Book VII.

[No. 2,

reaching Bahia, the people of that place seized and imprisoned them there.

A third party, which was sent to Wadi Beni-Ghafir, was defeated and

retired to el-Rostak.

YaTab, on the other hand, sent a detachment with two guns against

Izld. When they arrived before the place, they opened fire on the Fort,

but were worsted and retired to Nezwa after losing several men. He then

sent another force against Izld. They halted for a day on the west side of

the town, and the following morning saw them in retreat on Nezwa without

having struck a blow. A third force, also, was sent which occupied the

western side of Izld, and bombarded the Fort with cannon for about ten

days, after which Malik-bin Nasir arrived at Izld from el-Rostak, and,

having been joined by the garrison, made a sortie on Yadab’s troops, but

was repulsed. The Bedouins of YaTab’s army attacked and plundered Sudda

and the quarter named el-Rahha of Izld, and burned the abode of Hirnyer-

bin Manir outside el-Rahha. The leaders of Yadab’s force next attacked

el- Yemen tribe, but were defeated, and one of the commanders, Moliammed-

bin Sadd-bin Ziyad of Bahia, was killed.

Malik-bin Nasir, having been told that the el-Nizar6 had joined Yadab’s

men in the attack on the el-Yemen, sent for the Sheykhs of the former clan

and placed them in irons in the chief mosque. He then sent to the people of

el-Sharkiyeh, and a large army of them came to his aid. The Benu-Hinah

also came in large numbers, and the whole having united at Izki attacked

Yadab’s force. The drums and a small body of men were sent out by the

side of el-Manzaliyeh, and the main body marched out from the directions of

el-‘Atab on Friday at sunset. A great battle was fought, in which the

musketry rattled like peals of thunder, and swords flashed like lightning.

The result was the defeat of Yadab’s army. The slaughter was great :

from what I have heard, three hundred men fell on both sides, but God

knows !

Nasir-bin Malik then marched with his followers on the town of Manh,

and a detachment attacked Faleyj of Wadi el-Hajar, killed many of the

inhabitants, and plundered all that they found in the place. They then

burned down the houses of Zakit and Mahyul, after which they reached

Manh, where they plundered the “ Hujreh” of Ma‘mad, burned the houses,

and slew numbers of the inhabitants, who were dispersed in all directions.

They next marched on Nezwa, and pitched their camp at the mosque of

el-Makhass of Fark, and laid siege to Nezwa. They destroyed the cultiva¬

tion, and burned many sugar-cane fields of el-Heyli and el-Khadbra. They

also burned the houses of Fark, and committed depredations everywhere.

The people of Nezwa and YaTab’s followers sallied out against them,

and, after an engagement in which several were slain on each side, both

armies fell back to their former positions. After this, there was fighting

%

171

1874.] E. C. Ross —Annals of 1 Oman. —Book VII.

every day : many were killed and the people of Nezwa experienced much

suffering.

At length, a great battle was fought, the like of which we have not

heard of the forces of. The forces of Malik were well nigh put to flight only ;

when half of them had fled, the remainder were unable to escape, as the enemy

had surrounded them like a ring. Despairing of escape from slaughter, they

made a desperate rally and fought with fury. The Nezwa men, on the other

hand, thought victory secured, and many commenced to plunder, each one

trusting to his comrades to keep watch. In this situation, a body of Malik’s

men made a determined attack on them and routed them. In their flight

they lost numbers in killed and wounded. The enemy pursued as far as a

place called Jannur el-Khoseh, near the bend of el-‘Akr, slajung and

capturing. A great number of the inhabitants of Nezwa fell on that day.

Beharab then returned to his camp, and for some time desultory skirmishing

daily occurred. At length, Malik marched out with all his force, ex¬

cepting only a few, whom he left to guard his camp, and advanced as far

as Hin&t of el-‘Akr. His plan was to attack that place from the enclosed

garden of Showeykli, making loopholes in the wall for musketry. The

people of Nezwa, however, sallied out against him, and the millstones of war

revolved amongst them for an hour of that day, at the end of which Malik-

bin Nasir was slain, and his forces were routed and forced to retreat to their

camp. They remained encamped there, but were much weakened by the

fall of Nasir. Fighting nevertheless continued between them and the

people of Nezwa, until Mohammed-bin Nasir the Grhafiri arrived with his

force from el-Grharbiyeh, after having fought several severe battles at Wadi

el-Sakal and in el-Jow, and at Dhank and el-Gfhabbi. I refrain from describ¬

ing these actions to avoid prolixity, and as moreover they are well known.

Mohammed-bin Nasir now ordered an attack to be made on a body of

the enemy in el-Makhadh. His forces accordingly attacked and surrounded

them, and the fire of matchlocks was sustained from morning till night.

When night fell, Mohammed-bin-Nasir ordered an assault to be made on

them from the el-Sakal side along the Wadi leading to Fark. The attack

succeeded, and morning found the place completely evacuated, not one of

the enemy being left in it, all having fled. At this time, the Seyyid Yahab

was ill. Mohammed-bin Nasir then returned to Nezwi, where he remained

a few days, after which he ordered his army to march on el- Rost. ik.

The siege of Nezwa had lasted two months all but six days.

On arrival at el-Rostak, Mohammed-bin Nasir encamped with his

entire force at Felej el-Sharat. His men desired to assault a tower in which

‘All-bin Mohammed Sahib el-‘Anbur had ensconced himself: but Mohammed-

• '

bin Nasir restrained them until Sahib el-‘Anbur and his men commenced

hostilities, when the assault was ordered. A severe fight ensued, in which

X

172

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman — Boole VII.

[No. 2,

Sahib el-‘Anbur and many of bis people were slain and tlie remainder routed.

Mohammed-bin Nasir then returned to Felej el-Sharat, and, on the following

day, entered Felej el-Madra, where Befarab-bin Nasir met him as a sup¬

plicant. Mohammed agreed to make peace on condition of his surrendering

the Fort of el-Rostak, and all other Forts in his possession.

They accordingly proceeded together to the Fort of el-Rostak. Now

BeFarab meditated treachery towards Mohammed-bin Nasir, but the latter,

shrewd and cautious, declined to enter except with his men, and when all

had entered, he entered also. As soon as they were in, his troops commenced

to pillage the town, and they abducted so many children that they were sold

into foreign countries. This treatment was the requital of their evil doing

and of their treatment of the Kadhi of the Musalmans ‘Adi-bin Suleiman.

“ Verily God will not change His grace ichich is in men , until they change

the disposition in their souls hy sinV The death of YaTab-bin Bel‘arab

occurred whilst Mohammed-bin Nasir was at el-Rostak, thirteen days before

the expiry of Jumadi el-TJkhra, A. H. 1135. [A. D. 1723], The people of

Nezwa, however, fearing the enemy would attack them, concealed the fact

for nearly fifty days.

Mohammed-bin Nasir ordered Bel‘arab to be imprisoned in fetters,

after he had commanded him to surrender all the Forts in his possession.

There remained only Maskat and Birkeh8 in the hands of the Benu-Hinah.

Mohammed ‘bin Nasir remained at el-Rostak and proclaimed Seyf-bin Sultan

Imam.

The people of el-Rostak fled to the hills and valleys. I have heard that

in a cavern, in the direction of the district of Mahalil, were found the bodies

of about one hundred women and children, who had perished of thirst, afraid

to return to el-Rostak lest they should be carried off and sold into slavery.

Three days after he took el-Rostak, Mohammed-bin Nasir was joined

by a re-inforcement of about fifteen hundred men of the Benu-Koleyb and

Benu-Ka‘b, armed with matchlocks and spears. There also arrived Rahmeh-

bin Matr-bin Rahmeli el-Hawali with about 5000 “ Bedu” and “ Hadhr,”

amongst whom were some who did not understand Arabic9 and were unable

to distinguish friend from foe.

Khalf-bin Mubarik, known as el-Kasir [or the Dwarf], a native of el-

Ghashb, who was not at el-Rostak during the fighting, took possession of

the Forts of Birkeh and Maskat, having with him the Benu-Hinah.

Mohammed-bin Nasir sent ‘All-bin Mohammed el-Kharusi as Wall of the

Fort of Barka, but he was slain and his followers returned to Mohammed-

bin Nasir at el-Rostak. The latter thereupon directed the whole of his

forces on Barka. So Rahmeh-bin Matr el-Hawali marched with his con¬

tingent ; also Iiamzah-bin Hammad el-Koleybi with his men, and Ahmed-

bin ‘Ali el-Ghafiri with the force contributed by Mohammed-bin Nasir.

1874.]

173

E. C. Eoss — Annals of ‘Oman. — Book VII.

Likewise Mohammed-bin ‘Adi-bin Suleiman el-Thahali, with the men lie had

brought from el-Sir. Also Mohammed-bin Nasir el-Harrasi with his clan.

All these proceeded, each in command of his own division, until they reached

Mesna‘a. There a letter arrived from the Benu-Hinah, addressed by Kar‘a

el-Darmaki to Eahmeh-el-Hawali saying : “ Do not come further against us,

as we are coming to meet you,” in the sense of a threat. When Iiahmeh

read the letter, he understood its meaning, and at once ordered an advance

on Barka, sending scouts ahead to that place. The latter finding Kar‘a

and his followers advancing against Eahmeh, returned with the intelligence.

Bahmeh encountered them at a place called el-Kasim. Kodheyb el-Hawali

charged the enemy on horseback, followed closely by the remainder of the

force. Ten of the enemy were killed, and Kar‘a and his followers were routed.

Kodheyb received a slight wound. Eahmeh then moved his men eastward,

and halted at el-Hifri,10 which belongs to the el-Jibur, to allow his men rest

and refreshment. Thence he sent out his scouts, who reported that Khalf-

bin Mubarik el-Kasir had moved by land and sea with an innumerable

force. Those on the side of Mohammed-bin Nasir amounted to 5000 men,

“Bedu” and “ Hadhr” of various tribes. The rival armies encountered to

the west of Barka, and a severe contest ensued. Eahmeli’s men had cannon,

with which they fired on the vessels which were on the sea, and forced them

to stand further out. The battle ended in the defeat of Khalf-bin Mubarik,

who mounted a camel and fled. His forces were broken and pursued by

those of Mohammed-bin Nasir, who slew and captured many, until finding

no refuge from slaughter many plunged into the sea, and endeavoured to

gain the ships. These, however, had put to sea, and they failed to reach

them. The victors meanwhile kept up a fire on them until all perished.

The bodies were then stripped of arms and all else on them. When the

dead bodies were thrown up by the sea, they found the number of killed

amounted to 1012 men. The remainder of the fugitives were pursued until

they entered the Fort of Barka. The adherents of Mohammed-bin Nasir

then encamped by the side of the hill at Barka, and laid siege to the Fort.

Four days afterwards, the garrison embarked in the ships, and went to

Maskat, leaving only a few men in the Fort, the town being empty. The

army of Mohammed-bin Nasir then returned to el-Eostak, and Eahmeh

returned to his own country.

Mohammed-bin Nasir remained a time in el-Eostak, where he had so

severe an attack of small-pox, that fears were entertained for his life. When

he recovered, he ordered an expedition to proceed to Yankal. He placed in

el-Eostak as Wall Mohammed-bin Nasir el-Harrasi, and with him in the

Fort he left the Bahia chiefs and Sinan-bin Mohammed-bin Sinan el-

Mahthur el-Ghafiri.

Mohammed-bin Nasir and Seyf-bin Sultan then marched carrying

174

[No. 2,

E. C. Ross —Annctls of ‘Oman — Book VII.

with them Bel‘arab-bin Nasir and all the Ya‘arabeh in fetters,11 and

proceeded until they reached Makaniyat. Mohammed-bin Nasir’s stay at el-

Rostak had lasted about two months. On arrival at Makaniyat, he sent to

the tribes of Dhahireli and ‘Oman and to the Benu-Yas, summoning them

to his aid. They obeyed his call, and a large army of about 12,000 men

assembled under him. His camp was at Felej el-Manadereh, on the Yankal

side. On summoning the people of the town to surrender the Fort to him,

they failed to do so, and returned him no answer. In the morning, he

moved his camp, intending to occupy the high ground, above the source of

the el-Molndith stream of el-Batha. The Benu-‘Ali and their allies of

Yankal opposed him, and a severe conflict occurred, in which many of the

Benu-‘AH were slain, notably the son of their Sheykh Suleiman-bin Salim.

On Mohammed-bin Nasir’s side, Salim-bin Ziyad el-Gliafiri, Seyf-bin Nasir

el-Shakeyli and one other were wounded.

Mohammed-bin Nasir then encamped on the heights above the fountain

head of the el-Molnditli stream, and besieged the garrison, firing on them

from guns and matchlocks. Another engagement was fought, in which

many were killed. On the side of Mohammed-bin Nasir there fell the

Wall of Dhank, Mohammed-bin Khalf el-Kuyudhi, and one of his cousins.

They then cut off the supply of water by breaking up the aqueduct, on

which the garrison accepted terms, and agreed to surrender the Forts.

Intelligence next reached Mohammed-bin Nasir that Sa‘id-bin Haweyd

had entered el-Seleyf with his followers and joined the el-Suawafeh, who

sided with the Benu-Hinah. He accordingly directed his army on el-Seleyf,

and on arrival there sent a message to Sa4id-bin Haweyd and the people of

el-Seleyf, inviting them to make their submission, but they declined. A

number of the el-Suawafeh of Ten4 am, however, joined Mohammed-bin

Nasir, and tendered their allegiance. He then attacked the Fort of the el-

Murashid of el-Seleyf, and overturned the walls, burying under the ruins

all the men, women, and children, who were within the place. SaTd-bin

Haweyd then requested safe passage for himself and his followers to his

own district, Mohammed-bin Nasir acceded to his request, and not only

allowed him free egress, but supplied him with provisions for his journey.

After this, there only remained at el-Seleyf the Forts of the el-Suawafeh

and the el-Manadereli. The latter seeing what had befallen the el-

Murashid, made their submission to Mohammed-bin Nasirr who pardoned

them and suffered them to remain unmolested in their stronghold.

The el-Suawafeh, on the contrary, held out, so Mohammed-bin Nasir

continued to besiege them, cutting down their date trees, and slaying them

daily, tie dismissed his Bedouin auxiliaries, retaining only the Benu-Yas

and the “ Hadhr” tribes. When the siege had lasted over two months, the

garrison agreed to demolish the Fort with their own hands ; on their doing

E. C. Ross — Annals of 4 Oman — Booh VII.

175

1874.]

this, peace was concluded. Meanwhile Khalf-bin Mubarik el-Kasir, seeing

Mohammed-bin Nasir engaged in the siege of el-Seleyf, laid siege to el-

Rostak. Now Saba4 el- ‘Amur! had previously taken the Fort of Sohar.

When Sinan-bin Mohammed el-Mahthur el-Ghafiri, the warden of the

Fort, was killed, Mohammed-bin Nasir el-Harrasi and his followers came

forth from the Fort of el-Rostak, and, Khalf-bin Mubarik entering, the

place was surrendered to him.

Saba4 el- Amur! had meanwhile taken the Fort of Sohar, and Moham¬

med-bin Nasir found himself unable to return from el-Seleyf and march to

the relief of el-Rostak and Sohar, for fear his enemies in el-Dhahireh should

become too strong for him.

Khalf el-Kasir then moved against the Fort of el-Hazam, the Wall of

which was ‘Omer-bin Salih-bin Mesfiid el-Ghafiri. He besieged the place,

and diverted the course of the stream which supplied it with water. He

then sent a message to the Wall, offering safe passage for him and his men,

on condition of their evacuating the Fort. The Wall refused, and wrote to

Mohammed-bin Nasir to inform him of what had occurred, and that they

had no water except a small quantity in a cistern. Mohammed, accordingly,

having made peace with the people of el-Seleyf and razed their Fort,

proceeded to el-Hazam with an innumerable army, and when he reached

that place, fell upon Khalf s forces. After many had been slain, the latter

took to flight, leaving their arms, ammunition, and provisions behind.

Mohammed-bin Nasir then returned to el-Dhahireh without visiting el-

Rostak, his object being Bilad-Seyt. Having assembled a numerous force

of “ Bedii” and “ Hadhr,” he marched from el-Dhahireh to Bilad-Seyt.

The inhabitants refusing to comply with his summons to submission, he

laid siege to the place, and his men having assaulted, slew many of the

people.

He next attacked el-‘Aridh, which belonged to the Benu-‘A'di, and took

that place, and also Ghamar. The uplands of the Benu-Hinah fell into his

hands, and none of that tribe remained in them. Some were slain, and

those who asked quarter were sent away in safety. In the attack on Bilad-

Seyt, about ten of Mohammed-bin Nasir’ s men were slain and several

wounded. He then ordered his army to Nezwa, where he remained about six

months, during part of the winter, until harvest time. Flaving summoned

the people of the Manah [or Manli] district to submit to him, they refused,

so he sent a force against them which surrounded them, and cut down their

date trees at Felej el-Fikein and Jarr-4Ali, and, when their property was

destroyed, they made their submission.

Mohammed-bin Nasir then returned to el-Dhahireh, and, halting at el-

Ghabbi of el-Sirr, busied himself raising a fresh army, until he had collected a

large number of 44 Bedu ” and 44 Hadhr.” He ordered the people of el-Dhaliiith

176

[No. 2,

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman — Book VII.

to convey the fresh dates to el-Hazam, and with them he sent the people of

Wadi Beni-Ghafir and their belongings. He then set out with all his forces

for the settlements of the el-‘Awamir in el-Sharkiyeh. He was met by the

el-‘Awamir and the Al-Wahibeh12 Bedouins and the Benu-Hinah, and a

fierce battle took place, in which Mohammed-bin Nasir’s followers were

well nigh put to flight ; but they rallied and stood firm, and eventually

the Benu-Hinah13 were put to flight, and a great number of them was slain.

The pursuit was kept up until they entered the Hujreli of el-‘Akil.

Mohammed-bin Nasir and his followers returned in triumph to Yabrin,

accompanied by the Seyyid Seyf-bin Sultan. Mohammed-bin Nasir then

returned to el-Dhahireh, to recruit his forces, and, being joined by a large

number, returned to Nezwa. He collected all the people of Nezwa, and

Izki and Bahia, also the Benu-Riyam, and marched with them to Seikam.

Thence he sent to summon Safld-bin Haweyd el-Hinawi, and the followers

who had joined him from el-‘Akir snd el-Ghafat, and, on their refusal to

submit, besieged them. Sa‘ id-bin Haweyd then passed out, and proceeded

through el-Dhahireh to Sohar, in order to raise men there and at Yankal,

for the people of the latter place had broken the truce. A large force joined

him, on which he returned to ‘Amla and drew in his forces. He collected

many of the Benu-Hinah from Wadi el-‘Ula and all their villages. When

he reached Felej el-£Aishi, he meditated an attack on Mohammed-bin Nasir

and his followers. Safid-bin Haweyd had been away collecting forces for

seven months and seven days, and Mohammed-bin Nasir, fearing he might

fall on him unawares, had distributed scouts throughout the districts, and

these brought him the intelligence of the advance of Sa‘id with a large

force. Mohammed ordered his troops to intercept him ere he reached the

district, and they accordingly met the advancing foe at the entrance of el-

Ghafat. A great battle was fought, in which Safld-bin Haweyd el-Hinawi

was slain, and amongst those of his adherents who fell was Ghasn-el-‘Alawi,

chief of Yankal. The total number of Safld’s followers slain was two

hundred, the remainder dispersed. Mohammed-bin Nasir ordered recitations

to be pronounced in every district of Balila and Nezwa, and the towns of

el-Dhahireh to celebrate his victory.

His followers dragged the corpse of Sa£id-bin Haweyd to the Fort of

el-Ghafat, in which were his family, children, and followers, expecting that

on beholding the sight, they would surrender ; but they refused to do so.

The siege was therefore continued for two months longer, when the garri¬

son, having eaten all their cattle, ran short of provisions. At this time

Mubarik-bin Sacid-bin Bedr commanded the forces of Mohammed-bin Nasir,

who after the battle had returned to Yabrin. So, when their provisions

were exhausted, and many had been slain, and their property destroyed,

the garrison were granted terms on condition of their demolishing the Fort.

177

1874.] E. C. Ross— Annals of ‘Oman— Book VII.

This they did with their own hands, on which they were suffered to depart

in safety.

The Fort of el-‘Akir continued, however, to hold out.

Mohammed-bin Nasir then dismissed Mubarik-bin Sa‘id-bin Bedr, and

appointed in his place Rashid-bin Sa‘id Rashid el-Ghafiri, who continued

the siege of el-‘Akir. He had under his orders the men of Bahia, Nezwa,

Izki, and el-Dhahireh, and also the Benu-Ghafir, and Benu-Riyam. They

so closely invested the place, that not a soul could enter or leave it. When

the provisions were exhausted, the garrison sued for peace, which was grant¬

ed, the terms being the demolition of their Fort. They were accordingly

obliged to demolish the walls, after losing all they possessed. There

remained to them neither date trees nor water-courses, and they had con¬

sumed the whole of their cattle. So under these conditions they were

granted peace and safety of their persons. After which the troops returned,

each man to his native place.

Mohammed-bin Nasir next prepared another force of “ Bedii” and

“ Hadin',” and marched on the towns of the el-Habus of el-Sharkiyeh,

namely, Madheybi, and el-Rowdheh. At the former town, they encountered

the army of Khalf-bin Mubarik el-Kasir, consisting of the el-Habus and

others of the Benu-Hinah. In the battle which ensued, Khalf-bin Mubarik

was defeated and forced to take refuge in the “ Hujreli” of el-Madheybi.

Mohammed-bin Nasir besieged them, and began to cut down the date trees,

on which they sued for peace and quarter. Mohammed acceded, not know¬

ing that Khalf-bin Mubarik was with them in the Hujreh.” Afterwards a

certain person came and informed him that Ivlialf was in the place, but it

did not seem good to him to break the terms of peace. Khalf then fled

from el-Madheybi, and Mohammed-bin Nasir pursued him with his army

until he reached Ibra, which place Khalf entered, not imagining that Mo¬

hammed-bin Nasir would pursue him so far. He abode with the el-Harth,14

to whom Mohammed sent summoning them to submit themselves to him,

and to eject Khalf from amongst them. On their refusing to do so, he

made daily attacks on them, cutting down their date and other trees, and

destroying their water-courses. Finding themselves powerless to cope with

Mohammed-bin Nasir, they secretly sent away Khalf from amongst them.

The latter who was head of the whole of the Benu-Hinah, proceeded to

Maskat. After his departure, Mohammed-bin Nasir made peace with the el-

Harth, granting them an amnesty, and retiring from the place. The whole

of el-Sharkiyeh submitted to him. He then returned to \rabrin, and tarried

a space at that place, which was his favourite residence.

He next went to el-Dhahireh and collected a numerous force there, with

which he marched westwards, not one of his followers knowing whither he

purposed to proceed. Passing through the districts of el-Naflm,15 he col-

178

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman — Boole VII.

[No. 2,

lected men from that tribe and the Benu-Yas, and led them to Nejd el-

Jezl, traversing the district of tlie Benu-Koleyb, some of whom joined him.

He then passed into the sea-hoard tract of el-Batineh, causing terror to the

people of Sohar, without, however, attacking them. He then marched east¬

ward. The inhabitants of Felej el-Howasineh were alarmed lest he should

destroy their valley. His troops seized and ate all the camels and cattle

they found. Some amongst them had no conception who were their friends

and who their enemies. Ivhalf-bin Mubarik having received intelligence of

Mohammed’s movements, encountered him at Aflaj-‘Ar‘ar. A severe con¬

test ensued, and Khalf’s followers took to flight, and he himself was shut

up in a house. Mohammed-bin Nasir and his men went in pursuit of the

flying enemy, not knowing of Khalf’s being in that house. The latter, on

his part, imagined that Mohammed satisfied with his victory had left him.

Mohammed-bin Nasir then entered el-Rostak, and commenced destroying

the water channels, and writing to the people, summoning them to submit.

As they refused, he destroyed the aqueducts of el-Meyser, Bu-ThaTab, and

el-Hammam, and cut down some date groves. The people of el-Rostak,

being unable to sally forth to oppose him, at length thought of making

their submission.

Mohammed-bin Nasir now received intelligence that Rashid-bin Sa‘ld

el-Ghafirl had seized the Fort of Makanlyat, the Wall of which was Muba-

rik-bin Sa ‘Id-bin Bedr. This was caused by Rashid’s jealousy of Mubarik

on account of the preference shown for him by Mohammed-bin Nasir. The

latter on hearing the news ordered his forces to march on el-Rostak, after

having destroyed its water-courses. Meanwhile ‘All-bin Nasir-bin Ahmed

el-Kelbanl, went to Rashid-bin SaGd, and by his advice induced him to

make over the Fort to himself, guaranteeing that Mohammed-bin Nasir

would not punish him. So ‘All-bin Nasir took charge of the Fort until the

arrival of Mohammed-bin Nasir, who left Mubarik there as Wall, with the

tribe el-Hawatim, and himself returned to Yabrin, where he remained for

a considerable time. Thence he proceeded with his attendants to Nezwa,

and summoned the chiefs of tribes and learned men from the east and from

the west of ‘Oman. A great number of these having assembled, he demand¬

ed of them that he should be excused from waging wars, and administrating

the affairs of the Musalmans, and that they would appoint whomsoever

they pleased to govern for the Seyyid Seyf-bin Sultan. However, the

Kadhl Nasir-bin Suleiman-bin Mohammed-bin Maddad, and ‘Abdullah-bin

Mohammed-bin Rushl-bin Maddad, who was Wall of Nezwa fort, and the

chiefs of tribes who were present, would not accept his resignation. They

closed the gates of the Fort of Nezwa and el-‘Akr, allowing none to enter

or depart. All that day and night they ceased not to apply themselves to

adjust the matter, until near morning they elected Mohammed-bin Nasir

Imam as a measure of precaution.

1874.]

E. C. Eoss — Annals of ‘ Oman. — Boole VII.

179

The Imam Mohammed-bin Na'str-bin ‘Amir el-Gha'firi'. The

guns of the Fort of Nezwa were accordingly fired, and a proclamation was

issued announcing the Imamate of Mohammed-bin Nasir and offerino*

honorable treatment and security to every tribe, whether “ Yemen” or

“ Nizar,” “ Bedu” or “ Hadhr,” which should enter Nezwa to visit him.

This was on Saturday, seven days before the expiry of the month of

el-Moharram, A. IT. 1137 [A. D. 1724.]. The Imam remained at Nezwa to

lead the prayers on the following Friday, after which he removed with his

attendants to Yabrin, and, having dismissed his forces, tarried there a

space.

Hearing that Mani -bin Khamis el-‘Azizi had attacked el Ghabbi, taken

its Fort, plundered the bazar, and committed other depredations, he pro¬

ceeded to that place, and scaled the Fort wall with only six followers. He

gained the upper part of the Fort before the garrison were aware of his

presence, and when they discovered him, they fled in terror, one of Mani‘-

bin Khamis’s slaves being slain. In this manner he captured the Fort,

and having appointed a Wall, returned to Yabrin.

Soon after, Mulienna-bin ‘Adi el-YaTabi with * Amir-bin Suleiman-bin

Bel‘arab el-Eiyami and Suleiman-bin Himyer-bin ‘All el-YaTabi attacked

and took the magazine of el-Birkeh. On hearing of this, Mohammed-bin

Nasir proceeded against them, and sent to the Kadhi Nasir-bin Suleiman

and the Wall ‘Abdullali-bin Mohammed, desiring him to join him with a

force from Nezwa at Birkeh. He himself did not go to Nezwa. With the

few soldiers and attendants he had with him, he attacked the enemy in the

forenoon and put many to the sword. He then advised them to retire, and

restore what they had taken from the magazine, but they refused and

fought against him. They held the Mesjid el-Shari‘eli above el-Birkeh and

the hill to the last, and broke up the water-course. Mohammed-bin Nasir

constructed a tower in the Mesjid below el-Shari‘eh el-Birkeh on the lower

hill. They kept up a fire of matchlocks on either side and one of the

Maghribi16 horsemen of Mohammed-bin Nasir’s force was killed, and one

wounded. He then ordered his men to attack the enemy, who fled in dis¬

order, and Nasir-bin Bel‘arab el-Eiyami and ‘All-bin Salih, the chief of

Kemeh, were made prisoners. This happened before the reinforcement from

Nezwa had come up. Mohammed then ordered the dates to be conveyed

to Yabrin, and returned himself to Nezwa, taking up his abode in the mosque

of el-Ghantak. He had intended to make war on the people of Tenuf,17

but God saved them from this, and they met him and made promises that

they would not act treacherously by him, on which he became reconciled to

them. He then ordered all who owed allegiance to him in ‘Oman to assem¬

ble ; and accordingly, a large number having collected, he marched with them

from Nezwa purposing to proceed to I)hank to arrange for the return of

ISO

E. 0. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman . — Book J II.

[No. 2,

the Washahat to their own district, and to rebuild for the people of Dhank

the Fort which he had destroyed when they were in allegiance to Khalf-

bin-Mubarik. The A'l-‘ Aziz, however, demurred to their return and to the

rebuilding of the Fort. This tribe having collected some ot the Bedouins

and their own adherents, resolved to fight him and those of the el- Washa¬

hat with him. The encounter took place at Dhank, and the Al-Aziz, dis¬

covering their inability to cope with him, dispersed. Mani‘-bin Khamis

having gone to Seneyneh to the el-Na'im, Mohammed went in search of

him with a small body of his followers mounted on horses and swift camels,

and coming on them unawares, made prisoner Manb -bin Khamis and return¬

ed to Dhank.

On his return towards el-Ghabbi, he passed by the water-courses of the

Al-‘Aziz Bedouins, who had plundered the bazar of el-Ghabbi, and de¬

stroyed them, after which he went onto el-Ghabbi, and remained there until

all those of the tribes of el-Dhahireh who were willing had assembled. He

then proceeded to Yabrin, and after a short stay there came to Nezwa, and

abode in the house of el-Mazra‘ until he had collected a force. He then

went to Izki, and gathered men from that place and also from all el-Shar-

kiyeli. The Benu-Riiaheh were alarmed at his proceedings.

He next proceeded to Semail and ceased not to admonish the el-Bekri-

in and people of el-Hili and the tribe of ‘Akkasheh. The people of el-Hili

and the ‘Akkasheh having made peace with him and submitted, he sent

them to the el-Bekriin to bring them to terms. As they were unable to

prevail with the latter tribe, Mohammed-bin Nasir ordered an attack to be

made on them on a dark and rainy winter’s night, amid thunder and light¬

ning. They did not perceive him until he had gained the top of the wall,

where a watchman was posted. He asked the latter, “ For whom are you

watching?” He replied, “ fearing lest Mohammed-bin Nasir should attack

This,” he rejoined, “ is Mohammed-bin Nasir at your side.” Those in

us.

” a rpi

the “ Hujreh” then fled, and most of them were permitted to go forth

unmolested. There only remained to be taken a tower and some upper

rooms, in which were Bekr and his sons and cousins. A fire of matchlocks

was kept up upon these until they were slain to the last man. Of Moham¬

med’s followers four were slain, one of whom was a slave of his, named

Bakliit el-Nubi [the Nubian], whom he had placed over all his slaves.

He fell from a matchlock bullet. The “ Hujreh” was razed to the ground.

Semail now paid up three years arrears of zekat. Before this the Al-

‘Omeyr had done much harm in the place, and had appropriated the property

of absent persons. Mohammed-bin Nasir therefore restored all property to

the rightful owners. He imprisoned the Owlad Sa‘id-bin ‘All and razed

their Hujreh” to the gronnd.

After that, Mohammed-bin Nasir directed his forces on el-Heyl in el-

1874.]

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman — Book VII.

181

Batineh, to intercept Khalf-bin Mubarak el-Kagir in his march from Maskat

to el-Rostak. He with his slaves patrolled the road as far as el-Ghobrali.

Khalf-bin Mubarik, however, having ascertained that Mohammed had

closed the road against him, and not being sufficiently strong to encounter

him, remained at Maskat, and placed sentries on the roads and walls. Mo-

hammed-bin Nagir remained at el-Heyl for about half a month, during which

time the el-Ma‘awal tribe came to terms with him, but subsequently broke

faith.

He then returned to Semail, and taking with him men of that place

proceeded against the Bedouins of ‘Amer Bab hah and Al-Sa‘ali, and those

of the dwellers in el-Batineh comprised under those names. He was him¬

self mounted on a mare and armed with spear and scimitar, with which he

struck right and left, hamstringing their camels, to prevent their carrying

them away. Coming on a body of his enemies, he slew their men, on which

the women, taking him for Khalf, cried out, “ Quarter ! 0 Khalf-bin Muba¬

rik ! we are in allegiance to you.” He, however, redoubled his efforts in

slaying them, riding in front of his men, so that none kept up with him save

those on horseback or on swift camels. The Seyyid Seyf-bin Sultan was

with him ; indeed he was never separated from him in all his expeditions.

After this, he returned to el-Hazam, and after remaining there a few days

went to Seni in Wadi Beni-Ghafir, where he remained a short time, and dis¬

missed all his . followers, except the guard and his personal retainers. He

next went to el-Ghabbi and, after spending a few days there, returned to

Yabrin, which was his chief residence.

At this time, the Bedouins had so infested all the roads of ‘Oman,

plundering and murdering, that people could only travel in large parties.

The chief offenders were the Al-VVahibeh, who had a chief whom they called

Bu-Khark. Mohammed-bin Nagir assembled them, with all their families,

camels, and flocks, and commanded them to encamp round Yabrin. This

he did, in order to show his resentment towards them : and he kept them

so until their camels and flocks perished, they being powerless to resist him.

On the 11th of the month of el-Hijj, he issued forth with his followers

in search of the Al-Waliibeh. He destroyed their settlement of el-Sadeyreh,

and slew all of them who were in that place. The rest fled to the low lying

sands of ‘Oman and its desert tracts, where no water is found, imagining

he would be unable to reach them there, as the “ Hadhr” Arabs had little

knowledge of the routes of those localities, and it would be difficult for them

to find the way to their haunts. But Mohammed-bin Nagir followed them

even there, and killed thirty-six of their chief men, and made prisoners ot

ninety-five. He also killed their camels and other cattle, and carried the

prisoners bound with cords to Yabrin. But Abu-Khark escaped to Maskat

and joined the Benu-Hinah. Mohammed-bin Nagir kept the prisoners in

182

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman . — IBook VII.

[No. 2,

fetters at Yabrin until they all died. He remained at Yabrin some months

after this. Abu-Khark then sent a message to Mohammed-bin Nasir, say¬

ing that in future he would not molest any one, nor commit any depreda¬

tions. And after those occurrences, from that day to this, we have not heard

of any one being robbed or ill-treated on any of the roads of ‘Oman, from the

east of it to the west.

Mohammed-bin Nasir then ordered a general levy of all in allegiance

to him in ‘Oman, from east to west. An immense force accordingly ga¬

thered round him at Yabrin, the number of which God only knows. He

sent to the districts of the Benu-Hinah of Wall el-‘Ula, and el-Heyl, and

Samm, and ‘Omla. All the Benu-Hinali submitted and none opposed him.

He then proceeded to Yankal, and having encamped on the high ground,

sent a summons to the garrison to surrender the Fort to him. They, how¬

ever, refused and prepared to resist. One night, an inhabitant of Yankal

named ‘Asam came forth, and secretly made terms for himself, saying only,

the place was not in his hands. Moliammed-bin Nasir replied, “ Counsel

your men to submit, in order to avoid bloodshed.” They, however, would

not follow his advice and continued to resist. Now the house of ‘Asam was

on the wall, in which was a small gateway. ‘Asam admitted Mohammed

and his followers by this gate into the town, and two of the inhabitants

were slain. They then begged for quarter, which Mohammed granted, but

he imprisoned their Sheykhs and carried them off to Yabrin. He left a

Wall in Yankal, the inhabitants of which submitted to him. He then

marched towards Sohar, and sent forward Rabi‘ah-bin Ahmed el-Wahaslii

to advise his cousins to descend from the Fort of Sohar. This person, how¬

ever, instead of doing so, when he came to them, advised them to resist

firmly. When Mohammed arrived at Sohar, he was encountered by the

Benu-Hinah, and a battle was fought in which many of them were slain.

Rabi‘ah-bin Ahmed was wounded and made prisoner. The Benu-Hinah

were defeated and retired into the Fort.

Mohammed’s army occupied the principal mosque, and he himself took

up his quarters in the house of Bin-Mahmud. He then spoke to Rabfiah-

bin Ahmed and said to him, “ If you wish to remain with us, you are secure,

but if you wish to join your companions in the Fort, I will send you in

safety.” As he elected to be sent to the Fort, his wish was complied with.

Mohammed-bin Nasir had placed twelve men mounted on mares as

videttes on the eastern side of Sohar, as he had heard that Khalf-bin

Mubarik had collected the Benu-Hinali from el-Rostak and Maskat, and

had arrived at the Fort of Saliam. Meanwhile Mohammed-bin Nasir had

• •

received the submission of all Sohar and its inhabitants, and the latter, to

whatsoever tribe belonging, had received assurances of security and none

were molested. With him were Bedouins of the Benu-Yas, and Benu-

Na‘im, and their sub-tribes, and also the “ Hadhr.”

1874.]

E. C. Ross — Annals of 1 Oman — Book VII.

183

One night, a field of millet by the wells of the town was destroyed.

The owner complained to Mohammed-bin Nasir, who inquired who had de¬

stroyed his field. He replied, u the Benu-Yas and the el-Na‘im, and the Be¬

douins, and others with you.” He said, “ How much compensation do you

require for your field? take two hundred Mohammadis.”18 On his refusal he

said, “ Take four hundred.” He still refused, and Mohammed-hin Nasir

offered five hundred. But the man said, “ I will not be content unless

you exact justice of them ?” So he summoned the Sheykhs, and on their

presenting themselves, ordered them to he bound to stakes. The man

would only accept their being whipped as reparation, so he had them all

scourged, and would not heed their appeals to him for mercy until justice

had been exacted, when he released them from the cords.

Now this was a stratagem of the Benu-Hinah to estrange from him

the Bedouins, who then left Mohammed-bin Nasir, and returned to their

own lands. As soon as he heard of their departure, Khalf-bin Mubarik

attacked Mohammed-hin Nasir with his adherents. The attack was made

soon after sunrise, and Mohammed-hin Nasir’s followers were taken by sur¬

prise. When the latter was informed of the arrival of Khalf-bin Mubarik,

he is said to have remarked, “ This hour is not to us, and not to them, hut

as God wills.” Thereupon he mounted his mare, and his followers mounted

with him, and they encountered Khalf at the gate of the Port of Sohar.

In the engagement Khalf-bin Mubarik was killed, and the Benu-Hinah

were defeated and pursued by Mohammed-hin Nash* to the Fort wall.

There a bullet fired from the Fort above struck him, and his followers car¬

ried him off and he died.19 Fifteen of his followers also were killed whose

names we do not mention. The people of Maskat and el-Eostak retired to

the latter place.

For three days after the burial of Mohammed-bin-Nasir, none but the

leaders knew of his death, and the garrison of the Fort of Sohar had well

nigh surrendered it.

They then returned with the Seyyid Seyf-hin Sultan to Nezwa, and he

was appointed Imam of the Musalmans by the Kadhi, on Friday after sunset

in the early part of Sha‘ban, in the year 1140 of the Hijreli [A. I). 1728.].

184

E. C. Ross — Annals of ; Oman — Notes to Book I.

[No. 2, .

Notes to Book I.

1 (p. 112.) The fourth Book of the ‘ Kesh-ul-Ghummeh.’

2 (p. 112.) The el-Azd. The tribe el-Azd (the Azdites) derives from Barra el-Azd,

who according1 to the Arabian genealogers was in the tenth line of descent from Kahtan.

Kahtan begat YaTub, who begat Yashjob, who begat ‘Abd-el-Shems, or Saba, who begat

Kalilan, who begat Zeid, who begat Malik, who begat Nabt, who begat el-Ghauth, who

begat Barra el-Azd.

8 (p. 112.) Malik -bin Fahm. The leadership of the Azdites into ‘Oman is commonly,

as here, ascribed to Malik-bin Fahm, whose pedigree is correctly given to el-Azd. It will

thus be seen that he was in the 23rd line of descent from Kahtan. The mention of the

younger Barius might lead one to suppose that the immigration of Yemenites to ‘Oman

under Malik-bin Fahm occurred in the fourth centui'y before Christ. The account also

given by the writer of a paper on ‘Oman, in the Bombay Government Selections, Yol.

XXIV, gives the following account of this event :

“ Malik-bin Fahm of the province of Najd, the first native Arabian who entered

‘Oman four centuries before the Christian era , came by the route of Yemen, &c.”

Now it is generally allowed that the period of Kahtan, the ancestor of Malik, may be

fixed somewhere about 700 B.- C. Assuming this, it is impossible to believe that Malik-

bin Fahm lived at the early period mentioned above. Other and more authentic accounts

of Malik also prove that his period was much later. The following biographical notice of

that leader is extracted from the Index to Dr. Wiistenfeld’s Genealogical Tables.

“ Malik-bin Fahm was leader of the Azdites when they emigrated on account of the

“ imminent breaking of the dyke of Mareb. He led them first to ‘Oman, then to el-

“ Bahrain, and finally established himself on the borders of Syria, where he founded the

“ kingdom, the government of which through the marriage of his daughter Racash passed

“ to the Lakhmidites.” (Reiske, Hist. Arab., p. 8.)

The bursting of the dyke Mareb and consequent emigration of Yemen tribes are

events which are supposed to have happened in the 1st century of our era or beginning

of the 2nd. By some accounts ‘Amr-Muzeikia, who was 17th in descent from Kahtan

and also an Azdite, was the original leader of the Yemen emigrants, and Malik is said to

have arrived in ‘Oman later.

At all events the probability is that the entry of Malik-bin Fahm to ‘Oman occurred

in the early part of the 2nd century after Christ. The part he played in the history of

‘Oman is probably exaggerated in native popular traditions. ‘Oman had in older times

formed a province of the Yemenite kingdom under Ya‘rub-bin Kahtan. The period of

Persian conquest is, I imagine, unknown.

4 (p. 112.) Ka‘b was ancestor of a branch of the Azdites called el-Azd el-Slianua, a

term signifying the hatred they mutually bore one another.

5 (p. 112.) Nasr-bin el-Azd. This personage has also been named as the leader of

the Azdites from Yemen and founder of the el-Azd of ‘Oman.

( Vide Rev. C. P. Badger’s ‘Imams and Seyyids of ‘Oman,’ Intro., pp. VI, and VII.)

6 (p. 112.) Malik-bin Fahm appears to have had two brothers Soleym and ‘Amr.

7 (p. 113.) Ivelbeh meaning ‘bitch.’

8 (p. 113.) Of Ma‘add or ‘Adnan.

All the preserved Arabian genealogies are traced back to one of two ancestors, either

to Kahtan or to ‘Adnan. Ma‘add was the son of ‘Adnan, so that the term Ma‘addite is

1874.]

185

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman — Notes to Boole I.

included in that of ‘Adnanite. ‘Adnan being1 accounted a descendant of Ishmael, this

division of Arabian families is commonly called Israelite. The prophet Muhammed be¬

longed to this stock, and was of the 22nd generation from ‘Admin, whose period is placed

at about 300 B. C.

The great rival division consists of the Arabs of Yemen descended from Kahtan, and

these are designated Yemenite or Kahtanite Arabs. Kahtan is often supposed to be iden¬

tical with Joktan of Genesis, but the period of the latter must have been fully 2000

years B. C., whilst the Arabs calculate this Kahtan to have lived 400 years before ‘ Adnan,

or in B. C. 700, leaving a discrepancy of 1300 years. Kahtan is by some Arabic historians

asserted to be descended from Ishmael. Arabian historians employ four terms in classify¬

ing the various Arab stocks, and are not in accord in the application of those terms. They

are —

el-‘Arab el-Badiyeh

„ „ el-‘Aribeh

„ „ el-Mota‘arribeli («XjytI.*J| )

„ „ el-Mosta‘ribeh (<Xj^*jL*.*J|)

The terms ‘Aribeh and Mosta‘ribeh frequently are taken to indicate the Kahtanite

stock ; Mosta‘ribeh being applied to the Ishmailites. These divisions also are sometimes

designated respectively “pure” or “genuine” and “naturalized” Arabs. Abul-Feda says,

historians divide the Arabs into three classes : (1) Badiyeh, (2) ‘Aribeli, and (3)

MostaTibeh. The first were the lost tribes of Ad, Thamud, and Jorham the elder, who

were destroyed for impiety in the time of Ad. The second are the Arabs of Yemen

descended from Kahtan. The third are descendants of Ishmael, son of Abraham.

Another account taken from Ibn-Dihhiyeh divides the surviving Arabs into : 1st,

el-‘Aribeh, Arabs “ par excellence,” claiming descent from Irani (Aram of Gen. x. 23),

son of Shem. 2nd, el-Mota‘arribeli, naturalized and not Arabs, descended from Kahtan.

3rd, el-Mosta‘ribeh, still less pure Arabs, descendants of Ishmael. I extract yet another

account from a note in Chenery’s translation of Hariri. “ Shem was the primate of the

“ earth after his father, and according to his father’s blessing became the ancestor of the

“ prophets, all of whom, whether Arabs or foreigners, are of the posterity of Shem. He

“ went as far as Yemen and founded San ‘a, and settled in the middle region of the earth

“ from Yemen to esh-Sham, possessing the Holy Place. From him were descended Ad

“and Thamud and Tasm and Jedfs and el-‘Amahk, and the subjects ofYaTob and

“Jorhom the elder, who were called el-‘Arab el-‘Aribeli, because they were

“created speaking Arabic; also the descendants of Ismail, called I ^ el-

“ ‘Arab el-Mota‘arribeh, because they acquired the Arabic tongue by settling among the

“former ; also el- ‘Arab el-Mosta‘ribeh, who are defined as specially the

“descendants of ‘Adnan.” [Assemblies of Hariri, Chenery, Vol. I, p. 466.]

5 (p. 113.) Wadi Bekot ?

10 (p. 113.) Ten sons of Malik are mentioned, Honaa being youngest. He appears

to have had a grandson named Ferliud. The name Ferahid does not appear in

Wiistenfeld’s collection of pedigrees.

11 (p. 113.) El-Shihr. The Esher of Marco Polo, who wrote “ concerning the city of

Esher, Esher is a great city # * 400 miles distant from the Poi’t of Aden. It has a king,

who is subject to the Soldan of Aden. He has a number of towns and villages under

him and administers his territory Avell and justly. The people are Saracens. The place

has a very good haven, wherefore many ships from India come thither with various

cargoes ; and they export many good chargers thence to India. A great deal of white

18 G

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘ Oman . — Notes to Book I.

[No. 2,

incense grows in this country and brings in a great revenue to the Prince, &c. &c.”

(Chap. XXXVII., Book III., Vol. 2, Colonel Yule’s Edition of Marco Polo).

The following information is extracted from Colonel Yule’s notes :

Sliihr, or Shehr, with the article Es-Sliehr, still exists on the Arabian Coast as a

town and district about 330 miles east of Aden. # # The hills of the Sheor and Dhafar

districts were the great source of produce of the Arabian frankincense. (Vide pp. 378,

379, Yule’s Marco Polo.)

In modern times the port of Makalla appears to have superseded el-Sliihr, and the

sources of wealth of that port of Arabia have become exhausted.

12 (p. 113.) Mahrali-bin Heidan, from whom the district Mahra was named. The full

pedigree is not given, Mahrah being of the 15th generation from Kahtan. The following

notices are translated from Dr. Wiistenfeld’s Register. “ Some say Mahra-bin Heidan

“ belongs to the branch Ma‘add-bin ‘Adnan, others to Codha'a. The family, after

“separation, settled in the coast line of el-Sliihr between Yemen and ‘Oman, and retained

“ the old Himyaric language. The celebrated Maliari camels derive their name from

Mahra.”

The district of Mahra was at one period in a measure under the power of the Imams

of ‘Oman. The language is said to be still peculiar to its inhabitants. It is to be

remarked that the settlement of Mahra-bin Heidan at el-Sliihr was probably earlier than

the period of Malik-bin Fahm,

13 (p. 113.) The king Dara, son of Dara. An obvious anachronism. The period of

younger Darius was about 337 B. C. As from about 300 B. C. to 220 A. D. Persia was

under the kings of the Ashkanian dynasty, or the Arsacides, one of that line must have

been in power at the time of Malilc-bin Fahm.

14 (p. 113.) Marzaban. A Persian word meaning a governor of an outlying province,

or “ Margrave.”

15 (p. 113.) Kalhat. This town was visited by Marco Polo towards the end of the

13tli century, who wrote concerning it — “ Calatu is a great city, within a gulf which bears

“ the name of the Gulf of Calatu. It is a noble city * * The people are Saracens, and

“ are subject to Hormos. And whenever the Melik of Hormos is at war with some prince

“ more potent than himself, he betakes himself to this, city of Calatu, because it is very

“ strong, both from its position and its fortifications. * * # They also export many

“ good Arab horses from this to India. For as I have told you before the number of

“ horses exported from this and the other cities to India is something astonishing.” *

# # # « The city of Kalhat, says Ibn Batuta, stands on the sea-shore. It has fine

“ bazars and one of the most beautiful mosques that you could see any where, the walls of

“ which are covered with enamelled tiles of Kashan. # # Most of them (inhabi-

“ tants) are Schismatics, but they cannot openly practise their tenets, for they are under

“ the rule of Sultan Tehemten, Malik of Hormuz, who is orthodox. * * There was

“still ahorse trade at Kalhat in 1517.” * # (Travels of Marco Polo, Col. Yule’s

edition, pp. 381, 282, Vol. 2.)

Ibn Batuta wrote in 1328. In modern times, Kalhat is an insignificant place, but

extensive ruins are traced. The Schismatics alluded to by Ibn Batuta were doubtless

Ibadhfs, then the prevailing sect in ‘Oman. The author of the “ Keshf ul-Ghummeh”

mentions the rule of Malik of Hormuz as will be seen. In modern times scarcely any

horses are produced in ‘Oman, except for the Sultan’s private stable.

16 (p. 113.) El-Jowf. A term which was applied to the central valley region from

‘Oman proper to el-Dhaliireh. Mr. Badger identifies el-Jow and el-Jowf, but this is

erroneous.

1874]

187

E. C. Eoss — Annals of c Oman . — Notes to Boole I.

1 * (p. 114.) The account of the battle has been abridged in translating.

1 8 (p. 115.) Aqueducts. In the Arabic “ felej.” They are subterraneous artificial

channels, similar in all respects to the “ Kanats” or /‘ K arizes” of Persia and neighbouring

countries. Probably the system was introduced into ‘Oman by Persians.

1 9 (p. 116.) The families here enumerated are all Azdite, and the pedigrees are

correctly given. The mention of ‘Arman-bin ‘Amr-bin el-Azd amongst the contemporaries

of Malik-bin Fahm must be an anachronism, the former personage having been in the

10th line of descent only from Kahtan. The Yahmadi family of ‘Oman derive, I take

it, from el-Yahmad-bin Homma. It is more than doubtful whether so many famous

Yemenite families settled in ‘Oman, as stated by the author.

20 (p. 116.) The el-Azd named it ‘Oman, &c. The name is also by some asserted to

be derived from a son of Kahtan, named ‘Oman. According to this version, when

Ya‘rub-bin Kahtan established the Yemenite Empire, he conferred the government of two

Provinces on his brothers ‘Oman and Hadhramowt, and the Provinces were thereafter

so named. These two-personages are, however, usually ^thought mythical.

The country might have been named by Arabians from the root ‘Oman, which

has a sense of tarrying'or abiding.

2 i (p. 116.) The Persians called it ‘ Mazun.’ This statement is borne out by other

authorities.

22 (p. 116.) Samah-bin Loweij.

This name may be noted as the first mentioned of the Ishmailite branch. Samah be¬

longed to the famous Koreysh family and was of the 14th generation from ‘Adnan. The

following notice of him is translated from Dr. Wiistenfeld’s Index. “ Sama-bin Loweij

« on account of a quarrel with his brother ‘Amir abandoned the ‘ Heimath’ and journeyed

“ towards ‘Oman. In Jowf el-Hamila his camel fell over an ‘Arfaja tree (a thorny shrub),

“ in which a snake had concealed itself. The snake struck at his leg and bit him so that

“ he died. Ilis descendants who were called after his mother “ Beni-Xajiya,” dwrelt in

“‘Oman in the hamlet of el-Towam.” A portion ultimately settled themselves in Basra,

where the Quarter Sama is named after him.

2 3 (p. 116. ) El- Jow is the name of the district immediately surrounding Bereynn.

2 4 (p. 116.) As Asd-bin ‘Imran was Azdite, this was an intermarriage between the

great rival stocks.

2 6 (p. 116.) El-Sirr. This name has been variously applied. Sometimes it has

designated the Western coastline of ‘Oman. As here used, its site wras apparently some-

wdiere between Bereymi and the modern Abu-Dliebl.

2 6 (p. 116.) Benu-Ruaheh. There is a strong clan so called now in ‘Oman.

2 ? (p. 116.) Nizar. From Nizar-bin Ma‘add-bin ‘Adnan.

2 8 (p. 116.) Malik-bin Zoheir. This person wras not of the Azdite stock, but was

of the tribe el-Tanukli whom he led from Nejd to el-Hira in ‘Irak.

2 9 (p 117) “ The historian Hamza relates that Malik-bin Fahm was accidentally slain

“ by his son Suleimali, wdio thereupon fled into ‘Oman, where he left a large progeny,

“ which existed a long time after the rise of Islam.” Imams and Seyyids of ‘Oman, Intro.,

p. VII.

Also “ Salimah-bin Malik shot his father by accident in the darkness, wdio had

himself instructed him in the use of the bow.” Reistce, Hist. Aral., p. 12. [Register

zu den genealogischen Tabellon, Dr. Wiistenfeld, p. 408].

The Arabic couplet is a favorite quotation in allusion to ingratitude —

« i taught him archery day by day : when his arm grew strong, he shot me.”

3 0 (p. 117.) His adventures are omitted in translation.

AA

188

E. C. Boss — Annals of c Oman. — JVotes to BooJc II. [No. 2,

3 1 (p. 118.) El-Mustatir meaning “the wary.” The descendants of this el-Julanda,

who was an Azdite, appear to have assumed the name Benu-Julanda. It is said that

each one who became king in ‘Oman, took the name of Julanda.

[ Vide Imams and Seyyids of ‘Oman, p. 7].

3 2 (p. 118.) The commencement of the Sassanian dynasty was A. D. 220 ; it

terminated with the Mohammedan conquest.

3 3 (p. 118). This Book serves as an introduction to the subsequent narrative.

The author must have been at considerable pains to collect his materials judging from the

paucity of books now in ‘Oman. The more ancient Arab historical works are chiefly

accounts of famous tribes or families, and the genealogies of important personages are very

minutely traced. The science of genealogy was highly elaborate. There were ten recog¬

nized gradations of communities, from the “ people” as a whole down to the “ family ’ of

less than ten persons. The terms used to describe those various classes are analogous to our

words, “race,” “ nation,” “ tribe,” “ clan,” “ kin,” “ family.” But the shades of gradation

are more minutely given in Arabic than English can describe. The term “ Kabileh,”

answering to our ‘‘ tribe” or “ clan” was fourth in the Arab classification. In modern

times Arabs have ceased to preserve their pedigrees, and in ‘Oman the people know little

of their origin.

Summarized, the events related in this book are as follows. Yemenite Arabs chiefly

Azdite arrive in ‘Oman and drive out the Persians, who were previously in posses¬

sion of the whole province. Thenceforward, for a considerable time, the Azdites were

sole masters and their chiefs ruled supreme. Later, however, the Persians regained a

footing, and at the time of the introduction of Mohammedanism, a Persian deputy was

residing in ‘Oman, and was subsequently expelled by the Azdite tribes under the

descendants of el-Julanda.

‘Oman and Bahrain were included in the conquests of the Persian Monarch Khosru

Parwiz at the end of the '6th century.

Notes to Book II,

1 (p. 118.) Book or Chapter 33 of the “ Keshf ul-Ghummeh.”

2 (p. 118.) The subjugation of ‘Oman by the Persians in the time of the Julandaites

appears to have been only temporary or partial, as at the commencement of the

Mohammedan Era the Julandaites ‘Abd and Jeifar were undoubtedly in power. When

the remnant of the Persians were expelled, ‘ Oman did not, however, become an independent

kingdom. Its princes embraced the religion of Islam in the time of Mohammed, whose

paramount authority they acknowledged. Thenceforward until about 751 A. D., ‘Oman

was nominally under the Khalifehs and immediately controlled by the governors of ‘Irak.

Before the success of Mohammed in ‘Oman it is mentioned that one Abu- Bash’- bin

Asid or ‘Otba had retired to the coast of ‘Oman [slf el-bahr], and collected round him

there those who in Mekka had embraced the new Faith, but they were unable to maintain

themselves, and their numbers gradually decreased to 62 or 70. [Nawawi.]

3 (p. 118.) Daba. There is a small town now named Dibba, north of Sohar. There

appears to have been also a place named Daba between Bahrain and ‘Oman, where el-

Atik-bin el-Asd settled after the emigration from Mareb. Hence the family called Azd-

Daba. [Wustenfeld, Index.]

4 (p. 119.) Abu-Bekr succeeded Mohammed, and was Khalifeli from A. D. 632 to

634. On his accession rebellions occurred in several provinces, ‘Oman amongst the number.

An expedition was despatched to ‘Oman and Yemen under ‘Ikrimali-bin Abu-Jalil, who

1874'.] R. C. Ross — Annals of 1 Oman. — Notes to Book II.

189

assisted by tlie Julandaites ‘Abd and Jeifar and other Azdites, succeeded in quelling the

rebellion. In a great battle fought at Daba (vide note 3), ten thousand rebels fell, and

many were carried into captivity. It is stated that ‘Otliman-bin Abul-Asi was appointed

governor of ‘Oman and el- Bahrain by Abu-Bekr, and that he defeated and slew a Persian

commander named Zohrak at Towwaj. In Mr. Badger’s Introduction to the ‘Imams and

Sayyids of ‘Oman,’ when these events are summarized, it is stated that ‘Othman was

appointed by ‘Omar (the successor of Abu-Bekr). For incidental notices of the history

of ‘Oman at this period many Arabian authors may be consulted, amongst them Nawawi*

Ibn-Sa‘d, Ibn-Koteiba, Beladzon, Abu-Ja‘far’s Tarikli-el Muluk.

5 (p. 119'.) The Nizariyeh as opposed to the Yemenites. For explanation of the

term vide Note27 to -Book I.

6 (p. 120.) The Desert Country. . It may also be read “ within three days’ march”

of “ el-Balka’ah.” The latter word, however, means waste, uninhabited land. Probably

the country west of Bereymi is meant.

7 (p. 120.) Maskat. In this part of the “ Keshf ul-Ghiunmeh” the name is spelt

whilst in later books it is spelt (maskad).

8 (p. 120.) Julfar. The Persian name for the town on the site of the modern lias-

el-Kheimali.

9 (p. 120.) Zenj. The inhabitants of the East African Coast. Mr. Badger thinks tills

the most reliable record we possess of the first emigration of Arabs of ‘Oman to the east

coast of Africa.

i o (p. 121.) This appointment of a native of ‘Oman to the governorship appears to

have led to the assertion of independence soon after.

i 1 (p. 121 ) The Ibadhiyeh. This is the first mention of the remarkable Ibadlu sect,

which has from this time forward exercised so powerful an influence in ‘Oman, and which

appears already at this early period to have become predominant there. The sect takes

its name from ‘Abdullah-bin Ibadh, who flourished according to the author of the “ Keslif-

ul-Ghummeh” about A. D. 685-705, but, according to the other works quoted by Badgerj

A D. 744-749. The sect is undoubtedly an off-shoot of the Kliarijite schism. In the

year 657 A. D., a large number of the Caliph ‘All’s followers revolted from him, and these

received the appellation of “Ivhawarij,” i. e. schismatics, or heretics, who went forth from

the true faith. In the following year, the Kharijites to the number of 4000 were at¬

tacked and cut to pieces by ‘All. Nine only escaped, of whom two reached,’ ‘Oman, where

they became apparently successful propagandists of the Kliarijite doctrines, the most im¬

portant perhaps of which consisted in the positive rejection of the Caliphs or Imams

‘Otlnnan and ‘All, and the assertion of the right to elect and depose their Imams. In

this and other fundamental points ‘Abdullali-bin Ibadh simply followed the Kharijites. It

seems probable that the people of ‘Oman were imbued with these views before the time of

‘Abdullah-bin Ibadh, and were thus prepared beforehand to accept his teaching. In what

manner the latter was propagated does not appear. The Ibadln doctrine as to the Imams

may be roughly contrasted with that of the Sunnites and Shi‘ahs as follows :

1. Sunnites accept the four successors of the prophet as true Khalifehs, or Imams,

and the generally acknowledged representatives known to the present day, when they re¬

cognize the Sultan of Turkey as head of the orthodox.

2. Shi‘ahs absolutely reject all claims to the Imamate other than those of ‘All and

his descendants. At the present time they acknowledge no visible Imam.

3. Ihddhis reject ‘Othman and ‘AH and curse them as infidels. They assert the

right of true believing Muslims (themselves that is) to elect their Imams, and to depose

them for transgressions. The persons successively elected to their Imams by the Ibadhis

190

E. C. Eoss — Annals of 1 Oman . — Notes to Boole III. [No. 2,

have also usually been temporal rulers in ‘Oman. They were styled u Imam of the

Musalmans,” not “ Imam of ‘Oman.” It is to be noted that it is not considered indispens¬

able by the Ibadlns to have an Imam at all. An account of the sect is given by Mr.

Badger in his work “ Imams and Seyyids of ‘Oman.” The “ Keslif ul-Gliummeh” alsa

supplies some information about it, which has been submitted to Government in a pre¬

vious paper, regarding which vide Proceedings, Asiatic Society of Bengal, for January*

1873, pp. 2 to 10. In the same work may be found some of the correspondence of ‘Abdul-

lali-bin Ibadh.

1 2 (p. 121.) The first of the Imams probably.

13 (p. 121.) Musalmans, i. e. Ibadlns.

1 4 (p. 122.) You are my Imam, go before (amam) me.

15 (p. 123.) For meaning of el-Shan, see Note 13 to Book III.

16 (p. 123.) Wadi Hatta is a valley north-west of Sohar.

17 (p. 124.) Bowarili. According to Mr. Badger, “ Bowarij,” or war-vessels.

1 8 (p. 124.) Eastern districts, or el-Sharluyeh. Similarly, the western part of ‘Oman

is occasionally distinguished as el-Ghai’biyeh,” or el-Gharb.” The divisions of the whole

Province commonly used by the people of ‘Oman are, 1, “‘ Oman proper,” limited to the

central region. 2, “ el-Shctrkfyeh ,” eastern districts, including Ja'ldn. 3, el-Batineh, the

plain situated between the mountains and the sea north of Maskat. 4, JEl-DMhireh

including el- Jow, the tract beyond the hills extending from ‘Oman to el-Bereymi. 5, el-

Shemdl , the north and west. 6, lastly there are the hill tracts and Wadis not comprised

in any of the preceding divisions. The former between el-Batineli and el-Dhaliireh are

called in plural el-liujur, sing. hejer-el-Batineli, hejer-el-Dhahireh. Each Wadi has its

distinctive name, sometimes taken from the tribe inhabiting it.

19 (p. 125.) Accordingly his reign commenced A. D. 808.

20 (p. 126.) He retained the spiritual office whilst deprived of the temporal power.

21 (p. 126.) Malirali appears from this to have acknowledged the Imam Muhenna,

but the authority of the ‘Oman rulers over that district must have been very precarious.

22 (p. 128.) Fark is a village a few miles south of Nezwa.

Notes to Book III.

1 (p. 120.) Izki, or Azka, now vulgarly named Zikki.

2 (p. 129.) El-Nizar. At Zikkf there are two resident families or tribes representing

the great rival branches. These families are still called Yemen and Nizar. The attack

here described would at the present day be called an attack by the Gliafirfs upon the

Hinawis.

3 (p. 129.) El-Madhariyeh, a term synonymous with Nizariyeh, being derived from

Madliar-bin Nizar-bin Ma‘ad-bin ‘Adnan.

4 (p. 129.) El-Haddan. That is in the mountains between el-Batineh and el-

Dhahireh.

5 (p. 129) El- Jow. The district about the modern el-Bereymx.

6 (p. 129.) Sohar was and still is one of the towns where the Imam could perform

Friday's divine service.

7 (p, 130.) Benu-Hinah. The name of this clan became celebrated in ‘Oman, and

gave its name to the whole Yemenite party in later times. Badger refers the origin of

this tribe to Hana or Hina-bin ‘Amr-bin el-Ghauth-bin Tai-bin ‘Odad, a descendant of

Ivahlan. According to this genealogy, the Benu Hinah, though Kahtanite and Yemenite,

were not of the Azdite stock. I am inclined to think the forefather of the Hinai tribe of

1874.]

E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Onidn. — Notes to Book IV.

191

‘Oman is to be sought amongst the descendants of el-Azd. Amongst the immediate

progeny of el-Azd, we find the name el-Hinw, and in the next generation el-Haun. Again,

one of the sons of Malik-bin Fahm was named Honaa, or Honat, or perhaps Hinah. There

is on other grounds much reason to believe that the Benu-Hinah are an Azdite clan.

8 (p 130.) Mohammed-bin Nur. This name is still a by-word in ‘Oman. From the

detestation in which this person was held, he was dubbed Mohammed-bin “ Bur,” instead

of “ Nur,” the former word bearing an evil signification.

9 (p. 130.) The Caliph el-Mo‘tadhid-billah reigned from A. D. 892 to 902.

10 (p. 130.) Himyarite, another term for the Yemenites, &c.

1 1 (p. 131.) Koran, Chap. XIII.

1 2 (p. 132.) The Milirab is the place in a mosque where the priest prays with his

face towards Mecca.

13 (p. 132.) As a “ Shari” Imam. This means that the Imam had vowed on

assuming office to sacrifice life rather than yield or fly in battle with the enemies of the

Faith. Those not so bound were termed Dafi'f Imams. Vide note 28 to Book IV.

14 (p. 133.) As a Dafil. See preceding note.

15 (p. 133.) Sultan of Baghdad, i. e the Caliph. The Ibadhis would grudge him the

title of Caliph.

1 6 (p. 133.) The Karamitah, or Karmatians, a sect very inimical to the Moham¬

medans. They turned the precepts of the Koran into allegory. They caused great disturb¬

ance, and under Abu-Dliahir took Mecca (vide Sale’s Koran, p. 130).

17 (p. 133.) Abu Said. De Sacy styles him “ Abou-Sa'id Hasan, fils de Behram,

surnomme Djeuabi, parce qu’il 6tait de Djenaba.” Abulfeda says, Junnabah (or, as Ibn

Khallikan writes it, Jannabah), is a small town of el-Bahrein, from whence sprang

Abu-Sa’id el-Junnaby, the libertine, the Karmuty, who attacked the Ilijj and killed

many of them. Imams and Seyyids of ‘Oman, p. 28, note 1.

18 (p. 133.) Probably the creditors would object to his devoting himself to death

until their claims were satisfied.

Notes to Book IV.

1 (p. 134.) Mr. Badger’s author, Sahl-bm Razik, has the following statement here — -

“ Ibn Kaisar says : I have not been able to find the date when allegiance was given to

him [Said-bin ‘Abdullah], nor how long he retained the Imamate.” I have not been able

to discover who Ibn Kaisar is, but Salll-bin Bazik’s quotations appear to be from the

“ Iveshf ul-Ghummeli.” I once questioned Sahl-bin Bazik concerning the authorship of

the “ Keshful-Ghunnneli,” but he was then very feeble from age, and could not inform

me.

2 (p. 134.) Vide note 13, Book III. Mr. Badger has in his work — “ This appoint¬

ment also was made in spite of much opposition.”

3 (p. 134.) That is, the Ibadhf faith.

4 (p. 136.) I am sorry I cannot make the preceding account more clear, the original

is very obscure.

3 (p. 136.) Saluted him as Imam. That is, recognized the fact of his election without

positively swearing fealty.

6 (p. 136.) Sadakat, voluntary poor-rate.

7 (p. 137-) As Sultan. The term means probably as temporal ruler, and was not

used as a title. That of Imam would include the other.

8 (p. 137.) What follows is inconsistent with the previous statements, but such incon¬

sistencies abound in most Arabic writings.

192

E. C. Koss — Annals of 1 Oman . — Notes to BooTc IV [No. 2,

3 (p. 137.) The quotation is from a religious work. It is one of the verses alleged

by the Shi ‘alls to have been abstracted from the original Koran and suppressed. They

take it to point to the oppressors of ‘All and his descendants.

I 0 (p. 138.) Kadam. Between Bahia and el-Homra.

II fp. 138.) Wadi el-Naklir. About 2 hours west of el-Homra.

12 (p. 138.) Takfyeh.

1 3 (p 139.) The history of this period is confused and defective, probably because

the standard Arabian works contain no accounts of this portion of ‘Oman history. Hence"

forward the Caliphs seem to have lost their hold on ‘Oman.

1 4 (p. 140.) The dates are confused and unreliable, and several of the Imams are, as

will be observed, introduced out of their chronological order.

15 (p. 140.) The year is not stated.

16 (p. 140.) That is, from Mohammed-bin Khanbash to Malik -bin el-Hawari, from

A. D. 1162 to A. D. 1406.

1 ? (p. 140.) The government of at least a portion of ‘Oman had fallen after the time’

of Mohammed-bin Khanbash into the hands of the Benu-Neblian, who were descended

from another stock than the Azdites, though also Kahtanitc. Their progenitor appears

to have been Nebhan-bin ‘Amr-bin el-Gliauth-bin Tai. The Princes of this family were

never elected to the religious office of Imam, but were called “ Maliks,” or Lords. They

were strongest in el-Dhahireh, and probably none of them reigned supreme over entire

‘Oman. Their power lasted more or less to A. D. 1617, or for nearly 500 years. At the

present day, no clan of ‘Oman is poorer or more despised than the Nebaheneli.

1 8 (p. 140.) At that period Abaka Khan, son of Hulagu Khan, was monarch of Persia.

1 9 (p. 140.) Kalhat, vide note 5, Book I.

20 (p. 141.) Dhafar. Marco Polo says of Dliafar — “ Dufar is a great and noble and

“ fine city, * # * The people are Saracens and have a Count for their chief who is

« subject to the Soldan of Aden * * * Much white incense is produced here, and I

“ will tell you how it grows. The trees are like small fir trees; these are notched with

“ a knife in several places, and from these notches the incense is exuded. Sometimes

t( also it flows from the tree without any notch ; this is by reason of the great heat of the

“ sun there. * * * This Dhafar is supposed to be the Sephar of Genesis, x, 30.’r

[Colonel Yule’s Marco Polo, pp. 379-80, Yol. II.]

2 1 (p. 141.) Dinar. A gold coin weighing 7li barley-corns [Lane].

22 (p. 141.) Owlad el-Refs, or the Rfayeseh, a tribe inhabiting a district west of Soliar.

23 (p. 141.) The Malik or Lord.

24 (p. 141.) Seyyid This term, here occurring for the first time, means Prince or

Lord or Master or Noble. In ‘Oman it is prefixed to noble names as a “handle.” At

the present time, the Ruler of ‘Oman is styled the Seyyid “ par excellence.”

25 (p. 141.) See note 17.

26 (p. 141.) According to Badger, an Azdite.

27 (p. 141.) According to Badger, also an Azdite of the el-Yalimad.

28 (p. 141.) The term employed is el- Sliurat, which was applied to the Kliarijite

schismatics, because they said, “We have sold ourselves iu obedience to God for Paradise*

when we separated ourselves from the erring Imams.” [Lane’s Lex., Art. ]• The

M

singular “ Shari, ’ we have seen applied in a peculiar sense to the Imams, vide note 13 to

Book III.

23 (p. 142.) The priest el-Khaleylf, the Imam ‘Azzan’s Samuel in later days, when

wishing to perpetrate a similar spoliation, appealed to this period of ‘Oman history as

precedent and justification.

1874.] E. C. Ross — Annals of ‘Oman. — Notes to Boolcs V and VI. 193

30 (p. 142.) Koran, Cliap. II.

3 1 (p. 143.) At Nezwa.

32 (p. 143.) It must have been during the reign of Mohammed-bin Ismail that the

Portuguese under Alfonso di Albuquerque captured the sea-port towns of ‘Oman. Maskat

was taken in A.D. 1508. There is no mention of the advent of the Portuguese in “ Keslif

ul-Gliummeh ”

3 3 (p. 143.) “ Zekat” and “ Sadakat” are both terms denoting religious alms. The

former however is obligatory.

34 (p. 144.) Jeziyah, or capitation tax.

35 (p. 144.) The sentiments are in accordance with modern enlightenment. In the

East, under native rulers, such principles are seldom acted on.

36 (p. 144.) Ivliaraj, or land tax.

Notes to Book V.

i (p. 144.) Makinat. So in the original, but generally spelt Makamyat.

(p. 145.)

n

Mohsin

Su

tan

Fellah

Mudliaffar Tahyas

Sultan

‘Arrar Maklizum Nebhan

(Prince of (Yankal)

Dhahireh)

Suleiman

3 (p. 146 ) Or Bilad-Seyt.

4 (p. 146.) The narrative is very involved.

5 (p. 146.) Amir. The term was employed in ‘Oman in some cases to denote the

chief of a powerful clan.

6 (p. 148.) The clans of ‘Oman, when “on the war path,” march with drums

beating and banners flying.

7 (p. 149.) The original is very obscure.

8 (p. 151.) Doubtless a Portuguese vessel. The author seems to avoid mention of

the conquests of the Portuguese in ‘Oman as much as possible. It would appear, however,

that at this period the Portuguese had not possession of Soliar.

Notes to Book VI.

1 (p. 154.) “ The true sect,” i. e. Ibadhi.

2 (p. 154.) Any one who has had much to do with ‘Oman politics must allow

that there are several true points in this description of the native character.

3 (p. 155.) “Bedu” and “Hadhr.” The Bedu, or Bedouins, are the pastoral

Arabs inhabiting the great plains, and partly nomadic. The Hadhr are the dwellers in

towns and villages and cultivated lands, the fixed, working, or agricultural population.

The Bedu exercise much influence in ‘Oman.

4 (p. 155.) Nasir-bin Mursliid appears to have been the first Imam of the Ya'rabi

family.

194 E. C. Ross— Annals of 1 Oman . — Notes to Boole VI. [No. 2,

5 (p. 155.) Now called Al-bu-Sa‘Id. The family of the present Seyyids.

6 (p. 156.) The Benu-Riyam inhabit the Green Mountains, “ Jebel el-Akhdhar.”

Mr. Badger considers them of Malirah origin. At present they belong to the Ghafiri

division.

7 (p. 157.) Mr. Badger says — “ The Benu Hilal I take to be descendants of

Hilal, one of the four sons of Amir-bin Sa‘asa‘ah (born about A. D. 381), a descendant of

Ma‘add and Adnan, &c.” (Imams and Seyyids of ‘Oman.)

8 (p. 157.) ‘Ibrf or ‘Obri. A town in el-Dhahireh, which was visited by Wellsted,

and where he had a bad reception. There is also a tribe or clan, named el-‘Ibrhn. Whe¬

ther the clan takes its name from the place or vice versa , I cannot say. The root of the

name is the same as that of Heber, from which “ Hebrew.” The signification is “ on

the other side.” The Latin form of the same word is Iber (Ibercs, Iberian), equivalent to

trans-ultra, &c. (Types of Mankind.)

9 (p. 159.) The Portuguese.

I ° (p. 160.) El-Ruleh. The banyan tree, Ficus Indica.

II (p. 160.) Slri'ahs. Probably Persians.

12 (p. 160.) El-Sir to be distinguished from el-Sirr, was another name for Julfar,

now Ras el-Kheimah.

1 3 (p. 161.) El-Efrenj, or Franks, meaning Portuguese, no doubt.

1 4 (p. 161.) The narrative here suddenly terminates, but we may assume the

attack on Soliar failed.

15 (p. 161.) About 20 miles from Maskat, noted for its hot mineral springs.

1 6 (p. 162.) El-Alisa. A district of Nejd, called vulgarly Lahsa.

1 ? (p. 162.) Benu-Lam. The “ Benu-Lam” are a branch of the great Tai tribe, and

therefore of Kahtanic origin through Kalilan ; for Lam, born about A. D. 470, was the

descendant of Tai, the descendant of ‘Odad, the descendant of Kalilan (Badger’s Seyyids

of ‘Oman, p. 67 note). Until subjugated by the Wahhabis, the Benu-Khalid were the most

prominent tribe on the Arabian shore of the Persian Gulf. (Ibid.)

1 8 (p. 163.) The term used is el-Shurat, vide note 28, Book IV.

1 9 (p. 164.) In Badger’s work, the date is A. H. 1059, or A. D. 1649.

20 (p. 164.) No details of the capture of Maskat are given, but Mr. Badger’s author

has a long and detailed account of the matter, derived apparently from the popular

legends. One story current is that the Arabs entered Maskat in the guise of peaceful

peasants, hiding their arms in bundles of fire wood, and that they took the opportunity

of the Portuguese garrison being assembled without arms at chapel to attack and

massacre them. The Portuguese residence, or Factory home, is called by the Arabs el-

Jereza ( for Igrezia, or church). Mr. Badger has mistaken the word for Jezirah

or “ Island,” which it closely resembles in the Arabic.

Sultan-bin Seyf commenced to reign A. D. 1640, and died on 4th October,

1680.

The date of the Portuguese expulsion is stated by European authorities 1650 or

1658. The present work does not enable us to fix it more accurately.

“ In anno 1715, the Arabian fleet [meaning the Imam’s] consisted of one ship of

“ 74 guns, two of 60, one of 50, and 18 small ships from 32 to 12 guns each, and some

“ Trankies, or rowing vessels, from 4 to 8 guns each, with which sea-forces they keep all

“ the sea coasts from Cape Comorin to the Red Sea. They have often made

“ descents on the Portuguese Colonies on the coast of India, destroying their villages and

“ farms, but spare the churches for better reasons than we can give for plundering them.

195

1874.] E. Ck Ross — Annals of 1 Oman . — Notes to Boole VII.

“ They kill none in cold blood, hut use their captives courteously. In anno 1695, they

“ quarrelled with the Carnatick Rajah, a potent Princely lord. Yet they came with their

a fleet and plundered and burned the towns of Barsalore and Mangalore, two of the best

“ and richest towns on that Coast.”

[The above is from Captain Alexander Hamilton’s ‘New Account of the East Indies.*

He travelled from 1688 to 1723, and is therefore a valuable authority for this period.}.

2 1 (p. 165.) Jezfret el-Khadhra, or Pemba.

Notes to Book VII.

1 (p. 168.) Body of horsemen. The term used is ‘ sarfyeh,’ which means a party of

from five to three hundred or four hundred.

2 (p. 168.) Sahib el-‘Anbur. A title or a nick-name. * Anbur in ‘Oman sometimes

means a purse.

3 (p. 169.) Koran XXIX, 1, Sale’s translation,

4 (p. 169.) Benu-Ghafir. The origin of the appellation of this tribe seems unknown,

but they are undoubtedly Ishmaelite or ‘Adnanite, and were therefore naturally opposed to

the Yemenites or Kahtanites. As will be seen further on, under their able and brave

chief, Mohammed-bin Nasir, this clan became renowned and powerful in ‘Oman. This

chief headed the faction against their rivals the Yemenites, who also found a skilful and

courageous leader in Khalf-bin Mubarik, the Dwarf, chief of the Benu-Hinah. This civil

war was one of the fiercest recorded in the annals of ‘Oman, a great number of the clans

ranging themselves under their respective leaders, declaring either for the ‘‘ Hinaf” or

“ Ghafiri.” Those faction terms have survived to the present day, and almost entirely

supersede the older classifications, the rival factions being now termed el-Hinawfyeli

and el-Gliafiriyeh. This is the explanation of the undue pre-eminence assigned by

European writers on ‘Oman to these two tribes, whose importance was accidental

and temporary. For a time the Ghafirfs gained the day, and their chief became

Imam, but the Hinawfs soon regained the ascendancy. At present, the power of the two

sections is tolerably evenly balanced, the Ghafirfs preponderating in the West and their

rivals in the East. It is to be noticed that at the present day the fact of a clan styling

itself of the Hinawf or the Ghafiri faction does not necessarily prove its origin to be

Kahtanite, or Ishmaelite ; for several Yemen tribes have ranged themselves with the Nejd-

ites and vice versa. This fact occasions additional difficulty in tracing tribal genealogies.

5 (p. 169.) See Note 1.

6 (p. 170.) The names Yemen and Nizar here apply to rival families so called, not

to factions.

7 (p. 172.) Koran, Xlll, 12. .

8 (p. 172.) Birkeh. This name is sometimes written so and sometimes Barka. In

the Kamus it appears as “ Birket el- Rameys/*

9 (p. 172.) “ Did not understand Arabic I Probably these were some of the people

inhabiting the Ruus el- Jebel from Cape Mussendom. Southward the inhabitants of that loca¬

lity differ in appearance from the other Arabs and speak a different dialect. Some, from their

reddish skins and light eyes, have conceived them to have an admixture of European

blood. On examination their language will probably be found to be a Himyarite dialect.

They may be descendants of a Himyarite people who inhabited ‘Oman before the inflow of

Yemenites and others. They are named el-Shehuh or el-Shihiyfn.

Cape Mussendom has been identified with “ the promontory of the Asabi” of

Ptolemy (by Forster), and the Asabi or Sabi with the Seba or Sebaim of Scripture. In

accordance with this theory, this part of ‘Oman was originally the seat of Cushite colonies.

196 E. C. Eoss — Annals of ‘ Oman . — Notes to Book VII. [No. 2, 1874.

in witness of which are adduced the names “ Cuscan” (Cushan of Hebrew writers),

[probably meaning Khasam] and a littoral termed by Pliny “ the shore of Ham,” “ Litus

Hammeum,” now Maham, (?), adjacent to which is a “Wadi Ham,” “ Valley of Ham”

(Types of Mankind). Again : “ Ramss, an Arab port, just inside the Persian Gulf,

perfectly answers to the sites of Raamah, catalogued among Kushite personifications

in xth Genesis ( ibid .).”

10 (p. 173.) About six miles from Barka.

11 (p. 174.) The prisoners were sometimes placed in exposed situations during a

siege or battle to slacken the enemies’ fire.

1 2 (p. 176.) Al-Wahibeh. A numerous, powerful, and warlike Bedouin clan of

Sharkiyeh.

1 3 (p. 176.) “ The Benu-Menah and their allies' * would be more accurate, but at

this period the term Hinai began to be used in its modern extended sense.

1 x (p. 177.) The el-Hartli is the richest of the Hinawi tribes of the eastern districts*

Many of this family inhabit Zanzibar.

1 5 (p. 177.) El-Na'im. The dominant tribe of el-Jow and Bereyim.

16 (p. 179.) Maghribi meaning Nejdean.

1 7 (p. 179.) Tenuf. A town of the Green Mountain.

1 8 (p. 183.) A Mohammedi is about three pence.

1 9 (p. 183.) The election of Moliammed-bin Nasir to be Imam was evidently a

forced measure and adopted only because of the great power he wielded as a warrior and

ruler. His military genius seems to have surpassed that of any previous Imam or

governor of ‘Oman, and he had well nigh become by sheer talent and energy supreme

over all ‘Oman.

The restless energy of this Prince was imitated, for a time with much success, by

the late ‘Azzan bin-Kais*

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

— —

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. III.— 1874.

Oil the Sarah Bhiigas of Eastern Bengal. — Bg Du. James Wise,

Dhaka.

[With a Plate.]

The history of Bengal furnishes little information regarding the

seventeen years that elapsed from the death of Daud Shah in 1576 to the

final conquests of Baja Man Singh in 1593. The great military revolt, and

the stubborn resistance of the Afghans, sadly tried the stability of the newly

established empire, and it was only after repeated defeats that the power

of the malcontents was broken, and the villages of Bengal were relieved from

the requisitions of the rival armies. In eastern and southern Bengal the

contest was most prolonged, and amid the swamps and rivers the Mughal

troops were harassed by an enemy who selected his own time and place for

fighting, but who generally retreated carrying with him all the boats on

the rivers. But besides these advantages the rebels were assisted by many

of the great landholders of the country and by their troops, who were

inured to the country and accustomed to overcome the physical difficulties

which threw so many obstacles in the way of the invaders.

Among the vague traditions lingering in Bengal is one, that at the

period mentioned the whole of the country was ruled by twelve great

princes, and hence Bengal is often spoken of by Hindus as the “ Barah

Bhuya Mulk.” Who these princes were, bjr whom they were appointed,

and to whom they owed allegiance, has never been investigated. The

following notes regarding five of these governors, imperfect though they

are, will it is to be hoped excite others, who have the opportunity, to add

B B

108

J. Wise — On the Borah Bhuyas of Eastern Bengal. [No. 3,

further particulars and complete what is still wanting of the history of

Bengal previous to the final conquest by the Muhammadans.

My attention was first directed to this subject by the perusal of a

work which accidentally fell into my hands. It was published at the time

that the controversy regarding the Permanent Settlement was raging

fiercely among the English officials, and one of its chief objects was to

determine who were the persons actually in possession of the lands of

Bengal at the time the country was finally reduced to the authority of the

emperor Akbar. Mr. Bouse* ascertained that at the period referred to

Bengal was held by twelve “ Bhuyan,” and that five of these ruled over

southern and eastern Bengal. Before detailing the history of these five

Bhuyas, as far as it has been possible to trace it, the meaning of the title

Bhuinliar, Blnimik, or as the word is used in the vernacular, Bhuya, must be

explained. These terms literally mean a landholder or occupier of land. Mr.

Bouse held that they were synonymous with “ krishan,” a cultivator. Mr.

Shore, however, in his well known minute of the 2nd April. 1788, says with

more correctness that “ bhumik and zammdar are the same.”f At the

present day, however, Bhumik or Bhuya is a common patronymic among

Brahmans, Baidyas, and Ivayasths, and it is occasionally met with as a

surname of the despised Jogi weavers. Bhuya again is a Muhammadan

title, and no Muhammadan of Eastern Bengsl is ever addressed as Bhumik.

In the villages of the interior, Bhumik is frequently employed as the

equivalent of c Karta,’ an agent or proprietor. It is also a respectful term by

which to address any landholder. It is, moreover, used in Bikrampur by

servants to their masters, even though they possess no lands.

Again, as late as the beginning of the present century, the Baja of

Kacliliar conferred the titles of Bara Bhuya, Majliola Bhuya, and Chhota

Bhuya on any petty landholder (Miras lar) who paid him a fee of fifty

rupees. In the census report of 1872, these Bhuyas, 374 in number, are

returned as belonging to the semi-Hinduized aboriginal race of Bhuiya !

The titles bestowed by the Dihli kings were mostly Arabic or Persian,

rarely Sanskrit. It is probable, therefore, that Bhumik was conferred by the

Hindu princes of Gfaur, or Nadiya, as we know the titles of Baja Bar,

Chaudhari, and Manik were.

History affords us little information regarding the landholders of Bengal

before Akbar’s reign. About 1541, however, we learn that Sher Shah divided

the provinces of Bengal among a number of officers or governors, as they

were variously called, independent of each other, with Qizi Eazilat as Amir

* Dissertation concerning- tlic Landed Property of Bengal, by C. W. B. Rouse, Esq.,

London 1791.

f Analysis of the Laws and Regulations, by J. B. Harington, Vol. Ill, 240.

199

ISZ-I.] J. Wise — On the Barak Bhuyas of Eastern Bengal.

or Amin to superintend the whole. Also, that Islam Shall a few years later

abolished all former regulations regarding jagirs.

Regarding the position of the twelve Bhuyas towards the paramount

power we know little. From an occasional reference to them by Muham¬

madan historians supplemented by tradition, we learn that they were independ¬

ent of each other ; that their rank and jurisdiction were hereditary ; that

they retained armed men and war-boats ; that they remitted to the governor

the revenue of their districts ; and that they yielded a general obedience to

the ruling monarch at Dibit. In some respects they were Jagirdars and

Chaklahdars, but they more closely resembled the Zamindars of later times.

Under them were Chaudharis. Ralph Fitch mentions that, when he visited

the city of Sripur in 1586, the Cliaudhari, or “ King,” was in rebellion against

Akbar. Now, Sripur was within the principality of Bikrampur and within

a short distance of the residence of one of the Bhuyas.

The five Bhuyas, whose history is the subject of this paper, ruled over

portions of the modern districts of Dhaka, Maimansingh, Tiparah, Bhaluah,

Baqirganj, and Faridpur. Mr. Rainey,* without giving any authority,

mentions that the Barah Bhuya country extended to Orisa and A'sam. If

this is proved to be correct, it will be interesting to ascertain the connection

between the dynasty of the Barah Bhuyas of A'sam, referred to by Dr.

Buchananf and Colonel Dalton, % with the Barah Bhuyas of Bengal.

According to the tradition preserved by the former writer, these princes

belonged to the Pal family, and were descended from the Bhungya, Bhuniya,

or Bhuya race. It is remarkable also that Colonel Wilford§, alluding to

the twelve Bhuyas of Bengal, should call them “ the twelve Bhuniyas,

Bhattis, or principalities.”

The five Bhuyas, whose history is now to be narrated, are —

1. Fazl Ghazi of Bhowal.

2. Chand Rai and Kedar Rai of Bikrampur.

3. Lak’han Manik of Bhaluah.

4. Ivandarpa Narayana Rai of Chandradip.

5. Tsa Khan, Masnad i ’All of Khizrpur.

Of the remaining seven Bhuyas, Raja Pratapaditya of Jessore was one,

and perhaps Mukund Rai of Bosnali was another.

I. Fazl Gha'zi' of Bhowa'l.

On the north of Dhaka, extending towards the Garo Hills, lies the

jungly tract of Bhowal. Its soil chiefly consists of red laterite. Its

# Proc. A. S. B., December, 1868.

f Eastern India, Vol. II, 612.

J Ethnology of Bengal, p. 81.

§ Asiatic Researches, Vol. XIV.

200

J. Wise — On the Bar ah Bhuyas of Eastern Bengal. [No. 3,

surface is traversed by numerous rivers which flow through a hilly and

generally barren country. It is the home of the Sal tree and of the wild

date palm ; and at the present day various Hinduized tribes, calling

themselves Kochh-Mandai and Surajbansl, are found settled in villages

throughout the forest. Its most northern portion, still known as Ran-

Bhowal, formerly belonged to the kingdom of Kamrup.

In this tract are three places, called Rajabari, the residence, according

to local tradition, of three of the Pal Rajas. Pour miles west of the

modern Kapasia Thanali, is the abode of Sisu Pal ; at Shabar, on the

Dhalasari, is the Kot-bari, or fort, still in perfect preservation, of Harish-

chandra Pal ; and on the right bank of the Turag river in parganah

Talibabad, are the ruins of the Rajabari of Jas Pal. Regarding these

different rulers scarcely any thing survives. At Dhamrai, on the western

border of Bhowal and near Shabar, is a very famous image known as Jas

Madhava, which tradition says was found many centuries ago amid the

ruins of the abode of Jas Pal. This image, made of “ nim” wood, painted

green, is Hindu in character, and according to the priests represents Krishna.

On the head of the god, who has four arms, is a tall turretted crown, and

at each side are two female figures. At the Rath-jatra, a great festival is

held, and the image is dragged on a car from the temple to a house at the

opposite end of the town.

This is the only record that connects the ancient and modern histories

of Bliowed.

The next event in the history of Bhowal belongs to the Bhuya rule.

In the sixteenth century, this and several adjoining parganahs were

administered by a family known as the Ghazi.

They traced their descent from one Pahlawan Shah, who lived nineteen

generations, or 570 years, ago.

It is evident from the traditions still lingering among the people that

the first Muhammadan conquest of Bengal, to the south and east of Gaur,

was accomplished by forces of armed fanatics, who warred for “ the faith”

without any authority from the court of Dihli.

About the beginning of the fourteenth century, Pahlawan Shah had

acquired great renown as a leader of these enthusiastic warriors. His son

Kar-farma Sahib,* was a very holy man. On one occasion, he visited

Dihli, where he performed a miraculous feat by uniting the two roofs of a

building, which all the court architects had failed to do. The emperor

sent for him, and enquired what could be done to serve him. He replied

* Mr. Blochmann informs me that he has never met with this title in any Muham¬

madan author I am told, however, that in Calcutta several families of Sonar Bauiks

have the title Kath-farma, and in Eastern Bengal Kar-kun, Ivar-pardaz, and similar titles

still exist.

201

1874.] J. Wise — On the Barah Bhuyas of Eastern Bengal.

that money could not be safely transported to Bengal, and was therefore

useless to him, but that if his majesty would bestow on him the parganah

of Bhowal, his gratitude would be complete. At once the grant was made

out, but a difficulty arose as to the name of the heir who was to succeed

him. Although unmarried, the saint informed the monarch that he,

Kar-farma Sahib, would have eighteen sons and daughters before he died,

and that his eldest son and heir would be known as the Bara Ghazi. In

his name, therefore, the deed was drawn up.

Kar-farma Sahib returned to Bhowal, and settled at Chaura, near

Kaliganj on the Lak’hiya, where the family has ever since resided.

The seventh in descent was Mahtab Grliazi, who succeeded his brother

Bahadur Ghazi in default of children. Either he or his son Fazl Ghazi,*

was Bliuya, when the armies of Akbar entered Bengal.

According to tradition, the principality ruled over by this family

consisted of the parganahs now called Chand-Pratap, then Cliand Ghazi,

Talibabadf or Tala Ghazi ; and Bhowal, or Bara Ghazi.

The present representatives of this family possess several old records ;

but their authenticity is doubtful. The first purports to be an order from

Shall Shuja’ to “ Madar ul-Mahamm Islam Khan,” informing him that

Daulat Ghazi was to be recognized as heir. A second fixes the revenue to

be paid by Bhowal at Rupees 48,300 a year.

For a century nothing is known of the family except the names of the

successive inheritors of the estates. The anarchy that broke out on the

death of Aurangzib found the Ghazis neglectful of their zamindari affairs

and entrusting the entire management to Bengali servants. These unscrupu¬

lous men dispossessed the family, and shared the plunder among themselves.

Sultan Ghazi, in 1779, petitioned Lord Cornwallis to have his property

restored, but in vain. His descendants still reside at their ancestral seat,

objects of pity to every Muhammadan around, and hold possession of a few

acres of “ jibika,” or charity lands, in the neighbourhood.

At Chaura are still shown the tombs of Pahlawan Shah and Kar-farma

Sahib. Beside the latter is an old ruined mosque, without any inscription,

and a tank of vast dimensions. About a mile to the west is a carefully

preserved tomb of one Bayazid Ghazi. It is surrounded by a wall, and at a

little distance are the indistinct outlines of a fort. Close to this is a dried

up water-course, known as “ Kosah K’hali,” where the war-boats of the

family lay. Close to the river Lak’hiya, near the modern village of

Baligaon, stood a very handsome mosque, built by Bahadur Ghazi, the

* Rouse gives the name of this Bhuya as Jona Ghazi ; hut no such name is known

among Muhammadans. The prophet Jonah is known as “ Yunas.”

f In the Dhaka collectorate records this parganah is written Talipabad, for Talibabad,

Jib,

w • n

202

J. Wise — On the JSdrah Bhuyas of Eastern Bengal. [No. 3,

father of Malitab. A few years ago it fell down, and the inscription, which

is now quite illegible, is still preserved.

Under the Ghazi rule there were many dependent talukdars, paying

revenue direct to the head of the family. Each of these possessed a piece

of land near Chaura, where his “ basi-barf” stood. These houses have

disappeared ; but the talukdars still hold the lands on which they stood,

and pay rent for them to the present Hindu zammdar of Bhowal.

II. Chand Ra'i and Kedar Hal of Bikrampu'r.

The large and important parganah of Bikrampur, then on the west of

the Ganges, which contains the residence of Ballal Sen and the settlements

of several of the Rarhi Kulin Brahmans, was governed by two brothers

Chand Rai and Kedar Rai. They were kayasths, and their padbi,” or

family title, was He.

The tradition is, that about a hundred and fifty years before the reign

of Akbar, Nhn Rai came from Karnat and settled at Ara Phulbaria in

Bikrampur. He is believed to have been the first Blniya, and to have

obtained the sanction of the ruling monarch to his retaining the title as

an hereditary one in the family.

Nothing is known of the other descendants of Nim Rai ; but at the

time we are now writing of, the two brothers, whose names are always

mentioned together, were Bhuyas of this extensive parganah.

Between Tsa Khan of Khizrpur, whose stronghold was on the opposite

bank of the Ganges, and the two brothers there was constant warfare. ’Isa

Khan made a successful raid into his enemies’ country, carried off and

forcibly married Sonai (Svarnamayi), the only daughter of Chand Rai.

This is the only story that remains in connection with the two brothers.

Several memorials, however, of these Bhuyas still exist. There is the lofty

Rajabari Mat’ll, which is a prominent land-mark for miles around, on the

left bank of the river Padma ( vide plate XI). It stands at a short distance

from where the great city of Sripur formerly was. This Mat’ll is a four¬

sided tower, twenty-nine feet square at the base. In the first thirty feet, the

walls are ornamented with various patterned bricks in imitation of flowers.

The middle of each face is raised and ribbed. The walls are eleven feet thick,

and the bricks used in their construction are of peculiar shape. The}'- are

larger than those found in Muhammadan buildings of the same age, being

eight inches square, and one and a half thick. On the summit is a large

spherical mass, round which several picturesque pipal trees have entwined

their roots and are gradually destroying the stability of the spire.

This Mat’ll was a shrine dedicated to Shiv ; but as it is buried in the

midst of dense jungle and marshes, it is rarely visited at the present day.

203

1874.] J. Wise — On the Bcirah Bhuyas of 'Eastern Bengal.

On the north of this temple is a large reservoir, called “ K£sab ma ka

Dig’hi,” after a slave belonging to Chand Bai.

On the south of the river Padma, at A'ra Phulbaria, these Bhuyas

resided, where there is a piece of land still called Kedar Bari, and a large

tank constructed by the two brothers.

After the death of Chand Bai and Kedar Bai nothing is known of the

family. The elder branch, it is said, became extinct, but the descendants

of a younger son still survive, and reside at Mulch ar, south of Munslnganj.

From this family the parganah of Bikrampur passed into the hands of

a Baidya family, the Chaudharis of Nayapara, who had been servants of the

Bhuyas. They were Samaj-pati of their caste, and held the most prominent

position among the landholders of Bikrampur. Tradition states that they

had 700 slaves attached to their establishment, and that they gave away a

great portion of the parganah in small taluks to Brahmans and others.

Several of these grants are still recognised as “ independent taluks” by the

English Government. Towards the end of last century, Baja Baj Ballabh,

the famous but unscrupulous Diwan of Dhaka, took from them the Samaj-

pati rank which they had so long held, and assumed it himself. The river

Padma shortly afterwards washed away their princely residence, and they,

too, like the Bhuyas, disappear from history.

III. Lak’han Ma'nik of Blialuah.

Over the parganah on the east of the Megna ruled Lak’han Manik

Bhuya, and his residence was at Blialuah.

The history of this family, according to Bengali tradition, is as follows :

Baja Bishambhar Bai, of the low class of kayasths called Sur, had under¬

taken a pilgrimage to the sacred shrine of Sitakund in the Chittagong

district. His boat was anchored one night alongside a sandbank in the

river Megna. While sleeping he had a dream that he had settled in that

place and had become king of all the adjoining districts. The dream he

regarded as a divine revelation, and he determined to act in accordance

with it. In the morning, he mistook, in the broad reaches of the river, the

direction he was going. He therefore called the place Blialuah, from the

Hindi bhulna , to mistake ! The exact date of this fiction is given as the

10th of Magh, 610, Bengali year, or A. D. 1203, the same year in which the

first Muhammadan invasion of Bengal under Bakhtyar Khilji took place.

There are, however, many reasons for doubting the accuracy of this date.

According to the pedigree preserved in the family, Baja Lak’han Manik was

seventh in descent from Bishambhar Bai, while the interval between the

death of the one and the birth of the other must have been at least 350

years.

201.

J. Wise — On the Barah Bhuyas of Eastern Bengal. [No. 3,

Raja Lak’han Manik was one of the Bhuyas of Bengal and a contem¬

porary of Kandarpa Rai of Chandradip, wlio is known to have been living in

A. D. 1586. Kandarpa Rai died, and was succeeded, while still a boy, by

his son Ramchandra Rai. Lak’han Manik, whose principality was only

separated by the Megna from that of Chandradip, was in the habit of

talking contemptuously of his youthful neighbour. Rumour soon spread

the story, and it reached the residence of Ramchandra. He immediately

ordered his war-boats to be got ready and his followers to be armed. The

fleet crossed the Megna and anchored off Bhaluah. Lak’han Manik, not

suspecting any treachery, went on board to welcome bis neighbour without

any guard. He was at once seized and carried off to Chandradip. The

youthful Bhuya wished to put him to death, but his mother interceded and

warned him against committing such a crime.

Lak’han Manik was for long detained in close confinement ; but one

day when Ramchandra visited him, the prisoner upbraided him with perfidy

and wilful cruelty. Ramchandra lost all self-control, and ordered him to be

put to death, which was at once done.

Of the successors of Lak’han Manik nothing is known. At the present

day, however, in the village of Srirampur, parganali Bhaluah, are several

poor kayasths, who claim to be descended from an elder branch of this

Bhuya’s family.

There are several circumstances connected with this Bhuya which are

of interest in a historical point of view. Abulfazl in his Ain i Akbari.

says, “ Tiparah is independent ; its king is Bijai Manik. The kings all

bear the name of Manik. ”* The third son of Lak’han Manik was Bijai

Manik, and in the genealogy of the family he has Raja prefixed to his

name. As he lived about the time Abulfazl wrote, he is probably the

person referred to, and not the Bijai Manik of the Tiparah Raj -mala.

It is difficult to understand how this Bhuya held possession of his

frontier post, while Portuguese, Mags, and wild liillmen were pillaging, as

we know they did, both banks of the Megna during the sixteenth and

seventeenth centuries. It is still more surprising that he should have been

left unmolested by the Raja of Tiparah, since Bhaluah was separated from

other portions of the Muhammadan empire by lands which often belonged

* The Bengali story is that one of the Rajas of Tiparah went to Dihll with a

“ nazar” for the emperor. Among the offerings was a magnificent ruby, which the Raja

called by its Sanskrit name “ Manik,” and not by its Persian, “ Lai.” The emperor was

puzzled by the word, and when it was explained, he gave it as an honorary title to the

Raja. The story goes on to state that this gem was found in a toad; for it is an

universal belief among natives, as it was in Shakespeare’s time, that —

“ The toad ugly and venomous,

Wears yet a precious jewel in his head.”

205

1874.] J. Wise — On the Barak Bhuyas of Eastern Bengal.

to or were occupied by the rulers of Tiparah. Besides, if we follow Colonel

Wilford, the kings of Arakan and Tiparah were constantly striving for the

mastery and the former even conquered the greatest part of Bengal ; hence

“ to this day” they assume the title of lords of the twelve Bhuniyas, Bhattis,

or principalities, of Bengal.

IV. Kandarpa Na'ra'yana Ra'i' of Chandradi'p.

The following romantic story is narrated by the Bengalis to account

for the name Chandradip.

There was once a Brahman of Bikrampur, called Chandra Sekhar

Chakravarti, whose tutelary deity (Ishta devata) was Bhagavatl. He

married ; but it was not until he brought his wife home that he found to

his dismay that her name was that of his patron goddess. This circumstance

distressed him greatly, and he was puzzled to know how he could invoke the

goddess in his wife’s name, or treat as a wife one who bore her honoured title.

He at last arrived at the conclusion that it was better to kill himself. Dis¬

tracted in mind he got on board a small boat, and resolved to drift out to

sea until he was lost. It was then all open sea to the south of Bikrampur,

and he sailed on for a day and a night without meeting with any one. On

the morning of the second day, he was surprised to see in the distance a boat

rowed by a solitary fisher girl. He addressed her, and enquired how she

had the courage to be so far from land in a frail fishing boat, and alone. She

replied, that she was following her trade and felt no fear, but that she was

astonished to see him, a Brahman and a landsman, adrift at sea. He then

told her of his perplexity, and of his determination to destroy himself.

On hearing his story, the girl raised a scornful laugh and said, “ O

Brahman, how foolish and ignorant you are ! Do you not know that the

goddess Bhagavatl dwells in every woman, and that every woman is her

Sakti, or personified power ? Why then should you be surprised that your

wife bears her name ?” The Brahman was amazed at this reproof, and at

once felt sure that the fisher girl was a goddess in disguise. He therefore

jumped on board the boat, and clasping her knees, besought her to tell him

who she was. It was in vain that the girl reminded him of his caste, and

of the impurity that would result from his touching one of her despised

class. He, however, refused to let her go until she told him, and at last

confessed that she was really his tutelary goddess, Bhagavatl. The Brahman

took advantage of the favourable opportunity and besought her to grant

him a boon. Bhagavatl assented, and told him that the sea, where they

then were, would one day become dry land, and that he would be its

proprietor, and that it should be called after his own name Chandradip, or

island of Chandra. #

* I am indebted to Mr. H. Beveridge, C. S., for these legends regarding Chandradip.

200 J. Wise — On the Barah Bhiigas of Eastern Bengal. [No. 3,

Another legend connected with Chandradip is, that in former days a

holy ascetic by name Chandra Sekhar Chakravarti, was in the habit of

travelling about with his servant Danuj Mardan DA One night the

goddess Bhagavati appeared to him in a vision, and told him that in the

river near his boat were several images which he must secure. The

following morning he made his servant dive for them, and each time he

brought up a stone image. Unfortunately, he did not try a third time or

he would have found Lakshmi, the goddess of prosperity. The two images

he found in the river Sonda, and they are still shown by the Chandradip

family.

Chandra Sekhar then predicted to hi3 servant that the sea would soon

become dry land, and that he would be the Baja of it. He also told him

to call it Chandradip after the name of his master.

The history of the Chandradip family as given by themselves is as

follows :

It is currently believed that the sons of the five Kayasths who

accompanied the five Brahmans from Kanauj in the reign of Balia 1 Sen,

settled in Bakla-Chandradip, a parganali which included the whole of

the modern zil’ah of Baqirganj with the exception of Mahall Salimabad.

The first of the Chandradip family was Danuj Mardan De. He is styled

by the Ghataks as Baja, and he was the first Samaj-pati or president, of the

Bangaja Kayasths. He lived, according to the pedigree, in the fourteenth

century. The Ghataks enumerate seventeen Bajas of Chandradip up to the

present day, while they name twenty-three generations since the immigra¬

tion of the Kayasths from Kanauj.

It is not improbable that the founder of this family is the same person

as the Bai of Sunargaon, by name Dhanuj Bai, who met the Emperor Balban

on his march against Sultan Mughis uddin in the year 1280. It is not

likely that the Muhammadan usurper would have allowed a Hindu to re¬

main in independence at his capital Sunargaon. If the principality of

Chandradip extended to the river Megna, the agreement made with the

Emperor that he would guard against the escape of Tugliril to the west,

becomes intelligible.*

The chief event, however, of his rule was the organization of the Ban¬

gaja Kayasths. He appointed certain Brahmans, whose descendants still

reside at Edilpore (’A'dilpur), to be Ghataks or Kul-Acharjas of the Ka¬

yasths, and he directed that all marriages should be arranged by them, and

that they should be responsible that the Kulin Kayasths only intermarried

with families of equal rank. He also appointed a Swarna-mata, or master

of the ceremonies, who fixed the precedence of each member of the Sabha,

or assembly, and who pointed out the proper seat each individual was to

* History of India, Sir H, Elliot, Yol. Ill, p. 116.

207

1874.] J. Wise — On the Sarah Bhuyas of JE astern Bengal.

occupy at the feasts given by the Baja. These offices still exist, and the

holders of them are much respected by all Kayasths.

Baja Danuj Mardan De was succeeded by his son Boma Ballabh Bai,

and he by Krishna Ballabh Bai. The latter had a daughter, named Kama-

la, who caused a large tank to be excavated at Kachua, the family seat,

traces of which are visible at the present day.

Jay Deb Bai, the fourth in descent, died childless. His heir, a sister’s

son, was Paramanand Bai of the Bose family of Dihur-ghati in Chandradip,

who traced their pedigree to Dasarath Bose, one of the original Kanauj

Kayasths. He and his successors were acknowledged as the Samaj-pati of

the Kayasths of southern and eastern Bengal. This Paramanand Bai is

mentioned in the Ain i Akbari by Abulfazl as the son of the Zamindar of

Bakla, and his almost miraculous escape during the cyclone of 1583 is de¬

scribed. #

The Hindus give a different version of this story. They say that an

astrologer warned Jugodanand Bai, the son of Paramanand Bai, that on a

certain day and hour he would be drowned in the river. The Baja shut

himself up in a tower of his palace at Kachua. The river gradually rose

as the hour approached, and, just at the time fixed, a mighty wave rolled up

on which the goddess Ganga, like another Lurline, rode proudly. She held

out her hands to the Baja who clasped them. In a moment he was swept

away and disappeared.

In 1574, Bakla or Chandradip was invaded by Murad Khan, one of the

generals of Akbar and annexed to the empire, f

The grandson of Paramanand Bai was Kandarpa Narayana Bai, one of

the five Bhuyas, whose history is now being detailed. It is of him that

Balph Fitch writes in 1586 — “ From Chatigam in Bengal, I came toBacola

t( (Bakla) the king whereof is a Gentile, a man very well disposed, and de-

“ lighteth much to shoot in a gun. His country is very great and fruitful,

“ and hath store of rice, much cotton cloth and cloth of silk. The houses

“ be very fair and high builded, the streets large, the people naked, except

“ a little cloth about their waste. The women wear great store of silver-

i( hoops about their necks and arms, and their legs are ringed about with

“ silver and copper, and rings made of elephants’ teeth.” £

The only memorial of this Bhuya is a brass gun, still preserved at

Chandradip, with his name and that of the maker Bupiya Khan of Srxpur

engraved on the breech. This gun is 7| feet in length ; feet in girth at

the breech ; and 19^ inches at the muzzle. Through the trunnions, rings

had been inserted by which the gun was fastened to the carriage.

* Proc., A. S. B., December, 1868.

f Contributions to the Geography and History of Bengal, by H. Blochmann, Journal,

A. S. Bengal, p. 228.

X Hackluyt’s Voyages, Vol. II, p. 257.

208

J. Wise — On the 'Bar ah Bhuyas of Eastern Bengal. [No. 3,

The residence of the Rajas of Chandradip was at Kachua, close to the

modern station of Baqirganj ; hut during the lifetime of Kandarpa Rai, or

immediately afterwards, they were obliged to move further inland to a place

called Madhavapasha, where the Rajas have resided ever since. This re¬

moval was necessitated by frequent forays made by the Mags and Portu¬

guese of Chittagong, against whom the Rajas were unable to contend.

The ruins of temples and dwelling houses are still to be seen at Kachua,

but the majority of the Kayastlis followed their chief to the newly selected

town.

Ramchandra Rai succeeded on the death of his father Kandarpa Rai.

Of him many stories are still extant. He married a daughter of Rajah Pra¬

tapaditya of Jessore. Between the families of Jessore and Chandradip

there were many ties of friendship, and the marriage was celebrated with

great pomp, but ended in a permanent quarrel between the families. Ram-

chandra, against the advice of all his friends, insisted on taking with him

a famous jester, named Ramai Bir, who amused him by his wit and frolics.

On the marriage day, this jester, dressed in female garments, entered the

house occupied by the Rani, and conversed with her. His disguise was

complete, and she did not detect the imposture. Shortly afterwards, it

was discovered, and Raja Pratapaditya was so enraged, that he vowed he

would put his newly-made son-in-law to death. The bride, however, warned

her husband, and at night he escaped from the palace and reached the en¬

campment where his followers were. The rivers had all been obstructed,

but accompanied by a trusty servant, Ram Mohan Mai, famous for his

strength, he embarked in a small canoe and fled. At the places where the

obstructions were, Ram Mohan dragged the boat over the bank, and launch¬

ed it on the other side. In this way the Raja escaped and reached Chan¬

dradip in safety.

It was not until after the lapse of many years, and probably not until

the death of Pratapaditya in 1593, that the bride joined her husband.

At the place where she halted, until permission was obtained from her hus¬

band to proceed, a market was established, which is still called the “ Badhu

Thakurain Hat.”

Raja Ramchandra Rai was succeeded by his son Krishna Narayana

Rai, who accompanied the Nawab of Dhaka on several of his military expe¬

ditions. One day, passing the Nawab’s kitchen while dinner was being

prepared, he inhaled the fumes from some savoury joint. The Nawab made

merry over this, and told the Raja that smelling an unclean thing was the

same as eating half of it, and that in consequence of what had occurred he

would be outcasted. The Raja took this banter so much to heart, that he

transferred his lands to his younger brother Basi Deb Rai and became an

ascetic.

1874.] J. "Wise — On the Bar ah Bhuyas of Eastern Bengal. 209

With the grandson of this Basi Deb Rai the line of the Bose Rajas

of Chandradip became extinct. He was succeeded by a cousin Udayaya

Narayana of the Mitr Majumdar family'* of Ulail, in the neighbourhood of

Dhaka, whose descendants still represent the Rajas of Chandradip. Short¬

ly after his accession, Udayaya Narayana was expelled from his estates by a

relative of the Nawab of Murshidabad. Udayaya proceeded to the court

but the Nawab refused to reinstate him unless he fought and overcame a

tiger. Udayaya, young and fearless, accepted the terms, and being skilled in the

use of weapons he encountered the brute and killed it. In this way he

regained his ancestral property.

Jay Narayana Rai, his grandson, succeeded while still an infant. Sun-

ker Bakhshi, one of his servants, managed the estates to his own advantage,

and it was not until after a lapse of seven years that Diirga Rani with the

aid of the Diwan Gobind Singh, succeeded in recovering the management.

The Rani, however, was extravagant, and spent a large sum of money in

constructing a tank, which is still known as the “Durga Sagar.” From

this date the fortunes of the Chandradip family declined. Nri Singh, the

next Raja, was reputed to be the handsomest man in Bengal ; but he was

indolent and neglected his own affairs. In the year 1793, a portion of the

estates was sold for arrears of revenue, and for many years misfortunes

crowded thickly on the Rajas. Lawsuits, the rapacity of servants, and

sales by Government, reduced the estates to their present insignificant size.

The Raja, however, still resides at Madhavapasha, where his Khanahbari,

or dwelling house, is situated in the midst of a tract of lakharaj land. In

addition, he still possesses a few dependent taluks scattered throughout the

district.

V. ’I'sa' Klia'n Masnad i ’A'li' of Khizrpu'r.

The most celebrated of all the Bhuyas, however, was Tsa Khan Mas¬

nad i ’A'li of Khizrpur. He is described by Abulfazl as the Marzban i Bha-

tl, or governor over Lower Bengal, and as the ruler over twelve great zamin-

dars. The story of his life is not only interesting but important, as it

illustrates a period of Bengal history which is omitted in standard histories.

Stewart does not mention his name, although he was one of the most able

and indefatigable foes met with by the Emperor Akbar.

His descendants still survive, and are the most respected Muhammadan

zamindars in Eastern Bengal. The Diwan Sahibs of Jangalbari and Hai-

batnagar in the Maimansingh district have furnished much of the following

information ; but it is from Mr. Blochmann’s invaluable Ain i Akbari that

the authentic dates and actions of this great Bhuya have been obtained.

* It is to a member of this family, Babu Brijo Sunder Mitr, Deputy Magistrate, that

I am indebted for much information regarding the Chandradip Rajas.

210

J. Wise — On the Barah Bhuyas of Eastern Bengal, [No. 3,

The family tradition is, that during the reign of Husain Shah (1493 to

1520), Kali Das Gajdani, a Bais Rajput of Audh, became a Muhammadan,

and received the title of Sulaiman Khan. He afterwards married a daughter

of the reigning monarch. He is said to have been killed in battle by Salim

Khan and Taj Khan. He left three children, ’Isa, Isma’il, and a daughter

afterwards known as Shahinshah Bibi. Their father being slain, the two

sons were taken prisoners and sold as slaves. They were subsequently

traced to Turan, whence they were brought back by their uncle Qutb uddin.#

’Isa Khan is said to have married Fatimah Khatun, a cousin of his own,

and grand-daugliter of Husain Shah of Bengal.

The first event recorded of T'sa Khan occurred in 1576. Daud Khan,

the last of the Sur dynasty, had been defeated, and his scattered forces

sought shelter in the Bhat.i country, where they united under command of

Karim Dad, Ibrahim, and ’Isa Khan. The last is designated as the “ rich

zamindar,” and it is probable that he had already acquired the position of

Bliuya. It was after much opposition that Khan Jahan occupied Eastern

Bengal at this time. In 1583, Shahbaz Khan i Kambuf followed the

rebel Ma’qum Khan into the Bliati country, destroying Baktarapur, the

residence of M'sa Khan and occupying Sunargaon. ’Isa Khan being hard

pressed by the Imperialists, made terms and agreed that an Imperial officer

should reside at Sunargaon. As soon as the treaty was made, however, it

was broken, and ’Isa Khan again raised a rebellion against the Emperor.

Two years later, Shahbaz Khan again entered Eastern Bengal with an army,

but he was foiled in his attempts to subjugate the country.

In 1586, Ralph Fitch visited Sunargaon and remarks that “ the chief-

“ king of all these countries is called Isacan, and he is the chief of all the

“ other kings, and is a great friend to the Christians.”

After this, we hear nothing of him. He appears to have died in 1598. J

He left two sons, Dlwan Musa Khan and Dfwan Muhammad Khan, of

whom tradition even is silent. The eldest son of the former was Ma’yum

Khan, who is frequently mentioned by Muhammadan historians. He serv¬

ed in command of ships at the siege of Hugli, in the beginning of A. H.

1042 (1632) ; and in the Padishahnamah he is included among the chief

officers who took part in the invasion of Asam in 1636, on which occasion

he supplied twenty-five war-kosahs.§ The Haibatnagar family still possess

a sanad sent by Shah Shuja’ in A. H. 1059 (1649), and another by Shayistah

Khan in 1078 (1667). Both are addressed to Ma’gum Khan, but contain

nothing except orders about war-boats.

* Ain i Akbari, Vol. I, 342.

f Op. cit., p. 400.

X Ain-i-Akbari, Yol. I, 340.

§ Journal, A. S. B., Pt. I, 1872, p. 57.

211

1874.] J. Wise — On the JBarah JBhuyas of Eastern Bengal.

His eldest son was Munawwar Khan, zamindar, as he is called in the

’Alamgirnamah. He accompanied the army which captured Chittagong in

December, 1665. For his bravery on this occasion, he was made a com¬

mander of 1,000 with 500 horse.

Like his great grandfather, he appears to have been an unruly and tur¬

bulent officer, and local tradition asserts that he was often at open war with

the Nawabs who ruled at Dhaka.

After the settlement of Bengal in Akhar’s reign, this family is said to

have possessed 22 parganahs in Eastern Bengal ; hut it is currently be¬

lieved that during the lifetime of Munawwar Khan, these parganahs were

apportioned among four brothers. Munawwar Klian got the property in

Maimansingh, .which is included in the modern Tappa Hazradih, where the

family residence has been ever since.

As late as the 44th julus of Aurangzib, A. D. 1700, and during the

Nawabship of ’Azim-ushshan, the large parganah of Buldak’hal in Tiparah

belonged to them, the representative of one branch of the family, if not its

head, being Haibat Khan, the founder of the town of Haibatnagar. The

peshkash, or quit-rent, of that property for the year 1700, was fixed at

rupees 1,261, annas 7, and the zamindar had to furnish 37 war-boats, each

manned by 32 sailors, and a few kosah boats.

In 1761, during the Nawabship of Jasarat Khan, the family still pos¬

sessed parganah Nuqrat Shahi, and many of the Nawara Mahalls in Dhaka

and the adjoining districts.

Large portions of their extensive properties were given away rent-free

to Brahmans, or subdivided into small holdings. At the decennial settle¬

ment, the under-tenures were so numerous and scattered, that the zamindar

found it impossible to collect the revenue. He petitioned the authorities

to make a settlement with his tenants and allow him instead an annual

pension. This was agreed to, and the Masnad i ’A'li of the present day

receives a yearly grant of money. All the lakharaj lands given away by

former zamindars have been recognized as such by the British Government.

Of the descendants of Munawwar Khan little is known. Subhan Dad

Khan of Jangalbari in Maimansingh is the head of the family at the present

day, while Tlah Nawaz Khan of Haibatnagar, who died in Calcutta in Octo¬

ber 1872, was the last male descendant of Muhammad Khan, the younger

brother of Tsa Khan.

Other branches of the family are settled at Ja’farabad and Baghalpur

in Maimansingh ; at Harishpur* in Tiparah ; and at Katrabo in Dhaka.

Kliizrpur is generally associated with ’Isa Khan’s name. It is situat¬

ed about a mile north of the modern Narayanganj, and close to it is one of

the forts built by Mir Jumlali in the seventeenth century, which is called

the Hajiganj, or Khizrpur, Kil’ah. At this point, the Ganges, Lak’hiya, and

* The eldest son of the zamindar is always styled Thakur.

212

J. Wise — On the Bdrali Blmyas of Eastern Bengal. [No. 3,

Brahmaputra formerly met. Here was the chief naval port of the Muham¬

madan government, and from it all their great naval expeditions set out.

It is only three miles west of Sunargaon, and nine from Dhaka. The name of

Khizrpur is still given to the parganah of which it is the centre and to a

marble tomb, or Maqbarah, within a walled garden, which is popularly be¬

lieved to be the resting-place of one of Jahangir’s daughters. On the north

and west is a “ tappa,” or quarter, still called ’Isapur, and on the north is a

village, belonging to parganah Niu^rat Shaln, known as Pat’hantali, but

where the last of the Afghans have long since died out. From Khizrpur

towards the west can be traced an old road with several ruined bridges, which

joined that from Dhaka at Fathullali on the banks of the Burhiganga.

At Khizrpur, within the precincts of the fort, still stands a very hand¬

some mosque, beautifully ornamented with bricks, and which resembles in

many respects the old Groaldih Mosque of Sunargaon, which was built in

the sixteenth century. Until a few years ago, an inscription existed over

the entrance. A case, however, instituted by the Diwan Sahib of Haibatnagar

to recover possession of this his ancestral property, induced some interested

party to make away with it, and all attempts to recover it have failed. In

front of the mosque is a brick tomb, regarding which local tradition can

give no account ; but it is believed to be the grave of an unknown Pir.

On the banks of the Lak’hiya, which flows within a few yards of the

mosque, are a ruined bastion and curtain wall, which the villagers designate

the “ gliusl khanah,” or “ baithak-khanah,” but which evidently was the

northern face of the Khizrpur fort.

Of ’Isa Khan and his connexion with this place, no traditions survive

among the people, and among the educated Muhammadans of Dhaka, no

one has even heard of his name.

Regarding Baktarapur, the residence of ’Isa Khan, destroyed in 1583 by

Shalibaz Khan, nothing has been discovered. About thirty miles north of

Khizrpur, on the banks of the same river, are two villages within a mile of

each other, called respectively “ Buktarpur” and “ Issurpur,” but there

are neither ruins nor traditions connected with them.

Other memorials of this family exist in other parts of the district. On

the right bank of the Lak’hiya river, about four miles above Khizrpur, is a

ruin known as the “ Diwan Kot,” said to have been built by one of the

family. It stands on a point of land, jutting into the river. The place is

strewed with bricks, and there is a portion of a wall with a pointed arch

still standing. A magnificent But tree overshadows the whole of the ruin.

On the opposite bank of the river, about two miles inland, is a large

garden, 169 acres in extent, termed the “ Diwan ka bagh,” or “ Munawwar

Khan ka bagh.” Here is a three-domed mosque in ruins, which is believed

to have been built by Munawwar Khan in the seventeenth century. On

213

2874. J J. Wise — On the Sarah Bliuyas of Eastern Bengal.

the outside are ornamental tiles, while inside are three milirabs, the two

side ones constructed of similar tiles, and the large centre one of grey sand¬

stone.

On the east of the mosque, Munawwar Khan was buried ; but his tomb

has long since disappeared. On the north is a fine tank, about 500 yards

long and 250 broad. Though situated in the centre of the Dhaka district,

this garden formed until late years a part of Tappa Korik’hai, zil’ah Mai-

mansingli, and the revenue was paid direct into the eollectorate of that

zil’ah.

The following particulars regarding Tsa Khan have been received from

the Jangalbari family.

Tsa Khan married Fatimah Bibi, the daughter of Sayyid Ibrahim, Ma¬

lik ul-’ulama. When at the height of his power, ’I'sa Khan ruled from

G’horag-’hat to the sea.

After his defeat by Shahbaz Khan in 1583, ’I'sa Khan fled by ship to

Chittagong. Collecting there a body of troops, he returned to Bengal, and

attacked the Koch Baja in his fort, which was situated where the present

village of Jangalbari in Maimansingh now stands. This fort was surrounded

by a moat, and it had only one gateway on the south side. When the

assault was made, the Baja escaped by a tunnel, which is still shewn.

Within this captured fort, ’I'sa Khan constructed a dwelling-house where he

and his descendants have resided ever since. ’I'sa Khan subsequently sub¬

dued the whole of Eastern Bengal and erected forts at Bangamati in Asam,

at Tribeni opposite the modern Narayanganj, and at Igarah-Sindhu, where

the river Lak’hiya leaves the Brahmaputra.

When Man Singh invaded Bengal about 1595, he advanced to Igarah-

Sindhu and besieged the garrison of the fort. ’I sa Khan hastened to its

relief, but his troops were disaffected and refused to fight. He, however,

challenged Man Singh to single combat, stipulating that the survivor should

receive peaceable possession of Bengal. Man Singh accepted the challenge

and its conditions, but when ’I'sa Khan rode into the lists, he recognized in

his opponent a young man, the son-in-law of the Baja. They fought and

the latter was slain. Upbraiding Man Singh for his cowardice, ’I'sa Khan

returned to his camp. Scarcely had he done so, when word was brought to

him that Man Singh himself was in the field. He again mounted and gal¬

loped to the ground, but refused to engage with his opponent until satisfied

of his identity. Being assured that Man Singh was opposed to him, the

combat began. In the first encounter Man Singh lost his sword. ’I'sa

Khan offered his, but without accepting it Man Singh dismounted. His

adversary did the same, and dared him to have a wrestling bout. Instead

of acceding to his wish, Man Singh, struck by the generosity and chivalry of

X) D

214

v

J. Wise — On the Bar ah Bhuyas of Eastern Bengal. [No. 3,

the man, embraced him and claimed him as a friend. After entertaining

’I'sa Khan, he loaded him with presents on his taking leave.

The behaviour of the Hindu prince excited the disapprobation of many

of his followers, and the Rani was so indignant at his pusillanimous conduct,

that she vowed she would never return to court, where he would be put to

death and she be made a widow.

This domestic quarrel, however, was quelled by ’I'sa Khan, who volun¬

teered to return with Man Singh to Agrah and trust to the magnanimity of

the emperor for pardon.

On their arrival at Agrah, ’I'sa Khan was thrown into prison, but when the

story of the combat at Igarali-Sindhu was told, the emperor ordered his

immediate release, conferred on him the titles of Diwan and Masnad i ’All,

and gave him a grant of numerous parganahs in Bengal.

The Jangalbari family have only preserved three Sanads of any impor¬

tance —

The first is from Shah Sliuja’, and is dated the 21st Julus of Shah Jahan

A. H. 1057 (1647). In it Ahmad and Twaz Muhammad, members of the

family, are directed to wait on Muhammad Ja’far, Diwan of Chaklah Jalian-

girnagar, and to pay to I’tiqad Khan, ’Umdat ul-mulk, the revenues of the

estates held by them jointly.

The second is dated A. H. 1059 (1G49), and is sent by Shah Sliuja’ to

the Mansabdars and other officials, and directs them to leave the lands owned

by Ma’9um, and to give over to him the Nawara-karkhanah, or dockyards,

which had previously been worked by the Government.

The third bears the name of Shahzadah Muhammad ’Azim, better

known as ’Azim ush-Shan and the date 44th Julus of ’Alamgir (1700). In

it Haibat Muhammad, son of Hayat Muhammad, is ordered to have in readiness

37 kosah boats with 32 boatmen in each ; to pay Rupees 10,261-7, the

revenue of Parganah Buldak’hal, &c., and to remit the rental of the ‘ Pai-

baqi’, or reserved lands, then held by Lutfullah and Tnayatullah.

Among the parganahs enumerated on the reverse are —

Parganah Buldak’hal, in Sirkar Sunargaon.

1871*.]

215

Notes on 8hah Ismail OJiazi, with a sketch of the contents of a Version

MS., entitled “ Risdlat ush-Shuhadaf found at Kanta Duar, Vangpdr.

— By G. H. Damant, B. A., C. S.

There are four Dargahs, or shrines, in Rangpur, erected to the memory

of Shah Isma’il Ghazi. They are all situate a few miles to the north-east

of G’horag’hat, in thanah Pirganj. The principal one is at Kanta Duar,

a place marked in the survey maps as Chatra Hat, and as Katta Boar on

Sheet 119 of the Indian Atlas. It is said to have been erected over his

body. About three miles west is another at a place called Jala Maqam.

The dargah is in a jungle on a piece of land surrounded by old ditches.

It seems to have been originally a fort or intrenched camp. These two

dargahs are under the care of the same faqir, who has a large jagir and

claims to be a descendant of one of the servants of Isma’il, who came with

him from Arabia. The head of the saint is said to be buried at Kanta

I)uar, and his body at Madaran, in Jahanabad, west of Hugli. There is

another dargah, about 18 miles south of Rangpur, on the Bogra road, said

to be erected over his staff; and a fourth, or rather a sacred place (for I

could see no building) on an island in the middle of a large jhll , called

Borobhilla. I found the MS. from which extracts have been given, in the

possession of the faqir of Kanta Duar. He assured me it had been in the

possession of his family for many generations, but he was unable to read

it and Wiis quite ignorant of the contents. The short facts as given in the

MS. are, that in the time of Barbak Shah, Isma’il came to Gaur, where he

gained the favour of the king by building a bridge or embankment across

the great marsh, called elsewhere Chuttiah Pattiah. He was then sent

against Gajpati, king of Madaran, or Orisa, whom he utterly defeated,

and lastly, he fought two battles with Kamesar, king of Kamrup. In

the first battle he was defeated, and the second seems to have been some¬

what indecisive ; but the king finally tendered his allegiance, and consented

to pay tribute, though it does not appear that the country was regularly

occupied by the Musalmans. The Hindu governor of G’horag’hat appears

to have been envious of Isma’il’s fame, and falsely charged him with

entering into an alliance with the king of Kamrup and conspiring to

form an independent kingdom. A force was sent against Isma’il, and he was

beheaded, the MS. says in the year 78, but I imagine a figure must have

been omitted here, and that we must read 878, which would bring his death

to the end of the reign of Barbak Shah.

The account given in the MS. corresponds most strangely in many

particulars with the legend which Mr. Bloehmann heard at Hugli ( see

Asiatic Society’s Proceedings, April, 1870, page 117). In that legend, Isma fl

[No: 3/

216 G. H. Daman t — Notes on Shah Ismail Ghazi,

is said to have invaded Orisa with success, and to have been falsely accused

by a Hindu of attempting to set up an independent kingdom at Madaran,

and on this false charge to have been beheaded by order of the king. We

may, I think, on this double authority take these two statements to be

established facts.

The MS. further goes on to say, that Isma’il successfully invaded

Ivamrup, and this seems probable by the number of memorials of him which

still exist, and which are situate, if not actually within the boundaiies of

Kamrup, at all events on the extreme eastern limit of the territory which

was subject to the kings of Bengal in the fifteenth century. And finally,

the date is thirty years earlier than the reign of Husain Shah, who is men¬

tioned in Mr. Blochmann’s legend; but it must be remembered that Ben¬

galis almost invariably attribute any important event of which they do not

know the date, to the time of that king ; for he is the only king who is

still remembered by name among the common people.

Extracts from a Persian J\IS. found in the possession of the Paqir in

charge of Ismail Ghazi s tomb at Hunt a Duur , Pangpur.

Pir Muhammad Shattari, the meanest of the servants of God, and the

son of ’Aqil Muhammad Farkhari,* relates that at four g’haris on the morn-

* Plr Muhammad Shattari, son of Aqil Muhammad Farkliarl, the author of this

treatise. The Shattarls form a sub-division of the Taifuriyahs , an order of religious men,

so called after Taifur-bin Tsa-bin A'dam-bin Saroslian (or Sharwasan). Taifur, whose

grandfather had originally been a fire-worshipper, is better known in history under the

name of Bayazld (the Persian form of the Arabic Abu-Yazld) of Bistam. Bistam is a

little town in Kumis, or Qumis, a tract in the hills of Tabaristan, between the ancient

city of Rai and Nlshapur. The chief town of Kumis is Dumghan, from which Bistam

lies at the distance of two stages. Bayazld is one of the most famous saints of Islam.

He is said to have been born in A. H. 136 [A. D. 753-54], and died at Bistam in A. H.

231, or 234, or 261, (which Jam! in his Nafliat ul-Uns says is the correct year), or 262,

or 269. Numerous imitation tombs of Bayazld exist, notably one at Cliatgaon (Chitta¬

gong) ; vide Journal, A. S. Bengal, for 1872, Part I, p. 336.

The order of religious men and Sufis, of which Bayazld is the head, is called after

him Taifuriyah. But the Taifurl, avIio first assumed the name of Shattari, was Shaikh

Abdullah Shattari, author of the Risdlah i Aslighdl i Shattdriyah and founder of the

sub-division. The name of Shattari is derived from the Arabic A, walking quickly ;

and in the language of the sect, ’Urn i shatarah signifies ‘ the working and aspirations of

the soul/ which end in f and filldti, ‘merging into God/ and baqa billdh, ‘resting in

God.’ As Shaikh Abdullah reached the highest degree in this respect, he was called

‘ Shat tar.’ Abdullah lived for some time in Manikpur and Jauupur during the reign of

Sultan Ibrahim Sharql, and emigrated at last to Maudu, the then capital of Malwa,

where he died in 832 [A. D. 1428-29]. When Jahangir visited Maudu, he builc at the

request of Shaikh Plr i Mlrat’hl, who was a Shattari, a mausoleum over Abdullah’s tomb

in Fort Mandu. Vide Khazlnat ul-Asfia, p. 947.

G. H. Dam ant — Notes on Shah IsmaHl Ghazi.

217

1874.]

ing of the 22nd of Sha’ban, 1042, [22nd February, 1638] be and bis com¬

panions were sitting near the tomb of Shall Isma’fl Ghazi, the Arab, the

greatest of martyrs, when Shaikh Kabir, Shaikh Latif, Shaikh Mas’ud, and

other keepers of the tombs in Kanta Dual* and Jala Maqam, faithfully

related some memorable events in his public life.

The audience listened to the narrative with wrapt attention and great

interest, and thought that the events mentioned should be recorded and

written in a book. The task was conferred on this humble individual, who

in the reign of Shi habuddin Muhammad Shahjahan Padishah i Ghazi, — may

God make his kingdom and reign everlasting ! — faithfully performed it, and

named the book “ R i s a 1 a t ush-Shuhad a,” hoping that mistakes, if

there be any, will be corrected and errors rectified by the learned of the

time.

Tradition states that Isma’il Ghazi, a descendant of the family of the

prophet, was born in fhe holy city of Mecca. From his youth, he

was a devout follower of religion, and spent his time in preaching and

teaching. A hundred and twenty wise men and their tutor Maulana Husam-

uddin of Arabia always attended him. The Maulana had a brother,

named Kamal-uddin, who happened to be reading the Qoran, and came across

the passage, 1 the martyrs to their God shall have a great reward,’ a text

which inspired all the after-actions of Isma’il’s life. No sooner had he

heard it, than he felt a great contempt for an inglorious life and an earnest

desire to exalt himself to the rank and honour of a martyr. At last, he

opened his mind to his tutor, the Maulana, who gave him every encourage¬

ment in his noble pursuit, and he addressed his friends as follows, “ You

know, my friends, that ‘ attempt is from man, but success is from God

bless me then, that God may give me success in my undertaking and the

everlasting happiness which I desire.” They were much affected at hearing

these words, and became equally desirous to reap the honour of martyrdom,

which they considered to be above all terrestrial and celestial glory, so they

promised Isma’il to assist him in rooting out infidelity wherever they went,

and to devote themselves wholly to the cause of God. Inspired by the

holy words, “ Say not that they have perished who are slain while in the

The author, therefore, of this work, who during the reign of Shahjahan was Muta-

walli of Isma’il’s tomb at Kanta Duar, in Tlianah Pfrganj, Rangpur, belonged to the

Shattaris.

Pir Muhammad’s father is called ’A'qil Muhammad Farkhari. Farkhar is the

name of a place in Badakhshan, above Tali khan ; but the name Farkhar is also given

to a tract between Kliata (Cathay) and Kashghar. Farkhar is often mentioned in Per¬

sian poems as famous for the beauty of its inhabitants ; vide Tazkirali i Daulatshahf,

under Ustad Farkhari, towards the end of Chap. I. The Mutawallis of Isma’il’s tomb

are, therefore, not of Arabian origin as Isma’il himself.

218 G. H. Damant — Notes on Shah Isma’il Ghazi. [No. 3,

path of God : they are alive even though you know it not,” they were filled

with courage and daring, they kept the feet of courage in the path of

martyrdom, robbed their minds of love for home, and set out on their hazard¬

ous undertaking. Leaving behind many dreary forests and deserts, they

reached the frontiers of ’Ajam [Persia], from whence they passed to Hind,

and at last after a long tedious journey arrived at Lak’hnauti ,* the capital

of Sultan Barbak. He was one of the most powerful sovereigns of his time,

and his riches and army were renowned everywhere, and he ruled his peo¬

ple with absolute despotism. A turbulent river, called Chuttiah Pattiah,

passed through his kingdom. When it became flooded in the rainy season,

it caused great loss to life and property. The king had tried every means

in his power to keep it within bounds by employing engineers and handi¬

craftsmen, and using materials of every kind ; his efforts were continued for

seven years, but they always proved fruitless as soon as the rainy season

came on. At last, notice was given that all the people were to assemble on

a certain day and throw earth into the river, and the Sultan himself was to

throw in a basket of earth. When Isma’il heard of it, he told the king that

if a space of three days were allowed him, he would point out the true

means to perform this great feat.

The king granted his request and became very anxious to know who

he was, whence he came, and what brought him to Lak’hnauti, and Isma’il

informed him on every point.

After three days’ deliberation and consultation with the wise men,

Isma’il suggested a plan for building a bridge over the Chuttiah Pattiah,

which proved so successful that elephants and horses could pass over it.

From that time forth, he was honoured and favoured by the king and em¬

ployed in many other difficult works.

After a few years, Gajpati, Itaja of Madaran, rebelled against the em¬

peror. The army sent against him was defeated, and at last the command

was entrusted to Isma’il. Gajpati had a very strong fort, made of brass,

which had never been taken ; and when he heard that Isma’il, a faqir, was

coming to attack him with 120 wise men, he laughed exceedingly ; but his

queen warned him not to fight with Isma’il, who was the soldier of God, or

he would surely be defeated. However, he assembled his army, and a

battle was fought in which, after a fight of a few hours, he was completely

defeated and taken prisoner and beheaded. After this success, Isma’il

gained still more favour and honour with the king.

In the course of a few years more, a fresh event took place. The royal

army sent against Kamesar, king of Kamrup, being repeatedly defeated,

the command was at last given to Isma’il.

# Tlie MS. has ‘ LakTmau.’

1874.] G. H. Damant — Notes on Sliah IsmaHl Ghazt. 219

The valour and spirit with which Isma’il and his companions under¬

took the expedition, gave every prospect of success, but as the Raja was

one of the greatest heroes of his time and possessed good military talents,

the conquest of Kamrup seemed likely to be more difficult than that of

Madaran. The Raja himself took the field, and advanced with his vast

army to the border of his kingdom, while Isma’il with his troops went to

meet him. A battle took place on the field of Santosh within the borders

of Islam, but the unfavourable position in which the royal army was placed,

proved fatal to them. A great number were killed on both sides, and

amongst them the 120 wise men, who fell after performing prodigies of

valour and were buried on the battle-field. The only survivors were Isma’il,

his nephew Muhammad Shah, and twelve Paiks, by whose aid the fortress of

Barapaika was erected in the neighbourhood. Leaving Muhammad Shah

in charge of the fort, Isma’il marched with two regiments to Jala Maqam,

a piece of land completely covered with water, where he lifted up his hands

and prayed God to create a piece of land on which he might pray. A voice

replied — “ Throw in a shield full of earth, and land will be created,” and so

it came to pass. Isma’il garrisoned his troops there, and sent a message to

the Raja to say, “ Sultan Barbak has appointed me to receive your sub¬

mission, you must present yourself before me, ready equipped for a journey,

in order that I may take you to the Sultan, and recommend him to grant

you your life, and restore you to your own kingdom and preserve your

standard. If you do otherwise, you must suffer the consequences.” The

letter was given to an envoy to take to the Raja. The envoy arrived at

the Raja’s court, and when his business was known, was admitted to the

Raja’s presence and delivered the letter. As soon as the Raja learnt its

contents, he became violently enraged, and gave vent to his feelings in very

bitter words saying, “ I save your life, because it is not my custom to slay

envoys ; however, tell Shah Isma’il to meet me on the field of battle. I

order him to meet me there. Tell him that I am not that Gajpati whom he

has conquered and whose kingdom he has subdued. Let Isma’il remember

what befel his first army. When all his zealous comrades have fallen, what

can he do with his single arm ?” The envoy returned, and told Isma’il all

that had occurred, and after reciting the text from the Qoran, 1 A victory

from God and a success at hand,’ he speedily made his preparations and

marched against Kamesar. The armies approached, but as night came on,

both parties were obliged to delay their strife. Isma’il, taking advantage

of the darkness of the night, put on a disguise and riding amongst the dis¬

orderly multitude succeeded in passing unnoticed through the city gates,

and penetrated to the room where the Raja and Rani were lying asleep in

each other’s arms. He did not kill them as he might easily have done, but

fastened their hair together, and unsheathing a sword which was lying near

220 G. H. Dam ant — Notes on Shah Ismail GTiazi. [No. 3,

the Raja, he placed the blade across their breasts. After he had done this,

he rode back to his camp.

Next morning, the Raja and Rani awoke and found what had befallen

them. At first, they thought it was the deed of some evil spirit, as it

seemed impossible for any human being to have passed unnoticed through

the guards into their sleeping apartments ; so they were both stricken with

fear and knew not what to do. At last, the king perceived some horse’s

dung and footmarks in the courtyard, and then he came to his senses and

felt sure it must have been done by some man ; but as his fear was only

transferred from spirit to man, it was rather increased than the contrary.

The Raja questioned his guards, but they declared that not even a bird,

much less a man on horseback, had dared to pass into the courtyard during

the night. The Raja could not help believing them, but ordered them to

keep strict watch the next night. When the next morning came, the Raja

and the queen found themselves in the same state as before. The same thing

happened on the third night, and they became excessively astonished and

alarmed, and came to the conclusion that no ordinary man could have treat¬

ed them in this way for three nights together, and at last thought it must

be no other than Shah Isma’il Ghazi.

In the meantime, Isma’il had assembled a large number of his friends

and companions at his camp, and asked them whether there was among them

any one daring enough to go alone to the Raja’s court, and bring him to

the camp. They one and all declared they would go : but before any one

could set out, an ambassador arrived from the Raja to say that, if his life

was secure, he wished to pay his respects to Isma’il. He assured the am¬

bassador of the Raja’s safety, and after a short time, the Raja himself

came bringing tribute and rich presents and throwing himself prostrate, said :

“ Consider me one of your meanest servants and give me some pan * from

your mouth, and henceforth you shall be my God.” After he had spoken

some time in this strain, Isma’il could not but believe he was sincere, so he

gave him some food from his mouth, which the king accepted and ate with

the highest marks of gratitude and esteem. As a reward for his voluntary

submission, Isma’il conferred on him the title of ‘ Bara Larwaiya,’ and

then gave the Sultan an account of his success in the following letter — “ By

the mercy of the Omnipotent and the great virtue of the Sultan, Karnrup

has been conquered, and Raja Kamesar lias been forced to pay homage ;

spoils and tribute have been taken from him and are sent herewith to your

highness.” As soon as the Sultan heard of this great triumph, he was over¬

come with joy, and showered praise on Isma’il, whom he rewarded with robes

of honour and with a horse, sword, and belt, all adorned with rich embroi¬

dery.

* Which would have broken his caste and made him a Moslem.

1874.]

G. H. Damant — Notes on Sliah Isma'il Gliazi.

221

From this time tribute was regularly levied from the Raja without

fresh opposition, and the country remained in peace and the people were

happy and contented.

While affairs were in this state, Bhandasi Rai, the Hindu commander

of G’horag’hat applied to Isma’il for leave to build a fort on the frontier of

the country, and his request was granted ; but as he envied his benefactor

and wished to get rid of him, he deceived him and was at last the cause of

his ruin. He sent a false information to the king saying that Isma’il had

entered into an offensive and defensive alliance with the Raja of Kamrup,

and intended to set up an independent kingdom. The infidel inflamed the

king’s displeasure by every art of intrigue and insinuation, and ultimately

succeeded in persuading him to despatch an armed force against the cham¬

pion of the holy faith.

Isma’il at first determined to trust to his own valour, and succeeded in

several times repulsing the king’s soldiers, but at last, as he desired to share

his companions’ fate and to join them, he gave himself up.

He was beheaded by order of the Sultan on Friday, 14th Sha’ban, 78

[i. e. 878, or 4th January, 1474]. Before the execution, he had sent all

his men away ; only Shaikh Muhammad, an old faithful servant, would not

leave him, and he is the ancestor of the guardians of Isma’il’s tomb at Kan¬

ta Duar. When the head reached the king, he came to know the jealousy

of the cunning Hindu and his own rashness and stupidity, and he burst into

tears. He made arrangements to have it buried in the royal family vault ;

but Isma’il appeared to him and told him that the head was to be buried

in Kanta Duar.

IsmaiTs whole property was confiscated, and all his movables were

sent both from Madaran and the district of G’horag’hat to court. The

convoys of the treasures were, indeed, frightened by the appearance of Shah

Isma’il, and wished to give him back all his wealth ; but the spirit told

them that God’s favour was sufficient for him, and again disappeared to

continue even after death the war with the infidels. Wherever the convoys

halted on their way to court, a dargah arose. At last, the head was

buried at Kanta Duar, and the body was interred at Madaran, and both

places have since become famous resorts for pilgrims. Barbak Shah himself

and his Begam visited Madaran and also Kanta Duar, and conferred on

both tombs valuable gifts.

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(1) In allusion to Isma’il, son of Abraham.

Correction. On page 220, line 9 from below, for Isma’fl conferred on him the

title of ‘ Bara Larwaiya,' read according to jg. 236, line 2 from below, Isma’il conferred on

him the title of ‘ Larwa Raja,’ i. e. the spittle- Raja, from the Hindustani^ \t$TT^),

spittle, saliva. — The Editor.

210

[No. 3,

Letter by Col. E. T. Dalton, C. S. I., Commissioner of Cliutia Nag¬

pur, on a large picture representing the conquest of Baldmau in 1660

by Baud Khan, Aurangzib’’ s General .

You no doubt recollect my telling you of the great picture of the at¬

tack of the Palamau Fort by Daud Khan, Aurangzib’s general. The

picture is preserved as an heirloom by Daud’s descendants at Daudnagar,

in South Bihar, and I entered into various negoeiations with divers persons

to obtain a copy ; but not succeeding I had almost given it up, when to my

surprise Ahmad Husain, the Agent of the Qazi of Palamau, a connection of

the Daudnagar family, came to my house with the picture.

Mr. Peppe had to photograph it in pieces ; for it is 30 feet in length by

about 12 feet in breadth, done on cloth. I send a plan of the whole

on a reduced scale omitting the figures, and the following description, which

should be read with the account of the battle given in Yol. XL. of the

Journal, for 1871, p. 127.

The picture represents the camp of D&ud Khan on the 16th Pabi’ II,

and the entrenchment of the enemy and the different positions from the

first attack on the Cliero position by Tahawwur Khan, which opened the

fight rather sooner than Daud had intended, to the final capture of the Fort

and flight of the ‘ Gawars,’# as the enemy is contemptuously called, on the

27th KabP II, 1070 (20tli December, 1660).

The first division of the picture shows Daud’s entrenched camp, an

oblong enclosure. On two sides, the front and right, large guns are in posi¬

tion ; to the rear of numerous small tents in the enclosure is a row of pavil-

lions, with banners in front of them, in the following order :

* The word Gawdr ( gfd ) is to be distinguished from Gdivar ( ). The latter

word is a corruption of Kdfar, the Persian pronunciation of the Arabic Kctfir , ‘ an infi¬

del’ ; and it is further corrupted to Gabr ), in which form it is often applied to

the Parsls or fire worshipper (Guebres). The historians of Timur’s reign use Gabr even

for * Hindus.’

But Gaioar is used by Muhammadan historians as an equivalent for ‘ wild aboriginal

tribes,’ and hence for ‘ thieves and cattle-lifters,’ in which sense it is entered in native Dic¬

tionaries. Vide also Badaoni I, 85, 168, 234; and Dowson, Y, 193, note 6.

A similar term is the word Muwds or Muioasd ( and Lulyo )? who are no

doubt the “ Muasis” of Dalton’s Ethnology (pp. 154, 221, 230, 231, 280). They are men¬

tioned in Badaoni I, 228, 252, 262, 326 ; II, 376 ; vide also Journal, Bombay Geogr.

Society, II, 55. Badaoni generally calls them Muivds i be-muwdsd, i. e. ‘ the heartless

Muwasis.’ The Editor.

241

3374.] Dalton — The Conquest of Balamau.

Left Wing. — Blach and yellow banner. Two white banners.

Raja Bihruz. Shaikh. Tatar.

Shaikh Ahmad.

Centre. — White banner.

Baud Khan.

Eight Wing. — 'Banner with enibroi - Three-tailed ban- Bed-bordered

dered border. ner golden. banner.

Muhammad Zahid, Mirza Khan. (colour eaten away)

Bakhshi of Bihar. Tahawwur Khan.

The advance of the army from the fort is in the same order. The ban¬

ners are thus displayed three times, (1) in the camp; (2) on elephants dur¬

ing the advance ; (3) close to each chief in action.

It is said in the ’ A 'lamgirn amah that the Cheros met this advance of

Daiid’s on the 16th by issuing from the Fort and taking up an intrenched

position about half a Jcos from the imperial camp. This is represented in the

picture bjr a straight wall across the picture with three burjs , or bastions,

on which, as well as on the curtain works, guns are mounted, pointed at the

camp of the imperialists.

It is said that hostilities were suspended whilst the commands of the

emperor were communicated to Pratab, the Chero Raja, viz., that he must

not only submit, but become a Muhammadan ; but Tahawwur Khan could

not be restrained, and without orders from Daud, he made an attack from

the right on the enemies’ left. This is shewn in the picture.

In front are the three divisions of the army, the sirdars leading, all on

foot ; next come the horses of the sirdars, enormous brutes, each followed

by an elephant on which is borne the sirdar’s banner, and then the led horses

of the imperialist cavalry. The third line of banners with the advance indi¬

cates the position of the different chiefs in the action ; and their names are

also given. Daud Khan is in the centre. He is dressed all in white, except

his stockings, which are red, and wears a white turban and tunic and white

shoes. But the group of Daud and his immediate attendants is drawn on

a bit of cloth inserted as a patch in the great picture, and it is said that

this portion of the original drawing met with some accident necessitating a

reproduction. However, Baud’s two nephews are represented near him

similarly attired and armed. He and one of his nephews have bows, arrows,

shield and sword. Another has a matchlock, and one of Daud’s attendants

holds his master’s firelock as if offering it to him, whilst the general is draw¬

ing a bow, evidently not at a venture, as he looks stern and determined, and

the enemy are close to him. The imperialist forces show a decided mixture

of races. Some are of dark brown complexion, some lighter brown, and

others fair as Europeans. The costume varies. There are regulars and

irregulars in the imperial army, both bowmen and matchlock bearers, the

212

Dalton — The Conquest of Pal&mau.

[No. 3,

regulars distinguished by turbans with stiff feathers and dressed of some

figured cloth, and shoes high over the instep with long thongs behind to

assist in pulling them on, and the men are all bearded. The bows of the

imperialist chiefs are all of the Cupid or Apollo shape, lip-curved, whilst

not few, both of the enemy and of the dark skinned portion of Daud’s

army, are of a simple curve, such as we still see in the hands of Kols,

Gonds, and other hilltribes. The dark imperialists are as insufficiently

clad as the majority of the Cheros are represented to be ; and their martial

ardour is roused by drums precisely similar to those now used by the Kols,

whilst the regulars of the imperial army are inspired by the ‘ trumpets peal¬

ing note,’ the trumpets as big as the men who blow them. They have also

kettledrums and trumpeters on camels. There is no reason why Kols should

not be found in the ranks of Daud’s army, as the Kols had on previous occa¬

sions helped the Emperor ; and in one obscure corner of the picture outside

the entrenched camp of Daud, we find ‘the Zamindar i kan i almas,’ ‘the

Lord of the diamond mine and who could he be if not the Nagbansi

Kaja P In the portion of the picture representing the attack, the Raja

of the diamond mines appears valiantly leading the troops on the extreme

right of the line. This is a position assigned by the Muhammadan histo¬

rian to Shaikh pafi, whom I have not been able to identify among the

belligerents.

On the left, but somewhat in front of the Imperial camp, a range of

hills is represented, from which the Chero camp behind their entrenchment

is commanded. On the centre of these hills four great guns are mounted,

and a note indicates that they were placed by Daud to enfilade the enemy.

This is just as it is described by the Muhammadan historian. The losses

of the imperialists were chiefly due to the fact that the outworks of the

enemy were higher than those of Daud, whose camp was at the foot of the

hill. Daud, therefore, occupied a hill which overlooked the position of the

enemy, and erected a battery which caused much damage.

“ Oil the 27tli of the same month, the enemy left their position and

withdrew to the banks of the river near the fort.” It is clear from the

narrative as it proceeds that they took up an entrenched position in a range

of hills, running parallel with the river, with passes through them. This is

shewn. A conventional drawing of hills going right across the picture, and

dividing it into two equal parts, exhibits the second position of the Cheros,

and represents them engaged with the imperialists. The Cheros are not

shewn in their first position, as the space behind their entrenchment was

reserved by the artist for a good pictorial display of the imperialists advanc¬

ing on the second position, after the Cheros had abandoned the first.

The action represented is where “ Daud attacked the trenches which

the Zamindar had erected along the river j” but judging from the picture

Dalton — The Conquest of Valamciu.

243

1874.]

(and from the ground, which I have been over), ' fortified position’ could

he substituted for “ trenches’ — a line of bills with breastworks in different

places and passes barricaded. (I have had myself to attack precisely simi¬

lar positions when engaged against the very same people.)

I find from the picture as from the annals that Shaikh Tatar and

Shaikh Ahmad, sons of Daud’s brother, with their contingents, several im¬

perial Manpabdars, and the sons of Raja Bihruz, attacked on the left, and

forced the passes held by the enemy. The elite of this portion of the

imperial army, a body of handsomely dressed matchlockmen, have seized a

hill on the extreme left, which enfiladed one of the passes, and they are

represented as keeping up a brisk fire on the disordered Cheros, whom they

had dislodged. The whole portion is, indeed, shewn as captured by the

imperialists ; and from this part of the ground their arrows and matchlock

balls are dealing destruction on their enemies, who are seen some without

heads, others fleeing with arrows in their backs, but some still holding the

ground between the hills and the river.

The annals tell us that Daud was induced to remain in the position he

had gained, leisurely to make arrangements for the protraction of the siege,

but he could not restrain his men ; “ they pursued the enemy, crossed the

river after them, and commenced an attack on the fortifications.” Before

morning he had completed the conquest of the fort, and the Chero Baja

fled to the hills behind it. The river is represented by a band of green

right across the picture (blue in my sketch), with queer shaped obstructions

of a darker colour ; but as we are informed by the notes in Persian that the

first is a river (the Oranga), and that the second represents rocks, it an¬

swers as well as if it had been most artistically delineated. The Chero

Baja’s fort, drawn rather elaborately in plan, comes next, and the picture

ends in a map of great wooded hills, into which the Baja retreated.

The Chero host is for the most part portrayed holding their ground,

but in sad plight between the hills from which they had been dislodged and

the river. The Chero cavalry were evidently posted in reserve in the bed

of the river, a very respectable body, as well mounted as their foes : but

many are galloping up and down the sands of the river in a purposeless

manner, some badly wounded. They are all with one or two exceptions of

fair complexion and dressed as Hindustanis ; and amongst the Chero foot-

soldiers there are a number of fair complexioned and well dressed men, shew¬

ing that in those da}rs, as at present, there was a considerable sprinkling of

Aryans amongst the Palamau population ; but the majority are black with

only a loin cloth or bathing drawers style of costume, and bare heads and

bare feet, bows as above described with only one curve and plenty of arrows,

besides which some have spears, and some swords and shields. The pro¬

portion of matchlockmen to bowmen is small, but even the imperialists are

shewn to have more of the latter than of the former.

214

Westmacott — Site of Fort Fkdaldh.

[No. 3,

The artist lias not altogether failed to grasp some of the ethnic char¬

acteristics of the Palamau aborigines. The black men have all receding

chins and foreheads, and are probably Kharwars.

Da (id’s flank movement was apparently the only piece of strategy

employed. Strong as he was in cavalry, he might have easily cut off the

retreat of the Raja to the hills beyond the Fort ; but I dare say his

intelligence department were at fault. It is noticeable that the imperialists

did not advance their guns when attacking the second position ; they

were left at their place and no field artillery was employed.

I send two photographs of Palamau Fort.

Note on the site of Fort Fkcldlah , District Dindjpur. — By E. Vesey

Westmacott, C. S.

(With a Map.)

The first indication of the site of Ekdalah, which I communicated in

my letter published at page 95, Proceedings, As. Soc. Beng., April, 1874, was

given to me by Mr. Reily, Manager of the Chanchol estate in the district

of Maldah, who told me that he had come upon a tract of high ground, where

numerous bricks and old tanks betokened the site of an ancient city, and

that the people called the name of the place Ekdalah. I took the oppor¬

tunity of being at Churamon, in Dfnajpur, to ride over the ground in

the direction indicated, eastward at a place called Salimpur, or ‘ Chilumpoor,’

and Sayyidpur, but my search was unsuccessful. A subsequent study of

the inch to the mile map showed me a village, called to this day Ekdalah, a

little to the north-east of the ground I had gone over, east of the river

Chiramati and five miles, not one, from the 4 Nawabi rastah.’ Doctor

Buchanan, in his ‘ Account of Dinagepoor,’ published by Mr. Montgomery

Martin under his own name as part of the second volume of his ‘ Eastern

India,’ page 640, writes as follows :

“ About a mile and a quarter west from the Baliya is a very large tank,

“ called Molan-dighee,” the Tank of the Lotus, “ which is nearly choked

“ with weeds. The only tradition concerning it is, that it was dug by a

“ princess — Ranee — and that a miracle was necessary to procure water.

“ About a mile and a quarter further west is Gor-dighee, Gurh-dighee,” the

Tank of the Fort, “ the water of which has extended about six hundred yards

“ north and south, and four hundred yards east and west, and which, of

“ course, is a Hindoo work. A considerable portion of it has now so far

“ filled up, that it is cultivated for rice. About twelve hundred yards west

“ from this tank is another, called Alta Dighee, which extends nearly to the

1874.]

Westmacott — Site of Fort Ekdalah .

245

“ same dimensions, but is placed with its greatest length from east to west,

“ and therefore is a Mahomedan work. Between these two tanks are the

11 ruins of Borohata, which are very large heaps or mounds, that consist in

“ a great measure of bricks. In many places, the foundations of walls may

“ be traced, and even the dimensions of the chambers. All these chambers

“ are of a small size, owing to which they may have resisted the attacks of

“ time better than more spacious apartments. They are chiefly situated in

“ the southern division of the town, called Kootee-baree.” (Kootee, ‘ a

masonry building.’)

“ In this part are some small tanks that have evidently been entirely

“ lined with brick. In the centre of the ruins are indubitable traces of a

“ small square fort, which has been surrounded by a double wall of brick,

“ and an intermediate ditch. The ruin to the north of this fort is almost

“ entirely without the trace of regular form, but the quantity of bricks

“ which it contains is great. At its northern extremity is the monument

“ of a Mahomedan Saint, Peer Bodol Diwan, which is built of brick.”

The village of Ekdalah, or Ekdalo, is only half a mile from the

north-west corner of the most westerly of the three tanks, and the ruined

fort described by Doctor Buchanan about a mile and a half to the south-east

of it. The two large Muhammadan tanks were, no doubt, surrounded by

buildings, and I see nothing extraordinary in the whole fortified city taking

its name from one of the villages included in its circumference. On the

other hand, it may be that the name Ekdalah originally included a larger

tract than the Mauza’, to which it is now confined. I do not know when I

may be able to visit the site, but the mention of a Dargah leads me to hope

r may find inscriptions I have no doubt this was the place of which Mr.

Beily spoke to me, though four miles further east than he thought, nor have I

any doubt as to its being the Ekdalah of Shams i Siraj and Ziya i Barani. The

name Ekdalah, the distance from Panduah, the two great tanks whose length,

running east and west, proves them Muhammadan, the remains of brick build¬

ings, the fort, the third tank called ‘ The Tank of the Fort,’ and the widespread

inundations to the west of it, all seem to me to point to this conclusion.

I can find no trace of the name A'zadpur, mentioned as another name

of Ekdalah.

Besides Ilyas Shah and his son Sikandar Shah, who successfully de¬

fended Ekdalah against the emperor Firuz Shah, Husain Shah seems to

have made it his permanent residence, (footnote, Stewart’s Bengal, page

HI), and every year made a pilgrimage on foot from Ekdalah to the shrine

of the Saint Qutb at Panduah. The distance is about twenty-three miles.

There is another Ekdalah, fifty miles east-south-east from Panduah,

five miles south of the point where the districts of Dinajpur, Bogra, and

Bajshahi touch one another, but I see no reason for thinking it the Ekda¬

lah of Muhammadan history.

H II

246

[No. 3,

On the Supposed Identity of the Greelcs with the Ydvanas of the Sanskrit

* Writers —By Ra'jendrala'la Mitra.

Were the Greeks the people who were invariably indicated by the

term Yavana in the writings of Sanskrit authors ? This is a question which has

presented itself in some form or other to almost every European orientalist

in the course of his researches ; and a good deal has already been written

on the subject. Colebrooke, Prinsep, Wilson, Schlegel, Lassen, Weber,

Max Muller, and others have contributed, each from his own standpoint,

his quota for a satisfactory solution of the question. There prevails, never¬

theless, a variety of opinions about it, and the necessity exists for a recon¬

sideration of the case. The leaning at present is in favour of those who

believe the word Yavana to be identical with Ionia, and to mean the Greeks.

The arguments on which this identification rests, are :

IsL Similarity of sound of the Greek Ionia with the Persian Yunan,

the Hebrew Javan, and the Sanskrit Yavana.

2nd. The use of the word Jona , the Pali form of the Sanskrit Yavana,

to indicate an Ionian Prince.

3rd. References made in Sanskrit astronomical works to foreign trea¬

tises on astronomy, which, it is presumed, must have been Greek.

4 th. The intercourse of the Indians with the Greek successors of

Alexander in North-Western India.

None of these arguments, however, is of a character to suggest the

inference proposed, much less to establish it as a positive historical

fact. They all take for granted false majors, and consequently lead

to erroneous conclusions. What is required to be proved is, not that

the Sanskrit word Yavana has been used to indicate the people of

Greece, but that it means the Greek race only, and no other. This

has not yet been done ; the arguments above set forth taken in their

broadest sense do not establish this ; and, with one exception, no European

orientalist has asserted it. The exception refers to Dr. H. Kern, formerly

a professor of Queen’s College, Benares, who, in the Preface to his edition

of the Brihat Sanhita, states : “ That the Yavanas originally denoted the

Greeks and only the Greeks will appear from the sequel. To assert

that Yavanas (in ancient times) may denote any kind of people under the

sun is so wonderful an assertion, that one ought to have some reasons given

why the Hindus should give the name of Ionians to nations who were no

Ionians, nor had anything in common with Ionians. It is not so strange

that after the conquests of the Islam, Muhammadans were called Yavanas.

The Yavanas were the foremost, the most dreaded of the Mlechas,

(P Mlechchlias) so that Yavana and Mlecha became synonymous. When the

1874.] Bajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers.

247

Muhammadans trod in the steps of the Greeks, they became the chief Mlechas,

consequently Yavanas. Yavana, however, never denotes an Arab as such,

neither formerly nor now-a-days ; it is- never a name for a nation . The

only nation called Yavanas were the Greeks. To what extent this asser¬

tion is founded on fact, and how much on mere hardihood of assertion, will

be evident from the following remarks :

Of the arguments above set forth, the first is by far the most taking

with the public. The similarity of sound of the four words quoted

is so close, that it cannot but produce an impression in favour of the theory

that they are identical, and have a common meaning ; but it is at the same

time the weakest ; for modern philology does not recognise phonetic simili¬

tude to be of any use in an argument of this kind. The similitude must

be supported by satisfactory proof of the relationship of the roots from

which the words are derived, before it can be used as an argument of any

weight in support of their identity. But even after the identity of the roots

from which the words in the different languages have been produced is proved,

the question would remain open, as to how far the secondary meaning of

those words had always been the same everywhere, and until that can be

done, no definite conclusion can be arrived at. It is necessary, therefore,

to look into the history of the words in the different languages in which

they occur, before any attempt can be made to prove that they have

alwaj^s indicated one single nation and no other.

Now, the oldest form of Ionia is “ Uinim,” which, on the monu¬

ments of the Ptolemies, is supposed to be used “ to designate the Greek peo¬

ple ;”f but in older records, such as the monuments of the eighteenth dynasty

under Tutmosis III, and IV, and Amenophis III, the same term occurs to

indicate the foreign subjects of the Pharaohs, i. e. races other than Egypt¬

ians. The term is represented by a group of six symbols, of which the three

upper ones, representing papyrus plants, signify Northern or Lower Egypt,

and the three lower ones, representing baskets, mean “all,” which is “a

comprehensive designation of the people settled in different groups and

bands. Putting the two significations together, the natural inference is,

that the term or group of symbols was used to indicate foreigners settled

in Egypt, the bulk of whom were maritime people from the Ionian isles

and the sea-board of Asia Minor, i. e., Greeks, Phoenicians, and others.

Curtius supposes that the Greeks alone were always meant § ; but to apply

the term exclusively to the Greeks, it would be necessary to show that at

* Brihat Sanhita, p. 32.

f Curtius, Hist. Greece, Ward’s Translation, I, p. 45.

J Ibid., loc. cit.

§ Ibid., p. 46.

248 Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers. [No. 8,

• _

the early period of Egyptian history when the term was used, the Greeks

themselves bore the name of Uinim, or else the explanation would be

against such a deduction. This, however, cannot be done. Down to the

time of Homer, the common name for the true Greeks was Achseans, or

Argives, or Hellenes, not lonians, and nowhere in the Greek language is the

term Uinim to be met with ; and such being the case, it would be unreasonable

to argue that their specific and particular name then was Uinim. Probably

they were indicated by that name by the Egyptians in the later records of

the Ptolemies and of Sesonchis, the Shishak of the Old Testament, but only

in common with others and not specifically.

The term Ionia is derived by the Greeks from Io, the priestess of Hera

with whom Zeus fell in love, and whose transformation into a cow and sub¬

sequent ramblings over various parts of the earth, particularly along the

shores of the Ionian Sea, to which she gave her name, form so interesting

a story in Greek mythology. The true interpretation of the myth remains

yet untold ; but it suggests the idea of the descendants of Io being a mixed

race of the Greeks with some of their neighbouring nations ; and in support

of this theory, I may cite two versions of a story related by Herodotus, in.

which the principal personages, such as Zeus and Hera and Argos and

Hermes, of the Io myth, are changed into mortals, and the myth resolved

into a successful attempt on the part of certain Phoenician traders to

abduct Greek damsels.

The first version of the story was narrated to Herodotus as a Persian

tradition. According to it, certain Phoenician traders “ freighting their

vessel with the wares of Egypt and Assyria, landed at Argos, which was

then pre-eminent above all the states included under the common name of

Hellas. Here they exposed their merchandise, and traded with the natives

for five or six days ; at the end of that time, when almost everything was

sold, there came down to the beach a number of women, and among them

the daughter of the king, who was, they say, agreeing in this with the

Greeks, Io, the child of Inaclius. The women were standing by the stern

of the ship, intent upon their purchases, when the Phoenicians, with a

general shout, rushed upon them. The greater part made their escape, but

some were seized and carried off. Io herself was among the captives. The

Phoenicians put the women on board their vessel and set sail for Egypt.”*

The second version is attributed to the Phoenicians, who “ deny that

they used any violence to remove Io to Egypt ; she herself, they say, hav¬

ing formed an intimacy with the captain, while his vessel lay at Argos, and,

perceiving herself to be with child, of her own free will accompanied the

Phoenicians on their leaving the shore, to escape the shame of detection and

the reproaches of her parents.”!

# Ivawlinson’s Herodotus, I., p. 122.

f Ibid , I., p 125.

249

1874.] Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers .

It is not at all necessary for my purpose here to enquire which of the

two versions is the true one ; in either case we have a very prosaic and

matter-of-fact solution of a highly romantic myth ; and few will, I imagine,

he disposed to doubt that the myth is only a poetical embellishment of a

very common occurrence in primitive states of society, and that the so-called

descendants of Io are the mixed descendants of sea-faring men of various

nationalities on the western coast of Asia Minor with an occasional trace of

Greek blood in them, and that trace derived, in most instances, from the

maternal side ; for the practice of carrying away Greek slave girls by pirati¬

cal traders was common in the early history of Greece. The Greeks them¬

selves, in early times, did not recognise them as their descendants or members

of their race, and could not, therefore, he supposed to have assumed the

term Ionian as their race name. Homer was well aware of the myth of

Io ; for he assigns to Zeus the epithet ’Apyei^dvr^s or ‘ Argos-slayer’ to

indicate that part of the myth which says that Argos, as the emissary of

Hera, too carefully watched the movements of Io in her bovine form, to

prevent Zeus from restoring his lady-love to her human shape, and was

ultimately destroyed by him but he does not call the Greeks Ionians,

except in the line :

evOa Se Boiootoi kcu Taoves eX/ceytTwre s. (II. N. 685.)

In commenting on this line, Arnold says, “ These are the Ionians of

Greece, particularly the Athenians, whom Homer, however, calls nowhere

else by this name. This whole passage to 700 offers matter for grave doubts,

which cannot he treated of here.” Sclilegel condemns the passage as “ a later

interpolation;” and Lassen, “in confirmation of this hypothesis,” observes

“ we have to hear in mind that the Ionians formed a very small portion of

the Greek tribes that left Attica (Herod., I. 146 ; Pausanias, VII. 234), and

secondly that Ion does not trace his descent immediately from Hellen,

which Doros and Aiolos do, hut from his son Xuthos, and that the notices

regarding his origin and that of his brother Acliaios are of various nature.” f

“ With the Greeks themselves,” he adds, “ the name is post-Homeric, and

came probably only into use after the Greek tribes occupied the islands and

Asia Minor, and must have arisen from a general term used by the older

inhabitants of the land for those who, unlike the Aeolians and Dorians, did

not bring an ethnic name with them, hut were formed by the union of

several peoples with different names.”];

The Hebrew equivalent of the Greek Taoves, with the digamma “ Ia-

Fores, is Javan , which under the form of Jehohanan is equivalent to Twvai/

and Tc oavvav. In the Septuagint Tcoarv^s is used in the place of the

# Keightley’s Mythology of Greece, 361.

t Indisclxe Altertlmmskunde, 736.

# J Ibid., loc. cit.

250

Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers. [No. 3,

Hebrew Jehohanan pmn\ and there is little doubt that it gradually sim¬

plified itself into Johannes, Joannes, John, and Jack.* * * § That the word is

closely connected with the Greek Ttov, ’lav, ’laves, etc., there is no doubt.

According to Cruden’s Concordance, the word means “ clay” or “ dirt,”

i. e., the dirty race, formed of the outcastes of various nationalities ; or “ he

that deceives, or makes sorrowful,” a very appropriate designation for a

race which was noted for its piracy. But comparing it with the Sanskrit

yuvan , Zend jaivdn, Latin juvenis, the true meaning, according to Lassen, .

would seem to be “ young,” in contradistinction to Tpatyot, “the old” — as

the Hellenes called themselves — the new Mulattoes of the Isles and the

Asiatic Coast as opposed to the original inhabitants of the Greek peninsula.

If this be the true origin, it must date from pre-historic times.

In the Old Testament, the word occurs several times, as a proper name

of an individual, of a race, of a country, of an empire, and of a town. In

Genesis x. 2, 4, we find it as the proper name of one of the seven sons of

Japlieth, and father of Elishah, Tarshish, Kittim, and Dodanim. The state¬

ment is repeated in, Chronicles, i. 5 and 7. The Rev. Mr. Hewlett, in one of

his annotations to the Bible, says, “ Japheth seems to have been the same

with Iapetus, whom the Greeks own to have been their father ; nor do they

know any name of greater antiquity : which made them give it to decrepit

persons, as Bochart has observed. Older than Iapetus was with them a

proverbial saying.”f In Isaiah, where the Lord threatens to send those who

fail to come to the fold of the Church, or “ to escape of them, unto the

nations, to Tarshish, Pul and Lud, that draw the bow, to Tubal and Javan,

to the isles afar off,”£ the name of a country is obviously intended. In

explanation of the passage, Hewlett says, “ Tarshish denotes the eastern

parts ; Pul and Lud the south ; Tubal and Javan, the north ; and the isles

afar off, the west.” What the particular country intended is, is not mention¬

ed, and the direction given does not lead to Greece. Hr. Smith takes the

several names to be the representatives of the Gentile world. § As the name

of a tribe or race we find it in Ezekiel xx. 13. Javan and Tubal and

Meshech are said there to be the merchants who traded with Tyrus. But

the ancient practice of using the names of countries for those of races may

be appealed to in support of the Rev. Mr. Hewlett’s supposition of their being

* The Babylonian god Oannes, ’ flap vrjs, who is described by Berosus to have come

from the Erythrean Sea, with a fish’s body, a human bead under cover of a piscene one,

human lower limbs, and a fish’s tail, is supposed to have its name connected with the

term Javan. Cory’s Ancient Fragments, 243, apud Inman’s Ancient Faiths in Ancient

Names, II. 400.

f Hewlett’s Bible, Gen. x. 2.

X Isaiah lxvi. 19.

§ Dictionary of the Bible, I., p. 935.

1874.] Bajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers. 251

names of countries, and that the terms are tribal names, derived from

the locale of the several peoples mentioned, the first signifying Ionia or

Greece. Bearing, however, in mind the early age when the book of Ezekiel

was written, one would be disposed to fancy that the Phmnicians were the

people meant and not Greeks, who then certainly had very little maritime

traffic of their own, and depended a good deal on Phoenician traders for

supplies of foreign goods. In Daniel viii. 21, x. 20, xi. 2, the references

are accepted by the authorised translator of the Bible to mean the Macedo¬

nian empire, and in Zecliariah x. 13, to be the Graeco-Syrian empire. Again,

in Ezekiel xxvii. 19, according to Dr. Smith, “ a town in the southern

part of Arabia (Yemen) whither the Phoenicians traded, is indicated.” He

adds “ the connexion with Uzal decides in favour of this place rather than

Greece, as in the Vulgate. The same place may he noticed in Joel iii. 6,

the parallelism to the Sabseans in verse 8, and the fact that the Phoenicians

bought instead of selling slaves to the Greeks (Ez. xxvii. 13,) are in

favour of this view.”#

Commenting upon the different passages above cited, Dr. Smith ob¬

serves : “ From a comparison of these various passages, there can be no

doubt that Javan was regarded as the representative of the Greek race ; the

similarity of the name to that branch of the Hellenic family with which

the Orientals were best acquainted, viz., the Ionians, particularly in the

older form in which their name appears (Taco), is too close to be regarded

as accidental, and the occurrence of the name in the cuneiform inscriptions

of the time of Sargon (about B. C. 709) in the form of Yavnan or Yunan,

as descriptive of the isle of Cyprus, where the Assyrians first came in con¬

tact with the power of the Greeks, further shows that its use was not

confined to the Hebrews, but was widely spread throughout the East.

The name was probably introduced into Asia by the Phoenicians, to whom

the Ionians were naturally better known than any other of the Hellenic

races, on account of their commercial activity and the high prosperity of

their towns on the western coast of Asia Minor. The extension of the

name westward to the general body of the Greeks, as they became known

to the Hebrews through the Phoenicians, was but a natural process, analo¬

gous to that which we have already had to notice in the case of Chittim.”f

It is unquestionable that in the later writings of the Hebraites and in

modern Hebrew the word is used to indicate the Greeks, the meaning

extending from the Asiatic Greeks or Ionians to the Hellenes of Europe ;

but from the passages above quoted, it is far from being conclusive that in

the early times of the Genesis the Greeks of Europe were known to the Jews,

and there is very little to show that Greek colonists had extended to the

* Ibid , 936.

f Ibid., p. 935.

252 Bajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers. [No. 3,

coast of Asia Minor and the islands near it to such an extent as to consti¬

tute a distinct nationality. Dr. Smith admits that “ it can hardly be

imagined that the early Hebrews themselves had any actual acquaintance

with the Greeks,” and the inscription of Sargon to which reference has been

made above, says that in 708 B. C. “the seven kings of the Yalta tribes of

the country of Yavnan (or Yunan ), who dwelt in an island in the midst of

the Western sea, at the distance of seven days from the coast, and the name

of whose country had never been heard by my ancestors, the kings of Assyria

and Chaldaea, from the remotest times, &c.”# If Yavnan had never been

heard of before 708 B. C. in Assyria and Cliahhea, it is not to be supposed

that it was better known to the Hebrews in the time of Moses at least

seven centuries before that time.

In later Greek there is doubtless ample evidence to show that Ionia

formed a part of the Greek empire ; but it is worthy of note that in the

oldest passages the term Ionians to imply Greeks is put in the mouths of

Persians : thus, in iEschylus, Atossa, when stating that her son had gone to

ravage the land of the Ionians, says,

a ovnep 7rats e/xo? araAas oTparov

’laoFcov yrjv otyerat TvepaaL 0e\ cov (180.)

But the lady here evidently confounded the Ionians of Asia Minor

with the Spartans. In another passage in the Persians we have —

Sea S’ ’Iaovoov yepas (565.)

Paley says that the Athenians are meant by the laovwv.

In the Acharnians of Aristophanes, the pseudo-Persian ambassador

abuses an Athenian in bad Greek, i. e. Persian Greek, thus :

Ov \rj\J/L y pvero yawo7rpooKT’ ’la ova v.

In explanation of this, a commentator, according to Lassen, says that

the Barbarians call all Greeks ’Idoves.

On the whole, these instances from the ancient Egyptian, Hebrew,

Assyrian, and Greek authors clearly show that Ionia or Javan has not en¬

joyed a persistent individuality of meaning at all times ; that originally it

meant foreigners ; then Eurasians or mixed tribes of Europeans and Asiatics ;

then Asiatic Greeks ; and lastly Greeks generally, whether Asiatic or Euro¬

pean. Under these circumstances, it is not to be supposed that the Sanskrit

Yavana, even if we accept it to be originally the same with the Hebrew

Javan and the Persian and Arabic Yunan, should possess a greater fixity of

sense than did its prototype. On the contrary, the most probable conclu¬

sion would be, that it was more loosely used in India than in Persia, Arabia,

and Syria. Whether such was really the case or not, will be evident from

the remarks which follow.

# Ruwlinson’s Herodotus, I., p. 7.

1874.] Kijendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers. 253

According to some Sanskrit writers, the word Yavana is derived from

the root yu ‘ to mix,’ implying “a mixed race, or one in which no distinction

of caste is observed.”* It may be taken to mean mulattos, such as the story

of Io would indicate the original Ionians to have been ; but no Sanskrit lexico¬

grapher has suggested it. Others derive it from ju “ to be swift,” a swift or

intrepid race.f Others, again, take it to be a derivative of yoni “ the womb’

(of the cow of Vasishtha), or a race born for the purpose of opposing the

armies of Vis'vamitra. The first radical is the same which occurs in the

formation of the word yuvan (l young,” originally yuva, and, as already

stated, the word may be accepted to indicate the youthful or new race of

Asiatic Greeks as opposed to the “ Graichoi” or the old race of European Greece.

Should this derivation be accepted, it would not be necessary to suppose that

the word Yuvan travelled from Asia Minor to India ; on the contrary, its

similitude with the Latin juvenis , Saxon long, Dutch jong, Swedish and

and Danish ung , Gothic yuggs, and Zend jiivan, would indicate it to be

one of those domestic terms which travelled witli the Aryans in their various

migrations from their common home in Central Asia.

o

The word, as a tribal designation, seems to have been well known and

current in Sanskrit from a very early period. Panini, in his great work on

Sanskrit grammar, gives it in the form of Yavandm, as an example to

show the use of the affix dnuk to indicate the writing of the Yavanas. X

This implies that it was a current word at his time, at least nine or

ten centuries before the commencement of the Christian era according to

the calculation of the late Dr. Goldstiicker. How long before that time it

was familiar to the Brahmanic race as a tribal name, we know not ; but it

may safely be concluded that it was not in the sense of the Greeks, whether

Asiatic or European, that it was used by Panini and his predecessors.

According to the most recent researches on the subject, the art of writing

was not introduced into Greece before the seventh century B. C., and Pani-

ni could not possibly, therefore, refer to Greek writing two or three centuries

before its formation. If we accept Professor Max Muller’s date for Panini,

i. e. the early part of the sixth century B. C., it would still be presump¬

tuous to believe that Panini had come to know of the introduction of

writing into Greece so soon after the occurrence. Dr. Goldstiicker ob¬

serves that “ it denotes the writing of the Persians, probably the cuneiform

writing which was already known before the time of Darius, and is peculiar

|

•f In this case the word should he written with j instead of y. When implying a

horse, this is the correct spelling; Raghunandana enjoins that even when implying a race

of men, the word should also he written with j and not with y.

J Panini IV, I, 49.

254

Kajendralala Mifcra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers, [No. 3,

enough in its appearance and different enough from the alphabet of the

Hindus to explain the fact that its name called for the formation of a new

word.”* * * § In either case, the term Yavana in Panini’ s time indicated, not the

Ionian Greeks, hut either the Persians or the Assyrians. Professor Max

Muller is of opinion that the writing referred to by Panini is a Semitic one.

He says : “ Yavana is by no means the exclusive name of the Greeks or

Ionians. Professor Lassen has proved that it had a much wider meaning,

and that it was even used of Semitic nations. There is nothing to prove

that Panini was later than Alexander, or that he was acquainted with

Greek literature. In the Lalita Vistara, where all possible alphabets are

mentioned, nothing is said of a Yavanani or Greek alphabet. The Sanskrit

alphabet, though it has always been suspected to he derived from a Semitic

source, has certainly not been traced back to a Greek source. It shows more

similarity with the Aramaean than with any other variety of the Phoenician

alphabet.! Yavanani lipi most likely means that variety of the Semitic alpha¬

bet which, previous to Alexander, and previous to Panini, became the type

of the Indian alphabet.”! Weber first supposed that it meant “ the writing

of the Greeks or Semites” (Ind. St. I., p. 144), but he subsequently changed

his opinion, and took the word for the writing of the Greeks alone. (Ind. S.

IV., p. 89). It was evidently the necessary consequence of the Greek

theory which he had then matured. Lassen brings down Papini to the time

of Chandragupta. But Max Muller and Goldstiicker have so clearly de¬

monstrated the pre-Buddhistic antiquity of Panini, that nothing further need

he here said on the subject.

Manu refers to the Yavanas several times in his code of laws, along

with the S'akas, Ivambojas, and other rude tribes on the borders of

India ; but he affords no clue to their identification. In one place (X. 43,

and 44) he states, however, that “ the following races of Kshatriyas,

by their omission of holy rites and by seeing no Brahmans, have sunk

among men to the lowest of the four classes : viz., Paundrakas, Odras,

and llravidas ; Ivambojas, Yavanas, and S'akas ; Paradas, Pahlavas, Chinas,

Iviratas, Daradas, and Khasas.” All these tribes, along with several others,

are generically named Dasyus, or wild people, who were descendants of the

four original castes, mixing promiscuously with each other and neglecting

their religious observances. § Elsewhere these tribes are called Vratyas or

mulattos. The Aitareya Brahmana, likewise, assigns the name Dasyu to

* Manava Kalpa Sutra. Introduction, p. 16.

f Lepsius, Zwei sprachvergleichende Abhandlungon, p, 78. Sctmlze’s Conjectures

about Mesnud. Weber, Indische Skizzen.

J Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 521.

§ Book X. v. 12 to 24.

1874.] Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers.

255

these fallen tribes. The word Mlechcliha is also applied to these de¬

graded persons.*1

The Mahabharata says : “ Other three outcaste classes are the Chan-

dala, the Vratya, and the Yaidya, begotten by a S'udra on females of the

Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaisya castes respectively. ”f In another place

it states : “ These tribes of Kshatriyas, viz., S'akas, Yavanas, Kambojas, Dra-

vidas, Kalindas, Pulindas, Us'inaras, Kolisarpas and Mahisakas, have become

Yrislialas from seeing no Bralimanas.” J Elsewhere it describes the Yava¬

nas to be the descendants of Turvashu, the second son of Yajati, and grand¬

son of Nahusa.§ These descendants were degraded for neglect of filial

duty. The tribes in question though degraded were, however, not altoge¬

ther left out of the pale of Bralimanical institutions, and Dr. Muir quotes a

long passage from the Mahabharata to show what they were required to

do by way of religious observance and social duty. ||

The Vishnu Purana follows the Mahabharata very closely, and in de¬

scribing the boundary of India (Bharata-varsha) says, “ Its eastern border is

occupied by the Kiratas, and the western by Yavanas, while the middle is

inhabited by Kshatriyas, Yaisyas, and S;udras, engaged in their several

fixed occupations of sacrifice, war, trade, &c.’,#j[

Adverting to a story of war between Yis'vamitra and the Haihayas and

the Talajanghas, it adds that the Yavanas were punished by having their heads

shaven, a characteristic mark which, according to some, they retained after¬

wards ; but this cannot be predicated of the Ionian Greeks. The Yavanas

are mentioned in several other places in the Yishnu Purana, but not in a

way to indicate who they were.

The Yishnu Purana’s location of the Yavanas on the north-western

border of India may be accounted for by supposing that the work

was written after the occupation of Afghanistan by the Greeks ; but the

accounts of the Yavanas given in Manu’s Institutes and the Mahabha¬

rata refer obviously to neighbouring races, and cannot be connected with

the Greeks, whether Asiatic or European. Certain it is that beyond the

phonetic similitude of the name, there is nothing to justify the assumption

that the works in question intended the Greeks of Asia Minor.

The Mahabharata, however, has a legend on the origin of certain Yava¬

nas which is of importance in connexion with the present enquiry. Accord-

* Haug’s Aitareya Brahmana. The Mlechclilias were, however, originally a separate

tribe like the Yavanas.

f Anusasana Parva, line 2621. Apud Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, 2nd ed., I., p. 481.

X Ibid., p. 482.

§ Adi Parva. Sec. 85, verse 8533.

|| Sanskrit Texts, 2nd ed., I., p. 484.

T Wilson’s Vishnu Purana, II. 37.

256

R a jen dral ala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers. [No. 3,

ing to it, “ Once on a time Yis'vamitra, who was son of Gadhi, king of

Kanyakubja (Kanauj), and grandson of Kus'ika, when out hunting,

came to the hermitage of Yas'ishtha, where he was received with all

honour, entertained together with his attendants with delicious food and

drink, and presented with precious jewels and dresses obtained by the sage

from his wonder-working cow (Nandini), the fulfiller of all his desires. The

cupidity of Yis'vamitra is aroused by the sight of this beautiful animal (all

of whose fine points are enumerated in the legend), and he offers Yas'ishtha

a hundred million cows, or his kingdom, in exchange for her. Yas'ishtha,

however, replies that he is unable to part with her even in return for the

kingdom. Yis'vamitra then tells him that he will enforce the law of the

stronger: (G665) ‘ I am a Kshattriya, thou art a Brahman, whose functions

are austere fervour and sacred study. How can there be any vigour in

Brahmans who are calm and self-restrained ? Since thou dost not give

up to me, in exchange for a hundred million, cows, that which I desire,

I shall not abandon my own class characteristic ; I will carry away the

cow by force.’ Yas'ishtha, confident, no doubt, of his own superior power,

tells him to do as he proposes without loss of time. Yis'vamitra according¬

ly seizes the wonder-working cow ; but she will not move from the hermi¬

tage, though beaten with whip and stick, and pushed hither and thither.

Witnessing this, Yas'istha asks her what he, a patient Brahman, can do ?

She demands of him why he overlooks the violence to which she is subject¬

ed. Yas'istha replies: ‘ Force is the strength of Kshattriyas, patience that

of Brahmans. As patience possesses me, go, if thou pleasest’ (6676.

Kshattriyanam halam tejo brahmananam Kshamct Balam Kshamamam bliajate

yasmdt gamyatdm yadi rocliate ). The cow enquires if he means to abandon

her, as, unless he forsakes her, she can never be carried off by force. She

is assured by Yas'istha that he does not forsake her, and that she should

remain if she could. Hearing these words of her master, the cow tosses

her head aloft, assumes a terrific aspect, (6(580) her eyes become red with

rage, she utters a deep bellowing sound, and puts to flight the entire army

of Vis'vamitra. Being (again) beaten with whip and stick, and pushed

hither and thither, she becomes more incensed, her eyes are red with anger,

her whole body, kindled by her indignation, glows like the noonday sun,

she discharges showers of firebrands from her tail, creates Pahlavas from

the same member, Dravidas and S'akas, Yavanas, S'abaras, Kanchis, Sara-

bhas, Paunclras, Kiratas, Sinhalas, Vasas, and other tribes of armed war¬

riors from her sweat, urine, excrements, etc., who assail Vis'vamitra’s army,

and put it to a complete rout. (6692.) ‘Beholding this great miracle, the

product of Brahmanical might, Yis'vamitra was humbled at (the impotence

of) a Kshattriya’s nature, and exclaimed, ‘ Shame on a Kshattriya’s force ;

it is the force of a Brahman’s might that is force indeed.’ Examining what

257

1874.] Bajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers .

was and was not force, and (ascertaining) that austere fervour is the supreme

force, he abandoned his prosperous kingdom, and all its brilliant regal splen¬

dour, and casting all enjoyments behind its hack, he devoted himself to

austerity.”*

This story is repeated in the S'alya Parva, hut with some variations.

According to it, the occasion of the quarrel was not a hunting excursion fol¬

lowed by an entertainment and a desire on the part of Vis'vamitra to possess

the cow, hut a military expedition against certain Bakliasas, when the

king’s army encamped near the hermitage of the sage, and destroyed the

grove around it, and the sage, in a fit of anger, asked the cow “ to create

terrible S'avaras.” “ The cow so addressed created men of dreadful aspect,

who broke and scattered in all directions the army of Vis'vamitra.”f

The story is also given at great length in the first book of the Bama-

yana, but there is very little in it to show who the Yavanas were. Created

along with the S'akas, they are both described to be radiant, mighty, enve¬

loped in golden armour, dressed in yellow garments, protected with golden

armour, and armed with swords and shields. £

Commentators are of opinion that this story does not refer to the

origin of the Yavanas as a race, but only recounts the creation of a particu¬

lar body of that race for the purpose of overcoming Vis'vamitra. Anyhow

it is evident that we have in it, under cover of a romantic story, a tale of a

war between some Brahmans and Kshatriyas, in which the former secured the

co-operation of certain of their non-Hindu, or outcaste, neighbours, and it

would he absurd to suppose that the Greeks, whether Asiatic or European,

ever did come to interpose in such a quarrel. The story refers to very early

times and to persons who were authors of some of the hymns of the Big Veda,

and at the time and among them Ionians could not possibly have been

known, for then they had not yet settled down into a distinct nationality.

It is doubtless remarkable that we have in this tale a reproduction of the

Io myth ; for we have here the Yavanas produced by a cow even as Io in

her bovine metamorphosis produced the Ionians. The coincidence, however,

is purely accidental. The rivalry of Vas'ishtha and Vis'vamitra is repeatedly

and prominently adverted to in the Sahhita of the Big Veda, though no men¬

tion is there made of the creation of Yavanas to side with any of the con¬

tending parties. This rivalry is also noticed in the other Sanhitas, and like¬

wise in some of the Brahmanas, but without any reference to the Yavanas.

The cupidity and oppressive character of Vis'vamitra are the objects of con¬

demnation, and as land and cattle were the principal articles of wealth at that

time, and both were indicated by the same term yo, Puianic mythologists

# Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, 2nd ed., p. 390.

f Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, 2nd ed., p. 393.

% Ramayana, Chapters 51 to 65.

258

Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers. [No. 3,

have produced a miraculous cow out of it. The prayer for cattle is common

enough in the Rig Veda, and in one place (VII, 181) we have “ seeking to

milk thee (Indra) like a cow in a rich meadow, Vas'ishtha sent forth his

prayers to thee.” In several places the rains, or rain-producing clouds, are

described as cows, and speech is likewise indicated by the same term. The

type of the miraculous all-bestowing cow is, however, given in full detail in

two hymns of the Atharva Veda. Both these have been translated by Dr.

Muir in his Sanskrit Texts* and I shall quote one of them here. “ Prayer

( brahman ) is the chief (thing) ; the Brahman is the lord (adhipati) . Prom

the Kshattriya who seizes the priest’s cow, and oppresses the Brahman,

there depart piety, valour, good fortune, force, keenness, vigour, strength,

speech, energy, prosperity, virtue, prayer (brahman), royalty, kingdom,

subjects, splendour, renown, lustre, wealth, life, beauty, name, fame, inspira¬

tion and expiration, sight, hearing, milk, sap, food, eating, righteousness,

truth, oblation, sacrifice, offspring, and cattle ; all these things depart from

the Kshattriya who seizes the priest’s cow. Terrible is the Brahman’s cow,

filled with deadly poison. In her reside all dreadful things, and all forms

of death, all cruel things, and all forms of homicide. When seized, she binds

in the fetters of death the oppressor of priests and despiser of the gods.”

The subject of the Vis'vamitra episode is the attempt on the part of a Kshat¬

triya to rob a Brahman of his cow, and the consequences thereof, and the

extract above given, shows clearly and most fully in the form of a denuncia¬

tion what the author of the Maliabharata and the Puranas have develop-

ped into a tale. I feel satisfied that few will doubt the accuracy of this inter¬

pretation, and seek to engraft on it the Io myth.

Schlegel, in commenting on the word Yavana in the Vis'vamitra

legend as given in the Ramayana, makes the following remarks :

Yavanorum nomen satis indefinite usurpari videtur de populis ultra Per-

siam versus occidentem sitis. De Bactris, quos V. Cl. Wilso hue advocat,

dubito. At Arabes iam olim ita appellatos fuisse patet ex nomine tliuris

hide deducto, yavana , quod Amarasinhas habet Ed. Col. p. 162, d. 30. Post

Alexandri Magni tempora scriptores Indi et Graecos Yavanos dixere, qui

mos iis cum Persis fuit communis. Memorabilis sane est similitudo vocabuli

Indici cum Ionum nomime, cuius antiquissima forma fuit ’Idores, et digammo

restituto IAFONE^. Nec tamen hoc nomen est vere Homericum : nam unicus

locus, ubi id legitur, (IL. N. 685) manifesto est interpolatus. Cf. Heynii et

Kniyhtii annott. ad h. 1. Inde mihi quidem probabile fit, Ionum maiores

in ipsa Graecia ante migrationem nondum ita dictos fuisse, vocemque esse

barbarae originis ; colonos autem longo demum tempore postquam Asiae

* 2nd Edition, Yol. I., pp 285—288.

259

1874.] Pajendralala Mitra — The Ycivanas of Sanskrit Writers.

Minoris oram insederant, quum a vicinis Lydis ita appellari consuevissent,

Ionum nomen sibi proprium fecisse. Traxerunt et alia ex imitatione barba-

rorum : unde enim nisi bine epitheton e/V/ce^trcoves ? (II. 1ST, et Hymn,

in Apoll. 147.) Apud Indos contra vocabulum yavana est antiqnissimnm ; legi-

tur in Man. Codice, X, 44. Memorantnr ibidem praeterea Camboji, Sacae,

Pablavi, aliique, de quarum gentium situ commentator Cullucabhattus ovSe

ypv. In rebus geographicis plerumque a scboliastis frustra auxilium ex-

spectatur. De Cdmbojis cf. supra annott. ad VI, 21.” #

In the Karna Parva, Karna, in describing to S'alya the different vile races

of mankind with which he had come in contact in different parts of the earth,

names the Yavanas, who are said to be ‘ omniscient and especially heroic.’

In the S'anti Parva, Bhishma, in reply to certain queries of Yudhisthira, de¬

scribes the martial peculiarities of certain races, thus : “ The Gandharas and

Sindliu Sauviras are most proficient in fighting with many-pointed javelins ;

the dauntless, vigorous and powerful Us'inaras are proficient in the use of

every kind of weapon, and their might is equal to every undertaking ; the

Prachyas are unfair fighters, but experienced in elephant fights ; the

Yavanas, the Kambojas, and the dwellers on the frontier of Madhura

are proficient in fighting hand to hand without arms ; the Dakshi-

natyas fight best with swords and shields.”! Of the several races or

tribes here mentioned, the Gandharas are the people of Kandahar ; the Sindhu-

Sauviras are a tribe who dwelt on the banks of the Indus ; the Us'inaras are

people to the south of Kandahar ; the Prachyas are the eastern tribes of Mani¬

pur, Kachhar, Tripura, &c. ; the Kambojas are said to dwell in the north-western

frontier of India, their country is famous for its horses, and we have to look

for them near the Hindu Kush and the Yavanas, who are always spoken

* Ramayana Valmicis, I, Part II, p. 168.

f fanglrfKT l

v i

<T^IT ^ T

'si

J Schlegel lias the following remarks on the Kambojas :

“ Cambojam lexicograplii Angli in ipsa India versus septentrionem ponunt, sed fal-

so. Etenim in deseriptione plagae septentrionalis, quam quartus Rameidos liber exhibit,

Camboji post Vahlicos inter varias gentes barbaras nominantur. Cf. Raghu-Vansa, IV, 67-69,

ubi Raglius, Sindliu traiecto post Hunos devictos demurn Cambojam adit, nobilium

equorum patriam De Cambay a urbe ad sinum Gurjaranum non esse cogitandnm, multo

minus de Cambodia in peninsula ultra Gangem, per se patet.” Ramayana, Vol. I,

Part II. p. 30.

Wilson places the country of Kamboja in Afghanistan. He says, “ We have part

2G0 Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers. [No. 3,

along with them, must be their neighbours, probably Bactrians. The word

Madhura is the ancient form of Mathura, and the people of that place

of tlie name, or Kambi, in the Cambistholi of Arrian ; the last two syllables, no doubt,

represent the Sanskrit ‘ sthala,’ ‘place,’ ‘district,’ and the word denotes the dwellers in

the Kamba or Kambis country,” (Vishnu Purana, II. 182). Elsewhere he adds : “ There

is an apparent trace of this name in the Canmujis of Kafiristan, who may have retreated

to the mountains before the advance of the Turk tribes.” (Ibid., III. p. 292.) This

would give us the northern part of Afghanistan for the locale of Kamboja ; and it is borne

out by the tradition of some of the Kambojas who now dwell in India. As nothing is

known to Europeans of this remnant of the old race, I shall quote here a part of a letter

from Babu Sambhuchandra Mukarji, in which he has furnished me an account of this tribe.

“The Kambolis or Kambohs,” he kays, “ are a small but very well known even to being

notorious-people scattered in many parts of Upper India, from Benares up to the Panjab,

and I do not know how far south. There are many families in Audh, and a considerable

colony in Rohilkhand, Agra, Delhi and the Panjab. There are both Hindu and Musal-

man Kambohs, — neither in good odour with the rest of the community to which they

belong. By the Hindus, the quasi- Hindu section is regarded as a sort of Pariah tribe,

like the Tagas and such like. I call these gwasi-Hindu, because, though in sense clinging

to the hem of the garments of Hindu society among its lowest rank and file, they hardly

properly belong to it. Their wealthier members, like those of other low castes,

try to be respectable by the only means open, namely, conformity to the usages and ways

of the superior castes and demonstrative subserviency to the latter, though as classes they

are little inclined to that conformity or to that subserviency. Generally they are independ¬

ent of Brahman and Kshatrxya influence, and do not pay deference to the leading castes.

This may be understood as a protest against the degradation in which they have been

kept, but the other low castes — the lowest recognized ones — do not behave themselves

in the same manner. I think the mutual attitude of the Kambohs, Tagas, &c., and the

rest of the Hindus, is due to the fact of the former being a colony of hardy mountaineers

from the West. Confining ourselves to the Kambohs, the attitude is a presumption in

favour of their identity with the outcasted extra- Indian, hostile race of Kamboja men¬

tioned by Manu. As we find them, they are a turbulent, stiff-necked, crafty race, and

as such, more akin to the Afghans, than any of the meek Hindu races of the plains of

India, wherein they have now been settled for generations. From want of sympathy, as well

as the strong reflex influence of caste-feeling on Indian Musalmans, the Muhammadan

Kambohs are a despised set in Muhammadan society. But of course from the different

religion and manners of the Muhammadans, and the absence among them of the unaltera¬

ble barriers which separate class from class, even man from man, in Hindu society, the

Muhammadan Kambohs are far better ofi* than their Hindu brethren : they cannot possibly

be degraded like the latter. There is little doubt that if their character had been more

respectable, they would have been more respected by the other Musalmans, and in so

many generations as have elapsed since their conversion, their origin might have been

forgotten, as that of so many other tribes absorbed in Muhammadan society have been.

But they have retained their original Afghan character in common with their Hindu

brethren, and as their comparative elevation by their conversion has given them opportu¬

nities for education and office to which the others are comparatively strangers, they have

only added to it all the arts of chicane, flattery, and intrigue. Thus they have risen high,

like the Lalas and the Kashmiris. Like the Lalas and the Kashmiris, they are esteemed

1874] Bajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Winters. 2G1

are to this clay famous for their proficiency in wrestling. Lassen, however,

for their business capacity and ability in general. They know well bow and where to be

courtly, and always watch for opportunities to usurp power, the semblance as well as

the reality. Thus if the Kambohs are contemned, they are likewise feared. Both Kash¬

miris and Kambohs are looked upon with suspicion as dangerous. Persecuted from place

to place, now in sunshine, now in gloom, they are not crushed. If they are banished:

from one district, as Gulab Sing once banished the Kashmiris, they rise to -the top in

another, and not long after return to their former district in greater strength than

ever.

At the Court of Audli, Izhar Husain and Muzaffar Husein, Kambohs, were ministers,

and knighted and ennobled. The Kambohs have been known and feared at Murshidabad,

Rampur, and other Darbars. If there is any distinction to be made between Kashmiris

and Kambohs for villainy, the voice of the people gives the palm to the latter. No proverb

is oftener on the lips of the people of Upper India than this : —

Yoke Afghan, dmoum Kamboh, siyum badzdt Kashmiri.

“ First the Afghan, second the Kamboh, and the third villain (lit. bastard, villain)

is the Kashmiri.”

There is a conflict between the accounts of the origin of the Hindu and Muhammadan

branches of the tribe. The pretensious Muhammadans, as if in answer to the contempt of

general Indian society, assert for themselves the most extravagant claims of superiori¬

ty. To atone for their actual degradation, they are not content to be noble, they must

be illustrious — absolutely royal. They derive themselves, to their own satisfaction, from*

the old Kai sovereigns of Persia. When the Ivais, they say, lost the crown, and were

ordered to quit the country, they retired to India. As they passed, the people called the

fugitives Kai drnbah, meaning the Kai party, which became Kamboh. This is clever, and

phonetically plausible, but nothing more. It is not in the nature of things — it is less in

the nature of things Indian — that the descendants of royal fugitives from any country,

of whatever race, should, not receive honors and welcome from all classes of the people.

If nothing else, their wealth and. dignity, learning and character, would command these..

Least of all is it likely that they should, whether they became Hindus or Muhammadans,

be degraded to that abject situation of pariahliood in which we find, the Kambohs. The

whole narrative is of a piece with the impudence of the class. Under any circumstances,

there is the greatest necessity for caution in accepting the accounts of the origin of

so notorious a people, low in. the social estimation of the rest of society, but lettered

and able, every second man of whom is a clever secretary, and who have produced many

literary men. They have irresistible temptation to tamper with their traditions.

The accounts of the Hindu branch is of course more modest and perfectly credible.

Both the accounts place the original seat of the race beyond the Panjab, but the Muham¬

madans place it far in the west in Persia, while the Hindus are content to come from

nearer Afghanistan. According to the latter, they were one of the tribes on the Afghan

frontier... In the tracks of the numerous invasions of Mahmud the Ghaznavide, part of

their people were forced to become Moslems. Under what circumstances they crossed the

Five Rivers and moved eastward, is not explained. Nevertheless, the Hindu Kambohs

seem to give the unvarnished tradition of the race. Some Hindu Kambohs assert that

they and the Ksliattriyas of the Panjab arc the same people, descended from a common

stock. Even this may be explained, and is more probable than the royal pretensions of

the Muhammadaus.

JLv K

262

Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers. [No. 3,

says it is probably the name of a river, and we must look for it somewhere

in the neighbourhood of the country of the Yavanas.

In the Amarakosha, the word occurs as the name of a kind of horse,

being enumerated along with the horses of Sc}Tthia, Bactria, Kandahar, &c.

Commentators explain it to mean a swift horse \ but this is scarcely likely,

seeing that all the other terms are specilic and intended to indicate the

locale of the breeds ; the Yavana horse, followed by the Scythian horse, the

Kandahari horse, the Kamboja horse, the Turki horse, unmistakably

points to a country ; and if so, we must look for that Yavana country

nearer home than Ionia or Greece, whence no horses were exported. With

the first vowel lengthened (yavana , the produce of the Yavana country)

the word is given as a synonym of Turushka (Turkish), and means ‘ gum

benjamin’ or ‘ olibanum,’ which is a produce of Central Asia, but which

was never imported from Ionia or Greece. Yavaphala or Jatamansi (Valarea

j atamans i) , in the same way, is a produce of Central Asia, and not of

Greece, and its name shews the Yavanas to have been a Central Asiatic race.

Hemachandra gives yavaneshta, or “ the beloved of the Yravanas,” for lead,

which was taken away from India by the Phoenicians and Romans, but never

by the Greeks — at least there is nothing to show that the Greeks were par¬

ticularly fond of it. The same author gives yavanapriya for ‘ black pepper,’

and that was an article of commerce with the western nations long before

the Greeks came to India. According to the Rajanirghanta, yavaneshtdy

with a long final a, is the name of garlick, and all the Mlechchha races are

fond of it ; it was not a special favourite of the Greeks. The same work

gives yavdni or Yavdnikd as the name of Ttichotis ajwan , which is a

native of Scythia, Bactria, Persia, Turkey, and the southern parts of Europe

generally, and is not confined to Ionia or Greece, nor is there anything to

show that the Greeks alone traded in it.

Again, yavanikd for the outer screen of a tent (i qanat ) is an article

with which the Hindus must have come into contact in their intercourse

with the nomades of Central Asia, long before the advent of Alexander in

India, if they did not bring it thence with them when migrating from Ariya

to India.

In Katyayana’s Varttika on Aphorism 175 of the first Section of the

fourth Book of Pauini, the Yavanas are linked with the Kambojas, showing

their near relationship.

There is a passage in the Mahabhashya of Patanjali which also calls for a

few remarks here. It has often been quoted as a proof in support of the

theory which would interpret the word Yavana to mean a Greek, and it is a

remarkable one for many reasons. Professor Goldstucker, in his learned essay

on Panini, gives the following summary of the passage in question. “ In

Sutra iii. 2, iii., Panini teaches that the imperfect must be used, when the

263

1874.] Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers.

speaker relates a past fact belonging to a time which precedes the present,

and Katyayana improves on this rule by observing that it is used too

when the fact related is out of sight , notorious , hut eoulcl he seen hg the per¬

son ivho uses the verb. And Patanjali again appends to this Varttika the

following instances and remarks : “ The Yamna besieged (imperfect) Ago-

dhga ; the Yamna besieged (imperfect) the MddhgamiJcas. Why does

Ivatyayana say : ‘ out of sight ?' (because in such an instance as) 4 the sun

rose’ (the verb must be in the aorist). Why 1 notorious ?' (because in such

an instance as) ‘ Devadatta made a mat’ (the verb must be in the preterite).

Why does he say : ‘ but when the fact could be seen bg the person who uses

the verb T (because in such an instance as) according to a legend, Vasudeva

killed Kansa, (the verb must likewise be in the preterite).

“ Hence he plainly informs us, and this is acknowledged also by Nagoji-

bhatta, that he lived at the time — though he was not on the spot — when

the Yavana besieged Agodhgdf and at the time when “ the Yamna besieged

the JKadhga mi has . ’ ’ For the very contrast which lie marks between these

and the other instances proves that he intended practically to impress his

contemporaries with a proper use of the imperfect tense.

Now, if we accept the date of Buddha’s death to be 513 B. C., and

the period of Nagarjuna, the founder of the Madhymika sect, to be four

hundred years after the death of Buddha, we would bring the time of

Patanjali to 143 B. C. ; the time would be only 43 B. C., if the interval

between the death of Buddha and the promulgation of the doctrines

in question be five hundred years as supposed by some. Then deduct¬

ing therefrom sixty-six years which Lassen and Max Muller suppose

are due to a mistake in the tradition on the subject, and the date

would be brought down to twenty-three years after Christ. Again, Abhe-

manyu of Kashmir is said to have encouraged the work of Patanjali, and

flourished in GO A. C. Thus we have a wide range of two hundred and three

years, from 143 B. C. to 66 A. C., for the date of Patanjali, and during that

time the Greeks, the Bactrians, and the Scythians, severally attacked India on

* Preface to the Manava Kalpa Sutra* p. 229.

III. 2, III: Katyayana : ^

WFrfh^. — Patanjali : qTTi? ^ WF I

rr farsrq i ^ ii i

^fFlT^T ^ 3 T § . — K aiyy at a : ^frf I W‘7WT^fr?T

— Nagojibhatta on these in¬

stances of Patanjali: HTsi qrrqT^fcT fsfffM ^

2G4

Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers. . [No. 3,

so many different occasions, that it is impossible to say with any approach to

certainty that by the term Yavana, Patanjali meant the Greeks and no other.

Gol dstiicker reconciles this by saying: “ Yet the word { Yavana carries with

it another correction of this uncertainty. According to the researches of Pro¬

fessor Lassen, it is impossible to doubt that within this period , viz. between

143 before, and GO after Christ, this word Yavana can only apply to the

'Graeco-Indian kings, nine of whom reigned from 160 to 85 B. C. And

if we examine the exploits of these kings, we find that there is but one of

whom it can be assumed that he, in his conquests of Indian territory, came

as far as Ayodhya. It is Menandros , of whom so early a writer as Strabo

reports that he extended his conquests as far as the Jamuna, river, and of

whom one coin has actually been found at Mathura. He reigned, according

to Lassen’s researches, more than twenty years, from about 141 B. C.”#

The argument here, however, is founded on a petitio principii — that

“ it is impossible to doubt that between 143 before and 60 after Christ, this

word Yavana can only imply the Gneco-Indian kings.” Lassen himself has

admitted that within the period in question, the Grceeo-Bactrians were like¬

wise called Yavanas, and generally he says : “ I believe I may look upon the

name of yavana as an old general term. The Indians use this name for

the remotest nations of the West ; but in different periods, according to the

degree of knowledge, and the extent of the commerce of the Indians, the

term was applied, both by Indians and Iranians, to various peoples in the

West. Its oldest signification is pi’obably Arabia, because Arabia is

called Yavana. The next meaning is supplied by the term yavandni , which

signifies the writing of the Yavanas, and must be referred to Aryan writing,

which was known to the Indians, and was used before the time of As 'oka in

Gandhara, west of the Indus, because As'oka had one of his inscriptions cut

in that system of writing.”! Elsewhere he says, “ The old Indians used the

name of Yavana as a general term for all the nations of the West. It sig¬

nified first the Arabians, and, probably at the same time, the Phoenicians, be¬

cause the latter came most frequently as merchants from the West to

India.”{

As regards Menandros, § it is a mere assumption to say that because

Strabo states his conquests had extended as far as the Yamuna, it must have

extended three hundred miles beyond that river to the middle of Audh.

Put in other words, the statement would stand thus : Strabo was wrong

when he said the conquest of Menandros extended as far as the Yamuna,

and therefore his erroneous statement may be taken as a proof of the conquest

* Opus cit., p. 234. f Indisclie Altertlmmskunde, p. 729. J Ibid., p. 861.

§ Mr. D’Alwis is of opinion that the Malinda of the Pali Annals is perhaps Menan¬

der. Pali Grammar, p. XLII,

1874.] Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers.

205

in question having extended to Audh. The logic of such an argument, to

say the least, is highly unsatisfactory. Cunningham, I understand, over¬

comes the difficulty by assuming the ‘ Isamos,’ the river named b}r Strabo,

to he the “ Isan” nadi between Fathgarh and Kanhpur, and not the

Yamuna ; hut I do not know the arguments on which this assumption is made

to rest. The argument about the coin of Menander found at Mathura

may be placed besides that which would assume a Roman conquest in

Travancore, because a lot of gold coins of the Cassars have been found

there. As a matter of fact it is well known that coins of Apollodotus and

Strata have likewise been found in Mathura, but none of Menander in Audh.

These two arguments failing, there would be nothing to show that Patanjali

used the term Yavana to mean “ a Greek and a Greek only.” If we bear in mind

the facts that Menander came to the possession of the eastern portion of the

dominions of Eukratides on this side of the Paropamisus, and that according

to the Vishnu Purana, the Yavana country abutted on the western side of

the Indus, there will be nothing to object to Menander’s being called a

Yavana, a sovereign of the country to the west of the Indus, or of the Yavana

country, without meaning that he was a Greek. It should be added here

that the term Madhyamika, which has been taken by the critic to mean the

Buddhist sect of that name, has been also frequently used to indicate the

people of the middle country, that is, Mathura and its neighbourhood, and

there is nothing to prove that Patanjali used it in the former, and not in

the latter, sense. On the contrary, one of the two examples referring to a

country, the other may be accepted in the same sense. Patanjali, as a

Hindu, probably did not care much about the history of the Buddhist sect

of the Madhyamikas, and whoever made war with the Madhyamikas, it may

be fairly presumed, preferred a country or nation to a religious sect.

To turn now to the dramatic works which have been appealed to by

the upholders of the Greek theory. Dushyanta is described in the S'ak un-

tala, as attended by a retinue “ of Yavana women with bows in their hands

and wearing garlands of wild flowers.” Commenting on this passage, Pro¬

fessor Williams says : “ Who these women were has not been accurately

ascertained. Yavana is properly Arabia, but is also a name applied to

Greece. The Yavana were therefore either natives of Arabia or Greece, and

their business was to attend upon the king, and take charge of his weapons,

especially his bows and arrows. An Amazonian arm-bearer of this de¬

scription also appears in the Vikramorvas'i, and Professor Wilson takes her

to be either a Tartarian or a Bactrian woman. He observes : “A Yavani,

which is rather inexplicable. The Muhammadan princes had guards of

African women in their harems, and the presence of female attendants in

those of the Hindu sovereigns has also been adverted to ; but the term

* Translation of Sakuntala, p. 35.

2G6

Bajendralala Mitra — The Tavanas of Sanskrit Writers. [No. 3,

Yavana has been applied by the later Hindus to the Muhammadans ;

and it is not likely that either Persian or Arabian women ever found their

way into the inner apartments of Hindu princes, as personal attendants or

guards. If, as has been supposed, Yavanas formerly implied Greeks, it is

equally impossible that Greek women should have fulfilled such an office, as

few could have found their way to India, or even to Bactria ; and those

would have been, it may be supposed, too highly valued by their country¬

men to have been suffered to act as slaves to barbarians. Perhaps Tar¬

tarian or Bactrian women may be intended.”*

I believe few will dissent from this conclusion. Doubtless the Alexan¬

drian invasion took place long before the time when the two dramatical works

here noticed were composed, and their author was perfectly well aware of

the character of the Greeks ; but it would be doing a grave injustice to Kali¬

dasa to say that he so far trangressed the laws of poetical propriety and

consistency as to attach Grecian damsels to the retinue of Dyuslianta and

Puraravas, two of the most ancient monarchs of the Indo-Aryan race. He

could not possibly have so far forgotten the legendary lore of his country as

to suppose that the Greeks, who first came to India in 327 B. C., could be

relegated to the Satyayuga or the golden age, without offending the sense

of propriety and consistency of his readers.

Supposing, however, for the sake of argument, that he did so forget, and

that, for the time, highly civilized and luxuriousGreek women were better suited

to serve as Amazonian armbearers than their rougher and more hardy sisterhood

of Asia, still the question would arise, was there ever such a supply of Grecian

damsels in India to afford opportunities to Hindu kings to employ them as their

body-guards. When Alexander came to India, he had to satisfy himself with two

Asiatic wives, Boxana the Bactrian, and Stratirathe Persian, the former of

whom bore him his only son, and his followers could not have been better off in

this respect. His successors in Asia all made themselves independent, denying

the supremacy of the Greek sovereignty in Europe. They had, therefore,

very few opportunities to draw regularly on their mother-country for recruits,

and consequently they had to depend partly on such adventurers as came in

quest of fortune, and partly on the Eurasian descendants of the first-comers,

supplementing them largely by the natives of the country over which they

reigned, even as the European races did during the last two centuries in

India. Some Greek women they doubtless had with them ; but looking

to the numerical insignificance of the European women who came to

India with the Spaniards, the Portuguese, the French, and the English

governors, commanders, officers, soldiers, merchants and adventurers during

the seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries, and the large number of

Eurasians produced by the conquerors, and bearing in mind the fact that

* Hindu Theatre, II. p. 261.

2G7

1874.] Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers .

the means of transportation by modern ships are infinitely more convenient

than travelling across wild and inhospitable countries was two thousand years

ago, we may unhesitatingly conclude that at the time of Greek supremacy in

North-Western India, the number of Greek women in this country or its

neighbourhood was extremely limited ; and that, like the latter, the Greeks

during the three centuries immediately preceding the era of Christ, associated

largely with the women of their conquered country. And such having been

the case, there could not have been such an abundance of Greek women as to

afford a perennial source from which Hindu kings could draw their sup¬

plies, and, whether for recruits for their Amazonian guards or as odalisques,

the women of Scythia, Bactria, Persia, and Afghanistan, the latter particular¬

ly, were always, comparatively, more easily available, and doubtless did yield

their quota, and these it may fairly be presumed, passed under the name of Ya¬

vanas. According to the Institutes of Bodhayana “ he who partakes of beef,

speaks much and that which is forbidden, neglects the established rules of con¬

duct and of religious duty, is a Mlechchha,”* and as the word yavana is a

synonymous term, the women aforesaid would very properly be called by that

name. It is not to be denied that in one instance a Greek lady was accepted as

a bride by a Hindu sovereign. Megasthenes tells us that when Seleukos

Nikator found that he was not in a position to overcome Sandrocotus

whom he had come to assail, and concluded a treaty for peace and a present of

five hundred elephants by ceding a part of his kingdom to the west of

the Indus, he gave his daughter away in marriage to Chandragupta ; but

it was quite exceptional, and cannot be adduced as a proof in support of any

general premiss on the subject.

There is a passage in the Malavikagnimitra in which the hero of

the piece Agnimitra, king of Vedisa, one of the Mauriya sovereigns of Maga-

dha, states that a horse, which his father Pushpamitra had let loose,

preliminary to the celebration of a grand sacrifice, had, while roaming

under the care of a hundred princes headed by Vasumitra, crossed the

Indus, and that while grazing on the right bank of that river, a body of

Yavana horsemen had attempted to seize it, and a sanguinary battle was

the consequence.”! Dr. Weber takes this to be a clear indication of the

Greeks, who occupied the country after the invasion of Alexander ; but there

is no valid reason to suppose that the aggressors were really Greeks, and not

one of the various marauding tribes who dwelt and still dwell on the right

I rtrT W3T I

2GS

ltajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers. [No. 3,

bank of the Indus along the Sulaiman range. At best it is a case of 'post

hoc propter hoc , which does not in any way solve the question at issue.

Kalidasa, in the fourth book of the llaghuvaysa, carries the vietorious

prince liaghu to the country of the Persians (Parasikas), where the prince,

overpowered by the radiant lotus-like eyes of the Yavana damsels, fought tho

Persians, and scattered their bearded and moustachioed heads over the earth ;

his soldiers then spread their carpets under shady vineyards and caroused

on grape wine.# Here Kalidasa makes the Yavanis the wives of the

Persians, and, bearing in mind the fact that the Hellenes of the post-Alexan¬

drian period did not tolerate any hirsute appendages to the face, and the

husbands of the Yavanis were all bearded and moustachioed, it is impossible to

conclude that his Yavanis were “ Greeks and Greeks only.”

A king of Mithila is described in the third chapter of the Dasaku-

mara Charita to have laid a scheme for defrauding1 a Yavana merchant of

a valuable diamond which he had for sale.f The name of the merchant was,

according to some MSS., Khaniti, and according to others Svabhiti, but

Professor Wilson suspects neither is correct. The story cannot be later

than the seventh century, and at the time a Greek merchant was the least

likely person to be met with in Tirhut, and Professor Wilson very properly

takes the circumstance to be a proof of “ the intercourse of foreign traders,

Arabs or Persians, with India before the Muhammadan conquest. Lassen

also admits that “ the word Yavana did apply to the Muhammadan Arabians

at the time of their commerce with India.” §

In the Harsha Charita, Bana states that a reader whom he entertained,

used to recite for his diversion the Yavana-prayata purctna, which Mr. Hall

justly observes, “ Colonel Wilford would have pronounced to be the Iliad,

T II II

fVnifw i

qfwr<Tq<ft<¥iTT: f% WRJprlTfl II ^y II

V vj

II II

C\ '

y ^Ji: i

f Wilson’s Ed. , text p. 111. J Ibid, Preface, p. 10.

§ Imlisclie Altertliumskundc, p. 730.

1874.] Bajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers.

269

or the Odyssey.”*4 But having neither the “ etymological courage” of that

gentleman, nor the historical intrepidity of some of his successors, I can

make nothing of it.

The Smritis refer to the Yavanas very frequently, and denounce associa¬

tion with them at table as highly sinful ; but they afford no information which

can he of use in identifying the Yavanas, except that they hold the Mleehchhas

and Yavanas to be the same, and that expiations for associating with them

should be alike. I shall, therefore, refrain from quoting from them. The

word Yavana, in some sense or other, is also common enough in modern

works ; but it is not worth while citing passages from them, as they cannot be

adduced as proofs in any way. I believe what has been written above, will

suffice to show that in Sanskrit literature, the word in question has been

used, primarily to indicate a particular nation, or race, or tribe, on the west

of Kandahar, and secondarily to designate the western races generally ; and

that this interpretation will apply to every passage in Sanskrit works in

which the word has been used, and that without a single exception.

I will now turn to the second argument set forth at the beginning

of this article. There is no question whatever as to the accuracy of that

part of Prinsep’s reading of the As'oka edicts of Gfirnar and Dhauli, supported

as it is by the concurrent testimony of Wilson’s reading of the Kapurda

Giri inscription, in which Antiochus Tlieus of Syria is named a “ yona raja

and that 1 yona’ is the Pali form of the Sanskrit Yavana, is evident from

the repeated use of that term in the Pali Buddhistical annals of Ceylon

in that sense. The only question, therefore, that has to be decided is whe¬

ther the word yona in the passage has been used specifically to mean a

Greek, or generically as a man of the western nation P

If we accept the first branch of the alternative, we find that in the

thirteenth tabletf Antiyoko (Antiochus Theus, king of Syria) is described

to be a Yona king; but Ptolemaiosj: (Turamayo), Antigonus (Antikona),

Magas (Mako or Maga), and Alexander (Alikasunari) are not so called ; and

this would show that Syria and the countries to the east of it as far as Afgha¬

nistan, the greater portion of which Antiochus owned, were embraced by the

* Hall’s Vasavadatta, Preface, p. 12.

f Journal, R.. As. Soe., XII., p. 225.

J It is worthy of note here that if Turamaya he the correct Pali rendering of Pto-

lemaios, Dr. Weber’s assumption of Maya, the Danava of the Maliabharata, being also a

version of the same name, would require to be modified. The omission of the first two

syllables of the name in Sanskrit cannot be easily accounted for. It is true that the

learned Doctor writes Asura Maya ; but the first term is an adjective, and cannot be

accepted as an integral part of the second, standing in the place of the first two

syllables of Ptolemaios, For farther remarks on this subject see a note on page 25 of the

first volume of my “ Antiquities of Orissa.”

L I,

270

Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers. [No. 3,

term Yona, but neither Greece nor Egypt. It is not a little remark¬

able that, if Yona really meant a Greek and none but a Greek, Alex¬

ander, the Greek of Greeks to the Indians, should not have had that epithet

assigned him. It can hardly be said that the ‘ yona’ in the inscription is

intended to indicate the nationality of Antiochus, and not the name of his

acquired dominion, for the word in the sentence qualifies the term raja and not

the proper name ; besides yavana primarily is the name of a country, and only

secondarily the designation of the inhabitants thereof. The propriety of the

second branch of the alternative may be objected to by the query, if the word

yona be a generic term, why should it not have been applied to all the

western kings referred to ? It may, however, be said in explanation of this

objection that the inscription gives prominence to Antiochus, an ally who

overcame the others, and the latter, therefore, could be allowed to go without

any epithet. Prinsep, in his translation of the inscription in question, has

“ the four kings of Egypt,” but there is no word in the text which could be

taken as equivalent to the name of the land of the Pharaohs, and the kings

named were certainly not all kings of the same place. In either case, the

passage in question does not in any way support the assumption of Dr. Kern

that the word yavana means “ a Greek and a Greek only.” The passage,

however, is an important one, and calls for a more thorough examination.

It is, I believe, unquestionable that Alexander called himself a Mace¬

donian. Arrian says he belonged to oi Ma/ceSdres or MaKcSores Kat ‘EAA^ves^

generally the former : Plutarch always calls him a Macedonian. Now, Chan-

dragupta waited on Alexander on the other side of the Indus, and was per¬

fectly familiar with the history of that sovereign. A few years afterwards, he

married a Greek bride, the daughter of Seleukos Nikator, and had a Greek am¬

bassador, Megasthenes, in his court for several years. We know not whether

his son Vindusara was born of this Greek lady or not. If we assume that he

was, he would be half a Greek by birth, and his son As'oka, three-fourth Hin¬

du and one-fourth Greek. But denying the consanguinity of Asoka,

it would be in the last degree inconsistent to suppose that he was other

than thoroughly cognisant of the proper name of the Greeks and of the

history of the Macedonian invasion, from which he was so little removed by

time, and in which his grandfather took a prominent part. And such being

the case, it is to be expected that he should, when describing persons of the

race of his grandmother, in a state document of great importance, call

them by their proper tribal or race name ; but this he does not. On the con¬

trary, instead of calling them Macedonians, or Hellenes, he styles

one of them a yona, and that one is the sovereign of a country which, accor¬

ding to the Vishnu Purana, was situated to the west of the Indus, but not

so far out as Greece. This would naturally suggest the inference that he

did so with special reference to the country, and not to the nationality of

1874.] Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers.

271

the individual ; or it may be that he used a generic term in the same way

in which the classical writers of Greece and Rome used to employ the term

il barbarian,” or the Chinese now do the term “ outside barbarian.” Yavana

has been so used in this country from a long time, and its definition shows

that it may be so employed with great propriety. In the present day, when

the Hindus have to indicate any particular nationality, they use their proper

names ; thus they have Ingrej for the English, Farcisi # for the French,

Fortukes for the Portuguese, Dincimdr for the Danes, Olanddj for the

Dutch (Hollanders), Ellemar for the Germans (from the French ‘Allemands’),

&c. ; but when they speak of them generally, they call them Yavans or Mlech-

chlias, and we have no reason to doubt that this happened in the time of

As oka, and also long before his time.

Again, there is a strong tendency in specific names gradually to expand

according as the circle of knowledge of the persons using them widens, and

to become generic. This is quite as true of the common terms of a language as

of proper names ; but to confine my attention for the present to the latter, I

find the people of Persia and western Afghanistan knew their neighbours to

their east as the dwellers of the valley of Sindh, or Sindhus, which by an as¬

piration became Hindus, and by a subsequent process of cockneyism India ;

and now and for at least two thousand three hundred years, that word has

indicated the whole of the peninsula of India, and for a long time also the

Burman peninsula or “ India beyond the Ganges.” To the south-west of

Persia, the nearest neighbours of the Iranians was the tribe of Band Tai,

and all the Arabian tribes are now to the Persians the Tai race. The nearest

to France was the province of the Allemani, and the German nation now are to

the French the Allemands. A small province to the north-east of India was

China, and the whole of China has now the same name. Kathai again

was only a province or small country to the east of Tartary, and the whole

of China is to Persian, Mongol, and Turkish writers Khata, whence the

English Cathay, which has only recently become obsolete. To the south-east

of Bengal, near Chittagong, a small tribe bore the name of Mags, and the whole

of the people of Burmah is now, in the language of Bengal, indicated by the

same name. Banga originally was a small tract on the east of the Gangetic

delta; it is now the name of entire Bengal. Applying this principle to

Yavana, we find it originally, i. e. in the time of Panini, who was a native

of Kandahar, applied to a western country, probably Assyria — possibly Persia,

or Media. When the Hindus receded to this side of the Indus, it was applied to

# Tlie word Firing! comes from the French ‘ Franc/ through the Arabs and the

Persians who pronounce it Firang. When the Spaniards and the Portuguese first came to

India they were called Firang, and the error was never after rectified. It is now used to

indicate the mixed descendants of Europeans. In the Vidyasundara of Bharatachandra,

Firing! stands for the Portuguese, and Farasli for the French.

272

llajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers. [No. 3,

some undefined country immediately to the west of the Indus ; and lastly, it

became the name of all western people from Sindh to England. It doubtless

meant ‘ the casteless people but it was not necessarily an opprobrious term,

and in a verse, quoted by Colebrooke from the Siddhanta of Varahamihira, the

Yavanas, although Mlechchhas, are said to be honoured as rishis, because

they have the science of astronomy amongst them.# Such a term could be

very appropriately employed by As 'oka to indicate his ally. In the time of

his grandfather, a part of Arachotia was included in India, and Persia was

well known by a separate name, so the western country then most probably

meant Assyria and the country to the west of it, that is Arabia, and possibly

as far as Syria, or further still, though the authority under notice does not

justify the assumption. At any rate, I fail to perceive how the passage

can be adduced, as a proof that Yona meant “ a Greek and a Greek only.”

The third argument would be of considerable importance if it could be

shown that the Hindus borrowed any portion of their astronomy directly

from the Greeks. This, however, cannot be done. The proofs usually adduced

are founded on mere hypotheses and conjectures, and most of them are not

to the point. It is undeniable, for instance, that the Hindu signs of the zodiac

bear a close similitude to those of Greek astronomers, but, it being quite

uncertain who were the borrowers and who the lenders, it can serve no pur¬

pose one way or the other. Supposing we admit Dr. Weber’s conjecture that

the Hindus got them from the Greeks, still the question will not be advanced

in the least, for it would not prove that ‘ yona’ meant a Greek. The same may

be said of the Drekkanas or regents of one- third of a planetary sign, — the

Decanii of European astrologers, — as also ’of other terms bearing close simi¬

litude to Greek words of like import. Dr. Weber notices the following astro¬

nomical terms as of Greek origin ; viz. anaphd — ava <prj, dkokera — cuyoKcpws,

dpoklima — u.Tvoy\ipa, ara — ’A pps, asphujit — ’Ac/jpoSn-p, ittham ( itthasi Dr.

Dluiu Daji ; itlmsi Muir) — IxOvs, kenclra — Kevrpov, kemadruma — xpyy/xaTioytos,

Teona — Kporos, trikona — Tpiyoovos, kaurpya — aKopmos, kriya — Kptos, jamitra —

fita pe.Tpov, jit uma — Si8vp.os,juka — £,vyov,jyau — Zeus, tdvuri — raupos, taukshika

— to^otyjs, drikdna drekdna — Seieavos, durudhard — Sopix^opia, dus'chikya —

rv)(LKov, dyunam dyutam — Svtov, panaphard — l7rava<popa, pathena — 7ia pOevos,

mesurana — pecrovpavrjpa, liptdt — Ae-7rrp, rilipha rishphd — pi^-p, ley a — \€o)v,vesi

— (paens, sunapha — trwa^, harija — opt^toj/, hihuka — viroyciov, himna (perhaps

himra f) — ’Epp/ps, heli — ‘HAiog, liridroga — fSpoyoos, hora — wpa. Some of these,

however, are formed with well known and ancient Sanskrit roots, and retain

the meanings which they originally had and still have as common terms of the

language, and they can no more be adduced as proofs of the Hindus having

* TjErer fejcj i

T%5f: l|

CV ^

Colebrooke’s Essays, II. p. 410.

273

1874.] Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers.

borrowed them from the Greeks, than any number of common words can be

put forth as proofs of the Sanskrit language having been borrowed from the

same source. Take, for instance, the word juka from the root yuj to join;

if we may accept it as a proof of its being Greek from its resemblance to

Ivyov, what is there to prevent our believing it to have been derived from

any other European language from its resemblance in sound and sense to

the English yoke , the Saxon geoc , Danish juk, Swedish ok , French joug,

Italian giogo , Spanish yugo , Latin jug am , or Russian igo ? Again, Tri-

kona is formed of tri three and kona ‘ an angle’ or 4 corner,’ both old

and well known Sanskrit words, and I see no reason why we should

call it an importation from the Greek language. Doubtless, the equivalent

of tri in Greek is rpe s and of kona kov cos ; but for the Sanskrit tri we have

Saxon thres, Swedish trey German drei, French trois, Italian tre , and Spanish

and Latin tres, and for the Sanskrit, kona , French, cona , Italian cono, Spa¬

nish cono , and Latin conus ; and the argument urged against the Greek

origin of juka applies to this with equal force. The same may be

said of some of the other words. The fact is that technical terms being

specialised common words, and Sanskrit being derived from the Aryan

language, the mother of all the European languages named above, a great

number of common words as well as technical terms must be closely similar

in all of them ; but such similitude cannot be accepted as a proof of any one

of those languages having been derived from another of them. Doubtless

some of the terms are very like Greek, and may be Greek for aught we know

to the contrary ; the mediaeval names of some of the signs of the Zodiac,

such as Tuvan for Taurus, Leya for Leo, are very probably so ; but they are

insufficient by themselves to prove the fact that they were taken directly

from the Greeks by the Hindus. On the contrary, seeing that the inter¬

course of the Hindus and Arabs dates from a very early period ; that

the latter borrowed the system of Nakshatras,# or lunar asterisms or

mansions — the manazil of the Arabs, from the Hindus; that Hindu

authors are quoted by Arab writers ; that Arabic technical terms are

pretty frequently used by the Hindus ; and that the Arabs translated

largely both from Greek and Hindu astronomical works, the presumption

would be strong that the Hindus got such of their Greek astronomical terms

as can be proved to be unquestionably of Greek origin through the medium

of the Arabs, and not directly from the Greeks. There is no separate dis¬

tinct word for Greece or the Greeks in the Sanskrit language, and it has

* Dr. Weber is of opinion that the system of Nakshatras was originated by the Chal¬

deans, and from them it went on the one side to the Hindus, and on the other to the Arabs.

M. Biot holds that the Chinese sieus are the prototypes of the Hindu asterisms. Professor

Max Muller repudiates this in toto, and maintains that the Hindus originated the system,

and from them the Arabs and the Chinese got it. The subject, however, is of no import¬

ance in connexion with the object of this paper.

274 Bajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers. [No. 3,

been shown that the term Yavana applies to the Arabs in common with

others, and therefore no reliable conclusion can he drawn from the fact of

its being used to indicate foreign terms or authors.

Next come the names of four Greek authors, whose works, it is said, the

Hindus translated. The first of these is known to Sanskrit writers by the

name of Yavanacharya, literally * a Yavana professor,’ or Javanes'vara, the

‘Yavana lord.’ Dr. Kern says, Utpala calls him Sphujidhvaja, which some

one has “translated, in the manner of Bottom, into S'ucidhvaja.” The Dr.

himself confesses he cannot see what Sphujidhvaja represents, hut he adds

the query “ Is it Aphrodisius ?”# Whoever he was, his work as now extant,

bears no internal evidence of its being a translation from the Greek, or of

its being of any antiquity, and under the circumstance, it would he more

appropriate to call him an Arab than a Greek. His work being modern,

and this is acknowledged by Dr. Kern, he may have been a Parsi, or Muham¬

madan of Central Asia.

The next name is that of Pulisha, whose work is often named “ Paulisha

Siddhanta.” The work is no longer extant, hut it has been referred to

by several astronomers and their commentators. Dr. Kern says “ in a MS. of

the commentary onBrihatSanhita, it (the name Pulisha) has been corrected by

some lepidum caput into Pulastya, and such quasi-corrections are very com¬

mon. ”f Elsewhere he states : “ Amongst the 18 authorities whose names

occur in the opening lines of the so-called Naradi Saiihita, we find a Yavana,

a Paulastya, and a Boma^a. All three names are blunders ; there is not one

Yravana only, hut there are many, the word is never used in the singular in

any other work of some value. Farther, Paulastya is in sundry MSS. a quasi-

corrected form for Paulina (Siddhanta).” J Pulasti or Pulastya is the name

of one of the earliest sages. He is reckoned among the seven great rishis

who were transformed into the seven stars of the Pleiades, and the asso¬

ciation of his name with an astronomical or astrological work, whether his

composition or not, is certainly not remarkable. The word Pulisha also is

by no means such as to preclude the possibility of our accepting it as a

Sanskrit term ; derived from the root pul 1 to he great’ with the affix kvip,

and ish ‘ to pervade’ with the affix Jc , it would make a correct Sanskrit

word meaning ‘ one who pervades greatness,’ or one worthy of honour, and

as such may well pass as the name of a saint. Pulisha, again, is the

Prakrit form of the word Puruslia, and as such may also pass for a good

Indian name. Drs. Weber and Kern, however, are not satisfied with it in

its Sanskrit form, and take it to be Greek. The latter, when first entering

into the question, expresses himself with some indecision thus : “ The

name of its author Pul^a points clearly to a foreigner, a Greek, or Bo-

man ; Albiruni calls him Paules the Greek, and gives the name of the

Greek’s birth-place in a form which seems corrupt. His testimony is, of

* Briliat Sanhita, Preface, p. 48. f Briliat Sanliita, Preface, p. 48. J Ibid., p. 40.

1874.] Bajendralala Mitra — The Yavancis of Sanskrit Writers. 275

course, the testimony of the Hindu astronomers at his time, and there

is not the slightest reason to doubt its accuracy.” * The train of his

reasoning, however, soon overcomes his caution, and at the end of half a

page he emphatically declares “ that Puli^a was a Greek, I do not doubt

for a moment, notwithstanding that the Paul^a-siddhanta, judging from

quotations, and rather numerous ones, is so thoroughly Hinduised that

few or no traces of its Greek origin are left.” “ It may be deemed,” he

continues, “ a trace of foreign origin that Pul^a calls “ solar” (saura) time,

what otherwise is called “ civil” (savana) time, or as Utpala puts and exem¬

plifies it, “ what with us is £ civil time’ is with Paul^a-acharya ‘ solar time,’

a solar day being with him the interval from midnight till midnight or from

sunrise to sunset. We should meet, perhaps, with a few more traces of

Greek influence, if we had the whole work before us, hut nobody who is

acquainted with the Hindu mind would ever expect a translation. ”f

Again, “ to return to the Paulica Siddhanta, it must have existed, like

some of the other Siddhantas, in two editions. All the quotations from it are

again in Ary a, which to my mind renders it probable that it was not long,

say, at the utmost, 100 years, prior to Aryabhata and Varahamihira. Now

it is interesting that Utpala quotes a Mula-Puliga-Siddhanta, an “ original

Pulica Siddhanta,” and that this time the verse is in Anushtubli. It is

only one verse, hut quite enough to prove that even this “ original work had

been adapted to the exigencies of Hindu science, for it gives the number of

revolutions of the fixed stars during the Four Ages.”J

To summarize these remarks, — we have a few quotations from a work

which is no longer extant ; these quotations are so thoroughly Hinduised that

they bear no mark to indicate that they are not indigenous ; they are not trans¬

lations ; but because they refer to solar time which, though well known from

comparatively very olden time by the Hindus, corresponds with the Greek

solar time, and because the Doctor will “ perhaps meet with a few more traces

of Greek influence” in those quotations when better acquainted with them,

he has not only “ no doubt for a moment” that their author “ Pul^a was a

Greek,” but he summarily denounces the authenticity of those MSS. which

write the name Pulastya and not Pulisha. This is a process of ratiocination

which, I regret, I cannot appreciate. To my mind it has very much the

appearance of forcing facts to subserve the purposes of a theory. The

authority of Albiruni on the subject amounts to the mode in which the

Sanskrit name is written in Arabic letters, and, bearing in mind the fact

how Indian names get transmogrified in the Semitic character, may be set

aside as of little import. That he called Pulisha a Greek on the authority of

his Hindu informers, and not on that of a conjecture of his own, is at best a

gratuitous assumption. I have nothing to say against the theory of two

# Ibid., p. 48. f Ibid., p. 49. J Ibid., p. 50.

276

Pajendralala Mitra — The Yav anas of Sanskrit Writers. [No. 3,

recensions of Pulastya’s work, but I hope I may be permitted to ask if a single

verse suffices to settle the question, how many recensions of the Brihat Sanhita

would one be called upon to assume, had that work existed only in quotations,

seeing that though its hundred and five chapters are written principally in the

A'rya metre, they have interspersed in them verses in several different metres ?

Dr. Weber goes further than Dr. Kern, and at once recognises in

Pulastya vel Puliya, the author of the Eisagoge , Paulus Alexandrinus. Dr.

Weber does not say that he has better evidence at command than what Dr.

Kern had, and under the peculiar circumstances of the case, he cannot have,

and his assumption, therefore, is even more noteworthy than that of Dr.

Kern ; but what is most remarkable in the case is, that the latter, though a

former pupil and generally a faithful follower of the learned Professor,

withholds his assent to the identification. He says —

“Weber’s surmise is scarcely admissible; for the passage alluded to

will be found in all works on Nativity almost literally the same, because it

is a simple enumeration of the mansions and their lords ; two lists, if their

contents are the same, cannot differ in form, nor can they be said to bear greater

resemblance to each other than to other lists containing the same. Besides,

there is no indication that Balabhadra lias taken the passage from Puliya,

which must be established before any conclusion can be drawn. The strong¬

est argument, however, against the supposition is the fact that the Puliya-

siddhanta is no work on Nativity, but an astronomical work, in which the

original of the passage in Balabhadra could not find a place. It may be that,

besides the Pauliya Siddhanta, there existed another work of Pauliya’s on

Nativity, but nobody has made any notice of it, and unless Paulus Alexan-

drinus has written, beside his Eisagoge, a book on astronomy, which again is

unknown, we have no right whatever to infer that he and Puliya are one and

the same ; for identity of name is to me slender ground, especially when the

name happens to be a common one.”#

It is not for me to decide this vexed question, nor is this the place for

it ; suffice it to say that if the work of Pulastya or Puliya has been so writ¬

ten as not to retain any trace of its foreign origin, and the old Hindus did

not translate the quotations, it cannot be called Greek. Pulisha is nowhere

called a Yavana by the Hindus, and, if it be acknowledged on the authority of

Albiruni that he was a Yavana, his birth-place Alexandria would take us to

Egypt, and not to Greece.

The next name on my list is Manittha. Of him Dr. Kern says : “ A

curious name is Manittha, whom Weber suspects to be Manetho, the

author of the Apotelesmata. I thought for a moment of Manilius, but, after

all, Weber’s conjecture is decidedly more plausible. Manittha, that is the

book, being of foreign origin would seem to be countenanced by the fact

# Ibid., p. 49.

1874.] Rajendralala Mitra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers.

277

that in one of his opinions he agreed with the “ ancient Greeks” and dis¬

agrees with Satya and Varaliamihira. If I had been able to get the Apote-

lesmata, I should have compared the quotations from Manittha. It will

be always worth while doing so, although it is not to be expected that the

marked and espeeial coincidences will be numerous and conclusive. In the

same manner as a few traditions sufficed to enable Hindu astrologers to

father the children of their own brains on their holy sages, so, I strongly

suspect, they also did with the more renowned of the Greek astrologers.

The notion of the productions of a man’s mind being his property, a notion

carried to such a ridiculous extent in Europe, was unknown to them. Un¬

happily, the opposite extreme they fell into, is much more pernicious. In

Manittha, as quoted by Utpala, there is an extremely absurd passage where

the author ascribes antiquity to himself! “ lti brumas cirantanah ;” that

shows the spirit.”*

I need add nothing to this to show that the name does not help us in

any way to prove that the Hindus translated works on astronomy or astro¬

logy directly from Greek texts, or that Yavana meant a “ Greek and a Greek

only.”

The last name I have to notice is Ptolemaios. He is nowhere men¬

tioned in Hindu astronomy or astrology, and the only question is as to

whether the Hindus borrowed the idea of the armillary sphere from that of

Ptolemy, or not. With reference to it, I cannot do better than quote here

the remarks of Colebrooke, the highest authority on the subject. He says :

“ They may have either received or given the hint of an armillary sphere as

an instrument of an astronomical observation, but certainly they have not

copied the instrument which was described by Ptolemy, for the construction

differs considerably. ”f It may be added that the Almagest of Ptolemy

was severally translated, epitomised, and revised by the Arabs, J and the

Hindus might have got their knowledge of that work from those versions,

even as Hindu boys now-a-days familiarise themselves with the history and

literature of ancient Greece from English and vernacular translations with¬

out knowing a word of Greek. As no translation of, or quotations from,

the Almagest are, however, to be met with in Sanskrit, the name of Ptolemy,

or resemblances to his doctrines, may be accounted for more reasonably in a

different way. The name of the Almagest, beginning with the Arabic article

al, shows that it was written by one who was thoroughly imbued with

Arabic learning, and probably drew largely from it, and as the Hindus

acknowledge to have drawn largely on the Arabs for astromical facts, we

have one common source whence both Ptolemy and the Hindus derived their

* Ibid., p. 52. f Essays, p. 345. J Loc. eit., et p. 472.

M M

278 Rajendralala Mitra — The Havanas of Sanskrit Writers. [No. 3,

knowledge of those facts, and their mutual similitude is therefore natural.

And the argument which applies to Ptolemy would apply equally to all

the rest, whenever it can be shown, and this can be done often, that there

are similitudes between Greek and Hindu astronomical terms and theories.

I have already shown that the locale of the Yavana country as given in

Sanskrit literary or quasi-historical works, is extremely uncertain. The

same uncertainty obtains in astronomical works, in which a greater precision

was to have been expected ; thus, according to Parasara, Yavana lies to the

southwest of Madhyades 'a, and taking the latter to be Mathura or the

Sauraseni country, we should have to look for it in Balochistan ; but ac¬

cording to Varahamihira, its capital Yavanapura was 60° to the west of

the meridian of Lanka. This would take us to the meridian of the

Libyan Desert. “ Rome was, however,” according to Dr. Kern, “supposed

to be 90 degrees west from the meridian of Lanka, so that the longitude of

Yavanapura is two-thirds of that of Rome, and this, however erroneously

the absolute longitude is given, suits approximately the situation of Alexand¬

ria, which accordingly may be understood by Yavanapura.”* In a footnote

to this passage he adds : “ So far as the longitude is concerned, Constanti¬

nople would answer as well as Alexandria, but I am not aware that any

astronomer drew his first meridian over Constantinople, and without that it

would not be taken as a point of departure.” This inference is, however,

contradicted by a passage in the Milinclappana , a Pali Euddhistical work of

Ceylon, in which Milinda, alias Menander, who is said to be a Yona king, is

made to state that he was born at Kalasi in Alasadda, = Alexandria, which

was two hundred yojanas or 800 miles from Sagal where he reigned, and

which was twelve yojanas or 48 miles to the west of Kashmir. f Both these

places are mentioned in the same sentence by Isiodorus — “ et Sigal urbs, ubi

regia Sacarum, propeque Alexandria urbs et non procul Alexandriapolis urbs.”

The Mahavansa makes Alassada the capital of the Yona country. Now, 848

miles would barely represent 12° 20 ' to the west of Kashmir, and take us

only to the eastern side of Persia. But whether this Yavanapur be Alexand¬

ria or Constantinople or a town in Persia, we do not get to Greece, and

the word Yavana must, therefore, be taken to mean either Egypt, Arabia,

or Persia.

I have very little to say with reference to the fourth argument. It is

not my intention, and in fact it is impossible, to deny that apart from the

similitude which results in the languages of the Hindus and the Grecians,

from the circumstance of the two races having sprung from the same

source, there has been extensive interchange of terms between them as the

# Brihat Sauliita, Preface, p. 54.

f D’Alwis, Introduction to Kachchayana’s Grammar, p. xlii.

279

1874.] Pajendralala MItra — The Yavanas of Sanskrit Writers .

immediate result of Greek supremacy in North-western India soon

after Alexander’s invasion, and of direct and indirect commercial intercourse

between the two nations for some time. Such supremacy and intercourse

imply that the natives of this country had a name for their foreign rulers ;

but whether it was the generic term Yavana, or the specific Hellenes,

Macedonian, or Greek, we know not, — probably, the first, but the Greek

terms current in the Sanskrit language do not help us to prove it, and it

is unnecessary therefore to dwell upon the subject.

As far as we can judge from the facts above set forth, the only

conclusions which would he consistent and tenable are —

1st. That originally the term Yavana was the name of a country and

of its people to the west of Kandahar, — which may have been Arabia, or

Persia, or Medea, or Assyria, — probably the last.

2nd. That subsequently it became the name of all those places.

3rd. That at a later date it indicated all the casteless races to the west

of the Indus, including the Arabs and the Asiatic Greeks and the Egyptians,

4th. That the Indo-Greek kings of Afghanistan were also probably

indicated by the same name.

5th. That there is not a tittle of evidence to show that it was at any

one time the exclusive name of the Greeks.

6th. That it is impossible now to infer from the use of the term.

Yavana the exact nationality indicated in Sanskrit works.

These are doubtless very unsatisfactory conclusions to arrive at after a

protracted disquisition. To the public, so loath to suspend its judgment in

any one question, nothing is more abhorrent than the admission that it does

not know; but suspension of judgment pending further enquiry, or admission

of ignorance, or a cautious reserve, or an attitude of scepticism, if the reader

chooses to call it so, is, I believe, more conducive to the elucidation of truth

than hasty generalizations which tend only to enlarge the dominion of error.

2S0

[No. 3,

Contributions to the Geography and History of Bengal ( Muhammadan

jderiod). No. II. — By H. Blochmann, M. A., Calcutta Madrasah.

(Continued from Journal, Pt. I, 1873, p. 310.)

When putting together the notes for my ‘ Contributions to Bengal Geo¬

graphy and History’ in last year’s Journal, I did not think that I would

have so soon to add a sequel to that portion which referred to the history

of the Independent Sultans of Bengal. The old seats of Muhammadan

governors and the Dargahs of Moslem Saints at Bihar, Debkot, Gaur,

Sunargaon, Silhat, and Satgaon had before been visited by General Cun¬

ningham, Dr. Wise, Mr. Westmacott, and myself, and the result was the

discovery of more than fifty inscriptions belonging to the reigns of the In¬

dependent Kings. But many places of antiquity remained, and still remain,

to be examined, especially G’horag’hat, Taj pur, Purniah, Hazrat Panduah,

Ekdalah, Maldah, and Maimansingh. In the beginning of this year, Mr.

Westmacott had occasion to visit Maldah, and on examining the immediate

neighbourhood of the station, he found no less than seventeen new Arabic

inscriptions, which he very kindly placed at the disposal of the Society.

They belong to the reigns of six kings and bear the following dates :

1. Mahmud Shah (I), one of 859 A.H.

2. Barbak Shah, one of 868 A.H.

3. Yusuf Shah, two, date uncertain.

4. Firuz Shah (II), two, one of 894 A.H.

5. Husain Shah, seven, of 899, 900, 907, 910, 914, 918, 923, A.H.

6. Nuqrat Shah, four, of 930, 935, 938 A.H.

The first of these inscriptions is the earliest of Mahmud Shah that has

hitherto been discovered ; and the Firuz Shah (II) inscription of 894 is

very valuable as the first clearly dated record of this king.

Of the remaining, the Husain Shah inscriptions of 899, 900, and 907

deserve special mention. The first two, of 899 and 900 A. H., are the ear¬

liest now known, though we have coins of the same ^ears.*

In my former essay, I took on the testimony of coins the year 899 as

the first year of Husain Shah’s reign. But as the coins of 899 seem all to

belong to Fathabad, i. e. Eastern Bengal, the Hon’ble E C. Bayley, in

his note on a gold coin of Muzaffar Shall, f concluded that Muzaffar Shah

was still alive in 901, but besieged by Husain Shah in Gaur. Mr. West-

macott’s inscriptions of 899 and 900. coming as they do from places almost

under the walls of Gaur, render it likely that the conquest of Gaur and

* Journal, A. S. Bengal, 1873, Pt. I, p. 292.

f Journal, 1873, Pt. I, p. 313.

1874.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. 281

Muzaffar Shah’s death took place before the middle of 899, unless we sup¬

pose that the manner of the warfare, as carried on in those times, did not

prevent people from erecting mosques in the immediate neighbourhood of

the camp of a besieging army.

The inscription of 907 (A. D. 1501-2) belongs to a Madrasah, built

by Husain Shah in commemoration, as it appears, of his conquest of Kama-

ta and Kamrup. The inscription is, therefore, a contemporaneous record

of Husain Shah’s conquests, and confirms the Asam Buranji, which refers

the conquest of Kamrup to 1498, i. e. 903-4 A.H The particulars given

in the ’Alamglrnamah and the Kiyaz-ussalatm regarding this expedition,

the result of which was the temporary annexation of Kamrup to Bengal,

have been given in former numbers of the Journal. # The Asam chronicle

mentions ‘ Dalai Glu.zi, son of Husain Shah’, as the fii^t governor of Kam¬

rup. He is, no doubt, Danyal, Husain Shah’s eldest son, whom Delhi

historians mention as having been delegated in 901 by his father to meet

Sikandar Lodi in Bihar, and who built, immediately before the Asam expe¬

dition. the dome of Shah Nafah’s shrine in Munger.f Danyal, or Dalai,

perished, according to the ’Alamglrnamah, soon after in Asam. According

to the Asam Buranji, he was succeeded by ‘ Musundar Gfhazi,’ whose name

has not yet been identified. Musundar, in his turn, was succeeded by Sul¬

tan Ghiyasuddin. His name is the same as that of Husain’s son who in

939, as we shall see below, succeeded his nephew under the name of Ghiyas-

uddin Mahmud Shah (III). But they may be different persons, as is in

fact implied in the following extract from an essay, entitled ‘ Ancient

Assam,’ in the ‘ Calcutta Review, the author of which has not speci¬

fied his source “ ’Alauddin Husain’s march into Asam does not seem

to have extended beyond Tezpur ; and though he succeeded in demo¬

lishing the capital, he was ultimately repulsed by the Barah Bhuiyas,§ and

was obliged to content himself with his possessions in Kamrup. He re¬

turned to his capital, after having appointed his son-in law , Nawub Dalai

Ghazi to the government of the province. On Dalai’s death, his imbecile

son [Musundar ?] was superseded by Sultan Ghiyasuddin, who received his

commission from the court of Gaur. This prince introduced a colony of

* Journal, A. S. Bengal, 1872, pp. 79, 335; do., 1873, p. 240.

f Journal, A. S. B., 1872, p. 335.

£ Calcutta Review, 1S67, Vol, XLV, p. 528.

§ Dr. J. Wise has now defined the status of the Barah Bhuiyas in Bengal. What

their position in Asam was is not yet quite clear.

In Benaudha, too, (Gorak hpur and surrounding districts) we find “ twelve Rajas (one

Muhammadan inclusive) who comprised one Paut, and were considered to have common

interests vide Elliot’s Races, by Beames, II, 39.

Elliot’s list includes the Ujjainiyah Rajas of Dumraon in South-Western Bihar.

282 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. [No. 3,

Muhammadans into the country, and made large consignments of land for

the maintenance of the Moslem religion. Most of the land is, by permis¬

sion of the British Government, still retained for this purpose. Extreme

measures were also adopted for making proselytes, and temples were indis¬

criminately plundered and demolished. The stone temples of Kamikha on

the Nilachol and of Moha Muni at Hajo were sacrificed to Moslem fanati¬

cism. Ghiyasuddin resolved to build a grand mosque, which was to stand

on the top of a high hill, known as the Gaurachol. There is a tradition that,

in order to give it peculiar sanctity, it was to have been built upon a stra¬

tum of earth that had been brought for this purpose from the holy city of

Mecca. The hill is known to this day as the ‘ Pao-Makkah,’ and the Mu¬

hammadans of the country believe that four pilgrimages to it are equal in

meritorious efficacy to one made to the tomb of the Prophet. But Ghiyas¬

uddin died before he could complete the arrangements for the erection of

the mosque. He was interred beneath the holy earth, and the materials

he had collected were used, in raising a monument over his remains, which

also serves the purpose of a mosque.”

“ We have already said that, previous to the last Muhammadan inva¬

sion, western Kamrup had been overrun by mountain tribes, of which the

Koch were one of the most important. On the death of Ghiyasuddin, Hajo,

the leading chieftain of the tribe, succeeded in uniting all the little princi¬

palities of the country under his authority, and so constituting himself

master of Kamrup. His successor, in 1581, # transferred all the western

portion of his kingdom to his nephew, from whom are descended the kings

of Koch Biliar.”

Besides the seventeen inscriptions received from Mr. Westmacott, I

obtained two from Saran, which Mr. J. R. Reid, C. S., kindly sent me,

and two from Serampore, near Calcutta, where they had been lying for more

than half a century in the College and Press compounds. One of the latter

belongs to the reign of Barbak Shah, and the other to that of Nugrat Shah ;

they bear the dates 865 and 933, respectively. Dr. G. Smith, late Editor

of the ‘Friend of India,’ very kindly drew my attention to these slabs, f

and after consulting with the Principal of the College, permitted me to

transfer them to the Museum in Calcutta, where they are now preserved.

Lastly, I have given an imperfect reading of an inscription of Firiiz

Shah II. (A. D. 1488 to 1490), the slab of which was some years ago

presented to the Society by Babu Hara Chandra Chaudhuri, of Sherpur,

* Vide Journal, A. S. B., 1872, pp. 52, 100.

f A third has been used as a mantlepiece ; it only eontaius the A'yat ul-Kursi , (th«

256th verse of the second chapter of the Qoran) and the year 993 A. H., or A. D.

1585.

1874.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. 2S3

Maimansingh, author of the excellent * * * § Sherpur Bivarana.’* The slab is

of granite ; but the letters are very unclear and nearly one-fourth of the

inscription is hopelessly illegible. The inscription was found at Garb Jari¬

pa, north of Sherpur Town, not far from the Kanban hills and about 16

miles south of the old frontier between Bengal and A'sam (Zil’ah Goalpara).

It was at first attached to iron rings at the gate of the mud fort of Garh

Jaripa, from where it had been removed to a place inside the fort, called by

the people 4 the tomb.’ It 3eems to have belonged to a Mausoleum and to

an ’ Tdgah . The inscription confirms the legend of the foundation of Garh

Jaripa by the Muhammadans, and also shews that Perganah Sherpur

belonged to the Bengali Sultans.

Parganah Sherpur itself was formerly called Daskahania Bazu, under

which name it occurs as a Mahall of Sirkar Bazuha in Todar Mall’s Bengal

rent-roll of 1582. In Ja’far Khan’s rent-roll of 1722, the old division into

Sirkars was abolished, and Daskahania Bazu appears under the name of

Sherpur-Daskahaniaf as a parganah of Chakla Karibari ; but not long after,

Sherpur was for the greater part annexed to Dhaka, in which position it is

given in Kennel’s Atlas. J

The name ‘ Daskahania,’ or Daskahaonia, is said to be derived from

das kalian, or das Icahawan , i. e. 10 X 1280 cowries. I cannot say whe¬

ther this etymology refers to the waste condition of the parganah in former

times ; but Babu Hara Chandra Chaudhurl says that the people had to pay

ten kahans of cowries for crossing the Brahmaputra below Sherpur, because

the river was so very wide. It is more likely that the klialsa portion of the

land revenue only amounted to 10 kalians ;§ at least Grant says that in 1728

* f<R?r«|. Pt. I, Descriptive Geography. Calcutta, 1872. Pt. II is to con¬

tain a historical account of Sherpur Parganah.

f The three principal Sherpurs in Bengal are — Sherpur ’Atai, east of Barharapiir in

Murshidabad ; Sherpur Murchah, south of Bogra ; and Sherpur Daskahania, east of the

Brahmaputra.

X He spells the name Shearpoor Duskownya.

§ Indian Atlas Sheet No. 119 shews north-west of Shei'pur and Garh Jaripa a place

of the name of Badd Chalfs Kahania, or ‘ Bad6 of 40 Kahans/ and the term therefore

has a reference to the revenue of the parganah.

Besides, we know that the net malguzari of Silhat, for example, was, even at the time

when the Company acquired the Diwani, paid in cowries. Thus in 1172 B. S., or 1765,

the total Aql and Izafah of Silhat was 1,070,120 kahans, at 2i kahans per rupee ; but

about the same time, according to Grant fVth Report, p. 382), the importation of cow¬

ries from the Maldiv Islands was so great, that he expected a fall to 4| kahans per rupee.

He also mentions ( loc . cit., p. 363) a parganah in the Niyabat of Dhaka the revenue of

which was paid in cowries.

For Orisa, which is more accessible than Silhat, Abulfazl gives the rate of 10 kaha-

wans per rupee. Vide Thomas, ‘ Chronicles/ p. 110 n.

284 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal — No. II. [No. 3,

the khalsa portion only amounted to Rs. 33, whilst Rs. 19,799 were jagir

lands. #

The original Muhammadan proprietors of Mahall Daskahania, accord¬

ing to Babu Hara Chandra Chandhuri, were the Ghazi family, of which

Dr. J. Wise has given a biographical account ; and it is believed that Sher¬

pur was so called after Slier ’All Ghazi, the last of the Ghazi family, a

tyrant, who caused one Ram Ballabh Mazumdar, a ‘ muharrir’ of the

Qaniingo Daftar to be brutally murdered. Sher ’All in consequence of this

crime forfeited his estate, which was made over to Ramnith Chaudhuri, the

youthful son of Sher ’All’s victimf and the first of the Nandi Zamindars

of Sherpur.

Tradition ascribes the first settlement of Muhammadans in Sherpur to

‘ Majlis Shamua,’ or ‘ Humayun Shah,’ a nephew of ‘ the king.’ Majlis Sha¬

mua seems to have gone to Daskahania to reclaim waste lands ; for he was to

receive as many cowries as would fill two baskets for every basket load of

earth he removed. Majlis Shamua settled at a place where a man of the

name of Jaripa resided. Some time after, the king heard that his nephew

did not act according to his command, and called him to account. Instead

of replying, Majlis Shamua, who was skilled in magic, had his head cut off

and sent in a wallet to the king. The bearer, against orders, opened the

wallet on the road ; and when the head was brought to the king, it said

nothing, but only laughed.

According to another version, the king’s nephew came with troops and

workmen. On arrival at Garb Jaripa, which was then dense jungle, they

found a man of the name of Jaripa half buried in the ground. The man

would only leave his place on being assured that the fort which was to be

erected, should be called after him, and the spot has ever since borne the

name of Garb Jaripa, or Garjaripa. Some time after, the king sent an army

to Garb Jaripa to capture his rebellious nephew. Despairing of his life, he

committed suicide, and the head was sent to the king.

I take this opportunity to mention the Dargah of Shah Kamal. West

of Sherpur Town, across the Brahmaputra and north-west of the rising

station of Jamalpur, lies Durmut, and near it, the shrine of a holy man

of the name of Shah Kamal.]; I mentioned the Dargah to Dr. J. Wise,

who soon after sent me an English translation by Mr. Donough, Dep.

Magistrate of Jamalpur, of a historical pamphlet in Bengali, which contains

Shah Kamal’s history and an account of the miracles he wrought. From

Mr. Donough’s sketch it appears that Shah Kamal came in 910 B. S., or

* Grant, Vth Report, p. 365. He mentions Benodnarain zannndar.

f Sherpur Bivaran, I, p. 155. Ram Nath’s son, Srigopal Chaudhuri was alive in

1071 B.S., or 1664 A.D.

1 Vide Sheet No. 119 of the Indian Atlas.

187 4.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. 2S5

1503 A. D., from Multan to Bengal, and settled at Durmut, where he

forced the devils to give up the spades with which they had been undermin¬

ing the bank of the river. Shah Kamal thus saved Durmut from de¬

struction : the current turned towards the east, hut the old bed of the river

lying close to the village is still visible.

As an acknowledgment of his services, Kamal received from Isfandi-

yar# Khan Ghazi, who is also called Isfandiyar Manohar Khan, and from

Raja Mahindra Narayan a jagir. Kamal died in 952 B. S., or A. D. 1545,

and his body was interred in the village on the bank of the Brahmaputra,

where his tomb still exists. Mr. Donough says there is no inscription

on it.

On his way from Multan to Bengal, Shah Kamal was accompanied by

his nephew Shah Ni’mat. They met a travelling Sayyid, whose son Isma’il

had just died. Shah Kamal restored him to life, and Isma’il from gratitude

followed him and settled at Ralimatpur, parganah Sherpur, where his de¬

scendants still live. Shah Ni’mat remained in Durmut ; and when his uncle

died without issue, the jagir and Kamal’s tomb remained in his possession.

The present owner is Shah Qiyamatullah, son of Shall Sami’ullah, alias La’l

Miyan, son of Shah Khairullali, son of Shah Hafizullah, son of Shah

Tayyib, son of Shah Ni’mat, Kamal’s nephew.

Of Shall Kamal’s four wives, Baroi Bibi is still known. She was the

daughter of a Hindu of the Baroi, or pan seller, caste, who resided in the

village of Sliaralia. She married Shall Kamal, because his miracles had

inspired her with veneration. The burial place of Baroi Bibi is esteemed

as a dargah, and still exists in the village of Baroikandhi. Another of Shah

K amal’s wives lies buried by his side in Durmut.

Shah Kamal passed some days with his numerous followers in the exer¬

cise of worship at a place called Bakloi in Thanali Karibari, zil’ah Goalpara.

The village is situated on a hill, on the east bank of the Brahmaputra,

where there is a dargah of Shah Kamal. The zamindar also conferred Bak¬

loi on him. Shah Kamal’s clihurd , or large knife, is still preserved. It is

kept with great care on a throne, or chmtki , and is once a year carried away

in procession and washed. Only Shall Kamal’s descendants may look on

it with immunity from misfortunes.

The dates given in this legend cannot be correct ; for the present owner

of Shall Kamal’s Dargah is, according to his own pedigree, the sixth de¬

scendant of Ni’mat Shah. Hence we would be nearer the truth, if we took

1052 B. S., or 1644 A. D., as the year of his death, instead of 952 B. S.

The incidental mention, however, of Raja Mahindra Narayan and Isfandi¬

yar Ghazi helps us to test and fix the chronology of the Shah Kamal

legend. Raja Mahindra Narayan is the son of Baldeo Narayan (or Balit

* Corrupted by tlie people to Ishpinjir Ivhan.

N N

28G H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. [No. 3,

Narayan, as lie is often called), who succeeded his brother, the well known

Parichhat of Koch Hajo, in 1022 A. H., or A. D. 1613, and reigned till

the beginning of 1638. Baldeo was succeeded by Mahindra Narayan, # “ a

pacific prince, who employed his time in improving the condition of his

subjects, and among other good deeds, conferred large grants on Brahmans.”

He died, “ after a reign of nineteen years,” in 1657.

Isfandiyar Beg — later he was permitted to call himself Isfandiyar

Khan — is the son of Allah Yar Khan, son of Iftikhar Khan Turkman.

Iftikhar had served in the beginning of Jahangir’s reign in Eastern Bengal,

and was killed in the last fight with the Pathans under ’Usman Lohani.f

Allah Yar Khan received a niangab from Jahangir in Eastern Bengal, reach¬

ed the high rank of Commander of Three Thousand under Shahjahan, and

distinguished himself in the sack of Hugh and the defeat of the Portuguese

and in the war with Baldeo Narayan. It is no wonder, therefore, that the

family called themselves ‘ Ghazis.’ Allah Yar died in Bengal in 1650. His

son, Isfandiyar Khan received a mangab from Jahangir and served with

his father in Koch Hajo. He accompanied, in 1661, Mir Jumlah on his

march to Koch Bihar, of which he was appointed Faujdar, and is specially

mentioned in the ’A'lamgirnamahJ for his topographical knowledge of

Eastern Bengal and Bhutan.

Shah Kamal, therefore, must have died about the middle of the 17th

century.

The twenty inscriptions given below are followed by several unpublish¬

ed coins which throw new light on several points connected with Bengal

History and Geography.

In my former essay (Journal, 1873, Pt. I, p. 250), I mentioned that

our Society contains a dated silver coin of Shihabuddin Bughra Shah, son

of Firuz Shah (I) of Bengal. The coin, which bears the year 718 A. H,

(A. H. 1318), has now been figured {vide PI. XIII, No. 1), and is one of

the most valuable Bengal coins of the Society’s cabinet. It has led me to

examine the history of the Balbani kings, who ruled over Bengal from 681

to 731 A. H. (1282 to 1331 A. D.)

The only historical authority that we possess for this period is Ibn

Batutali, whose account, meagre as it is, agrees with the evidence of coins

* Pari cl ill at succumbed to Jahangir, and Baldeo to Sliahjalian ; hence Mahindra

Narayan had every reason not to renew opposition ; vide the account of the conquest of

Koch Hajo (zil’ah Goalpara) in Journal, A. S. B., 1872, pp. 54, 62, and Ain Translation,

Yol. I, 493. These passages adjust the chronology followed by Robinson in his ‘ Assam,’

p. 156. Baldeo is the ancestor of the present Rajas of Bijm.

f Vide the account of his death given by the Dutch traveller DeLaet in Ain Trans*

lation, Yol. I, p. 521. J Page 688.

1874.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. IT. 2S7

and inscriptions, as far as they are known at present. The extraordinary

error into which all Indian historians, whether Native or European, have

fallen in describing the events of this period is this, that they have confound¬

ed Naqiniddm Bughra Khan, Balban’s son, upon whom the emperor con¬

ferred the government of Bengal, with Na^iruddin, second son of Firuz I.

and grandson of Nayiruddin Bughra Khan, and have extended the reign of

Bughra Khan from 081 to 726 (A. D. 1282 to 1326), whereas in reality

he disappears from historical records as early as 691 (A. D. 1292). I have,

therefore, thought it desirable to give a connected account of this period.

The Balbani' Kings of Bengal.

(A. D. 1282 to 1331.)

In the beginning of Balban’s reign (A. D. 1266), the governor of Ben¬

gal was Muhammad Tatar Khan.* * * § On his death, which seems to have

taken place soon after Balban’s accession, Slier Khan was appointed impe¬

rial commander of Lak’hnauti. He was succeeded by Amin Khan, whose

naib was Tughril. f When Balkan rebuilt the town and fort of Labor,

which during the reign of Mu’izzuddin Bahrain Shall had been destroyed by

the Mughuls, he got dangerously ill. Tughril heard of it, and thinking that

Balkan, who was advanced in age, would not survive the attack, made war

on Amin Khan,£ defeated him, and took him prisoner. Tughril then pro¬

claimed himself king of Bengal under the title of Sultan Mugliisuddin

(A. D. 1279). The course of his revolt, his pursuit by Balkan, and his miserable

end are known from other sources. Before leaving Bengal, Balbati in 6S1 (A.D.

1282) appointed his son Naciruddin Bughra Khan governor of Bengal in its

then circumscribed limits. As the son of the reigning emperor, he was allowed

all the insignia of royalty ; but it seems as if he had struck no coins. § He is

represented as an aimiable man of neither talents nor judgment, and fond

of the pleasures of wine. Of his rule in Bengal nothing is known. He again

visited Dihli a few months before Balban’s death (686 A. FI., 1287 A. D.) ;

* According to Firishtali, lie struck coins in his own name at Lak’hnauti.

f Badaoni I, 129.

J This differs considerably from Barani ; vide Dowson III, 112.

i must vindicate the honor of Balban’s army, “ whose legions daily traversed the

earth, in the east to the confluence of the Granges with the sea ( GangdsdgarJ , and in

the west to the confluence of the Indus with the ocean” (J. A. S. B., 1874, p. 106). In

his fights with the Mew tribe ( mewan , pi. of meiv, = mewatij, Dowson (III, 104, note)

translates ‘ Yaklald hi bandah i Jchdq i Sultan az mewan shahid shud ,’ “ in this campaign

one hundred thousand of the royal army were slain but it should be “ Yaklak’hf, the

private servant of the Sultan, was slain.” Yale -laic hi is a name like Hazar-dfnarl ; and

Yak-lak’hi was very likely Balban’s s afar chi. The same name occurs again in Dowson,

III, 218.

§ Barani says that he did. Dowson III, 129.

288 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. [No. 3,

but “ people shut their eyes at him,” and he shrank from the cares and

anxieties with which he saw the proffered crown surrounded. If Amir

Khusrau had not immortalized him in his ‘ Qiran-ussa’dain,’ which describes

the meeting between Bughra Khan and his son and emperor Ivai Qubad at

the banks of the Sarju, the then frontier between Bengal and Dihli, he

would have sunk immediately after his appointment as governor of Lak’h-

nauti into utter oblivion. Even the death of his son Kai Qubad and the

accession in 6S9 (A. D. 1290) of Sultan Jalaluddin Firuz Shah, when the

Turks went out and the Khiljis came in, did not rouse Bughra Khan to

assert the hereditary rights of his family ; and nothing shews better the

contempt in which the king of Bengal was held at Dihli than Jalaluddin’ s

mode of disposing of the dacoits captured in the Dihli territory.*

Nayiruddin Bughra Khan appears to have died in 690 or 691 (A. D.

1291 or 1292) ; for in 691 we find that his son Buknuddin reigned as king

of Bengal under the name of Sultan Kai Kaus. He is the first independ¬

ent Muhammadan king of Bengal, whose authority was not disputed.

From inscriptions found in Gangarampur, near Dinajpur, and Kagol, near

Lak’hi Sarai in Bihar, we know that he was still alive in 697 (A. D. 1297),

but the year of his death is not known. f For the four years from 698 to

701 (A. D. 1298 to 1301) we possess neither medallic nor mural evidence.

In 702 (A. D. 1302-3), however, we find the brother of Kai Kaus reigning

in Bengal under the name of Shamsuddin Firuz Shah I.J His reign ap¬

pears to have been a prosperous one. He had several sons, of whom we

know the names of five, viz., Bughra Khan (so called according to Muham¬

madan custom after his grandfather), Na^iruddin, Ghiyasuddin or Bahadur

Khan, Qutlu Khan, and Hatim Khan. The third son, Ghiyasuddin, appears

to have made conquests in Eastern Bengal. He established himself at Sunar-

gaon under the name of Bahadur Shah, and struck coins with his name from

1311, if not earlier. There may be some truth in the ill attested statement

of a later historian that Bahadur Shah had the moral support of ’Alauddin

Khilji, whose interest it was- to have neighbours divided against themselves.

The fifth son, Hatim Khan, was in 1309 and 1315, and very likely also

during the intermediate years, governor of Bihar. The ruins of his palace

in the town of Bihar still exist. Several families claim descent from him,

* He sent them by shiploads into Bengal, where he let them loose. Barani, p. 189.

That Bengal was completely severed from the Dihli empire is clear from the omis¬

sion of the Bengal Balbanis from the lists of imperial commanders which Barani gives in

the beginning of the reigns of the Khiljis.

f It was during his reign that Prince ’Alauddin meditated a descent on Lak’hnauti ;

hut he ultimately directed his plundering expedition to the Dak’ bin.

X Ibn Batutah calls him merely Shamsuddin. Vide the extract from the French

translation in Thomas, Chronicles, p. 147 ; and Lee’s translation, p. 128.

1874.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. 289

and he seems to be the only Balbani prince whose name is remembered at

the present day.

Fi'ruz Shah (I) died in 717 or 718 A.H. (A.D. 1817 or 1318),* * * § and was

succeeded by his eldest son, who took the title of Shihabuddm Bughra Shah.

His coinage shews that he was king and held Lak’hnauti in 1318-19. Soon

after his accession, Bughra Shah was attacked and defeated by Bahadur

Shall. f Bughra Shah and his brother Nagiruddin managed to escape, and took

refuge with Tughluq Shall, who in 1320 had mounted the throne of Dibit.

Qutlu Khan was killed by Bahadur Shah; Hatim Khan’s fate is not known.

From Bahadur Shah’s coinage we see that he was in undisturbed pos¬

session of Lak’hnauti during 1321.

After 1321, however, the fugitive Nagiruddin appears to have gained

influence in Lak’hnauti ; but it is quite possible that the precarious nature

of his tenure caused him again to join his brother Bughra Shall as supplicant

in Dihli. Ibn Batiitali at least says that it was at their instigation that

Tughluq Shah invaded Bengal. When the imperial army left Dihli, Baha¬

dur Shah retreated to Sunargaon, and Nagiruddin left Lak’hnauti, joined

the emperor at Tirliut, and accompanied him to Lak’hnauti, where Tughluq

Shah confirmed him as governor of the province, and allowed him the use of

the royal umbrella and the jewelled staff (which is carried before kings),

because “ by his humility and submission he had established a preferential

claim to the office.”]; Of Bughra Shah’s fate nothing is known. Tughluq now

despatched his adopted son§ Tatar Khan, governor of Zafarabad (near

* Mr. Thomas (Chronicles, pp. 194, 199) extends the reign of FIruz Shah to 722 ;

but there are no coins for 719 and 721 ; Col. Bush’s specimen of 720 is very doubtful, to

judge from the figure, and for 722 no figure has been given.

f Bahadur Khan had the nickname of ‘ Bourali (ce mot signifie dans la langue in-

dienne le noir)’ — evidently the Hind. brownish. The Bibl. Indica edition of

Badaoni (I, p. 224, middle) has evidently a mistake for Ibn Batutah’s

Mr. Thomas (Chronicles, p. 197) calls Bughra Shah instead of

— a typographical error.

t This, I daresay, is the meaning of BaranI’s phrase (p. 451), Jcih dar itd'at o ban-

dagi sabqat ncmmdah bud ; i. e. Bughra Shah, if still alive, was passed over. This

explanation shews that the emendation of the texts of Baranl and Firishtah proposed by

Mr. Thomas (Chronicles, pp. 188, 197) is not required.

Firishtah, of course, confounds this Nagiruddin with Bughra Khan, and calls him

“ the son of Balban.” But Balkan was born about 605 (A. D. 1208) ; and supposing that

Buglna Ivhan was born in 635 a moderate estimate — he would have been about ninety

years old, when Tughluq was in Lak’hnauti, and his advanced age would certainly have

been remarked. 1 urtlier, Nagiruddin only received the province of Lak’hnauti, while

Bughra Khan had ruled over the whole of Bengal ; Bughra Khan’s reinstatement, there¬

fore, would have been a disgrace for an old man of illustrious descent.

§ Pisar-khwandah, This word is pronounced without the Izafat, and

means ‘ an adopted son,’ not ‘ a foster son.’

290 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. [No. 3,

Jaunpur) with an army against Bahadur Shah, who was captured and sent

to Dihli with a rope round his neck.

The provinces of Sunargaon and Satgaon were placed under separate

military commanders, Sunargaon being given to Tatar Khan.#

Tughluq Shah then returned to Dihli, and died on his arrival, crushed

to death by the accidental or designed fall of a pavilion that had been erect¬

ed for his reception. His successor, Muhammad Shah Tughluq, left Na^ir-

uddin in possession of Lak’hnauti. He released, however, immediately after

his accession, Bahadur Shah, gave him a large sum of money, and allow¬

ed him under certain conditions to return to Sunargaon, where Tatar Khan,

the imperial commander was stationed. The province of Satgaon was placed

under Tzzuddin Yahya A’zam ul-Mulk.f Tatar Khan received at the same

time the title of Bahrain Kban,£ as also a large sum of money, elephants,

and horses, and was ordered to accompany Bahadur Shah to Sunargaon.

They were to share the kingdom ; the coinage was to bear the name of

Bahadur Shah and Muhammad Shah Tughluq, and their names were to be

read out jointly in the khuthah ; and lastly, Bahadur Shall was to give up

his son Muhammad Barbat as hostage.

In 726 A. H. (1326 A. D.), Na^iruddin died,§ and Muhammad Shah

Tughluq appointed Malik Bedar Khilji, — many MSS. have Malik Pindar —

governor of Lak’hnauti with the title of Qadar Khan. Bahadur Shah for some

time remained faithful to his engagement, and acknowledged on his coinage

Muhammad Shall as his suzerain ; but at last he attempted to throw off all

outward signs of allegiance — Ibn Bat. Utah says he would not give up his

son — , and thus brought Muhammad Shah’s vengeance on himself. The

emperor sent a corps to Bahrain’s assistance, and Bahadur Shah was defeat¬

ed, captured, and put to death. His skin was stulfed and paraded through

the provinces of the empire (about 731 A. H., or A. H. 1331). ||

Thus ended the line of the Balbani kings of Bengal. The tragic end of

this Bengali dynasty was not in the eyes of the Dihli historians of sufficient

importance to be recorded, and it was left to an African traveller to furnish

another example of the vicissitudes of illustrious families.

* Firislitah says that Na^ruddin got the whole of Bengal (in the passage quoted

by Mr. Thomas, Chron., p. 197) ; hut further on, Firislitah corrects himself, and limits

Nacpruddin’s power to the province of Lak’hnauti.

f Bad. I, 226, 230.

X The French translation of Ibn Batutali has l: II (Muhammad Shah Tughluq) expe-

dia avec luile fils de son frere, Ibrahim Khan,” which seems to be a mistake for “ Bahrain

Klian, his adoptive brother.” ffj^ Is often confounded with

§ Firislitah mentions his death before relating the events of 727 A. H.

|| There is a confusion of names in Badaoni (Bibl. Indica Edit., I, 227; Lucknow

Edition, p. 59), who calls the rebellious governor of Multan “ Malik Bahrain Aibali,

adoptive brother of Sultan Tughluq.”

1874.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. 291

Bengal remained imperial till 739 (A. D. 1338), when the death of

Bahrain Khan* led to the successful revolt of Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah,

the chronology of whose reign was discussed in my former essay.

Summarizing these results and continuing the table of Bengal gover¬

nors on p. 246 of last year’s Journal, we have —

Muhammad Arsalan Tatar Khan. He was governor of

Bengal in the beginning of Balban’s reign.

S li e r K li a n.

Amin K h a n.

Tughril (II), Amin Khan’s Nail. He rebels in A. D. 1279, and

proclaims himself king of Bengal under the name of Mughisuddfn.

N a 9 i r u d d i n Bughra Khan, son of the emperor Balban, A. II.

681 to 691, or A. D. 1282 to 1292.

Bukn uddi'n Abul Muzaffar Kai Ka'u's, son of Bughra Khan, the

first acknowledged Muhammadan king of Bengal, 691 to 697 A. H., A. D.

1292 to 1297, or perhaps a few years later.

Shamsuddi'n Abul Muzaffar Fi'ru'z Sha'h (I), brother of Kai-

Kaus, who reigned from 702 (if not earlier) to 717 or 718, A. D. 1302 to

1317 or 1318.

Shiha'buddi'n Abul Muzaffar Bughra' Sha'h, son of Flruz Shah (I).

He reigned in 718, or 1318, over Western Bengal.

Ghiya'suddi'n Abul Muzaffar Baha'dur Sha'h, brother of Bughra

Shah. He ruled over Eastern Bengal from 711 (if not earlier) to 719, and

over the whole of Bengal during 720, 721, 722, and perhaps 723.

Na^iruddin, brother of Bughra Shah, governor of Lakhnauti, from

723 to 726.

Grhiyasuddin Abul Muzaffar Bahadur Shah, restored in

725 to the government of Eastern Bengal, jointly with

Bahram Khan, 725 to 739. Bahadur Shall rebels and is killed,

about 731.

Qadar Khan, governor of Lak’hnauti, 726 to 740, when he is

killed.

Tzzuddin Yahya A’zam ul-Mulk, governor of Satgaon, 724 to 740.

We have, therefore, the following genealogical tree of the Balban

Dynasty :f —

* Mr. Thomas gives a coin struck by Bahadur Shall at ‘ Gliiyaspur’ without Mu¬

hammad Tughluq’s name on it. Its date may be 730 A. H. If the name of the mint-

town is at all capable of identification, it seems that we should look for it to the neigh¬

bourhood of Sunargaon.

f Completed from Chronicles, p. 148.

292 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal . — No. II. [No. 3,

Sultan Balban, Emperor of Dihit.

Muhammad

(Khan i shahid).

Na^ruddin Bughra Khan,

Viceroy of Bengal.

Ivai Khusrau.

Sultan Mui'zzuddin Ivai- Sultan Ruknuddin Ivai-

Qubad, Emperor of Kaus, King of

Dihli. Bengal.

Shamsuddfn Ffruz Shall,

King of Bengal.

Shihabuddfn

Bughra Shah,

King of Bengal.

Na<jiruddfn,

Governor of

LaJc’hnault.

Governor of

Bihar.

Ghiyasuddfn Bahadur Qutlu Klian. Hatim Khan,

Shah, King of

Eastern Bengal ,

then of the whole

of Bengal , then

Viceroy of

Eastern

Bengal.

Muhammad.

Descendants

still exist¬

ing at pre¬

sent in

Bihar.

Of the other new Bengal coins given below, I may mention —

(1.) A specimen of Jalaluddin Muhammad Shah’s coinage, of 831 A. H.

(A. D. 1427-28), belonging to the Society; vide Plate XIII, No. 2. In

my former Essay, I published coins of Muhammad Shah of 818 and 821. #

(2.) A unique Gold Husain Shah of 907 (A. D. 1501-2), struck at

Muzaffarabad.

Husain Shah’s mint towns, as far as known at present, are Fathabad,

Muzaffarabad, and Husainabad. Fathabad was in my former Essay identi¬

fied with the modern station of Faridpur. Muzaffarabad occurs in an

inscription of Husain Shah’s reign, published by me in the Journal for 1872,

p. 106. f The inscription mentions that Kukn Khan, “ Vazir of Muzaffar¬

abad and Kotwal of Panduali,” built a mosque at Gangarampur. We may

therefore conclude that Muzaffarabad was the (now unknown) name of a

place or district in the neighbourhood of Panduali .

Husainabad is mentioned on Husain Shah’s later coins, as also on those

* Mr. Laidley’s Muhammad Shah given on p. PI. IV, No. 8, Journal, A. S. B., 1846,

resembles the specimen of tlie Society’s cabinet.

f The legend as given there mentions Zafarabad ; but the mistake was corrected

in the Errata for 1872.

1S74.] H. Bloclimann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. 293

of bis grandson and son Firuz Shall (HI) and Mahmud Shah (III). There

are several Husainabads near Gaur, and it is probable that Husainabad stands

for ‘Gaur.’ Mr. Westmacott* is inclined to identify it with the Husain¬

abad which lies eleven miles east by south from English Bazar, and 5^ miles

south by west from Chatra.

I may mention that Marsden and Laidley read “ Jannatabad,” instead

of u Husainabad but on careful examination it will be found that

4 Husainabad’ is the correct reading ; nor is there any historical evidence

to shew that Gaur had the euphemistic name of Jannatabad before Huma-

yiin’s time.

(3.) Several new varieties of Nugrat Shah’s coinage, one struck in

930 A. H. at Nugratabad, a mint town which only appears on Nu^rat Shah’s

coins. Unless the name stands, like Husainabad, for some place near Gaur,

it may refer to the Nu^ratabad, which Abulfazl gives under Sirkar G’hora¬

g’hat. In fact, it seems as if Nucratabad stood for G’horag’hat itself ;

for Abulfazl does not mention the town and Haweli of G’horag’hat, but

gives only Baldah Nucratabad.

(4.) A silver coin of Mahmud Shah (III), unique as far as the date

is concerned, the property of Col. Hyde. Its date, 939 A. H., or 1533,

shews that the death of Nu£rat Shah, the accession and murder of Firuz

Shah (III),f and Mahmud Shah’s accession all took place in 939. We

have, therefore, to fix Mahmud Shah’s reign from 939 (end) to 944, instead

of 940 to 944, as given in my former Essay.

I now give my readings and translations of the above named inscrip¬

tions and coins.

Shiha'buddi'n Abul Muzaffar Bughra' Sha'h.

( Great-Grandson of the Emperor Balban.)

For the reign of this king I have only to give the coin mentioned

above.

1. Vide PI. XIII, No. 1, and Thomas, 4 Chronicles,’ PI. YI, No. 4.

Silver. Weight, 166*97 grains. Lak’hnauti. A. H. 718. As. Socy. Bengal.

Obverse —

Margin- ^ ^ nvi ^ p ^ 1

*♦ H

Reverse —

Obverse — The Imam al-Musta’9im, Commander of the Faithful.

Margin — This silver piece was struck in Lak’hnauti, the capital, in 718.

Reverse — The great Sultan, Shiliab uddunya waddin Abul Muzaffar Bughra Shah.

Vide also Journal, As. Socy. Bengal, Pt. I, 1873, p. 250.

* Calcutta Review, 1874, p. 430. The Ain given a parganali Husainabad in

Sirkar Audambar (Tandah) ; vide also Journal, A. S. B., for 1870, Pt. I, p. 295.

f Journal, A. S. B., 1873, p. 298.

O O

29d H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. [No. 3,

JalaTuddi'n Abul Muzaffar Muhammad Shall.

(Tenth king.)

In my former Essay, I published three coins of this king, dated

818 and 821. The Hon’hle E. C. Bayley has since found specimens dated

from 818 onwards to 824. #

1. Vide PI. XIII, No. 2. Silver. Weight, 16P53 grains. A. H. 831.

Tughra characters. As. Socy. Bengal, one specimen.

Obveese — . ^

Margin — *ri ( S )

BeVEESE — O+s:'0 jSL&Jj j( j E-'^t

Obveese — Tlic Khalifah of God by evidence and proof .

Margin — . 831.

Reveese — Jalal uddunya waddm Abnl Muzaffar Muhammad Shah, the king.

Specimens of this coin do not appear to be very rare. I only lately

saw three with a Calcutta podar ; hut they were entirely defaced and there¬

fore useless.

Na'sirnddi/n Abul Muzaffar Mahmu'dsha'ii (I).

(Twelfth king.)

The following inscription belonging to the reign of this king was found

by Mr. Westmacott laid in a tomb near the Port at Maldah. The stone is

not in situ ; it must have been taken from a mosque built by one Hilal in

A. H. 859.

No. 1. The Mahmud Shah Inscription of A. H. 859.

# | A Ab) ^ p.J *1UJ|

d ) yS\ ^dJI ) ^

* Vide Proceedings, A, S. B., August, 1874, p. 157. The legend of the curious

A’zam Shahi, exhibited by the Honorable E. C. Bay ley, is as follows : —

Obveese — *&j*l£*» ^j| j UWf AlX JJoLJi

IvEVEESE — Axl/O 0-1,^ ^ f

Margin — a| r «Xx*J| v_^A

The coin is, no doubt, posthumous ; and the reason assigned, namely, Timur’s inva¬

sion, is the only satisfactory explanation that can be given. The Jaunpur coinage offers

another example; for the earliest dated coin given by Mr. Thomas (Chronicles, p. 321)

is of 818, and the first two Jaunpur kings (796 to 804) struck no coins. Besides, this

posthumous A’zam Shall! of 812 helps us perhaps to fix the reign of Bayazid Shall ; for

as Bayazid’s coins commence with 812, it seems as if his reign lasted from 812 to 817.

1874.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal.— No. II. 295

sC .akkC

e/ /

Hi! \jljJ IjAJ

♦♦

!) j ^y.MK4>^- j lO &Au> AArt HyO L

He upon whom be peace said, ‘ He who builds a mosque will have- a castle built for

him by God in Paradise/ In the reign of the great and exalted king N a 9 i r u d d u n y a

w a d d f n A b u 1 M u z a f f a r M a h m u d Sha h, the king, this mosque was built by

the slave of the throne [of God], H i 1 a 1. Written on the 19th Slia’ban — may the bless¬

ings of this month be general ! — of the year 859 [4th August, 1455.]

The three Mahmud Shall inscriptions published in my former essay

belong: to 861 and 863 ; hence this one is the earliest hitherto found.

I take this opportunity of giving a slightly improved reading of Col.

Hyde’s unique Mahmud Shah silver coin, published by me in Journal, Pt. I,

for 1873, p. 269.

REYEltSE — c/bl-Jf ri'A dj+zz'0 y&J I y\ j bJoJf

Obvebse — Assisted by the assistance of the Merciful, the vicegerent of God by proof

and evidence, struck 846.

Reverse — Naeiruddunya waddrn Abul Muzaffar Mahmud Shah.

Ruknuddi'n Abul M uj a'liid Ba'rbak Slia'ii.

(Thirteenth king.)

Of this king only two inscriptions had hitherto been known. One of

little importance was found by me at Tribeni ; the other, dated pafar 865,

fixed the beginning of Barbak’s reign, and was discovered by Mr. Westma-

cott near the tomb of the Pir i Chiliilgazi, ‘ the Saint forty yards high,’

near Dinajpur.*

The following Barbak Inscription, which is only two months later than

that of Mr. Westmacott, was brought about fifty years ago by Mr. Marsh-

man from Gaur to Serampore. As mentioned above (p. 282), it is now in

the Museum in Calcutta.

No. 2. The Barbate Shah Inscription of A. H. 865.

H-'dil ^ j Hi) L ^

•• jj •+>

wLiUH ^soj ^9 Js^| 1j * jUs:^) ^j9 | j.^9 A)

♦♦ ♦* ♦♦

# Vide Mr. Westmaeott's note in Journal, Pt. 1, 1873, p. 273.

296 H. Bloclimann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. [No. 3,

JJ&lrp6, I jA

jJSU) ..

....... <*aAj ) ^UaluJl J-i

)l dA^Uj ^

The Prophet (upon whom he peace !) has said, ‘ He who builds a mosque in the u orld

will have seventy castles built for him by God in Paradise.’ This mosque was built in the

time of the just, . . .king, namely the Sultan, who is the sou of a Sultan, Ruknud d u u y a

waddiu Abu 1 Mujahid Barbak Shah Sultan, son of Mahmud Shall Sultan,

and the builder is . on the 10th Jumada I, 865 [24tli December, 1460 J.

The other Barbak Shah Inscription was discovered by Mr. Westma-

cott in the village of Deotalao, on the road from Old Maldah to Dinajpur

and 22 miles from the former. The slab is on the entrance of a mosque.

No. 3. The Barbak Shah Inscription of Deotalao. A. H. 868.

^W| fXU.sJ dll) JS

55 *11) j dll! jAr ^.Xuo 55 dll) ) aUIj

.. " ** *

p> i ^ Ju .uic aii^u ^jJI js #^1^1 |.^it

♦* «« •«

U.J * disr^l s }j*a9 [dJ] i^AjJ dll)

♦♦ ♦*

^JslUJ) j uL^Ul) ^ti j ^.k.c55) jjfA d*«a2j

I WN>

JiA*J) L-£UJ) y*j £dlU/C -f^ jjl ) j*&d) L-5^

^ •• +*

^IkLJI sUJojb y&Jlyl WX| _, nXl Pj JUJI JaUIl JjU/l

\JJ vV

dA^Si 2 %f*) ( ( ^1-C ) » dAlsl**/ j d*.L dll) <dljs. A'dti d

♦♦

)| dA^j U> * ; ^Uj di*« ^ )

God Almighty says [Qoran IX, 9] , c Do you take the giving drink to the pilgrims and the

frequenting of the Holy Masjid in value to be equal to him who believes in God and the last

day and exerts himself on the road of God ? They are not equal in value in the eyes of

God ; for God does not direct unrighteous people.’ The Prophet (blessings on him !) has

said, ‘ He who builds, &c., (as above). This Jami’ mosque in the town of Tirua bad was

built by the great Khan, the exalted Khaqan, the adviser of kings and rulers, who is a suf¬

ficient protection against the [evils of the] age, TJlngli Murabit Kha n, — may his

high qualities endure ! — in the time of the just, liberal, learned, and wise king Ruknud-

1S7U] H. Bloclimann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. 297

dunya wacl din Abul Muzaffar* Barbak Shall, the king, son of Mahmud

Shah, the king — may God perpetuate &c., ! — on the 5tli Rajab (may its honor increase !)

of the year 868 [4th March, 1464].

On the mosque itself is a smaller inscription in four compartments. I

have not deciphered the whole.

Aj budJ! , J )osr'u^/,° -AJ ,sc Aw . aU! caa!) /Jli

• •• L_p • L_5 ‘ Cv i J L-5 > * v-'

.. « *• « ~

u2J;UdJ AA-oM) ^ . . # Axs^) ^3 aI All)

♦♦ •*

wK> sjJ

_Jx) ^ iAiyc &JUI aIA. xXaS * * * # Kyf * _ syi

OJ

•jj \jj

IaI) ^ f aUI aM*« • . . , &.‘Aw j ^ j./<)

The Prophet (blessings on him !) says, ‘ He who builds, &c., [as above]. This mosque

(was built) in the blessed town of T i r u a b a d, generally known (’ urf ) as D e o t a 1 a o, in the

reign of . k Shall, — may God perpetuate his kingdom and rule and elevate his condition

and dignity ! — by [Ulugli Murabit Khan]..., may God protect him in both worlds! .

The wanting portions seem to contain the name of Ulugh Murabit

Khan, and at the end the words —

AjUjuJ ^jJl up to the year 978 (?)

1 Murabit’ means ‘ guarding the frontiers.’ The name ‘ Tiruabad’ ap¬

pears to be no longer known.

Shamsuddi'n Abul Muzaffar Yu'suf Sha'h.

(Fourteenth king.)

According to the histories, Barbak Shah died in 879 A. IT. The latest

hitherto ascertained date is 873 ; but the Persian MS. on Shall Isma’il Glia-

* This seems to be a mistake for Abul Mujahid. The old Persian Dictionary,

entitled ‘ Sharafnamah i Ibrahimi,’ which is dedicated to Barbak Shall, lias also ‘Abul

Muzaffar’ ; but as we know nothing regarding the author or his native town, and nothing

definite regarding the year in which he completed liis dictionary, it is possible that the

Barbak Shall, to whom he dedicated his dictionary, is the Barbak Shah of Jaunpur, who

ruled in Jaunpur from 879 (the year when the Bengal Barbak Shall is said to have died)

to 881. Later, lie was restored by Sikandar Lodi. Mr. Thomas (Chronicles, p. 877) has

coins of 892 and 894; but they contain no julus- name. Vide Journal, A. S. Bengal,

1868, p. 8.

The kunyah of Muzaffar Shah of Bengal, I believe, to be Abul-Na^r, as given

on inscriptions ; and I believe the coin published in Journal, 1873, p. 312, gives this

name likewise.

A. similar confusion may be noticed in the Jcunyah of Aurangzib, which is Alul-Za-

far, as given in the histories and on coins ; but many inscriptions of his reign

have the more common Abul Muzaffar.

The most common kunyahs of Indian kings are Abul-Muzaffar, Abul-Mujahid, Abul-

Fatli, Abul-Zafar, Abul-Na^r, Abu Na9r, Abul-Mahamid, Abul-Ma’ali, and Abul-Barakat ;

but there are not many more.

298 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. [No. 3,

zi of Rangpur discovered by Mr. Damant, furnishes some evidence of the

correctness of the histories, inasmuch as the MS. states that Isma’il was in

878 beheaded by Barbak Shah.

The following inscription of Yusuf Shah seems to be of 870 A. H. If

the date is correct, the inscription can only refer to Yusuf as prince or

governor; and this supposition is strengthened by the absence of the for¬

mula Ichallada alldliu mulkahu , Sfc., which is due to the reigning king.

No. 4. The Yusuf Shall Inscriptions of Old Hdldah , A. H. 870.

Mr. Westmacott says, “ I went to a mosque at Shank Mohan in Old

“ Maldah, and saw there two inscriptions ; but the slabs had been washed

“ over and over again with pitch and oil, doubtless with most laudable mo-

“ tives, but to such an extent that to take a good rubbing is out of the ques-

u tion.” “ One of the inscriptions is 2 ft. 6 in. by 11 inch., in one line, and

the date appears to be saVin wa samanmiah , 870.”

The word sail ah before the date is certainly doubtful ; and the date

may therefore be 876, or even 879.

Oj

f aDI ^ ](Asr'w,/0

^ , UaJI 0 • • # wjU ) j ^ 1

AX aJ |

.%

/M

m sA> yjj

I pi\

l*JUI

The Prophet (upon whom be peace !) has said, ‘ He who builds, &c., Tas above]. In

the time of the . king Sliamsuddunya w addin Abul Muzaffar Yusuf

Shall, the king, son of Mahmud Shall, the king . this mosque the Malik . dated

Jumada I, of the year 870.

The other inscription is a long narrow slab and contains two lines — -

.......... * a!J| ^J| &Jf $1 | &U|

. . j L .... jUkJf ohsjtj dtj'Of'C j

. ....

H

.... dJjl-yo

The first line belongs to an Arabic lamiyah ode (metre, hazaj ). Unfor¬

tunately, Mr. Westmacott had to leave Maldah, before the stones could be

thoroughly cleaned.

Saifuddi'n Abul Muzaffar Fi'ru'z Sha'h (II).

■(Eighteenth king.)

Mr. Westmacott found two inscriptions of this king, for whose reign

we had hitherto no mural evidence. %

1874.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. 299

The first inscription is dated 15th fafar, 894, and is from Goamalti

Factory, within the precincts of Gaur. The letters are beautiful.

No. 5. The Firuz Shah (II) Inscription of Goamalti. ATI. 894.

Mr. Westmacott says— “ I think it most probable that the slab belong-

“ ed originally to a mosque of which the ruins lie a couple of a hundred

“ yards S. E. of the Factory. A row of four granite pillars, ten feet apart,

“ and a corresponding pillaster ; the northern wall built of brick with a

“ course of granite, some of which is cut into a moulding ; and a pinnacle

“ at the south-western angle, still remain to shew that it was a fine build-

“ ing, with probably ten domes, in two rows, the length of the building

“ from N. to S. being divided by the row of pillars. It has been

“ deeply trenched, probably for the bricks. It is about a hundred yards

“ to the eastward of an embankment which extends northwards, past

“ Sa’dullahpur, to the tomb of Shaikh Akin Sirajuddin, commonly call-

“ ed Jhunjliuniyah, at Komolabari, at the N. W. angle of Sagardig’hl.

“ Southwards I do not know the line of the embankment. It is called

“ ‘ garh,’ or ‘ fort.’ Goamalti lies about 5 miles S. of the station of Eng¬

lish Bazar, and was the residence of the archaeologist Mr. Creighton,

“ who has written a monograph on Gaur. Three of Mr. Creighton’s

“ children are buried at Goamalti, A. 1). 1800 and 1802.”

tT ♦♦ «

.... ) iJjb ^ c4j * }j^29 <5.01

........ v'lsz* f’k*''0

kV vjj 'JJ

at & ^ GioJI fc-Axw J*Wl ^tlal***

. ^ jo

1 ^ fs H A ^ a^l L j Aotlabcu j <GJ)

^ J Y* {j*

The Prophet (blessings on him) says, ‘ He who builds, &c. &c.,’ This... mosque was

built by the great Ulugh, the exalted lord, . M u k 111 i 9 Khan, . in the reign of the

great, exalted, liberal, and j ust king Saifuddunya wad din Abul Muzaffar

Firuz Sliah, the king, — may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule and elevate his

condition and dignity ! — on the 15tli Safar, 894 [18th January, 1489].

I have also since found in the coin cabinet of our Society a rather defaced

specimen of a Firuz Shahi of 893, as figured onp. 288 of last year’s Journal.

It weighs 163'37 grains.

)) XjLiU*

e/-*

J

No. G. Another Firuz Shah Inscription from Mctldah.

Mr. Westmacott’s second inscription of this king is from the Ivatrah,

or the old Fort, of Old Maldah. Buchanan says, it was a sarai, but it seems

to be fortified. The date of the inscription is illegible.

300 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. [No. 3,

yjJ

•« ♦♦ **

2 l.xijJ) JoU.1! ^UaJLJt IdJb <y*) * AlzJ} I

••

*JJ wS> yjj

)<A-& ^ ^ AJ'.lM.iW j A^l,/® (ij.! ) <J,1^- ^ibl^ j^j.y.9 y&hd | ^^-iXf)

)! Aj>UjUj> . AA-U; \^.jySO . . <SX*M>y& J . . . . ^^ls^AS't“*J)

The Prophet, upon whom he peace, has said, ‘ He who builds, &c. This mosque was

built [in the time of ?] of the just king Saifuddunya waddin Abul Muzaffar

Firuz S ha li, the king — may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule ! And the builder

of this mosque is Majlis . namely Sa’id ..dated anno 8..

No. 7. The Firuz Shah Inscription from Q-arh laripd, Sherpur, Mai -

mansingh District.

The slab of this inscription is now in the Museum of the Society, and

was received, as I stated above (p. 282) from Babu Hara Chandra Chaudliuri,

of Sherpur. It is of granite and measures 4 ft. by 2 ft. ; but the letters

are very unclear, and many are hopelessly broken away. The inscription

seems to have belonged to a vault. In each corner of the slab is a square,

containing the name of one of the first four Khalifahs ; the two squares on

the left and those on the right are joined by vertical lines, but the letters be¬

tween each set of squares are illegible. The slab was entire ; but an ele¬

phant put his foot on it, and the right side of the stone broke in two. The

inscription itself consists of four lines. I have deciphered the following — •

. . aid m *d $ . . aB) j \yu,j aiii ^ aji $ |

I 1 ^gl.C 2 I | ^ ^.^H) • • • • e • *11)

♦♦ *

• • L •• •••••••••• I y » e • • J y A,$.)ol-&l) ^

y&b-d) yj^ ^£<Xl) y lAicjJl *■ y tX^xl)

Jyo . . ( S 'Lj.&'O ) y *itkLu ) AXLo Alf) (Mi*.

)) A-UiUj . A*mi

In the name of God, the merciful, the clement ! There is no God but Allah, Mu¬

hammad is Allah’s prophet . there is no God but Allah, . Muhammad is Allah’s

prophet . 0 God, bless Muhammad, the elected, and ’All, the chosen, and Fatimah, the

pure, and Hasan... and Husain . . built . the king of the age and the period

Saifuddunya waddin Abul Muzaffar Firuz Shall, the king, — may God

perpetuate his kingdom and his rule! This [vault?] was completed in the blessed..,

Ramazan, 8**

1874.] H. Blochmann — Geography andHistory of 'Bengal. — No. II. 301

’Ala'ii ddi'n Abul Muzaffar Husain Sha'h.

(Twenty-first king.)

Of this king no less than seventeen inscriptions have been published in

this Journal.* They give the years 903, 907, 908, 909, 911, 915, 916, 918

922, 925. Mr. Westmacott found in Maldah six new ones of 899, 900,

907, 910, 914, 918, 923 ; and Mr. J. R. Reid, C. S., has sent me two of 906

and 909 from Saran.

Husain Shah’s coins, as far as hitherto known, give the years 899, 900,

912, 914, 918, 919. Of coins, I can give two new ones, viz., a small

silver coin of 899, from the cabinet of our Society, and a unique gold coin

of 907, which Col. Hyde and I lately purchased at a podar’s shop in Cal¬

cutta for the cabinet of the Society.

1. Vide PI. XIII, No. 3. Silver. Weight, 16689 grains. No mint-

town. A. H. 899. (As. Soc. Bengal, one specimen.) Circular areas.

No margin.

Obverse — ajIULwij &xl/o allj (xU*.

JL

Reverse — as <> <0/^ Jj-^j aJf ^

’Alaudduny a w addin Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah, the king, — may

God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule !

There is no God but Allah ; Muhammad is Allah’s prophet. Land Revenue (kha°

raj), 899.

2. Vide PI. XIII, No. 4. Gold. Unique. Weight, 164*33 grains.

Muzaffarbad, 907. (As. Soc. Bengal.) Circular areas. In the margin,

twelve spearheads.

Obverse — Oy&t ^j| atA j&kf | j jf j Li&Jt

Axi/o a! J | <xl A

«•

Reverse — <xJJ| z+^:/0 <xCf Ml <G| S f

’Alauddunya w addin Abul Muzaffar Husain S h a h, the king, son

of Sayyid Ashraf the Husainf — may God perpetuate his kingdom !

. There is no God but Allah ; Muhammad is Allah’s prophet. Muzaffarbad [Muzaffar-

abad], 907.

No. 8. The Husain Shah Inscription of 899.

Mr. Westmacott found this inscription on the premises of one Pat’liu

Khan at Maldah, not in situ , at the tomb he calls the “ Dargah i Aulad

Sultan Adam Balkhi,” or ‘ the shrine of the descendants of Sultan A'dam

of Balkh.’ Sultan A'dam’s name is not given in biographical works of

Saints in my possession.

* Vide Journal, 1873, Pt. I, p. 292, and Journal 1872, p. 106.

P P

802 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. [No. 3,

A U I L ^XJ &U )tVs:,ax/0 L aI/ui j ^ l J>

gj - gj m p . ** >t

^"j] ^ IjOjJ) ^Hc ^Uol,uJ) L <A-? * ) L f

^ " go - ^ ^

l$s:MK’<>' I Ja& ^ &jlkLu j A.XJU0 aJ.J) c^1a» ^iki-^JI 5$l/Si ^jXuks*. j.&]a.d]

I) LUiUj^

r*

t

AA*J £ X^J

e/

$ (J* &i ) t ^ t5 y

>^s-

u~

Is:'0

The Prophet says (God’s blessings on him !), ‘ He who builds a mosque for God, will

have a castle like it built for him by God in Paradise.’ It was built in the reign of

Sultan ’Ala uddunya wad din Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah, the king —

may God perpetuate his rule and kingdom ! This mosque was built by Majlis Rahat

[ullali], on the 10th Zi Qa’dali, 899 [13th August, 1494].

The inscription seems to have been carved by the same hand as the

Muzaffar Shah inscription of 898, of which I gave a facsimile in my former

essay.

No. 9. The Husain Shah Inscription of 900.

This inscription was found by Mr. Westmacott on a neat little mosque,

utterly ruined, just outside the Maldali Katrah. The Mosque is called

* Fauti Masjid,’ or ‘Burial Mosque.’ “The Katrahf Mr. Westmacott

says, “ is called by the people a Sarai for travellers ; but from its strength,

“ and the depth of the gateways, I still think it must have been a fort, per-

“ haps used as a Sarai latterly. It is just opposite a curious tower on the

“ Nimah Sarai side of the Maliananda River, stuck all round with slabs of

“ stone, which look as if they been intended to support the builder’s scaffold*

“ ing, and have never been removed.”

gj gJ gg gJ

&.J aU|^ gbj Am j &.\ic AXf ) ^ ^ JU

♦* * •«

^3 *AL (X/yJ) ^kUJ) ^3 * &W| ^3

WJ & & gJ gJ gj

AilkLwj <*.1 J| dJLs. ^Ual •tV-J I

* «« ^

)) &.Xm> i^jsc jJ] | ^ ci j.yf £j)

The Prophet (God’s blessings on him !) says, ‘ He who builds a mosque for God, will

have a castle built for him by God in Paradise.’ It was built in the time of the king who

is assisted by the assistance of the Judge, and exerts himself on the road of the Merciful, the

Khalifah of God by proof and evidence, ’Alauddunya w a d d 1 n Abul Muzaffar

Husain Shah, the king, — may God perpetuate his kingdom and rule ! This mosque

was built by Ivhan M u ’ a z z a in, son of Ulugh Sher, on the 11th Shawwal, 900 [5th

July, 1495].

1874.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. 303

No. 10. # The Inscription of Husain Shah's Madrasah at Gaur .

A. H. 907.

Mr. Westmacott found this interesting inscription on a little mosque

near the Thanah at English Bazar. The stone is, therefore, not in situ ,

and may have belonged to the Madrasah, the ruins of which he states to

exist in Gaur.f

The beginning of this inscription, ‘ Search after knowledge even as far

as China,’ is a well known saying of the Prophet, and is often in modem

times quoted by Muhammadans in connexion with the spread of English

education in the East.

The inscription is free from grammatical mistakes.

'J'* sjj \JJ

>EJ) JjAILJ ^ <!uic <X.U) ^ ^ JS

' ' H H

I ^ ' 4 UJ ^ .

j 2{aJ] (jtWI aJJ) (JsAxui L|

V M

. VW gJ

A^b'O aO) Jklsb* ^^XXa*\s J iL-Xi ) txijJI

)) ^ AAcw XXsC ItA/W

The Prophet (God’s blessings on him !) has said, ‘ Search after knowledge, and if it

were in China.’ This excellent Madrasah was ordered to be built by the great and generous

king, the Sayyid of the Sayyids, the source of auspiciousness, who exerts himself on the

road of God the All-giver, the conqueror of K a m r u and Kamtah with the help of

the Merciful, ’Ala uddunya waddin Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah, the

king, the Husaini — may God perpetuate his kingdom ! — for the teaching of the sciences of

religion and instruction in those orders which alone are true, because he hopes to

obtain from God the great reward and asks Him for His everlasting mercy, on the 1st

Ramazan, 907 [10th March, 1502].

# Mr. Westmacott also sent me rubbings of several inscriptions from Hemtabad,

Western Dinajpur. Among them was an incomplete Husain Sliahi of A. H. 906 ; a large

circular inscription, containing Qor. 48, 27 ; and a tomb inscription of one Shaikh Jamal-

uddin bin Makhdum Shaikh.

f The removal of inscriptions from Gaur may have been the cause of their preserva¬

tion. We know from Grant’s Essay (Vth Report, p. 285) that the Nizamat Du f tar contained

an entry of Rs. 8000 under the head of qtmat khisht/cdr, which was annually levied from

a few landholders in the neighbourhood of Gaur, who had the exclusive right of “ dis¬

mantling the venerable remains of the ancient city of Gaur or Lak’lmautf, and conveying

from thence a particular species of enamelled bricks, surpassing in composition the imita¬

tive skill of the present race of native inhabitants.”

804 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. [No. 3,

No. 11. The Husain Shah Inscription from Saran. A.H. 909.

This inscription was sent me by Mr. J. 11. Reid, C. S., A’zamgarh, N.

W. Provinces.*

aJ <df) 'yj All j aaK aU) ^x>J) JUi

<* jCo.!) ^UaluJ) j^****^ l<A& * AXsr^l L gi Aljk/o Ijuj

*— fc^£‘w' /UA. i! jUijJ) /ILc

♦*

I) A-)1.4.a.uO ^ ^-uO ^ _ f A^Vlafiy 2 AlJj <Al^»

The Prophet, &c., &c.. (as above). This Jami’ mosque was built by the exalted and

honoured king, ’Ala uddunya wad din Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah, the

king, son of Sayyid Ashraf, Al-Husaini — may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule ! —

in the year 909 [1503-4],

No. 12. The Husain Shah Inscription of 910 A. H .from Maldah.

Mr. Westmacott found this inscription preserved in the mosque of

MuQtafa Khan at Gilabari, Maldah. Gilabari is about five miles below

English Bazar, on the western bank of the Mahananda. The mosque is

built from materials taken from the ruins of Gaur, and the people say that

the slab, too, which must have belonged to a gate, came from there.

\JJ sjj <JJ \J*

j IxijJJ 'fbc 4I2.X.0.J) ^UaluJ) (S^C- L fs ujIaJJ L (S3

* ••

XX-usS I C.i -? <SX*m . »*?? ,,Xlnl*uJ| .fi.ia.cJI *.j! Jjj)

•» J •• J J • {£j - '

)) 2 jSL.£- AX/Ui ^ f <1 >thKi j SO AJU ’

This door was built in the time of the exalted and honored king, ’Alauddunya

wad din Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah, the king, son of Sayyid Ashraf Al-

Husaini — may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule ! — in the year 910 [A. D. 1504-5].

* Mr. Reid also sent me a rubbing of a Husain Shah inscription from Isma’ilpur in

Saran. The right hand half of the slab is wanting. The left portion is —

Aii{ £!o,c| f+f+Jl t-. JUlf J plzA+Jt I ^jdaLJl j.st>y

. . j AxIp aUi ^1-^ f aJ[1 I A4.K] f

AJjLs*® cJfj $ yAlJl . #

|| A\^o ijj Idx&Jf 1 1 j .$ A ^._v£jJ| dx'jb ijjf |

f N M

. namely the great and exalted king, and the victorious, liberal Imam, who exerts him¬

self against the enemies of God, who professes the true faith, who traces his descent from

the Prophet of God . the Majlis ul-Majalis who is known as the “ Shower-heart” [i. e.

the liberal] — may his generosity last to the day of judgment and endure till the truth

comes to him ! In the month of the Prophet, Sha’ban, 906 [March, 1501].

The month of Sha’ban is often called ‘ the month of the Prophet,’ just as Rajab is

called shoJir ullah, ‘ the month of God,’

1874.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. 305

No. 13. The Inscription from Husain Shah’s Mosque in Maldah.

A. H. 914.

The reading of this inscription is by Mr. Westmacott, who found the

slab attached to a modern mosque in Maldah.

\JJ JJ 1 Jj JJ \J*> Jw jJ

aJ aJUI t ail )As:'av0 ^JLu j <ulc aIJ) ^ ^*iJI J15

♦* ♦♦

(I

£d) ^UaluJ) ^ot^l ^ A &lxsc Uaj

Ci

. Jj 1 Jj vN> JJ JJ

) i. 9 1 <SXw j] A.u1.ua.J} fckoi *.j| .-'Ail » LkijJ) 5^

.. ' j Ci/ ** V 7 • (j/ >• > >

JO JO

|J aA^X-mA j <Uv.vo ^ Ail ) AL

The Prophet, &c., &c., (as above). This Jami’ mosque was built by the exalted and

honored king, ’Ala uddunya waddin Abul Muz affar Husain Shah, the

king, son of Sayyid Ashraf, Al-Husaini — may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule !

' — in the year 914 [A. D. 1508].

No. 14. Inscription from Husain Shall s Mosque at Molnatali , Mdl-

dah. A. H. 918.

Mr. Westmacott found this inscription together with one of Nuqrat

Shah (vide below No. 16) at Molnatali [Maulanatali ?], about a mile south

of old Maldah, in a little mud hut. “ Both inscriptions,” he says, “ are

placed side by side face upwards, on the ground, and are said to cover

the grave of a Pir, called Sultan Shihabuddin, at which a lamp

is kept burning. The people say, he left the throne and became a Eaqir.

Could this be your Shihabuddin Bayazid Shah ?”

jj jj jj jj jj jj <jj

a1X« Uaj aJ aJJ! A, aIJ ,1j sc A . aaIc aU) \sO jJJ) !lji

•* • ^ s * • r j ♦* l l c - u

♦* H *

^.jAJ)^ UIaJ) !a& l * AAs-^j ^

\JJ \JJ * JJ \jj

aU) a!.^. l j c— a^<ai) (Sx*m ^jXaio.^. ! ^.j|

♦♦

II ajU*«o jjAc ^Uj IwulkJU^

The Prophet, &c., &c., (as above). This mosque was built by the exalted and honor¬

ed king ’Ala uddunya waddin AbulMuzaffar Husain Shall, the king,

son of Sayyid Ashraf, Al-Husaini- — -may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule ! — in the

year 918 [A. D. 1512].

No. 15. Inscription from Baulat Hdzir’s Mosque at Bholdhdt.

A. H. 923.

The builder of this mosque, to judge from his name, was a Eunuch.

Mr. Westmacott found the inscription at Bholahat, which lies near

Gilabari, mentioned on p. 304, on the western bank of the Mahananda,

below English Bazar.

306 H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. [No. 3,

s*)

<*J &i.J) <aJU 1as'wa,/<> L ^sc Amj j &jJlc <dJ) cbJI JIS

^ir * ♦♦

I JaxJ) ^ikJLJ) ^s^J) )jjb ^b * Aas:J) <dX« Iuj

• ♦% ♦♦

'b^l *U jA&V y) > tbjJl jltfl

♦♦

|*)t3 ^Joti i A <S.bb j bL& ^ ^./*I j j A^l/o <l11| olA*

J) bU^uO ^ j L e}

The Prophet, &c., &c., (as before) . This mosque was built in the reign of the exalted and

honored king ’Ala uddunya w addin Abul Muzaffar Husain Shah, the

king, son of Sayyid Ashraf, Al-Husaini — may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule

and elevate his condition and dignity ! Its builder is Daulat Nazi r, — may his honor

continue ! — in the year 923 [A. D. 1517.]

Na'siruddi'n Abul Muzaffar Nusrat Sha'h.

(Twenty-second king.)

The year of Nu9rat Shah’s* accession still remains doubtful ; but it is

now certain that his death took place in the middle of 939 A. H., or about

January, 1533.

The histories state that Husain Shah died in 927 ; but the last ascert¬

ained date is 925. The Nuqrat Shah inscriptions hitherto published, in¬

cluding those given below, are of 929, 930, 933, 935, 936, 937, 938. For

the year 939, we have (1) the coins of his son Firuz Shah (III), who is

said to have reigned three months ; (2) a Firuz Shah inscription of Hama -

zan, 939 ; and (3) the coins of his uncle Mahmud Shah (vide pi. XIII, No.

10); hence Nuqrat Shah must have died in the middle of 939.

As explained by me in Journal for 1873, p. 297, Nu9rat Shah’s coin¬

age shews the early dates 922, 924, 927, and I shall enumerate below new

varieties of his coinage from the specimens preserved in the Society’s cabinet.

No. 16. The JSfugrat Shah Inscription from Bath Khan's JKosgue,

JSIaldah , A. H. 930.

The following inscription was found by Mr. Westmacott together with

No. 14, given above, at Molnatali, over the grave of £ Sultan Shihabuddin.’

It refers to a mosque entrance built by one Fatli Khan.

* I find that Babar calls this king by his correct royal name, not Na9ib Shah. Vide

Dowson, IV, 260; also Akbarnamah, 1, 160.

Babar was Nu9rat ShalTs contemporary. Another renowned contemporary was

Chaitanya, the son of a Silhat brahman, who founded the sect of the Vaishnawfs (Boisli-

tobs). According to Bengali accounts, Chaitanya was born in Nadiya, to which place his

father had removed, in 1485, i. e. during the reign of Fatli Shall.

1874.] H. Blochmann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. 307

^UaJLd) ^llaLuJJ d^e ^UJ) lift

gj gJ go gJ

jSL lioJI j,j) y

gj gj gJ

y Alllsi/Wf^ A^L’O AJU) aIA. A-&

♦♦

s^> .. .

II H^3 , ^£15 *i» »,Jb rlj

♦»

The door of this mosque was built in the reign of the exalted and honored king, son

of a king, N a 9 i r uddunya waddin Abul Muzaffar N u 9 r a t Shah, the

king, son of Husain Shah, the king, — may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule, and

may He elevate his condition and dignity ! Its builder is Khan Mu’azzam Fath

Kh an — may his exalted position last ! — in the year 930 [A. D. 1524].

No. 17. The Nugrat Shah Inscription from Gaur. A.H. 933.

The slab of this inscription is now in the Society. It was received to¬

gether with the Barbak Shah Inscription of 865, given above, from Dr.

G. Smith, late of Serampore.

aJ *U| *11 Us""4 ^ 1,, *iJx *1!) U iil| Jj

♦* ♦* «« ♦*

» r r . . ^ go I

AW) ^jUaWJJ ^ ^/d.s-') &J.A/« llij

* ♦* ♦* ••

suy^idiJi^j] uujy^>u yk£n ^ ykun

gJ . gg go go

TbyXz (Xxmj J AJol.J j &£.lsO ^.jj) /jdA. ^jOahtiJ) ^j)

1) AA«.A*uO y ^AaIj y V/; Wj &W f

•*

The Prophet, &c., &c., (as before). This Jami’ mosque was built in the reign of the

learned king, the king who is the son of a king, N a 9 i r uddunya waddin Abul

Muzaffar Nu^rat Shah the king, son of Husain Shah, the king, — may God perpe¬

tuate his kingdom ! Its builder is Majlis S a ’ d, — may his exaltation endure ! In the

year 933 [A. D. 1527].

<Wb> ) aAA y

r •

*j*\

No. 18. The Nugrat Shah Inscription of Maldah. A. H. 935.

Mr. Westmacott found this inscription let into the tomb of a saint,

called Nankapati Sahib, about a mile south of Maldah ; but it commemo¬

rates the building of a mosque entrance by one Khalf Khan, son of Maj¬

lis Qara — a Turk, to judge from his name.

^ y]=JUJI JoWI all]

•» ♦»

W ^ yJ<J %jj J J

^UaiW ) 4 1 ) yi) ^ y

SOS H. Bloclnnann — Geography and History of "Bengal. — No. II. [No. 3,

iw

^/vis*''0 4aAj j Ailalvu ^ &£i. < ^U) aI^w. ^Ikl^d)

)J A.Aa.X,mO ^ ^ <XAw ^ ^9 jj.9

!,

The door of this Jami’ Mosque was built in the time of the just king, the Sultan,

son of Sultan, N a 9 i r uddunya waddin A b u 1 Muzaffar N u 9 r a t Shah,

the king, son of Husain Shah, the king — may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule !

Its builder is Khan Mu’anam Khalf Klian, son of M a j 1 i s Q a r a. In the

year 935 [A. D. 1528-29].

No. 19. The Nugrat Shah Inscription of Maldah. A. H. 938.

This inscription, which is of importance on account of its date, com¬

memorates the building of a well by one Bonamalti. The slab is small and

was found by Mr. Westmacott lying on the grave of a widow in Cholsapa-

ra, Old Maldah.

The name Bonamalti is doubtful 1 the first two syllables have no dia¬

critical points in the inscription.

SAJ£> ^ gXJ * 1$Ka/o) &li AwWk As*. jJJ!

♦♦

cV JJ vjj

j AAkku j aU) A-L^w. ^tkkvJ) y\\i ^jlkl-uJ}

. (

)) j j SIjw <uAj

44 44

God Almighty has said, ‘ He who comes with a good deed, to him (will be) ten simi¬

lar ones.’ This well was built in the reign of the king, the king who is the son of a king,

N a 9 i r uddunya w addin Abul Muzaffar Nu9rat Shah, the king, son

of Husain Shah, the king, — may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule ! Its builder is

Bona m a 1 1 1. In the year 938 [A. D. 1531-32.]

No. 20. The Nugrat Shah Inscription from Majlis Siraj's Mosque y

Maldah.

This is a mere fragment of an inscription. Mr. Westmacott found it

in the Chillah, or prayer-cell, of the Saint Qutb ’Alam, on the northern

bank of the Kalindrl River, at Solpur Nagrai, nearly opposite G angarampur

Factory, 6 miles above Old Maldah.

ijj Oj \J0 \J0 UJ

dill ^ g-v Alf ^ ^ Am j AjJU &U| ^aUJ

♦♦ ♦* ♦♦ ♦*

WN» . . t .

^UaluJ) A^£ ^ f £/otsr) As’uv^| j A^> f Aik* Ijju <U

♦♦ ♦♦ ♦»

jj ^ m \jj

Am ^.Akai) ^ # # # ^jlkLuJI

^ vjj Jj

* * * * fAy* J.U ) Aitkin j &£Lo aII) aJLA- ^kLJ )

1874], H. Bloclimann — Geography and History of Bengal. — No. II. 309

The Prophet, &c., &c., (as above). This Jami’ mosque was built in the time of the

king, the son of the king [Nagiruddunya] w addin Abul Muzaffar N u 9 r a t

Shah, the king, son of Husain Shah, the king — may God perpetuate his kingdom

and his rule ! Its builder is Majlis Siraj####

Of Nu£rat Shah’s coinage I have given on PI. XIII five new varieties

from the Cabinet of the As. Society. The legend is the same on all of

them, dates and mint towns excepted.

Obverse — j.) f j hpjJf ^LkUJi

Reverse — sr-a <xCl/o

M

Obverse — The king, son of a king, N a 9 i r u d d u n y a waddin Abul Muzaffar

Reverse — N u 9 r a t Sliah, the king, son of Husain Sliah, the king, the Husaini,

— may God perpetuate his kingdom and his rule !

No. 5, PI. XIII, weighs only 160-06 grains, and resembles No. 6, which

weighs 164’32 grains. Both specimens are struck at Nuqratabad, and No. 6

hears the date 930 A. H. Nos. 7, 8, 9 are of rude manufacture, and weigh

163'97, 163"8, 163*72 grains, respectively. They belong to the time be¬

fore the death of Nu£rat Shah’s father ; for they bear the dates 923 (No. 9)

and 924 (Nos. 7, 8). In all of them the figure 2 is inverted, and has there¬

fore the same shape as a 6(1). No. 7 seems to bear on the obverse the

mint-town ol Khalifatabad.

On comparing the artistic skill displayed by the die-cutters with that

of the engravers of Bengal inscriptions of the same period, one cannot help

being surprised at the deficiency and absolute want of the former and the

high perfection of the latter.

Ghiya'suddi'n Abul Muzaffar Mahmu'd Sha'h (III).

(Twenty-fourth king.)

I mentioned above that the reign of this king commenced in the end

of 939. This is proved by the following coin — ■

Vide PL XIII, No. 10. Silver. Weight, 167'53 grains. (Col. H.

Hyde). A. H. 939. Husainabad.

Obverse — Hi uP4^ J AAl

Circular Area in the middle of Obverse and Reverse —

%•

Obverse — The king, son of a king, Gliiyas uddunya waddin Abul Mu¬

zaffar Mali mud Shah,

Reverse — The king, son of Sultan Husain Shall, the king, — may God perpetuate

his kingdom and his rule ! Husainabad, 939.

Circular area on Obverse and Reverse. — The royal moon.

A daughter of Mahmud Shall was married to Khizr Khan,* Slier

Khan’s governor of Bengal.

* Vide Dowson IV, 390, where he is called ‘ Bairak,’ and V, 115, where he is called

* Surk.’

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. IV.— 1874.

The Temple of Jaysagar, Upper Asam. — By J. M. Foster, F. S. A .,

Nazir ah, Ascim.

(With four plates.)

This temple, situated on the north bank of an immense tank, two and

a half miles south of Sibsagar (the ancient Kang pur) in Upper Asam,

Lat. 26° 54 ' N., Lon. 94° 40 ;E., is not remarkable, when compared with

many similar edifices in Central India, for its antiquity, ornamentation, or

historical associations, but is of considerable interest from its being pro¬

bably the most perfect specimen of stone architecture existing in Upper

Asam, and its having been erected at the time when the Hindu religion

was first firmly established in the country, which was for once in its history

in a state of peace under an energetic and competent ruler.

The occasional earthquakes, the destructive influences of the weather

and the pipal tree, combined with the fact that no proper plans or drawings

of most of the ancient edifices in A'sam have been made, rendered it desir¬

able that some memorial of this temple should be preserved, as its destruction

at a not very remote period may be anticipated. The cold weather of

1873-4 having set in, a small camp was formed, the jungle was removed from

the edifice as far as practicable, and careful measurements were made of the

most interesting parts of it. The photograph by Mr. H. A. Coombes,

Superintendent of Police for this district, gives a very fair idea of the edifice

and its decorations ( vide plates).

The tank upon the bank of which this building is situated is very large,

even for Asam, its dimensions according to the Revenue Survey map being

900 by 650 yards, the ’ bund’ being about 120 feet wide on the top, and its

Q Q

312 J. M. Foster — The Temple of Jaysdgar, Upper Asam. [No. 4,

depth is stated to be thirty* six feet in the centre ; the water level is about

two feet above that of the surrounding country, and was formerly much

more until the bund was cut through for some now unknown purpose. The

earth removed during the excavation was used to form the banks. In its

immediate neighbourhood are two other immense tanks, the Othae and Rudra

Sagar, which are now dry and were probably never completed.

A slight historical sketch of the causes that led to the formation of this

temple and tank will probably be found interesting. During the reign of

Gadhadhar Singh, alias Chupatpha, (died A. D. 1G25) the Moamariahs or

Muttacks (a people living in the north and north-east of Asam, who were

divided into two clans, the Moamariahs so called from their being a dis¬

tinct sect from the generality of Asamese, and the Morans, signifying

1 inhabitants of the jungle’) gave great trouble by incessantly making war

upon and plundering their more peaceable southern neighbours. At last they

became so powerful, that they elected a chief ruler of their own under the title

of the Lora Raja, who completely defeated Gadhadhar Singh, and took

possession of the country as far south as Jorhat.*

According to the native MS. Chronicles, Gadhadhar Singh escaped to

the jungles after his defeat, whilst his wife Jaymati Koorie was captured

by the Lora Raja and tortured by him to give information as to her

husband’s place of refuge. In the centre of the Jaysagar Tank a post now

stands : at this spot she is said to have been daily flogged, but without its

producing the desired effect. On being questioned as to his whereabouts,

and a promise being made that she should be liberated if she would give the

necessary information, she replied that she had not seen him for a long time.

Gadhadhar Singh hearing of this presented himself one day in disguise be¬

fore her, and asked her why she did not point him out to his enemies. She

at once recognized him, but refused to betray him. Addressing him

as a friend of her brother, she told him to leave her to her fate, as his sub¬

mission to the Lora Raja could be of no advantage to either. Three

times this scene was repeated, and finally Jaymati Koorie told him she

would insult him if he troubled her any more. He at length left for the

jungle, and she, faithful to the last, died under her tormentor’s hands.

Now Gadhadhar Singh’s sister was married to the Bor Phukan, who

lived at Gauhatti and was an ally of the Lora Raja ; Gadhadhar Singh

took refuge in his house, and was so well disguised, that he remained there

in safety, being known to his sister only, for two years or more. Ultimately,

* It may here be noted that the Momariahs kept rising in rebellion with varying

success until the Government was assisted by a British force in 1793. Gliargaon, the

old capital, Rangpur, the new one, Jaysagar tank, Gaurisagar tank, and other places,

were frequently scenes of most sanguinary battles, the fights on several occasions

lasting three days.

313

1874.] J. M. Foster — The Temple of Jay sa gar, Upper Asam.

a misunderstanding between the Bor Phukan and the Lora Raja occurred.

The wife then revealed all to her husband ; he and Gadhadhar Singh raised

strong forces, marched to Ghargaon, captured it, killed the Lora Raja,

and reinstated Gadhadhar Singh on the throne of his ancestors. With

true oriental gratitude, he was no sooner firmly seated than he put to death

his brother-in-law, the Bor Phukan, and two other of the highest officers

of State who had also assisted him, alleging as his reason that as they were

powerful enough to depose and kill the Lora Raja, they might possibly

serve him in a similar manner, should any quarrels arise between them. He

did not live long after his restoration, and was chiefly occupied in restoring

order throughout the country ; and he strictly enjoined his son Rudra Singh to

build a temple on the spot where his mother was put to death, and to call it

after her name. This was done, and Jaysagar Dliol is doubtless the finest

specimen of stone architecture in Upper Asam.

Although the Hindu religion was introduced in 1615, and a number of

Brahmans was procured to teach the observances of their faith, and though

in 1654 Chutumla publicly adopted the Hindu faith and encouraged Brah¬

mans to his court, as well as assumed the Hindu name of Jayadhajia Singh ;

yet Gadhadhar Singh is said to have been a Buddhist, to have eaten beef and

frogs, and drunk spirituous liquors. His son Rudra Sing, however, was of

the Hindu faith from the commencement of his reio’n.

o

In Robinson’s “ History of Asam,” p. 168, we find — “ Gadhadhar

Singh, alias Chututpha, died in 1695, and was succeeded by his son Rudra

Sing, alias Chuckungplia. In 1699, this prince is said to have founded the

fort and city of Rangpur, where he also caused an extensive tank to be made

that still bears his name. In the same year he erected a theatre for the

exhibition of sports, denominated Tulatuli. He died suddenly the following

year at Gauhatti. Rudra Sing was, without doubt, the greatest of all

the Asamese princes : he reduced the whole valley to order, and received the

submission of all the hill tribes.”

“ In an old Asamese bulanji it is said that “ Jaymati Koorie was taken

into custody by the Lora Raja, carried to the place where Jaysagar now is,

and was caned and whipped to death under a large pipal tree, which was in

the same place where the pillar in the centre of the tank now stands.”

In a native work, entitled “ A History of the Kings of Asam,” by Sri

Radhanath Bor Borua and Kasinath Tamuli Phukan, p. 34, we find the

following — •“ On the 14th Plialgun, 1617, (A. D. February 24tli, 1695) Raja

Rudra Singh went to the Singree Gliur at Ghargaon, and there assumed the

name of Sooklungphaw, and, according to his father’s command, memori¬

alized the death of his mother Jaymati Koorie by digging the large tank

called Jaysagar, and erecting three temples in and about the place where

she was murdered. The largest of these temples was dedicated to the

314

J. M. Foster — The Temple of Jaysagar, Upper A'sam. [No. 4,

worship of Vishnu, one of the smaller to Siva or Mahadeb, and the other to

Durga. The famous works of Rudra Singh’s life are, the Matakat Rung-

pore, Joysaugor Dhol Pookrie, Rungonath Dliol Pookrie, Phakooah Dhol,

Namdang Heel Sanko, Damoru duo heel Sanko, Kerkooteab Allee, Doo-

berownee Allee, and Matakaroo Allee.”

To quote Robinson again, p. 276. “The remains of temples and public

buildings, which are so often met within various parts of the country, testify

that the Asamese had once made considerable progress in sculpture. Their

productions are, however, not merely void of attraction, they are unnatural

and not unfrequently offensive and disgusting.” The latter part of this

paragraph is hardly correct with regard to Jaysagar, only one of the designs

being unfit for publication, and that is one of the incarnations of Vishnu in

which a boar plays a prominent part. The stone body of the temple is

literally covered with very fair specimens of sculpture, the designs and their

details being in some instances wonderfully fine and artistic ; not an avail¬

able inch of surface is left undecorated, and the frieze of hunting scenes in

the basement is for the most part extremely accurate and life-like.

The body of the building, about twenty-two feet high, supporting the

dome, is built of sandstone and carries twelve pinnacles ; the dome is of brick-

tiles, covered with stucco, which is ornamented by being divided into an

immense number of sunk panels, each having a rose in its centre, and is about

thirty feet high ; and the superstructure of brick, somewhat mutilated, built

around an iron centre rod, makes the total height about sixty-five feet

above the ground. The bund underneath the temple is composed of large

sandstone boulders. These with the stone used in building the temple were

probably brought from about Sadiya by boat, and landed opposite Rang-

pur ; for there is a good ancient road leading from the Dikko River at that

point to the Jaysagar tank. The sculptured slabs are very neatly let into

into the wall and with their surrounding frames are mostly crowded with

diaper work and minute carved tracery. The building is octagonal, the

four sides facing the cardinal points of the compass are each twenty

feet broad, the other four sides have recessed angles. At its west end are

two entrance rooms ; from the centre one seven steps lead down through a

fine stone doorway into the grand room of the temple, which is quite dark

and has probably a subterranean chamber as water could be heard running

underneath the floor. This room is twenty-three feet across and devoid of

ornament excepting the niches ; the stone work, as on the outside, reaches

up to the foot of the dome which, being devoid of stone, shews the brickwork

to the top, the height appearing immense when viewed by magnesium

light, although it cannot exceed fifty feet.

All the other buildings are composed of brick tiles, have curved roofs,

covered with stucco, generally stone doorways, and in two cases having

315

1874.] J. M.. Foster — The Temple of Jay sa gctr, Upper A'sdm.

series of carvings in sandstone let into the walls on the outside of the

buildings. Nearly all are more or less damaged by the frequent earthquakes

they have had to withstand.

On the outside of the temple, near the foot of dome, runs a series of

tablets, each containing an angel and all having different attitudes, as nearly

resembling the angels in European mediaeval sculpture as can he well

imagined. Amongst the figures in the frieze of hunting scenes near the

base of the temple are three unmistakeable Nagas, leading a captive by

cords ; the neck ornaments, the tightly pinched-in waist, scanty covering,

sturdy limbs, and uncovered heads, all indicate their nationality ; the weapon

in the hand of each resembles the Burmese dhao-luey, and is not such

an article as we see carried by the Nagas in this neighbourhood. The

vehicle conveying the Baja is of very curious construction, the wheels

being supported by springs on the outside like modern railway carriages,

and the single shaft reaches over the horses’ back as far forward as its head.

This drawing is unfortunately somewhat mutilated, and the details cannot be

accurately -made out. Camels are frequently represented : these may bear

allusion to some event during Mir Jumlah’s invasion of Asam, as there are

no such animals now to be found here and the country is quite unsuited

to them. Amongst the native sports on grand festivals, elephant fighting

probably had a place, as two are shewn carrying riders, and the mahauts

are evidently urging the beasts to the combat ; one of the elephants has

the trunk of the other in its mouth. This is a very spirited and well executed

piece of work.

This frieze of hunting and other scenes is undoubtedly the most inter¬

esting part of the carvings ; coming from the N. W. angle and going round

the building to the East we find : —

1. Two armed men on horseback. An old man on foot. Two men

sitting under a tree.

2. Two old and two young alligators, having ronnded ears like

leopards.

3. A deer on its back, a tiger holding it by the throat, two deer and

fawn running away.

4. Two men mounted on horses, one carrying a spear, the other a bow,

two dogs chasing two deer and a fawn, a man in a tree aiming a gun at the

deer.

5. A man on a galloping horse, about to shoot an arrow at a man on

an elephant, the latter being suddenly stopped by the mahaut.

6. Two alligators with big ears.

7. Two camels marching, one mounted, the other led by a man on

foot, two men on horseback conversing, two animals (dogs ?).

8. Two elephants carrying mahaut and rider, the first rider brand¬

ishing a sword.

316

[No. 4,

J. M. Foster — The Temple of Jay sag ctr, Upper A'sam.

9. (20' face to N.) A tree, under it a man kneeling, apparently

wounded, having his back turned to a man about to shoot an arrow at him.

Man on galloping horse looking back and shooting an arrow at the man

under the tree. Man on horseback lancing a charging buffalo over his

horse’s left shoulder, he carries a quiver on his back. Man kneeling behind

a tree, and man up in a tree, pointing guns at some buffalo. Elephant driven

by mahaut going from some buffalo, the rider carries a gun. Man on

galloping horse, throwing lance at two running deer and a fawn, two dogs

also pursuing the deer. Man in tree pointing gun at some deer. Herd of

six large and small elephants. Forest scenery. Two tigers chasing two

deer and two fawn, monkey climbing a tree out of the way.

10. Two monkeys on a tree. Man and woman on two walking

horses, evidently conversing. Two monkeys on a tree, an old man under

it. A tree, on one side a hut with a man in it, a person sitting down on

the other side.

11. Two men on galloping horses after a deer and fawn, the one about

to shoot an arrow, the other to throw a lance, two dogs pursuing the deer at

full speed (very spirited).

12. Two elephants with riders being suddenly stopped by the ma-

liaut’s judges, they see No. 13.

13. A tiger holding a deer by its throat having turned it on its back,

another deer is dashing off into the jungle.

14. Similar to 7. (P a tiger).

15. Two large and two small alligators, as before.

16. Man on galloping horse shooting arrow at man on elephant,

mahout suddenly stopping it.

17. Two alligators with big ears, as before.

18. (20' face to E.) A monkey on a tree. Man and woman on

horseback conversing, not seeing a tiger ahead. A man on tree pointing

gun at a tiger that is watching the people approaching. Man on a tree

pointing gun at the tiger’s rear. Man on galloping horse shooting arrow at

the same tiger. Two bears about to fight. Three Nagas leading a

prisoner child bound with cords, each armed with a knife. Two mon¬

keys on two trees, two animals (leopards ?) about to climb up to them. A

monkey on small tree eating a fruit. A bear (?) walking beside two people

on horseback. Man walking behind a covered carriage, drawn by two

horses, one saddled, a driver kneeling in front. Two people on horses. Two

men and four women crowded together behind a covered carriage drawn by

two horses, containing a driver, a Raja, and an attendant who kneels behind.

Broken place. Five women dancing, and seven people playing musical

instruments, approaching the carriage.

19. Two large and two small alligators with mouths open.

1874.] J. M. Foster — The Temple of Jay sag ar, Upper Asdm.

317

20. Man on horseback, as 16.

21. Two riders, one about to throw lance, the other to shoot an arrow

at two deer and a fawn running away. A man on a tree pointing a gun at

some deer.

22. Two elephants, as 12.

23. A tiger as 13, a deer and two fawn running away.

24. A repetition of 10.

25. Two alligators as before, with open mouths.

26. Two camels, one mounted, the other led, then two men on horse¬

back brandishing swords, two dogs running.

27. (20' face to S.) A tiger lying down wounded, two men on trees

pointing guns at it. Two elephants fighting, biting each others’ trunks,

carrying maliauts and riders who are urging them on. (Very spirited.)

Man kneeling, pointing a gun, and man mounted, also pointing a gun at

a tiger attacking a buffalo. Two men on galloping horses, one shooting an

arrow at the same tiger, his companion looking back and shooting an arrow.

An elephant approaching carrying a mahaut and rider. Two men on

galloping horses, one shooting an arrow, the other throwing a lance at two

deer running away.

28. Similar to 10.

29. Two large alligators, as before.

30. A repetition of 5.

31. A duplicate of 7.

32. A repetition of 2.

33. Similar to 27.

34. Tiger holding a deer by its throat and turning it on its back, two

deer and two fawn running away. A monkey climbing a tree, and a man

on a tree aiming a gun at the tiger.

35. Repetition of 12.

What standard of measure may have been used in the construction of

these buildings cannot be easily ascertained, but the English foot seems to

adapt itself for taking measurements where the hath, or cubit, would give

some trouble. There is also an indescribable peculiarity in some of the decora¬

tions that seems to indicate the hand of an European architect, or at least

some one who had some acquaintance with European decorative art : the struc¬

ture is not ornamented in a purely oriental manner, and although the

Asamese style of arch in doorway is prevalent, yet the massive stone per¬

forated blocks for the reception of the heavy door hinges, which are found

in every room, look more as if copied from some Roman building than the

production of an effeminate race such as the Asamese have been. The

brickwork strongly resembles many specimens of Roman architecture now

existing in England : large flat tile bricks, the double rows to form arches,

318

Pranuath Pandit — Note on the Chittagong Copper-plate. [No. 4,

tiie mortar mixed with broken brick, are identically the same. The solidity

of the buildings, some of which, not more than fifteen feet square, have

walls five feet thick, would indicate that earthquakes were as prevalent in

those days as now, and perhaps more destructive ; yet in spite of their massive

construction very few have escaped the effects of the shocks, for greait rents

are visible in nearly every pucca building of any antiquity in this district.

Between Jaysagar and Sibsagar are numerous dhols and tombs and

a large two-storeyed brick building, called the Rangghar, which is in a

fairly perfect state. The smaller buildings are buried in long grass. When

an opportunity occurs, a careful investigation shall be made of the most

interesting of them.

Note on the Chittagong Copper-plate , dated & "aka 11G5, or A. T). 1243,

presented to the Society by A. L. Clay, Esq., C. S. — By Pbanna'th

Pandit, M. A.

(With a plate.)

The plate, transcript and translation of which have been given below,

measures about 7-§- inches in length and 7 inches in breadth, with an extreme

thickness of one-eighth of an inch. It has a curvature at the top, which

would seem to have been designed to serve the purpose of a handle. The

extreme length from the tip of the curvature is over 9 inches. In this

space are delineated, on the first face the figure of a crescent surmounted

by a sun, symbolical of the gift’s enduring* as long as the sun and the moon

shall exist in the heavens ; and on the second face, the figure of Vishnu riding

on Garuda, which would denote that the dynasty was Vaishnava in religion,

a fact borne out by the three names mentioned in the plate, which are all

synonyms of Vishnu, and also by the fact of the first sloka being addressed

to that divinity. The plate is engraved on both sides with characters which

bear a close resemblance to those on the Tipara copper-plate, translated by

Colebrooke in Vol. IX. of the Asiatic Researches, and Vol. II. of his

Miscellaneous Essays ; and to use the language there used “ the character

agrees nearly with that now in use in Bengal ; but some of the letters bear

a close resemblance to the writing of TirhutA f The engraver has been hard-

pressed for space on the second face, and was obliged towards the conclusion

* Compare ■R ■^T^TT^ in sloka 6 of the Tipara copper-plate, Colebrooke,

Vol. II. p. 243, in the Gurjjara grant in J. R.

A. S., New series, Vol. I, p. 275. in the Ujjayini plate,

Colebrooke, II, p. 308.

f Miscellaneous Essays by H. T. Colebrooke. London, 1837, Vol. II., p. 242.

319

1874.] Prannath Pandit — Note on the Chittagong Copperplate .

to diminish the intervals between the lines as well as the size and depth of

the letters. The left side of the second face is to a considerable extent

worn away, and could not without difficulty he decyphered. I have put

an asterisk over letters which are conjectural and enclosed in brackets

those which have been apparently omitted by mistake, though they are ab¬

solutely necessary to make the sentences intelligible.

Babu Oomachurn Boy, Treasurer, gives the following account of the

finding of the plate in a letter to A. L. Clay, Esq., Officiating Collector of

Chittagong, the Society being indebted to the latter gentleman for his for¬

warding the plate with the whole correspondence.

“ The copper plate was found at the time of re-digging a pond in

Napirabad, a village on the south-east corner of the Sadr station of

Chittagong. This pond formerly belonged to the Bliats of that village,

and it now belongs to a Muhammadan. The plate was also found by a

M uh ammadan . ’ ’

The language is Sanskrit Poetry, with the exception of the first sentence

and the description of the boundaries of the lands, which are the subject of the

gift. The latter are given in prose, which will bear no strict grammatical

analysis. It would seem that the description of the dynasty, the donor, and

the donee, and the usual formula at the end, were drawn up by the court

Pandits, who left the details of the boundaries to be filled in by subordinate

officials. For the sake of convenience, I have numbered the couplets which

constitute the greater part of the engraving on the plate. The first sloka

is in adoration of Damodara, a synonym of Krishna, # who had been identi¬

fied with Vishnu long before. The particular synonym is chosen for the sake

of a double entendre , the reigning king, the donor, being of that name.

The second sloka is in praise of the Moon, and from this we may fairly infer

that the dynasty claimed to be Chandra-vansi , or descended from that

luminary. This conjecture is strengthened by the terms

used in the next sloka. The phrase

in the fifth sloka sounds redundant, but I am unable at present to suggest

a better reading. The last half of this sloka, which dwells on the blue-

black faces of rival kings, sounds very poor and tautologous in the translation,

though not so bad when read in the original. The sixth sloka extols with

the usual hyperbole the prime minister, under whose superintendence the

sctsana was drawn up, the king being presumed to be above such petty

concerns. It may indeed be possible that the gift was in reality the

minister’s, though made, as a matter of form, in the king’s name. The phrase

does not denote that the minister in question was a veritable

Scsevola, but is used by the poet in the sense that his left hand alone was

more than sufficient to overpower his enemies.

* For tlie appellation of Damodara, vide Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, Part IV.

It li

320

Prann&th Pandit — Note on the Chittagong Copperplate. [No. 4,

For the of this sloka I might refer to ^^^TfrT^^SfffTTlf^rr

of the Chalukya grant in J. It. A. S., New Series, Yol. I, p. 268 ; ^T«TT^Jsnr*?T

in the Chitradurg plate, where Colebrooke# has the note — “ solemn donations

are ratified by pouring water into the hand of the donee.” The same

inscription employs further on the phrase In sloka 7,

the name of the prime minister is given as Srimad-datta-maha-mahattaka,

of which compound Srimad is the usual honorific prefix ; datta, the patro¬

nymic ; and Maha-mahattalca , the proper name. The recipient of the gift is

Sri-Prith ivi- d liar a - Sarin d , a Yajurvedi Brahman, As the Yajur-veda is

pre-eminently the sacrificial Yeda, it is not surprising that a Brah¬

man of this school should be selected as the donee. The amount of the

land given away is five Dronas, a term which is thus explained by Cole-

brooke in a note on the Tipara copper-plate — “ A measure of land, still

used in the eastern parts of Bengal, originally as much as might be sown

with one dron'a of seed : for droid a is a measure of capacity. (As. lies.

Yol. Y., p. 96). The dron'a, vulgarly called dun , varies in different districts.

It may, however, be reckoned nearly equivalent to eight bighas, or two

acres and two-thirds. ”f The measure is still prevalent in Eastern Bengal

and Chittagong. The last word of the sloka has not been satisfactorily decy-

phered. The reading adopted and translated is proposed by Babu Baj-

endralala Mitra’s Shastri. But while on the one hand this leaves the last

letter unexplained, to admit an additional one would destroy the metre.

The portion in prose gives minute details about the plots of ground

given away, but there is little or no hope of the sites being identified, so

great has been the mutation of names owing to the Muhammadan conquest.

I have in vain looked J at the survey map of the district. Lavanotsava-

srama-sambdsa-bdti, has not, as far as I am aware, been met with anywhere

else. Lavanotsava I take to mean some festival connected with the

harvest ; sambas a, I take to mean ‘ residence bdti, is compounded here as

in Pushpabdti , Udganabati, and the like. This is the most satisfactory

account that I can give of the compound. Ldla means ‘ red,’ and is here

used as a term descriptive of the quality of the ground. Ndla (I supposed

a phonetic corruption) is still used in Eastern Bengal to denote arable land

in general. I may here mention that in the plate *T and are written

exactly alike.

The succeeding slokas are of frequent occurrence, and something like

them is always put at the end of grants. The ninth sloka, for instance,

occurs (with the variation of for ^tIt) in the Chalukya grant, at

p. 270, Journal, Koyal Asiatic Society, New Series, Yol. I ; in the Gfurjjara

# Colebrooke’s Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. II, p. 259.

t Colebrooke, II, p. 245.

J Mr, Clay instituted enquiries on the spot, but with the same result.

1874. J Prannath Pandit — Note on the Chittagong Copperplate. 321

grants, at p. 27G, of tlie same volume; in the Ujjayini grants, at pp. 302,

311, Colebrooke’s Miscellaneous Essays, Yol. II ; in the Nagamangala

copperplate, at p. 159 of the Indian Antiquary, Yol. II ; in the Benares

inscription, at p. 451 of the Asiatic Researches, Yol. XY ; and in the Chat-

tisgarh grant, p. 511 of the same volume. In the last instance, the

reading is exactly the same as in the present plate. The translation which

I have given, differs slightly from those previously given, hut I hope mine

is the nearest approach to the original.

The tenth sloka occurs in the Benares plate, p. 451 of the Asiatic

Researches, Yol. XY, and we are told in a note that the same is quoted

anonymously in the Mitdcshard.

I do not remember whether the eleventh sloka occurs in any other grant,

but the same ideas variously expressed are to be found in many. The first

part of this sloka as engraved reads and I was at first inclined

to supply an ikara and read it i. e., “ unstable as a swarm of

bees in motion” ; but considering the frequency of the comparison of human

life to a drop of water on a lotus leaf, I thought it better to take the

second to be a mistake of the engraver for I think, we are to ascribe

to want of space the fact of the details of the date and the engraver’s name

being omitted.

Babu Oomachurn Roy# conjectures on the supposed ground of the title

of Deva ascribed to the kings in this plate that the grant might have been

made by a king of Tipara. This conjecture is in itself as slender as that

based on the similarity of the character employed to that in the Tipara

inscription translated by Colebrooke. Moreover only one of the kings,

Maclhusudana, has that title in the inscription. Mr. J. Long’s analysis of

the Rajamala, or Bengali History of the Tipara Royal family throws no

light on the present subject, and we must postpone observations on this point

till we succeed in securing a copy of the original MS.

I cannot conclude this note without acknowledging the great help I

received from Pandit Iswara Chandra Vidyasagara in decyphering the con¬

tents of the plate.

* He says in a letter to Mr. Clay — “ I liope I have been able to gather the substance

of the inscription. It is to this effect that in ancient times there was in Chittagong a

Hindoo king about the year 1166 Salcabda, named Purusliatliam Del). His son was

Madliooshoodan Deb, his son Basudeb Deb, and bis son Damudar Deb. This last named

Damudar seems to have made a gift of 5 drons of land within certain boundaries to a

brahman, this copperplate containing the deed of gift.

“ We are told that Chittagong was under the sway of the Tipperah kings and they

bore the title of Deb and even now they bear that very title.

“ From this it may be fairly concluded that this deed of gift was executed by a king

of the Tipperah royal family.”

322 Prannath Pandit — Note on the Chittagong Copperplate, j_No.

Transcript of the Chittagong copperplate.

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323

1874.] Prannatli Pandit — Note on the Chittagong Copperplate.

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j '

f qw fRcf fqq ^SR q^qTaT

qqfer f% qft)€tf^: qif^rn ht fq^q n %x u

Translation.

May the year of Saka 1165 be prosperous. “ Goddess ! know it to be morning, the

gentle breeze blows from Kadamba trees, and the moon (is) pale-beamed.” Glad with this

simulated speech and repeatedly kissing the agitated disc of the face of Lakshmi, [who

is steady in him], after forcibly embracing her then abandoned limbs, may Damodara

delight you !

Cruel in robbing the lotus of her beauteous prosperity ; the object of the Kairavas ’

love ; the jewel in the diadem of the conqueror of Tripura ; the husband of the night ;

the festive abode of Kandarpa ; and the friend of the oceans ; victory to the beautiful

MrigdnJca , the sole gladdener of the universe.

The son of Sri Purusliottama , the friend of the three worlds whitened by the fame,

beauteous as the moon, of his race, was the king named Sri Madhusudana Deva, by

whom too was procreated Vdsudeva , with his feet worn by the foreheads of kings bending-

in homage.

His son, with the garlands of the rays of his moon-like nails variegated by the

reflections from the gems on the diadems of bending kings, was Damodara , lover and

lord of the wisely ruled earth and Chacravartti over all kings.

Whose bright fame making this earth devoid of blackness, never put a stop to the

rain of the collyrium particles in the eyes of the wives of his enemies. And what, too, the

blackness, full dark blue, which was then on the face of hostile kings practises for aye,

eminence in turbidity.

Victory to the framer of this Sdsana, the sole head of all ministers of this (king who

was) from birth victorious over battle’s calamity ; who (minister) was possessed of

excellent qualities ; mighty with his left arm ; the site of Lakshmi’s repose ; with his feet

adored by the crests of hostile kings, a Kalpataru bathing the earth with ceaseless

donative libations.

That king ( Damodara ) gave five kronas of land to the virtuous Yajurvedi Brah-

mana Sri Drithidhara Sarma, who asked for them in Dambara-ddma , detailed in this

324 F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India . [No. 4,

edict by orders from tbe mouth of Srimaddatta-maha-mahattara, whose feet are

worshipped with the Sirisha flowers on the heads of all ministers.

Three dronas of land in Kamanpanudiyaka and a couple of dronas in the village

named Ketangapala, according to extreme boundaries detailed herein.

Where Ddmbdra-ddma in the village Kamanopaundiyd bounded east by the royal

road, on the south by Lavanotsavdsrdsramasambdsdbdti, on the west by Labrdpdlya laud,

on the north by Mritaccharha , thus bounded on four sides, Lala land with Vastu, three

dronas. So in the village Ketangapala, on the east Lambasdsana land, on the south

Labrdpdlyo land, on the west a cattle-track, on the north Mritaccharha , thus bounded

on four sides one drona of savdla land. So, bounded south, west and north village

Kdghpo'lchira , one drona of savdla land. Two plots, 2. Thus in the two villages, five

dronas of savala land. About this there are slokas declaring a religious duty.

By many kings, Sagara and others, land has been given. As long as the land lasts,

each receives the fruit. He who accepts laud, as well as he who gives it away, both

these, performers of virtuous deeds, certainly go to heaven.

Life, youth, and riches are unstable as the water (drop) on the (lotus) leaf moved

(by the wind). Therefore reflecting on this, and knowing what has been done, make, oh

make, your hearts participate in virtuous deeds for the attainment of final happiness.

The fame of others, when cherished, becomes like (our) own.

The Etymology of Local Names in Northern India, as exemplified in the

District of Mathura. — Dy F. S. Growse, M. A., B. C. S.

The following article is an attempt to investigate the principles upon

which the local nomenclature of Upper India has been and still is being

unconsciously constructed. The inquiry is one of considerable importance

to the student of language ; but it has never yet been approached in a

scientific spirit, and the views which are here advanced respecting this terra

incognita in the philologist’s map must be regarded as a first exploration,

which is unavoidably tentative and imperfect. Many points of detail will

possibly demand future rectification ; but the general outline of the subject,

the fixed limits within which it is contained and some of its more charac¬

teristic features of interior development have, it is hoped, been satisfactorily

ascertained and delineated with a fair amount of precision.

It is not to be inferred from this prelude that a subject of such obvious

interest has hitherto been totally neglected. On the contrary, it has given

rise to a vast number of speculations, but all of the most haphazard descrip¬

tion. And this from two causes ; the first being a perverse misconception

as to the vernacular language of the country ; and the second, the absence

of any list of names sufficiently complete to supply a basis for a really tho¬

rough induction. The former error it is the special object of this paper to

dispel ; the difficulty involved in want of materials having already been,

partially at least, removed by the village catalogues, published in Part II

1874.] F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India . 325

of ‘ Mathura, a District Memoir,’ from which all the illustrations of my

present argument will be drawn.

It seems a very obvious truism and one that requires no elaborate

defence to maintain that the names of a country and of the places in it

should prima facie and in default of any direct evidence to the contrary be

referred to the language of the people who inhabit them rather than to any

foreign source. This, however, is the very point which most writers on the

subject have failed to see. In order to explain why the founder of an In¬

dian village gave his infant settlement the name by which it is still known

among his descendants, our laborious philologists have ransacked vocabula¬

ries of all the obscurest dialects of Europe, but have left their Sanskrit and

Hindi dictionaries absolutely unopened.

A more curious illustration of a deliberate resolve to ignore obvious

facts for the sake of introducing a startling theory based on some obscure

and utterly problematical analogy could scarcely be found than is afforded

by Dr. Hunter in his dissertation' on non-Aryan languages. In this he

refers the familiar local termination gdnw (which argumenti gratia he

spells gang or gaong , though never so written in any Indian vernacular)

to the Chinese hiang , the Tibetan thiong , the Lepcha Jcyong , &c., &c.,

and refuses to acknowledge any connexion between it and the Sanskrit

grama. Yet as certainly as Anglo-Saxon was once the language of Eng¬

land, so was Sanskrit of Upper India ; and it seems as reasonable to deny

the relationship between grama and gdnw as between the English affix

bury or borough and the Saxon burgh. The formation is strictly in accord

with the rules laid down by the Prakrit grammarians, centuries before

the word gcniw had actually come in existence. Thus by Vararuchi’s

Sutra — Sarvatra la-va-ram III, 3 — the letter r when compounded with

another consonant, whether it stands first or last, is always to be elided ;

as we see in the Hindi bat for the Sanskrit vdrta, in Icos for hrosa , a

measure of distance, and in pem for preman , love. So grama passes into

gama , and whether this latter form or game is used depends simply upon

the will of the speaker ; one man calls the place where he lives Naugama,

another calls it Nauganw, in the same way as it is optional to say Edinbro’

or Edinborough. For in Hindi as in Sanskrit a nasal can always be insert¬

ed at pleasure, according to the memorial line — Savindukdvindulcagoh sydd

abhede na halpanam : and the distinction between m and v or tv has always

been very slightly marked : for example, dhimar is the recognized literary

Hindi form of the Sanskrit dhivar, and at the present day villagers generally

write Bhamani for Bhawani , though the latter form only is admitted in

printed books. If speculation is allowed to run riot with regard to the

paternity of such a word as gdnw , every step in the descent of which is

capable of the clearest proof, then philology is still a science of the future,

326 F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. [No. 4,

and the whole history of language must be rewritten from the very com¬

mencement.

Perhaps of all countries in the world, northern India is the one which for

an investigation of this kind is the most self-contained, and the least in need

of alien analogies. Its literary records date from a very remote period ; are

in fact far more ancient than any architectural remains or even than any

well authenticated site, or definitely established era, and they form a con¬

tinuous and unbroken chain down to this very day. From the Sanskrit of

the Vedas to the more polished language of the Epic poems, and through the

Prakrit of the dramatists, the old Hindi of Chand and the Braj Bhasha of

Tulsi Das, down to the current speech of the rural population of Mathura

at the present time, the transitions are never violent, and at most points are

all but imperceptible. The language, as we clearly see from the specimens

which we have of it in all its successive phases, is uniform and governed

throughout by the same phonetic laws. And thus, neither from the intrinsic

evidence of indigenous literature, nor from the facts recorded by history, is

it permissible to infer the simultaneous existence in the country of an alien¬

speaking race at any period to which it is reasonable to refer the foundation

of places that still bear a distinctive name, prior to the Muhammadan inva¬

sion. The existence of such a race is simply assumed by those who find it

convenient to represent as non- Aryan any formation which their acquaint¬

ance with unwritten Aryan speech in its growth and decay is too superficial

to enable them at once to identify.

As local etymology is a subject which can only be investigated on the

spot and therefore lies beyond the range of European scholars, its study is

necessarily affected by the prejudices peculiar to Anglo-Indian officials, who

are so accustomed to communicate with their subordinates only through the

medium of Urdu that most of them regard that lingua franca as being really

wdiat it is called in official parlance, the vernacular of the country. This

familiarity with the speech of the small Muhammadan section of the com¬

munity, rather than with that of the Hindu masses, causes attention to be

mainly directed to the study of Persian and Arabic, which are considered

proper to the country, while Sanskrit is thought to be utterly dead, of no

interest save to professional scholars and of no more practical import in

determining the value of current phrases than Greek or Hebrew.

The prejudice is to be regretted, as it frequently leads writers, even in

the best informed London periodicals, to speak of India as if it were a purely

Muhammadan country, and to urge upon the Government, as highly con¬

ciliatory, measures which if taken would most effectually alienate the sym¬

pathies of the vast majority.

Neither Urdu, Persian, nor Arabic, is of much service in tracing the

derivation of local names, and it is hastily concluded that words which

187-1.] F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. 327

are unintelligible when referred to those recognized' sources must there¬

fore be non-Indian, and may with as much probability be traced up to one

foreign language as another. Any distortion of a village name which

makes it bear some resemblance to a Persian or Arabic root, is ordinarily

accepted as a plausible explanation ; while its deduction from the Sanskrit

by the application of well-established but less popularly known phonetic

and grammatical laws is stigmatized as pedantic and honestly considered to

be more far-fetched than a derivation from the Basque or the Lithauanian.

This may seem an exaggerated statement ; but I speak from personal

experience and with special reference to some criticisms communicated to me

by a distinguished Civilian of the Panjab, who thought the identification of

Malioli with Madhupuri far more improbable than its connection with the

Basque and Toda word uri, which is said to mean ‘ a village.’

Such philological vagaries have their birth in the unfortunate preference

for Urdu, which the English Government has inherited from the former

conquerors of the country, though without any of their good reasons for the

preference. They are further fostered by a wide-spread idea as to the char¬

acter of the people and the country, which in itself is perfectly correct and

wrong only in the particular application. The Hindus are an eminently

conservative race, and their civilization dates from an extremely remote

period. It is, therefore, inferred that most of their existing towns and vil¬

lages are of very ancient foundation, and if so may bear names to which no

parallel can be expected in the modern vernacular. This hypothesis is dis¬

proved by what has been said above as to the continuity of Indian speech :

it is further at variance with all local traditions. The present centres of

population, as any one can ascertain for himself, if he will only visit the

spots instead of speculating about them in his study, are almost all subse¬

quent in origin to the Muhammadan invasion. When they were founded,

the language of the new settlers, whatever it may have been in pre-historic

times, was certainly not Turanian, but Aryan as it is now ; and though any

place, which had previously been inhabited, must already have borne some

name, the cases in which that old name was retained, would be very rare.

Thus, it may be remarked in passing, the present discussion supplies no

ethnical argument with regard to the original population of the country.

The names, once regarded as barbarous, but now recognized as Aryan, must

be abandoned as evidence of the existence of a non- Aryan race ; but at the

same time, since they are essentially modern, they cannot be taken as sup¬

porting the counter-theory. The names of the rivers, however, which also

are mostly Aryan, may fairly be quoted as bearing on the point ; for of all

local names these are the least liable to change, as we see in America and

our Colonies, where it is as exceptional to find a river with an English name

as it is to find a town with an Indian one.

328 F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. [No. 4,

Moreover, Hindu conservatism, though it doubtless exists, is developed

in a very different way from the principle known by the same name in

Europe. Least of all is it shewn in any regard for ancient buildings, whe¬

ther temples or homesteads. Though Christianity is a modern faith as

compared with Hinduism, and though the history of English civilization

begins only from a time when the brightest period of Indian history had

already closed, the material evidences of either fact are found in inverse

order in the two countries. There is not a single English county which

does not contain a longer and more venerable series of secular and ecclesias¬

tical edifices than can be supplied by an Indian district, or it might even be

said by an entire Presidency. Thus the temple of Gobind Deva at Brinda-

ban, which is popularly known in the neighbourhood as 1 the old temple’

<par excellence , dates only from the reign of Akbar, the contemporary of

Elizabeth, and is therefore far more modern than any single village church

in the whole of England, barring those that have been built since the revi¬

val by the present generation. The same also with MSS. The Hindus

had a voluminous literature while the English were still unable to write ;

but at the present day in India a MS. 200 years old is more of a rarity

than one five times that age in England. This complete disappearance

from the surface of all material records of antiquity is no doubt attributable

in great measure to the operation of the two most destructive forces in the

known world, viz. white ants and invaders, but the Hindus themselves

are not altogether free from blame in the matter. As if from a remi¬

niscence of their nomadic origin, with all their modern superstitious dislike,

to a move far from home is combined an inveterate tendency to slip away

gradually from the old landmarks. The movement is not necessitated by

growth of population, which as in London for instance can no longer be

contained within the original city bounds, but is a result of the Oriental

idiosyncrasy that makes every man desire not, in accordance with European

ideas, to found a family or restore an old ancestral residence, but rather to

leave some building exclusively commemorative of himself, and to touch

nothing that his predecessors have commenced lest they should have all the

credit of it with posterity. The history of England, whiqh runs all in one

cycle from the time of its first civilization, affords no ground for comparison ;

but in mediaeval Italy the course of events was somewhat parallel, and, as in

India, a second empire was built up on the ruins of a former one of equal

or greater grandeur and extent. In it we find the modern cities retaining

under some slight dialectical disguises the very same names as of old and

occupying the same ground : in India on the other hand, there is scarcely an

historic site, which is not now a desolation. Again, to pass from political

to merely local disturbances : when London was rebuilt after the Great Fire,

its streets in spite of all Wren’s remonstrances were laid out exactly as be-

1874.] F. S. Growse— The Etymology of Local Names in N India. 329

fore, narrow and irregular as they had grown up piece by piece in the

course of centuries, and with even the churches on their old sites, though

the latter had become useless in consequence of the change in the national

religion, which required one or two large arenas for the display of pulpit

eloquence rather than many secluded oratories for private devotion. When

a similar calamity befell an Indian city, as it often did, the position of the old

shrines was generally marked by rude commemorative stones, but the people

made no difficulty about abandoning the exact sites of their old homes, if

equally eligible spots offered themselves in the neighbourhood.

The same diversity of conservative ideas runs through the whole char¬

acter : the Hindu quotes the practice of his father and grandfather and

persuades himself that he is as they were, and that they were as their fore¬

fathers, unconscious of any change and ignoring the evidence of it that is

afforded by ancient monuments, both literary and architectural. The former

he prizes only for their connexion with the sect to which he himself belongs ;

whatever is illustrative of an alien faith he consigns to destruction without

any regard for its history or artistic significance ; and in an ancient build¬

ing, if it has fallen into disuse, he sees no beauty and can take no interest ;

though this can scarcely be from the feeling that he can easily replace it

with a better, a conviction which led our mediaeval architects to destroy

without compunction any part of an earlier Cathedral, however beautiful in

itself, which had become decayed or too small for later requirements. In all

these matters, England is far more critically conservative ; believing in noth¬

ing, we tolerate every thing ; and profoundly distrusting our own creative

faculties, preserve as models whatever we can rescue from the past, either in

art or literature.

These reflections may seem to wander rather far from the mark ; but

they explain the curious equipoise that prevails in the Indian mind between

a profound contempt for antiquity and an equally profound veneration for

it. The very slight regard in which ancient sites are held is illustrated by

the use of the terms ‘ Little’ and ‘ Great’ as local prefixes. In consequence of

the tendency to shift the centre of population, these seldom afford informa¬

tion as to the comparative area and importance of the two villages so dis¬

tinguished : most frequently the one styled ‘ Little’ will be the larger of the

two. In some cases the prefix ‘ Great’ implies only that when the common

property was divided among the sons of the founder, the share so designated

fell to the lot of the eldest ; but ordinarily it denotes the original village

site, which has been wholly or at least partially abandoned, or so diminished

by successive partitions that it has eventually become the smallest and least

important of the group.

The foregoing considerations will, I trust, be accepted as sufficiently

demonstrating the reasonableness of my general position that local names

330 F. S. Grovvse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. [No, 4,

in Upper India are, as a rule, of no very remote antiquity and are primd

facie referable to Sanskrit and Hindi rather than to any other language.

Their formation has certainly been regulated by the same principles that we

see underlying the local nomenclature of other civilized countries, and we

may therefore expect to find them falling into three main groups, as fol¬

lows : —

I. Names compounded with an affix denoting place.

II. Names compounded with an affix denoting possession.

III. A more indefinite class, including all names without any affix at

all ; such words being for the most part either the name of the founder, or

an epithet descriptive of some striking local feature.

Running the eye over the list of villages in the Mathura district, we

can at a glance detect abundant illustrations of each of these three classes.

Thus under Class I come such names as Nanak-pur, Pati-pura, Bich-puri,

where the founder’s name is combined with the local affix pur, puray or pur if

signifying ‘a town.’ So also, Nau-gama, Unclia-ganw, Badan-garh, Cha-

mar-garhi, Rup-nagar, Pal-khera, Brinda-ban, Ahalya-ganj, Radha-kund,

Mangal-khoh, Mall-sarai, and Nainu-patti. In all these instances both the

local affix is easy to be recognized as also the word to which it is attached.

Of Class II the illustrations are not quite so obvious and will mostly

require special elucidation ; but some are self-evident, as for example Bhu-

re-ka, where the affix is the ordinary sign of the genitive case ; Rane-ra,

where it is the Marwari form of the same ; and Pipal-wara, where it repre¬

sents the familiar tv ala.

Under Class III come first such names as Suraj, Misri, and Gaju, which

are known to have been borne by the founders ; and under the second sub¬

division, Gobardhan, ‘ productive in cattle’ ; Sanket, 4 a place of assigna¬

tion’ ; Khor, ‘ an opening between the hills’ ; Basai, ‘ a colony’ ; and Pura,

1 a town,’ indicative of a period when towns were scarce, with many others

of similar character.

Looking first for names that may be included under Class I., we find

that by far the most numerous variety are those compounded with the affix

pur. This might be expected, for precisely the same reason that ‘ ton’ is

the most common local ending in England. But we certainly should not

expect to find so large a proportion unmistakably modern, with the former

part of the compound commemorating either a Muhammadan or a Hindu

with a Persian name, or one who can be proved in some other way to have

lived only a few generations ago, and with scarcely a single instance of a

name that can with any probability be referred to a really ancient date.

As this fact is one of considerable importance to my argument, I must

proceed to establish it beyond all possibility of cavil by passing in review

the entire series of names in which the ending occurs in each of the six

parganas of the district.

1874.] F. S. Growse — The 'Etymology of Local Names in N Lidia. 331

The Ivosi pargana comprises 61 villages, of which 9 end in jour; viz.

’Aziz-pur, Hasan-pnr, Jalal-pur, Lal-pur, Nabi-pur, Pakhar-pur, Ram-pur,

Shah-pur, and Shahzad-pur. Six of these are unmistakably post-Muhamma¬

dan, one is apparently so, and two are of quite uncertain date.

In the Clihata pargana there are 111 villages, and 16 of them have the

pur ending ; viz. Adam-pur, Akbar-pur, Bazid-pur, Deva-pura, so called

from a 1 temple’ of Gopal, built by Muhkam Sinh, the ancestor of the present

proprietors, whose Arabic name proves that he lived not many generations

ago ; Ghazi-pur, Gulal-pur, Jait-pur, Jamal-pur, Khan-pur,* Lar-pur ; Man-

pur, on the Barsana range, so called from the Man Man dir, the first erec¬

tion of which cannot date from further back than the transfer of Radha’s

chief shrine from Raval to Barsana, which took place in the 15th or 16th

century A. D. ; Pir-pur, Sayyid-pur, Tatar-pur, Haji-pur, and Kamal-pur.

Of these 16 names, 12 are unquestionably modern, and of the remaining

4, nothing can be said with certainty either one way or the other.

Of the 163 villages in the Mathura pargana, as many as 32 have the pur

ending ; viz., Allia-pur, said by local tradition to have been founded and so

named only 200 years ago (the founder’s descendants are still on the spot

and most unlikely to detract from the antiquity of their family) A’zam-pur

and Bakir-pur, both founded by A’zam. Khan Mir Muhammad Bakir, who

was Governor of Mathura from 1642 to 1645 ; Bliavan-pura ; Bija-pur,

founded 200 years ago by Bijay Sinh Thakur, on land taken from the

adjoining village of Nahrauli ; Daulat-pur ; Daum-pura, one of 11 villages

founded by the sons of a Jat, named Nainu at no very remote period, since

the share which fell to the eldest of the sons is distinguished by the Persian,

epithet kaldn ; Giridhar-pur, probably the most ancient of the series, but

still dating from times of modern history, having been founded by Giridhar,

a Kachhwaha Thakur of Satoha, whose ancestors had migrated there from

Amber ; Gobind-pur ; Gopal-pur ; Hakim-pur ; Jamal-pur ; Jati-pura, found¬

ed by Gosain Bitthahnath, the son of Vallabhacharya of Gokul, commonly

called Jati Ji, about the year 1550 A. D. ; Jay Sinh-pura, founded by Sawae

Jay Sinh of Amber about the year 1720 A. D. ; Kesopur, so called from the

famous temple of Kesava Deva, a fact which would sufficiently account for

the name remaining unchanged, even though of ancient date ; Lalpur, found¬

ed by a Thakur named Lain, a member of the Gaurua clan, which is con¬

fessedly of late origin ; Lar-pur, founded only a few generations ago by a

Tarkar Thakur, Laram ; Madan-pura, founded by an ahir from the old vil¬

lage of Karnaul ; Madlio-pur, dating from 300 years ago, when it was form¬

ed out of lands taken from the adjoining villages and given to a Hindu

retainer by Salim Shall ; Mirza-pur ; Muhammad-pur ; Mukund-pur, so

called after a Mahratta founder ; Mursliid-pur founded by Mursliid Kuli

Khan, who was Governor of Mathura in 1636 A. D. ; Nabi-pur founded by

332 F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N India. [No.* 4,

’Abd-un-Nabi, Governor from 1660 to 1668 ; Panna-pur founded in 1725

A. D. ; Raj-pur, near Brinda-ban, so named with reference to the Raj-Ghat,

by a Sanadh Brahman from Kamar in the 16th century ; Ram-pur, named

after the Ram-tal, a place of pilgrimage there ; Rasul-pur ; Salim-pur, dat¬

ing from the rei<m of Salim Shah ; ’Askar-pur, a modern alternative name

for Satoha ; Shah-pur, and Dhak-pura. Of these 32 names, there are only

five as to which any doubt can be entertained j all the remainder are clearly

modern.

In the Mat pargana are 141 villages, and 41 end in pur ; viz., Abhay-

pura, settled by a Jat, Abliay Sinh,from Kaulana ; Ahmad-pur ; Akbar-pur,

Aman-ullah-pur ; Badan-pur ; Baikunth-pur, founded according to local

tradition 300 years ago ; Baland-pur, founded in the 17th century by a Jat

named Balavant ; Bali-pur, founded by Bali, a Jat from Bajana about 1750

A. D. ; Begam-pur; Bulak-pur ; Chand-pur, of modern Jat foundation ; Dau-

lat-pur ; Faridun-pur ; Firoz-pur ; Hamza-pur ; Hasan-pur ; Tnayat-pur ;

Ja’far-pur ; Jahangir-pur ; Jat-pura, a modern off-shoot from the adjoining

village of Slial ; Khan-pur ; Khwaja-pur ; Lal-pur, founded by a Jat from

Parsauli ; Makhdum-pur ; Mir-pur ; Mubarak-pur ; Mu’in-ud-dinpur ; Nabi-

pur ; Nanak-pur, a modern off-shoot from Musmina ; Nausher-pur ; Nur-

pur ; Pabbi-pur ; Pati-pura, a modern colony from the Jat village of Dune-

tiya ; Rae-pur, recently settled from Musmina ; Sadik-pur ; Sadr-pur ;

Sakat-pur; Sikandar-pur ; Suhag-pur ; Sultan-pur, and Udhan-pur. As to

the foundation of 6 out of these 41 villages nothing is known ; the remain¬

ing 35 are distinctly ascertained to be modern.

Of the 203 villages in the Maha-ban pargana, 43 have the ending pur ;

viz., ’ Abd-un-N abi-pur ; ’Ali-pur ; Amir-pur ; Islam-pur ; Bahadur-pur ;

Balaram-pur, recently founded by Soblia Rae Kayath ; Banarasi-pur, found¬

ed by a Brahman Banarasi, who derived his own name from the modern

appellation of the sacred city called of old Varanasi; Bhankar-pur ; Bich-

puri, of modern Jat foundation ; Daulat-pur ; Fath-pura ; Ghiyas-pur ; Gohar-

pur ; Hab fb-pur ; Hayat-pur ; Hasan-pur ; Ibrahfm-pur ; ’Fsa-pur, founded

by Mirza ’Isa Tarkhan, Governor of Mathura in 1629 A. D. ; Jadon-pur ;

Jagadis-pur, founded by a Parasar, Jagadeva, whose descendants are still on

the spot and claim no great antiquity ; Jamal-pur ; Jogi-pur ; Kalyan-pur ;

Kasim-pur ; Khan-pur ; Kishan-pur, recently settled from the village of

Karab ; Lal-pur ; Manohar-pur ; Mohan-pur ; Mubarak-pur ; Muzaffar-pur ;

Kabi-pur ; Nasir-pur ; Nur-pur ; Rae-pur ; Sayyid-pur ; Sliihab-pur ; Shah-

pur ; Slializad-pur ; Sher-pur ; Tayyib-pur, and Zakariya-pur. Of these 43

villages, 35 are certainly quite modern ; as to the remaining 8 nothing can

be affirmed positively.

The 6th and last pargana, Sa’dabad, contains 129 villages, of which 31

have the ending pur ; viz., Abhay-pura, of modern Jat foundation; Bagh-

1874.] F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. 833

pur, founded 300 years ago by a Jat: named Bagh-raj ; Bahadur-pur ;

Bijal-pur ; Cliamar-pura ; Dhak-pura ; Fathullah-pur ; Ghatam-pur, founded

in the reign of Shahjahan ; Hasan-pur ; I dal -pur ; Mahabat-pur ; Makan-

pur ; Manik-pur, of modern Jat foundation ; Mir-pur ; Narayan-pur, named

after a Gosain of modern date, Narayan Das ; Nasir-pur ; Nasir-pur ; Nan-

pura ; Rae-pura, of modern Thakur foundation ; Ram-pura, recently settled

from Salipau, by a Brahman named Man Mall ; Rasbid-pur ; Sala-pur,

founded by a Brahman named Sabala ; Salim-pur ; Samad-pur, settled not

many generations ago by a Jat named Savadhan ; Sarmast-pur ; Shahbaz-

pur ; Slier-pur ; Sithara-pur, a modern off-shoot of Garumra ; Sultan-pur ;

Taj-pura and Zari-pura. Of these 31 names, 5 are doubtful, the other 26 are

proved to be modern.

Adding up the results thus obtained we find that there are in the whole

district 172 villages that exhibit the termination pur, and of these as many

as 141 are either obviously of modern origin, or are declared to be so by

local tradition. It is also worthy of notice that in the above lists there has

frequently been occasion to mention the name of the parent settlement from

which a more recent colony has been derived ; but in no single instance does

the older name shew the pur ending. Yet pura or puri is no new word,

nor is its use as a local affix new ; on the contrary we have the clearest

literary proof that it has been very largely so employed from the very com¬

mencement of the Aryan occupation of India. What then has become of

all the older names in which it once appeared ? It is inconceivable that

both name and place should in every instance have been so utterly destroyed

as not to leave a trace behind ; and we are thus forced to accept the alter¬

native conclusion that the affix has in course of time so coalesced with the

former part of the compound, that it ceases to be readily distinguishable

from it. Now of names that are presumably ancient, it will be found that

a considerable proportion terminate in oli, auli, auri , aura , or aula. Thus,

deducting from the 61 villages in the Ivosi pargana, the nine that have the

modern termination puri , we have 52 left and among that number 7 are of

this character ; viz., Banchauli, Cliacholi, Cliandausi, Mahroli, Sanchauli,

Sujauli, and Thmaula. Again, of the 95 villages that remain in the Clihata

pargana after deduction of the 16 ending in puri, 15 have the oli affix : viz.,

Ahori, Astoli, Baroli, Bharauli, Chaksauli, Dahroli, Darauli, Gangroli, Lo-

dhauli, Mangroli, Parsoli, Pilhora, Rankoli, Rithora, and Taroli. Without

continuing the list in wearisome detail through the other four parganas of

the district, it will probably be admitted that, in earlier times, oli was as

common a local affix as puri in modern times, and must represent some term

of equally general and equally familiar signification. To proceed with the

argument : these names, though as a rule older than those ending in puri ,

are still many of them of no great antiquity and can be proved to belong to

334 F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. [No. 4,

an Aryan period, when the language of the country was in essentials the

same as it is now and the people inhabiting it bore much the same names as

they do still. Thus Sanchauli is derived from Sanchi Devi who has a tem¬

ple there ; Sujauli from a founder Sujan, whose descendants are still the

proprietors, and Parsoli and Taroli from founders named respectively Parsa

and Tara. It may he presumed with absolute certainty that these people,

hearing such purely Indian names, whether they lived 5, 10, or 15 genera¬

tions ago, knew no language but their own vernacular, and could not borrow

from any foreign tongue the titles by which they chose to designate their

new settlements. Thus Dr. Hunter, and those who have followed him

in his speculations, may he correctly informed when they state that

in Tamil, or Telugu, or Toda, or even in Basque there is a word uri, or

uru, or ur , which means ‘ village’ ; hut yet if this word was never current

in the ordinary speech of Upper India, the founders of the villages quoted

above cannot possibly have known of it. The attempt to borrow such a

name as Sujauli or Malioli directly from the Basque is, when viewed under

the light of local knowledge, really more absurd than to derive Cannington

from Kanhay, or Dalhousie from Dala-hasi , ‘with pleasant foliage’. The

misconception, as already observed, has arisen from the erroneous idea that

all village names are of remote antiquity and may therefore be illustrated

by philological analogies collected from all parts and ages of the world. In

truth, uli or uri is simply puri with the initial consonant elided. Such an

elision, removing as it does the most distinctive element in the word, may

appear at first sight highly improbable: it is, however, in strict accord with

the rules of Hindi formation. The two first siitras of the second Book of

Vararuchi’s Prakrita-Prakasa in the clearest manner direct it to be made.

The text stands thus :

(1.) Ayuktasy anadau (2.) Ka -ga-cha-ja-ta- da -p a-ya-va m p r ago lop ah .

That is to say, the consonants k, g, ch, j, t, d, p, y, and v, when single and

non-initial, are generally elided. And as a convincing proof that this is no

mere grammatical figment, but a practical rule of very extensive application,

take the following familiar words, in which its influence is so obvious as to

be undeniable. By the elision of the prescribed consonant we obtain from

the Sanskrit sukar, the Hindi suar, : a pig’ ; from kokila , koil, 1 the

cuckoo’ ; from siwhi, sui, ‘ a needle’ ; from tdtd, tau , ‘ a father’s elder bro¬

ther’ ; from pada,pdo, ‘ a quarter’ ; from kupa , Jcua, ‘ a well’ ; from Praydg ,

Frag, the Hindi name of Allahabad ; and from jiva, jia, ‘life.’ The rule,

it is true, provides primarily that the letter to be elided must be non-initial ;

but one of the examples given in. the text is su uriso for sic purusha , ‘ a

good man’ ; where the^> is still elided although it is the initial of the word

purusha. This the commentator explains by declaring that “ the initial

letter of the last member of a compound must be considered as non-initial.”

1874.] F S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. 335

Thus the mystery is solved, and Karnaul is at once seen to be Karna-pur;

Karauli, Kalyan-puri ; Taroli, Tara-puri ; and Sujauli, Sujan-puri.

This practical application of the Prakrit Grammarian’s rule was first

stated in my ‘ Mathura, a District Memoir,’ published towards the close of

last year. In my own mind, it was so firmly established as an indisputable

fact, and possessed in its’ extreme simplicity at least one of the great merits

of all genuine discoveries, that I stated it very briefly and thought it unne¬

cessary to bring forward any collateral arguments in its support. But I

find that I much under-rated the strength of inveterate prejudices ; for with

the exception of one reviewer in a London scientific journal, all other critics

seemed to regard my theory as the mere outcome of unpractical pedantry.

I have therefore on the present occasion taken great pains to omit nothing,

and I cannot believe that any one who will submit to the trouble of follow¬

ing my argument as I have now stated it, will still maintain “ that the direct

derivation from the Turanian roots aul , ur, uri is more probable than the

forced and far-fetched Sanskrit derivation from one single root supported

only b}^ the theory of a grammarian, which may or may not have been put

in practice in an unlettered age.” The writer of the remarks I quote, would

seem to imagine that language was the invention of grammarians ; on the

contrary, they are powerless to invent or even change a single word, and

can merely codify the processes which are the result of unconscious action on

the part of the unlettered masses. When Sujan-puri is converted in popular

speech into Sujauli, it is not because in one rule Vararuchi has directed the

elision of the initial p, and in another rule the elision of the final n ; but

because a Hindu’s organs of speech (as the grammarian had noticed to be

the invariable case) have a natural and unconscious tendency to the change. *

This tendency is still existing in full force, and my observing it to be so in

another local compound first suggested to me the identification of uri with

puri. Thus the beautiful lake at Gobardhan with the Mausoleum of the

first of the Bharat-pur Bajas is called indifferently Kusum-sarovar, or

Kusumokhar ; and at Barsana is a tank, called either Bhanokhar or Brikh-

bhan ka pokhar, after Badha’s reputed father Brikh-bhan. Both in Kusu¬

mokhar and Bhanokhar it is evident that the latter part of the compound

was originally pokhar, and in the same way as the initial p has been there

elided, so also has it been in Sujauli and Maholi. The explanation of the

last mentioned word ‘ Maholi’ is one of the most obvious and at the same

time one of the most interesting results of my theory. It is the name of

the village some four miles from Mathura, which has grown up in the vicini¬

ty of the sacred grove of Madhu-ban, where llama’s brother Satruglma de-

* Thus the A'gra shop-keepers who have converted Blunt-ganj into Belan-ganj,

have probably never heard of Yararuchi, hut they have certainly, though unconsciously,

followed his rules.

T T

336 F. S. Growse — The 'Etymology of Local Names in N India. [No. 4,

stroyed the giant Madhu. On the site of the captured stronghold the hero

is said to have built a city, called indiscriminately in Sanskrit literature

Mathura or Madlm-puri : the fact, no doubt, being that Mathura was origi¬

nally the name of the country, with Madhu-puri for its capital. In course

of time the capital, like most Indian cities, gradually shifted its site, probably

in order to follow the receding river ; while Madhu-puri itself, fixed by the

locality of the wood that formed its centre, became first a suburb and finally

an entirely distinct village. Simultaneously with these changes, the name

of the country at large was attached par excellence to its chief city, and

Madhu-puri in its obscurity became a prey to phonetic decay and was cor¬

rupted into Maholi. The transition is a simple one ; the Ji being substitut¬

ed for dh by the rule II. 27 Kha-gha-tha-dha-hham Hah , which gives us the

Hindi hahira for the Sanskrit hadhira , ‘ deaf and lahu for vadhu , ‘ a female

relation.’

It will be observed that Madhu-puri as a literary synonym for Ma¬

thura remains unchanged, and is transformed into Maholi only as the name

of an insignificant village. Thus an easy solution is found for the difficulty

raised by the same critic I have before quoted, who objects “ If it is pos¬

sible in the lapse of time to elide they) of puri, why have not the oldest

towns in India like Ilastina-pur yielded to the change P and in the case of

more modern towns why do we not find the change half-effected, some mid¬

dle place in the transition stage ?” To the former of these two questions

I reply that a name when once petrified in literature is preserved from

colloquial detrition. Thus, of two places originally named alike, one may

retain the genuine Sanskrit form, while the other becomes Prakritized, ac¬

cording to their celebrity or otherwise. A parallel is afforded by the names

of many English families : the elder branches retain the old spelling, how¬

ever much at variance with modern pronunciation, as for instance, Berkeley

and Marjoribanks ; while the obscurer branches, who seldom had occasion

to attach their signatures to any document, conform their spelling to the

sound and appear in writing as Barkly and M archbanks. Or not unfre-

quently they retain the old form, but pronounce the word not in the old-

fashioned way but according to the value of the vowels in ordinary modem

pronunciation. Thus Hastinapur exists unchanged, by virtue of its histori¬

cal fame ; had it been an obscure village it would probably have been cor¬

rupted into Hathaura. In fine, it may be accepted as a general rule that

when the termination pur, pura, or pur i, is found in full, the place is either

comparatively modern, or if ancient is a place of pre-eminent note. The

one exception to the rule is afforded by names in which the first element of

the compound is a Persian or Arabic word. Some of them may be much

older and yet not more distinguished than many of pure Hindu descent

from which the p has disappeared ; but the explanation lies in the natural

1874.] F. S. Growse — The 'Etymology of Local Names in N. India. 337

want of affinity between the two members of the compound, which would

prevent them from coalescing, however long they might be bound toge¬

ther.

To say that the actual process of transition can never be detected is

not strictly in accordance with facts. The elision is not restricted to proper

names, but is applicable to all words alike ; and in Hindi books written

and printed at the present day it is optional with the writer to use exclu¬

sively either Tcolcila, or Jcoil ; sukar or suar ; hup or hua, or both indiffer¬

ently. Again, to take a local illustration : Gobardhan, being a place of

high repute, is always so spelt by well-informed people, but in vulgar writ¬

ing it is contracted to Gordhan, and it is almost exceptional to come across

a man whose name is Gobardhan Das, who does not acquiesce in the cor¬

ruption.

Next to pur, the local affix of most general signification and the one

which we should therefore expect to find occupying the second place in

popular use is grama , gama , or ganw. It occurs, however, far less frequently,

at least in an unmutilated state. Thus of the 61 villages in the Kosi par-

gana there are only two with this affix, viz., Dahi-ganw, named from the

Dadhi-kund, and Pai-ganw from the Pai-ban-kund ; dadhi and pagas both

meaning ‘ milk.’ In the 111 Chhata villages there are four, viz., Bhauganvv

Nand-ganw, Naugama, and Uncha-ganw. In the 163 Mathura villages

there are six, wz.,Baclih-ganw, Dhan-ganw, Jakhin-ganw, Naugama (properly

Na-gama from its founder Naga), Nirn-ganw, and Uncha-ganw. In the 141

Mat villages there is only one, Tenti ka ganw, and this a name given by

Baja Suraj Mall on account of the abundance of the Icaril plant with its fruit

called tenti to a place formerly known as Akbar-pur. In the 203 Mahaban

villages only two, viz., Nim-ganw and Pani-ganw ; and in the 129 Sa’dabad

villages, four, viz., Kukar-gama, Naugama, Risgama, and Tasigau. The pro¬

portion is therefore little more than two per cent, and even of this small

number the majority may reasonably be presumed to be of modern date.

Thus Nau-gama in the Chhata pargana was formed in later Muhammadan

times by a moiety of the population of 'the parent village Taroli, who under

imperial pressure abandoned their ancestral faith and submitted to the yoke

of Islam. Again the five or six villages, such as Bachh-ganw, Dahi-ganw,

&c. that have sprung up round the sacred groves and lakes and retain the

name of the Urath unaltered, simply substituting game for the original

ban or kund, are almost certainly due to the followers of Vallabhacharya at

the beginning of the 16th century, or to the Gosain who composed the

modern Bralima-vaivarta Purana and first made these spots places of Vaish-

nava pilgrimage. It may therefore be inferred that in older names the

termination grama has, like puri, been so mutilated as to become difficult of

recognition. The last name on the list, viz., Tasigau, is valuable as suggest-

33S F. S. Growse — The 'Etymology of Local Karnes in K. India. [No. 4,

ing the character of the corruption, which it exhibits in a transitional stage.

The final syllable, which is variably pronounced as gait, go, or gon , is un-

mistakeably a distinct word, and can only represent game. The former

part of the compound, which at first sight appears not a little obscure, is

illustrated by a village in the Mathura pargana, Tasilia, a patti , or sub¬

division of the township of Sonkh, which is said to bear the name of one of

the five sons of the Jat founder, the other four being Ajal, Asa, Purna, and

Sahjua. As these are clearly Hindi vocables, it may be presumed that Tasiha

is so likewise, and we shall probably be right if we take it for the Prakrit

form of the Sanskrit tishya, one of the lunar mansions, used in the sense of

‘ auspicious,’ in the same way as the more common Pusa, which represents

the asterism Pushya. Thus as the letter g can be elided under the same

rule as they) in pari, the original termination grama is not unfrequently

reduced to the form on, in which not one letter of its older self remains.

The most interesting example of this mutation is afforded by the village

E arson. Its meaning has so thoroughly died out that a local legend has

been in existence for some generations which explains it thus : that two days

after Krishna had slain one of the monsters with which the country was

infested, he was met at this spot by some of his adherents who asked him

how long ago it was that he had done the deed, and he replied parson,

1 the day before yesterday.’ This is obviously as absurd as the Jcal kata,

or ‘ yesterday’s cutting,’ told about Calcutta ; for apart from other reasons

the word in vogue in Krishna’s time would have been not parson, but its

original form parsvas. However, the true etymology, which is yet more

disguised by the fact that office clerks always change the r into l and call

the place Palson, does not appear to have been ever suggested till now.

Clearly the name was once Parasurama-ganw, or in its contracted form

Parsa-ganw, and thence by regular transition has passed through Parsanw

into Parson. If proof were required, it is supplied by the fact that a large

pond of ancient sacred repute immediately adjoining the village is called

Parasuram-kund.

The sacred ponds and groves with which the country of Braj abounds,

are, as might naturally be expected, ordinarily much older than the villages

on their margin ; and, as illustrated by the above example, it is always of

the utmost importance to the philologist to ascertain their popular names.

These aie much less liable to corruption than the name of any village ; for

as the tirath is visited solely on account of the divinity with whom it is

ti aditionally associated, Ins name is in it preserved intact, while as an ele¬

ment in the word that designates the village (a place most connected in

the mind with secular matters) its primary import is less considered and in

a few generations may be totally forgotten. Thus the obscure name of a

pond, which can only be ascertained by a personal visit, often reveals the

1874.] F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. 339

name of tlie local deity or it may be of the founder of the settlement, and

in that gives a surer clue to the process of corruption in the village name,

than could ever be afforded by any amount of library research. For exam¬

ple, the resolution of such a word as Senwa into its constituent elements

might seem a hopeless undertaking ; but the clouds are dispelled on ascer¬

taining that a neighbouring pond of reputed sanctity is known as Syam-

kund. Thence it may reasonably be inferred that the original form was

Syam-ganw ; the final m of Syam and the initial g of ganw being elided by

the rules already quoted, and the consonant y passing into its cognate vowel.

Other names in the district, in which the affix, ganw may be suspected to

lurk in a similarly mutilated condition, are Jaiswa for Jay-sinh-ganw ;

Basaun for Bishan-ganw ; Bhiun for Bhim-ganw ; Badon for Badu-ganw

(Badu being for Sanskrit Badava) ; and Ohawa for Udha-ganw.

Another word of yet wider signification than either jpuri or grama , and

one which is known to have been extensively used as a local affix in early

times is sthdna, or its Hindi equivalent tdiana. And yet, strange to say,

there is not a single village name in the whole district in which its presence

it apparent. It probably exists, but if so, only in the very mutilated form

of ha. Thus the village of Satoha on the road between Mathura and Go-

bardhan is famous for, and beyond any doubt whatever derives its name

from, a sacred pond called Santanu-kund. The eponymous hero is a mytho¬

logical character of such remote antiquity, that he is barely remembered at

all at the present da}", and what is told about him on the spot is a strang-

jumble of the original legend. The word Satoha therefore is no new crea¬

tion, and it can scarcely be expected to have escaped from the wear and tear

of ages to which it has been exposed, without undergoing even very material

changes. The local wise-acres find an etymology in sattu , 4 bran,’ which

they assert to have been Santana’s only food during the time that he was

practising penance. But this is obviously absurd, and Satoha, I am con¬

vinced, is an abbreviation for Santanu-sthana. Instances are very frequent

in which words of any length and especially proper names are abbreviated

by striking out all but the first syllable and simply adding the vowel u to

the part retained. Thus in common village speech at the present day

Kalyan is almost invariably addressed as Kalu, Bhagavan as Bhagu, Bala-

vant as Balu, and Mulchand as Mulu. In the last example the long vowel

of the first syllable is also shortened and thus an exact parallel is afforded

to the change from Santanu to Satu or Sato. Sato-thana then by ordinary

rule, if only the th in the compound is regarded as non-initial, becomes Sato-

hana ; and the further loss of the final na cannot be regarded as an insuper¬

able difficulty.

An affix, which has itself suffered from organic decay has a tendency

to involve its support in the same destruction, and thus I feel no difficulty

340 F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. [No. 4,

in proceeding a step further and interpreting the word 1 Paitha’ on the same

principles as Satoha. It is the name of a large and apparently very ancient

village with a temple of Chatur-bhuj, rebuilt on the foundations of an older

shrine, which had been destroyed by Aurangzib. At the back of the god’s

throne is a hollow in the ground, which has given rise to a local etymology

of the usual unscientific character. For it is said to be the mouth of the

cave into which the people of Braj ‘ entered’ ( paitha ) when Krishna upheld

the Giri-raj hill, which is about two miles distant from the village, in order

to shelter them from the storms of Indra. Absurd as the legend is, it sup¬

plies a suggestion : for yaithnd , the verb ‘ to enter,’ is unquestionably formed

from the Sanskrit pravishta ; and if we imagine a somewhat analogous pro¬

cess in the case of the local name, and allow for the constant detrition of

many centuries, we may recognize in 1 Paitha’ the battered wreck of Pra-

tishthana, which in Sanskrit is not an unusual name for a town.

JSthali, a word very similar in meaning to sthdna, suffers precisely the

same fate, when employed as an affix ; all its intermediate letters being slurred

over and only the first and last retained. Thus Kosi represents an original

Kusa-sthali ; and Tarsi with the sacred grove of Tal-ban, where according

to the very ancient legend Krishna put to death the demon Dhenuk, is for

Tala-sthali.

Another termination which we find occurring with sufficient frequency

to warrant the presumption that it is an affix with a definite meaning of its

own is oi. There are 5 examples of it in the district, viz., Gindoi, Majhoi,

Mandoi, Radoi, and Bahardoi. Of these the most suggestive is the first,

Gindoi. Here is a pond of ancient sacred repute, called Gendokhar-kund,

which is the scene of an annual mela, the Phul Dol held in the month of

Phalgun. Hence we may safely infer that Gindoi is a compound word

with Genda for its first element. This is not an uncommon name for a

Hindu, and its most obvious meaning would be ‘ a marygold.’ So taken

it would find a parallel in such proper names as Gulab ‘ a rose’ ; Tulsi, the

sacred herb so called ; Phul, ‘ a flower’ ; and Puhap, for the Sanskrit pushp,

with the same meaning. It may, however, be doubted whether it did not in

the first instance represent rather the Hindi gainda , for gajendra , ‘ an ele¬

phant.’ Besides preserving the name of the village founder, the term Gen¬

dokhar-kund is curious in another respect, as shewing a complete popular

forgetfulness of the meaning of the termination obhar at the time when the

word bund with precisely the same import was added. English topography

supplies a case exactly in point ; for Wansbeck water is composed of three

words, which all mean exactly the same thing, but were current in popular

speech at different times, being respectively Danish, German, and English.

But to return to Gindoi, which we have found to be a compound word with

Genda for its first element ; the termination oi yet remains to be considered.

1874.] F. S. drowse — The 'Etymology of Local Names in N. India. 341

I take it to be vapi, ‘ a pond.’ By elision of tliey) and change of v into its

cognate vowel, Genda-vapi becomes Gendau-ai, whence Gindoi ; o being

substituted for au, and i for ai by the following Sutras of Vararuchi, Auta

ot I. 41. and I'd dhairye I. 39. The latter rule, it is true, refers strictly

only to the word dhairya , which becomes dhvram in Prakrit, but it seems

not unreasonable to give it a wider application. The above line of argu¬

ment would command unqualified assent, if it could be shewn that each of

the places with the oi ending was in the neighbourhood of some considerable

pond. There is such a one at Mandoi, called Acharya-kund ; and Bahardoi,

founded at an early period by Thakurs from Chitor, who only about 30

years ago lost their proprietory rights and now have all migrated elsewhere,

is a place subject to yearly inundations, as it immediately adjoins some low

ground where a large body of water is always collected in the rains. Badoi

I have never had an opportunity of seeing, and therefore cannot say whe¬

ther its physical characteristics confirm or are at variance with my theory :

but at Majhoi, which is a Gujar village on the bank of the Jamuna, there

is certainly no vestige of any large pond, which would account for the affix

vapi. This one proved exception cannot, however, be regarded as a fatal

objection ; for the same effect may result from very different causes ; as, for

instance, the Hindi word bar in the sense of ‘ a day of the week’ represents

the Sanskrit vara ; while if taken to mean ‘ water,’ or ‘a child,’ it stands

in the one case for vari, in the other for bala. Thus in the particular word

Majhoi, the o may belong to the first element of the compound and the i be

the affix of possession.

A'na is another termination of somewhat rare occurrence. This is in

all probability an abbreviation of the Sanskrit ay ana , which means primari¬

ly ‘ a going,’ ‘ a road,’ but is also used in the wider sense of simply ‘ place.’

An example very much to the purpose is supplied by Vararuchi, or rather

by his commentator Bhamalia, who incidentally mentions munjana , ‘ a place

producing the munja plant,’ as the Prakrit equivalent for the Sanskrit

maunj ayana. The district contains nine places which exhibit this ending,

viz., Dotana, Halwana, Hathana, Malirana, Siliana, Kaulana, Mirtana,

Diwana, and Barsana. But what was only suspected in the case of the

Gindoi group, viz., that all the names do not really belong to the same

category, is here susceptible of positive proof. But to take first some of

the words in which ayana seems an appropriate affix : Dotana, derived on

the spot from ddnton , 1 a tooth-brush,’ which is suggestive of Buddhist

legends and therefore of ancient sanctity, may well be for Devatayana ;

Halwana, where an annual mela is celebrated in honour of Balarama, may

have for its first element Hala-bhrit, a title of that hero, the final t being

elided and the bh changed into v ; while the first syllable in the three names

Hathana, Kaulana, and Mirtana, may represent respectively Iiasti, Koma,

342 F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. [No. 4,

and Amrit ; Amrit Sinh being recorded by tradition as the founder of the

last named village. But the resemblance of Diwana and Barsana to any

of the above is purely accidental. The former commemorates the Jat foun¬

der, one Diwan Sinh, whose name has been localized simply by the addition

of the affix a , while Barsana has a history of its own, and that a curious

one. It is now famous as the reputed birth-place of Radha, who is the

only divinity that for the last two centuries at least has been popularly

associated with the locality. But of old it was not so : the hill on which

the modern series of temples has been erected in her honour, is of eccentric

conformation, with four boldly-marked peaks ; whence it is still regarded by

the local Pandits as symbolical of the four-faced divinity, and styled Brah¬

ma ha palidr , or ‘ Brahma’s hill.’ This lingering tradition gives a clue to

the etymology : the latter part of the word being sanu, which is identical

in meaning with palidr, and the former part a corruption of Brahma. But

this, the true origin of the word, had entirely dropped out of sight even in

the 16th century, when the writer of the Vraja-bhahti-vilasa was reduced to

invent the form Brisha-bhanu-pura as the Sanskrit equivalent for the

Hindi Barsana. A somewhat similar fate has befallen the companion hill of

Nand-ganw, which is now crowned with the temple of Nand Rae Ji, Krishna’s

reputed foster-father. Its real name, before Vaishnava influence had become

so strong in the land, was Nandi-grama, by which title it was dedicated to

Mahadeva in his character of Nandisvar, and the second person of the

Hindu trinity, who has now appropriated all three of the sacred hills of

Braj, was then in possession of only one, Gobardhan.

The local name Mai, or Mau, for the one seems to be only a broader

pronunciation of the other (in the same way as nau is the ordinary village

pronunciation for ndi, ‘ a barber,’ the Sanskrit napita), is found occasion¬

ally in all parts of Upper India and appears also in the Mathura district,

though not with great frequency.* Twice it stands by itself ; twice as an

affix, in Pipara-mai and Ris-mai ; once in connection with a more modern

name of the same place, Mai Mirza-pur ; and twice, as in Rae-pur Mai and

Bara Mai, where the exact relationship with the companion word may be a

little doubtful. In most of these cases I consider it to be an abbreviation

of the Sanskrit \ main , meaning { land’ or ‘ a landed estate.’ The elision of

the li is not according to any definite rule laid down by the Prakrit gram¬

marians, but certainly agrees with vulgar practice : for example, the word

mahina , ‘ a month,’ is always pronounced maina ; and if it were given its

full complement of three syllables, a rustic would probably not understand

what was meant. At Mai Mirzapur the tradition is that the name com¬

memorates one Maya Ram ; and in the particular case, this very possibly

* Mr. Blochmann informs me that he has noted with regard to this word ‘ Mau,’

that it is found all over the wide area extending from Western Malwa to Eastern Audh,

hut docs not seem to occur in Bengal, Bihar, or Sindh.

1874.] F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Thames in N. India. 343

may be so ; but obviously instances of this very restricted derivation are

rare.

Edgar, ( a town,’ has always been fairly popular as a local affix, and

the Mathura district contains seven examples of the word so used, viz. Rup-

nagar, Sher-nagar, a second Rup-nagar, Ma’sum-nagar, Ram-nagar, Bir-

nagar, and Raj-nagar. But it is in modern times and as a prefix that it

enters most largely into any catalogue of village names. As a rule, when¬

ever now-a-days an over-crowded town throws out a branch settlement,

which becomes of sufficient importance to claim a separate entry in the

Government rent-roll, it is therein recorded as Nagla so-and-so, according

to the name of the principal man in it. On the spot, Nagla Bali, to take

a particular case, is more commonly called Bali ka nagara ; and after the

lapse of a few generations, if the new colony prospers, it drops the Nagara

altogether, and is known simply as Bali. The transmutation of the word

nagara into Nagla and its conversion from a suffix into a prefix, are due solely

to the proclivities of native revenue officials, who affect the Persian colloca¬

tion of words rather than the Hindi, and always evince a prejudice against

the letter r. It is interesting to observe that in England the Teutonic

mode of compounding names differs from the Celtic, in the same way as in

India the Hindi from the Urdu : for while the Celts spoke of Strath Clyde

and Abertay, the Teutons preferred Clydesdale and Taymouth.

The number of sacred woods and lakes in Braj accounts for the termi¬

nations ban and found , which probably are not often met elsewhere. Ex¬

amples of the former are Kot-ban, Bhadra-ban, Brinda-ban, Loha-ban and

Maha-ban ; and of the latter, Radha-kund and Madhuri-kund, The only

name in this list, about which any doubt can be felt as to the exact deriva¬

tion, is Loha-ban. It is said to commemorate Krishna’s victory over a

demon called Loha-jangha, i. e. Iron-leg ; and at the annual festival, offerings

of 4 iron’ are made by the pilgrims. In the ordinary authorities for Krish¬

na’s life and adventures I certainly find no mention of any Loha-jangha,

and as we shall see when we come to speak of the village Bandi, local

customs are often based simply on an accidental coincidence of name, and

prove nothing but the prevalent ignorance as to the true principles of

philology. But in the Vrihat-katha, written by Somadeva in the reign of

Harsha I)eva, king of Kashmir, A. D. 1059-1071, is a story of Loha-

jangha, a Brahman of Mathura, who was miraculously conveyed to Lanka:

whence it may be inferred that at all events in the 12tli century Loha-

jangha, after whom the young Brahman was named by the romancer, was

recognized as a local power ; and thus, though we need not suppose that

any such monster ever existed, Loha-ban does in all probability derive its

name from him.

u u

341 F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. [No. 4,

The few local affixes that yet remain require no lengthened notice :

of garh , or garhi there are as many as twenty instances, viz. Nilkanthgarhi,

a settlement of Jaesvar Thakurs ; Sher-garh, a fortress commanding the

Jamuna, built in the reign of Slier Shah ; Chamar-garhi, a colony of the

factious Gujar tribe ; Ahvaran-garhi ; Chinta-garhi and Rustam -garhi,

founded by Gahlot Thakurs in the reign of Aurangzeb ; Badan-garh, com¬

memorating Thakur Badan Sinh, father of Suraj Mall, the first Bharatpur

Baja ; I'khu-F ath-garh, founded by one of Siiraj Mall’s officers ; Birju-

garhi, Chinta-garhi, ’Inayat-garh, Kankar-garhi, Lal-garhi, Mana-garhi,

Mani-garlii, Ram-garlii, Sliankar-garhi, Tilka-garhi, Bharu-garh, and Tal-

garhi, all founded by Jats during the fifty years that elapsed between the

establishment of their brief supremacy and the British* annexation. The

name will probably never be used again as a local affix ; and its extreme

popularity during one half-centurv constitutes an interesting landmark in

Indian provincial history, as proof of the troubled character of the country,

when no isolated habitation was thought secure unless protected by a circuit

of wall and ditch.

Khera, as seen in Pali-khera, Awa- khera, Pal-kliera, Aira-khera, Sar-

kand-khera, and Sel-khera, invariably implies a state of comparative depriva¬

tion, which may be either of people or of land, according as it arises either

from the emigration of the greater part of its inhabitants to some entirely

different locality, or by the formation of a number of subordinate hamlets

in the neighbourhood, which divide among themselves all the cultivated

area and leave the old bazar merely as a central spot for common meeting.

j Patti ordinarily implies a comparatively modern partition of family

lands : thus the villages, into which the old township of Magora was divided

by the four sons of the Tomar founder, are called after their names, Ajit-

patti, Ghatam-patti, Jajan-patti, and Ram-patti : and similarly Bajana was

divided b}^ the Jats into three villages known as Dilu-patti, Siu-patti and

Sultan-patti. The other four places in the district that have this affix do

not, however, bear out the above rule. They are Lorha-patti, Nainu-patti,

Patti Bahrain, and Patti Sakti. Neither of these has any companion hamlet

dating from the same time as itself; and Nainu-patti is a place of considera¬

ble antiquity, which long ago was split up into eleven distinct villages.

Another word of precisely similar import is Thole. This is used in the

Maha-ban pargana as an element in the name of five out of the six villages

that constitute the Sonai circle, and which are called Thok Bindavani,

Thok Gyan, Thok Kamal, Thok Saru, and Thok Sumeru.

Klioh is an exceptional affix, which occurs only once, in Mangal-khoh,

the name of a village on a { creek’ of the old stream of the Jamuna.

Of Sarae as an affix we have examples in A’zamabad Sarae, Jamal -pur

Sarae, Mai Sarae, Sarae-’Ali Khan, Sarae Daiid, and Sarae Salivahan. Only

1874.] F. S. Grows e — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. 315

at the two first is there any Sarae actually in existence ; both of these are

large and substantial buildings erected b}^ local Governors on the line of the

old Imperial road between Agra and Labor. The others were probably mere

ranges of mud huts, like the ordinary sarae of the present day, and have

therefore long since disappeared.

The Persian terminations abdd and gang , which predominate so largely

in some parts of India, have been little used in Hindi-speaking Mathura.

Of abdd there are only six examples, being an average of one to each parga-

na, viz., A’zam-abad and Murshid-abad, each commemorating a local Go¬

vernor in the reign of Aurangzib ; Aurang-abad, dating from the same

period ; Sa’dabad, the chief town on the demesne of Shah-jahan’s minister

Sa’dullah Khan ; and Asaf-abad, Bir-ali-abad, Gulshan-abad, and Salim-abad,

named after founders of less historical distinction.

Having thus passed in review every affix denoting ‘ place,’ that we

have been able to identify, we proceed to consider the second class of names,

viz., those in which the affix signifies ‘possession.’ The examples under this

head are equally numerous and in a philological point of view of no less

importance ; but the whole series is traversed by a single clue, and if this is

grasped at the beginning, it is found to lead so directly from one formation

to another, that it precludes all necessity of pausing for lengthy considera¬

tion at any particular stage of the argument. Obviously, the simplest mode

of expressing possession is by attaching to the name of the owner the gram¬

matical particle, whatever it may be, which in consequence of its familiar use

has been selected as the special sign of the genitive or possessive case. This

in modern Hindustani is led or hi, which we find employed in the following

ten words, viz., Barka, Mahanki, Berka, Marhaka, Bhartiyaka, Bhureka, Ka-

neka, Marhuaka, Salaka, and Siirka. In the last six names on the list the

former part of the compound, viz., Bhartiya, Bhura, &c., is known to be the

name of the Jat founder of the village. Thus we have an indisputable proof

that about a century ago it was not at all an uncommon thing to form names

of places in this way. If no earlier examples of the formation occur, it is most

reasonable to explain their absence by inferring, as in the case of guri, that

in the course of time the rough edges, that once marked the place where the

word and its affix joined, have become so worn and smoothed down that they

can no longer be felt. Now by eliding the h, a very simple proceeding and

one quite in accordance with rule, an amalgamation would be effected be¬

tween the two elements of the compound which would totally alter their

original appearance ; and we have only to reinsert it to discover the mean¬

ing of many names otherwise unintelligible. Thus Bhalai, a settlement of

Bhal Thakurs, is seen to represent Bhdl-hi ( basti ) ; Baghai is for Bagh-ki ;

Madanai, for Mandan-ki ; Ugliai, for Ugra-ki ; Mahpai, for Malnpa-ld ; and

so on. Similarly, Indau is for Indra-ka, and Karnau for Karna-ka : the re-

31G F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. [No. 4,

presentation of a -f a by an rather than a being almost an invariable practice,

as we see in ran, a contraction for raja, panic for pada, nau for nava, and tau

for tat a.

Kci however is not the only sign of the genitive case in use ; for in the

Marwari dialect its place is occupied by rd. Of this too there are abundant

examples, as might have been anticipated ; for some centuries ago, migrations

from Rajpiitana into Mathura were very frequent and in a less degree conti¬

nue to the present day. Thus, we have Umraura, Lohrari, Ganesara, Bhu-

rari, Puthri (from path, a sand-hill), Bhainsara, Garumra (for Garuda-ra)

and Bagharra, &c. At the last named place the old village site is called

Sher-hd-hherd, which puts the meaning of the word Bagharra beyond a

doubt ; the reduplication of the r being purely phonetic. Other names of

a slightly different character are Kunjera (where is Kunj-ban), Bahera,

Ranera (founded by Sissodia Thakurs, who named it after the Rana of

Chitor whence they had migrated), Maghera, Nonera, and Konkera, Sc c.

In these the prolongation of the second syllable of each word makes it pro¬

bable that the affix is not simply rd, but rather hard. This word is known

to be exactly identical in meaning with the more common wald, of which, as

a component in a village name, we have two illustrations in the district, viz .

ara and Bhadanwara. It is therefore not in itself unlikely that hard

would be used for the same purpose ; and the belief that it really has been

so used, is confirmed by the fact that Banahara and Nonahara are alternative

modes of spelling Ranera and Nonera, and are perhaps the more popular of

the two among village scribes. In rapid speaking it is difficult to distinguish

between the sounds of ahara and era ; as may be familiarly exemplified by

the great Hindu festival, the Dasahara, which by people who aim only at

representing the vulgar pronunciation, is invariably spelt Dusserah. Thus

such words as hamera 1 a workman,’ from ham, 1 work,’ and cliitera, 1 a pain¬

ter’ from chitra 1 a painting’ — being obviously exactly identical in sense with

ham-wdla and chitrawala — may be best explained by supposing that the

original termination was hard ; and in the same way Nonera, meaning ‘ Salt-

town’ (from Ion or non, the Hindi form of the Sanskrit lavana), if written

in full, would be Lavanahara, or Nona-hara. These considerations are in¬

teresting, since they supply with almost absolute certainty the derivation of

the particle rd as the sign of the genitive case. It is the second syllable of

hard, the first syllable of which is always combined with and lengthens the

final vowel of the first member of the compound. The more common hd ,

with precisely the same signification, is of entirely different origin and re¬

presents the Sanskrit affix aha.

In the same way as hd has been unable to resist mutilation, so also with

rd ; though in the latter case it is not the consonant, but the vowel that

has suffered. There consequently remains only the letter r) which we see

347

1874.] F. S. Gfrowse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India.

appearing as a final in such words as Kamar, Sahar, Udhar, and Surir. Of

these, Kamar (for Kam-ra) is probably an offshoot from the neighbouring

town of Kam-ban in Bharatpur territory, a famous place of Vaishnava pil“

grimage ; while Sahar and Udhar must have been named after their respect¬

ive founders, who in the one case is known to have been called Udho, or

Udhan, and in the other was probably some Sabha. In Surir, which presents

peculiar difficulties, we fortunately are not left to conjecture. For a local

tradition attests that the town was once called Suop-iv-ka Khera. The

resemblance between the two names is so slight that the people on the spot

and the unphilological mind generally would not recognize any connection

between them : but according to rules already quoted Sugriv-ra would pass

naturally into Surir, and the fact that it has done so is a strong confirma-

tion of the truth of the rules.

Both in Sanskrit and also in modern Hindustani, the affix most commonly

used in the formation of adjectives that denote possession, is l ; thus from

dhan £ wealth’ comes dhani, wealthy,’ and from mala ‘ a floral wreath,’ comes

mali, ‘ a florist.’ Dr. Hunter, with much perverted ingenuity, has gone out

of his way to suggest that the latter are an aboriginal and non- Ary an race

and “ take their name from the tribal term for man, male , from which many

hill and forest people of northern and central India, possibly also the whole

Malay race of the Archipelago are called.” I am not aware that in this

theory he has found any followers : whatever the origin of the Malays, there

is no more reason to suppose a connection between them and the Malis of our

gardens, than between man, the biped, and man , a weight of 40 sers. As

the letters of the alphabet are necessarily limited, it must occasionally hap¬

pen that combinations are formed which are quite independent of one

another and yet in appearance are identical. Among examples of the i affix

we find in Mathura, from dhimar , ‘ a fisherman,’ Dlnmari, a fishing village

on the bank of the Jamuna ; from a founder Husain, a village Husaini ; from

Pal, the favourite title of a Thakur clan, Pali ; from Pingal, Pingari ; from

semal, the cotton-tree, Semri ; from babul, the acacia, Baburi ; from Khajur ,

Khajini ; and from Kinara, { the river bank,’ Kinari, &c. A lengthened

form of the same affix is iya, which we find in Jagatiya and Khandiya.

Another affix, which in ordinary Sanskrit literature occurs as fre¬

quently as tf and with precisely the same signification, is val, vatt. In

vulgar pronunciation the consonant v generally passes into the cognate

vowel ; thus Bhagavati becomes Bliagoti, and Sarasvati, Sarsuti. I am

therefore led to suspect that this is the affix which has been used in the form¬

ation of such village names as Kharot, Khatauta, Ajinothi, Bilothi; Kaji-

rothi, Basonti, Bathi, Jamunauta, Junsuthi, Sonotli, Badauth, Barauth,

Dhanoti, and Jatarota. All these places are presumably old, and nothing

can be stated with certainty as to the period of the foundation, but the

348 F. S. Growse — The Etymology oj Local Names in JSF. India. [No. 4,

only one of them in any way remarkable is Bathi. Here is the sacred

grove of Bahula-ban, with the image of the cow Bahula, who (as told in the

Itihas) addressed such piteous supplications to a tiger who was about to

destroy her, that the savage beast could not but spare her life. A meld in

her honour is still held on the fourth day of Kuwar, called 4 Bahula chatur-

thi.’ In every other instance where the loan is a place of any celebrity, it

has supplied the foundation for the village name, and has probably done so

here too. Nor is the transition from Bahula-ban to Bathi at all an isolated

one ; the change of the dental into the cerebral consonant need present no

difficulty, for the same has occurred in the Hindi pattan 1 a town,’ and in

murha 4 a fool’ for the Sanskrit mugdha ; but the insertion of the aspirate

is an irregularity which it is not equally easy to explain.

A third affix which can be more appropriately noticed here than else¬

where, though it has a somewhat different force, is a. This implies pri¬

marily 4 a product’ or ‘result.’ Thns from her, the fruit tree, comes the name

of the village Bera, an orchard of her trees ; from Naliar, a man’s name

meaning lion, Nahra; from Parsu, an abbreviation for Parasu-ram, Parsua ;

from Rae [Sen], Raya ; from Parameslivar Has, Pavesara ; and similarly

Bisambhara, Dandisara, &c.

We may now pass on to the first sub-division of class III, in which are

included all such village names as originally were identical, without addi¬

tion or alteration of any kind with the names borne by the founders :

though the original identity, it must be remembered, is no guarantee against

subsequent corruption. One of the earliest examples in the distinct is afford¬

ed by the village Son, which is said to have been the capital of a Raja Son1 —

or more probably Solian — Pal, a Tomar Thakur from Delhi. Sonkh, Sonsa,

and Sonotli, all three places in the immediate neighbourhood, would also

seem to be named after him and to prove that he was an historical personage

of at least considerable local importance. Another interesting illustration

which must also be of early date, is found in the name Dliam Sihha. Here

Dham, which is the obsolete Prakrit form of dharma and is not understood

at the present day, runs a great risk of being altered by people who aim at

correctness but lack knowledge, into the more intelligible word dhan. In

modern times this style of nomenclature has been so prevalent that a single

Pargana — Maha-ban — supplies us with the following examples, viz. Birbal,

Gaju, Misri, Bhura, Suraj, Baru, Rausanga, Nauranga, Mursena, Bansa,

Bhojua, Bhima, and Sur. Of these, Rausanga for Rdp Sinlia would scarcely

have been recognizable but for the aid of local tradition. Occasionally, the

names of two brothers, or other joint founders, are combined, as we see in

Sampat-jogi, Cliura-hansi, Bindu-bulaki, and Harnaul. The latter is a cu¬

rious contraction for Harna Navala ; and as 4 the swing’ is one of the popular

institutions of Braj, the word not unfrequently passes through a further

1874.] F. S. Grows e — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. 349

corruption and is pronounced Hindol, which means a swing. This will pro¬

bably before long give occasion to a legend and a local festival in honor

of Radhii and Krishna.

Under the same head comes the apparently Muhammadan name Noli ;

which, with the addition of the suffix jhil, is the designation of a decayed

town on the left bank of the Jamuna to the north of the district. At no

very great distance, but on the other side of the river, in Gurganw, is a

second Noli ; and a third is in the Jalesar Pargana, which now forms part of

the Agra district. So far as I have any certain knowledge, the name is not

found in any other part of India ; though it seems to occur in Central Asia,

for the Yarkand expedition is stated in the papers to have reached Leh via

Kliotan, Kiria, Polu, and Noli, by the easternmost pass over the Kuen-lun

mountains. Upon this point I may hope to acquire more definite infor¬

mation hereafter ; the best maps published up to the present time throw

no light on the matter, for though they give the towns of Kiria and Kho-

tan, they do not show Noli, and its existence therefore requires confirmation.

The three places in this neighbourhood all agree in being evidently of great

antiquity, and also in the fact that each is close to a large sheet of water.

The lake, or morass, at Noli-jhil spreads in some years over an area measur¬

ing as much as six miles in length by one in breadth. It is no doubt to a

great extent of artificial formation, having been excavated for the double

purpose of supplying earth with which to build the fort, and also of render¬

ing it inaccessible when built. The inundated appearance of the country

combines with the name to suggest a reminiscence of the Biblical Deluge

and the Patriarch Noah. But the proper spelling of his name, as Mr.

Blochmann informs me, is Null, with the vowel u and the Arabic Ji. Badao-

ni, who twice* mentions the town, spells it with the imperceptible h ; but in

the Ain-i-Akbari, which herein agrees with invariable modern usage, the

final letter is the Arabic h. Again, if a reference to the Deluge were in¬

tended, the word Noli would not have been used simply by itself ; and

standing as it does, it can scarcely be other than the name of the founder.

But (again to quote Mr. Blochmann) “ Muhammadans use the name Null

extremely rarely. Adam, Musa, Yusuf, and Ayub are common ; but on

looking over my lists of saints, companions of Muhammad, and other worthies

of Islam, I do not find a single person with the name Null ; and hence I

would look upon a connection of Noh with Noah as very problematical. I

would rather connect it with the Persian nuh, ‘nine,’ which when lengthen-

ed becomes noli, not nuh ; as the Persian dih , ‘ a village,’ becomes deli, not

diliT But if we abandon the Semitic name, it will be better, considering the

purely Hindu character of the country, to try and fall back upon some

* Once as the scene of a fight between Iqbal Khan and Shams Khan of Bayanah

(A. H. 802), and again as the place where Mubarak Shah crossed the Jamuna for JartolL

350 F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N India. [No. 4,

Sanskrit root, and I am inclined to regard the name as a Muhammadan

corruption of nava — not the adjective meaning ‘ new,’ hut a proper name — ■

and with the h added either purposely to mark the distinction, or inad¬

vertently in the same way as raja is in Persian characters incorrectly written

rajah . In the Harivansa (line 1677) mention is made of a king Ushinara,

of the family of Kaksheyn, who had five wives, Nriga, Krimi, Nava, Darva,

and Drisliadvati. They bore him each one son, and the boys were named

Nriga, K rimi, Nava, Suvrata and Sivi, of whom Nava reigned over Navarash-

tram; Krimi over Kumila-puri ; Sivi, who is said to be the author of one of

the hymns of the Big Veda (X. 179), over the Sivayas, and Nriga over the

Yaudheyas. In the Mahabharat the Usinaras are said to be a lower race of

Kshatriyas. They are mentioned by Panini in a connection which seems

to imply that they were settled in or near the Panjab ; and in the Aitareya

Brahmana, Usinara is collocated with Kura and Panchala. Again, Drishad**

vati, the fifth of Usinara’s wives, recalls to mind the unknown river of the

same name which is mentioned by Manu as one of the boundaries of Brah-

mavarta, and in the Mahabharat as the southern boundary of Kurukshetra.

From all this it may be inferred that the Navarashtra, over which Usinara’s

third son Nava reigned, cannot have been far distant from Mathura and

Gurganw ; and its capital may well have been the very place which still

bears his name under the corrupt form of Noli or Naub.

The second subdivision of Class III is of an extremely miscellaneous

character and admits of no grouping, each name having a separate indivi¬

duality of its own. Some of the more obvious examples have been already

quoted : such as are Basai, ‘ a colony,’ for the Sanskrit vasati (which at the

present day is more commonly abbreviated by the alternative mode into

basti) ; Chauki, an outpost, on the Gurganw road ; Nagariya, ‘ a small hamlet’ ;

Barlia ‘ a removal’ ; Garhi, ‘ a fort’ ; Mai, ‘ an estate’ ; Khor, ‘ an opening’

between the Barsana hills ; Xnyor, £ the other end’ of the Gobardhan range ;

Pura, £ a town ;’ Kheriya, £ a hill and Toli, £ an allotment.’ Others require

more detailed explanation on account either of their intrinsic difficulty, or

of the mythological disguise put upon them by the local pandits, who think

there is no place in the whole of Braj which does not contain some allusion

to Krishna. Thus they connect the word Mathura with the god’s title of

Madhu-mathan, forgetting that the country certainly existed and, for all that

is known to the contrary, bore the same name as now for ages prior to the

incarnation in which that title was acquired. The more natural derivation is

from the root math direct, in its primary sense ot £ churning an exact gram¬

matical parallel being found in the word bhidura, ‘breakable,’ a derivative

from the root bliid , £ to break.’ The name thus interpreted is singularly

appropriate ; for Mathura has always been celebrated for its wide extent of

pasture-land and many herds of cattle, and in all poetical descriptions of the

1874.] F. S. Grows e — The Etymology of Local Names in AT. India. 351

local scenery 4 the churn’ is introduced as a prominent feature. I observe that

Babu Rajendralala Mitra in a learned article on the Yavanas, comprised in

the earlier part of this volume, has incidentally remarked upon a passage

in the Santi Parva of the Mahabharat, in which the word Madhura occurs,

that this is the ancient form of Mathura. Now I should hesitate to dispute

any statement deliberately made by so eminent a scholar, but this appears

to be a mere obiter dictum , and I strongly doubt whether in the whole range

of early Sanskrit literature the capital of Braj is ever designated Madhura.

In the particular passage which he quotes, Lassen regards the word as the

name of a river ; and that the well-known city in the Dakhin is in the ver¬

nacular always spelt Madhura in no way affects the argument ; for even if the

two names are etymologically identical, which is probable but not certain, the

dislike shewn by all the languages of the south to the use of hard con¬

sonants is quite sufficient to account for the alteration.

Similarly, the name of the country, Braj, or Vraja, has nothing to do

with the Yajra Sena, the son of Aniruddh, who is said to have been crowned

king of Mathura on Krishna’s death ; but comes immediately from the root

vraj , 4 to go’, and is thus a highly appropriate designation for a land of no¬

madic herdsmen. Equally at fault is the mythological derivation of 4 Ba-

then,’ the name of two large villages in the Kosi Pargana, where Balarama,

it is said, sat down ( baithen ) to wait for Krishna. Here again the real

reference is to the pastoral character of the country, bathan being an archaic

term to denote a grazing-ground. A still greater and more unnecessary

perversion of etymological principles is afforded by the treatment of the word

Khaira. This is derived from the root JcJiedna , 4 to drive cattle’, which was

Krishna’s special occupation as a boy : but it is in fact only the regular con¬

traction of the Sanskrit Jchadira , the Acacia Arabica, more commonly known

as the babul ; as is proved by the contiguity of the village to the Kliadira-ban ,

one of the twelve sacred groves. A somewhat similar tree, as may be observed

in passing, the lodhra , or Symplocos, has probably furnished a name for the

village of Lohi in the Mat Pargana : while the Tinduk Ghat at Mathura is

probably so named not in honour of any pious ascetic, but with reference to

the jpasendu , or Diospyros, one of the most common trees in the district,

which in Sanskrit is called Tinduka.

But the most interesting example of an elaborate myth based solely

on the misunderstanding of a local name is to be found in the village of

Bandi. Here is a very popular shrine, sacred to Bandi Anandi, who are

said to have been two servants of Jasoda’s, whose special employment it was

to collect the sweepings of the cow-shed and make them up into fuel.

But in the inscription over the gateway leading into the court-yard of the

temple, which is dated Sambat 1575, there is no mention of Anandi what¬

ever. Part is illegible, but the first words read clearly as follows : Svasti

x x

352 F. S. Growse — Tie Etymology of Local Names in N. Lidia. [No. 4,

sri Sarvopari bird jam an Bandi Ji. Tasya sevak, &c. From this it may

be inferred that Anandi has been added in very recent times simply for

the sake of the alliterative jingle, and because there happened to be a

second old figure on the spot that required some distinctive name*

The original word was Bandi alone. The Gokul Gosains support their

theory as to its etymology by making the Gobar Lila at Bandi one of the

regular scenes in the dramatic performances of the Ban-jatra; but it is not

accepted by the more old-fashioned residents of the village, who maintain

that the local divinity was a recognized power long before the days of

Krishna, who was brought there to offer at her shrine the first hair that was

cut from his head. Their view as to the relative antiquity of the Bandi and

the Mathura god is certainly correct ; for both the images now believed to

represent Jasoda’s domestic servants are clearly effigies of the goddess Dur-

ga. In the one she appears with eight arms, triumphing over the demon

Maliisliasur ; in the other which is a modern fac-simile, made at Brinda-ban,

of the mutilated original, she has four arms, two pendent and two raised

above the head. Neither of them can represent a human handmaid ; and

thus they at once disprove the modern story, which would seem to be

based on nothing more substantial than the resemblance of the word ba7idi

to the Persian banda , meaning ‘ a servant.’ The real derivation would be

from bandy a, or vandya , the future participle of the verb vand , signifying

‘ venerable’ or 1 worshipful.’ Thus what was once an epithet of a par¬

ticular image of Devi became after a time its distinctive name ; and event¬

ually, being referred by the ignorance of the people to a more ordinary term

of current speech, has originated a legend and a local festival for which in

fact there is no foundation whatever.

The above is one illustration of a general rule that all presumably an¬

cient local names are entirely different in origin and meaning from any

terms of current speech with which they may happen to be identical in form.

Thus, as we have already seen, the village Parson has no connection with

parson, the common adverb of time ; neither is Paitha so named, as being

near the mouth of the cave into which the people of Braj ‘entered’ {paitha).

Again, Pal, a large village in the Mathura Pargana, is not so called as being

the scene of one of Krishna’s ‘ battles’ (rdr) , as local pandits say ; nor because

the extensive woods round about it abound in rdl, or ‘resin :’ but rather it

is a contraction of Baja-Kula, ‘ a king’s house j a compound of similar

character with Gokul, ‘ a cow house,’ the name of the town where Krishna

was nurtured by the herdsman Nanda. Baval, a village in the same neigh¬

bourhood, the reputed home of Bad ha’s maternal grandfather Surbhan, may

be identical in meaning ; or it may even represent an original Badha-kula,

in which case it would be curious as affording the earliest authority for

Badha’s local existence and pre-eminent rank. Koila again is evidently not

1874.] F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. 353

the bird called in Sanskrit Kokila and in Hindi Noil ; for who would dream

of calling a place simply Cuckoo without any affix such as in the possible

compound Cuckoo-town P Neither is it the exclamation Noi la, uttered by

Yasudeva as he was bearing the infant Krishna across the Jamuna ; for

whatever the language then in vogue, it certainly was not modem Hindi :

nor again, and for a similar reason, does the word Koila mean ‘ charcoal’

with a reference to the ashes of the witch Putana, washed across the stream

from the town of Grokul. But it may be taken for granted that the final

consonant stands for ra and has the possessive force of that particle, while

the former member of the compound is either Koi, 1 the water-lily,’ or Not ,

for Krora , ‘ a wild boar.’ The extensive morass in the neighbourhood, well-

known to sportsmen as the Koila jhil, renders either derivation probable

and appropriate. If the fact were not now placed on record, a few more

years and the philologists who look for the origin of Indian names in every

language saving only the vernacular of the country, would seize the oppor¬

tunity of declaring Koila to be merely a mis-pronunciation of the English

‘ quail.’ Similarly, it may reasonably be conjectured that Kukar-gama

is not so called because a Banjara in his travels happened to bury beside the

village pond a favourite dog (Jcukar ), though the slab supposed to cover the

dog’s grave is still shewn ; but rather, as the village is certainly of ancient

date and was colonized by Thakurs from Chitor, it is more probable that its

name commemorates the otherwise unknown founder, since Kukura occurs

in the Maliabliarat as the proper name of a king, and may therefore have

been at one time in common use. To pass yet more rapidly over a few

other illustrations of the same rule, that apparent identity is equivalent to

real difference : Kamar does not commemorate Krishna’s gift of a blanket

( Jcamal ) to the shivering hermit Durvasas, but rather implies a migration

from the older town of Kama ; ‘ Aincli’ does not refer to the £ stretching’

of Krishna’s tent-ropes, though the real derivation is doubtful ; ‘ Jau’

is not the imperative verb ‘ go,’ but a corruption of yava, ‘ lac Marna, now

altered by office copyists to Bharna, has no relation to the ‘ death’ of one of

Krishna’s enemies ; and ‘ Jait’ is not simply an abbreviation for jaitra , but

(as shewn by the village pronunciation Jaint) represents an original Jayanta,

which occurs in Sanskrit as the name both of a river and a country.

It must, however, be borne in mind that the application of this rule is

restricted exclusively to local names of ancient date. Thus the name of the

village Sanket is really identical with the Sanskrit word sanlcet , meaning

‘ an assignation’ or ‘ rendezvous ;’ the place which lies halfway between

Barsana and Nandganw, the respective homes of Radlia and Krishna,

having been so called by the Grosains of the 16th century with the special

object of localizing the legend. Similarly, Pisaya with its beautiful forest

ofkadamb trees, to which the author of the Yraja-bhakti-vilasa gives

354 F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. [No. 4,

the Sanskrit title of Pipasa-vana, may really bear a name identical with

the Hindi word pisaya , ‘ thirsty’ if the name was first assigned to the spot

by the Gokul Gosains as a foundation for a story of Radha’s bringing

a draught of water for the relief of her exhausted lover. But this is

questionable, since it appears that there is a place with the same name, but

without any similar legend, in the Aligarh district ; and both are therefore

most probably far anterior to the 16th century and susceptible of some en¬

tirely different explanation.

In all these and similar cases it is impossible to arrive at sound con¬

clusions without a large amount of local knowledge ; while the absurdity of

the explanations advanced by the local Pandits demonstrates the equal

necessity for acquaintance with at least the rudimentary laws of philologi¬

cal science. Scholastic speculations made without reference to physical

features or the facts of village history are always liable to summary disproof ;

and no one with any respect for his own reputation should think of pro¬

nouncing off-hand upon the derivation of the name of any place regarding

the circumstances of which he has not very definite information. For ex¬

ample, as the village Jati-pura is on the border of the Jat state of Bharatpur,

what could be more plausible than to say that it is so called as being a Jat

colony P but as a fact, it has always been inhabited by Brahmans, and

its founder was the Vallabliacharya Gosain Bitthalnath, who was popularly

known by tbe name of Jati ji. Again, Lodhauli (in accordance with the prin¬

ciples stated in the earlier part of this paper) might be at once set down as

equivalent to Lodha-puri ; but here too the caste of the residents forbids such

a derivation, for they have always been not Lodhas, but Jadons ; and the

modern name is a perversion of Lalita-puri. Phalen again and Siyara would

be inexplicable but for the knowledge that they are built, the one on the

margin of a pond, called Prahlad-kund, and the other by the Chir Ghat, a

very ancient and now comparatively neglected tirath on the Jamuna. The

confusion between the letters s and ch is one of the peculiarities of the local

dialect. Thus Amar Sinh is frequently called Amarchu ; and the village of

Parsua, in the mouths of the villagers on the spot, is indistinguishable from

Pilchua.

Although it may safely be laid down as a general principle of Indian to¬

ponymy that the majority of names are capable of being traced up to Aryan

roots, it is possible that the rule may have some exceptions. In the Ma¬

thura and Mainpuri districts there is a current tradition that the older occu¬

pants of the country were a people called Kalars. The name seems to sup¬

port a theory advanced by Dr. Hunter in his Dissertation, where he quotes

a statement from some number of the Asiatic Society’s Journal to the effect

that the whole of India was once called Kolaria. On the strength of a number

of names which he sees in the modern map, he concludes that the race, from

1874.] F. S. Growse — The Etymology of Local Names in N. India. 855

whom that name was derived, once spread over every province from Burma

to Malabar. He finds indications of their existence in the Kols of Central

India ; the Kolas of Katwar ; the Kolis of Gujarat ; the Kolitas of Asam ;

the Kalars, a robber caste in the Tamil country ; the Kolars of Tinnevelly,

and the Kolis of Bombay, &c., &c. Upon most of these names, as I have no

knowledge of the localities where they exist, I decline to offer any opinion

whatever, and can only express my regret that Dr. Hunter has not exercised

a little similar caution. For he proceeds to give a list of town-names,

scattered as he says over the whole length and breadth of India, which seems

to me of the very slightest value as a confirmation of his theory. No one

should be better conversant than himself with the vagaries of phonetic spell¬

ing ; and yet he gravely adduces as proof of the existence of a Kol race,

such names as Kulianpur and Kullian ; though it is scarcely possible but that,

if correctly spelt, they would appear as Kalyanpur and Kalyan ; the latter

being still a popular Hindi name and the Sanskrit for ‘ auspicious’. More¬

over, if the race was ever so widely spread as he supposes, it is inconceiv¬

able that they should give their tribal name to the different towns they in¬

habited ; for such names under the supposed circumstances would have no

distinctive force. For example, if the Hindus were suddenly to be swept

out of India, the race that superseded them would not find a single village

bearing such a name as Hindu-pur, or Hindu-ganw. Obviously it is only a

country that derives its name from a tribe, while towns and villages com¬

memorate families and individuals. To ascertain who the Kalars were is

certainly an interesting question, but one upon which it is as yet premature to

speak positively. My own impression is that the name denotes a religious

rather than an ethnological difference and that they were — in this neighbour¬

hood at all events — Buddhists or Jains. At many of the places from which

they are said to have been ejected by the ancestors of the present Jat or

Thakur families, I have found fragments of Buddhist or Jain sculpture,

which can only have been the work of the older inhabitants, since it is cer¬

tain that the race now in possession have never changed their religion. It

is if course possible that these Kalars may have been non-Aryan Buddhists ;

but the old village names, which in several cases remain unchanged to

the present day, such as Aira, Madem, Byonhin, &c., though of doubtful

derivation, have certainly anything but a foreign or un-Indian sound.

These and a considerable number of other names yet require elucida¬

tion : but the words with which I prefaced Part II of my Mathura Memoir

in anticipation of the present argument, have now I trust been so far sub¬

stantiated that I may conclude by repeating them as a summary of actual

results. “ The study of a list of village names suggests two remarks of some

little importance in the history of language. First , so many names that at

a hasty glance appear utterly unmeaning can be positively traced back to

356 Pratapachandra Ghosha — The Buddal Tala Inscription. [No. 4,

original Sanskrit forms as to raise a presumption that the remainder, though

more effectually disguised, will ultimately be found capable of similar treat¬

ment : a strong argument being thus afforded against those scholars who

maintain that the modern vernacular is impregnated with a very large non-

Aryan element. Secondly, the course of phonetic decay in all its stages is

so strictly in accord with the rules laid down by the Prakrit Grammarians,

as to demonstrate that the Prakrit of the dramas (to which the rules parti¬

cularly apply), even though extinct at the time when the dramas were

written for the delectation of a learned audience, had once been the popular

language of the country ; and as Anglo-Saxon imperceptibly developed into

modern English, so has Prakrit been transmuted into modern Hindi, more

by the gradual loss of its inflections than by the violent operation of any

external influences.” Thus the recognition of Persian or any dialect of Per¬

sian as the vernacular of the country implies an historical untruth as re¬

gards the past and can only be verified in the future by the obliteration of

all existing traditions.

Transcript of the Tala Inscription of the Tnddal Tillar , Dinajpur, by

Pandit Harachandra Ciiakra vati'. Communicated by E. V. West-

macott, C. S. — With an annotated translation by Pratapachandra

Ghosha, B. A., Assistant Secretary , Asiatic Society , Bengal.

In the 1st volume of the ‘ Asiatic Researches,’ a translation is given

of this inscription by Wilkins, but without the text. A short time ago,

Mr. E. Y. Westmacott, C. S. obtained a transcript from Pandit Harachandra

Chakravarti which is given below with a fresh translation.

Mr. Westmacott says that Buddal was a factory in the Company’s

commercial days ; it is on the Kulkuli-khari, about ten miles E. N. E.

from Patnitala Police Station. The pillar is less than a mile N. E. of it, near

Mangalbarx, and goes by the name of ‘ Bhim’s ox goad’ ( Bhimer I anti) %

1. Wrt: I

2. -STsfr: ^

- ^

WcWTfl-qfw 2^qfcT II

v»

3. I

357

1874] Pratapachandra Glioslia— The Huddal Bala Inscription,

4. -

C \J

- 5

^wf^W<T*rmtVr ii

^ri-

TT^TCt f^rfrr^T fjTT* I

^*?r w mM ^rc^f *zy. ii

%^Tirr^T^^^^ar: ^^TrTT¥TT fw^fTO I

v 0\ ^

mm ^w^t ^crfcr^^^friq^^T to n

7.

tot^ *re*rf?P i

f^TO^T ^fafep II

8. to t^t ?t% mu xm f%*p i

^taT^r xpcwspc^w ii

c\" v

9. ^ mm fTO^ fTOTtf fTT

^efT ^TfptflFfrfwrrr: I

-O VJ

?RTffi' w*t to* SP^fTO TOf^T^fTO

v5

ijlrcj wt fro^* ii

J

io. Ism T5 wx. f^roi ^Mxm Jzrrsnm^: i

faftraw rr^T^i: irTfw otto ii

vl v

n. -

■^T^'TSVI^^f^i: ^RttPcjIcTT ^fTOT^fTO’ I

eTT^jf sr^; to^p

^Kfro sm tro^trr^RsiTO* n

12. v?T^r^frw4r ^gfTOTTOf^fa i

^TCTTOJTOf^f^sff^T^ m II

13. frI^«TJI^'

*sl5ff §i rT^faf *1 ^ ^^ToT^xJ ' |

wfi^fW^FTTO^r ^tot-

JITf^f^TPTO fM ^*if II

14. rrf^TlT^rf^T TOW

w frostfafro^r xr^mi i

TO ^tTOTPTT

0\

358 Pratapachandra Ghoslia — The Baddal Tala Inscription. [No. 4,

^ q?: «nfar II

35. wiqq ¥^fcr^frr^: ,qtoqT%T ^q**

^rr^Tf^:5? ^ YoTT *«N I

5pT<T: ^T^JITT f^ \\

?TirPW^<T?TTW ^Trrf^T q<T qq** II

j <n

36. W q^t^T - - I

- - - II

17. ^T rT^RT^J^K^r 3PIF I

qWTjq cT^Tq^ II

\J v

18. oT^^fTT^T?q^: ^rq^qf^qr: I

q: ^tJlT^f^j^T II

si

19. §iWr%T fqi?l£ fqfsjqq q *ZT< wi ^^f<T I

qtqKTqW^G fqrqTqliq II

20. ^qTqG^qpT*tqfqqqT ql^T qrr fsreqT

fqqqqi qir^T ^r-^r^-rrl i

^fT^f^^T^lT}^ q^cfT f^Wr<Tf^5^Tf<T^T *

’ -S ^ -V ^ -N

q^JTqqqqqrqqq^qT qqtTqcTKT q^l II

21. WTf*P*: ^T^fw fq^Tq f^S^Tf^r I

^ f® <t wfqqrfq^iriqiq qY^<ft q- il

22.

f^-^rr^^rs q^fq; -JT^T^q-: |

^■^Tf^rr: qqfrqT fxqf^f^T^

q*^nqrfqpfrqqi;q qrnfviqTq: n

24. q^qq qqi q w qqqwnqfq q qraq qq f^fqqv i -

qriqrqjqqfq q*q q «rrg i -

25. qjfq^rw qfqq qrf<qqjr qpqftfqr qqfq q^'fq -

vj

26. qi^rt qqqjpwKr tqqifqq qqifqq i

fqqq ^qqTWq qqqqqqq qjq I

J o " ^ ^

inufTT RPTW qqi - q q qqfqq I JIT^T -

I >

27. qiqitq qqNT qq qifqfq - -

\> -nS -n

28. = - qrfeqf iq: fqqqq an^TqqqTfqq i

Translation.

I. There was one of S'andilya race known as Viradeva, from him

descended one by name Panchala, in his family and of him was born

Garga.

From the Sanskrit it appears that Garga was the son of Panchala, and that Yiradeva

was one of the ancestors of Garga. The latter might have been the father of Panchala,

but there is no doubt whatever as to Garga being the son of Panchala, as the Sanskrit has

“ of him was born” qqnq^nqq. Wilkins has left out the word “T^TtT” “ known.”

187 4.] Pratapachandra Ghosha — The Buddal Tala Inscription . 359

II. (This prince, like) S 'akra, lord of the eastern quarter, hut not of

other quarters, though defeated by Daitya chiefs . gained

(mastery over) the world by his devoted piety and derided Yrhaspati.

S'akra is another name of Indra, the lord of the firmament. He is also worshipped

as one of the Dikpalas or lords of the ten quarters. He rules over the eastern quarter;

the text has it, 1 i hut Wilkins has omitted it; he says, “ Sakra was

ruler hut of one quarter.” literally means ‘‘notwithstanding.” It has been ren¬

dered “ though.” The text has • ‘ ’ ’ which means “ defeated the son he.”

I have rendered the “son” by “Prince.” Wilkins appears to have ignored the

last portion of the 2nd line. There is a blank in the text, and it affects the sense a

great deal ; but, as it is, it means that Indra, though lord of the eastern quarter only*

became lord of the whole world, because he had Yrhaspati for his adviser. Hence, this

prince like him, though lord of one small portion of the country, became by his piety, lord

of the world and that too without the aid of Yrhaspati’s advice, whom he could well

afford to deride.

III. His wife was named Ichchha, who could move his heart at her

will : she was by nature pure and gentle, faithful, loving, and auspicious.

Wilkins adds, “ Ichchha like love ” meaning perhaps “ like Rati the goddess of love.”

This does not occur in the text. Again, the text does not say “ she was admired,” it has

“ (she was) naturally pure, = gentle, = faithful, = loving, full

of love. ^JVIT == auspicious ; according to Hindu astrology certain signs and marks

make a person auspicious.” Mr. Wilkins has “ and her beauty was like the light of

the moon”. The two lines of the text have nowhere any term to indicate the moon,

unless Wilkins has been misled by = cool.

IY. In sciences he was (as high as) the pinnacle of a triumphal

column. . . . the triple world lay before him.

Their (Garga and Ichchha’s) son was like the lotus-born chief of the

twice-born and was well-known by the name of S Vidarbhapani.

Wilkins has — “ in his countenance, which was like the flower of the waters,

were to be traced the lines of the four sciences. The three worlds were held in subject¬

ion by his hereditary high rank.” The equivalents word for word are in the

sciences; is a triumphal column or any column, =i the face or the pinnacle

c\ Cv

of the top of the • qf^rf = all round lay ; = three worlds. Of these

two, namely Garga and Ichchha, was born the son named S'ri-Darblia-Pani, (Lotus-

born is Brahma. Dvija is a brahman) who was like Brahma the chief of Brahmans.

Wilkins has, “ he took unto himself the name of but the text has ^f^j- jjfij-

was renowned by the name of S'n Darbha Pani. The text has rfijT the

Genitive Dual of ffrT= He, that; hence = son of the two and not of

“ these two was descended,” which is inaccurate.

Y. From the source of the Reva where heaps of stone saturated with

the mada (juice exuding from the head of) lustful elephants to (the foot of

the) father of Gauri (Mount Himalaya), whose whitened hills are nourished

by the rays of the moon (on the forehead) of I 's Vara. From the waters of

the setting sun to those of the rising Aruna, between the two vast waters

Y Y

3G0 Pratapachandra Ghosha — The Buddal Bala Inscription. [No. 4,

(lay) the world, which by his (S'ri Darbha Pant’s) policy Prince Sri Deva

Pala rendered tributary.

The text after mentioning u from the source of the Reva” parenthetically describes

the place, and similarly, after mentioning the Himalaya, describes its peaks. Wilkins

confounds the two parenthetical sentences and applies them both to the Himalaya.

The glory and greatness of the minister Shu Darbha Pani is enhanced by stating

that Prince Sri Deva Pala being advised by him made the vast country described

above tributary to himself. From this and the following stanzas it will appear that

the descendants of S'anclilya family were always ministers of the Pala rajas and their

greatness was dependent upon the greatness of the princes they served. It is noteworthy

that the text has the setting and the rising oceans instead of the usual rising and

setting hills. Another transcript has the following reading for the last part of line I of

this stanza — ITTHH-

YI. At whose (S 'ri Darbha Pain’s) gate stood waiting prince S'ri Deva

Pala, having received the dazzling moving army of the multitude of assemb¬

led chieftains from surrounding quarters where the prospect was filled with

(bending P) advancing waves of thick dust arising from the earth and

moistened by the exudation of liquor gushing from the mouths of various

lustful big elephants.

Wilkins has not noticed, it appears, the participle verb vjyiq =: “ having received” ;

and hence the confusion of meaning and sense. His rendering, however, gives a much

better sense ; but it must be noted that the ideas belong to him rather than to the text.

= is not hidden, but difficult to be gazed at, i. e. dazzling bright, =

waves, = bending, ’EJ«r= thick, — dust, ^RcT=: filled with, =

(^jTSIT = quarters of the globe) -{- = expansion) = prospect.

It is said that a kind of venous liquid flows from the head of lustful (mast) elephants.

This sweet liquor attracts lots of bees who are seen to buzz round the heads of such

elephants. = The liquor exuding from the head of elephants. = the

circle of the quarters or points of the compass, circus of all sides. = moving.

VII. At whose throne in earlier days he used to pay down no small

sum of pith as, bright as the moon, the ruler of mankind, the image of the

lord of the gods, and the dust of whose feet was marked with the diadems

of sundry chiefs of people, gloriously possessed himself of his own throne.

fq’s*’ = a small silver coin. = moon (xg^g- = star xj = lord), and hence

the pithas were as bright as the moon, and not “ as the lunar rays,” as Wilkins has it.

Lord of men who was like the image of Indra, and whose feet, &c., _ in earlier days

having given pithas to whose throne assumed his own. The phrase appears to

be a mistake for

VIII. To him was born of the princess S'arkara the fortunate Some-

s'vara, twice-born like Soma, the son of Atri and favourite of the supreme

God.

IX. Who was neither elated nor tyrannous for having attained a

power equal to that of Arjuna, who would not listen with a vain-glorious

1874.] Pratapacliandra Ghosha — The Budded Tula Inscription, 361

feeling to the laudatory addresses of the poor, because of having lavished

riches on them, nor utter sweet words but cherished his friends by his

prosperity : who by his virtues unparalleled in the world became an object

of admiration with good men.

X. Desirous of attaining the estate of a family-man he accepted, agree¬

ably to the law, the hand of the princess Tarala, who was after his own

image, as Siva did the hand of Siva and Hari that of Lakslnni.

is the second state of one’s life. It comes after Brahmacliari. It is the

estate of a family-man.

XI. Of this pair was born the fortunate Kedaranatha Misra, re¬

splendent as Gulia, renowned for beauty and personal valour, gifted with

the power of learning the most abstruse sciences, and possessed of a reputa¬

tion for infinite knowledge, acquired by his own good sense, and capable of

gladdening the wants of celestial beings by his good actions.

Guha = Kumara or Ivartikeya.

XII. Who having drunk the ocean of the four sciences with the bright

eyes of knowledge, brought them forth again and laughed at the unsteady

reputation of Agastya.

The story is that the sage Agastya once drank up the ocean, taking the water in the

palm of his hand, but found it difficult to bring it up again. This prince was far

superior to Agastya in this respect. He drank up the ocean of knowledge with his eyes

and by giving instruction to others brought it forth much more easily than the sage.

XIII. Trusting to whose wisdom the lord of Gauda for a long time

enjoyed the surface of the sea-girt earth by eradicating the race of the

Utkalas, conquering the haughtiness of the Huns, and humbling the pride

of the kings of Gujjra and Dravida.

XIY. Who considered them most needy from whom he had acquired

wealth, whose mind never made any distinction between friend and foe, who

was afraid of falling into the ocean of the world (of mortal birth) and was

purged of all sins and who delighted in (contemplating) the world to

come.

Wilkins’ rendering of this passage is peculiar. In the first phrase ^q^crf^rn'ci'i'sqifg

he makes the following alteration before his meaning can be grammatically correct _

favrRjfsRT. But taking rrf^mT^T as an adjective to understood, the

sense appears to be clear. That is, he considered them only i. e. needy, deserving

his charity, from whom he had acquired wealth, i. e. he was charitable to the defeated

princes and to his subjects, from whom he had acquired wealth by way of tribute or toll.

XY. Prince S hi Slim Pala, the Indra, whose strength lay in the

love of his subjects, and who was identified with the welfare of his ocean-

362

Pratapachandra Ghosha — The JBuddal Tala Inscription. [No. 4,

girt world, constantly repaired to him, the image of Yrhaspati, and received,

with his head bowed and mind purified, the pure water as that of Ganga.

Receiving water means ‘ was anointed king.’

XVI. His spouse was Vandliva, born in Devagram.

XVII. She like Devaki bore unto him a son, the best among man¬

kind, who resembled Krishna, the adopted son of Yasoda, who was beloved

of milk-women.

Wilkins has u husband of Lakshmi.’ ’ This does not occur in the text.

XVIII. Who was named Sri Gurava Misra, like another heroic

Kama, though horn of the family of Jamadagni, and was thoroughly anxious

(for the welfare) of the Kshatriyas.

Wilkins divides the phrase “ into u and hence his render¬

ing “ was acquainted with all the constellations.” The above reading is more probable

as Parasu-Rama was known to have been the deadliest enemy of the Kshatriyas, and this

Misra, though as heroic as Parasu-Rama, was not so inimical to the Kshatriyas, but on

the contrary was friendly to them.

XIX. Who was skilled in discriminating the properties of things and

at whose feet bowed down the Prince Sri Narayana Pala after his victories.

What other testimony is required of such a man ?

XX. He appreciated the beauties of several poems and was much

devoted to politics. He was greatly beloved by the people of Bengal for

observance of the Vedas. He was fond of extolling the virtues of greatness.

He was a renowned astronomer, and his vast understanding and boundless

fame were born of Dharma.

XXI. It was by his blessings and the blessings of the lord of speech

(Vrhaspati) that both Lakshmi and Sarasvati, forsaking their natural enmity,

lived together in amity.

Lakshmi and Sarasvati are said to be two sisters. They were both married to

Vishnu. Lakshmi is the goddess of prosperity, and Sarasvati that of learning. The

Sastras say these two are incompatible in the same individual, the learned pandits being

generally poor.

XXII. It was by the sound knowledge which he derived from constant

study of the sastras that in the assemblies of the learned he foiled the pride

of his opponents in discussion. He likewise on all sides drove away the

enemies.

XXIII — XXVIII. The transcript here is very imperfect having many

lacunae. The passages which are legible are laudatory of the Donor Prince.

363

1874.] ltajendralala Mitra — On a Skanda Gupta Inscription.

The following is the genealogical tree derived from the text. The

Misras were evidently the hereditary ministers of the Pala Rajas of Bengal.

S'andilya

"i

, i

Viradeva

!

, i ,

Panchala

I.

Garga — married Ichclilia

Deva Pala (contemporary) — Sri Darblia Para, married S'arkara

.1

Somes'vara Misra, married Tarala

Sura Pala, Lord of Gauda, contemporary Ivedaranatlia Misra, married Vandkva of Devagrama

Narayana Pala, contemporary Gurava Misra.

On a copper -plate Inscription of the time of Slcanda Gupta. — Bp

Ra'jendeala'la Mitea.

(With. a plate.)

I am indebted to General Cunningham for a facsimile and a very care¬

fully-made hand-copy of a copper-plate inscription, lately discovered by him

at In dor, a khera ten miles from Anupshahar on the Ganges. The plate

measures seven inches and nine-tenths by five inches and eight-tenths, the

edges being slightly arched. The inscription extends to twelve lines, the last

three of which are more apart from each other than the others. The char¬

acter of the writing is the well-known Gupta, and is in a fair state of pre¬

servation, except at the beginning of the second, third, fourth, and fifth

lines and in three or four places in the middle, where rust has eaten up the

surface, and made the facsimile in those parts illegible to me ; but, I think,

even there the outlines of the letters are not altogether lost on the copper¬

plate, for in General Cunningham’s hand-copy, which has helped me very

largely in reading the record, they have been so produced as to be easily

recognisable. Only in one place, where the age of the moon is given, I have

failed to read the letters.

The document opens with a stanza in praise of the sun-god, and then

records the mandate of a petty zamindar, named Devavishnu, rendering it

obligatory on the part of the guild of oil-sellers at Indrapur in the Doab, to

supply the temple of the sun, at that place, with a sufficient quantity of oil

daily for the use of the temple, the supply being increased by two palas

3G4 Rajendralala Mitra — On a Slcanda Gupta Inscription. [No. 4,

which will be equal to 1120 grains, or about 2-| ounces, on every new moon

day.

The donor was a Brahmana versed in the four Vedas, and owner of

an estate in the Doab of the Ganges and the Yamuna, which is indicated

by its ancient name of Antarvedi. The locale of the township of Indrapura

is, doubtless, the modern village of Indor, and the khera probably contains

the ruins of the old temple of the sun.

The date is by far the most important part of this record. It states

in clear and unmistakable words “ the year one hundred and forty-six of

the thriving and invincible kingdom of Skanda Gupta,” or, in other words, a

Gupta era calculated in connexion with a thriving kingdom, and not from a

reign. The compound word abhivardliamdna-vijaya-rajya-samvatsare cannot

consistently be interpreted in any other way. Grammatically the phrase

rajyasamvatsare can only mean “ in the year of the kingdom,” and to apply it

to the reign it should he split into two separate words raj ye and samvatsare ,

hut the facsimile in this part is perfectly clear, and there is no trace in it of

the vowel e , the mark of the locative, at the end of the first word. I called

the attention of General Cunningham to this part of the record, and he

assured me in reply that he could find no mark on the plate to indicate the

vowel in question ; a rubbing of this part of the plate which he has sent me

appears perfectly distinct and without any vowel-mark on the top of the word

rctjya. Without the case-mark, the phrase, if applied to the reign on the

strength of the epithet abhivardhamdna, “ flourishing,” being in the present

tense, it would make the reign of the prince extend to a hundred and forty-

six years, and I have no hesitation, therefore, in rejecting such an interpreta¬

tion as absurd. The word rajya in this part of the inscription has the letter

^CT so engraved as to make it thereby appear like rdrdjya , but this is an

obvious misformation of the compound consonant jya , due to the writer, or

the engraver, of the record, and cannot be taken as in any way intended to

alter the sense. The mark for e is in the record a hook on the top, and not

a curved line behind as in modern Bengali, and one of the ^t’s cannot there¬

fore be taken for a vowel- mark. It is possible, however, that a small mark,

like that for e , may be omitted by mistake, and mistakes of the kind not

being unknown in copper-plate inscriptions, it is necessary to enquire whether

such a mistake has here been committed or not.

Assuming that there is no mistake in the part under notice, and seeing

that the record does not give the name of the era in airy technical term, but

clearly describes the year to be of Skanda Gupta’s kingdom, we cannot avoid

the inference that the era intended is that of the sovereign named, calculated

from the first year of his reign, and as distinct from those of Vikramaditya

and S'akaditya. Further, that if we accept this to be the Gupta-kala of Abu

Raihan, it does not begin either from the commencement of the reign of the

365

1874.] Rajendralala Mitra — On a Slcanda Gupta Inscription .

Gupta dynasty, or from its extinction, but from the reign of the seventh

prince of that line. This would leave the first six princes out of the pale

of the era, and the dates given in their inscriptions must, therefore, belong

to the Samvat, the S'aka, or some other era current at their times.

Such a conclusion, however startling, would not be at first sight impro¬

bable. The record is inscribed by order of a private person, and he had

perfect right in choosing the era in which he should date his grant, and as

a Gupta era is known to have been current in India at one time, we may

assume this to be the same. Skanda Gupta was a more renowned sovereign

than STi Gupta, or Gupta, the founder of his house, and there is nothing

improbable in his founding an era, or in the idea of that era being in currency

for a hundred and forty-six years from the date of his accession to the throne

of his ancestors, or of its being known as the Gupta-kala. The fact of its

having got currency after the fall of six of the Gupta sovereigns would also

in a loose way justify the statement of the Arabian traveller that it com¬

menced after the fall of the Guptas.

The assumption on the strength of which all these inferences may be

drawn cannot, however, be maintained. The manner in which the name of

Skanda Gupta is introduced is quite inconsistent with such an idea. In all

ancient and mediaeval Indian inscriptions where kings are especially named

to indicate their eras, the personal names appear simply, or with a single

regal title, barely enough to point out their identity, and that at the end ;

whereas in the monument under notice we have it put prominently at the

beginning with a large number of titles, and qualified with epithets in the

present tense, such as would be appropriate for a reigning potentate, and

exactly in the same way in which the names of kings occur in the two

records of Hastin, noticed in the thirtieth volume of this Journal (pp. 6 and

10) and in the monuments of Eran.# I am therefore strongly disposed to

believe that the name in the inscription now under examination has been

used with the same object which was prevalent in the minds of the writers

in the other records, i. e ., to indicate the reigning sovereign and as a mark

of loyalty, and not to define the era. It would follow as a matter of

course that the word rajya in the record should be raj ye , i. e., it is not in

its crude form as forming a part of a compound term, but in the locative

case.

This assumption of mine would be in perfect keeping with the Kuha-

cn pillar inscription in which Skanda Gupta is described as reigning in

the month of Jyeshtha following the year 141 of an unnamed era, probably

the same which in the records of king Hastin is described as included in

the reign of the Guptas, f and which occurs without any specification in

* Ante VI., and XXX. p. 14.

t Ante XXX., pp. 6-10.

3GG

Rajendralala Mitra— On a STcanda Gupta Inscription. [No. 4,

the Eran monuments of Budha Gupta,* and in the Udayagiri and Sanchi

records of Chandra Gupta.f The argument on which I base my inference

is very much the same which Mr. Fitz-Edward Hall once used in sup¬

port of a similar conclusion with reference to Skanda Gupta as noticed in

the Kuhaon pillar. Adverting to Prinsep’s translation of that monu¬

ment he said: “ There is then nothing here recorded concerning the death

of Skanda Gupta, as Prinsep supposes. Being neither the first ruler of

the Gupta dynasty, nor the last, nor of special note, it would be extraordi¬

nary indeed if time had been computed from his decease. Moreover,

if he and his kingdom had so long passed away, it seems preposterous

that they should he mentioned, and in so eulogistic a strain, especially

as there is not, on this hypothesis, even a subordinate allusion to the

reigning monarch. Indubitably Skanda was on the throne when this

memorial was written. The term which is applied to his govern¬

ment, has, with other meanings, those of ‘ serene,’ ‘ tranquil,’ ‘ unperturbed,’

‘ flourishing.’ In bearing these significations in addition to that of

‘ discontinued’ or ‘ extinguished,’ it may be compared with fM^.

Whatever be the era here followed, it appears to have been too well under¬

stood at the time to call for explicit specification.” J Two years subsequent¬

ly in another essay on the subject the writer had, however, occasion to

recant this opinion, and to adopt a new one, which he thus developed :

“ Now, the use, in close juxtaposition to the mention of the Gupta king¬

dom, of so equivocal a term as in one inscription, and of in

another, the later of Hastin’ s, was enough, as soon as observed, to arrest

attention. The former word, to be sure, bears the import of ‘ quiescent,’

£ serene,’ 1 tranquil,’ ‘ unperturbed,’ ‘ flourishing,’ no less than of ‘ discon¬

tinued,’ £ extinguished,’ but the latter, if unqualified by a temporal particle,

denotes possession, or fruition, only as a thing of the past. Ordinary mean¬

ings which it has — all of them metaphorical of ‘ eating’ — are £ used,’ ‘ worn,’

£ consumed,’ 1 disbursed,’ ‘ expended.’ In the older of Hastin’s grants the

phrase is which, like *JT?T, may signify, ‘tenure,’ ‘incumbency;’ other

customary senses of it being, at the same time, ‘ dissipation,’ ‘ waste,’ ‘ de¬

struction.’ In order to substantiate the counter-position to that which I

take touching the acceptation of Tif^i and as chronologically bear¬

ing, in the phraseology of inscriptions, on the state of an empire, it must be

made out that, in other writings of the same nature, these words imply

duration to the period particularized.

“ The partiality of the Hindus to euphemism is notorious ; and it is

therefore not surprising that where, as in the Kahaun inscription, reference

* Ibid, p. 18.

f Ante V., p. X.

X Journal, American Oriental Society, VI., p. 530.

367

1874.] Rajendralala Mitra — On a SJcanda Gupta Inscription.

is made to an era determined by the annihilation of a series of powerful

princes that diction which is least dyslogistic should he studiously selected.

Congruously with such avoidance of an invidious term as has been indicated,

it is likewise not at all singular that a direct encomium should he bestowed

on a potentate who, however truculently he may once have lorded it, having

been dust and ashes nearly a century and a half, could be favourably com¬

memorated without antagonism to the impulses of family pride and without

hazard of irritating popular prejudice. Pending the emergence, as establish¬

ed historical entities, of dynastic successors to Skanda, it will, then, be per¬

fectly safe to look upon him as the last of the Guptas. Even should it

transpire that he was survived by descendants who were not entirely dis¬

endowed of power, yet in him, so far as we are informed, the lustre of his

lineage underwent definitive and irremediable eclipse. On collation of the

wording of Hastin’s grants with that of the Kahaun pillar, we thus dis¬

cover no trifling corroboration of the statement derived from the Arabian

traveller : and his language, in passing, will endure no alternative construc¬

tion.”*

The immediate cause of this change of opinion was the discovery of a

passage in Abu Raihan al-Biruni’s work which, as quoted in Thomas’ Prin-

sep’s Indian Antiquities, runs thus :

^ GG bof j

rpl (J Uij| ^Jjf uAj

Reinaud has thus rendered it into French : “ Quant au Gupta-kala (ere

des Gouptas), on entend, par le mot Goupta, des gens qui, dit-on, etaient

mechants et puissants ; et here qui porte leur nom est l'epoque de leur

extermination.”! Had the text of which this passage is a rendering been

unquestionably correct, the necessity for a reconsideration of the case

would have certainly arisen ; but M. Reinaud was particular in affixing to

his translation this remark : “ Deja je me suis excuse sur l’imperfection de

ce qui est dit ici, et j’ai averti que les resultats que je presente offraient

quelque incertitude, vu les nombres qui excedent celui de cent.” In 1854,

several years before Mr. Hall penned his first essay, General Cunningham

had also shown that the original Arabic text was obscure, and that the words

Ub would be better and more correctly rendered by “ and

then became extinct along with their epoch” than by “ et l’ere

qui porte leur nom est l’epoque de leur extermination,” J and the

attempt to make the inscriptions confirm the authority of the Arabian

* Ante XXX., p. 3.

f Fragments Arabes et Persans inedits relatifs a l’lnde, pp. 138-143. Apud

Thomas’ Prinsep’s Antiquities, I, p. 269.

f Bhilsa Topes, p. 139.

z z

308

Rajendralala Mitra — On a Skanda Gupta Inscription. [No. 4,

traveller was therefore thrown away. I have lately had the Arabic passage

examined by Mr. Blochmann than whom few can speak more authoritatively

on the subject, and he has favoured me with the following note on the

subject, and this I think may be accepted as quite decisive on the subject

as to the weight to be attached to the remark of Abu Raihan in the form

in which we now have it. He says,

“ The whole passage is as corrupt as can he, and the word about which

you are most doubtful contains in Cunningham’s lines a misprint. The

misprint is which should be q\ urriklia ; in the first line we have to

read for. Besides, Cunningham has ‘ Ballabh-Kal,’ instead of

‘Ballabh kana,’ ‘ Ballabh was.’ The passage thus far corrected is —

r^i ■ ■^A5 I

but still, the Arabic and the sentence itself are bad. Abu Raihan cannot

tlius have written it.

Translation.

“ As regards the Guptakal, they were, as is related, a people wicked

and powerful ; and when they were cut off, it was dated in them (the era

commenced ?), and apparently Ballab was the last of them (or after them).

The beginning of their era likewise comes after the Shakakal 241.

“As it is, I can see no fault in Reinaud’s translation. I wonder what

Dr. Sachau of Vienna has found in the MSS. which he has just now been

collating.”

To argue upon such a passage and to torture other documents to con¬

form to it is by no means commendable. Had it been otherwise, still the

argument that a love of euphemism, or a desire to avoid “ the hazard of

popular prejudice” had led to the use of s'anta and bhulcta in the inscriptions

would appear futile at best. Instead of its not being “ singular,” it would

be in the last degree singular “ that a direct encomium should be bestowed

on a potentate” who, “ however truculently he may have once lorded it, had

become dust and ashes for nearly a century and a half.” As “ to impulses

of family pride” the family being extinct for so long a time, there was

none to be guided by such impulses, and it would no doubt be a most

extraordinary phenomenon in political history, if popular prejudice could

be irritated by calling a king, however great or popular he might have

been when living, dead a hundred and forty- one years after the extermin¬

ation of his dynasty. To use Mr. Hall’s language, “ the idea would be pre¬

posterous.”

The Arabic authority, however, apart, I am clearly of opinion that the

translations hitherto published of the first stanza of the Kuhaon pillar

369

1874.] Rajendralala Mitra — On a Slcanda Gupta Inscription.

inscription is wrong, and no argument therefore can be based on those

erroneous renderings. Prinsep’s pandit misled him by putting in the

Nagari transcript a visarga after s' ante, whereby it was converted into the

genitive singular of the noun s' anti, 1 peace’ or ‘ extinction,’ and it was ac¬

cordingly interpreted as qualifying the noun Skanda Gupta, which was also

in the genitive case. The visarga, however, does not occur in the facsimile

published by Prinsep, and therefore it should be at once rejected. Had it

existed in the original, it should still have been rejected, for s' anti is itself a

noun, and cannot possibly be used as an adjective for another noun. Mr.

Hall was the first to notice this mistake, and he correctly pointed out

that the word as used in the text was in “ the seventh case of a past parti¬

ciple.”*4 The late Dr. Bhau Daji did the same a few years after, the former

rendering it by “being quiescent,” the latter “ peaceful.”f Both were,

however, mistaken in accepting the word as qualifying the term rdjye , as

also in the meanings they assigned to it. Mr. Hall subsequently rejected

his first version, and accepted the word to mean “ being extinct,” but he still

insisted on applying it to raj ye, and the result therefore continued as unsa¬

tisfactory as before. The word stands just before varslie, and by the ordi¬

nary rule of Sanskrit construction it should be interpreted along with that

which is proximate to it, and not taken over to rdjye , which is removed from

it by the intervention of several other words in a different case. Doubtless

the exigencies of metre often lead to the reversion of the natural order or

connexion cf words in a sentence, but where both a distant and a near con¬

nexion are possible, the most appropriate course is to adopt that which is

most natural, unless the context shows this to be inadmissible. This is

the course which Sanskrit exegesists usually follow, and I see no reason to

depart from it in explaining the stanza under notice. In it the words s ante,

varslie, trins'addas' aikottara-s' atatame, jaiskthyamasi and prapanne stand in

regular succession, and I have no hesitation in taking them to be intimately

connected in sense. The meaning they together yield is “ the year one

hundred and forty- one having been over, and the month of Jaislithya

having arrived,” or “ on the close of the year one hundred and forty-one, the

month of Jaishthya having arrived,” and this instead of being opposed to the

context offers a much more natural and consistent sense than the version

given by Mr. Hall.

To Europeans it might appear strange that the passed year should

be named in the record, and not the current one to which the month

specified belonged. But there is no inconsistency in this. In Ben¬

gal the usual practice to this day is to write in horoscopes the past year,

and not the current one : thus were a child to be born at this moment (ten

* Journal, American Oriental Society, VI., p. 530.

f Journal, Bombay As. Soc., VIII., p. 241.

370

Rajendralala Mitra — On a SJcanda Gupta Inscription. [No. 4,

minutes past eleven A. M. of the 3rd of February, 1875, assuming that the

Christian era is used and the day begins with sunrise at 6 A. m.), his date

would he given in these figures : 1874, 1, 2, 5, 9, 59, i. e. born on the lapse

of fifty-nine seconds, nine minutes, five hours, two days, one month, and

one thousand eight hundred and seventy-four years of the Christian era.

Logically, this is the most precise way of putting the figures, and to leave

no room for doubt, the figures are usually preceded by the words s' aka

nripateratitabdadayah, “ the S'aka king’s past year, &c.” That this prin¬

ciple has been adopted in the inscription is evident from the use of the two

participles s' ante and prapanne together. The word rajye in the-inscrip-

tion is in the locative case, showing the locale of the occurrence, whereas

s' ante and prapanne are in the locative case-absolute according to the rule of

Panini which says “ that which through its own verb governs another takes

the locative case.” For determining the tense of such cases-absolute, the

great logician Gadadhara lays down the following rule in his Dvitiyadi-

vyutpatti-vdda : “ The relation of a verb in the seventh declension with an¬

other implies the same or some other time : Thereof the present participle

affix ( krit ) implies the same time [i. e. the action of the two verbs takes

place simultaneously). Where the participle affix is of the past tense, the

time of the second verb is subsequent to that of the first ; thus : on your

going to the earth to conquer it, he attacked this city, &c. In the case of

future participles the time of the first verb succeeds that of the other.”*

Applying this rule to the two participles of the stanza under notice, we have

s' ante preceding prapanne , and the “extinction” or close of the “ year”

( varshe ) must take place before the “ arrival” ( prapanne ) “ of the month

of Jaishthya.” If we take s' ante to refer to rajye the meaning would be “ the

kingdom having become extinct and the month of Jaishthya arriving,”

leaving the varshe grammatically unconnected with the rest, or serving

as a locative, which is absurd.

As the verse in question has proved a stumbling-block to many,

and is of great importance in connexion with the history of the Guptas,

I shall here reproduce Mr. Hall’s reading and translation modified according

to the above remarks.

XTIrT^IrTT^^rTT

Cv

■5JVJT c^T^T |

^ <4 w ai?r a

^ C\

371

1871.] Rajendralala Mitra — On a Skanda Gupta Inscription.

“ In the empire of Skanda Gupta, — the floor of whose audience chamber

is swept by gusts from the bowing of heads of kings by hundreds ; who is

sprung from the line of the Guptas ; of wide extended fame ; opulent beyond

all others ; comparable with S'akra ; lord of hundreds of monarch s ; — the

year one hundred and forty-one having passed away, and the month of

Jaishthya arriving,” &c.

It might be said that as the words bhukti and bhukta in the two

inscriptions of King Hastin* are connected with the word rdjya , the same

should be inferred in the case of the Kuhaon record. But the circumstan¬

ces under which the words occur are not the same, nor even similar. In

the Kuhaon monument the s' ante stands as a participle distinct by itself,

whereas in the Hastin records bhukti and bhukta are members of compound

terms of which rdjya forms only a subordinate member ; and as participle

adjectives they further qualify the word samvatsara the counterpart of the

Kuhaon varsha and not rdjya , and therefore they rather support my inference

than oppose it. Gupta-nripa-rdjya-bhuktau and Qupta-nripa-rdj y a-bhukte

simply mean “ during the dominancy of the Gupta kings for according to

the usually received interpretation bhoya , when referring to years, implies its

currency. Hastin evidently was a vassal of the Guptas and he satisfied

himself with the title of Maharaja, whereas the Guptas always claimed to be

Maharajadhiraja, and therefore there is no inconsistency in his avowing the

supremacy. Mr. Fergusson may take exception to this, as in his scheme

of Indian chronology he accepts the title Maharaja to be synonj^mous

with emperor, and those who bore it to have been independent sovereigns ;

but with scores of Maharajas who bow to the supremacy of our gracious

sovereign Queen Victoria, and many of whom are not better than mere

zamindars, none who is familiar with the history of India and of the

ultra regal titles of the innumerable potentates who owned allegiance to

the Pandus, will be disposed to follow his lead.

Accepting the above arguments as correct, it is impossible to avoid the

conclusion that Skanda Gupta was a reigning sovereign when the Kuhaon

monument was put up, i. e., in the month of Jaishthya following the year

141, or' the second month of 142 ; and as he could not under any human pro¬

bability extend his reign to one hundred and forty-six years, the conclusion

becomes inevitable that the year of his reign refers to some, at the time,

well-known era which needed no special specification. To say that the eras

of the Kuhaon and the Indor monuments are different, and that consequent¬

ly the one hundred and forty-one years of the former was calculated from a

* Ante XXX, pp. 6 and 10. General Cunningham informs me that he has another

inscription of king Hastin, and one of his son, in which the word blvukti occurs under

identically the same circumstances, but I have not yet seen them.

372 Rajendralala Mitra — On a STcan da Gup/ a Inscription. [No. 4,

different starting point to that of the latter, would be a mere assertion quite

unsupported by proof, and opposed to every legitimate argument.

According to Abu Raihan the Gupta-kdla reckons from the year 241 of

the S'aka era = A. C. 319, and if this could be accepted as correct, and we

could assume that the era of the inscription under notice was the Gupta-kala,

its date would be A. C. 465 ; but as Abu Raihan’s statement as preserved

for us is hopelessly corrupt, and there is not a scintilla of proof to

show that the Guptas used the so-called Gupta era, this assumption can¬

not be taken for granted. I am not disposed to reject altogether the state¬

ment of Abu Raihan, for however corrupt the passage, the fact of the

Gupta and the Ballabhi eras being the same may be correct. Seeing that

the Gupta era was current only over a small area in the Western Presiden¬

cy, and that during the supremacy of the Ballabhi kings, the idea strikes

me that the Ballabhi kings, having expelled the Guptas from Gujarat, start¬

ed an era to commemorate the event, just as S'akaditya had done two hun¬

dred and forty-one years before them after expelling the S'akas from northern

India, and the era was optionally called Ballabhi or Gupta. And as Abu

Raihan gathered his information in Western India, he was right in sa}ring

that the era dated from the extinction of the Guptas, meaning their expul¬

sion from Gujarat, without implying their total annihilation. This theory

affords a very plausible solution of the question ; but I must leave

it aside for further research ; the more so as two such distinguished Indian

archaeologists as General Cunningham and Mr. Thomas are engaged in dis¬

cussion on the subject, and it is quite unnecessary for me to join issue with

either of the disputants. I need here only observe that my own conviction

is that the era of the Chandra Gupta inscriptions of Sanchi, of the Skanda

Gupta inscriptions of Junagarh, Kuhaon, and Indor, of the Budha Gupta

inscription of Eran, and of the Hasfcin inscriptions, are all dated in the S'aka

era which being current and well known, needed no special specification, and

is accordingly indicated by the word Samvatsara, which means “ a year” and

not an era, as it has been erroneously supposed by some. The aptote noun

samvat also originally meant a year, but it has been so uniformly used in

connexion with the era of Vikramaditya, that the secondary meaning must

now be accepted as the right one. When the abbreviation occurs in an

inscription, it may mean the samvat or Samvatsara, and therefore it would

be unsafe to take it for samvat for certain. There are many unquestionable

instances in which it has been used for other than the Samvat. Under

this conviction I accept the record under notice to be sixteen hundred and

fifty years old, or, in other words, to date from 224 of the Christian era, and

that Skanda Gupta was then a reigning sovereign, whose sway extended

from Gujarat to Anupsliahar on the Ganges.

1874.] Bajendralala Mitra — On a SJcanda Gupta Inscription.

373

Transcript.

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Translation.

Amen ! May lie, whom Brahmans, in obedience to law, bepraise with the har¬

mony of meditation and the entire devotion of their minds ; — may he, whose end and

whose motions upwards and sideways neither the gods nor Asuras can divine ; — may he,

whom men overpowered by disease and despondency seek with the utmost earnestness, —

may that fountain and Creator of light (Bhaskara) who pierces the darksome envelope

of the earth, be to your protection !

In the year one hundred and forty-six, in the month of Phalguna the — (P) of the

thriving and invincible kingdom of his most noble majesty, the supreme sovereign

of great kings, the auspicious Ska n da Gupta, for the promotion of prosperity

in the possession of the owner Sarvanaga in Antarvedi, (or the Doab of the Ganges

and Yamuna) ***** versed in the four Yedas, the highly respected Brahmana

Devavishnu, son of Deva, grandson of Parindana, and great grandson of Dodika,

constant in the adoration of Fire, of the family (anvaya) of Gora and the clan

(gotra) of Yarshagana, within the precincts of Indrapura, provides for the promotion

374 Rajendralala Mitra — On a SJcanda Gupta Inscription.

of the fame of his mother, the wherewithall for the maintenance of a lamp for

the (image of the) lord Savita (the sun), which is established to the east of the

hermitage of the two Kshatriya saints Achalavarma and Bhumikantha and adjoining

Indrapura and Mardasyana. It should he the duty of the guild of oilmen inhabiting

Indrapura to maintain this grant, and, by supplying the oil to the Brahmans of

the temple, to make the merit of this gift reflect on them.

On every new moon they should give two palas of oil in addition to the daily allow¬

ance, and this (should be done) as long as the sun and the moon shall last. He will be

a vile murderer of cattle, of spiritual instructors, and of Brahmans, who will venture to

set aside this ordinance ; enveloped by the five heinous sins and all minor sins such a

wretch will drop to the nether regions. Finished.

INDEX

9

TO

JOUKNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, FOB 1871,

Pakt I.

4

.A.BYD, in local names, 345

’Abdul Hamid’s Mosque, 62

’Abdullah the Wahhabi, put to death, 68

’ Abdullah-bin Mohammed, Imam of ’ Oman,

132

’Abdullahpur, Hindu army defeated at, 83

’Abdul Latif, great grandson of ’Abdullah

the Wahhabi, 68

’Abdul-Malik-bin Hamid, Imam of ’Oman,

125

’Abdul-Mu’in, Sharif of Makkah, 70

’Abd-urrahman, grandson of ’Abdullah, 68

Aboriginal tribes, 106, 240 n.

hb-rawin, a fine muslin of Sunargaon, 95

Abu Haitian al-Biruni, on the G-upta

kings, 367

Adnkn, 185

Ahmed, governor of ’Oman, 132

el-Ahsa, in ’ Oman, 194

Alexander the Great, 269

Alta Dighi, in Ekdalah, 244

Aminpur, ruins at, 91

’Amru-bin Fahm, 112

ana, in local names, 341

Andhras, a tribe, 106

Anupshahr, 363

Arabs, classification of, 185

Arabian genealogies, 185

Architecture, in A'sam, 311

A'sam, architecture, 311; introduction of

Hinduism, 313 ; native histories of, 313 ;

the country of the Barah Bhuyas, 199 ;

ruins at Dimapur in, 1

Asam Buranji, on the conquest of Kam-

rup, 281

Asoka edicts, 269

Astronomical works, Greek, 274

auli, aula, in local names, 333

aura, in local names, 333

Ava, 7

A'zadpur, another name for Ekdalah, 245

A’zam ShAh ( Ghiyas-uddin) of Bengal, 86 ;

tomb of, 88

Azdites, the tribe, 184

Azki, in ’Oman, 190

’Azzan-bin Hizabr, Imam of ’Oman, 132

’Azz&n-bin Tennm, ImAm of ’Oman, 129

Badger, translation of the Annals of

’Oman, 111

Badr Aulra, tomb of, 88

Baghawi, a commentary of the Q,oran, 74

Bahadur Shah, of Bengal, 291 ; coin of,

289

Bahia, Fort of, in ’Oman, 148

Bahrain, 188

Baid Bazar, site of old Fort of Sunargaon

at, 93

Balban, emperor of Dihli, in Sunargaon,

83, 104, 287«. ; descendants of, in Ben¬

gal, 287, 292

Balbi’s account of Pegu, 11

Ballal Sen, ancestor of Lakshman Sen, 82

Ballal Sens, two, of Bengal, 83

Bandi, in Mathura, 351

Barah Bhfiyas of Eastern Bengal, 197, 281

Barbak Shah, inscriptions and coins of, 280,

282, 295

bases (Inflexional) of nouns, 48

Battah, in ’Oman, 165

Bayazid Ghazi, tomb of, 201

Bayley, E. C., Hon’ble, on Col. Hyde’s

Sassanian Coins, 99

Bedu and Hadhr, 193

Bender Mombasah, 165

Bengal, Geography and History of, 280 ;

independence of, acknowledged at Dilhi,

86 ; governors, 287

Benu Ghafir, of ’Oman, 195

Benu-Ruaheh, clan of, 116, 187

37G

Index ,

Bhairab Bazar, confluence of the Meghna

and the Brahmaputra, 94

Bhowal, Fazl Ghazi of, 199

Bhuya, derivation and meaning of the

term, 198

Bikrampur, capital of Ballal Sen, 82

Binya Dala, of Martaban, 10

Bishambhar Kai, 203

Blochmann, EL, on the geography and

history of Bengal, No. II., 280 ; account

of Ismail Khan, 215

Borpathar, near Dimapur, 3

Bowring (Sir J.), on the great Pegu war, 7

Brahmaputra, course of the, 93

Braj, etymology of 351

bricks, enamelled, 303 n.

Buchanan (Eh\), on Sunargaon, 87

Buddal, near Dinajpur, 356

Buddha, tooth relic of, carried to Ava, 10

Buddha’s death, 263

Bugh^p, Khan, N ayiruddin Mahmud, 84

Bughra Khan, meets Kai Qubad, 288

Bughra Shah, son of Firuz Shah, 289, 291,

293

Burckhardt, on the Wahhabis, 68

Burhi Ganga, confluence of the Brahma¬

putra and the, 94

Butler (Col. J.), notice of Dimapur, 1

Byanarit, King of Siam, 6

OaRMATHIANS, vide Karamitah.

Chaitanya, 30 6n.

Chand Kai of Bikrampur, 199, 202

Chaura, tomb of Pahlawan Shah at, 201

Cheros, the tribe, 241

Chittagong, copperplate of 1243 A. D., 318

Churainon, near Ekdalah, 244

Coins, Col. Hyde’s hoard of Sassanian, 99 ;

new gold of Mahmud Shah, 97 ; of

Dihli Kings, 97 ; of Bengal Kings, 288,

295 ff.

Copperplate, found at Chittagong, 318

Corancez, on the Wahhabis, 68

cowries, used as coins, 283

J.3 ALALPUR, weaver habitations at, 95

Dalai Ghazi, son of Husain Shah, 281

Dalton, on the conquest of Palamau, 240

Dainsetjerd, a place in ’Oman, 118

Damant, G. H., on Shah Isma’il Ghazi, 215

Darayah, taken by Ibrahim Pasha, 68

Daud Khan, attacks Palamau Fort, 240

Delmerick, on a new Mahmud Shahi gold

coin, 97

Dhafar, in ’Oman, 192

Dhaka, seat of Mughul government trans¬

ferred to, 86

Dhauk, the Benu el-IEarith settle at, 117

Dhenwaj Rai of Sonargaon, 83

Dibba, in ’Oman, 118, 188

Dimapur, Asam, ruins at, 1

drona , an areal measure, 320

dun, vide drona

Dunsiri, ruins on the, 1

ll/KDALAH, site of, 244

Era of the Guptas, 364

Esher, city of, 185

Etymology of local names in Northern

India, 324

F AKHRUDDIN Mubarak, revolt of, 85

Fazilat Qazi, Amin of Bengal, 198

Ficus indica , 194

Firuz Shah I, of Bengal, 291

Firuz Shah II, inscriptions and coins of,

298

Fiiuz Shah, succeeds Mahmud Shah, 97

Fitch (Ralph), account of Pegu, 11

,, in Sunargaon, 86

Floris (Peter), account of Pegu, 11

Foster, temple of Jaysagar, Asam, 311

Frankincense, Arabian, 186

GtADADEIAR, king of Asam, 312

gang, in local names, 345

ganw, ‘ a village,’ derivation of, 325

gar/i, in local names, 344

Garh Jarepa, legend of, 284

Gaudas, a tribe, 106

Gaurian Languages, Comparative Gram¬

mar of the, 22

Gawars, or aboriginal races, 240«.

Ghassan-bin ’Abdullah, Imam of ’Oman.

124

Ghiyasuddin Bahadur, surnamed Bahadur

Shah, 85

Ghiyasuddin, governor of Asam, 281

Ghiyasuddin Tughluqshah, helps Sliihab-

uddin, 85

Goaldih, ruined mosque at, 92

Godwin-Austen (Major H. H.) on the

ruins at Dimapur, 1

Golaghat, north of Dimapur, Asam, 1

Gowalpara, battle at, 86

grama, in local names, 338

Greek words in Sanskrit, 272

Greeks, (the) and the Yavanas of Sanskrit

writers, 246

Growse, Etymology of local names in N.

India, 324

Gupta kings, chronology of, 364

HaBIBPUR, tomb of Pagla

90

ha, in local names, 339

Hadhramaut, 113

Hadhr and Bedu, 193

Sahib

Index.

377

Hafiz, the poet, corresponds with A’zam

Shah of Bengal, 88

Hajiganj, Fort of Islam Khan at, 94

Hajo, the Koch chieftain, 282

Hakim-bin el-Mulla, Imam of ’Oman, 133

Hanthawati destroyed, 11

hard , in local names, 346

Harachandra Chakravarti, Pandit, on a

Pala Inscription, 356

Harischandra Pala, of Shabar, 200

Hariyanaka, 105

Harun el-Rashid, invades ’Oman, 123

el-Harth, a tribe in ’Oman, 196

Hasan, Imam of ’Oman, 133

Hatim Khan, governor of Bihar, genea¬

logy of, 292

Hawari-bin Matraf, Tmhn of ’Oman, 133

Hejjaj, sends armies to ’Oman, 119

Heleyn (Peter), Cosmography of, 86

Herbert (Sir J.), on Sunargaon, 86

Himyarites, 195

Hinduism, introduced into Asam, 313

Hindus, their conservatism, 328

Hoernle (Rev. A. F. R.), on the Compara¬

tive Grammar of the Gaurian langua¬

ges, 22

Honat, son of Malik-bin Fahm, 113

Hormazd IV, coins of, 99

Huns, the, 361

Husain Shah of Bengal, 90, 280 ; inscrip¬

tions and coins, 301

Husain ul-Maghribi, a Maliki mufti, 70

Hunter, Dr. W. W., on Kolaria, 354

Hyde (Col. H.), Sassanian Coins of, 99

IbADHIS, sect of, 121,189

Ibn Batutah in Bengal, 85 [habis, 68

Ibrahim Pasha, puts to death the Wah-

’Ibri, or ’Obri, in ’Oman, 194

Igarah Sindhu, Man Singh advances to, 213

Ikhtiyaruddin Ghazi Shah, 85

Ilah Nawaz Khan, of Haibatnagar, 211

Ilyas Shah, of Bengal, 86, 245

Imams, different kinds of, 191

Imam Ahmad Ibn Hambal, 73

Indor-khera, inscription found at, 363

Inscriptions, notes on the Palam Baoli,

104 ; on the Buddal Pala, 356 ; on the

Chittagong plate, 318 ; on the Skanda

Gupta plate, 363 ; on Bengal Muham¬

madan inscriptions, 280 ff

Ionian, meaning of the word, 252

’Isa Khan, of Khizrpur, 199, 213, 209

Isfandiyar Beg, son of Allah YarKhan, 286

Islam, introduced in ’Oman, 118

Ismail Ghazi, history of, 217

Izki, in ’Oman, 129, 190

JaIT Mai, of Bengal, turns Muhamma¬

dan, 85

J ajnagar, invaded by Tughril, 83

Jalaluddin, alias Jait Mai, 85

Jalaluddin Fath Shah, inscription of, 90

Jangalbari family, 211

Jas Pal, of Talibabad, 200

Jaysagar, Upper Asam, 311

Jebel el-Akhdhar, in ’Oman, 194

Jeifar, one of the sons of Julanda, 118

Jezirat el-Khadra, 165

el-Jow, in ’Oman, 187,190

el-Jowf, 113

Julanda, sons of, in ’Oman, 118; Imam,

122

Julfar, in ’Oman, 189

julus names of Indian kings, 297

K.A', kl, in local names, 345, 346

Kachhari Raja founded Dimapur, 1

Kadam, a place in ’Oman, 192

Kai Kaus Shah, son of Bughra Khan, 291

Kalagachlii, near Sunargaon, 87

Kalars, a tribe, 355

Kalhat, in South Arabia, 113, 186

Kandarpa Narayana of Chandradip, 199,

205

Ivamal Shah, of Durmut, 285

Kambohs, tribe of the, 260 a.

Kamrup, conquest of, by Husain Shah, 281

Ivanta Duar, Legends at, 216

Karamiteli, sect of, invade ’Oman, 133,

191

Karfarma Sahib, 200

Keralas, a tribe, 106

Kerman, 117

Keshf-ul Ghummeh, or Annals of ’ Oman,

111

khaqah cloth of Sunargaon, 87

Kha^nagar Tank in Sunargaon, 92

Khalil-bin Shathan, Imam of ’Oman, 139

Kharijis, a sect, 189

Khasi Hills, monoliths on the, 5

khera , in local names, 344

Khizrpur, Mosque near, 212

khoh , in local names, 344

Khundkar Muhammad Yusuf, 89

Khusru I. Parwiz, coins of, 99

Khwajah Jahan, of Dilhi, 87

Kilwah, in ’Oman, 165

Iviratas, an aboriginal race, 106

JjAK’HAN Manik, of Bhaluah, 199, 203

Lahsa, in ’Oman, 194

Lakshin an Sen, of Bengal, 82

Larwa Raja, 239m.

Latas, a Himalayan tribe, 106

]\^AGH dighi, in Sunargaon, 88

Magrapara, antiquities of, 89

Mags in Sunargaon, 86

378

Index.

Mahendra Narayana, son of Baldeo Na-

rayana, 285

Maheyreli, in ’Oman, 118

Mahin-tha-ra-thi-rat, 8

Mahmud Shah of Dihli, gold coin of, 97

Mahmud Shah of Bengal, inscriptions and

coins of, 294

Mahmud Shah III, inscriptions and coins

of 309, 294

Mahtab Ghazi, succeeds Bahadur Ghazi,

200

Mai, and Mau, in local names, 342

Makinat, or Makaniyat, in ’Oman, 193

Makkah (Mecca), taken by the Wahhabis,

68 ; taken by the Karamitah, 191

Maldah, inscriptions from, 298 ff.

Malik-hin Fahm, the first el-Azd at ’Oman,

112, 184

Man Singh, combat of, with ’I'sa Khan, 213

Marco Polo, on Southern Arabia, 185, 192

Marzaban , of the Persians in ’Oman, 113

Maskat, capture of, by the Arabs, 164 ;

spelling of the name of, 189

Mathura, 324 ; etymology of, 336, 351

Maungsetya, governor of Ava, 7

Mazun, the Persian name of ’Oman, 116,

187

Mengkyitswa, 6

Meng-re-kyautswa, of Pegu, 7, 9

Mikirs (the), of Dimapur, 2

Minakhali, probable course of the, 94

mint marks, on Sassanian coins, 101

Mir Jumlah, forts built by, 211

Mirpur, Muhammadan pilgrimage at, 88

Misra family, 363

Mogaung, expedition against the, 6

Mohammed-bin Abu ’Affan, Imam of

’Oman, 123

Mohammed-bin Habfs, Imam of ’Oman,

139

Mohammed-bin el-Hasan, Imam of ’0-

man, 132

Mohammed-bin Khanbash, Imam of

Oman, 140

Mohammed-bin Nasir, death of, 183

Mohammed-bin Nur, governor of Bah¬

rain, 130

Mohammed-bin Yezid, Imam of ’Oman,

133

Mohammedi, a coin, 196

Mohungdijua near Dimapur, 3

Mozaffar Shah, coins of, 280

Mu’azzamabad, 86

Mubarak Shah, of Sunargaon, 85

Mughisuddin, Sultan, styled Tughril, 83

Muhammadan architecture of Dimapur, 3

Muhammad Bakhtyar Khilji, 82

Muhammad, Shaikh, on the Unity of God,

71

Muhammad Tatar Khan, governor of Ben¬

gal, 287 _

Muhenna-bin Jeifar, Imam of ’Oman, 125

Muhenna-bin Sultan, Imam of ’Oman, 166

Mukhawwa9, an Imam, 74

Munawwar Khan of Bengal, 211

Munna Shah Darwish, tomb of, 89

Munshiganj, Fort of Islam Khan at, 94

Musa Khan Diwan, of Bengal, 210

muslins of Sunargaon, 95

Mussendom, Cape, 195

Musundar Ghazi, of Asam, 281

Muttama, 8

Muwasis, an aboriginal tribe, 240m.

jN^ABAWI, an Imam of ’Oman, 74

Nadia, capital of Lakshman Sen, 82

nagar , in names of towns, 343

Najd, Wahhabis of, put to death, 68

Names, local, in N. India, 324

Nanda Bureng, Maha-upa-radza, 6

Nangalband, Panchami ghat near, 93

Narayanganj, ruined Mosque at, 90

Nasir bin-Murshid, Imam of ’Oman, 155

Naushirwan, coins of, 99

Nayapara, Chaudharis of, 203

Nebaheneh, princes of ’Oman, 144,192

Nezwa, in ’Oman, 138,165

Nga-naung-dau, 11

Ngyaung ltam Meng, 10

Nim Bai, of A'ra Phulbarf, 202

Noh, a town in Mathura, 349

Nominal Terminations, phonetic changes

in the Gaurian languages, 48

Nusrat Shah of Bengal, Inscriptions and

coins of, 92, 280, 306

Numaligarh, remains of, 3

ObPI', or ’Ibri, in ’Oman, 194

Ogle (Mr. M. T.), 1

O’Kinealy, J., on the Wahhabis, 68

oli , a termination in local names, 333

’Oman, annals of, 111 ; held by the Per¬

sians, 113, Geographical divisions of,

190 ; also called Mazun, 116, 187

’Omar-bin ’Abdullah, governor of ’Oman,

121

’Omar-bin Muhammad, Imam of ’Oman,

133

on, in local names, 338

Orisa, or Utkala, 361

P AHLAWA'N Shah, 200

Painam, ancient buildings at, 91

Palamau, picture representing the con¬

quest of, 240

Pala Pajas, their residence, 200 ; their mi¬

nisters, 363

Pala inscription, 357

Palam Baoli Inscription, notes on, 104;

Sanskrit titles of Dillii Kings in the, 105

Panch Pir Dargah at Sunargaon, 88

Index.

379

Pan-wa, battle at, 7

Paramananda Rai, Ralph Fitch on, 207

Partab, the Chero raja, 241

Patanjali, 263

patti, in local names, 344

Pegu, History of, 6, 10

Pembu, 195

Persians, hold ’Oman, 113 ; expelled from

’Oman, 119

Phayre (Col. Sir A. P.), on the History of

Pegu, 6

Phra-naret, 8

Phra Thamma-raxa-thirat, made tributary

king of Siam, 8

Pimenta (Nicholas), historian of Pegu, 11

Pir A'dam, Qazi of Bikrampur, 83

Ponkai Dewan, alias Shah ’Abd ul-’Ala, 90

Portuguese, capture ’Oman, 193, 194

Portuguese, in ’Oman, 151 ff.

Portuguese, in Sunargaon, 86

Prakrita derivatives of the Gaurian lan¬

guages, 58

Pran Nath Pandit, on a Chittagong cop¬

perplate, 318

Pratapachandra Ghosh, on the Buddal

Pala inscription, 356

Prome, joins against Ava, 7

Ptolemy, on Southern Arabia, 195

pur , ‘ a town,’ occurrence of this word in

local names, 330

C^ADAR Khan, takes possession of Sunar¬

gaon, 85

Qoran, oonunentaries on, 74

I\ A'JENDRALA'LA MITRA, on the

Palam Baoli Inscription, 104 ; on the

Yavanas, 246 ; on the Skanda Gupta

Inscription, 363

rd, in local names, 346

Rampal, the seat of the government of

Ballal Sen, 83

Rangpur, shrines in, 215

Rashid-bin el-Nadhr, Imam of ’Oman, 128

Rashid-bin el-Walid, Imam of ’Oman, 135

Rennell (Major), on Sunargaon, 87

j Risalat ush-shuhada , Persian text of, 222

Ross, (E. C.) on the Annals of ’Oman, 111

Rupiya Khan, of Sripur, 207

S A’ DIPUR family, chronicles of the,

86, 87

Sagar Island, 105, 106

Sa’ id-bin ’Abdullah, Imam of ’Oman, 134

Salih, governor of ’Oman, 120

Sail mail, son of Malik, 117

Salt-bin Malik, Imam of ’Oman, 128

Salt-bin el- Kasim, Imam of ’Oman, 132

Samaguting, 2

sarde, in local names, 344

Sassanian coins, 99

Sayyid, meaning of the title, 192

Seyf-bin Sultan, Imam of ’Oman, 169

shab-nam, a fine muslin, 95

Shah ’Abd ul-’Ala, tomb of, 90

Sliah ’Ali, tomb of, 88

Shah Ismail Ghazi, notes on, 215

Shah. Shuja’, 95

Shaida, revolt of, 85

Shaikh Gharib-ullah, Mosque of, 91

Sher Shall, Bengal divided by, 198

Sherpur Daskahania, slab from, 283,284

Shihabuddin Bughra Shah of Bengal, 85

Shihr, one of the districts in ’Oman, 118

Siam, invaded by Bureng Naung, 7

Sikandar Shah, of Bengal, 86, 245

Silhat, 283 n.

Sirhan bin Sa’fd, Annals of ’Oman by,

111

Sirr, in ’Oman, 187

Sisu Pala, of Kapasia, 200

Skanda Gupta, 365

Sonai, daughter of Chand Rai, 202

Sousa, Portuguese historian of Pegu, 1 1

Sripur, Island of, 86

sthali , in local names, 340

st liana , in local names, 339

Subhan Dad Khan, of Jangalbari, 211

Sulaiman and Sa’id, of ’Oman, 119

Sultan-bin Saif, Imam of ’Oman, 164

Sunargaon, called Hazrat Jalal on coins,

86 ; boundaries of Sirkar, 86 ; Notes

on, 82 ; Modern, 87 ; rice trade of,

87

Syriam, 10

lABENG-SHWE'-HTI, Emperor, 7

tan-zib, a fine muslin, 95

Taungu, joins against Ava, 7

Tavoy, 10

Temple at Jaysagar, Asam, 311

thok, in local names, 344

Tiparah, 83»., 318, 321

Todar Mall, Raja, settlement of lands by,

86

Triveni, fort of Islam Khan at, 94

Tughluq Shah, death of, 290

Tughril, defeats Amin Khan, 287

Turkzadah, surname of Hurmazd IY, 99

UcHCHHA'PUR, 104

’Uqail bin-Yahya al-’Alawi, 70

ur, uri , uru, a Basque word, meaning 4 a

village’, 334

Utkalas, 361

"V ALMIKI, anecdote of Ponkai Diwan

similar to that of, 90

380

Index.

Varahram Chobin, Sassanian King, 99

vatt , val, in local names, 347

"W AT) I' el-Nakbr, in ’Oman, 192

Wahhabis, Arabic pamphlet on the, 68 ;

Doctrine and History of the, 68

wdla, in local names, 346

Walid-bin ’Abdul-Malik, death of, 120

Warith-bin Ka’b, Imam of ’Oman, 123

Westmacott, (Mr. E. V.), on the site of

Ekdalah, 244 ; discovers Muhammadan

inscriptions near Maldah, 280 ; on the

Buddal Pala inscription, 356

Wise, Dr. J., on the Barah Bhuyas, 197 ;

on Sunargaon, 82

YaBRPN, in ’Oman, 165

Yavanas, derivation of the term, 247

Yazid, governor of Irak and Khorasan,

121

Yodaya, invested by Pegu, 8

1 usufganj, Masjid at Magrapara, 91

Yusuf Shah, Inscriptions and Coins of, 29,

280

Yuthea, siege of, 7

Zanzibar, 189,196

Zenj, (Zanzibar) 120

Zikki, in ’Oman, 190

Ziyad, governor of ’Oman, 121

Journal, As. Socy., Bengal, Part I, 1874, Plate I.

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Journal, As. Socy., Bengal, Part I. 1874.

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Journal, As: Soc: Bengal, Pt: I, 1874.

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ARCHITECTURAL ORNAMENTS ON THE TEMPLE OF JAYS AGAR, UPPER ASAM.

Journal, As*. Soc. 'Bengal, Pt. T, 1874

Plate XVII.

FROM FRIEZE O.

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Plate XIX

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COPPER- PLATE INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF SKANDA-GUPTA FROM IND0R-SH3R^

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