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JOURNAL

cv

C

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

VOL. LVII.

# ,

PART I. (History, Literature, &c.)

(Nos. I and II with eleven plates, and an Extra-Number with 3 plates.)

EDITED BY

J HE y’HILOLOGICAL jSECRETARY.

u It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science

in different parts of Asia wall commit their observations to writing, and send them to

the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long

intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm. Jones.

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED BY G. H. ROUSE, AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

AND PUBLISHED BY THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARK STREET.

1889.

T

I ' % *3. 4^9

CONTENTS

OF THE

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, for 1888.

Part I.

, No. I.

Page

The Era of Lachhman Sen. — By H. Beveridge, Esq., C. S . 1

Notes on some Kolarian tribes . — By W. H. P. Driver . 7

Couplets or 1 Baits ’ on the coins of Shah Nuru-d-din Jahangir , the

son of Akbar, collected by Chas. J. Rodgers, M. R. A. S.,

Associate Member, Asiatic Society of Bengal .... . 18

Couplets on coins of kings after the time of Jahangir. — By Chas. J.

Rodgers, M. R. A. S., Associate Member, Asiatic Society of

Bengal . 27

Father Jerome Xavier. — By H. Beveridge, Esq., C. S . 33

No. II.

The Sacred and Ornamental Characters of Tibet. — By Babu Sarat

Chandra Das, C. I. E . 41

Some Pre-historic Burial-places in Southern India. — By A. Rea,

M. R. A. S . 48

The Mother of Jahangir. — By Mahamaiiopadhyaya Kaviraj Shya-

mal Das, M. R. A. S.-, F. R. H. S., Court Poet and Historian,

JJdaipur. Translated from the Hindi by Babu Ram Prasad .. 71

Remarks on the above paper. — By H. Beveridge, Esq., C. S . 75

Kudarkot Inscription of Takshadatta. — By A. Fdhrer, Ph. D. ... 77

LIST OF PLATES

IN

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, for 1888.

Part I.

PI. I — IX (p. 41). The Sacred and Ornamental Characters of Tibet.

PI. X (p. 48). Prehistoric Remains in Southern India.

PL XI (p. 48). Prehistoric Pottery from Tombs in the Madura District.

•-

.

.

*

■

. ' .

*

INDEX

TO

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Vol. LYII, Part I.

FOR

1888.

.A-’AZAM SHAH, couplet on coins of,

p. 27.

Ahmad Shah Durrani, couplet on coins

of, p. 29, 33.

Akbar, Jesuit Mission to court of, p. 33.

— - Tahmasp’s advice to, p. 74.

■ - wives of, p. 71, 76.

Akbar II, couplet on coins of, p 32.

’Alamgir II, couplet on coins of, p. 31.

Amravati, ancient remains at, p. 49.

Anapanadi, prehistoric remains at, p. 63.

Aquaviva, Ridolfo, p. 34.

Asurs, a Kolarian tribe, p. 7.

- - titles, subtribes, septs of, p. 8.

Aurangzib, couplets on coins of, p. 27.

Baits, see couplets.

Beveridge, H., the era of Lachhman Sen,

p. 1.

- - Father Jerome Xavier,

p. 33.

• - - remarks on the mother

of Jahangir, p. 75.

Bidar Bakht, couplet on coins of, p. 30.

Birjiyas, a Kolarian tribe, p. 10.

Birliors, a Kolarian tribe, p. 12.

Burial-places, prehistoric, in Southern

India, p. 48.

0 IIARACTERS, sacred and ornamental,

of Tibet, p. 41.

Chatty, prehistoric, in Southern India,

pp. 52, 55, 59, 60, 62, 64, 67.

Chingis Khan, characters used by, p. 46.

Chingleput, prehistoric remains at, p.

49, 57.

Coins, couplets on Mughal, p. 18, 27.

— - zodiacal of Jahangir, p. 26.

- couplets on Durrani, p. 29, 32.

- on Ranjit Deo’s coins, p.

32.

Couplets on Mughal coins, p. 18, 27.

- on Durrani coins, p. 29, 32, 33.

- on Sikh coins, p. 30.

- on coins of Ranjit Deo, p. 32.

Cromlechs, in South India, p. 70.

Customs, of burial, pp. 10, 12,15, 18, 53,

56, 57.

- of marriage, pp. 9, 11, 14, 16.

- religious, p. 8, 11, 13, 16, 18

- of childbirth, pp. 10, 11, 15, 17.

DaDAMPATTE, prehistoric remains at,

p. 59, 68.

Das, Sarat Chandra, the sacred and

ornamental characters of Tibet, p. 41.

Dolmens, in South India, p. 48, 49, 57,

58, 70.

Driver, W. H. P., notes on some Kola¬

rian tribes, p. 7.

Durrani, couplets on coins of, p. 29, 32.

Du-tsha, a kind of Tibetan characters, p.

48.

BtillRER, Dr. A., the Kudarkot in¬

scription of Takshadatta, p. 77.

(jTYA-SER-YIGE, class of Tibetan cha¬

racters, p. 45, 46.

UlSTORIA Christi Persica, a work of

Xavier, p. 33.

INSCRIPTION", of Takshadatta at Ku¬

darkot, p. 77.

J AHANDAR, SHAH, couplet on coins

of, p. 28.

Jahangir, the mother of, p. 71.

Jassa Singh, the Sikh brewer, couplet on

coins of, p. 30.

Jesuit Mission to Akbar’s Court, p. 33.

El AM BAKHSH, couplet on coins of, p.

28.

Khandoyige, a class of Tibetan charac¬

ters, p. 47.

Index.

vm

Khariyas, a Kolarian tribe, p. 15.

KhoA-Sen, a class of Tibetan characters,

p. 47.

Kistvaens, in Southern India, pp. 57, 58,

68, 69, 70.

Kodai Kanal, prehistoric remains at, p.

68. .

Kolarian tribes, notes on, p. 77.

Kudarkot, inscription at, p. 77.

Kumbum, birth-place of Tsofikhapa, p. 44.

Kurumbars, prehistoric remains of, p. 49.

IjACHMAN SEN, era of, p. 1.

Lan-Tsha (Ranja), a class of Tibetan cha¬

racters, p. 44, 46, 47, 48.

Lingadharis, burial customs of, p. 53.

Lochavas, Sanskrit scholars in Tibet, p.

42.

MeGALITHIC tombs, pp. 48, 52, 57,

59, 68, 70.

Mughal, couplets on coins of, p. 18, 27.

- - coins, p. 18, 27.

Muhammad Ibrahim, the rebel, couplet

on coins of, p. 30.

Nadir SHAH, couplet on coins of, p.

29.

Nikhatta Shah, a nickname of Shah ’ Alam,

p. 31.

Nur Jahan, couplet on coins of, p 24.

. - relation of Jahangir, p. 73.

Nuru-d-din Jahangir, couplet on coins

of, p. 18.

- - 1 - the mother of, p.

71.

1 ADM A SAMBHAVA, a pandit in

Tibet, p. 42.

Pallavaram, prehistoric remains at, p.

48, 57, 58, 59, 62, 65.

Pallavas, remains from the time of, p. 49.

Paravai, prehistoric remains at, p. 60, 61,

63, 65.

Perianattam, prehistoric remains at, p.

57.

Pon, a Tibetan sect, p. 44.

Prehistoric burial-places in Southern

India, p. 48.

Q/UBLAI KHAN, characters used by, p.

46.

lAFT’U-D-DARJAT, couplet on coins

of, p. 28.

Ranja, see Lan-tsha.

Ranjit Deo, couplet on coins of, p. 32.

Rea, A., some prehistoric bui'ial-places in

Southern India, p. 48.

Rin-pun-yige, a class of Tibetan charac¬

ters, p. 46.

Rodgers, Chas. J., conplets or baits on

Mughal coins, p. 18, 27.

Sa-CHEN, a class of Tibetan characters,

p. 45.

Sambhota, a Tibetan scholar, p. 41.

S'anta Rakshita, a Pandit in Tibet, p. 42.

Sanyasis, burial customs of, p. 53.

Sarcophagi, prehistoric, in Southern

India, p. 49, 53, 55, 57, 59, 68.

Shah ’Alam II, couplet on coins of, p. 31.

Shah Jahan, couplets on coins of, p. 27.

- or prince Khurram, p. 71.

Shyamal Das, Kaviraja, the mother of

Jahangir, p. 71.

S'intu Jod-pa, a class of Tibetan charac¬

ters, p. 45.

Swayambhu, a class of Tibetan charac¬

ters, p. 44.

TaHMASP, his advice to Akbar, p. 74.

Takshadatta, inscription of, at Kudar¬

kot, p. 77.

Tarikh Ilahi, or Divine Era, p. 1, 19, 24.

Tibet, sacred and ornamental characters

of, p. 41.

Timur Shah Durrani, couplet on coins of,

p. 29.

Tombs, megalithic, p. 48, 53, 57, 63.

- pyriform, p. 55, 56, 58, 59, 61, 62,

63.

XJ-CHAN, a class of Tibetan characters,

p. 45, 47.

U-me, a kind of Tibetan characters, p.

47.

W ARTU, a class of Tibetan characters,

p. 41.

X.AVIER, Father Jerome, p. 33.

YuGTJR, (Oigyur), a class of Tibetan

characters, p. 45, 46.

ZaMAN SHAH Durrani, couplet on

coins of, p. 32.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I. —HISTORY, LITERATURE,

No. I.— 1888.

The Era of Lachhman Sen. — By H. Beveridge, Esq., C. S.

The object of this paper is to draw attention to the facts that the

era of Lachhman Sen is mentioned by Abu-1-Eazl in the Akbarnama,

and that according to him it began in 1119 A. D.

The era has been discussed by more than one scholar, but it

appears that its date, or even the event denoted by it, has not yet been

positively ascertained.

According to Dr. Mitra the era began in 1106-7 and dates from the

accession of Lachhman Sen I, the grandfather of the Lachhman who

was dethroned by Bakhtiyar ETiilji. According to General Cunningham

the era began with the death of Lachhman Sen I, and the first year of

it is 1108 or 1109.

The first European scholar who mentions the date is, according to

Cunningham, Colebrooke wbo alluded to it in 1796. Afterwards it was

referred to by Mr. Prinsep in 1836. But none of these writers refer to

the Abkarnama. Apparently it was thought that the only mention of

the chronology of Bengal was to be found in the Ain-i-Akbari, that

being the only work of Abu-1-Fazl which had been translated into

English. There is indeed a reference to Abu-l-Fazl’s mention of the

Lachhman era in a note on the last page of Price’s History of the

Muhammadans, but the date given to it is wrong by a thousand years,

and the era is wrongly called that of Lachhman Singh.

The way in which the era comes to be mentioned by Abu-1-Fazl

is as follows : Akbar, as is well known, invented a new era which he

called the Tarikh Ilahi or the Divine Era. It is usually stated that it

began with his accession, but this is not quite correct. Akbar ascended

the throne at Kalanor on 2 Rabin- s-sani, 963 A. H., corresponding to

A

2

H. Beveridge — The Era of Lachhman Sen. [No. 1,

14 th February 1556, old style. He made liis Tarikh Ilahi begin with the

first year of his reign, but he took for its commencement the period of

the vernal equinox or the time when the sun enters. This Aries

was the Nauroz of the Persians and the first day of their month of

Farwardin. This Nauroz began on 10th March, old style, or 21st March,

new style, and so the Divine Era began on 21st March 1556. But though

it was made to begin then, the era was not invented or at least not

promulgated till 992 A. H., corresponding to 1584 A. D. In that year

a farman or edict was issued by Akbar. This farman was probably

drafted by the eminent astronomer and philosopher, called Mir Fath

’Ali of Shiraz, for it was he who corrected the Tables of Ulagh Beg

for the purpose of the new era. The farman is given at pp. 10-13 of

Yol. II of the Akbarnama, Ed. Bibliotheca Indica. In it the other eras in

use in the world are referred to, and at p. 12, 7 lines from top, we have

the important words ^ ^

“ In the country of Bang (Bengal) dates are calculated from the

beginning of the reign of Lachhman Sen. From that period till now

there have been 465 years.”

Then the farman goes on to mention the Salivahan and Vikrama-

ditya eras, and states that 1506 years of the Salivahan, and 1641 of the

Vikramaditya era have elapsed. If we deduct these periods, we get

1584 — 465 = 1119 A. D. for the beginning of the Lachhman Sen era,

1584 — 1506 = 78 A. D. for the beginning of the Salivahan era, and

1584 — 1641 = — 57, i. e ., 57 B. C. for the beginning of the Vikrama¬

ditya era. These two last dates are right according to clironologists, so

that we may place reliance on the Lachhman Sen one. But if Abu-1-Fazl

is right, and it is likely that he is right, for the date is given in a solemn

public document and at a time when the Lachhman Sen era was in

use, Dr. Mitra and the almanac-makers of Tirhut are wrong about the

beginning of the era ; and General Cunningham is wrong both about

the date and the event commemorated by the era.

According to Abu-1-Fazl the era began in 1119 A. D., i. e., about

twelve years after the date given by the Tirhut almanac-makers.

Possibly Abu-1-Fazl is wrong, and possibly too there is a misprint* in

the Bibliotheca Indica edition, but there is a circumstance which seems

to me to corroborate Abu-l-Fazl. This is that the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri says

that Lachhman had been on the throne for eighty years, when he was

expelled by Bakhtiyar Khilji (Raverty’s translation of the Tabaqat-i-

Nasiri, p. 554).

# Major Price’s MS., however, must have given also the figures 465.

1888.]

H. Beveridge — The Era oj Lachhman Sen.

3

Now Bakhtivar Khilji took Nadiya apparently in 590 A. H. = 1194

A. D. (Raverty’s translation, p. 559 note), or in 1195 A. D. according to

General Cunningham. If then Lachhman began to reign in 1119 and

reigned eighty years, this would bring the termination of his government

to 1199 A. D., which is a tolerably close approximation to the dates of

the capture of Nadiya given by Raverty and Cunningham. If we take

Mr. Blochmann’s date for that event, viz., 1198 or 1199 then there is an

almost complete coincidence between Abu-LFazl’s date of 1119 for the

commencement of Lachhman Sen’s reign and the statement in the Tabaqat

of Minhaju-d-din that Lachhman reigued eighty years. That is, if the

eighty years be taken to be calendar years. If, on the other hand,

they are taken to be Muhammadan or lunar years, they will amount to

somewhat less than seventy-eight calendar years. Major Raverty, in

a note at p. 558 of his translation of the Tabaqat, quotes one Munshi

Sham Parsad as saying in an account of Gaur that Rai Lachhman

ruled from 510 to 590 A. H. Major Raverty adds that this is correct, but

it can only be made to agree with the Tabaqat by reckoning the eighty

years of the reign as lunar years ; for 510 — 590 A. H. is equal to

1116—1195 or 1194 A. D.

General Cunningham’s idea, that the Lachhman Sen era was

established on the death of that prince, is opposed to the statement of

Abu-1-Fazl, and also seems to be improbable. It is not common either in

the East or West to begin an era with a death. Men generally date

from a birth or from an accession to a throne. Akbar, it is true, or¬

dered that the Tarikh Alfi, or history of a thousand years, should begin

from the death of Muhammad, but this was a freak of despotism, occa¬

sioned apparently by a superstitious aversion to the word Hijrah, which

was ill-omened from its meaning “ flight.”

If, however, we adopt General Cunningham’s view and also hold that

the Lachhman Sen of the era is the father of Lakhmania, the last king

of Bengal, then we find that the death of the father and the birth of the

son occurred almost at the same time, and in this way Abu-l-Fazl’s state¬

ment and General Cunningham’s may be reconciled. Lakhmania, the last

king of Bengal, was a posthumous son. When his father died, his mother

was far advanced in her pregnancy, and the nobles put the crown on her

womb and did homage to her and the unborn child. She had herself

hung up head downwards for two hours, in order that the birth might be

delayed till an auspicious moment. He was born, and the poor mother

expired, and then the infant was laid on the throne.

It is in this way that he is said to have reigned eighty years. I

this horrible story is true, we need not wonder at Lakhmania’s mis¬

fortunes. He was emphatically one cui non risere parentes. Thus then

4

H. Beveridge — The Era of Lachhman Sen.

[No. 1,

it may be almost equally correct, so far as the initial year is concerned,

to say that the era began with the death of Lachhman Sen, as that it

began with the birth of his son Lakhmania. I prefer, however, Abu-1-

Fazl’s statement that it began with the commencement of the reign of

Lachhman Sen. Even if we take this Lachhman Sen to be the father of

Lakhmania, and not Lakhmania himself, still Abu-1- Fazi’s date may be

coi-rect. We do not know how long the father reigned and if, as Lassen

conjectures, he was an usurper, his duration of power is likely to have been

short. Abu-l-Fazl’s omission to say that he ever reigned at least

implies that he did not rule long. There would therefore be no diffi¬

culty in supposing that his reign began about 1119 A. D. Perhaps an

argument in favour of the view, that the last king- of Bengal or his

father gave his name to the era, may be derived from the fact that one

of them founded a new dynasty and a new capital. This was a circum¬

stance likely to be marked by the introduction of a new era. Stewart

in his History of Bengal, p. 42, describes Lachhman, the last king of

Bengal, as succeeding his father Lachhman, but the authority whom he

seems to have followed, viz., the author of the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, does not

mention the father’s name. The Persian original will be found, quoted

at p. 135 of our Journal, Part I for 1865, in Dr. Mitra’s paper on the

Sena Rajas.

Abu-1-Fazl in his Ain, p. 414, mentions Lakhman (qu. Lachhman P)

as the father of Lakhmania, but he does not describe him as having ever

reigned. In his list at p. 413, Raja Nojah is the last king of Bengal.

He is the last of the sixty-one kings who, according to him, ruled Bengal

for 4544 years. Nojah reigned three years, and then, says Abu-1-Fazl,

the country came under the dominion of Dehli.

It is curious that he should say nothing here of Lakhmania, and

that in the very next page he should tell us that he succeeded Raja

Nojah. Three suggestions may be made to reconcile the discrepancy,

though none of them is quite satisfactory.

1st. The list, at p. 413, may be that of a particular family and so

not include Lakhmania, who at all events was not a direct descendant

of Nojah. Possibly he was not even a Kayasth.

2nd. The list may be that of the kings of Gaur or Lakhnauti and

so not include Lakhmania who had his capital at Nadiya.

3rd. Lakhmania may not be included, because his reign did not

come to a natural end, but was violently interrupted by Bakhtiyar Khilji.

Though the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri does not mention the father’s name,

it represents the father as having reigned, and possibly Stewart combined

the statements of Abu-1-Fazl and the Tabaqat.

The Tabaqat is the better authority of the two probably, and so

1888.]

H. Beveridge — The Era of Lachhman Sen.

5

putting it and Abu-l-Fazl’s statement together, we may take it that

Lachhman the father of Lakhmania ruled Bengal.

Dr. Mitra, in the paper already quoted, describes Abu-1-Fazl as saying

that Lachhman ascended the throne in 1116 and reigned eight years.

But I have not been able to find either of these statements in Abu-1- Fazl.

Apparently the Lachhman to whom Dr. Mitra refers is the Laklian Sen

who succeeded Balal Sen. But Abu-1-Fazl makes him reign only seven

years. I submit too that clearly this Lakhan Sen or Lachhman Sen

has nothing to do with the era we are considering. He succeeded Balal

Sen the builder of the Fort of Gaur, and was in his turn succeeded by

Madhava Sen who, according to Abu-1-Fazl, reigned ten years. Then

came Kesava Sen who reigned fifteen years, then Suda Sen (no doubt

the Sura Sen of the Rajavali, quoted by Dr. Mitra at p. 134 of his paper)

who reigned eighteen years, and finally Nojah who reigned three years.

Thus we have from Lachhman Sen or Lakhan Sen, the son of Balal, to

Lakhmania, the son of Lachhman, a period of forty-six years. Four

princes too intervened, so that Lakhmania can hardly have been the

grandson of Lakhan the son of Balal. As Lakhmania reigned eighty

years, his accession must date from 1114 or 1119, according as we take

1194 or 1199 as the date of the capture of Nadiya. If then the Lakh¬

mania era took its rise with Lakhan Sen, the son of Balal, its first year

would be in 1068 or 1073 A. D., if we count from his death, and in 1061

or 1066, if we count from the beginning of his reign. Such dates, how¬

ever, would be contrary to all the authorities. I venture, therefore, to

think that the view of Dr. Mitra and of General Cunningham that the

Lachhman Sen who gave his name to the era was the son of Balal

Sen, is one which cannot be sustained.

In connection with this part of my subject I wish to caution my

readers against accepting the lists of kings of Bengal given in Gladwin’s

translation as a correct rendering of the lists of Abu-l-Fazl. A reference

to the original will show that Gladwin’s translation is not quite ac¬

curate.

The last Hindu king of Bengal mentioned in Abu-l-FazTs list, A'in

p, 413 Bibliotheca Indica edition, is Baja Nojah who ruled three years.

This is the Raja Noe or Noujah of Gladwin, for he has both spellings, and

the Raja Bhoja of Lassen. Abu-l-Fazl says that when Raja Nojah died,

the kingdom passed to Lakhmania the son of Rai Lachhman. He also says

that Lakhmania ruled at Nadiya and was expelled by Bakhtiyar Khilji

(A'in, p. 414).

In my humble opinion this Lakhmania is the Lachhman Sen of the

Akbarnama, and the prince who gave his name to the Lachhman era.

The point is, I submit, a most interesting one ; for it concerns the

6

H. Beveridge — The Era of Lachhman Sen.

[No. 1,

date of the accession of the last Hindu king of Bengal. I trust, there¬

fore, that some one will take up the inquiry, and, if possible, reconcile

Abu-1-Fazl with the almanac makers of Tirhut.

Colebrooke’s date of 1104 A. D., i. e., 1796 — 692, does not agree with

the almanacs, and it would appear that Halayudha was the spiritual

adviser of Lachhman, the son of Balal. In that case it seems almost

certain that the date 1104 is wrong. The only thing apparently that

stands in the way of the acceptance of Abu-l-Fazl’s date is the Tirhut

almanacs. But it seems that they do not agree with one another, and

also that the compilers of them are ignorant of the origin of the era.

It strikes me as strange that the era should be permanent in Tirhut

and not in other districts. Lakhmania reigned at Nadiya, latterly at all

events, and I beg to suggest that inquiry should be made among the pandits

and almanac-makers of Nadiya as to w'hether they know of and make use

of the era.*

I have consulted Tieffenthaler, but I do not find that he throws any

light on the matter. In one place he gives the months as well as the

years of the Sen Raja’s reigns, and speaks of Kesava Sen as being the

son of Balal Sen and the father of Madhava. This is against the notion

that Lakhmania was the grandson of Lachhman. In another place,

p. 473 of the account of Bengal, Tieffenthaler gives the same list as Abu-1-

Fazl, but adds that after Raja Nodja there reigned seven Hindu princes

whose names are not known, and who ruled for 106 years. But it seems

that this is merely a corrupt version of Abu-l-Fazl’s statement. The

seven princes of Tieffenthaler are really not the unknown descendants of

Raja Nojah, but are the seven Sen kings ending with Nojah. Abu-1-

Fazl’s list of them shows that they reigned 106 years.

Tieffenthaler apparently did not get his information direct from

Abu-l-Fazl’s book, but from some later compilation.

One important point remains to be noticed.

At p. 397 of Dr. Mitra’s second article on the Sena Rajas, he gives a

Sanscrit inscription from Buddha Gaya, and translates it as follows :

“ On Thursday the 12th of the wane, in the month of Vaisakha Sam-

vat or year 74 after the expiration of the reign of the auspicious Laksh-

mana Sena Deva.”

But is it not possible that the Sanscrit words mean the 74th year

of the reign of Lachhman Sena ? In other words that the date is a

Julus or regnal era.

If so, all our difficulties seem to be at an end, for no king is recorded

to have reigned eighty years except the last Sena king, i. e., Lachhman.

* [The suggested enquiry is being made, and its result will subsequently be

communicated. Ed.]

1888.]

W. H. P. Driver — The Asms .

7

The 74th year must, therefore, be the year of his reign, and it follows

that the era originated with him. If Abu-1-Fazl is correct, and my

reading of the Sanscrit inscription admissible, then the date of the

inscription is 1119 + 47 = 1193 A. D.

My knowledge of Sanscrit is exceedingly small, but it looks to me

as if the words of the inscription might bear the above interpretation.

Possibly it was because it never occurred to any one that a reign

could last seventy-four years, that it was taken for granted that the

seventy-four years must mean years after the expiry of the reign.

[ f • 1 , _ ' f . f , r

Notes on some Kolarian tribes. — By W. H. P. Drive

The Asurs.

Habitat. — The Asurs, a small tribe, speaking a dialect of the Kolarian

language, are to be found only in the extreme west of the Lohardaga

district. They are iron-smelters by profession.

Origin and history. — They appear to have considerable traditions

in connection with their former history. The following is the story

regarding their origin, and general history. In ancient times they

were a great people and inhabited the Dhaulagir and Mainagir Hills

on which there were two large lakes. They were clever artisans,

travelled about in pallds, and used to eat red-hot iron. They did

not cultivate the land, but had large herds of cattle. Then the

Uraons, called Lodhas, appeared and took all their cattle, and they had

to go into the jungles. (The saying with reference to the Uraons

being stronger is baro bhai Asm , terd bhat Lodhd, i. e., ‘the Asurs are

twelve brothers, but the Lodhas are thirteen brothers.’) This drove

them to desperation and they took to cattle-lifting and preying on

-the Uraons. (The mythology of the various Kolarian tribes always

refers to the Asurs as robbers and fire-eaters.) These Uraons, unable

to attack them in the jungles, called in the assistance of Bhag’wan,

who built a great fort and invited all the Asurs to attend. Being

afraid to refuse, they all came at the summons, and were told to enter

the fort by Bhag’wan, who to allay their fears went in first. After

they were all in, Bhag’wan shut the gate and disappeared from the

top. He then filled the fort up with charcoal. When he got outside,

* [All names, terms and words quoted in this paper are spelled by the author

as he heard them from the people. The system of spelling, or transliteration, is the

usual one ; but it should be noted that n indicates the nasalisation of the preceding

vowel, and that 6 indicates the Eastern Gauclian, or Bengali, pronunciation of a ;

thus gotor is the Hindi gotar , Skr. gotra ; bor corresponds to Hindi bar or bard ‘ great.’

Ed.]

8

W. II. P. Driver — The Asurs.

[No. 1,

he found two Asurs (a brother and sister) who had not gone in

with the rest, and he made these two fix up a bellows (such as the

Asurs use for smelting iron) and immolate the whole tribe. These two

were then carried away by the Uraons, and left in the jungles, where

their descendants are now found, being condemned for ever to use the

bellows. They say that the Uraons brought their two ancestors in pallds

from the far East, but they have not the slightest idea how far, nor

where Dhaulagir and Mainagir are situated.

In different parts of the Lohardaga and Chaibasa districts are

found well finished stone, clay, glass, and metal beads, and also small

silver coins (of the kind called 1 old Hindu punch coins ’) which are at¬

tributed by the people to the Asurs, but it is difficult to say whether

the present Asurs are descendants of the people who used these coins

and beads or not. I am credibly informed that beads similar in

every way to these are, at the present day, worn by the Bhutiyas about

Darjiling, and this fact taken in conjunction with the legend about

Dhaulagir appears to me very suggestive of the true origin of these

people. The Bhagavat Purana (1, 3, 24) refers to the people of Kikata

(Bihar), who were in those days mostly Kols, as Asurs ; and these

Asurs of Lohardaga (who are also Kols) state that they have borne

this name from ancient times. We, therefore, seem to have connecting

links for tracing the present day Asurs from the Himalayan mountains

to the hills of Chutiya Nagpur.

Titles , sub-tribes and septs. — The Asurs assume the title of Man-

jhi. They are divided into the following sub-tribes : Ja’it Asurs and

Lohara- Asurs, who smelt iron and make ploughs, &c. ; Soenka or

Agariya- Asurs and Gond-Asurs, who smelt iron, but do not make

ploughs, &c. All these sub-tribes have innumerable gotors such

as Rote, Sikta, Aind, Topo, Kerketa, Kachhuwa, Tirki, Nag, Chitri,

Gundri, and Sujur, &c.

Festivals and religious customs. — They observe the following festi¬

vals and religious customs : Mdgh-yarab in January ; Phdgund in

February ; at this festival they offer a sacrifice of a fowl to An-

dhariya Devata (the Earth God). The fowl is held by a pair of

pincers, its head is placed on an anvil, and it is struck with a

hammer, a prayer being offered with a request to be preserved

from the sparks, that fly from red-hot iron. Hariyari in May,

when a fowl is sacrificed to their parents ; Daliyd (the God of Plenty) ,

a sacrifice in June ; Sendrd, the hunting festival, in June ; Karam

in August ; Soharai in October. A sacrifice is offered to ‘ Bor

Pahari Bongd ’ (great hill God) of a brown goat, and to ‘ Pand’rd

Devata ’ (the sun) of a mottled fowl. These two are yearly sacrifices,

1888.]

W. H. P. Driver — The Astir s.

9

but may be offered at any time. All the above sacrifices are offered by

the people themselves, without the assistance of pdhans. The pdhati *,

or priest, who must be either an Asur or a Munda, offers sacrifices at

the Sarhul in May, and at the Klianiydri or harvest festival in Novem¬

ber. Tuesday and the change of the moon are considered good times to

offer these sacrifices. The Ddrhd and Ghurail are evil spirits who afflict

people, and when they make their presence felt, they have to be propi¬

tiated with a sacrifice, by the pahan, and politely turned out.

Dances. — Asurs dance the jhumar , domlcait , thariyd, luchgi , desaoli,

and jatrd or hhariyd. They use only the dhol and mdndar, and they

have no horns, flutes, cymbals &c.

Food. — They eat cows, pigs, buffaloes, tigers, rats, and lizards,

and also poisonous snakes, such as the nag and jara for the cure

of lumbago. The snakes’ heads are cut off, and the flesh is separat¬

ed from the bones and fried.

Marriage customs. — The marriage ceremonies of the Asurs are pe¬

culiar. The parents supply the trousseau, but the bridegroom gives his

share towards the feast, and also gives a ddli of Rs. 5 to the

parents. Parents arrange marriages and the ceremony takes place at

the bridegroom’s father’s house. The following preparations are made

for a wedding. In front of the house a shed of Sal branches is erected,

and at some little distance all round this a temporary Sal fence is put

up. This enclosure is called the marua-tdnd , and in the centre of

it are planted a long bamboo and a mangoe branch, and alongside

of these is placed a bind , or basket, for storing grain, which is filled

with earth and planted with a few grains of corn. The bride and

bridegroom dine with the rest of the party. After dinner they anoint

each other all over with oil and turmeric and then retire, while the

rest of the party enjoy themselves drinking and dancing in the marud-

tand. At dawn the couple are brought forth and made to stand at the

front door on a yoke covered with hher grass, while two girls (relatives

of both parties) fetch two small ghards of water and splash the happy

pair, using twigs from the mangoe branch. The family party then

go into the house, and the pair sitting together mark each other on

the foreheads with sindur , using their right-hand little fingers. They

all then go out and join the rest of the party dancing in the marud-tdnd.

After the sun is well up, the married couple go home, and the wife com¬

mences to cook to show that she has undertaken her household duties.

* [This term is spelled sometimes pahan sometimes pdham Pos¬

sibly it may be a corruption of the Hindi brahman or bamhan. Compare the Burmese

‘ paunha’ for brahman, in Bigandet’s Legend of Gaudama, vol. I, p. 29, footnote IS,

Ed.]

B

10

W. H. P. Driver — The Birijiyas.

[No. 1,

Marriages usually take place in January, and the pair go to visit

their parents in a year’s time. Asurs usually marry only one wife, and

widows can re-marry. They must marry in their own tribe, but the

parties must be of different gotors. Married people can separate but

it is considered a disgrace to do so. Property descends to male heirs.

Customs regarding children. — A mother is considered unclean for

fifteen days after the birth of a child. After this time both she and the

child are anointed with oil and turmeric, the child’s head is shaved,

and it is named often after grandparents, or after the day on which

it was born. Before deciding upon a name, they throw two grains of

rice into a bowl of water ; when the propitious name is called, both

grains will sink and keep together. A dinner is given to all relatives

on such occasions. The boys have their forearms burnt, but the girls

are not tattooed. Every large village has a Dhamkuriyd or a bachelors’

hall, in front of which the boys and girls dance. If the elders catch girls

in the Dhamkuriyd the boys are heavily fined, and their fathers have to

pay if they cannot.

Death customs. — The ceremonies for the dead are as follows : —

Those who die a natural death or are killed by accident or by vio¬

lence, are burnt on the banks of a river. Those who die of any disease

are buried and three or four large stones are placed over the grave. It

is customary to feed all relatives after a death.

The Asurs, like all Kolarian tribes, are very black, and have

nothing to boast of in the way of features, but they are of good phy¬

sique and have hardy constitutions, although they appear to be dying

out.

The Birijiyas.

Habitat. — The Birijiyas are a small Kolarian tribe to be found in

the parganas of Bar’ we and Chhechhari in the Lohardaga district,

and also in the neighbouring Native State of Sir’guja. In appearance

they are black with flat faces, but of good physique, and many wear

the hair in matted locks. They are quiet, unwarlike people (even

those who live on the hills), and live by cultivation of rice, urid , rdhar ,

bodi , marud , &c. They say they come from the Mahadeo Hills, and

the following is the story of their origin.

Origin. — The god Mahadeo made the figure of a horse out of clay,

but he was not pleased with it ; he then made a dog, but this also did

not take his fancy; so he finally found a scarecrow and put life into it,

when it was turned into a man. He liked his appearance, and so made a

wife for him in the same way by animating another scarecrow.

Titles and connections . — The Birijiyas sometimes take the title of

1888.]

11

W. H. P. Driver — The Birijiyas.

Majlii or Ganjhu. Those living on the hills are called Pahariyas, and

those settled on the plains are known as Dand-Birijiya. They appear

to be nearly allied to the Agarias and more distantly to the Asurs.

Religion. — Their gods are Debt , Sing'bonga or the Sun, Nind-Bongd

or the Moon, and Mahddeo , and they have three priests of their own tribes

to attend to these deities. The head priest, Baigd Pdhan, and his assis¬

tant, the Dewar , offer the sacrifices, and the Pujdr is the consulting priest

who decides as to what the sacrifice is to be. The people themselves

offer sacrifices to their dead ancestors whom they call Mud.

Festivals. — They keep the following festivals, viz., the Phagud in

February, the Sarhul in April, the Chind-P arab (at the sowing season)

in June or July, the Karma in October, and the Arwd or Khar' way

(or harvest festival) in November. At this season they sacrifice to

Mahadeo. Like all other Kolarians they are fond of dancing and

drinking.

Marriage Customs. — Marriages are arranged between parents by a

male go-between or bisut. The hill Birijiyas have no gotors, but marry

from neighbouring villages. They only marry after coming of age.

It is customary to buy their wives, the usual price being Rs. 4,

which is paid to the parents. The bridegroom supplies the trousseau,

which consists of a new cloth dyed yellow, brass bangles, earrings, and

as many ornaments as he can afford. The chief feature of the cere¬

mony is a big dinner at the bride’s father’s house, to which the bride¬

groom has to contribute his share in the shape of two or three maunds

of rice and several gharas of rice-beer. All the relations of both

parties and numerous friends are invited to the wedding feast, and

after the dinner drinking and dancing go on all night. The hill Birijiyas

anoint each other with oil at the marriage, but those of the plains have

adopted the use of sindur instead.

Divorce. — A man may marry up to three wives; and divorcees,

widows and widowers can re-marry. A divorce or separation is for¬

mally accomplished by the return of the Rs. 4 and marriage ex¬

penses, but the said expenses are seldom returned, and the matter

generally ends in a compromise.

Customs regarding children. — After child-birth the mother is con¬

sidered unclean for ten days, and she has to live and eat apart from her

husband in a corner of the house, a door being cut at the back of the

house for her special use. After the expiry of the proper time she

washes, puts on a clean dress, and comes in at the front door, and the

husband then blocks up the back door, until it is again required.

Twins are very uncommon, and one or both usually die. Children are

named after dead grandparents or great-grandparents. Boys’ fore-

12

W. H. P. Driver — The Birhors.

[No. 1,

arms are burnt, but girls are not tattooed like Mundas and Khariyas.

Every village has a Bhamkuriyd ’ or bachelors’ hall for the bigger

boys.

Customs concerning the dead. — Birijiyas can either burn or bury their

dead. They bury them deep and cover the surface with thorns and

large stones in order to keep off jackals and hyenas. (Perhaps this was

the real origin of monumental stones in other countries.)

Food. — Birijiyas are allowed to eat buffaloes, cows, and the dhaman

snake, but they are forbidden to eat monkeys, frogs and ordinary snakes.

They effect cures by charms, mesmerism, and sacrifices. Disputes

are settled by panchdyats or consultation by elders.

The Birhors.

Habitat. — The Birhors, a small tribe speaking a dialect of the Ko-

larian language, chiefly lead a wild nomadic life among the hills and

jungles of Chutiya Nagpur. They travel about in small communities,

earning a precarious living by making string from the chop (Bauhinia

scandens ) bark. A few of their number have, however, settled down

in different parts of the district amongst their more civilised neighbours

and taken to cultivation. Those living in the jungles are usually very

poor, their huts being made of leaves and branches, and measuring

8 or 10 feet in length by 6 feet in breadth by 6 feet in height, the

doors being only 2 feet in height by lij feet in breadth. These huts are

placed in a circular form, with the doors facing towards the inside

of the circle, of which the open space in the centre is kept clean and

used for dancing. In appearance the Birhors are amongst the most

degraded looking of Kolarian tribes. They are usually very short,

black, and dirty- looking, some of the men wearing the hair matted.

They do not use bows and arrows, and their only weapons are small

axes.

Food. — The jungle Birhors keep neither cattle, goats, nor pigs,

but buy them when required for a feast or sacrifice. They eat cows,

buffaloes, goats, pigs, fowls, rats, and monkeys, but not bears, tigers,

jackals, dogs, snakes, lizards, &c. For vegetables they are dependent

mostly on the jungles and the following is a list of the commonest

kinds, viz. :

Leaves. — Koinar, Kana, Matha, Katai, Sari, Sarubera, Sil’wer,

Pich’ki, Cliatom, Mucliuri, Haru, Singh, Bong. Boots. — Haser, Dura,

Piska, Kulu, Kund’ri, Gethi, Bir, Semar, Karil, Chakond. Fruits. —

Lariya, Kuda, Podho, Kanduwer, Bel, Dumar, Bar, Pipar, Sarai, Pithor,

Dau, Tiril, Kat’kar’ji, Sir’ka. Their women help them to make the

chop string, and also carry this and the monkey skins to the small

1888.]

W. H. P. Driver — The Birhors.

13

village markets situated nearest the jungles, and there either sell or

barter their articles for rice, salt, and oil. The skins of monkeys are

used for making Kol drums.

Hunting. — The following is the system in which they hunt. Strong

nets about 4 feet wide, which they make of chop , are stretched

against upright posts or trees in a line along the ground, for a distance

of several hundred yards. They then beat up towards their nets,

and the forests being almost denuded of large trees, the monkeys

(small, brown and long-tailed) take to the ground, and so get snared

along with other game.

Titles and sub-tribes. — The Birhors can tell you nothing of their

origin or history beyond the fact that they have been 4 Birhors ’, or

jungle-men, from prehistoric times. They are commonly known amongst

the people of these parts as chopddrs (chop string makers). They

are divided into two sub-tribes, namely Bhuliya or wanderers, and

Jaghi or settlers.

Religion and superstitions. — Their religion is a peculiar mixture of

Hindu and Kolarian ideas. They worship Debi-may, a Hindu goddess ;

Maha-may (represented by a piece of wood painted red) ; Darha-Bonga,

river bank god (represented by a piece of bamboo stuck in the ground) ;

Kudri-Bonga, river god ; Banhi-may, jungle goddess (represented by

a small piece of wood with some sindur on it, stuck in the ground) ;

Lugu-may, earth goddess ; Dhuka-Bonga, air god ; Bir’ku or Biru-Bonga,

hill god ; Bun-may (represented by a white stone painted red on

the top) ; Dadha-may (represented by an arrow head) ; Hanuman

(represented by a trident painted red). Kap’si and Jilinga are not re¬

presented by any images. They see no anomaly in worshipping

‘ Hanuman ’ and eating monkeys. The various representatives of their

gods and goddesses are placed in a small cleared spot fenced in with

thorns. The sun is sacrificed to once in four or five years. The

larger communities have their own pahain or priest, who attends to

all the above-mentioned worthies, but the smaller camps have to content

themselves with the services of the Mundd pdhan of some neigh¬

bouring village. The Birhors offer sacrifices to their parents every

three years, taking care to avoid the month or months in which they

died, and offering separate fowls to the father and mother.

Witchcraft. — They also have Ojhds or diviners, besides others who

practise the 4 black art.’ Such persons are feared and disliked, and

yet often employed by these superstitious people. If an aggrieved person

wishes to have revenge, he or she (practising under the instructions of

the Ojhd ) puts a devil on the enemy or on his or her household, and very

some one falls ill. The head of the afflicted house refers to the

soon

14

W. H. P. Driver — The Birhors.

[No. 1,

Ojhd, who lights a chirdg , goes through some mummery, and dis¬

covers the instigators of the obsession. Amongst the Mundas the

result is usually a free fight, but the Birhors take things more calmly,

and the matter is amicably arranged by the party causing the devil¬

ment, giving the Ojhd a fowl to sacrifice, with a request to withdraw

the devil.

The healing art. — The Ojhd is referred to on all occasions of

sickness, when he goes through the performance of feeling the wrist

and looking wise, just like our own quacks. His prescription is

nothing so nasty as physic, but simply the sacrifice of a fowl, white,

red or black, according to the occasion, and large or small according to

the means of the patient. Light sicknesses, such . as headache or

stomach-ache, are cured by the Ojhd putting some ‘ ar'wd chdiil * into

the right hand of the patient, and turning it five times round his (the

patient’s) head.

Festivals. — Birhors keep the following Kolarian festivals, viz.,

Magli-Parab in January; Phagua, the hunting festival, in February;

Sarhul in March; Karam and Jittiya in September; Dasai and Soliarai

in October.

Dances. — They dance the Lujlirt at the Karam and the Jittiya, the

Jargd at the Phagua and Sarhul, and the S aunt art at other times.

Friendships. — The men make karam dal friendships by putting a

karam leaf in each other’s hair, and giving each other a new piece of

cloth ; the women give pieces of cloth, but do not exchange karam

leaves. The women also form other friendships among themselves by

going to a river and splashing each other with water. They then call

each other Gangajal.

Marriage customs. — The Birhors do not marry until full grown.

They have only one wife, and widows are allowed to re-marry. They

are not allowed to marry out of their tribe, but they cannot marry into

the same gotra, i. e ., people of the same family name. They have such

surnames as Sing’puriya, Nag’puriya, Jag’sariya, Liluar, Beharwar,

Siruwar, Hem’rom, Mahali, &c. Parents arrange matrimonial matters,

the price of a wife being from Rs. 3 to Rs. 5, and the bridegroom

goes to the house of his future father-in-law to get married. After-

eating and drinking, the paham or priest (one of their own tribe)

cuts the right hand little fingers of both bride and bridegroom.

They then mark each other on the breastbone with their blood,

or put their blood on small pieces of cloth which they exchange and

for three days wear round their necks. After this ceremony they

anoint each other’s heads with oil. Then the man takes some sin-

dur in his right hand which, with an upward motion, he rubs on

1888.]

W. II. P. Driver — The Khariyds.

15

the centre of her forehead. She then returns the compliment by

putting five spots of sindur in a perpendicular line on the centre of

liis forehead. The lohundi or bridesmaid (generally a young relative

of the bride) then conies forward and ties the end of the bride’s sari to

the bridegroom’s gamchha. The ceremony is con eluded with drinking

and dancing which is kept up all night, and next morning the whole

party adjourn to a river or tank and bathe. After allowing the newly

married wife to remain with her husband for a few days, the parents

or guardians take her away and keep her for a week or so, during

which time she is feasted and well-treated, and she is then made over

to her husband. They usually marry in February, and at the following

haram pay a visit to the wife’s parents. Birhors do not appear to have

any definite customs as to divorce. Such occurrences are very un¬

common among them, but they say that if married people wished to

separate, there was nothing to hinder their doing so.

Customs regarding children. — After the birth of a child, a door is

cut at the back of the house for the use of the mother. When the

child is six days’ old, its head is shaved, its whole body is rubbed with

oil and turmeric, and it is then named either after its grandparents

or after the day on which it was born. The parents then offer a sacrifice

after consulting the Ojhd. The hair is shaved by one of their own

people who acts as barber for the whole community, and who is paid a

jpaila (about 2 pounds) of rice for his services. All males, both

young and old, have their heads shaved (with the exception of a

top knot) at regular intervals. The boys, at the age of 10 or 12,

have the backs of both forearms burnt, the operation being per¬

formed with lighted wicks made from oiled rags. The girls, at about

the same age, are tattooed on the wrists, biceps, and ankles. This opera¬

tion is performed by ghdsi women who make a profession of it. The

month of November is always chosen as the most fitting time for the

operations of tattooing and burning. Children of both sexes remain

with their parents until they marry.

Death customs.— The Birhors first burn and then bury their dead

near a stream, placing a stone of any sort over the spot. At a parent’s

death the youngest son has his head shaved clean. At the death of a

child all male relatives shave the forepart of the head, and dine with

the bereaved parents, and the parents themselves offer a sacrifice of a

goat to Debi or Maha-may.

The Khariyds.

Habitat. — The Khariyas, a tribe speaking a dialect of the Kol lan¬

guage, are chiefly to be found in the South-west corner of the Lohardaga

10

W. H. P. Driver — The Khariyas.

[No. 1,

district in the parganas of Pa'ilkot, Pirn, Kesclpur, and Sasid, and they

also extend into the neighbouring native states of Gangpur, Jaspur, and

Raigarh, some few being also found in the Northern portions of the

Sambhalpur district. A few people bearing this name are said to exist

in a most savage condition in small communities in the Man’bhiim

and Sing’bhum Districts ; but no one has yet ascertained if these people

speak the Khariya language.

History. — The Khariyas of Pa'ilkot and Biru do not know any thing

whatever about the Singbhum Khariyas, and state that they came ori¬

ginally from the North, by way of Roidas (Rohtas), Patna, Khariya-

ghat (in Tori pargana), and Lohardaga. This story is, I think, got

from the Uraons ; for another tradition says they came from the South.

Their earliest traditions refer back to the days of Then matuk Munda

who was the father of Bhel hhadar and grandfather of Madrd. They

were evidently from the earliest times a good deal mixed up with

Mundas, whom they look upon as elder brothers.

Divisions. — They are divided into the following sub-tribes viz. :

Dudli-Khariya, Ber’ga- Khariya, Dhel’kf- Khariya, Khariya-Munda, Perai-

Munda, and Khariya- Uraon. The Dudh-Khariyas rank first. They

may drink with the others, but are forbidden to eat or marry with

them. They will not eat animals that have died of disease. They can

eat the buffalo, but not the cow. The others can eat cows, and the

Perai- Mundas are said to eat cattle that have died of disease.

Religion. — The religion of the Khariyas consists of the worship of

the elements in the Sun and Air, the Hills and the Rivers, and also the

spirits of their ancestors. They also propitiate various evil spirits, of

whom they are in constant dread, and they have priests called pahams

or Baigas who go through the ceremonies of offering up sacrifices.

The Bdham or Baigd is generally himself a Khariya, but in villages

with a largely mixed population the priest may belong to any other

Kolarian tribe. No Hindu or Musulman can hold this office. The sacri¬

fices may consist of goats, pigs, fowls or buffaloes.

Marriage ceremonies. — The marriage ceremony consists chiefly of

eating, drinking, and dancing. The bride is taken to the house of

her future father-in-law, where she and her intended are anointed.

The bride and bridegroom are carried about by their friends, while

the rest of the party are dancing, and the songs (in which the names

of the happy pair are introduced) are specially composed for such occa¬

sions. The festivities are kept up all night, and the next morning the

whole party adjourns to the nearest tank or river, where they all bathe

and wash their clothes, the bride and bridegroom being carried there by

their friends ; they are, however, allowed to walk home. Marriages are

W. H. P. D river — The Asurs.

17

1888.]

usually arranged by the parents, and the children are wonderfully

dutiful, as there is nothing to prevent their choosing for them¬

selves. However when parents make the choice they generally

marry them at a somewhat early age. The marriage present, consisting

(amongst the wealthier people) of seven head of cattle, is given by the

bridegroom’s father to the father of the bride ; and a month after the

marriage the bridegroom receives a present of an ox from his father-

in-law. January and February are the months to marry in. A Khariya

may marry four wives, the 1st is called Bar hi, the 2nd, Majh’M ;

the 3rd, Sajh’U ; and the 4th Chhot’/ci ; but besides these he may,

according to his wealth, have various concubines called Sagais and

JDhulcJcus. Widows and divorcees can remarry, but their price is

only two head of cattle as compared with seven for a virgin. A Kha¬

riya man must marry in his own tribe, but from a different gotor.

A Khariya woman can marry a man of any Kolarian tribe, but then

she is out of her own tribe, and can not eat with them. A Khariya can

marry his sister-in-law while his wife is alive, if she is lame, blind, or un¬

fruitful, and if his wife leaves him he can legally claim her younger sister.

Laws of divorce. — Dissolution of marriage is effected by both

parties going before the Zamindar and headmen of the village, and

declaring themselves willing to separate. The formula is worded “ If

I call him (or her) I will pay a fine of Its. 20 and receive twenty

strokes from a shoe.” If a woman leaves her husband, he may con¬

voke a ‘ Panchayat,’ and recover the oxen and buffaloes, he or his

father paid for her, either from her father if she returns to him, or else

from the man whom she goes to live with. A woman seems to have

no redress against her husband for desertion, but she is then allowed

to live with any one else she may choose. If a husband lives happily

with his wife for any length of time, his father-in-law makes him a

present of an ox or buffaloe. This is called a ddj and is considered

a great honour. Either idiocy or infidelity can warrant a divorce.

Customs regarding children. — First children are named after their

grandparents and omens and auguries are consulted on these as well as

on all other occasions of any moment. A week after birth the child’s

head is shaved, and the father and mother having fasted give a big

dinner to their friends and relatives, spending more money for a boy

than for a girl. The child is named a month after its birth. The boys

have their fore arms burnt, and girls are tattooed on the forehead and

temple.

Festivals and dances. — The Khariyas keep all the usual Kolarian

festivals. In January they dance the Kliariyd which is peculiar to

themselves and the Uraons. This is also the chief dance during the

c

18

C. J. Rodgers— Couplets Or 1 Baits'* on the coins of [No. 1,

Sarhul festivals which, is kept in February. Some advanced Kha-

riyns wear the Janao or sacred thread at this festival. The Bisu

festival kept in March is peculiar to the Khariyas. The names of their

dances are Kharia , Gena, Lahasud and Thdriyd ; and they are more

energetic in their execution than the Mundas and other Kolarian tribes.

Their usual stimulant is the rice beer of the country which they prepare

for themselves.

Ceremonies for the dead. — The Khariyas of the Lohardaga district

are a well-to-do and advancing people, and the result is that they have

acquired a number of customs which did not belong to them originally.

Thus I believe that formerly they used only to bury their dead, but

now they have learnt to burn them. The most approved ceremony now

is as follows : — The body is buried with a vow that it will be burnt

within a certain time (sometimes as much as two or three years). At

the time appointed, the body is exhumed and burnt, and the bones

and ashes are put into an earthen pot and thrown into the chasm

of any rock in the vicinity of the village or near a river. In such

cases they believe that the body waits intact for the burning cere¬

mony, even though it be for years. These customs refer entirely to

the Khariyas of the Lohardaga district, little or nothing being known

about the small and degenerate branches inhabiting the most jungly

parts of Man’bhum and Sing’bhum, and who are said to be in habits

and appearance more like the Birhors and Juangs.

Couplets or ‘ Baits ’ on the coins of Shah Nuru-d-din Jahangir, the son

of Akbar, collected by Chas. J. Rodgers, M. R. A. S., Associate Mem¬

ber, Asiatic Society of Bengal .*

So far as I can ascertain there are no coins before the time of Akbar

which bear couplets or baits of Persian poetry. I know only of two

coins of Akbar which have couplets on them. One of these is a rupee

struck at Allahabad in the 44th and 45th years of his reign. I have

seen this rupee also without a year or month. It is said to have been

struck by Jahangir when in rebellion against his father. The couplet

runs thus : —

Obv. a l/o j

Rev. <xlf J

i. e. ‘ May the coin of Allahabad be always current like the golden

disk of the sun and the moon in the East and in the West of the world.’

* [The translations of the couplets have been supplied by Maulawi Mirza Ashraf

Ali of the Calcutta Madrasah. Ed.]

Shah Nuru-d-din Jahangir.

19

1888.]

The month Aban comes under the first line and the year 44 under

the second one in one rupee I have. Another one has Far war din month

and year 45. A third I have has neither year nor month.

There is a mohur extant, but very rarely met with, of Akbar’s. It

was struck at Agra towards the latter end of his reign. Mr. Theobald

of Bedford has one of the 44th ildhi year. I have one of Isfanddrmuz,

49th year ildhi Mr. Delmerick* edited one of 50th year ildhi, month

Khurdad, but which he reads il j aids 5.” Now Akbar began to use the

Ilahi year and Persian months in his 30th year on his coins, and he never

used the word jalus. This word began to be used by Jahangir (see

Marsden PI. XL and XLI). Akbar uses ildhi instead of jalus. I have

seen Mr. Delmerick’s mohur. It reads distinctly <&♦ that is 50.

The couplet on the mohur is : —

O'bv. j) t 8^ j&°

Bev. **2**4 jyj jy^l [) j

i. e., ‘ The sun of the seal of Akbar Shall is the honour of this gold

(coin) as long as the earth and the sky is adorned with the luminous sun.

Struck at Agra. Isfandarmuz — 49 Ilahi. ’

The mint occupies the lowest line and is no part of the couplet.

On the reverse the month and year are out of the poetry.

When Jahangir came to the throne the Amiru-l-Omara composed a

couplet, which I have seen on round and square rupees struck in Lalior

and on round rupees of Akbarnagar, Kashmir, and Qandahar. It is

as follows : —

Obv. y hjj) lc))

Bev. b ^ ^ j & $ t J

i. e., c Shah Nuru-d-din Jahangir, son of Akbar Badshah, has rendered

the face of gold shining like the sun and the moon.’

In the Tuzak-i-Jahangiri we are told that Asaf Khan was ordered

to make the following couple of baits on large gold coins, one on the

obverse and one on the reverse : — ■

Obverse

r

i

>

i. e ., £ The divine pen has written on (this) gold (coin) in bright

characters Shah Nuru-d-din Jahangir.’

Beverse

JhA dy^ y^

if ujfi

i. e., 1 The world became illuminated by this coin as by the sun,

(consequently) Aftdb-i-mamlakat is the date.’

* Journal A. S. B. Yol. XLY, Pt. I, 1876, p. 292, and PI. V, fig. 6.

20

C. J. Rodgers — Couplets or 1 Baits* on the coins of [No. 1,

Between the lines of the obverse inscription the Kalimali was

written, while between the lines of the reverse were to come the name

of the mint and the year of jalus and the Hijri year. These gold coins

were of 100, 50, 20, and 10 tolahs. I have never seen one, and never

heard of one being in existence. The words Aftdb-i Mamlalcat give

the date 1014 A. H., the date of Jahangir’s 1st year.

The first mention of a Persian month I find on a beantifnl moliur

(square) of Jahangir’s. The month is A'ban and the year 5. Mint A'gra.

Obv. 6 ***• cJJ® to

Rev. ^->1 fclA I • ! ^

i. e ., ‘ In the month of A'ban the shadow of God, Shah Nuru-d-din,

son of Akbar Shah, stamped this coin at Agra. 1019 A. H., the 5th

year of jalus*

This moliur is in my cabinet. Mr. Theobald of Bedford has a

duplicate.

Another couplet of the same year has the month Bahman and mint

Lahor. My coin is a round rupee, several duplicates are known.

Obv. fcbo jj&y j) &

Rev. ^9 Jy3 { * | S

i. e., ‘ In the month of Bahman the gold of Lahor became like the lu¬

minous moon, in the reign of Shah Nuru-d-din Jahangir, son of Akbar

Shah. 1019 A. H., 5th year.’

Two square rupees in my cabinet have the month Isfandarmuz of

the 5th year. The first is of the Agra mint, the second of Lahor, both

of 1019.

Obv. fjy. dj A,'CJ &

Rev. I ^ 1*1^

i. e ., ‘ In the month of Isfandarmuz the Monarch of the age, Shah

Jahangir, son of Akbar Shah, has stamped this coin on gold at A'°ra.

1019 A. H., 5th year.’

Obv. f)j3 ^ $

Rev. t gLw |4/o' 1*1*)

i. e., ‘In the month of Isfandarmuz the Monarch of the people, Shah

Jahangir, son of Akbar Shah, stamped this coin on gold at Lahor. 1019

A. H., 5th year.’

I have two other square rupees of Lahor mintage. The months are

Tir and Lrdibihisht, the years 6 and 1020.

1888.]

21

Shall Nuru-d-din Jahangir.

Obv. j)^3. 1) J1-* sLj

i. e., 1 In the month of Tir the king, the Defender of the faith, Shah

Jahangir, son of Akbar Shah, stamped this coin on gold at Lahor.’

Obv. y)rt *)

' Rev. ^ jjIA ^boj jjLui^A

i. e., * In the month of Urdibihisht the Monarch of the age, Shah

Jahangir, son of Akbar Shah, stamped this coin on gold at Lahor.’

One beautiful mohur which is in my cabinet has the month Farwardin.

It is of the A'gra mint and the years 6 and 1020.

Obv. yy *1

Rev. jlA jyj | *r *

i. e., ‘ In the month of Farwardin the gold of A'gra became luminous

like a star by the light of the stamp of Shah Jahangir, son of Akbar

Shah. 1020 A. H., 6th year.’

Thus it will be seen that the names of six of the Persian months

are here woven into the couplets. I daresay the other six months are

to be found. These are all I have as yet seen after twenty years of

search.

Some of the finest rupees and mohurs of Jahangir have on them the

following couplet : —

Obv. 5^ d) | • | A

Rev. ! ^ d

i. e., * The king who is the refuge of the world, Shah Nuru-d-din

Jahangir, son of Akbar Shah, stamped this coin in the city of Agra.

1018 A. H., 5th year.’

This is on a mohur. On a rupee I have the years are 4 and 1017.

The mint is Agra on both. The following substitutes Kabul for Agra,

and the years are 6 and 1020. This is in my cabinet.

Obv. IT*

*•

Rev. yy3 *1

i. e., 1 The king who is the refuge of the world, Shah Nuru-d-din

Jahangir, son of Akbar Shah, has stamped this coin on gold in the city

of Kabul. 1020 A. H., 6th year.’

A remarkably fine rupee has

Obv. yy& y& »-£li ^ iih jbcu a*

Rev. jj&y (•& I ♦ r v

i. e.j ‘ May the coin of Lahor be current in the world in the name of

Jahangir Shah, as long as the sky is revolving. 1027 A. H., 13th year.’

22

C. J. Rodger's — Couplets or 1 Baits' on the coins of [No. 1,*

A rupee in tlie possession of J. D. Tremlett, Esq., lias the following

unique couplet. Tlie mint is Labor, and the years are 6 and 1020.

Obv. jyf ** i * r ♦

Rev. 25b»» jjy j *|

i. e., 1 In the month of Farwardin the gold of Lahor became an

object of jealousy to the bright moon through the light of the stamp of

Jahangir Shah, the son of Akbar Shah.’ 1

Three rupees in my small collection have the following couplet.

Zarb-i-Ahmadabad comes along with the first line, and Tir 2, Di 5 and

Agar 5 along with the second, one month and year on each rupee.

Obv. jj y

Rev. y$l ciLhL* *• r y 3 - d - d jif

i. e., ‘ The lord of the kingdom, Salim Sliah, Sultan (son of) Akbar

Shah, put a stamp on gold.’

The following is common enough. I have four or five rupees

with it.

Obv. cJAL; jt aCvo

i. e., ‘ Shah Nuru-d-din Jahangir, son of Akbar Sliah, stamped

the coin through the blessings of God, at Ahmadabad,’

My cabinet has only one rupee with the following couplet, without

a year, the mint is Allahabad.

c 1 p .

Obv. <vi j y j y

Rev. ^ p(i j

i. e., ‘ May the brightness of the gold and the coin of Allahabad be

lasting in the name of Jahangir Shah, (son of) Akbar Shall.’

The following is also in my cabinet. It is of the Ajmir mint, and

the years are 9 and- 1023.

c Obv. jj jjj9 ^,1.^

Rev, j

i. e., ‘ The gold coin became the light of the world at Ajmir by the

light of the name of Jahangir Sliah, (son of) Akbar Shah.’

The Qandahar rupees of Jahangir are of two kinds : those with'

Ilahi years and Persian months, and those with the following : —

Obv. JjbMS £&*

Rev. ^iS\ - * l $* ji

i. e., £ The coin of Qandahar became pleasant through Jahangir Shah

(son of) Akbar Shah.’ -

1888.]

23

Shah' Nuru-d- din Jahangir.

I have rupees of several years. They are all coarsely but deeply

cut. A round mohur struck at Ahmadabad is given by Marsden. I

obtained a similar one for Government last year, but the years were

different. Marsden’s PI. xli, fig. DCCCLXXI, has 14 and 1028. The

couplet is as follows : —

t - t' ■- * *>

Obv.

' M

Rev. o j

It*

| ♦ Y a

i. e., 1 Oh God, may the coin of Ahmadabad be current in the East

e

and the West as long as the world exists. 1028 A. H., year 14.’

A small Dehli mohur in my cabinet has this couplet : —

Obv. j fJ* jj r |

I , ^

Rev. oA* y «i) | ♦ra

i. e., 1 Jahangir Shah stamped the coin of triumph and victory at

Dehli through the abundance of the favour of God.’

My cabinet furnishes another Ahmadabad rupee of great beauty.

Years are 12 and 1027. The couplet is : —

Obv. f)

Rev. U*^j { * r v \T ***• '

i. e., 1 May this gold (coin) be always current in the seven climes

of the world through the impression of the name of Jahangir Shah,

the monarch of the world. Stamped at Ahmadabad, 1027, year 12.’

I have also a poor one without years and with only portions of the

couplet on it.

The town of Mandu in the 12th year of Jahangir, i. e., in 1026 A. H.,

had mohurs struck in it with the following bait, which I fail to ar¬

range properly : —

Obv. 8^ (*^3 j*** i*r

Rev. 8^° j j\* JjS jbi 1 f

i. e., 1 May the coin of Mandu through the name of Jahangir, give

light to the world like the sun and the moon. 1026, year 12.’

Ajmir figures largely as a mint in Jahangir’s time. Here is another

couplet from a mohur of that mint : —

Obv. A)

Rev. jiJ\ ^ jyi jfiA ff f • r d

i. e., “ The king Nuru-d-din Jahangir, son of Akbar Sluih, the

defender of the faith, stamped this coin on gold at Ajmir, 1025, year 11.’

24

C. J. Rodgers — Couplets or ‘Baits’ on the coins of [No. 1,

Some of the most beautiful coins of Jahangir were struck in La¬

bor. The following couplet is on several rupees in my cabinet : —

Obv. { * r <?

Rev. 2^"

i. e., 1 May there always be brightness on the face of the coin of Lahor

through the name of Jahangir Shah, (son of) Akbar. 1029, year 15/

I have two rupees of Agra with the following couplet : —

Obv.

••

Rev. jf

i. e.y ‘ The face of gold received adornment at A'gra through Jahan¬

gir Shah, (son of) Akbar Shah.’

The years are 17 and 18, but with the same A. H. 1032.

This is the couplet which occupies one side of the zodiacal coins

of Jahangir struck in Agra. There is, however, one exception. The

mohur with Taurus on it (the full sized one) has the following : —

j) s/f

i. e., 1 The coin of A'gra gave adornment to gold through Jahangir

Shall, (son of) Akbar Shah.’

The Ahmadabad zodiacal coins have a somewhat different couplet : —

jjlj jj

i. e., ‘ Jahangir Shah, son of Akbar Shah, gave adornment to the

gold of Ahmadabad.’

The couplet on the mohurs and rupees of Nur Jahan, the beautiful

wife of Jahangir, is well-known. I give it a place in this collection : —

Obv. jj-J) ^ar-?

Rev. JJ jy

i. e., By the order of Jahangir Shah gold received a hundred adorn¬

ments through the name of Nurjahan the chief Queen.’

My cabinet contains rupees of his struck at Ahmadabad, Patna,

Lahor , and Agra. A moliui 1 have of hers has on each side a mahvabi

lozenge, one of which contains *U and the other | *rv

rr. One line of the couplet occupies the spaces above and

below the lozenge.

For the following couplet I am indebted to the author of MtiJch-

tasar Sair-i- Gulshan-i-Hind, p. 67. It is on a rupee of Burhanpur.

I have only Ilahi rupees with Persian months of this mint.

1888.]

25

Slidh Nilru-d-din Jahangir.

Obv. alA jjj

Rev. lir^t $h*

i. e., e The king Jahangir, son of Akbar Shah, the defender of the

faith, stamped the coin in the city of Burhanpur.’

On the Bacchanalian mohur of Jahangir are two couplets. The

one along with the enthroned drinking king is as follows : —

t«>.^

i. e ., 1 Fates have drawn the picture of his Majesty, the king Jahangir,

on the coin of gold.’

The other side of the coin has the sun in a square in the centre.

To the right is S <^.x*vo b To the left is f *rr ^♦^■1

Above is the first line of the following couplet, and below the second

one : —

<xlJf j

<-Jjt jjj J

i. e., 1 The letters in the word Jahangir and those in Allahu Akbar,

are equal in number since the first day.’

The meaning of this last couplet is that the letters in the word

Jahangir and those in <GJf have the same numerical value

in reckoning by the Abjad system. Thus ^ = 3, 8 = 5, I = 1, ^ 50,

^ = 20, ^ = 10, j = 200. Total 289. Again I = 1, J = 30, J =

30, * = 5, I = 1, u* = 20, v = 2 ,j = 200. Total 289.

The couplet may be freely translated thus : —

The letters in Jahangir’s name,

And in that of God the Greatest

From the first day have one value had,

And shall have to the latest.

There is, I suspect, more than one sees on the surface here ; — a sly

attempt to make himself equal with God, seeing the letters of the name

of the king and of God were of the same numerical value. This coin

was struck in Ajmir probably during the time Sir Thomas Roe was

resident there. Sir Thomas tells ns how Jahangir lived and how, when

he was very drunk, he could discuss religious subjects. Probably this

couplet was made for the king by some of his flattering courtiers. As

the manufacture of TdriJchs has always been a favourite one with poets,

it need not surprise us that this couplet was made. The poet must

have known the numerical value of every word.

I have given above about 30 coin couplets. They are as a rule puro

poetic rubbish. But they show how the penny-a-liner of the day

D

[No. 1,

2G C. J. Rodgers — Couplets on the coins of Jahangir.

(I strongly suspect they got more than a penny a line) could patch up

into a couplet the king’s name and titles, and that of the mint town,

and sometimes of the month. They show culture of a certain kind,

though certainly not of a high or elevating order. They are pure ori¬

ental flattery. I daresay there are in other collections rupees and

mohurs bearing other couplets. I have had access to few cabinets other

than my own, which represents the meagre collection made by me in

twenty years.

I wish I could have given figures of the coins. They (the coins) are

in my opinion better made than those of any other Muhammadan

country, except perhaps the coins of the early Khalifahs and those of

Muhammad Tughlaq. As a rule each side of the coin has one line of

the couplet on it. There was ample room. In some cases, however,

both the lines come on one side. Even then every letter is perfect.

It is evident die-sinking and seal-cutting were arts in which the artists

of Jahangir’s time excelled.

The couplet went out of fashion on coins in the time of Shah Jahan.

Aurangzib revived it and Jaliandar Shah and Rafi’u-d-Darajat and

’Azirn Shah, and Kam Bakhsh and the blind Shah ’A lam used couplets,

as did the Durranis.

On a zodiacal rupee of Jahangir, an imprint of which was made by

General Cunningham at Lucknow in 1840, and which is now in my

possession I find the following quite new couplet : —

t • r a j

i. e., ‘ The gold coin became bright at Fathpur through the light of

the name of Jahangir Shah, (the son) of Akbar Shah, 1028.’

The reverse has under the sign of the zodiac — the goat, Capricornus,

This coin is in every way remarkable. It is the only zodiacal coin

struck at Fathpur that I know of. All given in Marsden were struck

at either Agra or Ahmadabad. It is not a forgery, for the letters, the

weak point in forgeries, are as beautiful as those on the very best coins

of Jahangir.

1888.]

27

C. J. Rodgers — Couplets on coins after Jahangir.

Couplets on coins of kings after the time of Jahangir* — By Chas.

J. Rodgers.

The custom inaugurated by Akbar and continued by Jahangir of

striking couplets on coins was kept up by succeeding kings, but not to so

large an extent as by Jahangir. When Shalijahan had built new Delili

or Shahjahanabad, he seems to have moved his mint into the new city.

Coins of his early years, struck in Dehli, have simply on them, but

after the new city was built we have this couplet on mohurs and rupees : —

M '

i. e., “ May the coin of Shah-i-Jahan-abad be ever current in the

world, by the name of the second Sahib-qiran.”

This couplet I take from a rupee of mine struck in 1065 A. H., the

28th of Shahjahan’s reign. In Marsden a mohur is given on PI. XLII,

No. DCCCLXXIV, but the word is spelt As the coin

seems from the drawing to have been in good order, I cannot account

for this. My coin has all the dots required.

In the “ Proceedings ” of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for January

1883 is given a figure of a 200 mohur piece of Shahjahan’s. On the

obverse of this was a rubai or quatrain which is not exactly a couplet

and so does not belong to this paper.

Aurangzib ’Alamgir had on most of his rupees the following cou¬

plet : —

i. e., “ The emperor Aurangzib ’Alamgir struck coins in the world

like the bright full-moon.”

On his mohurs and on rupees of the Akbarnagar and Zafarabad

mints was changed to j p-0 thus : —

j\\k j^c a}

B Lp

i. e ., “ The emperor Aurangzib ’Alamgir struck coins in the world

like the bright sun.”

The rupees of A’azam Shah have on them : — •

/o

i. e., “ The monarch of the dominions A’azam Shah struck coins in

the world with prosperity and grandeur.”

* [The translations of the couplets have been supplied by Maulawi Abdul Hak

Abid of the Calcutta Madrasah. Ed.]

28

[No. 1,

C. J. Rodgers — Couplets on coins of kings

From a comparison of two rupees I have drawn and the one given

in Mr. Delmerick’s paper in the “ Proceedings ” for May 1884, I build

up the following couplet on the rupees and mohurs of Kam Bakhsli : —

| ( f * J £ij

alx)

i. e., “ The emperor Kam Bakhsh, the protector of the religion,

put (his) stamp on the sun and the moon, in the Dakkan, 1120.”

1 have not seen a coin of Bahadur Shah with a couplet on it. Ja-

handar Shah’s rupees have the following : —

(1) 5$ bo ^ jp, <jbf ^

J$b*» ^ Lg

i. e., “ Abu-1- Fath-i-Ghazi Jahandar Shah put (his) stamp on the

sun and the moon, throughout the world.”

(2) Same as above with instead ofjJ in first line.

(3) fj j*

<sA j

i. e., “ Jahandar Shah, the monarch of the world, put (his) stamp on

gold (or silver) like the Sahib-qiran.”

(4) Beale in his Miftahu- t- Ta wdrikh gives the follow¬

ing :

8 bo J J^o cSlbc ^

ccjU

i. e., 11 The victorious emperor Jahandar Shah struck coins in his

dominion like the sun and the moon.”

The author of the Mukhtasar Sair-i-GulsJian-i-IIind gives the follow¬

ing variant of the first line of No. (1) : —

&bo j

i. e.} “ Struck silver coins like the sun and the moon.”

F arrukhsivar adhered steadily to one couplet : — ■

3 (3^ j\ dj

i. e., “ The monarch of water and land, Farrukhsiyar, put (his)

stamp on silver and gold through the grace of God.”

Rafi’u-d-Darajat, during his short reign of a few months, adorned

his rupees with the following high flown bait : —

Cl b ACus

i. e., “ The monarch of water and land, Rafi’u-d-Darajat, struck

coins in India, with thousands of blessings.”

1888.]

29

after the time of Jahangir.

Shah Jahan II. and Muhammad Shah never used any couplets, so

far as I can ascertain, on their coinage, but there is a rupee of the Surat

mint, without date, bearing the following : —

jjlA &+5z'°

i. e., u The monarch of the universe, Muhammad Shah, struck coins

in the world, through the favour of God.”

I do not think this is a coin of Muhammad Shah, but of some

rebel king. The style is not that of Muhammad Shah,

is a common title to give to a temporary king. Nadir Shah who invaded

India during the time of Muhammad Shah has on his Dehli rupee : —

i. e., “ The monarch of the monarchs, Nadir, of auspicious birth, is

a Sultan over the Sultans of the world.”

• •

Ahmad Shall Durrani had on all his mohurs and rupees, struck in

India and elsewhere, the following : —

j] ^2*.

b ^3 1 jl j ptr* y.

i. e., “ Orders issued from the almighty incomparable Being to

Ahmad Shah to put (his) stamp on silver and gold, from the fish to the

moon,” ( i . e., from the bottom of the abyss to the pinnacle of heaven).

On one rupee of his struck in Kashmir, in my possession, he was

content with the following : —

I } *ir y

Jr jjhs? jjlht jjbw

i. e., “ The king, the protector of the world, Ahmad Shah, put (his)

stamp on gold (or silver) through the grace of God.”

His son, Timur Shah, when acting under his father as Nizam of the

Panjab, struck on his own rupees the following couplet : — >

j*bf Jjyj j t^A b

i. e., “ The coin of Timur Shah got current in the world by the

order of God and tlie prophet of the people.”

But, when he came to the throne, after his father’s death, he went

in for this extravagance : —

30

C. J. Rodgers — Couplets on coins of kings ,

[No. 1,

't\'° j Aj Y’'3)y=*‘ }l j I ^

8 Li ^ J3, *13 ^

i. e ., “ The heaven brings in gold and silver from the sun and the

moon, so that it may receive the impression of the stamp of Timur

Shah.”

When the power of the Durranis began to wane in the Panjab, and

when the Sikhs began to rise under the brewer Jassa Singh, then this

couplet is said to ha ye been stamped on rupees : — ■

<^tbo

i. e., “ The brewer Jassa seized the territories of Ahmad, and struck

coins in the world through the grace of the Eternal (God).”

When the Sikh commonwealth at Lalior struck rupees in 1765

A. D., they were content with this doggrel* : —

cSJljG j]

What the atrocity was on the rupees of Ranjit Singh, I have not

yet been able to ascertain. It was not the above. I have examined some

thousands of rupees, since I wrote my paper on “ the coins of the Sikhs,”

but cannot yet get a clue to the couplet in its entirety and full resonant

beauty.

The rebel king Muhammad Ibrahim, who coined in 1132 A. H. at

the beginning of the reign of Muhammad Shah, thought the following

correct

&+s:'0 ^l&Li 55 Li

i. e., “ The king of the kings, Muhammad Ibrahim, struck coins in

the world through the grace of the merciful (God).”

Bidar Bakht, a gentleman of similar type in 1203 A. H., regarded

as an exact description of his position and power : —

•JUS? gLi ^^2*. Os os'0

i. e., “ The master of crown and throne, Muhammad Jahan Shah,

Bidar Bakht, put (his) stamp on gold (or silver).”

* [The couplet, as it stands, neither rhymes nor scans. Manlawi Abdul Hak

Abid suggests to read it thus ;

c i>j^ j Ai • *3

w c. ^

i. e.y “ The sword of victory and triumph received colour ( i . e., red colour)

-without delay, from Guru Gobind Nanak Singh.” Ed.]

1888.]

after the time of Jahangir.

31

According to Beale ’Alamgir II liad this simple couplet on his

coins : —

i. e., “ Azizu-d-din, Alamgir the second, put (his) stamp, like that

of the Sahib- qiran, on gold (or silver).”

But a coin of mine, struck at Akbarabad, gives the following variant

of the second line : —

i. e., “ Bahadur Shah Alamgir the second.”

The MuJchtasar-i- Sair-i- Gulshar-i-Hind says that Alamgir the

second was guilty of the following vanity on his coins : — >

fcl/o j j* dj

^ jxf Jip ***»

♦♦

i. e., “ Shah Azizu-d-Din Alamgir, the victorious emperor, put

(his) stamp on the seven climes, like the shining sun and moon.”

As he gives the mint Shahjahanabad and the year ^1, I suppose

he must have copied it from the coin.

I follow the same writer in stating that the coins of Shall Alam II.

had the following couplets on them : —

I . *

&Jf j *— dCwc

i. e., “ The defender of the religion of Muhammad, Shah Alam, the

emperor, through the aid of God, struck coins, like those of the Sahib-

qiran, (or, as being in the position of the Sahib-qiran).”

Or (2) <XjLuj j 'JL+SLJb j}

i. e., “ The shadow of the divine favour, the defender of the religion

of Muhammad, Shah Alam, the emperor, put (his) stamp on the seven

climes.”

The naughty children of Dehli, when poor Shah Adam was blind,

and when the English held possession of the empire, parodied this

couplet thus : —

*•

e., “ The defender of Christianity , the emperor Nikliattu Shah,

(niJchattu — idle, earning nothing) struck (his) stamp on thatcli-roof and

thatched house and made the fort desolate.”

32 C. J. Rodgers — Couplets on coins after Jahangir. [No. 1,

I strongly suspect they were big children who made this parody,

and not only big but bigotted. (N. B. — No pun is intended.)

On a good many of the rupees of Shah ’ATam II. there is no couplet.

Akbar II., according to the author just quoted, had this modest

couplet : —

i. e ., “ The defender of the religion, Muhammad Akbar Shah, struck

coins in the world through the grace of God.”

I have not as yet met with this couplet on any of the coins of the

king ; but his coins are rare, as his territory consisted of the Fort of

Dehli only.

The coins of Zaman Shah Durrani had this couplet on them : — •

glA j*(jo &

i. e., “ The use of the imperial coin was established in the name of

Zaman Shah by the order of the lord of both the worlds.”

I am indebted to the author* of the Tarikh-i- Sultam for the follow¬

ing bait from the coins of Shah Shuja’ : —

i. e., “ The light of the eyes, the pearl of the Durrani tribe, the

king Shuja’u-l-mulk put (his) stamp on gold and silver more brightly

than the sun and the moon.”

The following is from the pages of the same author, but could never

have been struck by the king’s permission : —

• »S ^

l ilk ^

{jr'y. (*****■ jy

i. e., “ The Armanian Shah Shuja the light of the eyes of lord

Burnes, the dust of the foot of the company, put (his) stamp on silver

and gold.”

This couplet beats the Dehli parody hollow.

On some new rare rupees of Ranjit Deo of Jummun, struck a

hundred years ago, we have the following : —

d™ d*

y^> JiliL

# Sultan Muhammad IQian, son of Musa Khan Durrani.

1888.] H. Beveridge — Father Jerome Xavier. 33

This bait I have before translated thus : —

Ranjit Deo peopled this part,

Lachhmi Narain made glad its heart.

1 am aware that many more coin couplets exist, but I think the

above and those on the coins of Jahangir give a very fair idea of this

kind of literature. It is somewhat amusing, and it is curious. It is

somewhat helpful in the assigning of coins to their proper strikers.

Ahmad Shah Durrani used his coin couplet nearly everywhere, but

Ahmad Shah of Dehli used no coin couplet, but styled himself on his

coins Both these Ahmads began to reign in the same year. Of

course the couplet coins belong to the Durrani. On some coins only

part of the inscription comes. A few words from the couplet enable us

to assign the coin to the proper king. Besides all this these couplets

are historical compositions. They show us the vanity and ignorance of

the kings who used them, and the flattery and ignorance of those who

made them.

Father Jerome Xavier. — By H. Beveridge, Esq., C. S.

In looking over our Library Catalogue I noticed the entry of a book

by Father Jerome Xavier, called Historia Christi Persica, and printed

at Leyden in 1639. On getting it out I found that it was a diglot,

having Persian and Latin on alternate pages, and that its full title was

Historia Christi persice conscripta, simulque multis modis containinata,

ap. Hieronymo Xavier, Soc. Jesu, latine reddita et animadversionibus

notata a Ludovico de Dieu. The author of this work is said to have been

a native of Navarre in Spain, and a near relative of the great St.

Francis. According to one account he was his nephew. It appears,

however, that he ordinarily wrote in Portuguese. He came to Ooa in

1571, and there held the office of Goanee domus praepositus (prior?).

In 1594 he went on a mission to the emperor Akbar.

This was the third Jesuit Mission to Akbar’s Court. The first*

* There was an embassy to Akbar in 1578 under Antony Cabral, and there were

priests with it, but I do not know if they were Jesuits. Mr. Rehatsek has a valuable

article on the Jesuit missionaries in the Calcutta Review for January 1886. He quotes

Bartoli’s work, which I have not seen, though I have read some extracts from it

in the Storia dei Viaggiatori Italiani delle India Oriental! of Angelo de Gubernatis.

Mr. Rehatsek had apparently only access to the Lucknow edition of the Akbar-

nama, and so states that the only priest mentioned by Abu-l-Fazl is one Padre

Farmalyun. The account of Padre Radif, i. e., Father Ridolfo Aquaviva, will

be found in Vol. Ill, pp. 254, 255, ed. Bib. Ind. Padre Farmalyun is mentioned

E

34

H. Beveridge — Father Jerome Xavier.

[No. 1,

went from Goa in January 1580 under tlie leadership of Ridolfo Aqua-

viva, an Italian, and a nephew of Claude Aquaviva, the head of the Jesuit

order. Ridolfo Aquaviva is the Padre Radif of Abu-l-Fazl. He seems

to have been a noble-minded mau, and when he departed from Agra in

1532, he would take no gift from the emperor except that of the liberty

of a Christian slave. He died a martyr’s death in July 1583, having

been slain at Salsette in a fanatical rising of the Hindus. In 1582

Akbar wrote to the Jesuits at Goa, styling them Danayan Farang, or ‘the

wise men of the Franks,’ and asked them to send him translations of the

Pentateuch, the Psalms, and the Gospels, and also some one who could

explain the mysteries of religion. It was probably in consequence of this

letter* that another mission was sent in 1591. The members of it did

not stay long, and came away without effecting anything. Akbar was

displeased at their withdrawal, and so a third and last mission was sent

under Xavier. He had two companions, Benedict of Goes, a town in Beira-

Baxia Portugal, and Emmanuel Pignero. They joined the emperor at

Lahor, in May 1595, and stayed with him for several years. Two of them,

Xavier and Benedict, accompanied the Emperor and his son, Prince Salim,

to Kashmir. On returning Xavier went on with the emperor to Agra,

while the other two missionaries appear to have remained behind at

Lahor. It was at Agra that Xavier composed his life of Christ. In his

preface he tells us that he drew it up at the request of the emperor, who

was desirous of having an account of the acts of Jesus Christ. Xavier

thought that as he had been forty years engaged in religious work, and

had spent seven or eight in learning Persian, he might be able to comply

with the emperor’s wishes. He finished it, he says, on the 15th Urdi-

at p. 577 of the same volume. I cannot make out who he was, but possibly

the name is a corruption of Fra Emmanuel (Pignero). In that case he must have

gone twice to Akbar’ s Court, for the visit recorded by Abu-l-Fazl was in 1589. At

p. 669 of vol. Ill of the Akbarnkma, mention is made of the arrival of a large caravan

from Goa on 19th Urdibihist 1003 (28th April 1595), and it is stated that there were

several Christian priests along with it. No doubt this refers to Xavier’s Mission.

At p. 243, vol. Ill, l. c., there is a curious reference to the arrival at Court of a

European and his wife, named respectively Partab Tar or Bar, and Nasurna or Na-

surta. Partab, we are told, was a leading merchant in Bengal, and there is a further

reference to him at p. 320, where it is said that one of the Bengal rebels, Mirza Najat

Khan, went to Salimabad and took refuge with Partab Bar. Elliot, VI, 59 says that

the names of Partab and his wife (he gives the name of the latter as Basurba) are

very doubtful. I would suggest that Partab Tar is perhaps a mistake for Tavarez,

who is described by Manrique as a Portuguese captain who went from Hooghly on

a mission to Akbar and was kindly received by him at Agra {Murray's Discoveries

in Asia, II, 90.)

* Published and translated by Mr. Rehatsek in the Indian Antiquary for April

1887.

1888.]

H. Beveridge — Father Jerome Xavier .

35

bihist, 1602 A. D. In a note at the end, he mentions that the Persian

version was made by him in conjunction with Maulana ’Abdu-s-Sanarin

Qasim of Labor. A final note, which was probably added by some

Muhammadan, says that the manuscript was accurately written out on the

8th of the blessed month of Ramazan 1027 A. H. (1617). Xavier’s

work consists of four parts. It is chiefly taken from the Bible, but

many legends are introduced. For instance he tells the story of Agba-

rus, the king of Edessa, relates the legend of St. Veronica, and quotes

two letters, one of Pontius Pilate and another of Lentulns, giving an

account of the personal appearance of Jesus Christ, etc. I do not think,

however, that Xavier acted with bad faith. He tells his readers that he

has used other sources than the Bible, and no doubt he believed all that

he wrote. His work fell into the hands of Lewis De Dieu, a learned

Belgian, who was professor in the Walloon College at Leyden. De Dieu

was a somewhat violent Protestant, as one whose father had been driven

out of Brussels by the prince of Parma might be expected to be. He

himself was born at Flushing, and in dedicating his book to the magis¬

trates of that city, he says that he glories in having sprung from a town

which was the first to shake off the Spanish yoke, which sent a relative

of the Duke of Alva to the scaffold, and was the origin of the Belgian

liberties. “ Quae prima tyrannidis Hispanicse jugum excutere ausa, Ducis

Albani consanguineum. patibulo decora vit, et Belgicae libertatis, qua

adhuc felices vivimus, fons exstitit atque origo.” A reference to Motley

shows that Flushing was the first town to rebel after the conquest of

Brill. I do not know who the relative of Alva was, unless he was one

of the two Spanish officers who were hanged alongside of the unfor¬

tunate engineer, Pacheco, in 1572. De Dieu was a man of worth and

learning, and the Jesuit Alegambe admits that his translation of

Xavier’s Persian is a good one, though he says that he has added here¬

tical notes which deserve to be burnt. There is a notice of De Dieu

in Bayle’s Dictionary. He is very bitter in his remarks on Xavier, and

his object in making the translation and in publishing the work appears

to have been to show how the Jesuits adulterated the pure milk of the

Word. But still all must feel grateful to him for having been the means

of preserving a knowledge of Xavier’s curious work.

Xavier was the author of some other Persian works, of which the best

known, perhaps, is the Ainah-i-Haq-Numa, or £ the truth reflecting mirror.’

This work was a controversial one, treating of the superiority of the

Christian religion to the Muhammadan. An abridgement of this work fell

into the hands of a learned Muhammadan of Persia, Sayyid Ahmad bin

Zainu-1- Abadin, and he composed a refutation of it, entitled Misqal-i-Safa

dar tahliy ah-i- A'lnah-i- H aq-H um a, or ‘the polisher for the cleansing of the

[No. 1,

36 H. Beveridge — Father Jerome Xavier.

truth reflecting mirror.’ This again was followed by two rejoinders, one

by a father Malvalia, and another and fuller one by father Gadagnol,

a Franciscan monk, and published at Rome in 1631. There is something

pathetic in the thought of this controversial literature, long so quietly

at rest. An account of Xavier’s works will be found in the valu¬

able catalogue of Persian MSS. in the British Museum, vol. I, pp.

3, 4, and 28.

The Asiatic Society has another of Xavier’s works, though it is

wrongly entered in the catalogue under only the name of De Dieu.

This is a life of the Apostle Peter. De Dieu published a Latin trans¬

lation of it, with notes, in the same year that he published the Historia

Cliristi, and appended two letters written from Akbar’s Court by Xavier

and Pignero in 1598. These are the valuable part of the book, for they

give a very interesting account of Akbar and his son Jahangir. De

Dieu took them from a Jesuit work published in 1601. As they appear

to be little known, I proceed to give an abstract of them. Xavier’s

letter begins with an account of Kashmir, which he and Benedict had

visited along with Akbar and Salim. He describes a dreadful famine

which they saw there, and tells how mothers exposed their children in

the streets from inability to give them any food. He then gives an

account of Salim’s hunting parties, and after this comes an account

of the splendour with which Benedict had celebrated the incunabula,

that is the representations of the birth of Christ. This leads him to

describe the affection which Salim had for the Christian religion. He

says that Salim publicly professed his devotion, and had pictures of

Jesus Christ and the Virgin in his bedroom. The prince declared that

if the Gospel did not prohibit polygamy, it would be embraced by many,

for in all other respects it was a holy doctrine and conformable to reason.

On this Xavier remarks that it is not wonderful that the prince should

find the doctrine of monogamy a stumbling block as, though he is not yet

36, he has already twenty wives. Then comes the following very

interesting account of Akbar :

“ Rex a natura rara quadam et felicissima memoria donatus est, quo

fit ut, tametsi legere et scribere nesciat, nihilominus, quod prudentiores

et doctiores quosdam disserentes vel aliorum libros legentes audiverit,

nulla sit res cujus aliquam non habeat notitiam. Pauci est et levis

somni, bonamque noctis partem in audienda historiarum lectione impen-

dit. Si quis extraneus ad Aularn accedit, subito ad se venire imperat,

praesentem minutatim interrogat, quae et quanta viderit, qua transierit.

Circa noctis medium horae dimidiatae spatio alio se ad orandum recipit,

interim conferunt, et disputant inter se quos apud se habet doctiores,

in quos quum aliquando incidissem, inveni examinantes quaestionem

1888.]

87

H. Beveridge — Father Jerome Xavier.

Mauris novam atque insolentem, et ad credendnm perdifficilem : Hum

Deus filium habeat ? Curavit mecum disputare quern habet tem-

porum notatorem et observatorem ; Clirouicum quidam nominant ; quera

cum paucis convictum repressissem, jussit adesse doctiorem, qui haer-

eutem adjuvaret. Ad quartum luuae importata sunt musica instrumenta

quibus plurimum delectatur, et diversa simulacra quorum unum Solis

erat, quod diebus singulis primo diluculo veneratur. Sed secum repu-

tans, me posse objicere, Solem non Deum esse, sed rem creatam Deique

opus, curavit auferri ; confestimque ex oculis evanuit idolum. Allata est

postea Salvatoris nostri ad columnam alligati imago, quam vertici (quod

Solis simulacro non fecerat) imposuit in signum quoddam reverential et

cultus. Grati illi fuerunt de S. Paulo et Constantino Magno ad Christi

fidem conversis sermones.

“ Narravit viginti prope annos fluxisse, quum 30 infantes, priusquam

voces primas formarent, certo loco concludi fecerit, adhibitis custodibus,

ne nutrices in earum gremio lactentes ad loquendum pusiones provocan-

tes propriam et nativam linguam edocerent ; ut hoc experimento dis-

ceret, quo idiomate jam adultiores facti uterentur ; quod illius gentis

ritus et leges sequi vellet, cujus lingua loquerentur ; sed vanas has

fuisse suas cogitationes et studia, quod nullus eorum distincte et intel-

ligenter verba formaverit ; quare eo tempore nullam aliam a sua legem

admississe.

“ Post multam tergiversationem et contradicentium conatus, potes-

tatem nobis fecit Cambaiae templum erigendi ; idem pro Sindo tentatum

impetrari non potuit, ob acres et vehementes quas experti sum us adver-

santium reclamationes.”

“ The king is gifted with a wonderful memory so that, although he

can neither read nor write, he knows whatever he has heard learned men

discoursing about, or whatever has been read to him. He sleeps little

and lightly, and spends a good part of the night in hearing history read

to him. If any stranger comes to Court, he at once sends for him, and

minutely interrogates him as to what he has seen, and by what road he

has travelled. At about midnight he retires for half an hour for his devo¬

tions, and then his learned men assemble and dispute with one another.

One night I chanced upon them, and found them discussing the point

so new and incredible to Muhammadans, “ Can God have a son ?” The

king set his chronologist* to dispute with me, and when I soon van¬

quished him, he ordered a more learned man to help the non-plussed one.

On the fourth day of the moon, musical instruments, in which he much

delights, were brought in, and also some images and among them the

# Perhaps Mir Fathullah of Shiraz.

38

H. Beveridge — Father Jerome Xavier.

[No. 1,

likeness of the sun which he worships each day at dawn. But thinking

that I might object that the sun was not God, but only a created

thing and the work of God, he ordered it to be removed, and straight¬

way the idol vanished. There was then brought in the likeness of our

Saviour bound to a pillar, and this he placed on his head as a sign of

reverence and worship, (a thing which he did not not do to the image

of the sun). He took pleasure in hearing the narratives of the conver¬

sions of St. Paul and Constantine the Grreat.

“ He told me that nearly twenty years ago he had thirty children

shut up before they could speak, and put guards over them so that the

nurses might not teach them their language. His object was to see

what language they would talk when they grew older, and he was

resolved to follow the laws and customs of the country whose language

was that spoken by the children. But his endeavours were a failure, for

none of the children came to speak distinctly. Wherefore, at this time

he allowed no law but his own.

After much vacillation and many attempts of opponents, he

authorised us to build a church at Cambay, but we could not get per¬

mission to build one in India proper (?) ”

The Latin is apparently a translation of a Portuguese original, and

perhaps does not always convey Xavier’s meaning. If the words act

quartum lunae had been ad quartam ( lioram ) noctis, the account would

have agreed better with that in the Ain (see Blochmann, p. 156). Still

the resemblance between Abu-l-Fazl’s and Xavier’s accounts is striking1.

It is interesting to have the tradition confirmed that Akbar could not

read or write.

The story about the children is curious, and shows that Akbar re¬

peated the experiment of Psammetichus, the king of Egypt, (see Hero- .

dotus) on a larger scale. There seems no doubt that Akbar really made

the experiment, for Badaoni tells us that he did so in 988 A. H., i. e.,

1580, which would be nearly twenty years before 1598 when Xavier was

writing. Badaoni’s account is very circumstantial. He says that at the

end of three or four years all the children who survived were found to be

dumb.

The rest of Xavier’s letter is taken up with the account of an

Armenian who wanted to marry his late wife’s niece, and of the danger

that the fathers fell into for refusing to celebrate such a marriage.

There is also an account of the Hindu Avatars and of their four ages.

Pignero’s letter is written from Lahor and describes some conver¬

sions, but does not contain anything of interest at the present time.

Xavier’s letter shows that Akbar continued to worship the sun down to

1598. It thus adds something to our knowledge of Akbar’s religious

1888.]

H. Beveridge — Father Jerome Xavier.

39

views, and Mr. Blochmann’s statement, A'in, p. 212, that we have no means

of following up Akbar’s religions ideas after 1596, requires modification.

Xavier remained at Court till some years after Jahangir’s accession.

He eventually returned to Goa and died there in 1617.

I conclude with the following extract from a letter of Sir Thomas

Roe. It gives the English version of the Jesuits’ successes, and it is

also interesting as confirming Jahangir’s statement that his father died

a pious Muhammadan.

Sir Thomas Roe’s letter from Ajmir of 30th October, 1616, page 586

of Purchas, Part I.

“ In this confusion they (the Muhammadans) continued until the

time of Akbar Shah, father of this king, without any noise of Christian

profession, who being a prince by nature, just and good, inquisitive after

novelties, curious of new opinions and that excelled in many virtues,

especially in piety and reverence towards his parents, called in three

Jesuits from Goa whose chief was Jerome Xavier, a Xavarrois. After

their arrival he heard them reason and dispute with much content on

his, and hope on their part, and caused Xavier to write a book in de¬

fence of his own profession against both Moors and Gentiles, which

finished he read over nightly, causing some parts to be discussed, and

finally granted them his letters patent to build, to preach, teach, convert

and to use all their rites and ceremonies as freely and amply as in Rome ;

bestowing on them means to erect their churches and places of devotion,

so that in some few cities they have gotten rather Templum than Eccle-

siam. In this grant he gave grant to all sorts of people to become

Christians that would, even to his Court or own blood, professing that

it should be no cause of disfavour from him.

“ Here was a fair beginning to a forward spring of a lean and barren

harvest. Akbar Shah himself continued a Muhammadan, yet he began to

make a breach into the law, considering that as Muhammad was but a man,

a king as he was, and therefore reverenced, he thought he might prove as

good a prophet himself. This defection of the king spread not far,

a certain outward reverence detained him, and so he died in the formal

profession of his sect.

“ Jahangir his son, the present king, being, they say, of this new fancy

and never circumcised, brought up without any religion at all, continues

so to this hour and is an atheist.”

Journal, As. Soc., Bengal, Vol. LVI, Pt. I

PLATE X

Plioto -Collotype .

Survey of India Offices, Calcutta, January 1838.

BRONZE FIGURE op HERCULES, FOUND in the QUETTA MIRI

*

Instead of the ordinary Nos. Ill and IV of the Journal, Part Jl,

Extra Number will be issued towards the end of the year. $

an

JOURNAL,

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. II.— 1888.

The Sacred and Ornamental Characters of Tibet * — By Sarat Chandra Das,

(With nine plates.)

It is a well known fact that Thon-mi, the son of Ann, who was one

of the chief ministers of king Sron-tsan Gampo, introduced the art of

writing in Tibet. He studied Sanskrit under several eminent Buddhist

professors of Magadha for many years, and after acquiring a thorough

knowledge of the sacred literature of the Buddhists, returned to Tibet,

where he was cordially welcomed by his illustrious sovereign. During

his residence in Magadha ( A. D. 630 — 650) he enjoyed high reputation as

a scholar and holy man, and was called by the name Sambhota or the ex¬

cellent Bhota, i. e., a native of Bhot (Tibet). He wrote seven treatises

on the newly formed written language, besides his celebrated grammar

in verse which all beginners in Tibet commit to memory.

During the reign of king Sron-tsan Gampo and his immediate

successors translations of Sanskrit books were occasionally made in

Magadha by Tibetan students studying at S'ri Nalendra (Nalanda), but

no regular attempt was yet made to translate the sacred books into

Tibetan. At this period the thirty-four letters, which Sambhota had

introduced from Magadha and which he had shaped partly after the form

of some of the ‘ Wartu ’ characters of Magadha (see Plate I), were found

adequate for the conveyance of thought in writing. Then the language

of Tibet was in its infancy and free from words either of Indian or

Chinese origin.

* [With this paper may be compared Mr. Hodgson’s account of the vai'ious

Newari and Bhotiya characters, published with numerous plates, in the XVIth

volume gf the Asiatic Researches, 1828. Ed.]

F

42 S. C. Das — The Sacred and Ornamental Characters of Tibet. [No. 2,

During the reign of king Thisron Deu-tsan, Buddhism was made

the state religion of Tibet, and the Pon religion was suppressed by

royal edicts, and the country of snows attracted the attention of the

Indian Buddhists. S'anta Rakshita, one of the professors of S'ri

Nalendra, visited Tibet where he was appointed the spiritual adviser to

the king. Thisron embraced Buddhism with that earnest devotion

to religion which marked the character of Asoka. He was determined

to follow that monarch’s footsteps in the propagation of his adopted creed.

At the advice of S'anta Rakshita he founded many religious institutions

in central Tibet. Not satisfied with the religious works of minor im¬

portance which he had already done, the king desired the Indian pandit

to introduce Buddhist monachism in his kingdom. In order to help

S'anta Rakshita in this important work, the king invited Acharya

Padma Sambhava, a native of Udyana, who was at this time travelling

in Magadha. With the help of these two Indian pandits the king

founded the famed monastery of Sam-yea after the model of the monas¬

tery of Uddandapuri of Magadha. He richly endowed this monastery, and

provided it with spacious accommodation in buildings designed in the

Indian fashion for the residence of one hundred and eight Indian pandits.

The two Indian pandits commenced the introduction of Buddhist

monachism by initiating seven Tibetan young men into the order of Bhik-

shu. After the completion of Sam-yea the king invited many Buddhist

scholars from Magadha to conduct the work of translating Buddhist

sacred scriptures into Tibetan. During the reign of this king and his

successors, down to the accession of the apostate Lang Darma to the

throne of Tibet, the work of translation was carried on with vigour.

With a view to make Sanskrit accessible to the Tibetans, and also to

save the Tibetan students, desirous of learning Sanskrit, the trouble of

an Indian journey and residence, the Tibetan Lochavas (Sanskrit

scholars and interpreters) wrote commentaries on Sanskrit grammars and

translated Sanskrit dictionaries into Tibetan. The works of the best

authors of ancient India, including those of Kapila, Yalmiki, Vyasa,

Panini, Kalidasa, &c., were also translated. The thirty-four Tibetan

letters of the alphabet, that were introduced by Sambhota to form the

basis of the Tibetan language, were now found insufficient for this kind

of work. To facilitate the transliteration of Sanskrit words into Tibetan,

additional letters were required. These they supplied by the simple

method of inversion and duplication of some of the existing Tibetan,

letters.

It is worthy of remark that a tongue which in its nature was

monosyllabic, when written in the characters of a polysyllabic language

like the Sanskrit, had necessarily to undergo some modification. The

1888.] S. C. Das — The Sacred and Ornamental Characters of Tibet. 43

result of these two opposite forces, operating on the Tibetan, was its

conversion into a dissyllabic language. The tongue of the Tibetans

being unaccustomed to pronouncing polysyllables and combinations of

several consonants with one vowel, phonetic rules to help in pronuncia¬

tion were formed ; and though they were not written down by the

Tibetan authors for the guidance of students, they were handed down

orally. It does not appear to me that the Tibetans ever pronounced

their words as they wrote them.

The thirty-four letters were now increased to fifty (see Plate

II, No. b), and henceforth the Tibetan alphabet became capable of

more extended use by the addition of aspirates, long vowels, and

compounds.

The Chinese professor Ssan than S'an S'i, who visited Sam-yea at

the invitation of king Thisron Deu-tsan, was so much struck with the

capacity of the Tibetan characters to express Chinese words with their

curious intonation and phonetic peculiarities, that he undertook both

to transliterate and translate some of the Chinese works into Tibetan

and certain Tibetan works into the Chinese language. In an inscrip¬

tion found at Sam-yea it is mentioned that he (Ssan than S'an S'i) com¬

pared the two languages and shewed their resemblances at the great

monastery of (Gssan yah. mi-hgyur Lhun gyis-grub) Sam-yea. I here

give a copy of the inscription (see Plate VI, No. 1).

The written language of Tibet has undergone slow but gradulal

changes from the time of its formation between 640 and 650 A. D. to the

present time, but a description of these changes does not fall within the

scope of this short paper. I shall, therefore, only confine myself to

dividing this long period into five divisions, having regard to the nature

of the changes the language has undergone.

The first or the earliest period extends from the time of king

Sron tsan Gampo to the accession of king Thisron Deu-tsan to the

throne of Tibet.

The second period extends from the reign of king Thisron to the

assassination of Thi Italpachan.

The third or dark period, during which both literature and Buddhism

collapsed, is the gap between the reign of Langdarma and the revival of

Buddhism by Atisa and Brom-tan under the auspices of king Yese hod in

the beginning of the lltli century.

The fourth period, during which the study of Sanskrit was consi¬

dered a necessary accomplishment for the scholars of Tibet, began with

Atisa and Brom-tan and terminated with the downfall of the Sakya

hierarchy.

The fifth period, which commenced with the rise of the Gelug-pa

(yellow cap) school, continues to the present day.

44 S. C. Das — The Sacred and Ornamental Characters of Tibet. [No. 2,

The Tibetan authors have divided the age of their language into

two parts according to its grammatical variations : 1, Dag-hih, or the

old grammar period, which belongs to the age of the compilation of

the Kahgyur and Tangyur as well as to the Sakya hierarchy ; 2, the

Dag-sar, or the modern grammar period, which properly dates from the

time of Tson khapa and continues to the present day.

In the third or dark period the Pons did not adopt the newly

formed language for writing their mystical mantras and charms. It is

said that in that dark age the Pons used to make their amulets and

charms of coloured bark of trees, rags and thread, and consecrate them

by the hands of their priests without written charms.

In the second and fourth periods greater use of the Sanskrit charac¬

ters was made, mostly in ornamental and mystical writings. In the

grand sanctuary of Sam-yea, Lan-tsha characters were written and

painted and engraved on prayer cylinders, walls, tapestries, doors, and

chapels. On cliaityas and votive piles there were numerous inscriptions

written in the Lan-tsha character, which exist up to the present time

round the central sanctuary of Sam-yea, (see Plates VIII and IX).

D uring the fourth period when the study both of Sanskrit and

Chinese was encouraged by the rulers of Tibet, the Svayambhu or

Ranjun characters of Magadha were introduced into Tibet. This form

of characters, as its name Svayambhu or ‘ self-existing 5 signifies, is the

most sacred of all the characters known to the Tibetans. When any

mark resembling the Svayambhu letter, is found on any rock, place or

thing, it becomes an object of veneration to the Tibetans.

Atisa on his way to Central Tibet is said to have seen the mystic

‘ Om ’ miraculously inscribed in Svayambhu characters on a rock at the

site of the great monastery of Sakya, and from that he predicted that

it would in time to come be the scene of a great hierarchical government

This prediction was fulfilled to the very letter. Svayambhu characters

are said to be observable on the leaves of the celebrated tree of

Kumbum (Jcu-bum Qgar or hundred thousand images), the birthplace

of Tson-khapa. Abbe Hue who visited Kumbum has given, in his

travels in Tibet and Mongolia, a very graphic account of the result

of his examination of the leaves of that famous tree.* The pious

* “It is called Tcounboum, because, according to the legend, it sprang from

Tsong-kaba’s hair, and bears a Tibetan character on each of its leaves.

“ It will here be naturally expected that we say something about this tree itself.

Does it exist P Have we seen it P Has it any peculiar attributes ? What about its

marvellous leaves P All these questions our readers are entitled to put to us. We

will endeavour to answer as categorically as possible.

“ Yes this tree does exist, and we had heard of it too often during our journey

1888.] S. C. Das — The Sacred and Ornamental Characters of Tibet. 45

pretend to find Svayamblm characters on rocks, caverns, Iranian skulls,

&c. (see Plate V, li).

In Plate Y, c are specimens of the S'a-ckhen. ( i . e., corpulent

or fleshy) form of a second kind of ornamental sacred writing, probably

introduced kin Tibet during the Sakya hierarchy. There is a form of

the U-chan characters, called Khon sen or the ‘ lion-hearted J character,

so called on account of their inside being very narrow. This, too, was

invented by some of the Sakyapa hierarchs (see Plate Y, b).

The specimen in Plate Y, e, called the Sfintu JoY-pa or the

‘ finished or well described ’ characters, with the vowel o inherent in

them, were probably introduced both in Tibet and Mongolia by some

of the early Sakya hierarchs. These resemble the Yugur (Oigyur)

characters, called the t Gryaser yige ’ by the Tibetans. This form is

found in almost all the old seals of Tibet. I am unable to name the

letters individually, but I have obtained a transliteration of the sentences

with their translation in Tibetan. I here attach both, with the English

translation of the Tibetan version written in Sfintu Jod-pa characters.

not to feel somewhat eager to visit it. At the foot of the mountain on which the

Lamasery stands, and not far from the principal Buddhist temple, is a great sqtiare

enclosure, formed by brick walls. Upon entering this we were able to examine at

leisure the marvellous tree, some of the branches of which had already manifested

themselves above the wall. Our eyes were first directed with earnest curiosity to

the leaves, and we were filled with absolute consternation of astonishment at finding

that, in point of fact, there were upon each of the leaves well-formed Tibetan

characters, all of a green colour, some darker, some lighter, than the leaf itself. Our

first impression was suspicion of fraud on the part of the Lamas ; but, after a

minute examination of every detail, we could not discover the least deception, the

characters all appeared to us portions of the leaf itself, equally with its veins and

nerves, the position was not the same in all ; in one leaf they would be at the top of

the leaf ; in another, in the middle ; in a third, at the base, or at the side ; the

younger leaves represented the characters only in a partial state of formation. The

bark of the tree and its branches, which resemble that of the plane tree, are also

covered with these characters. When you remove a piece of old bark, the young-

bark under it exhibits the indistinct outlines of characters in a germinating state,

and, what is very singular, these new characters are not unfrequently different from

those which they replace. We examined everything with the closest attention, in

order to detect some trace of trickery, but we could discern nothing of the sort, and

the perspiration absolutely trickled down our faces under the influence of the sensa¬

tions which this most amazing spectacle created.

“ More profound intellects than ours may, perhaps, be able to supply a satisfac¬

tory explanation of the mysteries of this singular tree ; but as to us, we altogether

give it up. Our readers possibly may smile at our ignorance ; but we care not so

that the sincerity and truth of our statement be not suspected.'’

Abbe Hue’s travels in Tartary, Thibet and China, Yol. II, page 63.

46 S. C. Das — The Sacred and Ornamental Characters of Tibet. [No. 2,

Translation of Yugur Sentences *

(1.) Jampal yan (Manju Ghosha) is the Lord of speech and

elocution.

(2.) The goddess Yanclian-ma (Sarasvati) milched the wishing

cow of science.

(3.) The noble Tshan-pa (Brahma) holds the treasures of the

four-fold classes.

(4.) The chief of the Dharanis can send forth fortune and bliss

to the dead.

(5.) Thus the holy ones are not liberal in promises ;

(6.) But if their promises with difficulty once can be gained,

(7.) Those remain certain as figures cut on rocks.

(8.) These they do not gainsay even to death.

The specimens in Plate VII, No. 1, also a form of Gya-ser-yige, are

wholly unintelligible to me. This kind of character was used by the

successors of Chinghis Khan and Qublai in golden tablets. I believe

some specimens resembling this form of Yugur characters, are given in

Yule’s Marco Polo.f

During the decline of the Sakya hierarchy Rin-chhen Punpa, one

of the most powerful chiefs of Central Tibet, became the patron of

learning. He invented the curious form of symbolical writing for

secret state correspondence, which is called after his name, i. e., Rin

pun yige. I have obtained a copy of some of the Rin pun yige and

have illustrated them in Plate IVa.

The specimen in Plate Ya was invented by Sakya Pandita

KungaA GyaZ-tslian, who was appointed spiritual guide of Goyug and

Gotan, the grandsons of Chinghis Khan. Kungafr gave the square form

to the Tibetan characters, a modification of which he introduced in

Mongolia prior to the invention of the modern Mongolian characters.

The two forms of characters, contained in Plate Yf and g , were

probably designed by the KahgyutZ and Gelugpa hierarchies. One

of these is a modification of the Lan-tsha characters, and the other that

of the ordinary Tibetan characters written with rounded corners.

* (1.) S'bra ma gad di namag pyun yanab naphar na myag sa.

(2.) Ta byak ajath ss tsbo ka dsuk sak sha tot sha choshi tabs.

(3.) Namali h fiat shakar fia rne nayili nah hassofia la ssit.

(4.) Dajiya nadi namad galib syanr tsyir in kas rcboh.

(5.) Ssi bmal be, lak sa thsakb si tsa fishe ki ay clibi dsa.

(6.) Tshad ye lam fia ap tsap si an dsab tshyn th sa.

(7.) Thlod tliiko irb sa ssi achlii sin.

(8.) Nitads tsba chh s be atliiss 1 satli tshad iitsbyntt.

Transliterated Yngnr Mongolian sentences,

f [See liis vol. I, pp. 14, 29, 30, 169, 344 ; and the plates at pp. 342 and 472. Ed.]

1888.] S. C. Das — The Sacred and Ornamental Characters of Tibet. 47

The monograms in Plate Vd, are in Lan-tsha characters. It is

not easy to ascertain the date when this design was made in Tibet.

They are found engraved on rocks, or slabs of stone, in votive piles, and

on boards used in caves and corners of temples. I conjecture they were

designed and matured by the five Sakya hierarchs who are recognised

as the successive manifestations of Manju Grhosha, the god of science and

learning.

In Plate VI, Nos. 2 and 3, there are two forms of Khando yige, i. e.,

‘ the letters of fairies.’ These characters were used in the old Ninma

works, said to have been discovered under rocks by some of the Tertons

or ‘ discoverers of sacred treasure.’

In Plate VII there are six specimens of ornamental characters, of

which : — No. 1 is used in seals and tablets.

No. 2 is the modified form of the Tibetan characters, called Chhag-

lohi yig gsar, i. e., 1 the letters invented by Chhag Lochava,’ a celebrated

translator of Buddhist works. His name is mentioned in Sumpa’s

chronological list of Tibet.

No. 3 is the form that was given to the Tibetan characters by the

historian of Tibet, called Hgos Lochava or Lama Shonnu cZpal. He

A

wrote the history of Tibet called Debther Non-po. This form is

called Hgos lohi yig gsar, i. e., 1 the new letters of Hgos Lochava.’

No. 4 is the form of Tibetan characters introduced by $kyogs

Lochava. These letters are called Skyogs lohi yig gsar, i. e., ‘ the new

letters of Skyogs Lochava.’

No. 5 is called No-mtshar-yig gsar or ‘ the curious new letters.’

No. 6 is the form of ornamental Tibetan used in the monastery of

Rdorje-gdan.

The symbols, preceding each set of letters (Plates I — VIII) are

called mgo-yig (lit. head-letter), and are always used to introduce

writing. They represent the sacred invocation ‘ Om.’

In the appendix of Csoma’s Tibetan grammar there are specimens

of three forms of Tibetan characters and one form of ornamental San¬

skrit ; viz., 1, U-chan (or headed); 2, U-me (headless); 3, Dutsha

(round or granular), and 4, the Lan-tsha Sanskrit. These four forms

being known to the Cis-Himalayan Buddhists, both Csoma and Jaschke

obtained specimens of them.

I. The U-chan is confined to printing, and sacred writings, on

paper, stone and wooden blocks ; to inscriptions on cloth and paper for

flags, amulets, charm boxes, and prayer wheels, &c. ; and to inscriptions

for casting lots. — Plate II, a.

II. The U-me form is in general use, all over the country, it being

the chief medium of conducting business in the writing of every day life

48

A. Rea — Pre-historic Burial-places in Southern India. [No. 2,

of the Tibetans. It has four subforms ; viz., Plate II, c, d, and Plate

III, a, b, c.

(1.) Pema tshug-clihun : — small roundish letters, used in elegant

writings, epistles, and love-letters. — Plate III, a, b.

(2.) Khyug yig : — running hand letters, used entirely in business

and correspondence. — Plate III, c.

(3.) Ka-dpe or Kliugs yig rKan rin : — long-legged letters for copy-

writing, exercises in penmanship, &c. — Plate II, No. c.

* (4.) Dpe yig rKan thun : — short-legged letters for manuscripts,

books, &c. — Plate II, d.

III. The third form called Du-tsha (Hbru-tshag), which is seldom

used for the above four purposes, is used in public notices, placards,

signboards, names of books on covers, and in making covers of goods, bales,

furniture, &c., (see Plate III, d). Almost all the Pon books are written

in this form. It appears to me that the Pons, out of their antagonism to

Buddhism, were averse to adopt the Lan-tsha form of Sanskrit in their

sacred writings and inscriptions. They, therefore, gave the ornamental

shape to the U-me characters, and thereby formed the Du-tsha, (see Plate

III, e). As in course of time the Pon religion declined, it (Du Asha) fell

into disuse. Still the largest use is made of it only in Pon monasteries.

The U-me form is now-a-days taking its place in the writing of notices

and signboards. The three forms of characters are, however, modifica¬

tions of that form of the Devanagari which was current in Magadha

during the 7th and 8th centuries A. DA The U-chan, U-me, and

Du-tsha run parallel to each other in their shape. — Plates II and III.

IY. The Lan-tsha (Ranja) form of Sanskrit is exclusively used in

writing title-pages, headings of books, ornamental inscriptions, tapes-

teries, painting, sacred objects and symbols, &c., &c. It was introduced

in Tibet from Magadha. — Plates VIII and IX.

Some Pre-historic Burial-places in Southern India. — By A. Rea, M. R. A. S.

(With two plates.)

Megalithic and earthenware tombs at Pallavaram.

These remains, consisting of groups of dolmens, and round and

oblong earthenware sarcophagi, are found around and over a range of

hills to the east of the village of Trisulur about a mile to the east of the

# “ The Tibetan alphabet itself, as has been noticed in other places, is stated to

have been formed from the Devanagari, prevalent in Central India in the seventh

century. On comparing the forms of its letters with those of various ancient

Sanskrit inscriptions, particularly that at Gya, translated by Mr. (now Sir Charles)

Wilkins, and that on the column at Allahabad, translated by Captain Trover and Dr.

Mill, a striking similitude will be observed.” Csoma’s Tibetan grammar, page 204.

49

1888.] A. Rea — Pre-historic Burial-places in Southern India.

cantonment of Pallavaram. A rock-cut cave on an adjoining liill skows

tkat tke place was in existence in tlie days of tke Pallavas, or probably

about or before tke 7tk century A. D. Tke name itself skows tke origin

of tke town, and, from tke extensive nature of tliese burial-places, tke

settlement was probably a large one. Like all tkis part of tke country,

included in tke kingdom of Tondaimandalam, it would finally be wrested

from tke Pallavas and fall under tke sway of tke conquering Ckolas in

tke lltk century. Tkat it did so, is proved by tke existence of a Ckola

temple in tke village of Trisulur. Tke tombs tliemselves most probably

belong to tke earlier settlement of tke Pallavas, for tkey seem to be

anterior in date to tke lltk century. Stone circles similar to tkese

exist near Amaravati, and at various places once part of tke Pallava

kingdom. Oblong eartkenware sarcophagi kave been found in tke dis¬

tricts of Ckingleput Nellur and North Arkat ; and tke more common

round or globular eartken tombs exist at places in tke Ckingleput

Salem, Madura, Malabar and most otker districts. Sir Walter Elliot

believed tkat tke dolmens were erected by tke Pallavas, and tkis view

seems to be to a certain extent borne out by subsequent observers, in so

far as it relates to tke fact tkat tke Pallavas may kave erected dolmens ;

it is very doubtful if they could kave erected all of them. In tke dol¬

mens themselves, however, there is great variety of form observable in

tke various districts, and if tkese were all tke work of one race of people,

the differences would have to be accounted for by the forms adopted or

practised by the various sects or castes. The problem is one not so

easily solved, for dolmens with a greater or less similarity to each other

exist, not only over the whole of India, but also over a great portion of

tke world. If we assame tkat tke Pallavas or Knrumbars erected those

in India, how is tke resemblance to tkese in others, found out of India,

to be accounted for ? But even in India itself, though tke Pallavas

were undoubtedly a powerful dynasty, there is no proof that they had

sway over anything like tke whole of India. Tkis being so, those me-

galitkic remains, found outside tke limits of the ancient Pallava king¬

dom, must kave been erected by a different race or races from tke Palla¬

vas. Carrying tke point still further, when considerable difference of

plan, design, or arrangement is found — for example, circles, squares, and

tke almost infinite variety of classes of megalifchic remains, — not only over

wide areas within the limits of the Pallava kingdom, but even in those

in close proximity to each otker, kow can it be proved tkat they were

all erected by the Pallavas ? If it is admitted that tkey may have

erected certain of them, it must be qualified by tke inferred supposition

that tke differences in arrangement must be due to the forms used by

different castes or sections of the tribe ; for, in a conservative people

G

50

A. Rea — V re-historic Burial-places in Southern India. [No.

like the Hindus, it would be an anomaly to find one caste practising a

plurality of methods in the disposal of its dead. The Pallavas probably

erected one or more classes of megaliths or other tombs in common with

other races of the time. They could not have used all the different

varieties we find existing. To ascertain which they really did use, we

must find which forms are the commonest around the remains of the

principal of their settlements. It has been suggested, originally I think

by Fergusson, that the distribution of the dolmens might be due to the

wanderings of a primeval tribe over the different parts of the globe. It

is to be feared, however, that any such primeval remains must not be

looked for on the present surface of the earth, but in one or more of the

strata at some distance below it. The present level cannot by any pos¬

sibility be such as was the surface in primeval times, else we must as-

sume, that if primeval remains are now found on the earth’s present

surface, high above the strata which, each successively, formed the sur¬

face in early times, then the earth in those days must have been unin¬

habited ; but, I think this is hardly asserted. The dolmens now seen

cannot be much more than a thousand years old, else they would have

been silted up long ere this. They cannot therefore be such as were

erected by primeval tribes, though it is quite possible they may be the

descendants or copies of dolmens which really were erected in such early

times, and which may now exist with other fossilized remains of the

time at some considerable depth underground. This might be expected ;

for, from the very earliest times, man must have had a reverence for hi3

dead, and taken steps to mark the spot of its burial by the erection of

some such rude monuments. Fergusson, in his Rude Stone Monuments

has treated this part of the subject very clearly, going into the earliest

forms of sepulture practised by primitive tribes, and showing how they

developed under the effects of a more advanced civilization.

At Pallavaram, the stone circles occupy a position by themselves on

the tops and sides of the hills, whereas the oblong and round earthen

tombs stand on the sloping ground around and at some distance from

the base ; and all close to or on the surface. As the earthenware tombs

are found scattered over one and the same piece of ground, they must

have been used by one race, and by one section of it. They have all,

certainly at one time, had high lids or covers, and had they been sunk

in the earth till these were below the surface, — as the tops are now all

away, and the rims of the tombs themselves are now above or on the

surface of the ground — it would lead to the inference that the ground

line in those days had been from three to four feet higher than it is now-

a-days. Had there been no mounds, it would require to have been so,

to cover the high semi- globular lids of the round tombs. This of course

51

1888.] A. Rea — Pre-historic Burial-places in Southern India.

would be absurd, for except in cases where the surface earth is washed

away by rain or in similar exceptional instances, it will be found that

the tendency is for the surface to rise by continual accumulations of

soil, rather than fall. Ancient remains continue to sink below ground,

or more strictly become covered up in proportion to their age. This

will be found to be always the case, except in cases where there is some

counteracting cause at work. Now the most probable explanation of the

position of these tombs is, that they would seem to have been placed in

the earth with their rim about or near the surface, and the lids above

it : this was then covered up by a mound. The mound would gradually

wash down, and as it went, the lids of the tombs would disappear also,

leaving the tombs themselves exactly as we find them or just about the

surface of the ground, and without their covers. It is out of the ques¬

tions to suppose that the surface could have been so much higher than

it is now ; and the only possible way by which the high lids of the tombs

could be protected or covered would be by a mound.* We have endea¬

voured to show that the practices of modern burying castes may be

referred to as elucidating some of the ancient customs connected with

these tombs ; and in this instance the placing of the tomb partly above the

natural surface of the ground, has its counterpart in the burying of the

body up to its waist in the grave. (See subsequent remarks on the

subject.)

Regarding the foregoing remarks on the gradual silting up of

ancient remains, it may be observed that the fact, if properly investi¬

gated, might be the means of settling many disputed questions regarding

the age of megalithic and other remains. Very little really is known as

to the actual age of such tombs. Various dates have of course been

assigned, but only on surmise ; nothing certain has yet transpired to

definitely fix their actual age. Now this silting of the soil goes on

steadily from year to year, and, if the total accumulation in a century be

known, we would have an important factor in ascertaining their date,

from their position above or below ground. Various other matters

would of course have to be taken into consideration, such as any pecu¬

liarities of the locality. For instance, remains on the sides of a hill,

may silt up but gradually or not at all, through the water rushing down

the sides and carrying away the accumulations of soil. These are ex¬

ceptions ; bnt in ordinary circumstances, the process must go on with

ceaseless regularity. Most of the ancient remains now hidden by

mounds, have been covered by this natural process ; very few can have

been artificially concealed. It can certainly be used as an auxiliary to

* See further remarks on the mounds, under the article on the Paravai tombs,

also Plate X.

52 A. Rea — B re-liistoric Burial-places in Southern India. [No. 2,

other means of fixing the date of certain remains, if not always with

certain exactness, at least approximately. If we examine the section

of a monnd covering a building whose date is known, such as the stupa

at Amaravati, several distinct former surfaces can be seen, marked in

different instances by bricks or marbles which have fallen off, and are

now lying on the level, several feet below the present surface. By pro¬

portionally dividing the height of the section of the earth bank, the

accumulations of each century, which has elapsed since the erection of

the building, can be almost exactly fixed. In this instance the appli¬

cation of the theory proves an important fact, namely, that the destruc¬

tion of the stupa had been going on from the time it was deserted till

it was completely covered up by the mounds ; and disproves the suppo¬

sition that the building must have remained complete till it was dis¬

covered at the beginning of the present century. This is proved by the

finding of marble slabs at different levels. Some were lying about the

level of the floor ; these could only have fallen off when there was little

or no accumulation of soil. Others again, were at varying levels above

the floor line, these must have fallen when the ground line had risen or

been silted up to the height at which they were found. This is alluded

to simply as an exemplification of the application of the theory. It can

undoubtedly be applied to aid in solving the problem of the age of these

megalithic remains. It has been asserted that these earthenware tombs

at Pallavaram were once enclosed by stone circles, though now no trace

of them remains. It may have been so in certain cases, though from

observations of similar examples at other places they would seem to

have been simply covered by mounds. The stone circles even yet exist¬

ing in the vicinity seem to enclose an entirely different class of tomb.

It would be curious that these circles on the adjoining hills, enclosing

the megalithic tombs, should even still exist in almost perfect condition,

while no traces remain of circles at the earthen sarcophagi.

The round tombs are pointed on the bottom, and terminate in one

leg. They are all near the surface, and, in most cases, their upper

rim has been broken away, through projecting above ground ; and for

the same reason their covers are now away. On excavating one of these,

I found a portion of an outer and separate rim remaining around the

tomb itself, and advanced the theory that they must have been covered

by a semi-globular lid, like an inverted chatty placed on the top. From

some complete examples which I subsequently examined in the Madura

District, I found this theory entirely borne out, for in those cases in

which the lid still remained, its form was almost exactly a replicate of the

tomb itself, only of a slightly greater diameter, so that it might be easily

placed over and enclose the tomb proper (see Plate X, fig. 2). None of

53

1888.] A. Rea — Tre-historic Burial-places in Southern India.

the former observers of those remains at Pallavaram found any traces

of iron, or other metal weapons or utensils ; nor were there any bones.

In one of a number which I opened, some bones were found ; these were

in a very decayed condition and uncalcined. A number of small earthen

vessels have been found, principally in the round tombs : the oblong

sarcophagi seem particularly devoid of such relics. In one of these

latter I found a small oblong tomb placed inside the larger one, and

from this I suggested that this oblong form may have been used for

the females of the tribe : for, in certain cases with the Hindus at the

present day it is the practice to bury the infant along with the mother.

The bodies in the round tombs would be the males, placed in a crouch¬

ing or sitting position. Certain tribes or castes among the Hindus still

bury their dead in this position, though of course not in a receptacle, or

enclosed tomb. The female is buried in a horizontal posture, and the

male in a sitting position. In an interesting article* on pre-historic

tombs in Malabar, it has been stated that the protuberance on the bot¬

tom of such round sepulchral urns probably signifies a representation of

the os uteri ; being emblematic of the religious ideas connected with the

earth-goddess, and that such a burial was emblematic of the return of

the individual to the womb of Mother Earth. The same idea was after¬

wards advanced in reference to the Pallavaram tombs.

The chief sect which adopts the custom of burying, (uttara-Jcriyd) ,

is the Lingadharis or certain followers of S'iva, — who, in most cases,

bury their dead in a sitting position. The grave is partly filled up to

the waist of the deceased, when, after the saying of mantras and other

ceremonies have been gone through, the friends who are present, throw

in handfuls of earth till they raise a low mound over it. Sanyasis are

always buried ; they are considered so holy that they have no need of

the ceremonies necessary for baser mortals. Boys who have not under¬

gone the ceremony of upanayanam (similar to the Anglican confirma¬

tion) ; by some castes, all unmarried girls ; with the Sudras, those under

the age of ten ; those who die of small-pox, and soldiers who die in

battle, all are buried. A relic of the ancient custom of placing food

with the deceased ( pretdhdram or food for the spirit) still exists in the

practice of cooking different kinds of food, and taking it to the burial-

place, scattering it there. The remains at Pallavaram are evidently those

of a burying people, and not of those who first cremate, and afterwards

collect and place the burnt bones in the ground.

Dr. Burgess had suggested that one or more of the earthen tombs

should be removed to Madras, but from the brittle condition in which

* Logan, Malabar, 1887, Vol. I, p. 181.

54 A. Rea — Pre-historic Burial-places in Southern India. [No. 2,

they all were, it had been stated that it was impossible to remove any

of them in their entirety. This certainly seemed to be so ; the tombs were

bulky, and the earthenware had so little cohesion, that it could be easily

powdered between the fingers. The work thus seemed to be, if not

altogether impossible, at least one of considerable difficulty, and requir¬

ing great care in execution. In addition, none of them were in a per¬

fect condition ; they were all cracked throughout, and it seemed that on

any attempt to move one, it would instantly fall to pieces. As the

removal therefore, of such a large unwieldy mass of cracked earthen¬

ware presented some rather peculiar difficulties, it may not be uninter¬

esting to recount the method successfully adopted. On inspection, I

first decided that it would be useless to attempt their removal if the

earth had been taken from the inside. Though this added greatly to

the weight, it was unavoidable, as the only cohesion the tombs had,

rested in the hard earth which filled the interior. The tomb removed

(see Plate X, fig. 1) is 6 feet long, 1 foot 8 inches deep, and 1 foot

6 inches broad, and has two rows of five legs. Like all the others it had

a number of cracks over its surface, these were cemented, as, had this not

been done, every piece would inevitably have separated whenever touched.

The earth was cleared from around it, leaving it standing free on the

ten legs. It was then lightly wrapped round with straw ropes ; and

bamboos were placed longitudinally above and below. Some packing-

case planks were then cut to the necessary size, so as to form an en¬

closing box. Two planks were placed along each side, with upri ght

supports fixed so that one would be nearly opposite each leg of the

tomb ; the wooden legs were cut so as to stand about 9 inches longer

than the earthen ones. The box — open above and below — was then

slipped over the top, and a hole dug in the ground below each wooden

support, so that the box could be lowered till its lower plank was level

with the under surface of the tomb. The space between the tomb and

the sides of the box was then packed with straw, and a tarpaulin laid

over as a cover. Cross bamboos were then inserted below, between each

of the legs, and supported by ropes lashed around and over the top of

the box. To ensure the safe lifting of the whole, the earth was cleared

from under the tomb legs, thus leaving it suspended in the box. Large

bamboos were then lashed over the top, and it was safely lifted to the

surface. From thence it was removed to my tent half a mile distant.

Before removing it further, it was considered desirable to put on some

additional supports, as at that time the whole weight rested on the

transverse bamboos below. Brackets of wood were therefore cut to fit

the curve of the earthenware under surface ; these were put underneath

and fixed to the box sides. A longitudinal plank was then placed be-

1888.] A. Rea — Pre-historic Burial-places in Southern India. 55

low each row of the tomb legs, and, after the necessary cross-supporting

pieces had been attached, the whole was removed by rail and cart to the

Madras Government Museum. On its arrival, the two longitudinal

planks, and cross wooden brackets were removed from under the large

case, leaving the weight of the tomb resting on the bamboos as on its

first removal. The legs of the box were then cut nearly level with

those of the tomb, and it was lowered to the floor. As the earthen legs

were not all of one equal length, wedges of varying thickness were fixed

in below each ; the ropes supporting the bamboos were then unwound,

and the packing case lifted off. On removing the wrapping of straw

rope, the tomb was found to be all right, without any new cracks, even

in spite of the shaking it must have got in the journey to Madras.

A pyriform tomb was also removed to the Museum without much

difficulty. The earth was left inside ; the tomb wrapped round with

straw rope, and placed point upwards in an ordinary packing case. (See

Plate X, fig. 2.)*

In addition to the two large sarcophagi, a number of smaller articles

were also unearthed and removed to the Museum. These are — •

Xo. 1. — A round lid, broken in seven pieces ; was probably meant

as a cover for Xo. 2 ; colour a reddish brown with black on the surface,

(Tam. Ghannakel)

Xo. 2. — A pot, unbroken ; evidently intended for rice or rice

water. It is not dissimilar in shape to some chatties used by the people

now-a-days ; colour a reddish brown ; 6J inches diameter. (Tam. Kanji-

chatti.)

Xo. 3. — Small, nearly round chatty, unbroken ; probably intended

for some liquid ; red colour; 5 inches diameter. (Tam. Kuduvi .)

Xo. 4. — Lota, partly broken, by being crushed against the under

side of the tomb ; red colour; 5| inches diameter. (Tam. Kuduvi .)

Xo. 5. — A small cup or chatti ; probably for curry or similar

food ; red colour ; 3^f inches diameter. (Tam. Kattara.)

Xo. 6. — Similar to Xo. 5 ; 3f inches diameter.

Xo. 7. — A round piece of earthenware, broken in two pieces ; con¬

cave on one side, with a groove around its rim ; convex on the other,

with a piece broken away from the apex ; colour red, but black on the

surface. It has most probably been a lid, as the groove on the rim would

seem to show ; 4| inches diameter. (Tam. GhannaJce .)

Xo. 8. — A variety of Xo. 7 ; 6^ inches diameter.

Xo. 9. — Similar to Xo. 5 ; 5| inches diameter.

* None of tlie pyriform tombs as yet seen at Pallavaram have their covers

complete. The majority of them have lost all trace of it : the one removed has

none.

56

A. Rea — P re-historic Burial-places in Southern India. [ISTo. 2,

Nos. 1 to 7 were found in a pyriform tomb ; and Nos. 8 and 9 in

another, with fragments of other chatties.

I think there seems a probability that some at least, if not all, of

the utensils which we find in these tombs were originally placed, not

in, but over them. In almost every case traces of a pottery lid remain ;

•with the pyriform tombs this was an inverted chatty with a large head

moulding on the rim. With the oblong tombs, a flat slab of earthen¬

ware has, I believe, covered them in every case : some of these have dis¬

appeared, but fragments are always found inside. Now, in some tombs,

there is simply an accumulation of soil, which has broken through the

lid by its weight, and in these, the contents are usually in good preser¬

vation, and not lying on the bottom, but scattered about the inside.

In others again the tomb is filled with earth and large stones, and in

these, the chatties are usually broken, and the pieces are not on the

bottom of the tomb, but are at different depths such as we would ex¬

pect them, if they had fallen in with the mass of earth and stones

through the broken lid. If the tomb had been intentionally filled with

earth, which is very unlikely, the people would have shown some dis¬

crimination in filling it, and not used blocks of stone for the purpose.

Then, if the small chatties had been originally placed inside, we would

find them all on the lowest surface of the earth which fills the tomb ;

but in no case are they all so. On one of the oblong tombs which I

partially exposed, I found a piece of its flat lid remaining at one end,

and resting on it were the remains of a few broken chatties. These

would thus seem to have been placed over and not in the tomb : if this

portion of the lid had been broken, the small chatties would have found

their way inside as in other excavated examples. All these facts are

confirmatory of the theory of a mound having once covered each tomb.

The earthenware would resist the superincumbent weight for a time,

but becoming cracked by the expansion and contraction of the sur¬

rounding earth, would give way, and a mass of earth would fall in.

This again, would cause a hollow in the core or centre of the mound

itself, and so hasten its being washed down by the weather.

The first seven articles enumerated above, are exactly those which

the ideas of those early people would suggest as necessary for the pro¬

viding of meat, drink and lights for the spirit of the deceased. In some

parts of China this custom still prevails. They believe that the hills

— which they use for burial places, — are inhabited by spirits which

protect the graves of the dead. They therefore offer to them a sacrifice

of food, wine, and incense or candles. The graves at Pallavaram are

all either on the hills, or on the sloping ground immediately below them.

This may have been the result of the ancient edict which forbade the

57

1888.] A. Rea — P re-historic Burial-places in Southern India.

use of fertile land for burial ; or it may have been that the same idea

which the Hindus, along with other nations, have of the sacredness of

the hills, induced them to choose such places for the deposit of their

dead. The ancient Jews had such a belief ; we see the Chinese and

other nations have it ; and that such is not foreign to the traditions of

the Hindus is evinced by some of their finest carvings of deities and

most sacred shrines being placed on the hills. The custom now-a-days

of placing a pot of food at a grave may be the lingering traces of the

earlier custom. Even with castes which bury their dead, — and, the

evidences point to these relics being the work of an aboriginal people

who used burial in preference to cremation, as the bones I found are

not calcined — no custom of placing such a number of utensils seems to

prevail now, nor do any of them use any such receptacle for the body.

With such a conservative race as the Hindus, who take ages to change

any of their customs, it seems a very sufficient reason for assigning these

antiquities to a very early period in the history of this country.

These ancient burial-places in South India are known to the people

by various names which indicate the belief that they are temples, and

not places of sepulture, for example, Pandava Jcavil, or temple of the Pan-

davas. It is curious that this should be the same idea once firmly be¬

lieved in by Antiquaries in Europe, till dispelled by Fergusson, who

conclusively proved that they could only be temples in the sense that

they were shrines of the dead, and might be shrines of the votaries of

ancestor worship.

Megalithic remains at Perianattam near Chingleput.

These consist of some fine groups of kistvaens and stone-circles.

On the Yilliyin hill, there are three or four tombs ; and on the northern

face of the Vallari hill are from sixty to seventy examples. At least

four classes of remains exist on the Villiyin hill ; they are —

(i.) Stone-circles, with kistvaens or dolmens in the centre,

(2.) Circles, with no surface remains in the centre,

(3.) Kistvaens or dolmens, without circles,

(4.) Pottery sarcophagi, without stone enclosures.

The remains generally are much the same as the megalithic tombs

at Pallavaram ; but whereas at that place only one or two examples of

the dolmens — in the centre of circles — occur, at Perianattam a large

number exists in almost complete preservation. Of the first class, above

noted, over a dozen were noted. They are formed of a number of large

stones laid together, roughly forming three sides of a square, leaving

the fourth side open, and the inside clear. A large flat slab is laid over

the top of these as a roof. Close around the central group is a pile of

H

58 A. Rea— Pre-historic Burial-places in Southern India. [No. 2,

smaller stones, gradually rising towards the centre in a sort of cairn

or mound. At a distance of a few feet from this first or inner circle is

an outer concentric one, formed of blocks of stone, each stone about two

or three feet in diameter ; this outer ring encloses the tomb. Some of

these stone- circles are quite complete, others have only a few of the

central stones and outer circle remaining. A few stones from some of

the circles had evidently been quite recently removed.

The majority of the remains consists of those noted under class 2.

Some of these circles are quite complete, without a stone out of place, and

they have no trace of anything remaining or having been in the centre.

If there had been dolmens in the centre, their removal would have dis¬

turbed some of the stones in the outer circle : but in numbers of cases I

observed no displacement. The earth level inside the circle is some¬

times about two feet above the surrounding soil, forming a raised circu¬

lar platform of earth ; this may be due to a mound having been inside

the circle and gradually washed down. One of these had a circle of 27

feet in diameter with 27 stones laid closely together *. the inside level

was 2 feet above the surrounding ground.

Of class 3, there are a number of examples. For classification,

they might be included under those of the first, for they are simply the

kistvaens or dolmens with their surrounding circles either wholly or

partially removed. One had nine large stones laid together, with a fiat

slab, 6 feet by £ feet and a foot thick, laid on the top.

Of class 4, only one partially complete example was seen projecting

above the ground surface, but broken pieces of thick pottery at different

places shewed that others did or still do exist there. The one referred

to, was almost identical with the pyriform tombs at Pallavaram, and

measured 1 foot 6 inches in diameter and 2 feet in depth. It was badly

cracked, and had only some broken pieces of earthenware and large

stones in the earth inside. This tomb, and the megaliths occupy the

same relative positions on the hill as do the same classes of remains at

Pallavaram. The stone circles are on the knolls and higher slopes, and

the earthen urns lower down at the very base of the hill. No indica¬

tions of the long earthenware coffins were observed, but it is quite pro¬

bable they may also exist here.

An excavation was made in the centre of one of the simple stone

circles, to ascertain what class of tomb it enclosed. The circle was in¬

complete, and without central dolmens. I only found two bones, and

several broken pieces of small chatties. The shaft was carried down

to a depth of 4 feet, but nothing else was found ; these relics were 2

feet from the surface. Other remains there may once have been, but

possibly they have been intentionally removed at one time or other ;

1888.] A. Rea — P re-historic Burial-places in Southern India. 59

or it might point to there having been a tnmulus or mound inside the

circle, in which case the funeral urn would be close to the ground sur¬

face, and when the mound disappeared, the relics would go also. The

fragments of pottery may be of service in a classification of such articles

found at other places : they are quite different from the chatties found

in the Pallavaram earthenware sarcophagi ; the pieces are moulded and

have rude attempts at ornament. The contents of the Pallavaram tombs

are all quite plain, and, with the exception of the crude notchings around

the top of some of the larger tombs, there is no ornament of any sort :

nor is there absolutely any on any of the small chatties yet found. As

far as can be made out from these fragments, the outline also would Seem

to have differed from the others. The rim around the earthen sarcophagus

seen at Perianattarn, instead of being a bead-moulding as in some at

Pallavaram, is moulded in a sort of spear-shaped section.

Another circle, which had only one of the centre stones remaining,

was examined ; but this had the appearance of having already been dug

into at some previous time or other, and nothing was found but broken

pottery. Could time have been had for an examination of one of the

complete kistvaens, some relics, no doubt, would have been revealed.

Megaliths and Earthenware Sarcophagi around Madura.

Dadampatti.

At Dadampatti, on the eastern outskirts of the village, are traces

of about a dozen megalithic tombs. Some have been at one time or

other partly excavated, probably for the treasure they were supposed to

contain, or for the large slabs of stone of which they were formed.

Those remaining show a large stone kist underground, formed of stone

slabs on the top, sides and bottom. These have once on a time been

enclosed by stone circles, but in only one case does this remain, and

that, only partially.

Close to these, a large stone covered a round earthenware tomb.

I removed the slab and came to the tomb itself at over 3 feet below the

ground surface : it was shaped like the pyriform earthen tombs at Palla¬

varam. The semi-globular earthen lid, which had once covered it, and

which would extend up to the stone slab on the surface, was broken, but

a few portions of it remained. Arranged around the outside of the rim

was a series of chatties, but all broken ; from the different fragments,

there seem to have been about half a dozen of them : they were all very

soft and brittle. One of a reddish material is shown in Plate XT,

fig. 1. It is semi-globular, broken, inches in diameter and 4<| inches

deep, with moulded rim and groove around the outside. Auother was

a portion of a black-glazed double-ringed stand for supporting the other

60 A. Rea — Pre-historic Burial-places in Southern India. [No. 2,

(PI. XI, fig. 2). It is a fragment only, but the production of the curves

gives a diameter of 7J inches with a depth of 2J ; similar articles com¬

plete are shown in figs. 60, 61. Another fragment (fig. 3) is pear-

shaped, of a thin material, red below, but black inside, and also black

on the exterior where the rim had been ; another of the same kind, more

complete, is shown by fig. 27. The tomb had a bead-moulded rim ; and

the portions of the cover which remained, overlapped it by 10 inches ; the

edge of the cover rim was plain without moulding. I cleared the inside,

and found a few bones and an iron spear head (fig. 4). The ground

around the exterior was extremely hard, and in digging it out — at 6 feet

from the surface — the men turned out a large frog, which had been em¬

bedded in the solid clay. The animal had a semi-transparent look, and

died a few minutes after being brought to light.

Mr. Turner found a similar tomb at Paravai, the contents of which

were some bones and chatties (figs. 5 to 8) and a large number of beads.

Pig. 5 is a fragment of a ring-stand, similar to figs. 2, 60 and 61, it is

black-glazed,* 4f inches in diameter, and 2f inches deep. Fig. 6 is a chatti

of a reddish colour, 6i inches deep, and 7 inches at the widest diameter.

Fig. 7 is a chatti ; brownish red, slightly mottled with dark spots, and

glazed ; moulded rim ; notched ornament round body of pot ; 8 inches

deep, and 9 inches in diameter. Fig. 8 is a chatti ; reddish colour ; slight¬

ly different in shape from the above ; no ornament ; 6 inches deep and

6 inches in diameter. The beads found in this are peculiar and inter¬

esting. Some are of a reddish semi-transparent material, with milky

streaks through them ; a few are of a greenish hue, and others of white

crystal ; most of them have a design in white inlaid work, the lines

seeming to have been graved on the surface, and the white enamel filled in.

These are important, among other respects, in that they resemble beads

found at the seven Pagodas. Sir Walter Elliot states, + that such

articles have been picked up near some mounds there. Mr. Loventhal

of Vellore showed me a number he had collected himself. The mounds,

referred to, were supposed to cover remains of buildings, but excava¬

tions revealed nothing in the shape of masonry. From a comparison of

the beads from the seven Pagodas with those found in the Madura tomb,

I am convinced the former came from burial places also, which would

explain the absence of buildings expected by the excavators. The other

articles mentioned as being found by Sir Walter Elliot seem to com¬

pletely confirm this theory.

A few of the most typical of the beads from the Paravai tomb are

illustrated in Plate X, fig. 3. Those marked a are red, h are red or

# See further remarks on this “ glaze ” or gloss.

f Carr’s & even Pagodas , p. 119.

61

1888.] A. Rea — Pre-historic Burial-places in Southern India.

various shades, c is red with, white streaks, d is green, and e are red

crystals.

These seem to be rather unusual, for I found none in any of the

tombs I examined.

Another tomb removed from Paravai to Madura, was opened by

myself. Inside were a quantity of human bones, evidently those of a

large-sized person. An unusually large number of utensils were also

found, fifteen in all. (PI. XI, figs. 9 to 23.)

Figs. 9 to 14 are bowl-shaped, with a double curvature on the

body. They have, as all the others, a slight glaze, and are of a rich red

colour speckled with black spots. They vary in size from 5f- inches

to 65 inches in diameter, by inches to 3| inches deep.

Figs. 15 to 21 are also bowl-shaped ; but, with the exception of fig.

18, which has a slight hollow round its outer upper surface, are of a

plain convex curve. They are black inside, and black on the upper sur¬

face of the exterior, merging into red on the under side. They vary in

size from to 8| inches in diameter, by f- to 2% inches deep.

Fig. 22 is a chatti, similar to fig. 7 ; 8 inches in diameter and 71-

inches deep.

Fig. 23 is a small vessel, semi-egg-shaped ; broken. It is black in¬

side, and on the exterior has the beautiful merging of the two colours,

black and red, so characteristic of the pottery found in this neighbour¬

hood ; 5 inches in diameter and inches deep.

Paravai.

At Paravai the tombs are of earthenware, pyriform-shaped. They

occupy a level piece of waste land to the east of the village. A great

many appear above the soil, covering an area of several acres. I ex¬

cavated one, and found it to be completely filled with hard compact

earth and stones ; there was neither trace of bones nor chatties, not even

a fragment : the interior was coated with lime. Probably it may have

been emptied at some previous time or other.

Another I excavated, and found a number of bones and a skull, the

latter being very nearly perfect (lower right of Plate XI), and two small

broken vessels (figs. 24, 25). The bone forming the skull mostly remains

in position, and the other broken fragments could, I doubt not, be fitted

on : it is in very good preservation.

Fig. 24 is bowl-shaped ; black inside, and black and red outside : 51-

inches in diameter and 2^- inches deep.

Fig. 25 is similar to fig. 23.

The last tomb examined here was perfectly complete, with cover in

position. The tomb and cover were cracked in different places, but no

62 A Rea — P re-historic Burial-places in Southern India. [No. 2,

piece was out of place. Tlie contents might therefore be expected to be

complete. The cracks were sufficiently wide to admit of soil finding its

way inside along with moisture. This tomb and others I have since

examined, perfectly corroborate the theory I previously advanced in a

report to Government, that all such tombs as these seemed to have had

a lid on the top. I find also on comparing their proportions, that those

pyriform tombs at Pallavaram are all broken off nearly midway down

their original depth. This may have been the result of their having

been placed half their depth in the earth (see PI. X, fig. 4;, the upper

portion above the ground level being covered with a mound. As the

mound was washed down, the portion of the tomb above the ground

level would disappear also. We might account for others remaining

perfect, with their covers complete, through having — tomb and mound —

been placed in a hollow depression in the ground. The tumulus

silting-down would not disperse, but remain and fill up the hollow

ground. In these burial-places, a considerable silting-down has undoub¬

tedly been in progress since the time they were first used ; for,

though they now mostly present a uniformly level appearance, tombs

at one place may be several feet below the present surface, while at

others the broken middle circumference of a tomb only appears. This

would argue irregularity of the ancient surface. The contents of the

tomb referred to above were four articles and other fragments of glazed

earthenware (PL XI, figs. 26 to 29), and a large quantity of crumbling

human bones, all embedded in loose fine-grained earth.

Fig. 26 is a large bowl-shaped vessel, lOf inches in diameter by 5

inches deep ; black inside, black and red on the exterior ; with rim

mould externally and internally. It is the only one of its class found

among all the examples I examined.

Fig. 27 is a conical-shaped vessel, 6 inches in diameter by 6f inches

deep ; colour, black and red.

Fig. 28 is cup-shaped, 4f inches in diameter and 5 inches deep ;

black inside, and black and red outside. On the black surface, next the

rim, is a peculiar attempt at ornament, met with on a few of the articles

found in this district ; I have as yet seen it nowhere else. It seems to

have been put on in another colour, and this, coming off, has left a dull

mark on the glazed surface. Some portions of the colour still adhere,

and it appears of a whitish tinge. The marks are shown as small spots

or short lines, arranged in groups of seven curved concentric lines, point¬

ing diagonally downwards from the rim. (See Plate X, fig. 5.)

Fig. 29 is a large chatti, 8| inches in diameter and depth ; colour

red. It is similar to figs. 7 and 22.

1888.] , A. Rea — ¥ re-historic Burial-places in Southern India.

63

Anapanadi.

The tombs at Anapanadi, on the south-east outskirts of Madura,

are all of earthenware and pyriform in shape ; they stand in a piece of

waste ground to the east of the village. The ground in its extent and

general appearance exactly resembles that at Paravai. The tombs ap¬

pear above the ground singly and in groups. They vary considerably

in size. One, which I dug out and removed, contained the bones of a

child. It measures 1 foot 2| inches in diameter, by 1 foot 7 inches deep.

Others I saw, evidently broken off about their middle circumference,

measured 3 feet 6 inches in diameter. These were the largest of any.

All these were of a coarse red earthenware material, of a very different

clay from the finely-grained light material of the enclosed smaller

articles. Some few tombs, however, always small, which I noticed most

particularly at this place, were made of a thin black and red glazed

earthenware like that of the small vessels, about three-sixteenths of an

inch thick. This species of tomb was comparatively limited in number ;

they were evidently used by a superior class, and — from the bones

found inside — seemingly by females. One of this latter form of tomb,

on examination, was found to contain three nicely-shaped little vessels.

(Plate XI, figs. 30 to 32).

Pig. 30, small pear-shaped lota, 2£ inches in diameter and 2 inches

deep ; colour, black inside, black and red outside.

Pig. 31, small-necked chatty, with painted bottom ; 3f inches in

diameter and depth ; colour, black and red.

Fig. 32, double ring or stand, probably for fig. 31 ; 3|- inches in

diameter and If inches deep ; colour, black.

A tomb of the more ordinary earthenware I next dug out, remained

with its globular cover complete. It measured 3 feet in diameter, and

4 feet deep including the lid. As usual, it was cracked in different

places. The expansion and contraction of the moist earth which had

found its way inside through the cracks could hardly leave it otherwise.

It stood deep in the ground, with none others appearing on the surface

within a considerable distance of it. In this I found one solitary vessel

(Pig. 33) 4f inches in diameter and 5 inches deep, similar in shape to

Pig. 28. There were no other fragments, and as the- tomb was complete,

none could have previously been taken out. Very different is this from

the fifteen articles found in the one from Paravai (with figs. 9 to 23).

Doubtless there were reasons for the difference — perhaps the poverty or

wealth of the deceased, his surviving family, or some custom peculiar to

these people. This one may have been the last of his family ; the grave

was apart from the others and buried deeply in the ground. In this

one, I found a skull with some of the bone remaining ; and the rest in

64 A. Rea — ¥ re-historic Burial-places in Southern India. [No. 2,

almost perfect outline, through having been filled in with the clayey

soil. Its outline should be of importance in pointing to the class of

people who originated these remains. The bones of the skeleton are

large-sized, and evidently those of a person over the ordinary height.

The proportions of these and most others found in the ordinary-sized

tombs should, I am afraid, throw some discredit on the popular native

legend, that people lived to a great age, shrunk into pigmies, and were

then so buried. This fiction seems to be very general, for I heard it

related by people at all these places I visited. None of the bones, found

in any of these graves, were calcined. In another tomb, of thick earthen¬

ware, I found some bones and three vessels, besides broken fragments

of others. (Figs. 34 to 36.)

Fig. 34, a necked chatti, inches in diameter and 4J inches deep ;

colour, black and red.

Fig. 35, similar to figs. 28 to 33 ; 5J inches in diameter and 4J-

inches deep ; colour, black and red.

Fig. 36, semi-oval vessel, 5 inches in diameter and 3^ inches deep ;

colour, black and red.

In a broken specimen of one of the small sarcophagi — of thin fine

glazed material — four articles were found (figs. 37 to 40). It was about

18 inches high and was simply an enlarged example of fig. 27, with a

series of grooves on the outer surface, parallel to and near the rim.

Fig. 37 is a small cup-shaped vessel, 4J inches in diameter, and 3J

inches deep ; colour, black and red. It has the peculiar dotted, diagonal-

lined ornament I previously remarked in fig. 28 ; in this case the groups

are of four lines each.

Fig. 38, a necked chatti, 5J inches in diameter and 4J- inches high,

colour red.

Fig. 39, similar to fig. 36 ; colour, black and red.

Fig. 40, small bowl-shaped vessel, 5J inches in diameter and 2}

deep ; colour, black and red.

In some fragments close to the tomb, in which were the above, I

found a small semi-globular pot nearly complete ; size, 4 inches in dia¬

meter and 3 inches deep : colour, black and red, with the ornament on

the black, before described. The small tomb found at this place, and

which I removed complete to Madras, was opened after my return.

Removing the soil, I found fragments of two small chatties, and also

figs. 42, 43 and 62.

Fig. 42 is a small cup-shaped article, 3J inches in diameter and

depth ; colour, black and red.

Fig. 43, a small-necked chatti, 7 inches in diameter and 5| inches

deep. Its colour is red, but on one side is an irregular patch of glazed

65

1888.] A. Rea — P re-historic Burial-places in Southern India.

black colour, similar to that on others described. It would seem. as if

some of the organic substance which causes the black had been un¬

intentionally mixed with the red clay, out of which the chatti had been

made ; or it may be due to the burning, as I shall note further on.

Fig. 62, a small semi-egg-shaped cup, 4f inches in diameter, and

inches deep : colour, black and red. It is similar in shape to one I

found at Pallavaram ; this other has no glaze, however. In addition to

these, I found a number of bones and a skull. The skull had been some¬

what crushed against the inside by the chatties, but I was able to remove

it in as complete a condition as it was found. Its bone lining is very

thin. It is shown at the left foot of plate XI. The bones — as were to be

expected from the size of the tomb — are small-sized, and those of a child.

The tomb itself is shown — reversed — in the upper centre of plate XI.

Figs. 41 to 61 are articles previously collected from various tombs

at Paravai by Mr. Bar tells, Inspector of Police.

Fig. 44, a small bowl-shaped vessel, 5f inches in diameter, 1| inches

deep ; colour, black and red.

Fig. 45, a lid with moulded handle on top ; 54 inches in diameter

and 4 inches high ; colour, black. It is very similar to another I found

at Pallavaram.^ The checked rim for fitting the top of the vessel, which

they were intended to cover, is the same in both cases. This one is

slightly higher in proportion to its diameter than the other.

Fig. 46, a double-curved bowl, with moulded rim ; 5^ inches in

diameter and 2 inches deep; colour, black and red.

Fig. 47, a bowl, inches in diameter, and 2|- inches deep ; colour,

black and red.

Fig. 48, a bowl, 6| inches in diameter, 3 inches deep ; colour, same.

Fig. 49, a bowl, 6f inches in diameter, 2|- inches deep ; colour, same.

Fig. 50, fragment of a similar vessel : colour, same.

Fig. 51, bowl, 6 inches in diameter, 2| inches deep; colour, same.

Fig. 52, bowl, 5| inches in diameter, 2 inches deep ; colour, same.

Fig. 53, a very small vessel, inches in diameter and lp inches

deep ; colour, black : is of a heavier material than the others.

Fig. 54, a small double-curved vessel, similar to, but larger than

Fig. 53 ; 4 inches in diameter, lp inches deep.

Fig. 55, a small double-curved vessel, similar to, but larger than

Fig. 53 ; 4 inches in diameter, 1 inch deep.

Fig. 56, a small loti, similar to Fig. 30 ; 3p inches in diameter and

2f inches deep ; colour, black.

Fig. 57, cup-shaped vessel, 3f inches in diameter, 2f inches deep ;

colour, black and red. The material is particularly thin and light.

* See No. 7 under description of articles found at Pallavaram.

I

66 A. Bea — Tre-histcric Burial-places in Southern India. [No. 2,

Fig. 58, serai-egg-shaped cup, similar to Figs. 23, 36 and 3d ; 4-|

inches in diameter, 4 inches deep ; colour, black and red.

Fig. 59, double-moulded ring stand, with necking between the i-itigs

pierced through ; 4|- inches in diameter, 2f inches deep ; colour, black.

The surfaces are all smooth, black and glazed, with the exception of the

under inner surface, which has been left rough, and wants the glaze.

Fig. 60, Do. Do., but larger, with the ring opening wider, 5^ inches

in diameter and 2y inches deep ’; colour, black.

Fig. 61, Do. Do., 6| inches in diameter, 2f inches deep ; colour,

black.

The two preceding articles are complete examples of the fragments,

Fisfs. 2 and 5.

One striking peculiarity in all these articles is the surface glaze, if

it might be so called. It might be more properly described as a gloss,

as it has little or no hardness or brittleness, but has more the appear¬

ance of polish on wood- work or horn. It might be the result of some

organic matter in the clay, or probably may have been put on the sur¬

face only. This latter hypothesis finds credence for instance in Fig. 59,

where the material is black throughout. The portions intended to be

seen when the vessel was in use, i. e., the top and exterior, are smooth

and glazed, while the bottom side has been left rough by the potter, and

is unglazed. In one fragment, the outside is the usual black and red

glaze, while the inside is dull black. A slight portion of the inner upper

surface has the glaze, and it has exactly the streaked appearance of

having been laid on with a brush or rubbed with some material till

polished, — almost certainly the latter. Had the glaze been caused by

some material in the clay, it would have appeared equally on all sides.

I showed one of these to Dr. Wilson, of the Presidency College, who

thought it was not a true glaze. One other peculiarity is the difference

in colour of material in the same vessel. One fragment shews this per¬

fectly — the black, the full thickness at the top, tapering down towards

the bottom centre of the inside, where its thickness is a mere line ;

•while the red is thickest on the bottom, thinning up the outside, till it

fades into the black at two-thirds of the height, (see plate X, fig. 6).

This maybe due to different clays, but it would be difficult to run the one

into the other as shown on the section. If different, the red clay

would be first turned on the wheel, the black afterwards gradually added

to the upper surfaces. The most probable hypothesis, however, is, that

there is simply the one clay, and the different colours are due to the

degree of heat applied in the burning. In the large terra cotta images

so common in certain districts, the material used in burning was straw *

with this they were stuffed, and the fire applied left the inside a perfect

67

1888.] A. Rea — P re-historic Burial-places in Southern India.

black, and the ontside red. Straw is commonly used for the burning of

some potter’s work,and'it may possibly have been used for those now under

notice. Most of these articles are either round or pointed on the bottom,

and, if kept upright in the kiln, would require a support to steady them.

If so, they might have been placed in the kiln in some sort of soil or clay

bed ; this would partially protect the lower portion of their outer sur¬

face from the heat. The fire in burning would play freely on the inner

exposed surface and the upper outer surface ; these would thus be sub¬

jected to a more intense heat than the partially-protected bottom.

Burned in this way, a certain heat would give the red colour, and a

greater would burn black ; the exact proportion of heat would leave the

bottom red, the other flame-exposed portions black, as we now find them.

One chatti already referred to (PI. XI, fig. 43) would seem to bear out this

theory. It is a red colour almost throughout, with two small portions

of the upper surface showing black blotches. It appears as if the heat

had not been sufficiently intense to fully blacken the top, and the fire had

been banked or gone out, just as the black was beginning to appear, or

before the temperature had been sufficiently high to give it the required

shades. In regard to this matter I made inquiries of some native pot¬

ters in Madras, as to the black and red colours and glazing of the jit¬

tery. I showed them a specimen, and asked if they could explain the

colours and glazing, and jDroduce something like it. I was told they

could do so, and that the black colour was caused by a nut rubbed on

the surface ; a greater or less coating of the nutty substance giving a

more or less thickness of black in one material, hence the merging of

the black into the red.^ The glaze was said to be produced by a species

of nut likewise rubbed on the surface, and a certain degree of fineness

could be given by burning the material with paddy husks or seed chaff.

To test these statements, I asked a man to come and make a piece of

pottery before me, which should have all the peculiarities of that from

Madura. He offered to come, and did come, but I regret the wetness of

the weather prevented his attempting it,

I have since been favoured by Government with the loan of a pam-

phletf on some investigations conducted in the Salem District. Men¬

tion is therein made of red, and also black pottery some are said to

have been black outside and red inside, and vice versa ; but it is not

clearly stated, if the two colours occur on one side of the same piece of

pottery, as in the Madura examples. They had a glossy surface, and

some were “ ornamented with transverse lines ” similar, I presume, to

* lb.

f Report on Tumuli in the Salem District , by the Rev. Mr. Philips, 1872,

J lb. p. 5, paragraph II, 1.

68 A. Rea — Pre-historic Burial-places in Southern India. [No. 2,

those from Madura. A few were submitted to Dr. Hunter, then in

charge of the School of Arts at Madras. His opinion on the “ glaze ”

or “ gloss ” was that “the surface is not glazed, but is merely polished

by rubbing it with the juice of Toothee or Abatilon Indicum, a mucil¬

aginous juice, somewhat like gum, that is used by the natives at the

present day to give a gloss to black earthenware. The surface can be

scratched with a knife, though it resists water. After rubbing the sur¬

face with the juice, the vessel is again fired, and a species of smear is

thus produced which resists acids and water . ” “ Another method

of producing a smear is in use in India, viz., rubbing the vessel with

mica ground in water, and exposing it to heat.” This last method may,

I believe, very possibly have been adopted in Madura, for most of the

articles show small pieces of mica adhering to various parts of the sur¬

face. The beads found in these Salem tumuli would seem — from the

description Dr. Hunter gives* of them — to also resemble those before

mentioned. He says : “ They are made of carnelian, ornamented with a

pure white enamel of considerable thickness, which has been let into the

stone by grinding the pattern, filling in probably with oxide of tin and

exposing to heat. The enamel is very hard, cannot be touched with a

knife, and is not acted on by a strong nitric acid. The small beads are

made of white carnelian and icespar.”

No description of the designs engraved on the surfaces is given,!*

so I cannot compare them in this respect ; but the material and method

of inserting the enamel would seem to have been the same in both cases.

The large urns excavated at Salem were of the common round kind, and

many swords and other iron weapons were found in the tombs. They

had thus probably been used by warriors or hunters. In only one of

the Madura examples, at Dadampatti, did I find a portion of an iron

sword. The absence of such weapons from their sepulchres would thus

seem to show that the people in these parts of Madura had been a pas¬

toral race.

Megalithic Remains near Kodaikanal.

Palmi Hills Kistvaens.

There are quite a number of groups of kistvaens scattered about

the sides of the valley west from the Perumal Peak ; these have been

generally noticed in Mr. Sewell’s Topographical Lists cf Antiquities

(Volume T, p. 288). In company with Mr. Turner, I visited one, which

had been referred to by Bishop Caldwell. It is known as Arasi Parai,

# lb, p. 6, para, II, 3.

f They may probably be in the photographs, but the copy I had did not liav e

these.

1888.] A. Rea — P re-historic Burial-places in Southern India. 69

is about 3,500 feet lower than Kodaikanal, and stands on a level outcrop

of rock midway up tlie east side of tbe valley west from Perumal bill.

It consists of a group of kistvaens, enclosed by a regularly-built ma¬

sonry basement, measuring about 42 feet square. The stones forming

the square are rough blocks, square-dressed on the exterior and fitted

together without mortar. Many of them have fallen out of position,

and the blocks lie heaped up outside ; but the square can still be dis¬

tinctly traced. The soil is only a few inches in depth, and the walls

have been built on the solid rock. Inside the enclosure are a number of

kistvaens, in various stages of preservation — placed regularly side by

side. These are formed by four upright slabs resting on the rock, with

a large slab laid on the top. The kists and the rest of the space in the

square enclosure have been filled up to the depth of a few feet with earth

and stones. The remains stand north-east and south-west. We ex¬

amined a few of them, but found nothing but small pieces of broken

pottery ; they seem all to have been rifled at some previous time or

other ; I heard that some others in the vicinity had lately been privately

opened, and beads found inside. The side stones of the tombs stand

generally in proper position, but the top slabs are very dilapidated, and

one — that in the west corner — has evidently been lifted bodily, and

thrown outside. The slab lies in a position where it could by no possi¬

bility have fallen naturally ; this does not, however, seem to have been

done at all recently. The state of this group is one of general ruin.

A mile to the north of the previous one, and a few yards down from

the path, is another fine group of kistvaens in very conqtlete preserva¬

tion. It was first discovered by Mr. Turner. This has also the same

peculiarity of a square enclosing basement. Being built on a very

decided slope of rock, and the stones of the basement not placed verti¬

cally, but at right angles to the rock surface, many of them have fallen

out of position. On the north side, most of the stones of the wall have

fallen out of place and rolled partly down the hill. The kistvaens

themselves lie over at the same angle, but stand complete, with the top

slabs in their proper positions. Some of these are very large, and one

of them must weigh at least five tons. The position of this group is

different from the other, standing north-west by south-east. It has not

been altogether free from attempts at destruction, for one slab, at the

west corner, has a piece four feet by two feet broken out of it by crow¬

bars, the marks of which are distinctly visible. Some one had evi¬

dently tried to throw the stone out of position, but it being too heavy,

they had commenced to break it up. When we saw it, it was in rather

a dangerous position, for the side stone had been removed ; I therefore

placed some stone supports under it. The attempted destruction may

70

A. Rea — P re-liistoric Burial-places in Southern India. [No. 2,

have taken place many years ago, when the roadway was being con¬

structed, or it may have been through natives searching for treasure.

The contents of this have, at one time or other, been cleared out, and

we only found a few pieces of broken pottery. These were interesting,

however, in that they shewed the peculiar black and red glazed colours

of the pottery found in the plains near Madura. If this does not show

that these megaliths were erected by migratory sections of the tribes

who nsed the others on the plains, it would at least prove they must

have had some connexion with them, when they used the same kinds

of pottery. It is curious that this should have been so ; the one class

of megalithic remains have an enclosure of stone circles whereas the

others are erected in a square enclosure.

The square built basement of these kistvaens is a peculiarity in its

way, and is but one of the many varieties of megalithic remains, per¬

taining to different parts of the country. Cromlechs and dolmens are

found, with slight variations in their character, all the world over ; and

it is also interesting to find that funeral jars, seemingly such as these

we have lately been examining, are found in other countries besides

India. Between Carthagena and Almeria, the remains of a pre-historic

colony have lately been found, which are believed to have been inhabi¬

ted by some unknown race previous to the Aryans. Numbers of utensils,

ornaments, and arms have been found, some without trace of metal, and

others in stone, iron, and bronze. Remains of bodies were found buried

in large jars and in tiled square enclosures. This in Spain ; and in

Africa also, an aboriginal tribe — in Taveta — have burial customs which

are similar in some respects to those remaining in India. From a recent

traveller and explorer* we learn that “ after death the body is buried in

a sitting posture, the left arm resting on the knee, and the head sup¬

ported by the hand, the contrary arm and hand being used by the

women. When they have remained sufficiently long to be reduced to

skeletons, the skulls of the man and his chief wife are taken out, and

placed in deep, oval-shaped pots. These are laid on their sides at the

base of dracsena trees in the centre of his plantation, where in the

shape of good spirits they keep watch and ward over the welfare of

the crops.”

When we find cromlechs, stone circles, and other megalithic remains

in different parts of the world, presenting a wonderful similarity in

design and arrangement to each other, it would argue either a wander¬

ing tribe in early periods of ancient society, or different races having

connexion with each other. We find in India megalithic and various

forms of earthenware receptacles for the dead, which have evidently

* Thomson, Through Masai Land, 3rd csjition, 1885, p. 110.

1888.]

Shyamal Das — The Mother of Jahangir.

71

been used contemporaneously with each other. The probability there¬

fore is, that these earthen tombs may perhaps be as widespread as the

megaliths are known to be. Those buried in these ancient Indian jars

could only have been placed in a sitting posture, similar to that prac¬

tised by certain modern burying castes. It is certainly curious to find

the same jars and a similar custom at the present day in Africa. A

wider investigation might reveal a more widespread practice still pre¬

vailing in other countries.

The Mother of Jahangir. — By Mahamahopadhyaya Kaviraja Shyamal

Das, M. It. A. S., F. It. H. S., Court Poet and Historian , Udaipur.

Translated from the Hindi by Babu Bam Prasad.

“ It is curious that there should be any uncertainty about the name

and family of Jahangir’s mother,” is the opening line of a paper by

H. Beveridge, Esq., C. S., published in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s

Journal, No. 3 for 1887, page 164.

A careful perusal of the paper, instead of removing the uncertainty ,

gives rise to several fresh doubts and suspicions, which shall be treated

in this paper, in the order inwhicli they occur.

Q. 1. Was Jahangir’s mother a Hindu lady?

This question must be answered in the affirmative, and of this

reply proofs are given below.

Q. 2. Was ignorance or prejudice the reason why the Muham¬

madan historians did not record the name of Jahangir’s mother ?

There should be no wonder if they were guided by religious or

national prejudice in withholding her name from their works, few of

which are totally free from prejudice — a fact that needs no confirmation.

Q. 3. Was a Jodh Bai Jahangir’s mother ?

No. The only lady of Jodh’pur wedded to Akbar (Jahangir’s

father) was Bufandwati, the daughter of Bao Mall Dev by his concubine*

Tipu. She had been given away in marriage to Akbar by Chandra

Sen, the son of Mall Dev ; and she had no issue.

Another Jodh’pur princess Man’mati, the daughter of Mota Baja

Udai Singh, was married in the Samvat year 1645 (A. D. 1588) to

Jahangir himself, who named her Jcigat Gosdyin or ‘ Mistress of the

World.’ Prince Khnrram. afterwards the emperor Shah Jahan, was

born of her.

* The Hindu Rajas had no scruple in giving away girls of illegitimate birth

in marriage to the Muhammadan emperors, who had not the least objection to

accepting matches of this nature.

72 Shyamal Das — The 'Mother of Jahangir. [No. 2,

Q. 4. Was a sister of Paliar Khan, uncle of Raja Man Singh and

a brother of Bhag’wan Das, the mother of Jahangir ?

No. I second the statement of my learned friend Mr. Beveridge,

that, granting a sister of Paliar Khan was in Akbar’s haram, she was

not Jahangir’s mother.

Then, as regards Paliar Khan himself, Raja Bhag’wan Das (of

Jaipur) had no brother of that name, as none of the eight sons of

the latter’s father, Raja Bhar* * * § Mall, bore it. Perhaps by the word

brother , Jahangir meant only a relative; as relatives of the Raj’puts,

removed even by ten generations, are called brothers.

Q. 5. Was Jahangir’s mother (a) the daughter or (b) the grand¬

daughter of Bhar Mall ?

(а) Jahangir’s mother was the elder daughter of Raja Bhar Mall

Kachhwaha of Amber (Jaipur). She had been married to Akbar, ac¬

cording to Abu-1-Fazl,f at Sambhar in H. 969 (A. D. 1562).

Like Abu-1-Fazl, the other Muhammadan authors have, through

prejudice, omitted the name of this lady in their narrative of Jahangir’s

birth.

But Munshi Sujan Rai who is considered a reliable authority by

the Persian authors, and most likely derived the information relating

to Jahangir’s birth from the contemporaries of Akbar and Jahangir,

plainly says in his Khuldsatu-t- Tawdrilch. j: that Jahangir was born of

the daughter of Raja Bhar Mall Kachliwalia, in H. 977 (A. D. 1570),

which is also the uniform statement of the Mirdt-i- A'ftdb Numd,§ the

Siyaru-l-Mutakhirm:\\ and the Td rikh- i-Hashidu-d- din Khdni.% The

historians of Raj’putana likewise agree in stating Jahangir to have been

born of an Amber princess.

(б) The granddaughter of Bhar Mall (and daughter of Bhag’wan

Das) was married to prince Jahangir, and their nuptials were celebrated

with great pomp and splendour by Akbar. Prince Khusrau was the

result of the union.

Jahangir writes in his Memoirs that, when this Begam committed

suicide by swallowing a dose of opium at Allahabad, he married another

* In the paper tinder discussion the form Bihdri Mall is an error. Trans.

[What proof is there for this statement ? Ed.]

t Akbarnama, Yol. II, p. 198. The page in the Bib. Ind. edition is 157.

X MSS. p. 221. Written in the 40th year of ’Alamgir’s reign H. 1107 (A. D.

1697).

§ MSS. p. 216. Written in the 45th year of Shah ’Alam II. ’s reign, H. 1225

(A. D. 1811), by Shah Nawaz Khan Hashimi of Delhi.

|| Luck. Ed. p. 116. Written in H. 1195 (A. D. 1781) by Munshi Sayyid Gliulam

Husain.

p. 71. Hyderabad, 1880 A, D. By Munshi Gliulam Imam Khan.

1888.]

Shyarnal Das — The mother of Jahangir.

73

Jaipur princess, the daughter of Jagat Singh (son of Man Singh and

grandson of Bhag’wan Das).

Q. 6. Jahangir’s mother was not a Hindu lady, but a Muham¬

madan, the widow of Bairam Elian.

This affirmation is contradicted by the statements made in answer¬

ing the last question.

The widow of Bairam Khan, named Salimah Sultan Begam, was

a very intelligent lady, possessing many virtues and accomplishments ;*

she had certainly been married to Akbar, and was the most distinguished

of his wives, as Mr. Beveridge says, and commanded the respect of all

the ladies in the zanana : but the lady, who had the honour of giving

birth to Jahangir, was a Jaipur princess — a princess, Hindu by origin.!

Q. 7. Was Nur Jahan entrusted by Jahangir to Ruqiyyah Begam

or to Salimah Sultan ?

Nur Jahan, when brought to Court after the assassination of her

husband Slier Afgan, was kept in the charge of Ruqiyyah Begam (the

daughter of Mirza Hindal, one of Babar’s sons), the Begam of Akbar,

next to Salimah Sultan in respect.

Q. 8. Is the word Ruqiyyah or raqabah in the Iqbalnama P

The Iqbalnama^ has the word Ruqiyyah , the name of the daughter

of Khalifah ’All, cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet — which being

regarded as a blessed one, is given by the Moslems to their daughters.

The word raqabah § would make no sense in the passage in question.

Q. 9. What is the correct meaning of the words wdlidah sabab-i-

Jchesh ?

This expression does not mean “ own mother,” but a lady regarded

as a mother for some reason ( sabab ).

Q. 10. What authority is there for the statement that Salimah

had adopted Jahangir, after his own mother’s death ?

Salimah Sultan was considered the guardian of Akbar’s zanana,

and all the children of Akbar and Jahangir were tended by her : it was

for this very reason that she mediated on Jahangir’s behalf, when he

had fallen out with Akbar, and brought him to Court from Allahabad.

Jahangir regarded her as his mother, and she in turn looked upon

* The Mirat-i-’Alam and the Tdrikh - i - Khurs hid Juki give the details of her noble

attributes. Her metrical compositions were signed MciJchfi ( hidden , anonymous) .

f It was impossible that a Hindu lady could, when married to a Muhammadan

king, continue a Hindu, at least in the eyes of the Hindus ; in that sense, it can

be said that Jahangir’s mother was not a Hindti lady. Trans.

$ Lucknow Ed. 1870, p. 529.

§ Evidently there is a misprint in the Bib. Ind. Ed., the letter u,' having lost

a dot, we read raqabah ( ), instead of ruqiyyah ( ). Trans.

*

J

74

Shyamal Das — The mother of Jahangir.

[No. 2,

him as lier son. But it should be borne in mind that there was no system

of adopting children among the Muhammadans, if the word adoption is

taken in its legal sense.

Q. 11. Can there be any doubt that Salimah was Jahangir’s

mother ?

Salimah was only a step-mother of Jahangir. His own mother was

the daughter of Bhar Mall.*

Q. 12. Was Shahzada Khanam, the daughter of Salimah Sultan,

Jahangir’s full sister ?

As Salimah Sultan was not Jahangir’s own mother , her daughter

was not his full sister.

Before concluding this paper, I must criticise a statement of Abu-1-

Fazl, implying flattery to the Muhammadan emperors. He says that,

a certain Hindu Raja offered his daughter in marriage to the emperor

Akbar, beseeching His Majesty to honour him, by keeping her in his

liaram.

This statement is totally incorrect. The Hindu Rajas did not

give away their daughters voluntarily to the Muhammadan emperors ;

the origin of the practice is given in the following paragraph s.f

When Humayun had been expelled from India by the Pathan

Sher Shah Sur, and in his flight reached Tran, he was taken to task

by the Persian king Tahmasp, that he could not have lost his hold on

India, had he been prudent enough to have contracted marriage-ties

with the Hindu Rajas, as Babar had done. In that case, he said, the

Hindu Rajas would have assisted him in times of need.

Humayun perceived the value of the important political dodge

suggested by Tahmasp, and was determined to act up to its very letter,

on his return to India, but he died no sooner than he returned.

His son Akbar was fully alive to the advantages likely to accrue

by adopting such a policy ; and once he told Raja Bliar Mall, that the

relatives of the Imperial family, equal to them in rank and nobility, had

been left in Turkistan, and it would be a good thing if the Hindu

Rajas, belonging to ancient independent royal families, were to contract

marriage relationship with the imperial household.

Raja Bhar Mall, looking upon it as objectionable, on religious grounds,

for Hindu Rajas to marry Muhammadan princesses, preferred the alter¬

native of giving his daughter to the emperor in marriage, as stated by

Sujan Rai.f

* Vide ante Q. 5.

f [It would be interesting to know the Kaviraj’s authority for his statements in

those paragraphs regarding Tahmasp’ s advice and Humayun’ s and Akbar’ s attitude

towards it. Ed.]

% See Q. 5 of this paper.

1^88.] H. Beveridge — Remarks on the above paper. 75

In his Memoirs, Jahangir says that he solicited the hand of the

daughter of Jagat Singh Kachhwaha, son to Raja Man Singh of

Jaipur, but his suit having been rejected by Rao Bhoj of Bundi, the

girl’s maternal grandfather, he had a mind to return from Kabul to

India, to punish the Rao for his insolence, who, however, was dead

before Jahangir’s return.

When the Bundi Rajas threw off the allegiance to the Maha-

ranas of Udaipur and entered into the Imperial service in S. 1625

(A. D. 1568), they had made a contract with Akbar, not to marry their

daughters to the Moslem emperors ; and like the Udaipur House

they looked down upon those Rajas who had done so ; and it was for

this reason that Rao Bhoj objected to his granddaughter being made

a Begam.

Summary.

An attempt has been made in this paper to show that Jagangir’s

mother was a lady, Hindu by origin, having been the daughter of Raja

Bhar Mall of Jaipur; that Salimah Sultan was Jahangir’s step-mother,

and that the Hindu Rajas did not offer their daughters voluntarily to

the Muhammadan emperors, but they gave their daughters, wheu soli¬

cited by the emperors, to contract marriage ties with them.

Remarks on the above paper. — By H. Beveridge, Esq., C. S.

I am very glad that the subject has been taken up, and I am much

obliged to Kaviraj Shyamal Das for pointing out that the Khulasatu-t-

Tawarikh gives Bihari Mall’s daughter as the mother of Jahangir. The

question is, if this is a sufficient authority. The Khulasatu-t-Tawarikh

has not, I believe, ever been printed, but the MS. in the Society’s

Library is in accordance with the Kaviraj’s statement. Munshi Subhan

Rai (the name given him by Elliot) wrote at the end of the 17th

century, in the time of Aurangzib and some seventy years after Jahan¬

gir’s death. He is therefore not a contemporary historian, and we do not

know whence he got the fact about Bihari Mali’s daughter. According to

Colonel Lees, Subhan Rai is a good writer, but Sir Henry Elliot speaks

very disparagingly of him. Many, however, may think his statement

sufficient to determine the point. The other authorities, quoted by the

Kaviraj, do not, I think, strengthen Subhan Rai’s evidence, as they are

very modern. Grhulam Husain Khan, the earliest of them, wrote about

a century ago, and his statement seems to have been merely copied from

76 H. Beveridge — Remarks on the above paper. [No. 2,

Sublian Rai. It seems that, as regards the times before his own, this

writer is a mere plagiarist from Sublian Rai or some other munshi.

Besides he clearly is not accurate, for he describes the marriage of Bihari

Mali’s daughter as having taken place after the capture of Chitor,

whereas it occurred six years previously.

I still think the silence of all the leading historians remarkable.

Neither Abu-1-Fazl, nor Nizamu-d-din, nor Badaoni, nor Firishtah nor

Khafi Khan mentions Bihari Mali’s daughter as Jahangir’s mother. This

cannot have been the result of bigotry ; for Abu-1-Fazl, at least, was no

bigot, and he and some of the others mention the marriage of Bihari

Mall’s daughter with approval. If they approved of the marriage, why

should they not have approved of its resulting in the birth of a son ?

They distinctly mention that Bhag’wan Das’ daughter was the mother of

Khusru. The Mu’asiru-l-Umara, now being printed by the Society, is a

modern book, but it is an elaborate one, and was highly thought of by

Professor Blochmann. It has biographies of Bihari Mall and his sons,

but it nowhere mentions that Bihari Mali’s daughter gave birth to

J ahangir.

I have consulted the MS. of the Tawarikh-i- Salim in our library.

The statement there is exactly as Price (p. 19) translates it, that Jahan¬

gir married a daughter of Bihari Mall, and had by her his son Khusru.

This daughter might possibly be a younger sister of the one who mar¬

ried Akbar, but the statement that she was the mother of Khusru is

certainly wrong. Undoubtedly his mother was the daughter of Bhag’¬

wan. As for the passage about Pahar Khan, or Bahadur Khan, as it

is in our MS., the Kaviraj’s remark, about the lax use of the word

brother, is irrelevant as the word in the autobiography is uncle and not

brother. The statement (Price, p. 34) is that Pahar Khan was a digni¬

tary of 2000 and the uncle of Raja Man Singh, and that his sister was

in Akbar’s haram, but no favourite with destiny. A Bahar Khan or

Bahadur Khan is mentioned in Abu-l-Fazl’s list of Akbar’s grandees.

He is No. 87, and is described as one of the ghulams or slaves of Hu-

mayun, so that he may have been originally a Hindu, like I’timad Khan

of Gujrat, but how he came to be Raja Man Singh’s uncle, I do not

know. There is a curious statement in the Tawarikh-i- Salim (Price,

p. 47), that Akbar had a son by Bibi Maryam who was placed under the

care of Raja Bihari Mall. Could this be the Bibi Maryam about whom

there seem to be traditions at Fathpur Sikri ?

The Kaviraj speaks of traditions and of the historians of Raj-

putana, but Tod and others do not mention any tradition about

Bihari Mali’s daughter. On the contrary, Tod tells us that the name of

Bhag’wan Das is execrated in Rajputana, because he was the first who

77

1888.] A. Ffihrer — Kudarkot Inscription of Takshadatta.

allied himself with the Moghul. This statement is repeated in the

Political History of Jaipur by Col. Brooke. (Government Selections,

No. 65, p. 14.) It is, however, certainly wrong, for there is no doubt that

his father had previously given his daughter in marriage to Akbar. I

admit, fully, that if a Rajput lady was the mother of Jahangir, there

is better authority for her having been Bihari Mall’s daughter, than for

her having been of the Jodhpur family. I cannot find that Udai Singh,

or the Mota Raja gave his sister to Akbar, though he gave his daughter

to Jahangir, and it would appear that Chandra Sen’s introduction to

Akbar and the marriage of his sister or other relative to Akbar did not

take place till the 15th year of the reign, that is, after Jahangir’s birth.

I also admit that there are great difficulties in the way of holding that

either Salimah or Ruqiyyah Begam was the mother of Jahangir. But I

still think it not established that his mother was Bihari Mali’s daughter.

Perhaps the Tarikh-i-Alfi would throw ght on the subject, but our

Society’s copy of that work is incomplete, and does not come down to

Akbar’s time. Possibly too, if discreet inquiries were made at the Court

of Jaipur, the truth might be ascertained.

• •

Kudarkot Inscription of Taksliadatta. — By A. Fuhrer, Ph. D.

This inscription is on a white sandstone slab, which was found,

in 1875, amongst the ruins of the old fort of Kudarkot, a small village in

tahsil Bidhuna, 24 miles north-east of Etawah, in the North-Western

Provinces. That Kundarkot was once a place of some importance, is

evident from the rise and height of the mound upon which it is built,

and the number of large bricks and sculptured stones scattered about

the place. That it is a place of great antiquity, is proved by this

inscription. The original slab is now in the Lucknow Museum, having

been presented by Dr. W. Hoey, C. S., in December 1886, who found it

at Etawah in the Collector’s godown, an open shed affording no proper

protection for such a treasure.

The slab measures 2' Q\" X P 5" x 3". The most interesting point

about this inscription is the character of the letters. On the whole

they show the later Gupta type ; but the mason has taken out the

kanas , i. e., the vertical strokes for the long a , and placed them above

the letters after which they are to be read. The medial i is also highly

ornamented. In this respect, as well as in the form of letters, the

inscription resembles the Asirgarh seal of S'arvavarman, published in the

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol.

78 A. Fuhrer — KudarJcot Inscription of TaJcshadatta. [No. 2,

III, p. 377, and Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. V, p. 483 ;

the two Jhalrapathan inscriptions of Samvat 746 (A. D. 689 or 824),

published in the Indian Antiquary , Vol. V, p. 180 ; the mutilated inscrip¬

tion of I'svaravarman on the south gate of the Jami’ masjid at Jaunpur,

published in General Cunningham’s Archceological Reports , Vol. XI,

Plate XXXVII ; and two rock inscriptions which I lately found in

the north scarp of the Kalinjar fort, and which will shortly be pub¬

lished in this Journal.

The preservation of the slab is perfect. With the exception of

about four letters at the end of line 15, and one single letter in line 16,

every letter is perfectly clear and distinct ; so that, with the exceptions

referred to, there can be no doubt whatever about the actual readings

of the slab. The mistakes made by the engraver are few and unim¬

portant and admit of easy correction. In respect of orthography we

have to notice : — (1) the persistent doubling of g,j , m, y , v, t , in conjunc¬

tion with a preceding r and, in the case of t , also with a following

r (viz. =3 ) ; (2) the occasional use of the dental sibilant for the

palatal ; (3) the constant occurrence of final s remaining unchanged

before initial s.

The inscription records the erection of a residence for Brahmanas

by one Takshadatta, the son of Harivarman, alias Mamma, son of

Haridatta, and apparently mentions the names of the first six Brah¬

manas who resided there. Unfortunately the inscription is not dated ;

but, according to the alphabet in which it is written, it belongs to the

9th or 10th century A. D. Of Haridatta, Harivarman, and Takshadatta

nothing of any historical value is mentioned.

On p. 365 of Volume IV of the North- Western Provinces Gazetteer

is given what purports to be a correct transcript and translation of this

inscription, made by a Benares pandit. But it is evident that the

pandit cannot have seen the original slab and had to rely on an ap¬

parently imperfect paper rubbing. It will, therefore, not be considered

unnecessary to re-edit and translate afresh this interesting document.

Text *

[j] II | ST^T-

^jrr w war ii [uG

[2] T^Trfr I f^fTT II [ ^ II ]

* From tlie original slab.

L. 1. t Metre : Ary a. Read J Metre : S'loka (Anustubh).

L. 2. § Metre : Arya.

1888.] A. Fiihrer — Kudarhot Inscription of Tahshadatta.

79

[3]

[4]

[5]

[6]

[?]

[8]

[9]

[10]

[U]

[12]

[13]

w 11 [ ^ 11 ] *freiT«3sjfi5ra't 'sfopikun ftw

1 11 [an]

•fawgrf'T 'jfiKiRmm^i^isr’Tr^’TFr 1 ^Twan^r ^fir aarm arTF-

II [ill] Jfostrarg: ^?’9TS’Wfw^r: I aphsW

f?3T^rft#^iT f^anT^r V* W ^rtr: 11 [< 11 ] ^^naraifq wr€t^r*T 5f

*r Fr(x<ri *WOTrcarf%sjr <r?r: 11 [■oil] firfwfr-

vj

qftfaw 11 [ ^ 11 ] ^*rren*ff fwt i

butvt ^r srfrf ^far n [ £ n] **^rsrcr r^^mK^^rnwfi i *7:

^wrwr n [ ^ ° 11] ffBrjpurfM^r tspmgiirfi:

qnsPtfT^W I fa^sTT %*T 3i<T T *T 3*PFf§*P II [ ^ l| ] Jf^fl % Vm-

wr ^ 1 farm** ^t; ii [ ^ 11 ]

§§5T*P7TBT^f

w- 3# =w^t^^ftfwrr 1 ^tfr^r^ffcrmR- srfiTfnf^f^w 11 [ ^ 5 11 ] ||j|B^f-

[ 1 ] wf^crr ^r

11 C ^ « H U xx srngT^^rrirr^t [ 1 ] ^r

wtw fa%-‘ 11 [^1,11] ***^^fqqwf<TWB^f%^r-

A ^

371*^7 r*r-

nm*r I

T$ki n m*f 11 [ ^ <c 11 ] fff x? <**$

1 ^rrf^rfh'^'sr cih^ ^r^<rrf^;?i«T^f*qfV crr«r

^rf 11 [ ^ *> 11 ] tffv^w ^f^rr ^f^r#q>r: 1

^Tf^nfr f%fwr [ : ] ^rffnr 11 [^] 11 ® 11

^r^irE7^nfrw^^r3Wr *r?rw^rp 1 qrr^r^w sngjfrw:

' C\

L. 3. * Metre ; Vasantatilaka.

L. 4. f Metre : S'loka (Annshtubh). X Metre : Upendravajra.

L. 5. § Metre : S'loka (Annshtubh). || Metre : Drutavilambitakam.

L. 6. Bead qTTf^R? Tf Metre: S'loka (Anustubh).

L. 7. ** Metre : S'loka (Annshtubh). ff Metre : S'loka (Annshtubh).

L. 8. It Metre : S'loka (Annshtubh). Bead ^T. §§ Metre : S'loka (Anush-

tubh).

L. 9. 1111 Metre : Arya. Bead |

L. 10. Metre : Arya. ##* Metre : Vasantatilaka.

L. 11. ftf Metre : Vasantatilaka. Bead *IWT

L. 12. JtJ: Metre : Arya.'

L. 13, Bead W^jSn^J*

<S

80

A. Fiihrer — Kvdarhot Inscription of Takshadatta. [No. 2,

[14] STTriT^fw I W^tJ^WT fr^PRjfTrp

I ^f^PqjTP

[15] 1 ^OTff«T3^: wrir 1

^frfJTTT^rf^W: ^ + + + + [ I ]

[1G] ffalrf^r^rsjTM^ ^if^r trm ^4% ^ [ w- ]

m 11 o 11

Translation.

Om ! Adoration ! (V. 1.) Durga, placed near Nilakantha (S'iva),

slender-waisted, the lion* and Skanda sitting by her side, shining like

the snowy mountain (Himalaya), ever pleasing, is victorious !

(Y. 2.) There was one named Sri Haridatta , renowned like a

second Hari (Vishnu), whose conduct was uncorrupted, though Lakshmi

lavished her smiles upon him ;

(V. 3.) Whose gain of riches, immoveable in gems, undisturbed,

[and exclusive alone of] the gems which serpents hid [in their heads]

beneath the mountains, was like the lotus-stalk of the best of men

(Yislmu) ;

(V. 4.) Whose virtuous son was named Harivarman , known also

by the name of S'ri Mamma, under whose sunshine of glory, as it were,

the lotus-forests, made by the faces of the damsels of his whole house¬

hold, flourish.

(V. 5.) And even now, alas ! the fire of his fury consumes, as it

were, to his heart’s content the trees, parks, and palaces of his enemies.

(V. 6.) The number of wounds inflicted by the sword, aimed suc¬

cessfully at his broad chest, are like an incised series [counting] the

marks of the many successful victories of this king.

(V. 7.) Though desired, two objects could not be accomplished,

viz., by the army of his foe to see his back, and by the wife of another

man his chest.

(V. 8.) He excelled even Prajapati (the Progenitor), the creator

of the seven oceans, the earth and the mountains, by his own power

of creation in forming large lakes likes oceans, and temples like moun¬

tains, by tens of millions.

L. 14. Read ; °?fl^ ^f^T.

L. 15. Read ; °TTT 3®°.

jjv s3

L. 16. Read ^«T°,

>•$

# i. e. Durga’ s vehicle.

1888.]

A. Fiihrer — KudarJcot Inscription of Tahsliadatta.

81

(Y. 9.) The great supporters of tlie earth (i, e., mountains or

kings), with hardened hearts and roots fixed within the ground, were

caused by him to bow down at his command with all indignity.

(Y. 10.) He opened the veins of the earth under the pretence

of sinking wells, the outward form of which had been, as it were,

surfeited with his graciousness.

(Y. 11.) His foes who, approaching with arrows and determined,

came against him with a desire of success, were [sure to be] disap¬

pointed, but the suppliants were never so, who came soliciting, needy,

and with a desire of gaining their object.

(Y. 12.) In his policy he, being extremely anxious for the welfare

[of his subjects], was never known to yield, but always put down his

enemies with force.

(Y. 13.) He begot a son, named TaJcshadatta, educated in the re¬

verence of the three Yedas, and who bent down the necks of his enemies.

(Y. 14.) “ We, whose inborn virtue had repeatedly been the

preservative of all [subjects], have entirely been forsaken like a blade

of grass by that gift, desirous of glory.’ ’

(Y. 15.) Thus (speaking) loudly the spirits of that [monarch],

being now, as it were, at the top of their patience and having obtained

some other residence, found out their way through the openings of some

wounds which he had received with the sword.

(Y. 16.) This venerable person, who had by the noise [caused]

by the delightful, fervent and continual interpretation of the Yedas

deafened the quarters of the heavens, built this lofty, large, lasting

and very beautifully decorated institution for the instruction of the

three Yedas.

(Y. 17.) As long as his virtues, like the rays of the moon, gladden

the world, free of thick darkness, so long let this institution of a dif¬

ferent kind, the delight of the world, remain undisturbed in all its

original designs.

(Y. 18.) These well-composed verses have been written by Bhadra ,

the son of Vamana, and by Aisani , and have been engraved by the

mason Vevadeva.

(L. 13.) Mahasenadatta, the son of Suryadatta, of the Sankritya

family, follower of the Bahvricha branch [of the Rigveda] ; Jataveda-

soma, the son of Grovatsasoma, of the Yatsa family, follower of the

Kanva branch [of ihe Rigveda] ;

(L. 14.) Yaisvanarakirtti, the son of Kuladipakirtti, of the

Kuhala family, follower of the Chhandoga branch [of the Samaveda] ;

S'ri Chandradhara, the son of Uditachara of the Yasishtha family,

follower of the Bahvricha branch [of the Rigveda] ;

K

82

A. Fiilirer — Kudarlcot Inscription of Tahshadatta. [No. 2, 1888.]

(L. 15.) Bahunipasarman, the son of Vasusvamin, of the Aupaman-

yava family, follower of the Kanva branch [of the Rigveda] ; K * *

* * the son of Dhritaguptasvamin, of the Galava family, follower

of the Chhandoga branch [of the Samaveda,] : —

(L. 16.) By these [persons] was this institution built for the

mightiest and lawful protection of those versed in the knowledge of

the illustrious three Vedas through the fame of S'ri Mamma.

'flu Sactuli curb (Druauunfal (Kbavacie x% erf Wibd

MS' Wartu characters.

*n *w*$H*fl $v*<wn

^11 ^^|u,|

Namo BuddMya, a. a, i, 1, n, u, nrtli, 1. e,m, o, au,am,ah, K 'kW a^liaja, tsadsMsaishaA ta, tha, S, aha,mi, ta,tha,aa,dha.ria.

u,W| p ’i^n^sfi5|5l;!f,Tri riuwpiw'pfT

pa,pha,la,-bhajna, ya.ra.la.wa, sa.sha.saia, Khah, ia,ta,ki, Mru.kn.ta^BiHi^iai.to.kaABam.ka, TaammManafiariThrfVHi BJfVhtVK,. Vk. VU,

5X^1 iii *j^«4 ^jJi^iursnfH “mi mJ'araiaai

rr> ff^i syfp|if§|

Haa^lia, ga.ga, g% gi, gu,^,gri,gXgX,£e,gai, go, gzn.g^g a, g^gl^M^gWgKi^fcikm .(faivha^a^^ *„*«,*,

^8

f> n n

su?jn^i mim t ^fci mmi

\i\^SSSS\^ ^W! WF] ^| ^sj

Vahra^a.WJh^ahhraMaJhiv^gya^grmgkgwa.g^^^

&i,nH hi,

he, hi, ho, han, ham, ha, h,

■zm-» «$« vjynvui wtragn e*g«ai i-nm $*,«,

\lf

*1

*4

Si \tftf}] *1 PtI| 5irsl!l 5 ««IS| HR

>',;‘l ' ,L~lj";' j^." ;l:' ^l-';a '"■:'-.,|‘ '-'-|.;~;:',l ..■.;!■ ■ . M. ,-y..:,.l|.j . , y/y,, : :;, ^Si.. .,

#

Wot Samp auh (Brnamevdal (Jtlm meter# of Wibd.

P late R .

M>i *1 $i Kniiii.i siwi flwsai

M ^"l W| |5| gggp| S^gf | #g$|| fS*§| S 5SS|

VPa

jKLa-kts-a^tslaaMs^lcna^^^^^dliaJda.litlia^ilaidPa,

PJ M q 9 *i

Tina, kpa.lcpha^b a ,Plaha ,Pma , nka jiPha ,nga,nglmTrria,ntsa ,ntsPa;n As ajiAsPa mtajiftajacla ,ndPampa;npPa ;nba,inna.

a o

tmn %% m mm \ w %% m <t$p

ft 3i

ft°0 n\

VI f I ip55 <^||

usa jishajis a,nPa,nksPah.,Pka;> Asm, IPrurn, Pwa,PPwa,pva,pPva , mangalam, ToPavanta, Subpam,

Caj

34 letters, (29 consonants and 5 vowels viz, a.i.me, o .)

1 [T|-p-qi^i e^ojT ^«CF^ ]^] PY^'TT’Tjf £r^w)'«<}(

Pa, PPa, ga,na, cPa, cHhajapa, ta,tha,da/n.a, pa,pPa,va orla,rna, tsa,tsPa,Asa;wa, sha.ssapaya, ra,la, sa, sa, pa, a, Pl, Pu,Pe,Po

i . u, e, om,

0>)

50.1etic

rs

HT^l l^X'f'21 e?7'Zr} It'spcppF'srq-^ nrfwc^i ^ <vPTAxp-14^f p-,nr

Pa,Pha^a,gPa,na, tsatsPa,dsa,AsPapa)ta,^,da,^a,na1ta,tPa,3a,dliam,pa,pPa,vaorloa,PliaJma;ja,T3la)wa, sa,slpL,sapLa,PsPa,a,a , i, i, u, xl, ri, xi, p,li, e, ai, o, au om aP

34 letters <*ornyit^i^ (TsPtpfs rin)

"ka,Tiia,ga,-iSa, cha.diajamv ta,fca,3a,na. pa.,jha,Ta,ma,tsa,taha,3sa,'wa, aha, ssaiaya.x&li, sa, sa, ha, a, fc,"ku,"ke,lo, a, u. e , om.

CO

34, letters,

inQ 11 tVta Hq tiq n^-

UHOlOJU

. VAJtVAiHAJ^lA/0

Pa.PPa^a^ia, cPa,clPiaja;n^ta,ftia;(k,iiap“ ^a,pPa,Ya,iQa^ tsa,tsPa,Asa,w^ sPa^sapaj^raJa.sa., sa, ' Pa, aP'"— Pi, Pa,Pe,Po^- 'si^Lt) e, om

(TsPupS -fti-urT)

^\w\\

Sta ^arnP aru) ©rnamcnial (PharxxcPrs of (tUyf.

Plate IIL.

( a) 54 letters (^T sPu^s-ma

' fwuu, y^uu^.m,,

iaAaja.fia, Utha.^na, pa.pha.va.ira, taa.tsTia'.isaxa, sha.ssaia.ya, ra.la.s'a.sa, tia, a,

34 letters (^adma Pern^l^y^-tthliun^

£n

wniAi.uuiihuW'

i,Pu(k:epo, a, i, u, e', om,

P\ c — -- -=x-

mm-rutwuv^AlK

OO

^a'l'TV^ u^unovcu,^ <a^\*v*iw

Pa.Pha.g’a.iia, cha, cPhapapa, ta/tPa,dama, pa, pharma, tsappa.dsajwa, sPa,ssa,Pa,ya, ra,la,sa.sa. la, a, Pi,ku,ke,Po, i u e om

34 letters ^3 (H.Pbyugl) Punning' ~hand,

Pappa,g'a,

,na.

- - - - _ _

ctia,cPPa,ja,na, ta,tha,la,na, pappaya.ira, tsa,tslia,cLsa,wa, sPa,ssa,Pa,ya, r,la,sa, sa.

ncuc^i^

Pa, a,

P.Putkepo,

is 'll, e , om.

W^xwft oswm

cha,ch"ha, ijapa, fla;

.a,tLa, pa,pha,va,ma

34, letters, \ Ptru-tsPagt (as used m writing*.)

^CaitfUuKi 7^1^^

XJU>'t

1 y -] . i tpn ta\ pttti

,tsha,asa,wa, shi,ssa,la,4i, Ta,la sa,t, ta, a,' laWtc ko '

( *?5[ ^^7 1

' P "bru- tspag, (as used in printing', 1

«U( (AJ(OUt«vTu

X) 1

i, u, e, om,

tTObyo^ y«3'P

o'-U> '0-a>V if X6 .a

p'd-.pPa, ba.ma, ts^tsPa, lsa;wa,ar vu

C -a •->•*>•! rA>-0-0-1- taWana P-Uabama, w.tAa. isa.wa^

q a i w ( \ ^ ° 1 ^ w v. oii9iL2j..Y«Yr *,*,*.,*,. ,

A»*w.-h».y». sb, sa Xfc a. ta,*,*u, U Hlu, gM,Pu, Pm'dlu,ju,*a, tu, it, ,'

sPa ssa Pa, ya,

, 7 O “> J"‘^J ^|L1.U., OI.U.1.LI-, J U-, L.

^stiyyp't % twww'wK. *» »; », X,,

tsuPsPu, dsu, wa, rPu,,u, Pu, 7u, ru, lu, m, six, Pa, ix, kyakC,^, ^jljbya 3£a, 'f' Vo ^

r * xwx'Z'Z'Trr m'viVXu

^JPPya,gyu)spyx,pPju,Vu,myu, ira Vnra grafts, thxadra nra,pra,phra>ra, mry xfta.sra , Pry , Pra.lcn.Pra, Pre’.Pro,

(ttcreb ira> (iDnxmnmfal ^thccxader& of (5iWf.

Plate IV.

\u\ kha

gi- cLe no slm ya r a la wa or va

Writing’^ Ifl lyul in -figures

fV)

Vnr yn Is] !3 3a 9a &r *kw ^ w ^5' q«<N i 1^4 y

?^^M'^'?S-?0^N5?V?LJ^S?? 72.7\S^I?|^V??,^o.| jOM^KO.pu^, y Wu^,v5,^^^7uc..?uu^n

09 O'*

W's 7^ 9<?7,99<^1

99 3 09 oa ^ 9 ^ 99 05. 9 0 00 9a

|^ 9A9 ? 1 ^ ?<^7A' 999 ^ ^)\< yvs q^ M i ^«yj> ty\s

3V ^ ( ^ ^ (

'isf ^ ‘XcCy <y $S'l iT^x y; swt 'y ol1ai' y! j

_ _ rx *\ *\

V aii^'^uu l%/'12/° u 1 V

0 ^

1 2

'k

3

<^s v\

4 5

xS

6

a/

7

s n

3 9

?*

10

yo

20

30

C^-O

40

v-t o

50

VSO

60

t/0

70

<© /? ©

80 9 0

q o o

10 0

7 ■> o o

io o o

7 O <5 (5 O

10000

79

11

3. a

2 2

^ X

3 3

(inou H H \5-u5- £/ i/ <y y? y? 777 2 ^ y y y c^ <^u- C=U- Qru

44 55 06 77 88 99 111 221 3333 4444

/

\

'

*

Plate Y.

Mu otfb (Jlhauiiiirnfai (tihamcie r& ot '('Tib ei.

m ^on po Idnyod dgons hgro don shyons m dsod . .

HI in-UflH-l I

smv

§Y^|

'

ha, kha, go., ha. chayhhaja, na . ta. tha,da,na,

gnajEiai R»3rEuu ^ eisi

is a ,tsha, ds a .'vm, sha , s sahaya . ra, la . ha .

1**\ fo)

sa chhen J

or

Corpulent Characters

fmmsmRPRMti

aa 1 l tl xl e ai o an n ri li h

Ka ma $fa g'ha ha

O „

Ml L

A

jrim

vS,

m

sna

¥

T

3-

jk

&

<A> o ^n

sh

fn

TQ

,y

XL

cn

ha

Mia

£a

gha

ha

a£tsha

" dsa

dsha

ha

ha

•H

khoh s eri

Lions heart

Characters

77 ta

tha

la

3ha

na

pa

hha

ma

f

ya

ra

la

va

^ Su

ft sna

Cx

sa

1

ha

kaha

n h

ft- sh.

«

\1

CHS

(eJ

PhJ-i

nd -P

° cti

* b

vh

ID

&)

^»«^n«Sta4SN(iuiwnmAflniin

D ko n m chho g su m . la pBfa g h tslia 1 lo

mo

H ^ J

gu ru sva

uj aq ‘i

a ye ma

nasu sri ye

^rzm Han. hyuh snsn-wa

Svayambhu .

iri <3j z\ y ^ BNtyS y ^ m yhi|

om ra morainatra aya.aaii eaiu-u:

o atl aho ahi

Bg’BfC

Oilv 5$acx. etr anb (^rxxammtol (hharatto of Whet.

(CHINESE INSCRIPTION IN THE MONASTERY OF GSSAN TAN MI HGYUP. I»HUN GYI GRUB (sATFYEA

Plate VI.

E 1 -a* t& 4 M.

± H M. ^

N° 1

0 ft A, 1$ M

3^

%

#L

^2

&U

IP

%. if

B% <® kr

if A

0|3(XIM^

V||

>i*aS

• -qr^- in ^Tj'a| Uj -p g3y ^j' *1 pj y ^3 3p 3j'4^' spt ' *\ ^ 3^'E d ^ ^ R R\ *±5^ ^ p

N9 2. Mktia h^ro A&g-yig The Sacred Characters of the Buddhist Paines of Tibet, j

jus-rara ^15131 ?mw

^a, Pfei £a, Pa, cha. chna,;ia, ~m\ ta, tha, Ek, im, pa, pha, va. ma. csa' csh^i ' isa, wa

^mtfM ?m {£ii|to tafi^

Pin ^

(ty

/■*» IPvlFll ^3 El % 1 ^ vl E |

Pa Pha, ga. Pr cha, chha, ja, na, ta,tliaf%, ita, Ta.pha.va, Toa, Ua, tsha, laa, va, sha, ssa;Ea, ya,

si ?m%

ra? la, sap sad ha. a,

Plate VII

^actth-unh Q^rnammial (&hamrtev& of Wibet.

Explanation :

chha^,lohi,yig\ gsar.

I N.°. 2. New letters invented Toy CNh.ag' Lo dhavn ,

N°. 1. YU GUR CHARACTERS

H go s , loin, yigt g s ar,

N° 3. New letters invented "by Hg’O s Loahava ,

§5| qr;

skyog's.lo'hiyig', g'sar

11° t New letters invented Vy Sley-o£s Loehava,

N? 5. New Curious letters. Explanation.

No mtshar yi£ gs ar

N® £ . New letters ofRDorje ^Aan. Nonas tery

Rdor g’danyi^' gsar.

N° 2,

Ygo-yi^. ha, kha, ga, ha,

%

kya.

N° 3

in

A

no.

W<a?i<M©Jj *i$imi$||| <aisi?iwu 4i4l|41NII fclWJt I

cha. cKha ,ja, na, ta, (ha. ola, ™, p., pha, 1.., &a, ssa to.yu, Ra, la' Sa. sa - h3 a

& Si /?,

to, Via,

ki ; khu,

urai?»3tn 3&W4II <qi3hJ|W»< xHtwwu

, ga, na , cha, chha,ja, ha, ta.tha, d^na, pa,^, ha.noa, tsa, tsha, dea, wa, sk.saa.W ra,la, s'a, sa ha a

Va,14ra,|Ta,Ha, STa.bla, H £ro, la, plan, phyir.sans, r£*s. hjfruh.par, dog, a«. to,

«<a*m %m

cha,chto,ja.na, ta,*a,da,aa, pa.pto.to.ma. tsatoto.ssa.vra, sKa, aaa, ha,ya, ra,la, s'a.aa, to ^

s\ <k n Z

N° 4.

\9||

St w

ka , kha, ga, na

H° 5

V, Q ^ fj $ t ^51 % s\

kya, khya, gya, kra, Hira, IE, Ha, ki , khu, £e, no.

a,

1

af|j € % =3« 3U =n dT ' ' '

(1 6 ki, khu, £e’' r"10> ’ kya, kra, Ha,

fit «1K*»W 3i3W'fN IS 1^141 d,H

ka, kha, £a.jia. , cha .chha.jajiia . ta, ^tha, da, na, pa,pha, ka, ma, tsa.tsha, d,sa, wa, ««>= ■»■■=• — ia =* *,ri

slia, ssa, ha,_yajJ

skyabs.

k

— _ _ _ • - x-- r—, — , — , . - ^ ra,la> sa,sa, a,

-ya. C : ya.gya, ki-aUla ki khu,^e, no, D ko, n, in Chhog, hrtsefs, pa las, sans r£yas, chhog dan, d£e, hdun , tc, kyr m,chho£,tu, pa, yni.

emir (Dvnammfal (fbaraiArs of Sibt’f.

LAN. TSHA(RAiTJA) CHARACTERS USED BY THE BUDDHISTS IN NEPAL & TIBET.

Plate Y1H.

*) TO HlSlinl W« 3OTITO ' 3.^91

Na, mo , ratna.tr ay a, ya, a

a-‘ x’ f u' U-1 Ft Tf A It e, ai, 0, au, am.ah., lea EEa^a ,£ha,£a, cha, dAa,ja,jh.a,Tta ta,tha, da, cpia,na ta,tha,cla,cllia,na.

mm. m

pa pkaAa.Eha.ma, ya,ra,la,va, sa., ska, sa, Ea, EsEa, ka.Ea, Ei , El , ku, Eu,kri,kri , Eli, Hi ,ke ,kai, ko, kau, kam,EaE, kEaALa)khi,kMAk^kkTkhA^FttEikW^l£hekb.aiJlA.oJkKau,

kham.kEaE, £a,ga, gi> A- £»t gu, gri.gri. gEgL, ge, gai, go, gau, (am, gaE, A, ga, gi, £x,

At |T, IliArlAEfLf e Aai, 'go, £au,gam>£a> A, m, ni, in, nu, nu,nri,nrx.

AT. AT/\ A / . A A A i 1 . T T A -1 TiA T .T Att a -a a a — a. a..— a . a . _ a - _ _ . _ a '

— ^V> ~~^Xo

nli.iili, Ee.nai, £0, kau, nam,na, cha,cM,ch.i,cEi, cEa,cEu, cETi1chr{JcHiJcEliJcEe;ckE,c'ho)cEau,chain,cha. dEa.cMkE)dhi,cla-u,cEu,cEri,chrlcHi,cKlIEe)Aai,cEo,chaa,cAm,chaJ ja.ja , 71, ji, ju, ju, jri,jri, jli. jli, je,]ai,

jo, jau, jam,ja, ja,ja, ji, jx , ju, je.jai, jo, jau,jam,ja, Sa, M, Si, in, nu, nu, nri^ri.nli.Et ne, nai£o, nau,naxn,rla, ta,ta, ti, tT, iu, ta; tri, tri,tH,Ei, te,

tai, to, tau, tam,ta, Aft f, f fa, til, triAri,{li,fli,te,-fe.iJ toAau., tkrxnta, Ada, di, di, dn,diIdri,dr£dL31tde,(ki,io,^u,dam,da, da, da ,di, di, du, du, dri,drl3iiEl4'e,dai,db, dau, dam, A. na,

na, ni, ni , nu, nu, nri,nri,nli,nli, ne, nai,no, nau,naTn,na, ta, ta, ti, ti, hi, tu, tri,tri,JJi, tlxte.tai, to, tau, tam,ta, ta,ta, tx, tT, tu, tu, tA Atf t Ate,tai,A taxi, tam,t’a., da,cla. di, <K, du, du,dri,dri,dli,

rtli, de.dai, do, Eu, Am, A, da, dd, di, di, du, du,dri,drl,d]i,ili, de,lai, do, dan, dam,da, ua, ixa, m, m, nu, nu, nri,nri,nli,n]i)n6,nai,'nD,nau,nampa, pa, pa, pi, pi, pip pu,pri,pri,pk,plx,pc ,pai/po,

paupam,pa., . pa, pa, pi, pi, pu, pu, pri, pri, pli, pli, pe, pai, po, pau, pa-m,pa

ba, baki.loi, buJEu,bri,‘bAHi,blx)'b6Jbai,’bo,bau,’bam,Ea.,'Baba,V)x, Li, bubk.ErAA'BETK.'BeTaiTokau.'Hajnka

oH.v ^am£r cun) (jDrmi xnexdai C^havcorkx^ crf&ibd Plate IX.

f

ma.m.mi, im, mTi,mu,inri)mri'Wi,TiiHpiLe^ai^io)mati,main,ma; jra,ya,yi, yi, ju, yn.vri.^Ti^yllyli.^^a^yj.xaxijyam^Ya, ra.ra.ri, ri, r-a,r-n,rxi,Trixli,fli,re,rai,roJrau,Tam,ra, la, la, li, li, In,

lu,ln Iri, 111, 111, le,lai, lo, Ian, lam, la, va,va,vi,vi, \ra.vu,vri,vri,vli,vlJ,ve,vaivo,vauyain,'v^s'a.sa,si su,su,sri,fer2, sl^s^se, sai,s’o,sau,sam,sa, sha, sha, shi, shi, sho,ahu, shri, shri sUi, ah£ she, sliai, sho, shau. sham, sha,

sa . sa . si, si, su,.s-u , sri, sri, six, all, se. sal, so, sau, sam, sa, l»,H;HluMhu1liri1lin;Tri>,htf)lae,liai,lio.W,liam,^^

mwt *W8l ftlllR WM

lcya,lcra,iaa,lva, gya,gra,gla,gva, g^,gra,gKgva, %a,£ra,tQa,£va, Tcka.TiWga, ^a,nna, chcha,<3idha)j^ajaga5m, ^ta^^da^dkflna, tta,$a, ida,dda^m,ppa,ip^aJ'b'ba,l3l6aJmim,

pi^i I" up, w&i pw

yya, rra, 11a, wa, ^sa, ahslia,ssa,liha, leslilcsha, Scha.fifc'fia^a^a, nte ,i>ta,nda.ndk nta.nllamta AT-pa,mplm,ml)a,TO^^ ska.kka. Sga,

^ mmm m it

s^a, Iia,lta, lla,lda,loa . shka, shka,sli^a, sh£a. sia,sta,sda,6na . sla, -aria, scla, 8 da, sna.spa,sp4, sba,sbi,STna. Tka,rka,r|a,r^haj’,-rfa. di£. -froms of (jfia.) 'kwaHiwa, Vra.khva

%%®m wt mm «i w

kwa, khw • ktiva ~pwa, ^hva.

dha, i>a

Tslia

”bna,

na , tta', ch. olila a .

sta, sTika, Tcsa, ke^axfka

3iH. frems of o,

$ 3^21 1 v iwpn

plip"ha lifferent froms ofmilial sdgxis . dift Iroms of a. 3iff. fr

ina, sTi,liri, din, ]i Vhrum . Yka, * • om, ah^.^u^if^na, sa , sa^a.sya.iHyam^si^filaWlmm. mafgalam, T)Tnavanto .

Journal, as. Soc. Lung, Vol. LVU, Pt. I. 1888

PLATE X

LJTHOGBAPHEU BY A. L. PAIN-, CALCUTTA, AUGUST, 1888,

prehistoric REMAINS IN SOUTHERN INDIA

33TT

LITHOGRAPHED BV A. L. PAIN, CALCUTTA, AUQUST, 1888.

Journal, As. Soc. Bengal, Vol. LVII. Pt. I. 1S88

Plate XI

Plate I.

Journal, As. Soc., Beng., Vol. LVII, Extra»Number, 1888.

Frontispiece.

Lichtdruck von E. Jafife & A. Albert, Wien.

RAMA’S CHILDHOOD

THE MODERN VERNACULAR LITERATURE

OF

HINDUSTAN.

By GEORGE A. GRIERSON, b.a., b.c.s.

♦

iter ten Pidjfer null nersfd)en,

itfuss in Pidjters <$Iante ge^cn.

[. Printed as a Special Number of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,

Part I , for 1888 .]

CALCUTTA : *

Published by the Asiatic Society, 57, Park Street.

CONTENTS.

Page.

Preface . vii

Introduction —

(а) The sources from which the information contained in

this work is derived . xiii

l

(б) Principles of arrangement of the contents xv

(c) A brief account of the vernacular literature of

Hindustan . xvi

(d) Description of the plates ...... xxiii

Chapter I — The Bardic Period [700 — 1300 A.D.] . 1

„ II — The Religious Revival of the Fifteenth Century ... 7

Addenda . 13

„ III — The Romantic Poetry of Malik Muhammad [1540 A.D.] . 16

Addenda . . . . . . . . . .18

,, IV — The Krisna-cult of Braj [1500—1600] . 19

Addenda . 31

„ V — The Mughal Court . 34

„ VI — Tul’si Das . 42

Addenda I — The text of Tul’sl Das . . . . .61

„ II — Other versions of the Rama legend . . 57

,, VII — The Ars Poetica [1580 — 1692 A.D.] . 68

,, VIII — Other successors of Tul’sl Das [1600 — 1700 A.D.] —

Part I — Religious Poets . 67

,, II — Other Poets . 70

Addenda . . 80

,, IX — The Eighteenth Century-

Introductory Note . 85

Part I — Religious Poets . 86

„ II— -Other Poets . 87

Addenda ......... 100

„ X — Hindustan under the Company [1800 — 1857] —

Introductory Note . . . . 107

Part I — Bundei’khand and Baghel’khand . . .109

Addenda . . . .115

Part II — Banaras . 117

Addenda . 126

Part III — Audh . 127

Addenda . 130

Part IV — Miscellaneous . 132

Addenda . • 142

1Y

CONTENTS.

Chapter XI — Hindustan under the Queen [1857 — 1887] .

Note on the Hindi and the Biharl Drama .

Addenda .

„ XII — Miscellaneous .

Indices.

Page

. 145

. 154

. 156

. 160

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Plate I — Rima’s childhood .

„ II — Facsimile (reduced) of ten pages of the

Rajapur Ramayan .

„ III — Facsimile (reduced) of three pages of the

Banaras MS. of the Ramayan

„ IV — Photograph of a deed of arbitration in the

handwriting of Tul’sI Das ....

Frontispiece.

To face p 47

To face p. 51

. 51

. 1

■' , .

I

PREFACE.

*

In the year 1886 it was my privilege to read, at the

International Congress of Orientalists at Vienna, a paper

on the Mediaeval Vernacular Literature of Hindustan with

special reference to Tul’s! Das. The preparation of this

necessitated the arrangement of the notes on the entire

vernacular literature of Northern India, which I had

collected through a long series of years, although the essay

itself dealt with only a portion of the literature which

existed before the 17th century.

Encouraged by the attention with which this paper was

received, I have endeavoured to give in the present work a

more complete view of the vernacular literature of

Hindustan from the earliest times to the present day. It

does not pretend to be more than a list of all the vernacular

writers whose names I have been able to collect, nine

hundred and fifty-two in number, of whom only some

seventy have been previously noticed by Garcin de Tassy in

his Histoire de la literature hindouie et hindoustanie.

It will be observed that I deal only with modern

vernacular literature. I therefore give no particulars

concerning authors of purely Sanskrit works, and exclude

from consideration books written in Prakrit, even when

it may have been a vernacular, as not connoted by the term

modern. Nor do I record the names of Indian writers

in Arabic or Persian, or in the exotic literary Urdu, and

y m

PREFACE.

1 have been the more willing to exclude these last from our

present consideration as they have been already exhaustively

dealt with by Garcin de Tassy. J may add that by Hindustan

I mean Kaj’putana and the valleys of the Jamuna and of

the Ganges as far east as the river KosT, and that I do not

include under that term either the Pahjab or Lower Bangal.

The vernacular languages dealt with may roughly be

considered as three in number, Mar’ war!, Hindi, and Bihar!,

each with its various dialects and sub-dialects. One omission

must be mentioned with regret. I have refrained from

including the large number of anonymous folk-epics and of

folk-songs (such as kafris , ja£sd?*s, and the like) current

throughout Northern India. These can only be collected

on the spot from the mouths of the people, and, so far as

I am aware, that has only been systematically done in the

province of Bihar. I have therefore, after some hesitation,

determined to exclude all mention of them from the work,

as any attempt to describe them as a whole could only have

been incomplete and misleading.

The introduction will explain the principle of arrange¬

ment adopted in this work. Many of the entries are mere

names of authors and nothing more, which I have included to

make the book as complete as possible. When any infor¬

mation was available, I have entered it against the author’s

name referred to ; and in some cases I have, I believe, been

able to present information which has not hitherto been

placed at the disposal of European scholars. As examples

of this, I would refer the reader to the articles on Sur Das

(No. 37) and on Tul’sl Das (No. 128). I do not pretend to

have read all or even a considerable portion of the large

PREFACE.

IX

body of literature catalogued in these pages, but I have seen

and studied specimens of the works of nearly all the nine

hundred and fifty-two authors whose names are mentioned.

Nor do I pretend to have understood all I have studied ; for

many of the specimens are so difficult that it is hopeless to

attempt their interpretation without the aid of a commentary,

either oral or documentary. For this reason I do not

•

venture to call this book a formal History of Literature. The

subject is too vast, and the present state of our knowledge is

too limited to allow such a task to be attempted. I therefore

only offer it as a collection of materials which will form a

foundation upon which others more fortunate than I am,

and with more time at their disposal than a Bengal District

Collector, may build.

Regarding the spelling of vernacular words, I have

adhered to the system followed by Dr. Hoernle and myself

in our Comparative Dictionary of the Bihari Language , to

which the reader is referred for particulars. It may be

briefly stated as spelling every word rigidly as it is pro¬

nounced. I have only deviated from this rule in the case of

the names of a few living gentlemen, natives of India. On

the principle that every one has a right to spell his own name

as he likes, I have spelt their names as they sign themselves

when writing in the English character. The chief difficulty

experienced has been in the division of groups of words

forming proper names. It has been found by no means an

easy task to secure uniformity without leading to results

which were too strange and too variant from actual use to

be adopted. Present custom in this respect, though con¬

venient, has no system, and the adoption of any system

X

PREFACE.

must consequently lead to a certain amount of confusion.

I have endeavoured to divide the same name in the .same

way whenever it occurred in the hook, hut I regret that

amongst the four thousand and odd names which occur

there have been some lapsus calami .

Apologies for dealing with the Neo-Indian vernaculars

are not now so necessary as they would have been twenty

years ago. At first, oriental scholars devoted themselves to

Sanskrit alone, and then, under the guidance of Burnouf,

attacked Pali. In later years the classical Prakrits have

attracted students, and thus the age of the object of our re¬

searches has become more and more modern in its character.

I now ask my readers to take again one step over the very

short gap which separates the latest Prakrit from the earliest

Gaudian literature. Hemachandra flourished about 1150

A.D.,1 and Chand Bar’ dal, the first of the Gaudian poets of

whom we have at present any certain remains, died in 1193.

It is possible, however, that some oriental students may

still cling to the old love for Sanskrit, and these I must ask

to test the rich ore found in the following pages, which

contain the names of several vernacular commentaries on

difficult Sanskrit books,2 and of numerous technical works

on such subjects as Grammar, Prosody, Vocabulary,3 Com¬

position, and the like. The student of inscriptions will also

find a productive mine in the literature of Hindustan, owing

to the custom which vernacular poets had of dating their

works and of naming their patrons. Besides this the muse

1 He died 1172 A.D.

2 For instance, Guman Jl (No. 349) wrote a commentary of great reputation

on the Naisadha. He lived early in the 18th century.

3 For instance, Daya Earn (No. 387) wrote a useful anelcarthaJcosa.

PREFACE,

XI

of History, so silent in Sanskrit literature, lias been assi¬

duously cultivated by these authors, and we have still

extant historical works founded on materials which were

written so far back as the ninth century. I therefore ven¬

ture to put forward claims for attention not only from those

scholars who have hitherto devoted themselves to Prakrit

literature, but also from those who love to wander amid

the intricacies of the Nmadha , or to apply themselves to

the copper-plate grants of The Indian Antiquary.

There is another claim which I would mention, and

that is the intrinsic merit of the Neo-Gaudian literature.

After all that is said, the later Sanskrit and the Prakrit

poems are but artificial productions, written in the closet

by learned men for learned men; but the Neo-Gaudian poets

wrote for unsparing critics, — the people. Many of them

studied nature and wrote what they saw. They found

4 tongues in trees,’ and as they interpreted what they heard

successfully or not, so was their popularity great or small,

and so their works lived after them or not. Several works

exist whose authors’ names we do not even know; but

they have remained living voices in the people’s hearts,

because they appealed to the sense of the true and of the

beautiful.1

It is hoped that the three indexes will be found useful.

Considerable trouble has been expended in order to make

them as accurate as possible.

*

GEORGE A. GRIERSON.

1 I refer to the folk epics, bard masas (songs of the seasons), Jeajaris, and

other songs current throughout India which are referred to above.

INTRODUCTION.

(a.) The sources from which the information contained in this

work is derived .

The work is founded in great measure on notes collected by

myself from innumerable texts bought in the bazars. It is derived

almost entirely from native sources. Wilson’s Religious Sects of

the Hindus and Garcin de Tassy’s various works, especially his

History of Hindui and Hindustani Literature , have been frequently

consulted as checks ; and when the information given by them differed

from that which I had collected, I have spared no trouble in order to

ascertain the correct facts. The only English work which I have

taken as an authority has been Tod’s Rajasthan , which contains much

information not readily available elsewhere concerning the bards of

Raj ’put ana. I have endeavoured to check Tod, as far as possible, by

reference to competent native authorities, and in this respect I have

specially to thank Pandit Mohan Lai Yisnu Lill Pandia, of Udaipur,

for much assistance most kindly given to me.

A native work on which I have largely depended, and to which

I am indebted for the information given regarding nearly all the

minor poets, and many of the more important ones, is the very

useful Sib Siygh Sardj , by Sib Siqgh Segar, published by Munshi

Nawal Kishor, of LaklTnati (2nd edition, 1883). This is a compi¬

lation from former anthologies, including most of those named below.

In addition to the Sardj , I have myself consulted all the available

anthologies which I have been able to collect, including many

already worked through by Sib Siijgh. When any poet’s works

are found in one or more of the principal of these, I have pointed

out the fact against his name, by commencing the article with an

abbreviation of the name of the anthology. I have not always

done this in the case of minor anthologies, and in the case of one or

two which came into my hands while the book was passing through

the press. A work of this kind crescit eundo.

With regard to the dates given for the various authors, I have

taken some trouble to verify them as far as I could. Vernacular

poets had a laudable practice of dating their works, which has been

useful in many cases. They also frequently mentioned their patrons ;

XIV

INTRODUCTION.

and when these could be identified, they often gave a useful clue.

When all other methods failed, I had in many cases the Saroj as a

guide. Sib Singh continually gives dates, and I have generally found

them fairly accurate, — with this proviso, that he always gives his date

as that of the birth of the poet referred to, when in reality it is not

seldom the date of his principal work.1 The Saroj’ s dates have, at

any rate, this value, that, in default of any other authority, we may be

pretty certain that the author referred to was alive on the date which

Sib Siijgh gives as that of his birth. In the present treatise any dates

depending only on his authority have been printed in italics. I would

draw attention to the addenda, which give some dates which I have

been able to fix while the work was passing through the press.

The following is a list of the anthologies and other works which

form the basis of this book : —

1 Sometimes, e.g. in tlie case of Man Siggh (No. 599), he gives the date

of the poet’s death as that of his birth.

2 This book is not mentioned in the body of the work, which only goes

down to 1883. It is published at the Kaskika Tress, Banaras. The author’s

name is Nak’chhedi Tiwarl alias Ajan Kabi, of Dum’raw. He worked in

collaboration with Sudhakar Kabi. It is an anthology of didactic pieces in a

comic style* About fifty well-known poets are quoted.

INTRODUCTION.

XV

It will be useful to insert here explanations of the Hindi terms

corresponding to a few English technical terms used by me. The nine

rasas or styles are as follows : —

These translations do not pretend to be exact. Each is simply a

convenient representation of one Hindi word by one English one.

An explanation of the terms Nakh’sikh, Nayak Bhed , and

Ndyikd Bhed will be found in the foot-note to No. 87.

The word Sdmayik, when used with reference t9 a work, I have,

not without hesitation, rendered by “ occasional.” Chetaoni I have

translated by “ didactic.” By “ emblematic ” verses (in Hindi drisht

kiit) I mean those fanciful enigmatic tours de force which are

familiar to Sanskrit scholars who have studied the Nalddaya and the

Kirdtarjunlya.

(6.) Principles of Arrangement of the Contents.

Endeavour has been made to arrange the contents as much as

possible in chronological order. This has not always been easy, and in

some cases it has been found to be impossible. Hence those poets

whose dates I have been unable to fix, ever so tentatively, I have

grouped together in alphabetical order in the last chapter. While the

work was passing through the press I found myself unexpectedly in

-

possession of the approximate dates of a few of these when it was too

late to introduce them into their proper places. They have therefore

remained in the last chapter, but, to prevent mistakes, I have drawn

attention to them in the addenda.

The work is divided into chapters, each roughly representing a

period. The sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries, the Augustan age

of Indian vernacular poetry, occupy six chapters, not strictly divided

according to periods of time, but according to groups of poets,

commencing with the romantic poetry of Malik Muhammad, and

including amongst others the Krisna cult of Braj, the works of Tul’sl

Das (to whom a special chapter has been allotted), and the technical

school of poets founded by Kesab Das,

XY1

INTRODUCTION.

After each chapter are given addenda in small type, showing

particulars of the minor poets belonging to the period or to the

group dealt with. For most of the information contained in these

addenda I am indebted to the Sib Siygh Saroj .

(c.) A Brief Account of the Vernacular Literature of Hindustan.

As far as my information goes, the earliest vernacular literature

of Hindustan is the bardic chronicles of Raj’putana. The first bard

of whom we have any certain information was the well-known Chand

Bar ’dal, who celebrated, towards the end of the twelfth century,

the fortunes of Prithwi Raj, the Chauhan, of Dilll, in the famous

Prithi Raj Rdy’sd. Contemporary with him was the bard Jag’nayak,

who attended the court of Prithwi Raj’s great rival, Paramardi of

Mahoba, and who was probably the author of the Alha Khand, a work

equally famous in Hindustan with the Prithi Rdj Rdy’sd, but which

has had the misfortune of being preserved by oral tradition instead of

in manuscript.

To continue the history of these bardic chronicles, we may men¬

tion Qarqgadhara, or Saraijg Dhar, who sung, in the middle of

the fourteenth century, the prowess of the heroic Hammlr of

Ran’thambhor (fl. 1300). Passing over Keh’rl (fl. 1580) of Bur’-

han’pur, we come to two brilliant groups of bards who adorned the

courts of Mewar and Mar’ war in the 17th century. To these may be

added names like that of Lai (fl. 1650), who wrote a valuable history

of Bundel’khand, and those of other minor poets. After the 17th

century the Raj’put bards lost their distinctive character, and while

the greater number became merged in the sea of the other vernacular

poets of India, the few that remained degenerated into mere compilers

of facts derived from older records.

It is hardly necessary to do what Tod has already done in such

glowing language, and to point out how completely these Raj’put

bards wash away the reproach so often levelled against Indian liter¬

ature, that it contains no historical works. The value of these bardic

chronicles, some of which are derived from older works dating as far

back as the 9th century A.D., can hardly be over-estimated. It is

true that they contain many legends which are of doubtful authen¬

ticity ; but what contemporary European chronicle does not contain

the same ? They also embody the history of Raj ’pu tana during the

whole of the struggles between India and its Musalman invaders,

written by a series of contemporary authors extending over at least

INTRODUCTION.

XVII

six centuries. Is it unreasonable to hope that some enlightened

prince of Raj’putana will rescue these documents from the undeserved

obscurity in which they lie, and publish the texts of all of them, with

English translations ?

Turning aside from these bardic historians we may now revert

to the growth of vernacular literature in the Gangetic valley, coin¬

cident with the rise of the Yaishnava religion at the commencement

of the 15th century. Ramanand, the popularizer of the worship of

Rama, flourished about the year 1400 ; and even greater than he was

his famous disciple Kablr, who succeeded in founding a still existing

sect, which united the salient points of Muhammadanism and Hinduism.

Here we first touch upon that marvellous catholicity of sentiment of

which the key-note was struck by Ramanand, which is visible in the

doctrines of all his successors, and which reached its truest height in

the lofty teaching of Tubs! Das two centuries later. The worship of

the deified prince of Audh, and the loving adoration of Slta, the perfect

wife and the perfect mother, have developed naturally into a doctrine of

eclecticism in its best form — a doctrine which, while teaching the infinite

vileness of mankind before the Infinitely Good, yet sees good in every¬

thing that He has created, and condemns no religion and no system

of philosophy as utterly bad that inculcates, Thou shalt love the

Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all

thy strength, and with all thy mind ; and thy neighbour as thyself. 1

Far different has been the fate of that other great branch of the

Yaishnava religion which is founded on mystic interpretations of the

love which Krisna bare to Radha. Beautiful in itself, paralleled, also,

by the teaching of many Christian doctors, and rendered more beauti¬

ful by the magic poetry of Mira Bal (fl. 1420) in the west, and of

Bidyapati Thakur (fl. 1400) in the east, its passionate adoration,

whose inner meaning was too esoteric for the spirits of the common

herd of disciples, in many cases degenerated into a poetry worthy of

only the baser sorts of Tantrik Qiva worshippers. But at its best

the Krisna cult is wanting in the nobler elements of the teaching

of Ramanand. Its essence is almost selfish — a soul-absorbing, nay

all-absorbing, individual love cast at the feet of Him who is Love itself.

1 Mr. Growse {e.g. in the note to Ram. Ba. Doha, 24) has pointed out,

in his translation of the Rdm-cJiarit-manas , several points of resemblance

between the doctrines of the Christian Church and those of Tul'sl Das. There

are hymns in our Church hymnals which might be literal translations of

passages written by this great poet.

INTRODUCTION.

xviii

It teaches the first and great commandment of the Christian law, but

the second, which is like unto it— Thou shalt love thy neighbour as

thyself — it omits.

Leaving these two sects aside for a moment, we must pause at

one remarkable man, who in some respects was an offshoot from the

Ed j 'put bards, while on the other hand his writings bear strong

marks of the influence of Kabir’s teaching. Malik Muhammad

(fl. 1540) studied under both Musalman and Hindu doctors, and wrote,

in the purest vernacular of his time, the fine philosophic epic entitled

the Padmawat. This work, while telling in vivid language the story

of Batan Sen’s quest for the fair Padmawat, of Alau’d-dln’s siege

of the virgin city of Chitaur, of Batan’s bravery, and of Padmawat’s

wifely devotion which culminated in the terrible sacrifice of all in the

doomed city that was true and fair, to save it from the lust of the

conqueror, is also an allegory describing the search of the soul for true

wisdom, and the trials and temptations which assail it in its course.

Malik Muhammad’s ideal is high, and throughout the work of the

Musalman ascetic there run veins of the broadest charity and of

sympathy with those higher spirits among his Hindu fellow-country¬

men who were groping in the dark for that light of which so many’

of them obtained glimpses.

To the mere student of language the Padmaicat possesses, by a

happy accident, inestimable value. Composed in the earlier portion

of the 16th century, it gives us a representation of the speech and of

the pronunciation of those days. Hindu writers, tied by the fetters

of custom, were constrained to spell their words, not as they were

pronounced, but as they were written in the old Sanskrit of their

forefathers. But Malik Muhammad cared not for Hindu customs,

and wrote his work in the Persian character, thus giving necessarily

a phonographic representation of every word he wrote. The system

was not perfect, for, as was customary, vowels were seldom indicated,

but in the Padmaicat we have the consonantal framework of each

word put down as it was pronounced at the time of writing.

With Malik Muhammad, the period of the apprenticeship of

vernacular literature in Hindustan may be said to have come to a

close. The young giant had bestirred himself, and found that he was

strong ; and, young and lusty as an eagle, he went forth rejoicing to

run his course. The earlier Baj’put bards wrote in a time of tran¬

sition, in a language which it would be difficult to define accurately,

either as a late Prakrit or as an old form of the modern language of

INTRODUCTION.

XIX

Raj ’put an a. This was the period of infancy. Then came that of

youth, when, with the revival of a popular religion to fill the place

once taken by Buddhism, the teachers of the new doctrine had to

write in a tongue ‘ understanded of the people/ Malik Muhammad

and the apostles of the two Vaishnava sects had to feel their way, and

walked with uncertainty. When they wrote, the language spoken was

practically the same as that spoken now in the rural parts of India,

and they must have felt the same hesitation which Spenser and Milton

felt in writing in their vernacular. Spenser chose the wrong method

and cast his Faerie Queene into an antique mould, but Milton, though

he once thought of writing his Paradise Lost in Latin, dared to be

right, and thenceforward the English language was made. So was

it in India, — the first vernacular authors dared greatly, and succeeded.

The 16th and 17th centuries form the Augustan age of Hindu¬

stani vernacular literature. Nearly every great writer of the country

lived during this period. Its greatest writers were contemporaries

with our masters of the reign of Elizabeth, and, to us English, it is

interesting to note that when our country first came into contact

by its ambassadors with the Mughal court, and when the East India

Company was first founded, each of the nations, separated so widely

by sea and land, was at its culminating point of literary glory. We

must consider separately the various groups of authors who flourished

during this age.

It was in Braj, the country of the cowpens and the scene of the

childhood of Krisna and of his early amours with the herdmaidens of

Gokula, that the Krisna cult naturally took its strongest root ; and

during the 16th century it was the home of a school of poets devoted

to the worship of that god, founded by the great apostle Ballabha-

char’j and his son Bitthal Nath. Of their eight principal disciples,

grouped under the name of the Ashta Chhap , Krish’n Das and Sur

Das were the ones most celebrated. The latter is considered by his

fellow-countrymen to share with Tul’sl Das the throne of absolute

perfection in the art of poesy ; but European critics will be inclined

to award the latter poet alone the supreme crown, and to relegate the

blind bard of Ag’ra to a lower, though still an honourable, place.

One more poet of this group may here be noticed for his fame as

a singer. I allude to Tan Sen, who besides being an author was chief

court-singer to the Emperor Ak’bar. The principal native authority

for the Krisna poets of the 16th century is the enigmatical Bhakt

Mala of Nabha Das, with its various commentaries.

XX

INTRODUCTION,

While the successors of Ballabhachar’j were filling Braj with their

music, the not distant Mughal Court at Dilll had collected a group

of state poets, some of whom were of no mean reputation. Todar

Mall, who besides being a great finance minister was the immediate

cause of the acceptance of the Urdu language, Bir’bal, Ak’bar’s

friend and author of many witty impromptus, ‘Abdu’r Bahlm

Ivhan’khana, and Man Sirjgh of Amer, were more famous as the

patrons of authors than as vernacular writers themselves ; but

Nar’hari, Hari Nath, Karan, and Gagg, are justly celebrated as poets

of a high rank.

Tubs! Das (fl. 1600, d. 1624), the greatest poet of the deeds of

Bam, occupies a position amongst these authors peculiar to himself.

Far different from the founders of the Braj school, who were surrounded

by numerous imitators and successors, he lived in Banaras, unapproach¬

able and alone in his niche in the Temple of Fame. Disciples he had

in plenty, — to-day they are numbered by millions, — but imitators, none.

Looking back along the vista of centuries we see his noble figure

standing in its own pure light as the guide and saviour of Hindustan.

His influence has never ceased — nay, it has increased and is still

increasing ; and when we reflect on the fate of Tantra-ridden Bengal or

on the wanton orgies which are carried out under the name of Krisna

worship, we can justly appreciate the work of the man who first in

India since Buddha’s time taught man’s duty to his neighbour and

succeeded in getting his teaching accepted. His great work is at the

present day the one Bible of a hundred millions of people ; and fortunate

has it been for them that they had this guide. It has been received as

the perfect example of the perfect book, and thus its influence has not

only been exercised over the unlettered multitude, but over the long

series of authors who followed him, and especially over the crowd who

sprung into existence with the introduction of printing at the

beginning of the present century. As Mr. Growse well says in the

introduction to his translation of the Ram ay an of this author,

u the book is in every one’s hands, from the court to the cottage, and

is read or heard and appreciated alike by every class of the Hindu

community, whether high or low, rich or poor, young or old.” For

further particulars concerning him the reader is referred to the body

of this work.

This Augustan age was not only a period of the erotic poetry

of Sur Das and of the nature-poetry of Tul’sl, but was also signalized

by the first attempts to systematize the art of poetry itself. The

INTRODUCTION.

XXI

young growth had shown a tendency to shoot forth too luxuriantly,

and even Malik Muhammad wrote verses which were quaintly

unmusical. Sur Das and Tul’si Das possessed the strength of giants,

and were far beyond their contemporaries in polish and in a

sense of proportion ; but the works of the other early writers of this

period jarred upon the senses of scholars brought up in the strictly

classical schools of Sanskrit philology. So, after one or two earlier

attempts by minor authors, such as the poet Khem (No. 87), Kesab

Das (fl. 1580) stepped forward and settled for ever the canons of

poetic criticism. A romantic story connects him with the poetess

Par’bin Rai, and it is said that it was for her sake that he composed

his great work the Kabi-priya. Seventy years later, in the middle

of the seventeenth century, Chintamani Tripathi and his brothers

amplified and developed the rules laid down by him. This group of

critical poets is fitly closed at the end of the 17th century by Kalidas

TribedI, the author of the Hajara , the first great anthology of extracts

from the works of the Augustan age of Hindustan.

The latter half of this period, that is to say the 17th century,

saw the rise of some remarkable religious sects, which gave birth to a

considerable body of literature. The principal reformers who may be

mentioned were Dadu (fl. 1600), founder of the Dadii PanthI sect ;

Pran Nath (fl. 1650), the founder of the Pran’nathis ; and Gobind

Siqgh (fl. 1698), the founder of the militant Sikh religion and

compiler of the Qranth , or holy book of that sect.

The Raj ’put bards of this Augustan period have been already

referred to, and, passing by the lubric but popular Nazir, the only

other great poet of the time who need be mentioned is the graceful

Bihari Lai Chaube (fl. 1650), nick-named “the mine of commen¬

tators.” Never was a description more accurate. He was the author of

seven hundred verses, for each of which he received a gold ashrafi as a

reward from his patron Jai Siijgh. Each verse is a perfectly polished

jewel, designedly made as artificial as possible and capable of a double

meaning. The greatest authors have not disdained to write com¬

mentaries elucidating the marvellous difficulties of this tour de force.

With this graceful writer our survey of the Augustan age of

Hindustani vernacular literature is concluded. From the early years

of the 18th century commences a comparatively barren period. It

was the period of the decline and fall of the Mughal empire and of

the supremacy and fall of the Maratha power. Raj’putana itself was

torn by intrigues, prince struggling with prince to rob his neighbour

XXII

INTRODUCTION.

in the general loss of authority coincident with the cessation of Mughal

supremacy. Bards there were few, and, as these could only sing of

bloodshed and treachery, they preferred to remain silent. In other

branches of literature there was a similar decay. No original authors of

the first rank appeared, and the only great names we meet are those of

commentators on the works of the preceding two centuries, and of men

who further developed the critical laws founded by Kesab Das. Of the

last, the best known were Uday Nath TribedI and Jas’want Siggh, the

authors of the Ras-chandroday and of the Bhdkhd Bhukhan respect¬

ively. Similarly there appeared a number of anthologies, such as the

Sat-kabi-gira Bilds of Bal Deb, the Kabya Nir’nay of Bhikharl Das,

and others. The end of the century is redeemed from barrenness by

the Prem Ratna, the work of one of the few poetesses of India — Bibi

Ratan Kfiar.

The first half of the 19th century, commencing with the down¬

fall of the Maratha power and ending with the Mutiny, forms

another well-marked epoch. It was the period of renascence after the

literary dearth of the previous century. The printing-press now for

the first time found its practical introduction into Northern India,

and, led by the spirit of Tubs! Das, literature of a healthy kind

rapidly spread over the land. It was the period of the birth of the

Hindi language, invented by the English, and first used as a vehicle

of literary prose composition in 1803, under Gilchrist’s tuition, by

Lallu Ji Lai, the author of the Prem Sdgar. It was also a period

of transition from the old to the new. The printing-press had not

yet penetrated to Central India, and there the old state of affairs

continued. Poets, of whom Padmakar Bhatt was the most famous,

not unworthily wore the mantle which had descended from Kesab

Das and Chintamani Tripathl, while Bikram Sahi wrote an ingenious

Sat Sai in imitation of the more famous one of Bihari Lai.

In Banaras, on the contrary, the art of printing gave a new

audience to the learned ; and to supply the demand thus created,

several works of the first importance appeared. The chief of these

was the translation of the Mahabharata into Hindi by Gokul Nath.

Critical writers of a new school also came to the front, of whom the

best, longo intervallo, was Harishchandr’, the author of the Sundari

Tilak and many other excellent works ; while in Raja S'iva Prasad

the cause of education received an enlightened friend, and a pioneer

in that most difficult work, the writing of good school-books. Lallu

Ji Lai, the author of the Prem Sugar , has already been mentioned;

INTRODUCTION.

XX111

and another product of Calcutta civilisation, of a very different kind,

was the huge anthology of Krish’nanand ' By as Deb, called the Rag-

Sagarodbhab Rag-Kalpadrum, written in emulation of the better

known Sanskrit lexicon, the 0 abda-Kalpadruma.

The same period saw the rise of the Hindi drama,1 which is now

firmly established, and gives a hope of achieving considerable excel¬

lence in the near future.

The post-Mutiny days this sketch will not touch upon. A brief

imperfect account will be found in the body of this work. It may

further be noted that more extended reviews of the literature of the

principal periods will also be found in the introductions to chapters

VII to XI. All that has been attempted in the present note has

*

been to show the most salient points of a not inglorious past in the

vernacular literary history of Hindustan.

#

(d.) Description of the Plates .

The frontispiece represents Rama’s childhood in Ka/usalya s house.

I am indebted for it to the kindness of Raja Siva Prasad, c.s.i., who

procured the original photograph of one of the illustrations in the

magnificently-illuminated M.S. belonging to the Maharaj of Banaras.

To the kindness of the same gentleman I am indebted for the

other plates, which are photographs of ten pages of the Rdf pur

Ram ay an, described on page 45, believed to be in the poet’s handwrit¬

ing, of three pages of the old Banaras M.S. referred to on the same

page, and of a deed of arbitration said to be in the poet’s own hand¬

writing. A transliteration and translation of the first two will be

found on page 51 of this work, and of the last in the Addenda.

The frontispiece has already appeared, I believe, in one edition of

Mr. Growse’s excellent translation of the Ram ay an ; but as this work

appeals to quite a different class of readers, and as the picture is

itself a worthy specimen of Hindu art, I do not hesitate to give it

here again.

1 See also section 706 in the body of the work.

1

.

-

V

ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.

Note.— In pointing out misprints, I have not taken the trouble to correct

instances of unsystematic division of compound words. Such mistakes will in

no case lead to difficulty, and they will be found corrected in the indices.

4. Kumar Pal reigned 1088 — 1172 A.D. The famous HSmachandra

flourished at his court.

20. Mira Bah Note1. Head Tod, ii, 21.

23. Charan Das. Read Gyan Siuardday.

34, Ballabhacharj. P. 19, l. 6 from bottom , read Harishchandr’; p. 20,

l. 9, read Anubhasya. Add * This work is being published in the Bibliotheca

Indica.’

37. Sur Das. Read TTC, not

61. Nabha Das. P. 28 l. 8, read HitopadSca.

64. Byas Suuami. Read Sakai. So also in 66, Hit Haribans.

70. Keh’rh Read Tod, ii, 76.

71. As'karan Das. Read Tod, ii, 353.

72. Chetan Chandr'. The Ashiva BinOd is dated Sarnbat 1616 (1659 A.D.),

which Sib Siggh gives as the date of the poet’s birth.

73. Prithiul Rdj. Read Tod’s Rajasthan , i, 343.

76. Uday Siygh. Read and ii, 29.

92. Read Ghan Syam Sukal.

105. Jodar Mall, see addenda to No. 128, below.

106. Bir’bal. P. 35, l. 11 from bottom, read Bijaur.

108. Khan’khana. He patronised the poet Gayg (No. 119). The latter in

one of his works praises him and his son Turab Khan.

119. Gayga Par’sad, or Gayg. A verse of the poet KhQb Chand (No. 809)

states that on one occasion Khan’khana (No. 108) made Gayg a present of 36

lakhs. Khan’khana was certainly praised by Gagg in one of his works.

127. Mukund Siygh. Read Tod, ii, 506.

128. Tul’si Das, p. 43, last line, read Rajapur and Banda ; p. 44, l. 7, add a

comma after Kara Ghhettr ’ ; p. 45, l. 15, read Rajapur ; so also elsewhere ; p. 46,

l . 11 from bottom, read Kuydaliya.

As promised in the Introduction, I here give a transliteration and

translation of the deed of arbitration in the handwriting of Tui’si Das, dated

Sam. 1669 (A.D. 1612). I take this opportunity of expressing my acknowledg¬

ments to my old friend and teacher Mir Aulad ‘All, Professor of Arabic,

Persian, and Hindustani at Trinity College, Dublin, for much assistance

rendered in transcribing and translating the Persian and Arabic portions of the

deed.

addenda et corrigenda.

XXVI

TRANSLITERATION.

QeLJanakI-vallabho vijayate.

Dvi<? (jarain nabhisarfidhatte dvis sthapayati na^ritan | Dvir dadati

na ...... .

charthibhyo Ramo dvir naiva bhasate || 1 |J Tulasi janyo Daearathahi

dba- . .

ramu na satya samana || Ramu tajo jehi lagi binu Rama parihare

prana || 1 |) .

Dharmo jayati nadharmas satyaih jayati nanritarh | Kshama jayati na

krodho . . v . . -4

Visnur jayati nasurah |J 1 1) . 5

AllIhu Akbar.

Chti Anad Ram bin Todar bin Deo Ray wa Kanhae bin Ram Bhadar

bin Todar mazkur . 6

dar hnznr amada qarar dadand ki dar mawaai‘i matruka ki tafsili a

dar Hindwi mazkur ast . 7

bilmunasafa batarazi i janibaiin qarar dadem. Wa yak sad 6

pinjah (P) bigha zamin ziyada (?) qismati munasafa kliud 1 ; .8

dar mauza'i Bhadaini Anand Ram mazkur ba Xanliae bin Ram

Bhadar mazbur tajwlz namuda . f . .9

bar! ma‘ani razi gashta i'tiraf sahib shar‘i namudand banabari £ 10

muhr karda shnd. . EL

(Seal) ? Sadullah bin * * *

Qismati Anad Ram.

Qariyd Qariyd

Bhadaini, do hissa, Lahartara,

darobast

Qariyd. Qariyd

Naipura, hissa i Chhitupura, hissa i

Todar tamam. Todar tamam.

Qismati XanhIe. 12

Qariyd Qariyd

Bhadaini, sih hissa. Shiupur. 13

darobast.

Qariyd

Nadesar hissa i Todar tamam 14

(?) Ittala‘a‘alaih (illegible).

Sri Parameswar.

Sambat 1669 samae, kuar sudi terasi, bar subh dine likhatiih (sic)

patra Anand . .

Ram tatha Kanhaia. Ans bibhag purbak ag# kai agya dunahu jane

maga . . . ... 16

Je agya bhai se praman mana. Dunahu jane bidit taph’silu. Ans

Todar Malu . 17

ke mah je bibhag padu hot ra ( ? ha) * * * .18

1 Or (?) az Rissa qismati munasafa.

ADDENDA ET C0EB1GENDA.

XXV11

Ans Xannd Ram. Mauje Bhadaini

mail an-

-s p&ch, tehi mail ans dui Anand

Ramu.

Tatha Lahar’tara sagare u. Tatha

Chliitu-

.pura ans Todar Malu ka. Tatha

Nalpura an

-s Todar Malu ka. Hil(a) hujati

nastl

Likhitarh Anand Ram, je upar

likha, se sahi.

Shahada

bimafihi J alal Maqbuli.

bikhattihi.

Ans Kanha'i. Mauje Bhadaini

mah ans pach, tehi . . 19

mah tini ans Kanha’i. Tatha

mauje Sipura . • .20

Tatha Nades’ri ans Todar

Malu ka. Hil(a) • • 21

hujati nasti . . . .22

23

Likhitarh Kanhai, je upar

likha se sahi . . .24

9

(Here follow the witnesses' signatures, ending—)

Shahada . . . .25

bimafihi Tahir ibni Khwaja 26

Dfmlati Qanungoi. . . 27

TRANSLATION.

(Sanskrit.) Victory to the lord of (^ri Janaki.

Two arrows cannot be shot at one time. Twice one does not support

refugees. Twice over benefits are not given to applicants. Rama does not

speak in two ways.

( Old Bais’wari.) O Tul’si, Das’rath knew no virtue equal to the truth.

He gave up Ram for it, and without Ram he gave up his life.

(Sanskrit.) Virtue conquers and not vice ; truth and not falsehood. Mercy

conquers and not anger. Visnu conquers and not the Asuras.

(Persian.) God is great.

Whereas Anand Ram, son of Todar, son of Deo Ray, and Kanhae, son

of Ram Bliadar, son of Todar aforesaid, appeared before me and acknowledged

that with their mutual consent the inheritance, viz. the villages as detailed

in Hindwl, have been equally divided, and the said Anand Ram has given

to the said Kanhae, son of Ram Bhadar, 150 big has of land in village Bhadmni

more than his own half share ; they are satisfied, and have made correct

acknowledgment according to law. Their seals have been affixed hereto.

Share of Anand Ram.

Village Bhadaanl, 2 shares.

Village Lahar’tara, whole.

Village Naipura, the whole of ,

Todar’s share.

Village Chhitupura, the lesser,

the whole of Todar’s share.

Share of Kanhae.

Village Bhadalnl, 3 shares.

Village Shiupur, the whole.

Village Nadesar, the whole of

Todar’s share.

(P) I am informed of this (?)

(illegible).

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ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.

XXY111

( Old Bciis’icari.) To The Most High God,

In the Sambat year 166& on the 13th of the bright half of Knar, on the

auspicious day of the week, was this deed written by Anand Earn and

Kankaia. By way of partition of shares, we two formerly asked for a

decision ( translation doubtful), and the decision which has been passed, that we

recognise as authoritative. Both parties admit the list. The division of the

share of Todar Mai, which has been made ....

The rest is unintelligible, and 'partly illegible.

Share of Anand Earn. — In village Bhadaini, out of five shares, two to

Anand Earn. Also the whole of Lahar’tara. Also Todar Mai’s share in

Ckhitupura and in Naipura. There is no evasion or reservation. Signed

Anand Earn. What is written above is correct.

Share of Kanhai. — In village Bhadaini, out of five shares, three to

Kanhai. Also the village of SIpura ; also Todar Mali’s share in Nades’ri.

There is no evasion or reservation. Signed Kanhai. What is written above

is correct.

Witnesses (to Anand Barn’s signature) : Baghab Earn, son of Earn Dat ;

Earn Seni, son of Udhab ; (U)dai Earn, son of Jagat Bay ; Jamuni Bhan,

son of Paramanand ; JanakI Earn, son of Sri Kant ; Kawala Bam, son of

Basudeb ; Chand Bhan, son of Kesa/ci Das ; Pande Hariballabh, son of

Purusotam ; Bhawari, son of Kesauu (sic) Das ; Jadu Earn, son of Nar’kari ;

Ajodhya, son of Lachhi ; Sabal, son of Bhikham ; Earn Chand, son of

Basudiw (sic) ; Pitambar Das’wadhi, son of Puran ; Earn Kai and Garib Kai (?),

sons of Makutiri Karn (?). (Arabic) Witness to whatsoever is in this, Jalal

Maqbuli, by his own hand.

Witnesses (to Kanhai’s signature) : Earn Sigh, son of Uddhab ; Jadau

Bae, son of Gahar Bae ; Jagadis Bae, son of Mahodadki ; Chakrapani, son of

Siwa ; Mathura, son of Pitha ; Kasi Das, son of Basudewa (by the hand of

Mathura) ; Kharag Bhan, son of Gosai Das ; Earn Dew, son of Bisa(m)-

bhar ; Sri Kant Pande, son of Baj’baktra (?) ; Bitlial Das, son of Harihar;

Hira, son of Das’ratk ; Lohag, son of Kishna ; Man(i) Earn, son of Sital ;

Krishn Dat, son of Bhag’wan ; Bin’raban, son of Jai ; Dhani Earn, son of

Madhu Bae. ( Arabic ) Witness to whatsoever is in this, Tahir, son of

Khwajah DaJulati, the Qanungoi.

In connexion with the above it is interesting to speculate who this

Jodar Mall, the father of Anand Earn and grandfather of Kanhai, was.

Can he have been Ak’bar’s great Finance Minister (No. 105) P He died in

1589, and his son might well be alive in 1612. He was born at Lahar’pur,

in Au.dk, and one of the villages above mentioned, Lahar'tara, has a some¬

what similar name. In India contiguous villages have often very similar

names.

128 — 133 Add., p. 67. Other versions of the Kama legend.

(9) Read Jsivari Par’ sad Tripathi (712).

(10) For 686 read 702.

(11) For 689 read 695.

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addenda et cobeigenda.

XXLX

(12) For 711 read 725.

(13) For 829a read 853.

134. Kesab Das, The Bigyan Gita was written in Sambat 1600 (1543 A.D.)

and was dedicated to Madhukar Shah, The Rasik-priya is dated Sambat 1648

(1591 A.D.).

142. Sundar Das. The Sundar Sriygar is dated Sambat 1688 (1631 A.D.).

145. Bhukhan Tripathi. From a short poem of Mati Ram Tripathi (No. 146),

the name of the Raja of Kuma5 appears to have been Uddt Chand.

146. Mati Ram Tripathi. Bead Tod, ii, 481 and Fat’h Sahl.

149. Par’tap Sahi. I know of two rajas called Ratan or Rat’n&s in Bundaf-

khand. One is praised by Bhikhari Das (No. 344) in the preface to the Prem

Ratnakar, which was written in 1685 A.D. This may possibly be the father of

Par’tap Sahl. The other succeeded Bikram Sahl (No. 514) as Raja of Char’khari

in 1829 A.D. He was born 1816 A.D. and died 1860. He is referred to in

Nos. 5J9— 522 and 524. Bikram Sahi was born 1785 and died 1828 A.D. ; and

if Par’tap Sahi was the son of this Rat’nes, he would probably be Bikram Sahi’s

grandson, but could not have been his contemporary, for his father was only

twelve years old at the latter’s death. Yet, again, I hear from Char’khari

(though on what authority I cannot ascertain) that a Par’tap Sahi did live in

Char’khari in Bikram Sahi’s reign. Regarding the Bhakha Bhukhan, which is

usually considered as written at the end of the eighteenth century, I find

a Bombay edition of the work identifying Jaswant Siygh, its author, with

Jas’iuant Siygh (1638— 1681) of Mar’war. This would tally with the date given

in the body of the work ; but on the whole I am inclined to reject Sib Sipgh’s

statement that this poet attended Chhattr’ Sal’s court, and would place him as

flourishing about the year 1830 A.D., after No. 518. His relationship to

the Rat’nes of No. 519 must remain an open point. There was also a poet called

Ratan. See No. 156.

152. Sib Nath. Read Tod’s Rajasthan , ii, 481.

159. Kalidas Tribedi . In his Badhu-binod, which he dates Sambat 1749

(1692 A.D.), he mentions that Jogajit Siygh’s father was Britti Siygh.

160. Sukh Deb Misar . Read Arjun Singh and Britt Bichar.

164. Sundar Das. Read Sundar Saykhya.

171. Najir. Reaa Nazir, not Na?ir, throughout.

173. Thakur. Read Gosai.

177. Read Iswar.

195. Ajit Siygh. For 91 n read 89 n.

196. Bihari La I ChaubS. P. 76, l. 4, for 364 read 355. Also read Zu’lfaqar ,

199. Rat’nSs. See No. 149, Add. Cf. No. 155.

213. Chandr’. Read Sul’tan .

226. Bihari Das . Read f^T rCt,

251. Read Par’ bin.

326. Surati Misar. The Alaykar Mala is dated Sambat 1766 (1709 A.D.).

331. Bhoj Misar • Read Sriygar.

344. Bhikhari Das. Read Chhandarnab. The Prem Ratnakar is dated

Sambat 1742 (1685 A.D.) and the Chhandarnab Sambat 1799 (1742 A.D.), In the

former work he praises a Raja Rat’nes. Cf. No. 519. See also No. 149, Add.

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ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA.

XXX

346. Karan. His Sahitya Chandrika is dated Sambat 1794 (1737 A.D.),

which the Sib Siggh Saroj gives as the date of his birth. With regard to

Hir’dai Sahi, see also No. 603.

349. Gumcin Ji Misar. Read Naisadha. The Kala Nidhi is dated Sambat

1806 (1848 A.D.). The work is rather a translation than a commentary.

361. Prem Nath. Read Khlrl.

366. Hari Nath. The Alarjkar Dar'pan is dated Sambat 1826 (1796 A.D.),

which Sib Siggh gives as the date of the poet’s birth.

357. Sambhu Nath. The Ram Bilas is dated Sambat 1798 (1741 A.D.).

361. Kesab. Read Narayan.

664. Hathl. The date of his birth (1830 A.D.) given by Sib Siggh is

certainly wrong, for the Radha Satak is dated Sambat 1847 (1790 A.D.).

THE MODEM YERNACULAR LITERATURE

OF

HINDUSTAN.

- ♦ -

CHAPTER I.

THE BARDIC PERIOD. [700—1300 A.D.]

1. 3SJ the poet Pusya, of Ujain . FI. 713 A.D.

This is the earliest vernacular poet of whom I have found any

mention in Native authors. The Sib Siygh Saroj states that he

flourished in the year 713, and that he is the “ root of the vernacular”

bhtkha ki jar . It is not clear from this account whether his name

was Pusya, Puspa, or Punda. It states categorically that he wrote

both in Sanskrit and in the vernacular, and that he is mentioned

by Col. Tod in his Rajasthan. If by vernacular we are to under¬

stand a stage of language later than that of the Prakrits, this seems

a most improbable statement ; nor can I find that it is borne out by

Tod. The only allusion apparently bearing on this point in the

Rajasthan is a reference (i, 229 ; Calcutta edition, i, 246) to a Pusya ,

the author of an inscription (translated i, 799). I can find no

mention in Tod regarding the language in which he wrote.

2. Khuman Siygh alias Khuman Raut Guh’Iautt

king of Chitaur, in Mewar . FI. 830 A.D.1

In his honour was written the Khuman Ray’sa. This is the most

ancient poetic chronicle of Mewar, and was written in the ninth

1 See Tod’s Rajasthan , i, 240 ; Calc, ed., i, 258.

* A

2

THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

century.1 It gives a history of Khuman Raut and of his family. It

was recast during the reign of Par’ tap Siygh (fl. 1575), and, as we

now have it, carries the narrative down to the wars of that prince

with Ak’bar, devoting a great portion to the siege of Chitaur by

Alciu’d-dln Khiljl in the thirteenth century.2 3 We may therefore

presume that the copies now extant are in a dialect of Mewar not later

than the end of the sixteenth century.

3# the poet and bard Kedar. FI. 1150 A.D.

Mentioned in the Sib Siygh Sardj as attending the court of

Alau'd-dln Ghorl. He therefore flourished about 1150 A.D., and if any

of his works can be found, they will probably be the oldest specimens

of vernacular literature obtainable. I have never seen any of his

writings, and I fear they are lost, unless they have been preserved

in the Tod manuscripts. He is possibly mentioned by Tod, but

I have not been able to find his name.

4. king Kumar Pal, of An’hal. FI* 1150 A.D.

Towards the end of the same century an anonymous poet of

Rdj’putana wrote a bardic chronicle, entitled the Kumar Pal Charitra,z

detailing the line of descent of the Buddhist4 Raja Kumar Pal, of

An’hal, from Brahma downwards. The manuscript exists in the Tod

collection, being Ho. 31 in the Royal Asiatic Society’s list.

We now come to the time of Pithaura or Prithuji Raj, the Chauhan,

of DillJ, who was born 1159 A.D. and died 1193 A.D. He was not

only a valiant hero,5 but was a great patron of literature. If we may

believe Sib Sipgh, the works of two at least of the bards who attended

his court have come down to us. These were Nos. 5 and 6.

5. Ananya Das, of Chaked’uJa, district Goda .

B. 1H8 A.D.

The only authority for this poet is the Sib Siygh Sardj , which

states that he was author of a work called Ananya Jog, from which

1 Tod, ii, 757 ; Calc, ed., ii, 814.

2 Tod, i, 214; ii, 757 ; Calc, ed., i, 231 ; ii, 814.

3 Tod, i, 81, 80a, 241n, 256; ii, 242n; Calc, ed., i, 86, 87n, 259n, 275 ; ii, 266.

4 See Tod, i, 98; Calc, ed., i, 106.

* For a history of his life and times, see Tod, i, 95, 256 ; Calc, ed., 102, 275.

§6.]

THE BARDIC PERIOD. [700 — 1300 A.D.]

3

it gives an extract. I suspect that he was really a contemporary of

another Prithwl Raj (of Bikaner), who lived in the sixteenth century

(Tod, i, 343 and ff . ; ii, 186 ; Calc, ed., i, 363 and ff . ; ii, 203) . See No. 73.

6. the poet and bard Chandr’ or Chctnd Bar’dal.

FI. 1191 A.D.

Rag., ? Sun. He belonged to the family of an ancient bard named

Blsal Deb, the Ghauhan (cf. Tod, ii, 447 and ff. ; Calc, ed., ii, 492 and ff .),

of Run’thambhor, and, according to the account of his descendant, the

poet Sur Das, belonged to the Jagat clan.1 He came to Prithwl Raj’s

court and was appointed his minister and poet-laureate ( kavlgvara ). His

poetical works were collected by Amar Siggh (cf. No. 191), of Mewar ,2

in the early part of the seventeenth century. They were not improbably

recast and modernised in parts at the same time, which has given

rise to a theory3 that the whole is a modern forgery. His principal

work is the famous Prithi Raj Rag’s a (Rag.), or life of his patron.

According to Tod1 5 it is a universal history of the period in which

he wrote, and is in 69 books, comprising 100,000 stanzas, of which Tod

has translated 30,000 — certainly more than any other European has

succeeded in doing. Chand and Prithwl Raj were both killed in battle

fighting against the Muhammadans in the year 1193. As already

mentioned, one of his descendants was the poet Sur Das, and another was

the poet Saragg Dhar (No. 8), who is said to have written theHammir

Ray’sa and the Hammlr Kabya .6 A portion of the text of the Prithi

Raj Ray’sa has been edited by Mr. Beames, and another portion edited

and translated by Dr. Hoernle. The excessively difficult character of

the task has prevented both scholars from making much progress.

Pandit Mohan Lai l/isnu Lai Pan did has just commenced editing a

critical edition of the whole text, of which the first two fasciculi have

been published (Medical Hall Press, Banaras, 1887). The Mahoba

1 See tlie account of Sur Das’s genealogy given in No. 37.

2 Reigned 1597 — 1621. See Tod, i, xiii (In trod.) ; 350 andff. ; Calc, ed., i, xii ;

371 and fE.

3 See J. A. S. B., 1886, p. 5, “ On the antiquity, authenticity, and genuineness

of Chand Bar’dal’s epic the Prithiraj Rasau” by Kaviraj Syamal Das, in which

our poet is attacked, and “ The Defence of Prithiraj Rasa of Chanda Bar’ddi”

by Pandit Mohan Lai Visnu Ldl Pandia (Banaras, Medical Hall Press, 1887),

which is a reply to the former paper.

4 Tod, i, 254; Calc, ed., i, 273.

5 Tod, ii, 452n ; Calc, ed., ii, 497n.

4 THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDtfSTlN. [§ 7.

Khand of the poem, which, however, is probably spurious, or at

least not by Chand, has been more than once translated into Hindi. 1

It deals with the famous heroes Alha and Odan (or Alha and Rudal,

according to the tradition of Eastern Hindustan), and the trans¬

lation with which I am best acquainted (without, however, being

in a position to vouch for its accuracy) is that by Thakur Das , of

Fatihgarh, under the name of the Alkhand. This is not the same as

the Alha Khand which will be found described under the head of

the poet Jag’nik (No. 7), though it deals with the same heroes.

According to G-arcin de Tassy (Histoire, etc., i, 138), a Russian savant ,

Robert Lenz by name, translated a portion of Chand’s poem, which he

intended to have published in 1836 on his return to St. Petersburg,

but the premature death of this scholar deprived orientalists of this

interesting work. Col. Tod printed a translation of an episode

under the title of ‘The Yow of Sanjogta'2 in the 25th volume of

the Asiatic Journal, pp. 101 — 112, 197 — 211, 273 — 286.

My own studies of this poet’s work have inspired me with a great

admiration for its poetic beauty, but I doubt if any one not perfectly

master of the various Raj’putana dialects could ever read it with

pleasure. It is, however, of the greatest value to the student of

philology, for it is at present the only stepping stone available to

European explorers in the chasm between the latest Prakrit and the

earliest Gaudian authors. Though we may not possess the actual text

of Chand, we have certainly in his writings some of the oldest known

specimens of Gaudian literature, abounding in pure Apabhramca

QaiurasenI Prakrit forms.

According to Garcin de Tassy (l.c.), we owe to this poet another

work, entitled Jat Chandra Prakas, or history of Jai Chand , which is

written in the same dialect as the Ray’sa, and is quoted by Ward.

7. the bard Jag’nik or Jag’nayak, of Mahoba, in

Bund&l’khand. FL 1191 A.D.

• •

Contemporary with Chand was the bard Jag’nik. I am not certain

that I have ever seen any of this poet’s works. He attended the court

of Par’mdi (Paramardi), of Mahoba, in Bundel’khand, and chronicled

the wars of that prince with Prithwi Raj . There is a not impossible

1 For an English translation of an episode in the Mahoba Khand, see Tod,

614 and ff. ; Calc, ed., i, 648 and ff.

2 Cf. Tod, i, 623 and ff. ; Calc, ed., i, 657 and ff.

§ g/J THE BARDIC PERIOD. [700 — 1300 A.D.] 5

tradition that the /flha Khand, of which we possess many versions, and

which has sometimes been described as a spurious canto of Chand’s epic,

was originally written by this poet. The Alha Khand is, so far as

I am aware, only current in oral versions sung all over Hindustan by

professional singers. As might be expected, these versions dilfer

considerably in language, and each is modernised to suit the dialect

of the reciter. For a full account of the Alha Khand. see Indian

• • *

Antiquary , vol. xiv, pp. 209, 255. For an account of Alha’s share in

the war between Prithwl Raj and Par’mal, see Report of the Arch.

Sur. Ind., vii, pp. 13 — 20.

The l/lahoba Khand has already been mentioned under the head of

Chand (No. 6). It and other Western recensions of the poem give the

names of the heroes as Alha and Udal or Udan, the latter being short

for Uday Siygh ; but the Eastern recensions give the names as Alha and

RudaL Two versions of the Western recension have been printed _ one

edited by Chaudh’rl Ghdsl Ram, of Bhatipura, and the other, under

the supervision of Sir C. (then Mr.) Elliott, by Thakur Das, of

Fatih gar h, already mentioned. The latter edition was, I believe,

taken down1 by him as recited by three illiterate professional bards

of Kanauj, being respectively by caste a JosI, a Tell, and a Brahman,

and pieced together with additions of his own and some extracts or

adaptations from different manuscripts that he borrowed. It is thus

rather a heterogeneous composition. Portions of this recension have

been translated into English ballad metre by Mr. Waterfield in

vols. lxi, lxii, and lxiii of the Calcutta Review under the title of

“ The Nine- Lakh Chain, or the Mar 6 feud.” The Eastern recension only

exists in the mouths of itinerant singers, and is nearly always couched

in the Bhoj'purl dialect of Biharl. According to the tradition of

Eastern Hindustan, the poem was originally written by Jag’nik in

the Bundel’khandl dialect. Mr. Vincent Smith has presented me with

a number of short poems in that dialect, many of which appear to be

fragments of a larger work. In them the second hero is called Udal.

8. the poet and bard Sarayg Dhar, of

Ran’thambhor. FI. 1363 A.D.

We have now a gap of a century and a half, and in the year 1363

find flourishing the Sarayg Dhar already mentioned as a descendant of

Chand. According to Tod, he attended the court of the heroic Raja

1 I am indebted to Mr. Growse for this information.

6 THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. [§ 9.

Hammlr Deb (FI. 1300 A.D.), the Chauhan, of Ran’thambhor, who

belonged to the family of Blsal Deb, the ancestor of Chand. Hammlr’ s

dogged valour and heroic death at the hands of A/au’d-din Khiljl have

given rise to innumerable proverbs, and have been celebrated in

poetical works in many languages of India. None, however, is so

popular as Sarayg Dhar’s two works known as the Hammlr Ray’sa

and the Hammlr Kabya . 1 M. Barth has suggested to me that this

poet is the same as the Carygadhara, author of the Sanskrit anthology

entitled the Carygadhara Paddhati, described by Mr. FitzEdward

Hall in the preface to his edition of the Vasavadatta, and by Prof.

Aufrecht in ZDMG., xxvii, 2. A reference to Pandit Mohan Lai

Visnu Lai Pandia has confirmed the accuracy of this suggestion, and

• •

I am indebted to this gentleman for quotations showing that it was

not Sarayg Dhar or Carygadhara, but his grandfather Raghu Hath,

who was spiritual guide to Hammlr . The Carygadhara Paddhati was

written in 1363 A.D.

I have only seen detached extracts from this poet’s works, and

hence am unable to say whether the other two poems were certainly by

him or not. What gives rise to doubt is the existence [in the J. A.

S. B., vol. xlviii (1879), p. 186] of a translation of a Hammlr Rasa, or

« History of Hammlr, Prince of Ran’thambhor,” by Babu Brajanatha

Bandhopadhyaya, of Jaipur. According to the Introduction of this

work, the original was written by one Jodh1 2 * Raj, of Nim’rand, in

Al’war. He attended the court of a Chauhan prince named Chandr 9

Bhan, a descendant of Prithwl Raj, and was by birth a Gaur

Brahman, born at Bijawar. There is a copy of the Carygadhara (or

Sarayg Dhar) Paddhati in the Tod collection of manuscripts (No. 32)

in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society. I have only had an

opportunity of a very cursory examination of the work, which is 299

fol. long. Prof. Peterson has published an edition of it in Bombay.

No. 42 in the same collection is entitled the Hammlra Charitra,

but I am unable to say if it is the same as any of the works above

mentioned.

9. the poet Jodh Raj, of Nim’rana in A /’war. FI.

1363 (?) A.D. See No. 8 above.

1 Tod, ii, 452n, 472n ; Calc, ed., ii, 497n, 517n.

2 There was a Jodh Kabi (No. 118) who attended the court of the Emperor

Ah’bar, who may be the same as this author.

§13.]

THE RELIGIOUS REVIVAL OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.

7

CHAPTER II.

THE EELIGIOITS REVIVAL OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.

10. the master Ramanand. FI. c. 1400

A.D.

Rag. We now leave the era of the bards, and, emerging from the

mists of antiquity, come upon a great revival of literature coincident

with the rise of the Vaishnava religion, at the commencement of the

fifteenth century. The first name we meet is that of Ramanand

(fl. cir. 1400 A.D.) . He was much more of a religious reformer (see

Wilson, Religious Sects of the Hindus, i, 47) than an author, but I

have collected hymns written, or purporting to have been written, by

him, which had travelled in the people’s mouths as far east as M/thila .

11. Bhawanand. FI. c. 1400 A.D.

One of Ramanand’s immediate disciples (Wilson, Religious Sects

of the Hindus, i, 56). He is the reputed author of an explanation

in Hindi of the Yedanta system of philosophy in fourteen chapters,

entitled Amrit Dhar • See Mack. Cat. ii, 108, quoted by Garcin de

Tassy, i, 140.

i

12. the poet Sen, of Bandho. FI. c. 1400 A.D.

Haj. One of Ramanand’s immediate disciples, a barber by caste.

Poems by him are also in the Sikh Granth . He and his descendants

were for some time the family gurus of the Rajas of Bandho (RJwa).

See Wilson, Religious Sects of the Hindus, i, 118, for a legend

concerning him.

4

13. Kabir Das, the Jolalia (weaver) of Bananas .

FI. c. 1400 A.D.

Haj., Rag. He was the most famous of Ramdnand’s disciples.

His principal works are included in the well-known Sabdaball, Ramai-

nls, Sakhls, and the Sukh Nidhan, which are everywhere known and

quoted at the present day. According to tradition, he was the son of

8

THE MODERN LITKBABY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

[§ 13.

a virgin Brahman widow. He was exposed by her, and was found

on a lotus in Lahar Talao, a pond near Banaras, by the wife of

a Jolaha or Musalman weaver named Nima, who with her husband

Nuri was there in attendance on a wedding procession. He is said

to have lived 300 years, or from 1149 to 1449 A.D., and in fact

he flourished about the beginning of the fifteenth century.1

A complete list of a voluminous mass of writings attributed to Kablr,

as preserved in the collection called the Khas Granth, will be found

in Wilson, Religious Sects of the Hindus , i, 76, and is here reproduced

for ready reference. Cf. also Garcin de Tassy (Histoire, etc. i, 274).

(1) Sukh Nidhan.

(2) Gorakh Nath ki Goshthl.

(3) Kablr Pahji.

(4) Balakh kl Ramatnl .

(5) Ramanand ki Goshthl .

(6) Anand Ram Sagar.

(7) Sabdabali, containing 1,000 sabdas, or short doctrinal

expositions.

(8) Mag gal, 100 short poems, amongst which is the account of

Kablr’ s discovery given as above.

(9) Basant, 100 hymns in that Rag.

(10) Holi, 200 of the songs called Holi.

(11) Rekh’tas, 100 odes.

(12) c Jhul’nas, 500 odes in a different style.

(13) Khas’ra, 500 odes in a different style.

(14) Hindols, 12 ditto. The subject of all these odes or hymns

is always moral or religious.

(15) Barah Masa, the 12 months from a religious point of view,

agreeably to Kablr’s system.

(16) Ghahchars, 22.

(17) Ghdutisas, 2 ; the 34 letters of the Nagarl alphabet, with

their religious signification.

(18) Alifnamah, the Persian alphabet in the same manner.

(19) Ramamis, short doctrinal or argumentative poems.

(20) Sakhls, 5,000. These may be considered as texts, consisting

of one stanza each.

(21) The Bijak (Pag ) (the greater and the lesser), in 654 sections.

There is also a variety of stanzas, called Agams, Banis, etc.,

composing a very formidable course of study to those who wish to go

deep into the doctrine of this school.

1 For further particulars see Wilson, Religious Sects of the Hindus , i, 73.

§17.]

THE RELIGIOUS REVIVAL OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.

9

14. Wft Bhago Das. FL 1420 A.D.

One of Kablr’s immediate disciples, and author or compiler of the

shorter Bijah. See Wilson, Religious Sects of the Hindus , i, 7 9 ;

Garcin de Tassy, i, 118.

15. *?3Tr Srut Gopal. FL 1420 A.D.

si

Another of Kabir’s immediate disciples, and author of the Sukh

Nidhan. See Wilson as above, page 90.

16. the poet Kamal, of Bandras . FI. 1450

A.D.

Haj., Rag. He was Kablr’s son. He spent his time making

couplets in refutation of his father’s sayings. Hence the proverb

% ft? WIT ^cr 3\?TT^r, — An unlucky family was Kablr’s, in

which the son Kamal was born. See Fallon’s Hd. Dy. s.v. Upaj’nd,

page 13.

17. 3T<3TU-> Bidydpati Thahur, of Bisapl, in

Dar’bhayga district. FI. 1400 A.D.

Rag. Retracing our steps, and leaving for a time the Central

Hindustan, made famous by Ramanand and Kablr, we find flourishing

in the year 1400 one of the most famous of the Vaishnava poets of

Eastern India. Bidydpati Thahur was founder of the school of master-

singers, which in after years spread over the whole of Bag gal, and his

name is to the present day a household word from the Kar’m’nasa to

Calcutta. He has been translated into and imitated in most of the

dialects falling between these limits. Little is known of his life.

He was the son of Gan’pati Thahur, who was the son of Jai Datt ’

Thahur. The founder of the family was l/isnu Carman, who lived

seven generations before Bidydpati in the village of Bisapl, the

modern Bis’phi. This village was given to the poet as a rentfree gift

by king Sib Siygh (then heir apparent) of Sugaona in the year 1400

A.D. The deed of endowment is still extant. Bidydpati was author

of many Sanskrit works, the principal of which are the well-known

Purusa Parihsa, the Durgabhahti Taraygini, the Danaudhyauali, the

Vi cad a Sara, and the Gaya Pattana ; but his chief glory consists

in his matchless sonnets ( pcida ) in the Maithili dialect dealing

10

THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

allegorically with the relations of the soul to God under the form of the

love which Radha bore to Krish’n. These were adopted and recited

enthusiastically by the celebrated Hindu reformer Chaitanya, who

flourished at the beginning of the sixteenth century (b. 1484 A.I).),

and, through him, became the house-poetry of the Lower Provinces.

Numbers of imitators sprung up, many of whom wrote in Bidyapatfs

name, so that it is now difficult to separate the genuine from the

imitations, especially as the former have been altered in the course of

ages to suit the Bap gall idiom and metre. Bidydpati was a contem¬

porary of the Bapgall poet Chandi Das, and of Umapati and Jai Deb,

and was, we know, on terms of intimate friendship with the first. He

was, we have seen, a famous poet in A.I). 1400, and a copy of the

Bhdgauata Purana in his handwriting, dated L.S. 349 (A.H. 1456),

still exists, so that he lived to a good old age. These are the only

two certain dates we have in his life. The following dates depend

upon the dates mentioned in Ajodhya Par’sad’s Gulzar-Bihar as

those of the accessions of the various kings. Ajodhya Par’ sad’s

dates are as follows: — King Deua Simha (Deb Siygh) came to the

throne A.D. 1385 ; Giua Simha (Sib Siygh) 1446; two queens reigned

1449 — 1470; Nam Simha Deua (Nar Siygh Deb) 1470; Dhira Simha

(Dhir Siygh) 1471.

Now the Purusa Parlksa was according to its colophon written

during the lifetime of Deb Siygh , i.e. before 1446, and the Durga-

bhakti Taraygini was written during the reign of Nar Siygh Deb, i.e ,

in the year 1470. We therefore can arrange the dates which we

have of Bidijapati Thakur’s life as follows, giving those which depend

upon Ajodhya Par’sdd in italics.: —

A.D.

Granted the village of Bisapi, and therefore

already a learned man ... ... 1400

Wrote Pu rusa Parlksa before ... ... 1J+1+6

Wrote the numerous songs dedicated to Sib

Siygh before ... ... ... 1!±!±9

Copied the Bhdgauata Purana ... ... 1456

Wrote Durgdbhakti Taraygini ... ... ILfiO

Assuming the above dates to be correct, he must have been at least

ninety years old when he completed his last work. Raja Sib Siygh,

Bidyapatfs great patron, was also named Rap Ndrayan, which seems

to have been a general title of many members of the family. He had

several wives, of whom the poet has immortalised Lakhima Thakurain,

§ 18.] THE religious revival of the fifteenth century. 11

Pran’bati , and Mod1 bath There is a tradition that the emperor Ak’bar 1

summoned Sib Sirjgh to Dill! for some offence, and that Bidyapati

obtained his patron’s release by an exhibition of clairvoyance. The

emperor locked him up in a wooden box and sent a number of cour¬

tezans of the town to bathe in the river. When all was over he released

him and asked him to describe what had occurred, when Bidyapati

immediately recited impromptu one of the most charming of his

sonnets which has come down to us, describing a beautiful girl at her

bath. Astonished at his power, the emperor granted his petition to

release king Sib Sirjgh. Another legend is that the poet, feeling his

end approaching, determined to die on the banks of the holy Ganges.

On the way he remembered that the stream was the child of the faithful,

and summoned it to himself. The obedient flood immediately divided

itself into three streams, and spread its waves up to the very spot where

Bidyapati was sitting. Joyfully gazing on its sacred waters, he laid

himself down and died. A Qiva liyga sprang up where his funeral pyre

had been, and it and the marks of the river are shown there to the present

day. It is close to the town of Bazit’pur, in the Darbhanga

district. Such is the fitting legend of the passing away of the great

old master-singer.

Bidyapati’s influence on the history of the literature of Eastern

Hindustan has been immense. He was a perfect master of the art of

writing those religious love-sonnets which have since become in a much

degraded form the substance of the Yaishnava bibles. Subsequent

authors have never done anything but, longo intervallo , imitate him.

But while the founder of the school never dealt with any subject

without adorning it with some truly poetical conceit, his imitators have

too often turned his quaintness into obscurity, and his passionate

love-songs into the literature of the brothel.

18. ^?TTXlf?r, Umapati. FI. 1400 A.D. He was one of the

great poets of Mithila, and according to tradition he attended the

court of king Sib Sirjgh and was a contemporary of Bidyapati . See

J. A. S. B., vol. liii, page 77. Cf. ZDMG, vol. xl, page 143, where

Professor Aufrecht fixes the date of an Umapati, whom Maithil

tradition claims as being the same as the one mentioned, as in the

first half of the eleventh century.

1 It is hardly necessary to point out that the real hero of this story (if it is

to be believed) cannot have been Ah' bar, who lived in the latter half of the

sixteenth century.

12

THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

[§19-

19. Jaideb. FI. 1400 A.D.

A Maitb.il poet, said to be distinct from Jayadeua, author of the

Gita Gouinda . He attended the court of Sib Siygh, of Sugaona, and

was a contemporary of Bidyapati. See J. A. S. B., vol. liii, page 88.

20. Mira Bai , the Mar’warl. FI. 1420 A.D.

Hag. Leaving Bidyapati and his successors, we may now turn to

the extreme west of Hindustan, where, in Mewar, Mira Bai, the one

great poetess of Northern India, was pouring forth her passionate

hymns to Krish’n Ran’chhor . This remarkable woman, who flourished

in the year 1420 A.D., was the daughter of Baja Ratiya Rana,1 the

Rathaur, of Mer'ta , and was married in Sambat 1470 (A.D. 1413)

to Baja Kumbh’karan (No. 21), son of Mokal Deb, of Chitaur .2 Her

husband was killed in Sambat 1534 (A.D. 1469) by his son Uda Rana.

Her great work is the Rag Gobind, and she also wrote a much-admired

commentary on the Gita Gouinda of Jayadeua . She was devoted to

that form of the god Krish’n known as Ran’chhor , and the tradition

is that she worshipped his image with such fervour that it came to

life, and the god, descending from his shrine, embraced her, crying

< Welcome Mira.” On hearing these words, overcome with rapture,

she died in his arms. According to Wilson3 she was much persecuted

by her husband’s family on account of her religious principles.

She became the patroness of vagrant Vaishnavas, and visited in

pilgrimage Brindaban and Dwarika. Previous to leaving the latter

place she visited the temple of her tutelary deity to take leave of him,

when on the completion of her adoration the image opened, and Mira

leaping into the fissure it closed and she finally disappeared. Some

idea of the popularity of her writings may be gained from the fact

that I have collected from the mouths of the people of Mithila songs

purporting to be by her.4

21. Kumbhfkaran, king of Chitaur (Mewar),

husband of Mira Bai. FI. 1419 A.D. ■>

1 According to Tod, ii, 23 (Calc. ed. ii, 24) her father’s name was

Dudoh (P).

3 According to Wilson, Udaipur.

3 Religious Sects of the Hindus, p. 137.

4 Cf. Tod, i, 289 ; ii, 760 ; Calc. ed. i, 309 ; ii, 818.

§24.]

ADDENDA TO CHAPTEB II.

13

? Rag. He came to the throne about 1400 A.D., and was killed

by his son Uda in the year 1469 A.D. According to Tod (i, 289 ;

Calc. ed. i, 308,) he was a skilled poet, and wrote a commentary to the

Gita Gouinda. He is said to have been originally instructed in poetry

by his wife, the famous Mira Bai (No. 20).

22. Nanak the Bedlkhatri, of Til ’warl (see Wilson,

Essays, ii, 123) in the Panjab. B. 1469 A.D. ; d. 1539 A.D.

Rag. The celebrated founder of the Nanak-panthi sect, and part

author of the Granth (Rag.) (see No. 169). The Granth (see Wilson,

1. c.) is said by Sib Siijgh to contain poems by (1) Nanak, (2)

Ay gad, (3) A mar Das, (4) Ram Das, (5) Hari Ram Das, (6) Teg

Bahadur, (7) Gobind Siygh, (8) Kabir Das, (9) Trildchan Das , (10)

Dhana Bhagat, (11) Ray Das, (12) Sen, (13) Shekh Farid, (14) Mira

Bai, (15) Nam Deb (Rag.), (16) Balibhadr’. (Cf. Wilson, Religious

Sects of the Hindus, i, 274, for a different list.)

The first seven of these names are the names of seven of the ten

gurus or apostles of the religion. The other three apostles were, (8)

Hari Gobind, (9) Hari Ray, (10) Hari Kishun. Some idea of Nanak’s

popularity may be gathered from the fact that I have collected

unwritten songs purporting to be by him in the heart of Mithila.

(See also Garcin de Tassy, i, 385.)

ADDENDA TO CHAPTER II.

23. ^ T Charan Das, the

Brahman of Pandit’pur, district Faiz-

ctbad. B. 1480 A.D.

Bag. The author of a work entitled

the Gyan’swaroday.

24. srrffrr, Ajabes, the

old poet of that name. B. 1513 A.D.

Sun. He attended the court of king

Blr Bhan Siygh (1540—1554), of

Bandho (Biuia),1 and seems to have

resided as a professional bard in that

country. Cf. Ho. 530.

1 The Sib Siygh Saroj gives Jogh’pur, which is apparently a misprint

for Jodh’pur ; hut I can find no reference to a prince of Jodh’pur named Bir

Bhan. Ajabes in one of his poems states that this prince protected Ak’bar when

a child. Bir Bhan was, therefore, the prince of that name in Bandho ( Riuua ),

with whom Humayun took refuge. See art. Bewah in Imperial Gazetteer of

India, where the dates are given incorrectly, and Rep, Arch , Sur. Ind. xvii, 101,

and xxi, 109. Cf. Nos. 113 and 530.

14

THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

25. *RTT Gad a Dhar

Misar, of Braj, B. 1523 A. I).

Bag.

26. Madhab Das ,

the Brahman. B. 1523.

Bag. He was father of Bhag’ivat

Ramit (No. 61). He is probably the

same as a Mcidhd Das, the author of a

song in praise of the Ammonite,

which I collected in Mithila.

27. tfttTT the poet Gopa.

B. 1553 A.D. He wrote the Ram

Bhukhan and the Alagkdr Chandrikd.

[§25.

28. •rrfinTT the poet Nara-

miyd. alias NaramU of Junagarh, in

Guj'rat • B. 1533 A.D.

Bag.

29. *PT«TT^ Bhag’iuan Das,

of Mathura. B. 1533 A.D.

Bag.

30. ^TDsT ^RT5T, the poet

Moti Lai, of Baslraj. B. 1533.

Bag. He translated the Ganeca

• 7

Purana into the vernacular.

§ 31.] THE ROMANTIC POETRY OF MALIK MUHAMMAD. [1640 A.D.]

15

CHAPTER III.

THE ROMANTIC POETRY OF MALIK MUHAMMAD. [1540 A.D.]

31. Malik Muhammad, of

Jdyas, in Audh. FL 1540 A.D.

He flourished under Sher Shah in the year 1540 A.D. He was

the author of the Pad maw at (Rag.), which is, I believe, the first poem

and almost the only one written in a Gaudian vernacular on an original

subject. I do not know a work more deserving of hard study than

the Padmawat. It certainly requires it, for scarcely a line is intelligible

to the ordinary scholar, it being couched in the veriest language of

the people. But it is well worth any amount of trouble, both for its

originality and for its poetical beauty.

Malik Muhammad was a Musalman faqlr of great sanctity. The

raja of Amethl \ who believed that he owed a son and his general pros¬

perity to the saint, was one of his principal devotees. When the poet

died he was buried at the gate of the raja’s fort at Amethl, where his

tomb is still worshipped. He tells us himself, in the introduction to

his poem, that he was a disciple of Sayyad Ashraf Jahan’gir and of

Shekh Bur h an, 1 and that he subsequently studied under Hindu

pandits. He is said not to have been a man of great learning, but

was famed for his wisdom, and for the fact that he wrote for the people

in the people’s tongue. According to the text of the Banaras edition

of the Padmawat , which is very incorrect,1 2 the poet commenced to

write it in A.H. 927 (A.D. 1520) ; but this is probably a misreading,

for he says in the preface that Sher Shah of the Sur dynasty, who

1 Shekh Bur’han resided at Kal’pi, in Bundel’khand, and is said to have died

at 100 years of age in A.H. 970, or A.D. 1562-63. See Rep. Arch. Sur. Ind.

xxi, 131.

2 My friend Pandit Chhdtu Ram Tiwarl, Professor of Sanskrit at Bapkipur

College, has undertaken to translate and edit a correct text of this important

work for the Bibliotheca Indica. (Alas, since the above was written, a learned

and humble scholar, who never said an unkind word of anyone, and one of the

most upright gentlemen with whom it has been my privilege to be on terms of

intimacy, has gone to his long home. By his untimely death I have lost a

true friend and a respected teacher.)

16

THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

came to the throne in A.H. 947 (A.D. 1540), was then the ruling

king. 927 is therefore probably incorrect for 947.

The outline of the story of Padmawat is as follows : — There was

a king named R atari Sen , of Chitaur, who was informed by a parrot

of the great beauty of Padmawat or PadminJ, daughter of the king

of Sirjghal Dip (Ceylon). He journeyed to Ceylon as a mendicant,

married her there, and returned with her to Chitaur. After this one

Rag ho, a dismissed astrologer of Eatan’s court, informed Alau’d-dln

Khiljl, then reigning at Dilll, of the great beauty of Pad mini.

Alau’d-dln in consequence attempted, but unsuccessfully, to capture

Chitaur in order to obtain possession of her. He nevertheless, by

a stratagem succeeded in capturing Ratan’s person, and held him as a

hostage for her surrender. During her husband’s imprisonment

proposals of an insulting nature were made to her by one Deb Pal,

Eaja of Kambhal’ner, which she repelled with scorn. Eatan was

subsequently released from his dungeon by the valour of two heroes,

Gbra and Badal, the former being killed fighting bravely in the battle

which ensued. As soon as Eatan was again seated on his throne, he

attacked Kambhal’ner in revenge for the insult offered to his wife, and

killed Deb Pal. He was, however, himself sorely wounded, and only

arrived at Chitaur in time to die. His two wives Padminl and

Uag'mati became sail for him, and while their ashes were still warm

the advance guard of Alau’d-dln’s army appeared at the gates of the

city. It was nobly defended by Badal, who fell fighting in the

gate, but was finally taken and sacked, “and Chitaur became Islam.”

In the final verses of his work the poet says that it is all an allegory.

By Chitaur he means the body of man ; by Ratan Sen the soul; by the

parrot the guru or spiritual preceptor; by Padminl wisdom; by

Rag ho Satan; by Alau’d-dln delusion, and so on.

The story of the Padmawat is founded on the historical facts of the

siege of Chitaur, which is described by Tod [Rajasthan i, 262 (Calc. ed.

i, 281), and ft]. The substance is as follows : — Lakam’si, the minor king

of Chitaur , came to the throne A.D. 1275. His uncle B him’ si ruled

during his minority. He had espoused Padminl, the daughter of

Hammir Saykh ( Chauhan ), of Ceylon. Alau’d-din besieged the city

in order to obtain possession of her, and after a long and fruitless

siege he restricted his desire to a mere sight of her extraordinary

beauty, and acceded to the proposal of beholding her through the

medium of mirrors. Eelying on the faith of the Eaj’put he entered

Chitaur, slightly guarded, and having gratified his. wish returned.

§ 31.] the ROMANTIC POETRY OF MALIK MUHAMMAD. [1540 A.D.]

17

The Raj ’put, unwilling to be outdone in confidence, accompanied the

king to the foot of the fortress. Here Ala had an ambush waiting.

Bhlm’si was made prisoner, and his liberty made to depend on the

surrender of PadminT. She being informed of this, agreed to give herself

up as a ransom for her husband ; and having provided wherewithal to

secure her from dishonour, she designed, with two chiefs of her own

kin of Ceylon — her uncle Gora and her nephew Badal — a plan for the

liberation of the prince without hazarding her life and fame. She was

accompanied into Ala’s camp by a procession of litters, borne by, and

filled with, armed men disguised as females and handmaids, some of

whom returned, taking Padmini and Bhlm’sl with them in disguise ;

the rest remained in the enemy’s camp till the ruse was discovered,

when they covered the retreat of their master and were cut down to a

man in doing so. Bhlm’si and Padmini escaped into Chitaur, and after

an unsuccessful attempt at storming the citadel (in which Cora was

killed) Alau’d-dln raised the siege. He returned again to the siege in

1290 (Firishta says thirteen years later), and one by one eleven out of

twelve sons of Bhlm’sl were slain. Then, having made arrangements

for the escape of Ajaisl, his second son, to continue the family line, the

Rana himself, calling around him his devoted clans, for whom life had

no longer any charms, threw open the portals and carried death into,

and met it in the crowded ranks of Ala. ‘ But another awful sacrifice

preceded this act of self-devotion, in that horrible rite the Jmhar,

where the females are immolated to preserve them from pollution or

captivity. The funeral pyre was lighted within the great subterranean

retreat, in chambers impervious to the light of day, and the defenders

of Chitaur beheld in procession its queens, their own wives and daugh¬

ters, to the number of several thousands. The fair Padmini closed the

throng, which was augmented by whatever of female beauty or

youth could be tainted by Tatar lust. They were conveyed to the

cavern, and the opening closed upon them, leaving them to find

security from dishonour in the devouring element.’ The Tatar

conqueror took possession of an inanimate capital, strewed with the

bodies of its brave defenders, the smoke yet issuing from the recesses

where lay consumed the once fair object of his desire.

Malik Muhammad has changed the name of the hero from B him’ si to

Ratan , the name of the king of Mewar who ruled at Chitaur at about

the time that the poem was written (Tod, i, 309 ; Calc. ed. i, 328). 1

1 It is worthy of note that the second sack of Chitaur, that by Bahadur of

Gni’rat, took place in 1533 (Tod, i, 311 ; Calc. ed. 331).

B

18

THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

He has also borrowed part of his story from that of another Padma-

wat, the PadmauatJ of Udayana and the RatnaualL He makes his

hero turn a mendicant devotee in order to gain his beloved, and the

scene of the burning together of the two queens, though suggested

by the terrible real tragedy, seems also to bear marks of the somewhat

similar situation in the Patnavali.

From the date of the Padmawat the literature of Hindustan

became, so to speak, crystallised into two grooves. This was due to the

Yaishnava reformation of Rdmdnand and Ballcibhachar’j. The first

of these, who has been already mentioned, founded the modern

worship of Visnu in his incarnation of Pam (Pama), and the other

the worship of the same god in his incarnation of Krish’n (Krisna).

From this date all the great poetical works of the country were

devoted to either one or other of these two incarnations, and Malik

Muhammad’s work stands out as a conspicuous, and almost solitary,

example of what the Hindu mind can do when freed from the trammels

of literary and religious custom. It is true that there are examples

of didactic, grammatical, and medical works in the long roll of

authors which follows ; but the fact remains that from the middle of

the sixteenth century to the present day all that was great and good

in Hindustani1 literature was bound by a chain of custom or of

impulse, or of both, to the ever-recurring themes of Pam and Krish’n.

Pamanand has already been dealt with, and his only conspicuous

follower was Tul’sl Das, concerning whom I shall hereafter deal at

length. Before considering Ballabhdchar j and the great school of Braj

authors founded by him, it will be convenient to clear the way by

enumerating two minor writers.

ADDENDA TO CHAPTEP III.

32, the poet Dllh (?).

B. 1548 A-D. No particulars.

33. Narottam Dds ,

the Brahman of Bciri, district Sltd.pur.

B. 1553 A.D.

Rag. The author of the Suclclmci

Charitr’ (Rag.).

1 I use this word here, as elsewhere, as the adjective corresponding to

the substantive Hindustan, and not as meaning the so-called Hindustani

language.

§34.]

THE KR1SNA-CULT OF BRAJ, [1500 — 1600.]

19

CHAPTER IV.

THE KRISNA-CTJLT OF BRAJ. [1500—1600.]

34. *) Ballabhdchar’j, of Gohul, in Braj. B.

1478 A.D.

Rag. Although Ballabhachdr’j was more of a religious reformer

than a literary character, I shall deal with him at greater length than

I have done with Ramanand, both because of his greater importance,

and because I am able to give some particulars concerning him which

have not hitherto been made available to European scholars. Ballabhd¬

chdr’j ( Vallabhacharya ) was the celebrated founder of the Radha-

ballabhl sect.1 2 According to Harishchandr ’f his father’s name was

Lac hh man Bhati (a Tailiqga Brahman of Madras ) and his mother’s name

was lllamgaru. His father had three sons — Ram Krish’n, Bal/abha-

char’j ', and Ram Chandr ’. Both his brothers were Vaishnava authors

of repute. Lachhman Bhati lived at Ajodhya, and was paying a visit

to Banaras when on the way, near the village of Chcutra, in the vicinity

of Betiyd, in the district of Ghamparan, in Bihar, on Sunday, the 11th

of the dark half of Balsakh, Sambat 1535 (A.D. 1478), Ballabhachar’j

was born.3 At Banaras he commenced studying under the celebrated

Mddhi’wdchar] (Rag.) at the age of five years, and remained there till

the death of his father, after which he led a wandering life and visited

the court of Krish’n Deb, king of Bijawagar, apparently the same as

Krish’n Rayalu, who reigned about the year 1520 A.I). Here he over¬

came the Smarta Brahmans in controversy (see Wilson, Religious

Sects of the Hindus , p. 120). According to Harischandr’, however,

this took place before Sambat 1548 (A.D. 1491), when he was only

thirteen years of age. In this year he made a tour to Braj, where he

studied the Bhagauata Purana, and subsequently returned to Banaras,

preaching Vaishnava doctrines as he went along. From Banaras he

went to Gaya, Jagannath, and the Dechan, spreading his doctrines

1 See Wilson, Religious Sects of the Hindus, p. 120.

2 Prasiddh IVIahatmdo kd Jiban Charitr ii, 28.

3 See the third khandof the Ballabh Digbijai , tjtoTcT

cjFm W^r. See also a hymn by Duiarikes quoted by Harish-

chandr’, l.c.

13 2

20 THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. [§ 35.

everywhere. He finished his first tour (technically called his Digbijm,

or conquest of the world) in Sambat 1554 (A.D. 1497) at the age of

nineteen.1 He then made Braj his head-quarters and established an

image of Shrl Nath at Gobardhan. From this as his head-quarters he

made his second missionary tour throughout India. He died in

Bandras in Sambat 1587 (A.D. 1530) at the age of fifty-two years,

leaving two sons — Gopi Nath and Bitthal Nath. He was a volumin¬

ous author. His most admired works are a commentary on the

Bhagauata Purana entitled Subodhan 7, 2 the Anubhasya, and the

J aim inly a Sutra Bhasya. The two latter are in Sanskrit. Harish¬

chandr’ (l.c.) gives a complete list of his works. The authorship

of a vernacular work of considerable authority, the Bishnu Pad, or

stanzas in honour of Visnu, is also attributed to him. Many verses

by him are included in the anthology entitled Rag-Sagarodbhab of

• Krishnanand Byas Deb . For further particulars see No. 35.

35. ff ^ the holy master Bitthal Nath,

of Braj . FL 1550 A.D.

Ptag. Ballabhaehdrj was succeeded as leader of the Radha -

ballabhl sect by his son Bitthal Nath , of Braj (FI. 1550). Bitthal Nath

had seven sons, all of whom became Gostils, or leaders of the sect.

The descendants of two of these {Gir’dhar and Jadunath)3 still

exist in Gohul ,4 Many of his verses are included in the Rag-

Sagarodbhab, and he is possibly the same as a Bitthal Kabi mentioned

in the Sib Siygh Saroj as an erotic poet.

Ballabhachar’j had four famous pupils, viz. Krish’n Das Pay

Ahari (No. 36), Sur Das (No. 37), Par’manand Das (No. 38), Kumbhan

Das (No. 39) ; and Bitthal Nath had also four pupils, named Chatur'-

bhuj Das (No. 40), Chhlt Scudmi (No. 41), Nand Das (No. 42), Gobind

Das (No. 43) . The first four may be considered as flourishing in the year

1550, and the second four as flourishing about 1567 A.D. These eight

all lived in Braj and wrote in Braj Bhakha, and are named the Ashta

Chhap, or eight acknowledged masters of the literature of that dialect.

Wilson and others speak of a work entitled the Ashta Clihap, giving

the lives of these poets ; and I once believed in the existence of such

1 This is the date quoted by Harishchandr .

2 According to Wilson, Subodhini.

3 See Harishchandr’ (l.c.), ii, 36.

4 For further information cf. Wilson, Religious Sects of the Hindus , i, 125,

where he is wrongly called Vitala Nath.

§37.]

THE KRISNA-CULT OF BEAJ. [1500 — 1600.]

21

a work myself, but I now know that by the term Ashta Ch/idp is

simply meant this list, which, so far as I can make out, was first given

and so named in some verses of Sur Das (translated in N o. 37) and

next noted by me in a work entitled the Tul’si Sabdar’th Prahas,

by Gopctl Siggh, of Braj, whose date I have been unable to give.

I now proceed to mention these eight authors in detail.

36. ire Krish’n Das , surnamed Pay

Ahari, or ‘he whose food was milk/ of Gohul, in Braj, FI. 1550 A.D.

Bag. He was a disciple of Ballabhacharj and a member of the Ash ta

Chhap, — see No. 35. He was a graceful and sweet poet, many of whose

verses will be found in the Rag Sdgarodbhab. There is a legend that

Sur Das in his poetry had exhausted all that could possibly be said

concerning the god Krish’n, and that hence, when Krish’n Das wrote

anything, it was always found to be identical with something that

Sur Das had already written. One day the latter challenged him to

produce a single stanza which did not comply with this disagreeable

necessity, and he failed to do so. He then promised to bring an

original verse next day, and going away spent the whole night in

vain endeavouring to concoct one. In the morning he found a verse

mysteriously written upon his pillow, which he took to Sur Das, who

at once identified it as one which had been written by their master,

Ballabhdchdr’j. In spite of this legend, which seems to point to a

rivalry between the two poets, Krish’n Das is always graceful and

as original as his subject will admit. His best known work is the

Prem-ras-ras. His most famous disciples were Agr’ Das (No. 44),

Kebual Ram (No. 45), Gada Dhar (No. 46), Deba (No. 47), Kalyan

(No. 48), Hat! Narayan (No. 49), and Padum Nath (No. 50). Agr’

Das had Nabha Das (No. 51), the author of the Bhakt Mala, of whom

more anon, for his disciple.

37. Sur Das, the Bhat, of Braj, FI. 1550 A.D.

Nir., Bag. Sur Das deserves a more extended notice. He was, with

his father Baba Ram Das (No. 112), a singer at the court of the emperor

Ah’bar (see Ain-i-Akbari, Blochmann’s translation, p. 612). He and

Tul’si Das are the two great stars in the firmament of Indian vernacular

poetry. Tul’si was devoted to Bam ( ekant Ram-sebak), while Sur Das

was devoted to Krish’n ( ekant Krish’n-sebak), and between them they

are considered to have exhausted all the possibilities of poetic art.

b 3

22

THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

[§ 37.

According to a tradition preserved in the glosses of the Bhaht

Mala, and to the Chaurasl Bdrta) he was a Saraswat Brahman, and his

father and mother were beggars who lived at Gau Ghat or at Dil/i, The

fact that books of the authority of these two works countenance

this theory is typical of the tendency of mediaeval Indian authors to

trust to tradition instead of to independent research. Subsequent

writers, English and foreign, have followed the Bhaht Mala, and have

all been led wrong in consequence, for we have the very best authority,

that of Sur Das himself, that he was not a Saraswat Brahman, and

that his father was not a beggar and did not live at Gau Ghat.1

Sur Das wrote a collection of emblematic verses ( drisht hut ) with

the accompanying necessary commentary,2 and in the latter the author

gives the following account of himself3 4 : —

‘The founder of my family was Brahm Rad,4, first of the Jag at

(or of the Prath Jagat)5 clan. In his famous family was born the

handsome famous Chanel.6 * To him Prithwi Raj (FI. 1190 A.D.) gave

the country oiJwala . lie had four sons, of whom the eldest succeeded

him as king {naves). The second was Gun Chandr’, whose son was

Si! Chandr’, whose son was Blr Chandr ’. This last used to sport with

Hammlr,1 king of Ran’thambhor. In his family was born Hari Chandr’,

who dwelt at Ag’ra . Hari Chandr’s heroic8 son dwelt in Gop’chal and

had seven sons, viz. (1) Krish’n Chand, {2)Udar Chand, (3 )Jurup Chand

(or possibly Rup Chand), (4) Buddhi Chand, (5) Deb Chand, (6)

(?) Sansrit Chand, and (7) myself Suraj Chand . My six brothers were

1 It must not he forgotten that Priya Das, the author of the gloss to the

Bhakt Mol! a, collected the traditions more than a century after Sur Das’s death.

2 The work has been printed at the Light Press, Banaras.

3 The late lamented Harishchandr’, of Banaras, the greatest, I had almost

said the only, critic of Hindustan, was the first to draw attention to this in

his magazine the Harishchandra Chandrikd. , vol. vi, No. 5, pp. 1 — 6. The article

has been subsequently reprinted in the collection known as Prasiddh Mahatmao

ka Jlban Charitr’. (Bankipur. Sahib Prasad Siggh. Khadg Bilas Press. 1885.)

4 The title Kao renders it probable that he was either a raja ( of royal

stock) or a Bliat or panegyrist.

5 This clan is not mentioned in the list of clans of Saraswat Brahmans

drawn up by Pandit Radhes Misar, Jagat or jagatiy a means a panegyrist.

6 Or perhaps Bhdo Chand, if we take bhdu ( = hud, ‘ was’ ) as a contraction

of bhado

1 The famous king of Ran’thambhor, who was attacked by Alau’d-din Khilj and

for whom 1,000 wives became satl. The date of his death was about 1300 A.D.

8 His son s name was probably Ram Chandr’, which he subsequently changed,

according to Vaishnava custom, to Ram Das. But a possible translation of°the

passage gives his name as Blr ( Chandr ').

§37.]

THE KRISNA-CULT OF BRAJ. [1500—1600.]

23

killed in battle with the Musalmans ; I alone, Stiraj Chand, blind1

and worthless, remained alive. I was fallen into a well,2 and

though I called for help, no one saved me. On the seventh day

Jadupati (Krish’n) came and pulled me out3 and, making himself

visible to me (or giving me my eyesight), said “Son, ask what thou

desirest as a boon.” I said, “ Lord, I ask for the boon of perfect

devotion, for the destruction of the enemy,4 5 and that now that I have

seen the form of my Grod, mine eyes may never see aught else.” As

the Ocean of Compassion heard me, he said. “So let it be. Thine

enemy will be destroyed by a mighty Brahman of the Deck an”

Then named he me Stiraj Das, Stir, and Stir Syam, and disappeared,

and thereafter all was darkness to me.6 7 8 I then went to live in Braj,

where the holy master ( Bitthal Nath) entered my name in the Ashta

ChhapJ1 We thus get the following genealogy : —

Brahm Rad, the Jag at.

Chandr’. (FI. 1190 A.D.)

Second son, Gan Chandr

i

SU Chandr '.

I

Bir Chandr '. (FI. 1300 A.D.)

I

Hari Chandr ' (of Ag’ra).

v-;. i i

Descendants unknown.

Ram Chandr ' (of Gop-chal).

Stiraj Chand ( FI. 1550) and six others.

It is evident that he was not of a Brahman, but of a royal stock.3

According to tradition he was born about Sambat 1540 (1483 A.D.),

1 Either literally or figuratively. Owing to the undoubted fact of his

blindness, every blind singing mendicant is nowadays called a Sur Das.

2 This may by taken literally, i.e. fallen into a dry well {andha kiid), or

figuratively that he was a sinner.

3 Or, taken figuratively, after seven days of internal conflict I became

converted and obtained salvation. ^

4 I.e. of his evil passions, or perhaps of the Musalmans.

5 I.e. Ballabhachar’j.

6 I.e. he became literally blind, — the fulfilment of his third request, dusard

nd dekho ru'pa, dekU RadhaSyama. The line may also be translated, ‘he

disappeared in the last watch of the night.’

7 The list of the eight great poets of Braj. See No. 35.

8 He calls Chand’r’s eldest son naves.

B 4

24 THE MODERN LITEEAET HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. [§ 37.

and was instructed by his father at Ag’ra in singing, in Persian, and

the vernacular. On his father’s death he took to writing hymns

(i bhajans ), and gained many disciples. At this time he signed his

verses Sur Swaml, and under that title wrote a poem dealing with the

story of Nata and Damayantl.1 He was then in the prime of his

youth, and is said to have lived at Gciu Ghat, a village nine kos from

Ag’ra on the road to Mathura. About this time he himself became a

disciple of Ballabhachar’j, and signed his poems with the name

of Sur Das, Sur, Suraj Das, or, as before, Sur Sijam .2 At this time

he translated the Bhdgauata Pur an a into verse in the vernacular,

and he also collected his hymns into the compilation entitled the

Sur S agar (Rag.).3 In his old age his fame reached the ears of the

emperor Ah' bar, who summoned him to his court. He died in Gdhul

about Sambat 1620 (1563 A.H.). The above tradition is certainly

wrong so far as regards dates and as regards Sur Das’s father,

for the Aln-i-AkbarT, which was completed in 1596-97 A.D., mentions

both Sur Das and Baba Ram Das as (apparently) then alive. Abu’ l

Fazl says that Ram Das came from Gwdliyar , but Badaonl (ii, 42) says

he came from Lahh’nau,

Another legend current throughout India concerning Sur Das may

be mentioned. Subsequently to his becoming blind, during the absence

of his amanuensis, Krish’n came himself and wrote down for him the

words which welled forth from the unsuspecting poet’s mouth. At

length Sur Das perceived that the writer was outstripping his tongue,

and was writing down his thoughts before he had uttered them. Recog¬

nising the Antaraj ami God by this, Sur Das seized him by the hand,

but Krish’n thrust him away and disappeared. Sur Das then uttered

a poem still extant, and in my opinion by far his highest flight,

the leading idea of which is that though a mortal might thrust him

away, no one but God could tear himself from the poet’s heart.4

Regarding Sur Das’s place in literature, I can only add that he justly

holds a high one. He excelled in all styles. He could, if occasion

required, be more obscure than the Sphynx and in the next verse be as

1 No copies of this are known to exist.

? Also possibly Sant Das. (See No. 235.)

3 Said to contain 60,000 verses.

4 Kara chJiataTcai jatu ha/u, durabala jdni mohi

Hiradaya se jwu jahuge, marada bakhand tdhi.

Thou thrustest away my hand and departest, knowing that I am weak

(and pretending that thou art but a man),

But not till thou depart from my heart will I confess thee to be a mortal

§42.]

THE KRISNA-CCLT OF BEAJ. [1500—1600.]

25

clear as a ray of light. Other poets may have equalled him in some

particular quality, but he combined the best qualities of all.1 Natives

of India give him the very highest niche of fame, but I believe

the European reader will prefer the nobility of character of all that

Tul’sT Das wrote to the often too cloying sweetness of the blind

bard of Ag’ra.

38. Par’ man and Das, of Braj. FI. 1550

A.D.

Rag.

39. Kumbhan Das , of Braj. FI. 1550 A.D.

Rag. These two were pupils of Ballabhachdr’j (No. 34), and are

included in the Ashta Chhdp.

40. Chatur’bhuj Das. FI. 1567.

Rag. He is included in the Ashta Chhdp as a pupil of Bitthal Nath,

of Gbhul (No. 35). He is probably the same as another Chatur’¬

bhuj mentioned by Sib Sii^gh. Garcin de Tassy (i, 142), quoting the

• preface to the Prem Sagar, mentions a Chatur’bhuj Misar, author

of a Braj translation of the 10th book of the Bhagauata Purana

in dohas and chdupms.

41. ChhJtSwdmi. FI. 1567 A.B.

Rag. He is included in the Ashta Chhdp as a pupil of Bitthal

Nath (No. 35). He is possibly the same as a Chhlt Kabi included

in Haj., whom Sib Si^gh dates as 1648 A.D.

42. Nand D<*s the Brahman, of Ram’ pur. FI.

1567.

Rag. He was a pupil of Bitthal Nath (No. 35), and his name is

included in the Ashta Chhdp. A proverb about him is

*lfg-5TT, ^ XHT — -All others are simply founders (or melters),

1 As an anonymous poet of Ak’bar’s court says, “ Gayg excels in sonnets

and Blr’bal in the Kabitta metre. Kesab’s meaning is ever profound, but Sur

possesses the excellences of all three.”

26

THE MODERN LITEBAET HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

[§ 43.

but Nand Das is the artificer (who joins the pieces of cast metal into a

composite whole). His principal works are (1) Nam Mala , (2)

A nek art h, (3) Pahchadhijayi (Hag.) (printed. It is a poem in imita¬

tion of the Gita Gouinda, see Garcin de Tassy, i, 387), (4) Rukmini

Maygal (Hag), (5) Dasam Skandh, (6) Dan Lila , (7) Man Lila . He is

also the author of numerous detached verses.

43. *?Tf^ Gobind Das, of Braj. FI. 1567 A.D.

Hag. He was a disciple of Bitthal Nath (No. 35) and a member

of the Ashta Chhap .

44. Agr’ Das, of Gal’td, in Amer (Jaipur). FI.

1575 A.D.

Rag. He was a disciple of Krish’n Das Pay Ahdri (No. 36), who

together with Sur Das was a disciple of Ballabhacharj. He himself

was preceptor of Nabha Das (No. 51), the celebrated author of the Bhakt

Mala. Many of his songs are included in Hag. He is possibly the same

as another poet mentioned by Sib Siqgh as being born in 1569 A.D.,

and the author of Kundaliya , Chhappai, and Doha verses on morals.

45. TJ3T qfff=T, the poet Kewal Ram, of Braj.

FI. 1575 A.D.

Hag. Mentioned in the Bhakt Mala. A disciple of Krish’n Das

Pay Ahdri (No. 36).

46. Gada Dhar Dds. FI. 1575 A.D.

He was a pupil of Krish’n Dds Pay Ahdri (No. 36). He is probably

the same as a Gadddhar mentioned by Sib Siijgh as a quietistic

(?nDri poet.

47. the poet Deba of Udaipur (Mewar). FI. 1575

A.D.

48. Kalyan Dds, of Braj. FI. 1575 A.D.

Hag.

§51.]

THE KRISNA-CULT OF BRAJ. [1500—1600.]

27

49. Natl Nardyan , of Braj. FI. 1575 A.D.

50. Padum Nabh, of Braj . FI. 1575 A.D.

Faff. These four were all disciples of Krish’n Das Pan Ah an

(No. 36).

*

51. •TWT the poet Nabh a Das alias N dray an

Das, of the Deccan. FI. 1600 A.D.

We shall now anticipate the course of time a little in order to

complete the history of this famous group of Braj poets. Krish’n Das

Pay Ahdrl (No. 36) had a pupil, Ayr’ Das (No. 44), of Gal’ta, who in

turn was preceptor of Nabh a Das alias N dr ay an Das, of the Dechan,

who flourished about 1600 A.D. and was a Dom by caste. According

to tradition he was born blind, and when but five years old was exposed

by his parents, during a time of scarcity, to perish in the woods. In

this situation he was found by Ayr’ Das and another Vaishnava named

Kll. They had compassion upon his helplessness, and Kll sprinkled his

eyes with the water of his kamandal , or water-pot, and the child saw.

They carried Nabha to their Math , where he was brought up and receiv¬

ed the initiatory mantra from Agr’ Das. When arrived at maturity,

under the direction of Ayr’ Das he wrote the Bhaht Mala (Fag.) or

“Legends of the Saints,” consisting of 108 verses. in Chhappai metre.* 1

It is one of the most difficult works in the Braj dialect, and, as we have

it now, was avowedly edited, and perhaps rewritten, by a disciple (?)

of Nabha Das entitled Nardyan Das who lived in the reign of Shah

Jahdn (1628 — 1658). Mr. Growse, to whom I am indebted for this

last piece of information, adds :■ — ‘ A single stanza is all that is ordi¬

narily devoted to each personage, who is panegyrised with reference to

his most salient characteristics in a style that might be described as

of unparalleled obscurity were it not that each separate portion of the

text is followed by a gloss written by one Priya Das (No. 319) in the

Sarnbat year 1769 (1712 A.D.), in which confusion is still worse

confounded by a series of most disjointed and inexplicit allusions to

different legendary events in the saint’s life.’ Priya Das’s gloss is in

the Kabitta metre. He was followed by Lai Ji (No. 322), a Kayasth

of Kadhala, who in Hij’rl 1158 (A.D. 1751) wrote a further

commentary, entitled Bhaht Urbasl . In the year 1854 Tul’si Ram

1 The above js mainly taken from Wilson, Religious Sects of the Hindus,

i, 60. Cf. Garcin de Tassy, i, 378.

THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

28

Agar’wala (No. 640), of Mirapur, translated the Bhakt Mala into

Urdu, calling his translation the Bhakt Mai Pradlpccn.

The name Narayan Das, which Mr. drowse attributes to a disciple

of Nabha Das, was, according to Native writers, really the actual name

of Nabha Das, the latter being his nom de guerre . Nabha Das is

possibly the same as a Narayan Das Kabi mentioned in the Sib Siygh

Sardj as born in 1558 A.D. and author of a translation of the

Hitopadeea and Rajaniti into the vernacular, and as another Narayan

Das, a Yaishnava author of an undated prosody describing 52 metres,

entitled Chhand Sar.

52. the poet Kanhar Das , of Braj.

FI. 1600 A.D.

Dag. He was son of Bitthal Das Chaube, of Mathura. At a meet¬

ing held at his house Nabha Das (No. 51) received the title of Gosdi.

53. *Tf the poet Sri Bhatt • B. 15 J+U A.D.

Dag. He is said to have excelled in describing the actions of a

lover and his beloved. Possibly the same as Kesab Bhatt (see Wilson,

Religious Sects of the Hindus , i, 151), one of the pupils of Nlmdditya.

54. 3jt h Byas Swami alias Hari Ram Suk’l, of

Ur’chha, in Bunded khand. FI. 1555 A.D.

Dag. He was a Gaur Brahman of Deb’band, and joined the Radha-

ballabhl sect. In the year 1555 A.D., when he was forty-five years of

age, he settled in Brindaban and founded a new Yaishnava religion,

entitled the Haribyasi sect. According to Wilson (. Religious Sects of

the Hindus, p. 151), he and Kesab Bhatt were pupils of Nlmdditya

(Dag.), the founder of the Nimawat sect.

55. Parasu Ram, of Braj. B. 1603 A.D.

Dag., Dig. He was a follower of Sri (Kesab) Bhatt an&Haribyds

(see Wilson, Religious Sects of the Hindus , p. 151). It is not certain

that the poets quoted in Dag and Dig. are the same person.

56.

•) the very holy

master Hit Haribans, FL 1560 A.D.

i

THE KRISNA-CULT OF BRAJ. [1500—1600.]

29

60.]

Rag. His father was By as Swami alias Hari Ram Suk’l (No. 54).

He is a much esteemed author. In Sanskrit he wrote the RacJ ha

Sudhanidhi, and in the vernacular the Hit Chaurasi Dham . Amongst

his pupils was the poet Nar Bahan (No. 57). See Wilson, Religious

Sects of the Hindus , p. 177, and Growse, J. A. S. B., vol. xlvii

(1878), p. 97, where specimens of both his works are given and

translated.

57. w*; «rw«r the poet Nar Bahan Jl, of

Bhaugaw. FI. 1560 A.D.

He was a disciple of Hit Haribans (No. 56). He is mentioned in

the Bhakt Mala.

58. SPT Dhrub Das. FI. 1560 A.D.

Rag. A pupil of Hit Haribans (No. 56), and a voluminous

writer. A complete list of his works is given by Mr. Growse in

J. A. S. B., vol. xlvii (1878), p. 113.

59. the master Hari Deis, of Brinddban,

in Braj. FI. 1560 A.D.

Rag. His Sanskrit works are considered equally good with those

of Jayddeua, and his vernacular poems rank next after those of

Sur Das and Tul’si Das. His best known works are the Sadharan

Siddhant and the Ras ke pad. He had many celebrated pupils, amongst

whom may be mentioned Tan Sen (No. 60), Bipul Bitthal (No. 62)

(his uncle), and Bhag’wat Ramit (No. 61). He is said by Wilson to

have been a pupil of Chaitanya, who disappeared about A.D. 1527

( Religious Sects of the Hindus , p. 159). This, however, is doubtful.

See Growse, J. A. S. B., vol. xlv (1876), p. 317, where the matter

is discussed at length, and where (p. 318) the text of the Sadharan

Siddhant is given and translated.

60. fTPT the poet Tan Sen, of Gwaliyar . FI. 1560.

Rag. He was son of Mak’rand Pare, a Gaiur Brahman. He

was a disciple of Hari Das (No. 59), from whom he learned the art of

poetry. He then repaired to Shekh Muhammad Ghaus , of Gwaliyar,

a famous teacher of singing. The legend is that Muhammad Ghaus

30 THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDtfSTlN. [§ 61.

simply touched Tan Sen’s tongue with his own, and thenceforth Tan

Sen became the most famous singer of his age.

He became enamoured of Daulat Khan, son of the famous Sher

Khan, and wrote many poems in his honour. When Daulat Khan

died he went to the court of Ram Chand Siggh, the Baghela king

of Band ho ( Rlwa ). From thence he was summoned (A.D. 1563) by

the emperor Ah’ bar, where he became one of the court singers and

a close friend of Sur Das (see Ain-i-Akbari , Blochmann’s translation,

pp. 403, 612). The first time that Tan Sen performed at court the

emperor is said to have made him a present of two lakhs of rupees.

Most of his compositions are written in Ak’bar’s name, and his melodies

are even nowadays everywhere repeated by the people of Hindustan.

His most famous work on music is the Sag git Sar (Rag.).

61. *T*T«3cT Bhag’wat Ram it, of Brindaban,

in Braj, FI. 1560 A.D.

He was son of Madhab Das (No. 26) and pupil of Hari Das

(No. 59). He is the author of some admired Kmdaliyas.

62. Bipul Bitthal, of Gokul, in Braj. FL

1560 A.D.

Rag. He was uncle and pupil of Hari Das (No. 59). He

attended the court of the raja of Madhuban, and many of his verses

are included in Rag.

63. Kesab Das, of Kashmir. FI. 1541 A.D.

Rag. After acquiring a great reputation he came to Braj, and

was conquered in discussion by Krish’n Chaitanya.

64. W TT^T the poet Abhay Ram, of Brindaban,

in Braj. B. 151/.5 A.D.

Haj., Rag.

65. "VrJV the poet Chatur Bihar! , of Braj.

B. 15&8 A.D.

Rag. He is probably the same as two other poets, Chatur Kabi

and Chatur Biharl, mentioned by Sib Siijgh without dates.

75.]

ADDENDA TO CHAPTER IT.

31

66. •ttosr hi, the master Narayan Bhatt, of Och Gaw

Bar’sana, in Braj . B. 1563 A.D.

Rag. He was a very holy man.

67. Sayyad Ibrahim alias the poet Ras Khan, of

Pihdnl, district Har’dol. B. 1573 A.D.

Sun. He was originally a Musalman, but turned a Vaishnava and

dwelt in Braj. He is mentioned in the Bhakt Mala. His poems are

said to be full of sweetness. One of his pupils was Qadir Bahhsh

(No. 89).

68. wrer s&fsr, the poet Nath. B. 158/j. A.D.

Rag., ? Sun. He was son of Gopal Bhatt, and dwelt in Braj.

Poems by him on the seasons and other subjects are included in Rag.

69. fsRJT Bidya Das, of Braj. B. 1593 A.D.

Rag.

ADDENDA TO CHAPTER IV.

70. sfffir, the poet Keh’rl.

B. 1553 A.D.

He attended the court of king

Ratan Sirjgh, and was a skilled poet.

This was probably Raw Ratan, of Bur’-

han’pur, district Nimar, who flourished

A.D. 1579. (See Tod, ii, 485 ; Calc. ed.

ii, 522.)

71. ^rer, As’karan

Das, the Kachh’waha Raj ’put of Nar’-

war Garh, in Gwaliyar. FI. c. 1550

A.D.

Bag. He was son of king Bhlm

Sitjgh. See Tod, ii, 362; Calc. ed.

ii, 390.

72. the poet

Chetan Chandr’. B. 1559 A.D.

He wrote a treatise on veterinary

surgery Orr{%.=ft«0 entitled Ashwa

Binod for king Kusal Sitjgh, of the

Sagar family.

73. fWt TT5T the poet

and prince Prithwi Raj. FI. 1567 A.D.

Haj., Rag. He was prince of

Bikaner, and wrote both in Sanskrit

and in the vernacular. He was son

of Kalyan Sitjgh and brother of Raja,

Ray Sitjgh. See Tod’s Hdjasthan, i,

337 and fF. ; ii, 186 ; Calc. ed. i, 363

and ff. ; ii, 203.

74. TTXT^cT the poet

Par’ bat. FI. 1567 A.D.

Haj.

75. Wrl* the poet Chhattr'.

B. 1568 A.D.

The author of a work entitled the

Bijai Muktabali, which is an abstract

of the Mahabharata in verse. It is

32

THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

extremely condensed, being little more

tlian a table of contents. He is possi¬

bly tlie same as a Chhattr’ Pat i Kabi

mentioned by Sib Siggh.

76. Maharaj Uday

Siygh, of Mdr’Lvctr. FI. 1584 A.D.

In bis name an unknown bard

wrote a work called Khyat, in which

are detailed the histories of Uday

Siygh, of his grandson Gaj Siygh, and

of his great grandson Jas’ivant Siygh.

See Tod, ii, 4 (where Gaj is incor¬

rectly called Uday’s son), and ii, 30 ;

Haj.

84. , Damodar Dfits,

of Braj. B. 1565.

Rag. Possibly the same as a

Damodar Ka bi mentioned by Sib Siggh,

without date.

85. snrrer Jamalu’d din,

of Pihani, district Hardoi. B. 1568

A. D.

No particulars. He is possibly

the same as a Jamal Kabi, whom Sib

Siggh gives as born in 1545 A.D.,

and as being skilled in emblematic

verses (frer).

86. the poet Nandan.

B. 1568 A.D.

Haj.

87. the poet Khem,

of Braj. B. 1573 A.D.

Rag. He wrote on lovers.1 He is

possibly the same as a poet Chhem, of

the Dodb, mentioned by Sib Sipgh.

Cf. Nos. 103 and 311.

88. the poet Sib. B.

1574.

Haj., Sun.

89. QoLdir Bakhsh,

the Musalman, of Pihani, district

Har’doi. B. 1578 A.D.

A skilled poet. He was a pupil

of the elegant author Sayyad Ibrahim,

of Pihani (No. 67).

90. cjrfir, the poet

Am’res. B. 1578 A.D.

Reputed as a very excellent poet,

many of whose poems are in Haj.

1 When it is said that a poet wrote on lovers, it is to be understood as a

translation of a statement made by a Native authority that he wrote a Ndyak

Bhed or a Ndyikd. [or Nayakd. (sic)] Bhed. These are technical names for those

works in which the various kinds of heroes ( ndyalc ) or heroines ( ndyihd ) are

described and classified to an extreme, and often absurd, minuteness. A further

development is the Nakh’sikh, which will be frequently met with further on,

in which all the portions of the body and features of a possible hero or heroine,

from the toe-nails ( nakli ) to the top-knot (sikh), are similarly classified.

§ 102.]

ADDENDA TO CHAPTER IV.

33

91. f^TRT, Nihal, the elder.

B. 1578 A. D.

92. Ghan Syam

Suk’l, of As’ni, district Fatih’pur.

B. 1578 A.D.

Haj., Sun. He attended the court

of the king of Bandhd (Riwci).

93. ^ , Chand Sakhl, of

Braj. B. 1581 A.D.

Rag. He is possibly the same as

a Chand Kabi mentioned by Sib Sipgh

and included in Haj., and as a Chand

Kabi quoted in Sun.

94. l Sayyad Muba¬

rak ‘AH, of Bil’gram, district Har’dol.

B. 1583 A.D.

Sun. He is the well-known author

of hundreds of short verses current

in the mouths of the people.

95. the poet Nagar.

B. 1591 A.D.

Haj. Possibly the same as a

Nagar 1 Das mentioned in the preface

to Rag.

96. f^T^TT the poet

Dil’dar. B. 1593 A.D.

Haj.

97. ^rhra- the poet Dau/at.

B. 1594 A.D.

98. «DT*T the poet Jagan.

B. 1595 A.D.

An erotic writer.

99. cfT^T the poet Taj.

B. 1595.

Haj.

100. Lalan Das a

Brahman of Dal’maU, district Ray

Bareli. B. 1595.

Haj. A quietistic (sni% poet.

101. chK, the poet Barak.

B. 1598 A.D.

102. fro* ?rf*r, the poet

Biswa Nath the elder. B. 1598.

34

THE MODERN L1TEBARY HISTORY OF HINDTTSTiN.

[§ 103.

CHAPTER V.

THE MTJGHAL COUET.

103. the poet and bard Chhem, of Dal’maQ,

district Ray Bareli. FI. 1530.

He attended the court of the emperor Humayun (1530 — 1540).

He is possibly the same as a poet Khem of Bundel’khand mentioned

by Sib Siijgh. Cf. Nos. 87 and 311.

104. TT^*,srn?s the emperor Ah9 bar . Reigned

1556 to 1605 A.E.

We may now glance at the brilliant court of the emperor Ah’ bar

(B. 1542) and the constellation of poets which shone there. Most of the

foregoing authors, from Malik Muhammad (No. 31) downwards, were

contemporaries of this king, who was so celebrated a patron of learning.

It may be noted that the reign of the emperor Ak’bar nearly coincided

with that of the English queen Elizabeth, and that the reigns of

both these monarchs were signalised by an extraordinary outburst of

literary vigour ; nor, indeed, if Tul’si Das and Sur Das were compared

with Shakespeare and Spenser would the Indian poets be found very

far behind. In addition to the following poets, Tan Sen (No. 60)

and Sur Das (No. 37) also attended his court. Particulars about them

have been given in the previous chapter.

Ak’bar’s claim as a Hindi author is founded only on a few

detached verses, in which he signs himself as Akabbar Ray . Possibly

these were really written by Tan Sen. (See No. 60.)

105. Raja Today Mat, the KhattrJ.

B. 1523.

The celebrated minister of the emperor Ak’bar. He is wrongly

called a Panjabi, because the Ma’asiru’l Umar a says he was born at

Lahaur. He was, however, really born at Lahar’pur, in Audh. (See

Ain-i-Akbari , Blochmann’s translation, p. 620.)

§ 106.]

THE MUGHAL COURT.

35

He translated the Bhagauata Pur ana into Persian. His best

known vernacular verses are on morals (*ftf?r). He died in Hij’ri 998

(1589 A.D.). For his life see Aln-i-Akbarl, p. 351. His influence

in making Hindus learn Persian is especially noteworthy, as it

accounts for the formation and acceptance of Urdu.

106. Raja Bir’bal, alias BIr’bar, alias Mahes Deis,

alias Brahm Kabi, alias Kabi Bay. Born cir. 1528 A.D.

Mr., Sun. The celebrated minister and poet-laureate (Kabi Pay)

of A k’ bar’s court. He was as much renowned for his liberality as for

his musical skill and poetical talent. His short verses, bon-mots , and

jokes, are still in the mouths of the people of Hindustan. He was

much hated by pious Musalmans, owing to the belief that he had

influenced Ak’bar to abjure Islam. According to Sib Siggh he was

born in Sambat 1585 (A.D. 1528), but Blochmann in the Aln-i-Akbarl

(p. 404 and ff.) leaves the matter in obscurity. His original name was

Mahes Das, and he was a Kanauj Dube Brahman of Kal'pJ, in the district

of H amir’ pur. He was at first one of the court poets of B hag’ wan Das,1

Baja of Amer, who gave him as a nazar to Ak’bar shortly after the

latter’s accession. At this time he used to sign himself in his poems

as Brahm Kabi. At Ak’bar’s court he was at first very poor but quick¬

headed, and remarkable for his powers of apprehension. His bon-mots v

in a short time made him a general favourite. His Hindi verses were

also much liked, and Ak’bar conferred on him the title of Kabi Ray

(above mentioned), and gave him other important state offices near his

person. Nagar’kot was given to him as his jaglr , but it is doubtful

if he ever really got it. In A.H. 990 (A.D. 1583) Bir’bal was sent

by Ak’bar to reinforce lain Khan Kokah at Bijaur against the Yusufzais,

and was there killed in battle. Badaonl (translation of Aln-i-Akbarl,

l.c., and p. 204) says * Bir’bal also, who had fled from fear of his life,

was slain, and entered the row of the dogs in hell, and thus got some¬

thing for the abominable deeds he had done during his lifetime. * * *

His Majesty (Ak’bar) cared for the death of no grandee more than for

that of Bir’bal. He said, “ Alas ! they could not even get his body

out of the pass, that it might have been burned.” But at last

he consoled himself with the thought that Bir’bal was now free and

independent of all earthly fetters, and as the rays of the sun were

sufficient for him, there was no necessity that he should be cleansed by

1 Tod, ii, 362 ; Calc. ed. ii, 390.

36

THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

[§ 106.

fire. * * * Among the silly lies — they border on absurdities — which

during this year (A.D. 1588) were spread over the country was the

rumour that Bir’bal, the accursed, was still alive, though in reality

he had then for some time been burning in the seventh hell. The

Hindus, by whom his Majesty is surrounded, saw how sad and

sorry he was for Blr’bal’s loss, and invented the story that Bir’bal

had been seen in the hills of Hagar’kot walking about with Jogls

and Sannyasls. His Majesty believed the rumour, thinking that

Bir’bal was ashamed to come to court on account of the defeat

which he had suffered at the hands of the Yusufzals ; and it was,

besides, quite probable that he should have been seen with Jogls,

inasmuch as he had never cared for the world. An AhadI was

therefore sent to Nagar’kot to inquire into the truth of the rumour,

when it was proved that the whole story was an absurdity. Soon

after his Majesty received a report that Bir’bal had been seen at

Kalin jar (which was the jaglr of this dog), and the Collector of the

district stated that a barber had recognised him by certain marks

on his body, which the man had distinctly seen when one day Bir’bal

got him to rub his body with oil. From that time, however, Bir’bal

had concealed himself. His Majesty then ordered the barber to come

to court, and the Hindu Krorl (Collector) got hold of some poor

innocent traveller, charged him with murder, and kept him in

concealment, giving out that he was Bir’bal. The Krorl could of

course send no barber to court. He therefore killed the poor traveller

to avoid detection, and reported that it was Bir’bal in reality, but that

he had since died. His Majesty went actually through a second

mourning, but he ordered the Krorl and several others to come to

court. They were for some time tortured as a punishment for not

having informed his Majesty before, and the Krorl had, moreover, to

pay a heavy fine.’

Bir’bal founded the town of Ak’bdr'pur and dwelt there, and in

the Nar’naul quarter of that town his descendants still exist.

Ho complete work by Bir’bal has come down to us, but numerous

verses and bon-mots attributed to him are still in every Hindu’s mouth.

An anonymous work, entitled the Bir’bdr-nama, can be bought

for a few pice in any Bihar bazar. It is a collection of facetious tales,

of which the heroes are Ak’bar and Bir’bal, and in which the latter

always gets the better by some witty or indecent retort. It is, in fact,

the Indian Joe Miller’s Jest Book. Some of the stories are the

common property of all nations.

§ 109.]

THE MUGHAL COURT.

37

107. the poet and Baja Manohar

Das , the Kachh’waha. FI. 1577 A.D.

He was son of Eaja Loykaran, the Kachh’waha, and was one of

Ak’bar’s commanders of 400. (See Aln-i-Akbarl , trans., p. 494.) He

wrote in Persian, in Sanskrit, and in the vernacular. In the first

language he wrote under the name of Tosanl.

108. ^^•'^51 ‘ Abdu’r Rahim Khan’khana

Nawab, commonly called Khan’ khan a, the son of Bairam Khan.

B. 1556.1

Mr. He was not only learned in Arabic, Persian, Tur’kl, etc., but

also in Sanskrit and Braj Bhakha. He was much loved by Ak ’b a r.

(See Blochmann’s translation of Aln-i-Akbarl , p. 334 and ff. He

wrote under the nom de guerre of Rahim, ib. p. 338.) His father

was the famous Bairam Khan, to whom may justly be ascribed

Humayun’s conquest of India. (See Blochmann, p. 315.) Full

particulars of his life will be found in the places above cited. Sib

Siqgh adds that he was not only a great patron of poets himself,

but that also he wrote extremely learned (and difficult) clokas in

Sanskrit, and that his kabittas and dohas in all styles in the vernacular

are admirable. Best of all are his dohas on morals ( *ftf?r). Here

his Persian works are not dealt with. It will be sufficient to mention

his best known Persian work, a translation of Babar’s Chaghtai

Memoirs ( Wdqi’dt-i-Babarl ). Amongst the poets who attended his

court may be mentioned Lachh’mi Narayan (No. 124), of Mithila.

109. *n*T Maharaj Man Siygh, the Kachh’waha of

Amer. B. 1535.

He was a great patron of learned men, and used to give Han Ncith

(No. 114) and other poets a lakh of rupees for a single verse. He was

soil of B hag’ wan Deis . (See Aln-i-Akbarl, translation, p. 339, where a

full account of his life is given.) He was a general of Ak’bar’s, at first

on the Kabul frontier, and subsequently in Bihar. He died in the

Deccan in 1618 A.D., when sixty of his fifteen hundred wives burned

themselves. The ground on which the Taj at Ag’ra stands belonged

to Man Siijgh.

1 I.e. A.H. 964, which is the date given by Blochmann in passage cited below.

Sib Siggh gives the date Sambat 1680, i.e. A.D. 1523.

c 3

38

THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

[§ 110.

The poets at his court wrote the Man Charitr', which is a very

full account of his life and times. (See also Tod’s Rajasthan, i, xv,

and ii, 353 ; Calc. ed. ii, 390.)

no. 'WW, Abu’ I F-cliz alias Faizl. B. 1547 A.D.

This is the famous son of Shekh Mubarak, brother of Abu’ l Faz!

and friend of Ah’ bar. He was born A.H. 954 (A.D. 1547). See

Blochmann’s translation of the Ain-i-Akbari , p. 490.

He was an excellent Sanskrit scholar, and is the author of many

detached verses ( cloK r a ) in the vernacular.

in. tJnffai Fahlm. B. cir. 1550 A.D.

According to Sib Sir]gh he was a younger brother of Faizl and

AbQ’l Tail. I can, however, find no mention of him in the Ain-i-Akbarl.

He is the author of many detached verses ( doh’ra ) in the vernacular.

112. TTR" Baba Ram Das, of Gop’chat, FI. 1550 A.D.

Bag. He was father of Sur Das (No. 37), and was one of the

court singers to the emperor Ak’bar. See Ain-i-Ahbari (Blochmann’s

translation), p. 612. According to Badaon] he came from Lakh’nau.

He appears to have been with Bairdrn Khan during his rebellion, and

he received once from him one lakh of tankalis , empty as Bairam’s

treasure chest was. He was first at the court of Is’lem Shah , and

he was looked upon as second only to Tan Sen (No. 60,) the most

celebrated singer of Ak’bar’s time.

113. the bard Nar’hari Sahay , entitled

Mahapatr*, of As’nl, district iFatih’pur. FI. 1550 A.D.

? Bag. He attended the court of the emperor Ak’bar, and was

endowed by him with the village of As’ni. According to a curious

tradition, when Sher Shah (A. 1540) defeated Humayun the latter fled

to the west, leaving a Begam named Cho/1 at Dilli, who was captured

by the conqueror. Shortly afterwards, Sher Shah being pleased with

some verses of Nar’hari, told him to ask a boon. The bard accordingly

asked that Choli Begam might be given to him, which the king

granted. Nar’hari carried off Choli to Band ho (Rlu/a), where, soon

§ 115.]

THE MUGHAL COURT.

39

after, she gave birth to Ah' bur. The details of this tradition are

certainly incorrect, as Ak’bar was born at Amar’kot, in Nlar’war.

He seems, however, to have been befriended as a boy by the king of

Bandho. Cf. No. 24. See Rep. Arch. Sur. Ind. xvii, 101 ; xxi, 109.

One of Nar’hari’ s sons was the poet Huri l\lath (No. 114). Descendants

of Nar’hari. still survive in Banaras and in BetJ, district Ray Bareli ,

and are scattered about in other parts of India. The village of As’ni

is no longer in possession of his family, and his original house has been

washed away by the Ganges, The ruins of the latter are now sold as

rubble, and have become the day-haunts of jackals and other impure

animals. Although no complete work of this poet has survived,

numerous detached verses by him are still quoted.

Ak’bar gave him the title of Mahapatr’, saying that other bards

were vessels of virtue ( gun ha pdtr ’), but he was a great vessel

( mahapatr ’).

He is possibly the same as a Nar’hari Das mentioned in the preface

to Rag.

114. *nrsr the bard Hari Nath, entitled Maha-

patr’, of As’ni, district Fatih’ pur. FI. 1587 A.D.

A celebrated poet, and son of Nar’hari (No. 113), the court poet of

the emperor Ak’bar. He made a tour from court to court, receiving rich

presents for his verses; thus king Neja1 Ram, the Baghel of Bandho

(Riwa), gave him a lakh of rupees for a single dblid, and Man Siygh

(No. 109) of Amer gave him two lakhs for two dohas. On his way

home he met a mendicant of the Naga sect, who recited a doha to

him, at which he was so pleased that he gave the beggar all the

presents he had collected, and returned home empty handed. Arrived

there he passed the remainder of his life squandering his father’s

savings in a similar manner.

115. ^**C^*T? the poet and bard Kar’nes,

or Karan. B. 15 5 i A.D.

He used to visit the emperor Ak’bar’s court in company with

the poet Nar’hari (No. 113). He wrote three important works — the

Karnabharan, the Sruti-bhukhan, and the Bhup-bhukhan.

1 This Icing’s name is not mentioned in the list given in vol. xxi of Rep. Arch.

Sur. Ind.

40

THB MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

[§ 116.

116. M M the bard Man Ray, of As’nl, district Fatih’ -

pur . B, 1523 A.D.

117. the poet Jag’dis, B. 1531 A.D.

118. the poet Jodh . B. 1533 A.D.

These three all attended the court of the emperor Ah’ bar.

9

119. Gayga Par’sad, the Brahman.

Commonly known as Gayg Kabi, or the poet Garjg , B. 1538.

Sun. He was a Brahman of Ek’naur, district /taw a. He was a

bard attached to the court of Ah’ bar. He received many presents

from Blr’bal, Khan’khana, and others. He is not mentioned in

Mr. Blochmann’s translation of the Ain-i-AJcbari. He is mentioned

by Captain Price as having written on rhetoric in 1555 (Hindee and

Hindoostanee Selections , Pref., p. x). Cf. Garcin de Tassy, i, 182.

120. the poet i /ait, B. 15UU A.D.

He attended the court of the emperor Ak’bar. He is possibly the

same as a c /ait Ram Kabi mentioned by Sib Sirjgh, without date, as a

quietistic (^TTpti poet.

121. the poet Amrit . B. 151±5 A.D.

— %

122. Jagannaj. FI. (?) 1575 A.D.

123. Jagamag. FI. (?) 1575 A.D.

These three all attended the court of the emperor Ah’bar.

124. Lachh’ml Narayan, of Mithila.

FI. 1600 A.D.

125. the poet Par’siddh, the elder. B. 1533,

These two attended the court of (Abdu’r Rahim Khan1 hh ana

(No. 108).

§ 127.]

THE MUGHAL COUET.

41

126. the poet and bard Hoi Ray, of Hoi' pur,

district Bdrabaybh FI. 1583 A.D.

His patron was Raja Haribans Ray, Diwan of the emperor Ab’bar,

who gave the poet a tract of land, on which he founded the village of

Hol’pur. Once Tul’sl Das (No. 128) passed through that village and

gave Hoi Ray his brass vessel or lota , which the latter set up as a

god and worshipped. It is there still, and is worshipped to this day.

The village is still owned by Hoi Ray’s descendants. Gin Dhar

(No. 483), Nil Kanth (No. 132), Lachhiram (No. 723), and Sant Bab’s

(No. 724), were all natives of Hol’pur.

127. T TfT, Raja Mu bund Sirjgh, the Hard, of

Kota. B. 1578.

The ally of Shah Jahan (1628 — 1658). He was himself a poet

besides being a patron of poets. See Tod ii, 514 ; Calc. ed. ii, 553.

42

THE MODERN LTTERAUY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

[§ 128.

CHAPTER VI.

TUL’SI DAS.

\

128. TfhsTt ^r, the holy master Tul’sl Das.

FI. 1600 A.D.; D. 1624 A.D.

Rag. We now come to the greatest star in the firmament of

mediaeval Indian poetry, Tul’sl Das, the author of the well-known

vernacular Ram ay an (Rag.), which competes in authority with the

Sanskrit work of V a I ml hi .

I much regret that the materials available are so scanty ; and it is

the more tantalising to me that I have received information of a very

full account of his life, entitled Gosai Charitr’, by Beni Madhab Das,

of Pas’ha, who lived in the poet’s companionship. I have never been

able to obtain a copy of this work, though I have long searched for

it, and I have been compelled to base my account principally on the

enigmatic verses of the Bhakt Mala aided by the glosses of Priya Das

and others. The text and literal translation of these will be found

in the introduction to Mr. Growse’s translation of the Ramayan, from

which I have freely drawn.

The importance of Tul’sl Das in the history of India cannot be

overrated. Putting the literary merits of his work out of the

question, the fact of its universal acceptance by all classes, from

Bhagal’pur to the Panjab and from the Himalaya to the Nar’mada,

is surely worthy of note. “ The book is in every one’s hands,1 from

the court to the cottage, and is read or heard and appreciated alike

by every class of the Hindu community, whether high’ or low,

rich or poor, young or old.” It has been interwoven into the life,

character, and speech of the Hindu population for more than three

hundred years, and is not only loved and admired by them for its

poetic beauty, but is reverenced by them as their scriptures. It is

1 Mr. Growse (from whom this quotation is taken) states that the profes¬

sional Sanskrit Pandits profess to despise Tul’si Das’s work as an unworthy

concession to the illiterate masses, but this has not been my experience.

TUl/si DA8.

43

§ 128.]

the Bible of a hundred millions of people, and is looked upon by

them as as much inspired as the Bible is considered inspired by

the English clergyman. Pandits may talk of the Vedas and of the

Upanisads, and a few may even study them ; others may say they

pin their faith on the Puranas : but to the vast majority of the people

of Hindustan, learned and unlearned alike, their sole norm of conduct

is the so-called Tul’si-krit Ram ay an. It is indeed fortunate for

Hindustan that this is so, for it has saved the country from the

tantric obscenities of Shaivism. Ram an and was the original saviour

of Upper India from the fate which has befallen Bengal, but Tul’si

Das was the great apostle who carried his doctrine east and west and

made it an abiding faith.

The religion he preached was a simple and sublime one, — a perfect

faith in the name of God. But what is most remarkable in it, in an

age of immorality, when the bonds of Hindu society were loosened

and the Mughal empire being consolidated, was its stern morality in

every sense of the word. Tubs! was the great preacher of one’s duty

towards one’s neighbour. Valmiki praised Bharat’s sense of duty,

Lachhman’s brotherly affection, and Sita’s wifely devotion, but Tul’si

taught them as an example.

So, too, in an age of license no book can be purer in tone than

his RamcUjan. He himself justly exclaims, — “Here are no prurient

and seductive stories, like snails, frogs, and scum on the pure water of

Ram’s legend, and therefore the lustful crow and the greedy crane, if

they do come, are disappointed.” Other Vaishnava writers, who

inculcated the worship of Krish’n, too often debased their muse to

harlotry to attract their hearers ; but Tul’si Das had a nobler trust in

his countrymen, and that trust has been amply rewarded.

Tul’si Das was a Sar’bariya Brahman. He was born early in

the sixteenth century and died at a good old age in 1624 A.D. As

the old rhyme says : —

Sambata soraha sat asi , Asi Gayga Ice tira ,

Sawana sukala sattami , Tulasi tajeu sarira :

— on the 7th of the light half of Oravana, in Sambat 1680, Tul’si left

his body at Asi, on the bank of the Ganges.

According to the Bhakt Sindhu and the Brihad Ramayan Mahat-

mya his father’s name was Atm a Ram, his mother’s name was Hu Iasi,

and he was born at Hastinapur ; but according to other authorities he

was born at Hajipur, near Ghitrakut. The usual tradition is, however,

that Raj’pur, in the district of Bada , on the banks of the Jarnund, has

44

THE MODEEN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDtfSTlN.

[§ 128.

the honour of being his birthplace. As a child he lived at Sukar’khet

( vulgo Soro),1 where he was first imbued with devotion to Ram.

According to Priya Das (see Nos. 51 and 319) his wife first persuaded

him to exchange an earthly for a divine love, and, incited by her

remonstrances, he left her and went to Banaras, where he spent

the greater part of his life, visiting frequently Ajodhya, Mathura,

Brindaban, Kuruchhettr’ Prayag (Allahabad), Purukhottam’puri,

and other holy places. The only other fact in his life about which

there is any reasonable certainty (beyond the dates of some of

his works) is that he was appointed arbitrator in a land dispute

between two men, Anand Ram and Kanhdy. The deed of arbitra¬

tion in his handwriting is still in existence, and is dated Sambat

1669, or eleven years before his death. A photograph, transliteration,

and translation of it, are appended to this work. A few legends

mentioned by Priya Das, and given in full by Mr. Growse in the

introduction to his translation of the Ramayan, may be briefly noted

here. A grateful ghost introduced him to Hanuman, through whom he

obtained a vision of Ram and Lachhman. He recognised a murderer,

who piously uttered the name of Ram, as a saved man, and when

challenged to prove his statement he did so by making the guilty

man’s offering accepted by Qiva. Some thieves came to rob him, but

his house was guarded by a mysterious watchman, who was no

other than Ram himself, and, instead of stealing, the thieves became

converted and pure of heart. He restored a Brahman to life.2 His

fame reached Dilli, where Shah Jahan (1628 — 1658 ; but the poet

died in 1624) was emperor. The monarch called upon him to

perform a miracle and to produce the person of Ram, which Tul’sl Das

refusing to do, the king threw him into confinement. He was,

however, speedily compelled to release him, for myriads of monkeys

having collected about the prison began to demolish it and the

adjacent buildings. Shah Jahan having set the poet at liberty desired

him to solicit some favour as a reparation for the indignity he had

suffered. Tul’sl Das accordingly requested him to quit ancient Dilli,

which was the abode of Ram ; and in compliance with this request

the emperor left it and founded the new city, thence named Shah -

Jahan-abad . After this Tul’sl went to Brindaban, where he had

an interview with Ndbha Das (the author of the Bhakt Mala).

There he strenuously advocated the worship of Ram in preference

1 Ram., Ba„ Doha, 87.

2 The following is nearly in Wilson’s words.

§ 128.]

TUL’SI DAS.

45

to that of Krish’n, though the latter god appeared in person and

assured him that there was no difference between the two. Out of

this tissue of childish legends it is perhaps possible to extract a

few threads of fact ; but till we can find a copy of the Gosa'i

Charitr’ there does not appear to be much hope of our being able

to do so.

His most famous work is the Rdm-Charit-IVIdnas, ‘the Lake of

the Gests of Ram/ which he commenced to write in Ajodhya on

Tuesday, the 9th Chaitra, Sambat 1631 (A.D. 1574-75). 1 It is often

incorrectly called the Rdmayan, or the Tul’si-krit-Ramayan, or

(alluding to its metre) the Chaupdi Rdmayan, but, according to the

forty-fourth chdupai of the Bal Kand of the poem, the above is its full

and proper name. Two copies of this work are said to have existed

in the poet’s own handwriting. One of them, which was kept at

Raj’pur, has disappeared, all but the second book. The legend is that

the whole copy which existed was stolen, and that the thief being

pursued flung the manuscript into the river Jamuna, whence only the

second book was rescued. I have photographs of ten pages of this

copy, and the marks of water are evident. The other copy exists in

Malihabad (so Sib Sirjgh ; Growse says in the temple of Slta Ram at

Ban dr as), of which only one leaf is missing. I am in possession of an

accurate literatim copy of so much of the Raj’pur manuscript as exists.

I have also a printed copy of the poem carefully compared with, and

corrected from, a manuscript in the possession of the Maharaj of

Banaras, which was written in Sambat 1704 (A.D. 1647), or only

about twenty-four years after the author’s death.

Little as the Ram-Charit-M anas is known to European students,

still less is known of the poet’s other works. Those which I have

seen and read are the following : —

(1) The Gitaball (Rag.). — This is the story of Ram told in the form

of sonnets adapted for singing. There are several incorrect editions of

it in print, some of which have commentaries of varying excellence.

(2) The Kabittabali or Kabitta Rdmayan (Rag.). — It deals with the

same subject, and is in the Kabitta metre.

(3) The Dohabali or Doha Rdmayan (Rag.). — As its name imports,

it is in the dohd metre. It is rather a moral work than an epic poem.

I am not sure that it is not a collection of dohas from his other works

by a later hand. I have, at any ’rate, been able to identify many

of them.

1 Ram. Ba. ch. 42.

46

THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

[§ 128.

(4) The Chhappai Ramayan . — In the chhappai metre. I have only

seen one incorrect and unintelligible manuscript of this work, from

which an edition of the same character has been printed.

(5) Sat Sal (Rag.). — A collection ( Sapta Gatika) of seven hundred

emblematic dohas.

(6) The Pahch Ratan (Rag.), or five jewels. — A set of five short

poems, usually grouped together. They are (a) the Janakl Mapgal,

(b) the Parbatl Map gal, (c) the Bairagya Sandlpinl, (d) Ram Laid

bar Nah’chhu, (e) the Bar’we Ramayan (Rag.). The first two of these

are songs celebrating the marriages of Slta and Gaurl respectively ;

the third is a didactic treatise ; the fourth is a song in honour of the

Nah'chhu or ceremonial nail-paring of Ram at his wedding ; and the

fifth, a short history of Ram in the Bar’wai metre.

(7) The Sri Ram Agya, also called the Ram Sagunaba/l. — A

collection of seven books of seven chapters, each of seven dohas to

each chapter. It is a collection of omens connected with the life

of Ram. I suspect it is spurious, and partly made up of extracts

from the poet’s other works. I have met with one very inferior

commentary upon it.

(8) The Sapkat Mochan . — A short didactic work. I have only

seen it in one vilely -printed edition.

(9) The Binay Pattnka (Rag.). — A collection of 279 hymns to

Ram : much admired, and deservedly so. It has often been printed,

and has a very fair commentary by Sib Par’kas (No. 643).

(10) The Hanuman Bdhuk (Rag.). — A collection of sonnets in

honour of Hanuman , who according to tradition gave him a vision of

Ram and Lachhman.

In addition to these the Sib Sipgh Saroj mentions the following: —

(11) Ram Sal aka (Rag.).

(12) The Kundaliya Ramayan.

(13) The Kar’ka Ramayan.

(14) The Rold Ramayan.

(15) The Jhul’na Ramayan , none of which I have seen. The

last four are named after the metres in which they are written.

(16) A Krishnaball (Rag.) in the Braj dialect is also printed and

sold in the bazars. It deals with the life of Krish’n, and I do not

believe that it is by the Tul’sl Das whom we are now considering.

Many of these have been printed, always most incorrectly, and some

with commentaries. One of the most highly esteemed commentaries on

the Ram-Charit-Manas is that of Ram Char an Das. The best on the

■

.

Journal, As. Soc., Bong., Vol. LVII, Part 1, Extra-Number, 1888.

Plate II.

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REDUCED FACSIMILE OF TEN PAGES OF THE RAJ’PUR RAMAYAN.

§ 128.]

tul’si das.

47

Gltciball, the Kabittaball, and the Sat Sal are by Baij’nath, Ham

Charan Das’s commentary has been printed by Nawal Kishor, of Lakh’-

nau, but is now out of print. The other commentaries can be bought

in any Indian bazar. All the commentators have a great tendency

to avoid difficulties, and to give to simple passages mystical meanings,

which Tubs! Das never intended. They are unfortunately utterly

wanting in the critical faculty. Though there are abundant materials

for obtaining an absolutely accurate text of at least the Ham-Charit-

Manas, the commentators have never dreamed of referring to them,

but have preferred trusting their inner consciousness. As an extreme

example, I may mention one who drew up a scheme of the number

of verses which each section of each canto ought to have, in a numer¬

ically decreasing order, after the pattern of the steps of a bathing ghat ,

because the poem is called a lake ( manas ). Nothing could be prettier

than this idea ; and so he hacked and hewed his unfortunate text

to fit this Procrustean bed, and then published it with considerable

success. It never occurred to him or his readers to see if this was

what Tubs! Das had written ; and if they had done so, the ludicrous

nature of his theory would have been evident at the first glance.

Regarding Tubs! Das’s style, he was a master of all varieties, from

the simplest flowing narration to the most complex emblematic verses.

He wrote always in the old Bais’warl dialect, and, once the peculiarities

of this are mastered, his Ram-Charit-Manas is delightful and easy

reading. In his Gltciball and Kabittaball he is more involved, but still

readable with pleasure ; in his Dohdball he is sententious ; and in his

Sat Sal as difficult and obscure as any admirer of the Nalodaga could

wish. The Sat Sal is a veritable tour de force , and I am glad that

this, almost the oldest specimen1 2 of a kind of writing which was

brought to perfection fifty years later by Biharl Lai (No. 196) (the

mine of commentators), is being edited with a commentary by

Professor Blhari Lai Chaube in the Bibliotheca Indica.* The Binay

Pattrikd is again in another style. It is a book of prayers, often

of the most elevated description, but its difficulties are very unsatis¬

factorily elucidated by either of the two commentaries on it which

I have seen.

1 It was written (Sat. i. 21) in Sambat 1642, i.e. A.D. 1585. Bidyapati’s

emblematic verses were written about A.D. 1400.

2 Since this was written an edition of this work, with a commentary by

Baij’nath, the editor of the Gitabali and Kabittaball, has been published in

1886 by Nawal Kishor, of Lakh’nau.

48 THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN. [§ 128.

Regarding his poetic powers I think it is difficult to speak too

highly. His characters live and move with all the dignity of a

heroic age. Has’rath, the man of noble resolves which fate had

doomed to be unfruitful ; Ram, of lofty and unbending rectitude,

well contrasted with his loving but impetuous brother Lachhman ; Slta,

the ‘perfect woman nobly planned;’ and Raban, like Has’rath, predes¬

tined to failure, but fighting with all his demon force against his fate,

almost like Satan in Milton’s epic, the protagonist of half the poem, —

all these are as vividly before my mind’s eye as I write as any

character in the whole range of English literature. Then what a

tender devotion there is in Bharat’s character, which by its sheer truth

overcomes the false schemes of his mother Kaakeyi and her maid.

His villains, too, are not one black picture. Each has his own

character, and none is without his redeeming virtue.

For sustained and varied dramatic interest I suppose the Ram-

Charit-Mdnas is his best work ; but there are fine passages in his

other poems. What can be more charming than the description of

Ram’s babyhood and boyhood in the commencement of the Gltaba/1,

or the dainty touches of colour given to the conversation of the

village women as they watch Ram, Lachhman, and Slta treading

their dreary way during their exile. Again, what mastery of words

is there in the Sundar Kand of the KabittabalJ throughout the

description of the burning of Lagka. We can hear the crackling

of the flames and the crash of the falling houses, the turmoil and

confusion amongst the men, and the cries of the helpless women as

they shriek for water.

Still even Tul’sl Has was not able to rise altogether superior to the

dense cloud which fashion had imposed upon Indian poetry. I must

confess that his battle descriptions are often luridly repulsive, and

sometimes overstep the border which separates the tragic from the

ludicrous. To Native minds these are the finest passages which he has

written ; but I do not think that the cultivated European can ever find

much pleasure in them. He was hampered, too, by the necessity of

representing Ram as an incarnation of Vishnu, which leads him into

what, although only meet adoration to the pious believer, sounds to us

Mlechchhas as too gross hyperbole.

The reasons for the excellence of this great poet’s work are not

far to seek. The most important of all was the great modesty of the

man. The preface to the Ram-Charit-Manus is one of the most remark¬

able portions of the book. Kalidasa may begin his Raghuuamca with

§ 128.]

tul’si das.

49

a comparison of himself to a dwarf, and of his powers over language

to a skiff on the boundless ocean ; but from under this modest state¬

ment there gleams a consciousness of his own superiority. His modesty

is evidently a mock one, and the poet is really saying to himself all the

time, ‘ I shall soon show my readers how learned I am, and what a

command I have over all the nine rasas/ But (and this is another

reason for his superiority) Tul’si never wrote a line in which he did

not himself believe heart and soul. He was full of his theme, the

glory and love of his master ; and so immeasurably above him did

that glory and that love seem, that he was full of humility with regard

to himself. As he expresses it : — ‘ My intellect is beggarly, while my

ambition is imperial. May good people all pardon my presumption

and listen to my childish babbling, as a father and mother delight to

hear the lisping prattle of their little one/ Kalidasa took Bam as a

peg on which to hang his graceful verses ; but Tul’si Das wove wreaths

of imperishable fragrance, and humbly laid them at the feet of the god

whom he adored. 1 One other point I would urge, which has, I believe,

escaped the notice of even Native students of our author. He is, perhaps,

the only great Indian poet who took his similes direct from the book

of Nature and not from his predecessors. He was so close an observer

of concrete things, that many of his truest and simplest passages are

unintelligible to his commentators, who were nothing but learned

men, and who went through the beautiful world around them with

eyes blinded by their books. Shakespeare, we know, spoke of the white

reflection of the willow leaves in the water, and thus puzzled all his

editors, who said in their wisdom that willow leaves were green. It

was, I think, Charles Lamb who thought of going to the river and

seeing if Shakespeare was right, and who thereby swept away a cloud

of proposed emendations. 2 So, too, it has been reserved for Mr. Growse

to point out that Tul’sl Das knew far more about Nature than his

commentators do.

It remains now to point out the necessity there is of printing a

correct text of this poet’s works. At present the printed bazar editions

1 Babu Jawahir Mall, of Daud’nagar, in the district of Gaya, informs me

that he knew an old man whose ancestor knew the poet, and that Tul’si Das

told the ancestor that he had never written a line of poetry into which either

the letter K r or the letter m (the first and last letters of the word Bam)

did not come. This (if found to he true) is a valuable test for deciding whether

doubtful passages are genuine or not.

* The under surface, and therefore the reflection, of the willow-leaf is while.

D

50

THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDUSTAN.

[§ 128.

available are very deficient. The best of them is that by Pandit

Ram Jasan ; but he, like all the other editors, has printed only a

modernised copy of the textas receptus. I have carefully compared the

latter with the original text, and am in a position to state that

anything more misleading can hardly be imagined. Tul’si Das wrote

phonetically the words as they were pronounced at his time, and

in an archaic dialect. In the printed books the dialect is altered to the

standard of the modern Hindi, and the spelling improved (?) according

to the rules of Panini. Examples of the modernisation of the dialect

are the following : — Tubs! Das uses the short u as the termination of

the nominative singular, leaving the crude base in a for its legitimate

purposes in composition, thus following the rules of the Apabhramca

Prakrit. Thus he wrote kapi-kataku , an army of monkeys ; prabala -

moha-dalu , a powerful band of delusions ; and so on : but all the

modern editions give -kataka and -dal a, according to the modern

pronunciation. So also modern editors write prasada , ‘favour/ for

the original pasau ; bliujaygim , ‘snake/ for original bhuaygini ;

yajnavalkya for j agabaliku ; banda/ii, ‘I revere/ for bandau ; bhakti,

‘faith/ for bliagati , and so on. Examples can be gathered in

almost every line. Instances of alteration of spelling are equally

numerous. One example must suffice. Tubs! Das evidently pro¬

nounced the name of Ram’s father as Dasarathu, for that is the

way he wrote it ; but modern editors write the Sanskrit Dagaratlia ,

which is not even the way it is pronounced nowadays. But there

are other and greater errors than these in the textus receptus.

It abounds in lacunas. Whole pages are sometimes omitted, and

minor changes occur in every page. In short, opening the printed

edition at random, I count no fewer than thirty-five variations

from tne original, some most important ones, in one page of twenty-

three lines. I am glad, therefore, to be able to record that an

enterprising publisher of Patna (Babu Ram Din Sirjqh , of the

Khadg Bilas Press, Ba^kipur) is now engaged in publishing a text

of the P.am-Charit-Manas founded on the old manuscripts I have

already mentioned.

In the Addendum to this chapter I give samples of the true text

of the Ram-Charit-Manas, founded on the Banaras and Raj’pur

manuscripts, already alluded to, together with photographs of the

originals. The footnotes show the readings of the textus receptus ,

-lam indebted to the kindness of Raja Siva Prasad, C.S.I., for

these photographs.

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REDUCED FACSIMILE OF THREE PAGES OF THE

BANARAS RAMAYAN.

§ 133.]

ADDENDA TO CHAPTEE VI.

51

129. f^PTJ the master l\ lipat Niranjan.

B. 1593 A.D.

Nir. According to Sib Siqgh this master ranks as a holy man with

Tul’si Das . Besides hundreds of short poems which have not been

collected, he is the author of the Sant Sar’sl and the Niranjan

Saygrah.

130, Beni Madhab Das, of Pas’ ha,

district Goda . FI. 1600 A.D.

He was a disciple of the holy master Tul’si Das, and was his

constant companion. He wrote a biography of him entitled Go sal

Charitr’ (quoted in this work as ‘ Go.’) and died in 16/$ A.D.

131. the poet l\ lid hi. FI. 1600.

Go., (?) Rag.

132. Nil Kanth Misar, of the Dodb .

FI. 1600 A.D.

Go., Nir.

133. «?Wt , the poet Nila Dhar. FI. 1600 A.D.

Go., Nir.

ADDENDA TO CHAPTER VI.

I.— THE TEXT OF TUL’SI DAS.

In order to show how the text of Tul’si Das’s works has been altered in

the course of centuries, the following extracts from the Ramayan are given,

exactly as taken from the oldest manuscripts in existence. In the footnotes

are given the variations of the best printed editions. The manuscripts used

are those referred to in Chapter VI, namely the Raj ’pur copy of the Ajodhya

Kand, said to be in the poet’s own handwriting, and the Banaras copy, made

only twenty-four years after his death.

D 2

52 THE MODERN LITERARY HISTORY OF HINDtfSTlN. [§§ 128-133 ADD.

From the Bal Kand (Bandras MS.).

(The footnotes show the variations of the textus receptus.)

Chmipaz.

Ko Shiwa1 sama Ramahi2 priya bhai ||.

Doha .

Prathamahi mai kahi Shiwa -charita

Bui ha maramu tumhara | 3

Suchi sewaka tumha4 Rama ke

Rahita samasta bikara || 104 [|5

Chdupaz.

Mai6 jana tumhara guna slla |

Xahaft snnahu7 aba Raghu-pati-lila ||

Sunu muni aju samagama tor§3

Xahi na iai9 jasa sukhu10 mana

mor§ ||n

Rama-charita ati amita munisa |

Xahi na sakahi12 sata koti ahisa ||

Tadapi jatha shruta13 kahaTi bakhani )

Sumiri Gira-pati Prabhu dhanu-

pani ||

Sarada daru-nari-sama, Swam! |

Ramu14 sutra-dhara antara-jami ||

Jehi para kripa karahi janula jani |

Xabi-ura ajira nachawahi16 Bani ||

From the Ajodhya Kand (Rdf pur MS.).

Chaupd z.

(Dehi ku)chalihi koti ka17 gari ||

Jarahi bikhama jara13 lehi usasa |

Xawani19 Rama binu jiwana-asa ||

Bipula20 biyoga praja akulani |

Janu21 jala-chara-gana sukhata pan! ||

£.ti bikhada-basa loga logal22 |

Gaye matu pahi23 Ramu24 gosal25 ||

1 Siwa.

2 Ramahi. ^

3 Prathama kahe mai Siwa-charita

bujha marama tumhara |

4 tuma.

6 112.

c d.

6 mai.

7 sunahu.

8 tore.

9 jaya.

10 sukha.

11 more.

13 sakahi.

13 sruta.

14 Rama.

15 karahi jana.

16 nachawahi. One edition of text,

rev. given ani for bani.

Mukhu26 prasanna chita chau-guna

chau |

Mita sochu27 jani rakhai28 rau ||

Doha.

Nawa gayandu Raghu-bira-manu29

Raju30 alana samana |

Chhuta jani bana-gawanu31 suni

Ura-anandu32 adhikana |] 5133 ||

17 hu.

18 jwara.

19 kawana.

20 Bikula.

21 Jimi.

22 lugai.

23 paha.

24 Rama.

25 gusai.

26 Mukha-,

27 lkal socha.

28 rakhalii.

29 gayanda Ragku-bansa-mani,

30 Raja.

31 gawana.

82 anada.

33 50.

§ 128-133 ADD.]

ADDENDA TO CHAPTER VI.

53

Chav/pa i .

Baghu-kula*tilaka jori doii1 hatha |

Mudita matu-pada nayeu2 matka ||

Dlnhi3 aslsa lai ura linlie |

Bhukhana basana nichhawari kinhe ||

Bara bara mukha chumbati4 mata |

Nayana neha-jalu5 pulakita gata ||

Goda rakhi puni hridaya lagae6 |

Shrawata7 prema-rasa payada

suhae8 ||

Premu pramodu9 na kachhn kahi jai |

Bagka Dhanada-padawi janu pai ||

Sadara sundara badanu10 nikari |

Boll madhura bachana mahatarl [|

‘Kahahu, Tata, janani bali-harl J

Kabahi lagana nmda-mapgala-kari ||

Sukiita-slla-sukha-slwa,11 suhal |

Janama-labha kai awadhi12 aghai ||

Doha.

Jehi chahata nara-nari sab a

Ati arata ehi13 bliati |

Jimi chataka-chataki trikhita14

Bristi sarada-ritu15 swati || 5216 ||

Chcvvpdl.

Tata jau bali begi nahahu17 |

Jo mana bhawa madhura kachhu

khahu ||

Pitu samlpa taba jayehu bhaia |

Bhai badi18 bara jai bali mala’ ||

1 dwaJH.

2 nayaii.

3 Dinha.

4 chumati.

6 jala.

6 lagai.

7 Srawata.

8 suhai.

9 Prema-pramoda.

10 badana.

11 siwa.

12 Janma-labha kahi (orlahi) awadha.

13 ihi.

14 chataki-chataka trisita.

15 ritu.

16 51.

17 ankaku.

18

19 Here ends leaf 28 of the MS.

20 Shrl.

Matu-bachana suni19 ati anukula 1

Janu saneha-sura taru ke phula ||

Sukha-makaranda-bhare Shriya20-mula J

Nirakhi Eama-manu bhawaru21 na

bkula ||

Dharama22-dhurina dharama23-gati jani |

Kaheu matu sana ati mridu bani ||

‘ Pita dinha mohi kanana-raju |

Jaha saba bhati mdra bada24 kaju ||

Ayesu dehi25 mudita mana mata |

Jehi26 muda-mapgala kanana jata jj

Jani saneha-basa darapasi bhor§27 |

Anadu amba23 anugraha tore29 1|

Doha .

Barakba30 chari-dasa bipina basi

Kari pitu-bachana-pramana |

Ai31 paya puni dekhihau

Manu32 jani karasi malana’ || 5333 ||

Chaupai.

Bachana binlta madhura Baghubara ke |

Sara sama lage matu-ura kara ke ||

Sahami sukhi suni sitali34 bani |

Jimi jawasa pare35 pawasa-pani ||

Kahi na jai kachhu hridaya-bikhadu |

Manahu mrigi suni36 kehari-nadu ||

Nay ana sajala,37 tana38 thara thara

kapi39 |

Majahi khai mina janu mapi40 ||

21 Bama-mana bhawara.

22 Dharma.

23 dharma.

24 bara.

25 Ayasu dehu.

26 Jehi.

27 bhore.

28 Anada matu.

29 tore.

30 Barkha.

31 Aya.

32 Mana.

33 52,

34 sitala.

35 para.

36 janu sahame kari.

37 Salila.

33 tanu.