IBRARY

CORNELL UNIVERSITY

3 1924 066 284 807

' . ■

'

.

.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL

VOL. LXIII.

PART I. (History, Antiquities, &c.)

Nos. I to IV. — 1894: with 6 Plates.

EDITED BY THE

JTonorary J^hi lo logical ^Secretary.

u It will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science

in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to

the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will languish, if such communications shall be long

intermitted ; and it will die away, if they shall entirely cease.” Sir Wm. Jones.

CALCUTTA :

PRINTED AT THE BAPTIST MISSION PRESS,

AND PUBLISHED BY THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY, 57, PARK STREET.

1890.

T

A . ' £ 1 M * I

CONTENTS.

OP THE

JOURNAL,, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,

Vol. LXIII, Part I. for 1894.

)

No. I.

Note on a Chinese inscribed slab lately dug out of St. John's Church¬

yard, Calcutta. — By the Bey. H. B. Hyde, M. A. ... 1

On the Relationship between Tibetan Orthography and the Ch'iginal

Pronunciation of the Language. — By the Rev. F. B. Shawe,

Moravian Missionary in Ladak. ... ... ... 4

A Note on the Buddhist Golden Book exhibited by the President , the

Honourable Sir Charles Elliott, K. 0. I. E. — By fARAT Candra

Das, C. I. E. (With Plate I.) ... ... ... 20

On a Stone Image of the Buddha found at Rdjagrha. — By G* A.

Grierson, I. C. S. (With Plate II) ... ... 35

On a new Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapala . — By Umes Chandra

Batavyal, I. C. S. (With Plate III) ... ... 39

No. 2.

Coins supplementary to Thomas' Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi,

No. V. — By C. J. Rodgers, Honorary Numismatist to the Govern¬

ment of India. (With Plates IY and Y) ... ... 63

Notes on early local silver coinages in North- Western India and in the

Konkan. — By W. Theobald, Member of the Numismatic Society ,

London , and Royal Asiatic Society . ... ... 73

Notes on Major Francklin' s Manuscript description of Gaur. — By H.

Beveridge, I. C. S. (Retired) .. ... ... 85

Documents relating to the History of Ladakh : Tibetan Text , Trans¬

lation and Notes. — By the late Dr. Karl Marx, Moravian Mis¬

sionary at Leh, Ladakh ... ... ... 94

Abstract of the Contents of one of the Ahbm Puthis. — By E. A.

Gait, C. S.

9 a a

• » »

Ml

108

IV

Contents.

No. 3.

Guru Gobind Sirjgh and Bandah. — By William Irvine, C. S.

^RGtircd^ ... ••• ••• in ... 112

No. 4.

On the Hypothesis of the Babylonian Origin of the so-called Lunar

Zodiac. — By Gr. Thibaut ... ... ... 144

Further Observations on the History and Coinage of the Gupta

Period. — By Vincent A. Smith, Indian Civil Service. (With

Plate VI). ... ... ... ... 164

Note on Preceding Paper. — By Dr. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle ... 210

The Tribes , Clans , and Castes of Nepal. — By Captain Eden

Vansittart, 6th Gurkhas. ... ... ... 213

LIST OF PLATES

IN

JOURNAL, ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, Yol., LXIII, Part I

for 1894.

Plate I — (p. 22). Comparative Table of Pali Alphabets.

Plate II — (p. 35). Seated Buddha found near Rajgir.

Plate III — (p. 53). Copper-plate grant of Dharmapala,

Plate IV — (p. 64) ; Plate V — (p. 67). Pathan Coins.

Plate VI — (p. 168). Coins of the Gupta Period.

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ERRATA,

.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.

Part I.— HISTORY, LITERATURE, &e.

No. I.— 1894.

Note on a Chinese inscribed slab lately dug out of St. John's Churchyard ,

Calcutta . — By The Rev. H. B. Hyde, M. A.

[Read, December, 1893.]

The Chinese inscription, of which I exhibit a transcription, and also

a paper-rubbing, occurs on a slab of agglomerate lava in St. John’s

Churchyard. Mr. T. H. Holland, a.r.c.s., f.g.s., of the Geological

Survey, has lately read a paper to us upon this piece of stone, 1 geologi¬

cally considered, and tells us that it belongs to a formation found in the

neighbourhood of the Corea, and elsewhere on the Chinese coast. The

slab measures 2 ft. 8f in. by 2 ft. 5 inches, and is 6 in. thick. It was

recently dug out of the ground on excavating the earth around the

Speke monument.

I am informed by the Verger of St. John’s that he had seen the

slab before its present discovery. In the year 1886, in the process, he

thinks, of preparing flower-beds at a spot on the north side of the Church,

within the limits of the old burying-ground, four brick graves were

1 Vide Journal , Vol. LXII, Part II, p. 164.

J. I. 1

2

[No. 1,

H. B. Hyde — Note on a Chinese inscribed slab.

discovered at a depth of about 2f feet. These graves, he said, lay side

by side, and were covered by large square tiles of great thickness, and

upon these tiles were lying a number of flat stones. The Chaplain

ordered all to be covered up at once, but one of the flat stones being

displaced was removed to the place where the inscribed slab recently

was found. A flower bed being about that time made around the Speke

monument, the stone was buried where it lay, to get rid of it. No one

at the time took any particular notice of the stone, and certainly the

existence of an inscription upon it was unsuspected. He says that the

slab now unearthed was the one then buried.

The face of the stone still retains the remains of an original high

polish, and upon this has been incised with a chisel an inscription of

about 270 Chinese characters, arranged, as it were, in two pages or two

series of columns. Of this inscription the following translation has been

made by Mr. E. F. Taylor, Commissioner of Customs at Shanghai, and

at present with the Chinese Commission at Darjeeling.

It shows that the slab must have been the Foundation stone of a

fort erected by the Mancliu Tartars on the Island of Chusan while

they were subduing the Chinese of the Ningpo District.

“ Record (of the building) of the coiled dragon and crouching tiger

fortification : —

“ In the 8th year of the 1st Emperor (Shunchih) of the Ching

(present Mancliu) dynasty (i,e., about 1652 A. D.), the Imperial troops

marched to the conquest of Weng Chon, and in the first battle Juan Chin

(probably the Chinese chief or general of the district) was captured. In

the second engagement the city of Chon (on the island of Chusan) was

reduced. At that time our ships were in such numbers that they spread

to the horizon, and our banners obscured the sky. The Gfovernor Ch’en

[leading the Mancliu troops] with Ku-sai1 Chin and Liu, Beileh2 wu,

Marshal T’ien and General Chang, having offered oblations of wine on

the shore, ascended the two hills and gazed around them ; when H. E.

Ch’en said — ‘ This is a remarkable spot specially designed by heaven ;

4 how unlucky for our foe that he did not observe its advantages. Had

‘he posted troops in ambush on these two hills, and defended them on

‘ every side with big guns, our soldiers, though brave, could never have

‘ passed over. But we must profit by the experience of his disaster.

‘ The whole conditions of the locality mark it out as a place to be

‘ defended with fortifications and guns in position.’ H. E. Cli’en then

turning to Chang said: ‘You must draw up the necessary plans.’

1 Manchu title. (?) ‘Guardians of the passes.’

S Manchu title.

1894.]

3

H. B. Hyde — Note on a Chinese inscribed slab.

Then turning back and speaking to Ch’ien (that is the writer of the

inscription), he said, ‘You will take charge of this work.’

“ In two months the fortification was completed. The hill to the

east is wavy in outline (the coiled dragon), and with eminences and

depressions, while that to the west is gently sloping (the crouching

tiger). On these two hills, then, was built the Tai fortification, which

may be likened to a coiled dragon and crouching tiger. When the

dragon is coiled and the tiger crouched, all is quiet, the whole universe

is at peace. But their power to move aud act is latent, though concealed.

Restrained potentiality and hidden might, such is the outward appear¬

ance of the fortification : to intimidate the enemy from afar is its func¬

tion. Soldiers may not be called into action for 100 years, but no day

must pass without their being in readiness. Only have your troops ready

and you may never have occasion to employ them. This is the idea

(conveyed by the imagery) of the coiled dragon and the crouching tiger.

Written by the Pacificator (Manchu title) of Chusan and Ningpo, Senior

Brigadier (Manchu title) of the Banner troops (i. e., Manclius from

Peking) Jui Ch’ien.”

Mr. Taylor, writing from Darjeeling, remarks : “ I have no means

here of giving the proper translations of the Manchu titles.” He says,

“ The Chinese is good and classical, and evidently composed by a scholar.”

In the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society for 1853, is a

plan, and a detailed description by Sir J. F. Davis, Bart., of the Island

of Chusan, but it contains no mention of the fort to which the Inscription

relates. It is only to be conjectured that the fort, evidently an earth¬

work, was demolished by the British troops during our occupation of

the island from 1840 to 1846 ; while wre held the island as a guarantee

for the fulfilment of the stipulations of the Treaty and that the battalion

of native troops from Bengal, which formed j)art of our expedition,

which attacked the island in 1840, brought back with them, on their

return, this foundation stone. But if they did so, how it came to be

buried in the Cathedral Churchyard, instead of being exhibited in some

public place, or lodged in the Asiatic Society’s Museum, is a question

not yet solved.

4

F, B. Sliawe — Tibetan Orthography and 'Pronunciation. [No. 1,

On the 'Relationship between Tibetan Orthography and the Original

Pronunciation of the Language . — By The Rev. F. B. Shawe, Moravian

Missionary in Ladak.

[Read, November, 1893.]

[Note. — In the MS. of this paper Jaeschke’s system of translitera¬

tion was followed. For typographical reasons, however, some slight

changes proved necessary, which will, I hope, not be confusing to the

student accustomed to use Jaeschke’s system, and which are not

intended to be understood as a new system of my own. For scientific

purposes I consider Jaeschke’s system to be the best of all I have

hitherto met with.

The transliterations are shown

ha, k or c.

I*' k' a, aspirated 7c.

ga , hard English g ; when s

mute prefix represented by y

na , ng (pang).

■S’ ca, ch4

c ’a, aspirated da.

fa j-

S’ nya, French gn (campagne).

V ta , t.

5T fa, aspirated ta.

V da, d.

V na, n.

pa, p.

'fa, aspirated pa.

ba, b.

ma, ni.

in the following table : —

& tsa, ts (parts).

ts* a, aspirated tsa.

dza, ds (guards).

wa, w.

zha, s (leisure).

za , z (zeal).

Q’ %a, (basis for vowels).

w ya, y (yard).

X* ra , r.

<3T la, 1.

£a, sh.

sa , s (some).

W ha, h.

tfT ’u (basis for vowels).

d, t, etc., are cerebrals.

Pronunciations spelled phonetically

are enclosed by asterisks.]

5

189 1.] F. B. Sbawe — Tibetan Orthography and Pronunciation.

It is well-known that one of the great difficulties presented to the

student of the Tibetan language is the pronunciation. Whilst there

is no essential difference of opinion as to the articulation of each letter

when taken individually, the greatest possible variety of pronunciation

prevails as soon as letters are combined into words. The dialectical

divisions and sub-divisions are almost all apparently more or less at

variance with the orthography, most of all in the central provinces

U-Tsang When, e. g ., spyod-pa is pronounced

•v"

* cii-pa* smy on-pa is pronounced * nyom-pa,* dbyar is pro-

nounced * yar* bcom-ldan-Qdas is pronounced * com-dan

da* as is the case in the central provinces, the student can easily get the

idea, that the orthography, which now stands in the remotest possible

relationship to the pronunciation, never did to any reasonable extent

correspond to the spoken word. This opinion has indeed been expressed,

of late years — unless I misunderstand him — by Babu Sarat Chandra

Das,1 who is acquainted particularly with the central dialects just

referred to.

Inquiries into the phonetics of the Tibetan language have been

made, besides by Schiefner, Lepsius, and Czoma de Koros, notably by

Jaeschke, who brought to bear on the matter an ear trained by the study

of many languages to distinguish the smallest variations of pronuncia¬

tion, coupled with an infinite patience in continually revising and com¬

paring apparently well-ascertained facts. Jaeschke embodied the results

of his observations in an essay “ Ueber die Phonetik der Tibetisclien

Sprache ”2 and in the “ Introduction ” to his “ Tibetan-English Diction¬

ary.”3 The following remarks are based upon these two essays.

My object, however, is not, as was Jaeschke’s, to enquire into the

whole question of Tibetan phonetics, but simply to bring together what

evidence we seem to have, especially in the western dialects, as to the

original relationship of Tibetan spelling and pronunciation. An abso¬

lutely conclusive argument on this point cannot at present be given. To

attempt it would pre-suppose an exhaustive practical and scientific ac¬

quaintance with the whole system of Tibetan dialects, besides Chinese and

1 S. Ch. D., “The Sacred and Ornamental Characters of Tibet,” J. A. S. B.,

1888, Pt. I, No. 2, p. 43 : — “ It does not appear to me, that the Tibetans ever pro¬

nounced their words as they wrote them.”

2 In the “ Monatsbericht der Konigl. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin,”

1866. Re-printed as a pamphlet.

3 London, 1881. — The labour involved in compiling the invaluable “ Phonetic

Table ” on pp. XVI — XXI can only be appreciated by those who have attempted to

trace a few words through dialectical variations often quite imperceptible to the

untrained ear of a newly arrived foreigner.

6

F. B. Shawe — Tibetan Orthography and Pronunciation. [No. 1,

Sanskrit, in order to be able to follow the influences exerted by these

languages, especially by the former. At the present stage of our

acquaintance with Tibetan, such comprehensive knowledge is an im¬

possibility. I confine myself therefore chiefly to the western dialects and

the internal evidence of the classical book-language, referring to the

eastern and central dialects only when comparison is necessary.

Briefly expressed, the peculiarities of the usual modern pronun¬

ciation are: — 1. A quite abnormal number of mute consonants, both at

the beginning and end of the syllable. 2. Modulation of vowels, ap¬

parently dependant on the elision of consonants. 3. A large number

of compositions of consonants pronounced identically, many of them

becoming cerebrals. jy

As the tendency of all languages is to tone down or elide all harsh

sounds, the fact that there are many mute consonants need not in itself

cause surprise. We know from European languages, e. g., French

and English, that such apparent vagaries in modern pronunciation are

quite explicable, and present no reason for surprise to the student of

the history of these languages.* 'The modification of vowel sounds is

also a well-known process. But the wtiolesale smoothing away and

elision of consonants, which has taken place in Tibetan pronunciation, is,

to say the least, of a sufficiently startling character. The rules which

have governed such changes in other languages do not seem to hold good

in this case. In numberless cases the consonants seem to have quite

lost the power they originally appear to have had, so that the pronun¬

ciation now affords scarcely any clue to the orthography. Still, arguing

iiby analogy, it must be granted, that the probability is in favour of the

original orthography really representing the oiufflnar~pronunciation.

Very cogent reasons must be brought forward to induce us to abandon

this position, indicated as it is alike by common sense and our knowledge

of the development of other languages.

In dealing with this question two great peculiarities of the Tibetan

language must be borne in mind. One is, that the Tibetan language

stands quite isolated, and allows of no comparison with other languages

from a common stock. The other peculiarity is, that for us the Tibetan

language not only suddenly comes into existence as a written language,

but that since the invention of the alphabet by Ton-mi Sam-bho-ta in the

7th century A.D., it has undergone no alteration in its character as a

written language. 1 This is no doubt owing to the fact, that Tibetan

1 This does not imply that absolutely no change or development has taken

place, for it is possible to make three or four broad distinctions in style and con¬

struction. But a student of Tibetan can read an ancient and a modern book with

the aid of one and the same grammar and dictionary, whilst, e. g., the “ Brut ” and

even the “ Canterbury Tales ” require special study with special appliances.

7

1894.] F. B. Shawe — Tibetan Orthography and Pronunciation.

literature had its beginning in the translations of the Buddhist

canon, nominally the religious norm, even at the present day, for

the overwhelming majority of the Tibetan-speaking race. 1 The res¬

training influence on the language exerted in Christian countries

by a universally accepted translation of the Bible is well-known ;

in Tibetan we have a similar work standing at the very begin¬

ning of literature. Consequently, whilst in most languages the

gradual development of orthography and pronunciation can be traced

by a more or less complete chain of literary productions, Tibetan

orthography has remained stationary, whilst the pronunciation has

undergone great modifications. For, so far from finding any re¬

markable facts pointing to an original discrepancy between ortho¬

graphy and pronunciation, we have a series of observations which

all point to the conclusion that the latter has, either gradually, or sud¬

denly, divorced itself from the former.

These observations are made both in the literary language (*<VTSiy

cos-shad ) and in the popular dialects (^QTSfy p’al-shad).

Turning our attention first to the literary language , we can con¬

veniently enquire into the original relationship between orthography

and pronunciation by investigating the homophones and the gramma- ,

tical particles or post-positions, which supply the place of flexions^ IcnTjxub hT •

On bearing Tibetan spoken, the student cannot fail to be struck

by the large number of homophones. In some cases the homophonous

appearance is genuine, i. e., there are a number of words identical in

spelling and pronunciation, but differing in meaning. In the majority

of cases, however, an enquiry into the orthography reveals the fact,

that many apparent homophones need not necessarily be homophonous.

Whilst identical to the ear, they are orthographically clearly distin¬

guished to the eye. These homophones resolve themselves into two

classes : — those having an identical or similar root, and those having

differing or dissimilar roots.

The first class consists mainly of verbs. In the literary language

the active and neuter forms of the verb are rarely identical, whilst no reP.M

difference is at present made in pronunciation. We have, e. g., the ^

neuter verb Qgrub-pa “to be accomplished,” with Perf.

1 It is also interesting to note that the influence of Buddhism has secured the

adoption of Buddhist terms for the commonest things, e. g., the only words in use

cs cs

for “ world ” are srid-pa, ( i . e ., “i)kw - of very rare occurrence) and

s

0jig-rten, [i. e., “receptacle of the perishable,” — the common term), both of

which are evidently of Buddhist origin. What word was in use previous to the

introduction of Buddhism F

8 F. B. Shawe — Tibetan Orthography and Pronunciation . [No. 1,

grub ; the corresponding active verb “ to complete ” is IpTM" sgrub-pa ,

with the Perf. bsgrubs, the Fut. bsgrub , and the Imper.

-o

sgrub(s). Here we have at least five different orthographical

forms, all derived from the same root and all pronounced alike *dup .*

"'V’*

Again: Jbyor-ba , nent. “to adhere to,” and g-VH' sbyor-ba ,

act, “ to affix,” both pronounced *jor-iva * (or sometimes *cor-wa *). The

neuter form has the alternative reading Qbyar-ba , whilst the

Perf. and Fut. of the active form is g*.'2^ sbyar-ba, both pronounced

* jar-wa* Again Q5TIT Qdu-ba , neut. “to come together; ” Perf.

odws ; |JYMT sdud-pa, act “to assemble,” Perf. bsdus, Fut.

Imper. Mw or bsdus . The pronunciation in central

Tibet of five of these forms is identical, *dii* Slightly different is the

case of the verb 0 jug-pa, which is both neuter “ to enter ” and

active “ to put into.” The neuter verb has Perf. zhugs , whilst the

active verb has Perf. bcug , Fut. yzhug, Imper. ^^1 'Pug.

In this case the identical orthography of the Present gives way to a

marked difference in the Perfects, whilst the neuter Perf. {zhugs) and the

active future ( yzhug ) are identical in pronunciation, * yzhuh* Again

slightly different is yton-ba “ to give,” Perf. btan , Fut.

*)bsr y tan ; both Perf. and Fut. are pronounced “ tanP

Such examples could easily be amplified ; the “ list of the more

frequent verbs” in Jaeschke’s Grammar1 suggests many more. But

the above will suffice to illustrate the remarkable fact, that though

homophonous verbal forms are frequent, they are almost invariably care¬

fully differentiated by the orthography. The question at once arises, what

the reason of this peculiarity may be. Do these detailed orthographical

distinctions rest upon the basis of actual articulation current at the time

the language became literary, or are they merely grammatical refine¬

ments ? Though not probable, it is certainly possible, that the latter

may be the case. The intricacies of Buddhist philosophy require for their

correct expression accurately distinguishable verbal forms, and it is

not impossible that the translators, accustomed to the rich structure of

Sanscrit, found themselves obliged to make artificial distinctions, where

the language at their disposal did not supply them. They might there¬

fore have adopted the use of mute prefixed and superscribed letters to

1 2nd Ed., p. 99 and ff.

1891.] F. B. Shawe — Tibetan Orthography and ^Pronunciation.

make suck distinctions perceptible at least to the eye, whilst they were

then, and have since usually remained, imperceptible to the ear. At

the same time it must he remarked, that neuter and active verbs are

otherwise almost always distinguished by the use of two of the three

forms of the guttural, palatal, etc., letters, e. g., Odon-pa , act.

■v ^

“ to cause to come forth;” Qtf on-pa , neut. “ to come out.” Tt

seems therefore probable that such distinctions were originally inherent

in the language.

Turning to the second class, homophones from different or dis¬

similar roots, we find some verbs here also, e. g., 0byin-pa “ to

CS

draw out ” and If3)"1'!' sbyin-pa “ to give,” both pronounced alike in

most dialects as * jin-pa,* whilst they are derived from totally different

"V

roots, the neuter form of jbyin-pa being jbyun-ba. Further ^’’^T rmo-ba

" \r

“to plough,” IT^T smo-ba “to say,” both pronounced *mo-wa ;* f^S’rd'

h? ad-pa“ to approach,” V o Wad-pa “ to stumble,” both pronounced

at-pa* or *k’ci-pa.* Very striking are byed-pa “ to do,”

rjed-pa “to forget,” QliV^F 0byed-pa “to open;” all three are quite

distinct in etymology, but the pronunciation of all is usually identical,

viz. * jet-pa* or * je-pa* The greater number of homophones of this

class are, however, found amongst the substantives. So Itan “ bale

of goods,” stans “ gesture,” both usually pronounced *tan ;* ^3'

rte-u “ foal,” ^-3' ste-n “ small adze,” both pronounced *teu ;*

btsa “ rust,” 3ff rtswa “ grass,” rtsa “ root,” all pronounced *tsa*

Also: yan “again,” yyan “happiness,” both pronounced

* yan ; * yar “ upwards,” S§X7 dbyar “ summer,” both pronounced

* yar ; * lun “precept,” o]^7 hlun “river,” ^j^7 rluh “wind,”

Tduns “ cultivated land,” all usually pronounced *lun ;* QJ^F log

“back” (adv.), glog “lightning,” logs “side,” o]^’^7 Tdog-pa

“to read,” ^^1 *F rlog-pa “ to destroy,” Sl^T^F slog-pa “to turn,” all

pronounced *loJc * or *lo ;* nam “ when?” ^^i7 y nam “heaven”

mams (sign of the plural), all pronounced *nam* In all these

cases it can hardly be maintained, that there was any absolute necessity

for introducing a different spelling for the same sounds, as the content

would clearly show which signification was intended.

Still more important are a few homophones, which may be used in

addressing superiors or signify something common, according to the man¬

ner of spelling. Such is, e. g., <&*T cag “ dry fodder, grain ” and

J. i. 2

10

F. B. Shawe — Tibetan Orthography and Pronunciation. [No. 1,

p'yag “ hand/’ both pronounced *cak.* p'yag is used in numerous

expressions of politeness, the Buddhas and saints being reverenced with

the phrase : p'yag Ot'sal-lo. The original absolute identity of these

words can scarcely be considered probable. Still less is the identity

probable in the case of rje “lord ” and mje “ penis,” both now

pronounced alike, *je.* The former word is applied only to deities,

higher lamas, and laics of a very high rank. Can we suppose that such

a word can originally (contemporaneously with the introduction of the

alphabet) have been liomophonous with a word having an obscene

signification ?

In considering the grammatical particles or post-positions a few

examples will suffice. According to rule, the post-position of the in¬

strumental case is to be spelled Icy is after the letters d , 6, s , and gyis

after n , m, r, l. Similarly the genitive case is indicated by Jcyi after d , b ,

s , and by gyi after n, m, r, l. The reason for these changes in the ending

is evident. According to Tibetan pronunciation final d, b, s are essentially

hard, and consequently occasion a hard pronunciation of the initial conso¬

nant of the following syllable ; n, m, r, l are soft, causing a corresponding

softening of the following letter. At the present day qSTN'S mi-rnams-

Jcyi “of the men,” and JTWVS'Y mi-rnams-lcyis “the men” (instrum.)

are pronounced *mi-nam-gyi* and *mi-nam-gyis * i. e ., the elision of

the s and consequent appearance of a soft consonant at the close of the

previous syllable at once occasions a corresponding softening of the

following letter. But although this is always the case in speech, it is

practically never the case in writing. On the contrary, the accuracy

with which these forms are written is remarkable, and a MS. in which

they are not correctly written will show other marks of being the work

of an unusually illiterate copyist. In close analogy, the word yah

“ and ” becomes S5* lcyah after the letters g , d, b , 5, a change rigorously

observed in writing, although, e. g ., an educated man unhesitatingly reads

||lsT3j'\rgcr zur-nas Jcyah as *zur-na yah.* Similar variable endings in

connection with verbal forms are as regularly adhered to in writing

as they are discarded in reading and daily speech.

The above observations on the literary language may be summed

up in the following : — Whilst many identically pronounced worcfs are

'spelled identically, many more are spelled in a more or less widely

differing manner in accordance with the differing significations ; and

whilst certain rules of the language cause a modification in pronouncing

certain syllables, the identical rule prevents the modification from

taking place in writing. This seems to speak most strongly in favour

1894.] F. B. Shawe — Tibetan Orthography and Pronunciation.

11

of the theory, that the orthography corresponds to the actual pronun¬

ciation of the language at the time of the invention of the alphabet.

Or is it probable, that the language originally contained such a. large

proportion of pure homophones, and was reduced to the necessity of

naming the most widely different things by the same sound P Such

is to some extent the case in Chinese, where, however, the practice of

intoning or singing pronunciation has made a way out of ensuing diffi¬

culties. In Tibetan, however, only the rudiments of this method can

be traced and seem to be due to Chinese influence.1 Nor do the high

and low tones now in use in the Central Provinces materially reduce

the number of homophones. Or is it, thirdly, conceivable, that T' on-mi

Sam-bho-ta and his successors deliberately introduced all these multi¬

tudinous variations in spelling ? The language existed before the

alphabet, aud an arbitrary fixation of the orthography would have been

a failure. An attempt has lately been made in Germany to approx¬

imate, by Act of Parliament, the orthography to the modern German

pronunciation (a very much simpler task than that of the early Tibetan

literati), but the experiment can hardly be considered a success. The

experts were unable to agree, and the result is, that what is ortlio-

graphically correct in Prussia is possibly wrong in Bavaria. This would

have been the case to a much greater degree in Tibet, wdiere each

translator would have been at perfect liberty to form his own ortho¬

graphy. Such arbitrary attempts to regulate a language cannot succeed,

unless all learning is in the hands of a small and select caste, bent on

securing its own privileges. We find no traces of any such attempt

on the part of the early propagators of Buddhism in Tibet ; on the

contrary, they seem to have encouraged popular education by all means

in their power. And even supposing that the lo-tsa-ba had introduced

differentiating orthography, why were not all the homophones thus

treated ? What ideas could have governed the choice they made ?

Again, the usage of grammatical forms as shown above, is evidently

the result of actual observation and not of theory. Tibetan gram¬

marians were not sufficiently schooled to make this probable.2 There

seems to be only one way of extricating ourselves from these difficulties,

viz., by acknowledging that the orthography as it stands did at the time

of its introduction represent the actual pronunciation.

«i i 1 " 1 1 J

1 Jaeschke. Phonetik, p. 166 ff. Dictionary, p. xiii, and Phonetic Table.

2 A Tibetan Reader in my possession classes the letters as follows : — Guttural :

Jc, V, g, n , .a, h, ’ a . Palatal : c’, c’, j, ny, ts, t’s, dz, zh , y, s'. Dental : t, t\ d, n, z, l, s-

Labial : p, p\ fr, m, w. Lingual : r - a classification that seems very rude and

singular to our ideas. Tibetan grammarians also assign either the masculine,

feminine or neuter gender to each of the consonants — a piece of mero childish

pedantry. V. Jaeschke, Dictionary, s. v. p’o.

12

F. B. Shawe — Tibetan Orthography and Pronunciation. [No. 1,

But against this view is urged, that Tibetans were “ unaccustomed

to pronounce polysyllables and combinations of several consonants with

one vowel.”1 I do not think that this is really the case. At any rate

ifc is hard to see how we are to know this. At the present day inhabi¬

tants of the central provinces certainly do not pronounce a combination

of several consonants with one vowel, but have reduced nearly all com¬

binations to simple forms. This is, however, only habit, for I have

convinced myself by actual experiment, that Tibetans of U and Tsang

can pronounce most complicated combinations. Nor can it be said, that

some combinations are absolutely unpronounceable. Jaeschke2 cites

quite as difficult combinations from the Polish language, and the Welsh

language offers similar parallels. Finally, we have the curious fact, that

in some dialects a more or less literal pronunciation actually does take

{V place at the present day, as will be presently shown.

We now turn, therefore, to the dialects with all the more confidence,

as we know what very valuable materials European dialects have sup¬

plied to the philologist. Nor are we disappointed, for a slight attention

to them reveals some very interesting facts.

Taking first the Cenjtral Tibetan dialects, which at present stand

more at variance with the orthography than any others, we find pecu¬

liarities, which seem to be remnants of a former literal pronunciation.

According to ordinary usage, the affix p in verbs and adjectives is

softened into h — pronounced * w * — after a vowel. In Central Tibet,

however, when a final consonant of the root is elided, thus leaving a

vocalic tone at the end of the syllable, the p is usually not softened, but

retains its original form. Thus: ybes-pa “beloved” is pro-

nounced *ce-pa * and not, as would be expected, *ce-wa* (but

ce-ba “ great” is *ce-wa*); rjed-pa “to forget” is pronounced

* je-pa *; whilst 0bye-ba “ to open ” is pronounced * je-wa ; *

Odod-pa “ to wish ” becomes * do-pa ? not * dd-ica .* This persistency of

the hard form of the affix is all the more striking as we have seen above

that the usual tendency is to soften down such endings in speech, whilst

retaining the original hard form in writing.

We have, further, a few names which correspond in pronunciation

to the orthography. I have several times heard the monastery of

Qbras-spuns called # bra-pun?* whilst according to modem

pronunciation # dll-pun # is the only correct form. Then the name of

~V" r-\r f

the celebrated lama Jbrom-ston is usually pronounced * brom-ton*

although * dom-ton * would be correct, and is indeed said by the

1 S. Ch. Das, loc. cit.

2 Dictionary, p. xv.

1894.] F. B. Sliawe — Tibetan Orthography and . Pronunciation . 13

uneducated class of Ladaki lamas.1 Very interesting is the Tibetan

name of Vajra-pani p’yag-na rdo-rje. In this name the

second and fourth syllables are usually discarded, and the name is then

pronounced * cak-dor .* The final r is evidently the r superscribed on

the 7, which was originally pronounced and has remained attached to

the previous syllable. At present all knowledge of this etymology is so

■v

thoroughly lost, that the name is now often written p’yag-rdor.

Exceedingly common in names is the pronunciation *gyam-t’so * for

’3rd)’ rgya-mt’so, usually pronounced *gya-fso*.

The central dialects contain other examples of cases, when the

first syllable of a composite word ends in a vowel, and in consequence a

mute prefix belonging to the second syllable becomes audible as part of

the first syllable. Thus dbu-mdzad “ precentor ” should be

pronounced * u-dzat ,* but is just as often pronounced * um-dzat*

This pronunciation is considered vulgar in U and Tsang.

Examples of this kind are, however, of more frequent occurrence

in the western dialects, especially in Ladak, where they are not at all

vulgar. Most numerals are invariably treated in this way, e. g .,

bcu-ysum(i 13” is * bug-sum ;* ’Rg'R®' bcu-bzhi “14” is

nub-zhi ;* Ina-bcu “50” is * dab-bu ;* dgu-

bcu-go-brgyad “ 98 ” is * gub-cu-gob-gyat* The same thing is common

in nouns and adjectives, e. g ., sna-mfsul “ nose ” is pronounced

* nam-t'sul * instead of * na-fsul * as would be required by present-day

usage ; h'a-lpags “ lip ” is * kal-pa7c(s ) * instead of * tta-pak ;*

bka-bkyon “blame” is * Tcap-hyon # as well as * ha-hyon ; *

W ya-mfsan “ wonderful ” is * yam-fsan * as well as * ya-t’san ; #

mcod-rten “ stupa, tope ” is *cor-ten* etc. The last mentioned

word is important, as at the present day rten is always pronounced

* sten * in Ladak, and we should therefore expect a contraction into

* c* os-ten* That the r has maintained itself under such circumstances

is strong evidence, that rten was originally pronounced as spelled.

It is in such compounds that the letter V is still discernible in

pronunciation, although it has otherwise completely disappeared from

1 S. Ch. Das in the “ Journ Buddh. Text. Soc.” 1893, pts. 1 & 2, always writes

“ Bromton,” and has informed me that he usually adopts the phonetic spelling

of names.

14 F. B. Shawe — Tibetan Orthography and Pronunciation. [No. 1,

the Ladaki and most other western dialects. Jaeschke 1 mentions

dge-Qdun “the sangha,” bTca-0bum “the 100,000

Precepts ” (name of a book), and bha-0gyur “ the translated

word ” (i. e., the Buddhist canon), pronounced respectively # gen-dun ,#

* ham-bum, * and # han-gyur ,* as probably the only examples. To

""V

these, however, must be added : 3fl*Q’Q5]’3r vitia-Qgro-ma “ Dakini,”

~v"

pronounced * k’an-do-ma* ; ,0-otfud “ suckling child,” pronounced

* om-tfun ;* ^TQV lha-0dre “hobgoblin,” pronounced # lhan-de ;*

she-0jus “ embrace,” pronounced # shyen-jus ;* £jTQV shu-0dra

“image,” pronounced * shun- da* ; N’QSQT sa-Qgul “ earthquake,” pro-

C\

nounced *sam-gul* or *san-gul* ; sdig-nua-Qbu “scorpion,”

pronounced *(s) dig-ram-bu ;* ^’^3’ cu-0bu, “water-insect,” pronounc¬

ed *c’um-bu* A few more instances may still exist, in which Q' has

become m or n in the western dialects, thus showing that it is neither

a mere orthographical sign nor simply a basis for a vowel, — this latter

want being supplied by 12T 2 — but that it formerly had a distinctly

audible pronunciation.

In connection with this appearance of otherwise mute letters it is

worthy of note that in the Ladaki dialect the stem of the Perf. tense in

the literary language has become the sole stem of the verb, and is used

for the Present and Future, as well as for the Perfect. In many cases

this peculiarity is not noticeable in pronunciation, and scarcely any, even

educated, Ladaki are aware of it. But it occasionally becomes apparent

~\rsr

in compounds, e. g ., SWSf-V mgo-shor “ deceit, ” is usually pronounced

* go-(s)kor.* In writing Ladaki dialect, however, mgo-bshor would have

to be written and though the prefix b indicating the Perf. tense is

not ordinarily heard, it becomes audible in the compound substantive,

which is pronounced * gob-shor .*

In all the cases cited the mute consonant re-asserts itself in com¬

pounds. In Ladak, however, many consonants, mute in the central

dialects, are distinctly heard even iu simple words. Foremost amongst

these is initial s, which is almost invariably pronounced in Ladak.3

1 Phonetik, p. 172.

2 Jaeschke, Dictionary, p. xiv.

3 The Ladaki go so far in their preference for s as to pronounce it even where

the orthography does not authorize it. %’ rt is almost always, and very

often pronounced * st *. Hence the Ladaki says : * sta # “ horse ; ” * stags * “ sign ;

* stat-ces * “ to deliver ; ” * ma-stogs-te * “ besides.” Final s is also rarely mute.

1894.] F. B. Shawe — Tibetan Ortliog raping and 'Pronunciation.

15

So: SJ3)' sman “medicine,” spu “hair,4’ star- g a “walnut,”

are all pronounced with an audible s in Ladak, whilst the s is usually

mute in Lahaul. The same takes place with other initials, e. g .,

brduns-ces “to beat,” blta-ces “ to look,” Idags

“ iron,” Ice “ tongue,” are often pronounced * rduns , Ita (sometimes

sta !) leak, Ice* respectively, instead of * dun , ta , cak , ce * as would be

usual.

Another observation is connected with consonants having subscribed

y , the so-called ya-tags . In the ordinary pronunciation both of the

central and western dialects, Q’ py, p’y and S' by become respectively

* c, c, and j* In Ladak and Lahaul however, §8’ py'ed “half” is not

* cet * but * p’et ; * p’y is “ duster, rag ” is not * cis * but * p’is ; *

cs cs

also in compounds as QJ^TgN’ lag-p’yis “towel,” sna-p’yis

“ handkerchief,” etc., which are pronounced * lak-p’is , (s)na-pis* etc.

o

Similarly p’yi-pa “ heathen, non-Buddhist,” is not * c’i-pa * but

* pi-pa ; * ST^T bye-ma “ sand, ” is not * je-ma * but * be-ma ; *

byed-pa “ to make,” is not *jet-pa* but * bet-pa.*1 2 The verb

p’yin-pa “ to arrive,” is unknown in Ladak and Lahaul (P), but is used in

Spiti as * p’ in-pa ,* not as * c’ in-pa* which would be the regular pronun¬

ciation. A similar usage prevails with some words with subscribed r, the

so-called ra-tags , e. g., the root bran is correctly pronounced * dan*

So in Ladak in the word bran-sa “ dwelling, ” pronounced * dan-

sa.* But p’o-bran “ residence, ” is pronounced in Ladak very

often * p’ob-ran * and lha-bran “ idol-house, ” is often pronounced

* Ihab-ran * 2 All the examples cited from the Ladak dialect are not

a peculiarity of educated people, who might affect an artificial and

refined mode of speech, but are in daily use amongst the illiterate mass

of the people.

1 This word is rather interesting on account of its widely spread use, for

* bet-pa * is in common use in Kunawur, seldom (I believe) heard in Lahaul, and

quite unknown in Ladak, except in two or three villages in which it is in constant use.

2 The two examples given are certainly compound nouns, but it will be observed

that the analogy with the compounds noted above is not exact. In the former mute

letters become audible ; in these latter cases the labial b, has assumed a dental

from d, and cannot therefore be said to be mute. It is just as easy to say

* p’o-dran, p’o-dan or p’o-ran * as to say # p’ob-ran, * and would be in accordance with

modern pronunciation. The same irregularity occurs in a place-name in Sikkim.

See J. A. S. B. 1891. Part 1, No. 2, p. 69.

16

F. B. Sliawe — Tibetan Orthography and Pronunciation. [No. 1,

The tendency to pronounce usually mute letters is most marked iu

the most westerly provinces. In Purig superscribed and subscribed

, ~\C

letters are pronounced exactly as written. Hence we have p’yag-

po “rich,” graii-mo “cold,” ^'3’ pru-gu “child,” fj*T sgrom

a

box,” 5T gri “knife,” §'-£N' bri-cas “to writ e”%^snyid “heart,”

Tdrag “blood,” the pronunciation of which is * p’yuk-po, gran-mo,

p'ru-gu , sgrom , gri, bri-cas, snyih, Tdrah,* whilst * cuh-po, dah-mo , f u-gu;

dom, di, di-cas, nyih, fah * would be the usual pronunciation. Of

Baltistan it can be said that every letter is pronounced in one way or

another. Thus1 T\r§>s\' bdun u 7” is * vduri* instead of # dun ; * Sz3,'$'

dpe-ca “book” is * xVe~ca* instead of * pe-ca * (Ladak:* spe-ca*).

*>5*33’ dnul “silver” is * ynul * instead of * nul * (Ladak : * mid *).

In Baltistan and Purig the sign * ( wa-zur ), which has otherwise quite

disappeared, but is supposed to be equivalent to w 2 has remained in the

word rtswa “ grass, ” which is pronounced *rtsoa * or * stsoa, * 1 2 3

the usual pronunciation being * tsa.*

The evidence of the Purig and Balti dialects appears to me to be

of the greatest importance, for the following reasons : — Firstly, both

districts accepted Mohammedanism in lieu of Buddhism at a very early

date4 and by so doing emancipated themselves from the influence of

Lhasa and cut themselves off from the development of the other Tibetan

races. Secondly, from the introduction of Islam probably dates the

neglect of literature. Tibetan literature was almost entirely Buddhist

and was necessarily driven out by the change of religion, whilst Islam

had no vernacular literature to offer and made no attempts to provide

any.5 At present the inhabitants of Purig and Baltistan are absolutely

1 Jaeschke, Dictionary, p. xix f .

2 Jaeschke, Phonetik, p. 162 f.

3 Jaeschke, Dictionary, p. xix. writes * rtsod # I have, however, usually heard

# rtsoa, * with a distinct accent on the o which represents the lost wa-zur.

4 The exact or even approximate date is not yet ascertained as far as I am

aware. Cunningham (Ladak, p. 30 f), gives a list of Mohammedan rajahs of

Khapalor in Baltistan, the 39th of whom is dated about A. D. 1410. Cunningham

points out that this date coincides with the death of Silcander Butshikan of Kashmir,

and is inclined to put the conversion of Baltistan at this date. He also points out

that some of the persons named amongst the first 39 rajahs are palpably fabulous,

and that, therefore, the list is open to objections.

3 The Purig people are well acquainted with the pre- Buddhistic legend of

King Gesar (cf. J. A. S. B. 1891, Pt. 1, No. 3, p. 113, Note 13.), although they

have no written copies of the epic but rely on oral transmission only. The folk-lore

1894] F. B. Shawe — Tibetan Orthography and Pronunciation .

17

illiterate.1 Thirdly, Jaesclike lias already drawn attention to the

fact, that the dialect of Khams and that of Baltistan are very similar.

He says : 2 “ The prefixes and the superscribed consonants, for the most

part, are still sounded at each extremity of the whole territory, within

which the language is spoken, both on the western and the eastern

frontier, alike in Khams, which borders on China, and in Balti, which

merges into Kashmir. Moreover, in both localities the same minor

irregularities occur, transgressions against an exact rendering of the

pronunciation according to the letters, the same frequent transforma¬

tions of the tenues into the aspiratal, g and d becoming y or \,b becom¬

ing w, Now, about twenty degrees of longitude separate Balti from

Khams. ”

On reviewing the observations made as to the dialects spoken by

various Tibetan tribes, we find that cases, where spelling and pronuncia-

tion are closely allied, in opposition to current rules of pronunciation,

are of frequent occurrence. They occur, not in the language of the

higher classes, but of the ordinary peasant, and cannot therefore be 1

explained as the result of artificial education. They are found in least

numbers in the central dialects, and increase] in the dialects east and

west of Lhasa in proportion to the distance from that centre of

Buddhism. Certainly the simplest explanation of these apparent

vagaries is, that we have in them relics of a former universal pronuncia¬

tion, which has in course of time been greatly modified, sometimes out

of all recognition. We are therefore led to precisely the same view

as was arrived at after considering the literary language, viz., that the

orthography as it stands represents the pronunciation current at the

time of jits introduction.

But there is yet another piece of evidence as to the original

pronunciation of Tibetan, which adds its weight to the arguments

already advanced. Jaesehke has noted some most remarkable points

of agreement between the supposed original pronunciation of Tibetan

and the Bunan language, spoken besides Tibetan and Hindi in Lahaul.

I give his remarks in an abbreviated translation. 3 “ According to the

assertion of the inhabitants Bunan has had a much greater extension

of Purig and Baltistan has not yet been thoroughly explored, but the present

generation are quite ignoratit of the fact that their ancestors were once Buddhists.

1 They know infinitely more about King Gesar than about Muhammad, and

a Purig man once informed me, that Jesus Christ and Muhammad would shortly

descend from heaven, and, proclaiming a Jihad, would prepare the world for the

second advent of Gesar !

2 Dictionary, p. xii.

3 Phonetik, p. 174 ff.

J. I. 8

IS

F. B. Shawe — Tibetan Orthography and Pronunciation. [No. 1 ,

than it at present has, even within the memory of living man. In a

slightly different dialectical form it occurs again in a small district in

Kunawur, being separated from Lahaul by large districts where Hind!

or Tibetan dialects are spoken. This is the so-called Tibarskad, v. Cun¬

ningham, Ladak,£>. 397 ff, As regards grammatical construction and the

majority of vocables (especially such primitive words and ideas, which

every language must possess previous to the development of civilisation)

it certainly does not belong to the Tibetan family. But it has accepted

a large number of Tibetan words ; and whilst part of these has the

original pronunciation corresponding to the old orthography, another

part has the now usual pronunciation. The dialect of Tibetan (now)

spoken in Lahaul by the same persons (as those who speak Bunan)

is more nearly related by far to the dialects of the surrounding districts and

to that of central Tibet than the first class of Tibetan words which have

found their way into Bunan. These latter point to a much earlier

period of the language. In speaking Tibetan the Laliauli uses, e. g .,

* cug-po * for “ rich ; ” if speaking Bunan he says *p,yug-po * without

~\r-

knowing that both are one and the same (Tibetan) word g*T *4* p’yug-po.”

Of further examples given by Jaeschhe the following are the most

striking. In speaking Bunan the Laliauli says: * kres * “ hunger ”

"N.

(Tibetan H5|M' bhres , usually pronounced * tes *), and * log -him *

“ to read” (Tibetan 31*1’ *4’ hlog-pa, usually pronounced *loh-pa *) ;

he is, however, unaware that these Bunani words are borrowed from

"V" CN

Tibetan, and therefore when speaking Tibetan he uses Itogs-gri

(pronounced * tog-ri*) for “hunger” and *l<MQ!fr«8*sr ysil-ces (pronounced

* sil-de*) for “to read.” In speaking Bunan he says * gram-pa*

“cheek” (Tibetan: QS13TS4’ Qgram-pa ), * gyogs-pa* “quick” (Tibetan:

mgyogs-pa ), * p'yag-p'ul-hum* “to adore” (Tibetan:

gErsjQTZF p’yag-p’ul-ba) ; in speaking Tibetan he says: * dam-pa,

gyoh-pa , d’ aJc-p’ul-de .*

Against all this mass of evidence tending to prove that Tibetan

orthography was intended to represent the spoken word, we have really,

as far as I know, only two arguments, firstly, some peculiarities in

the transcription of Sanscrit words, and secondly, that the dialect

especially of U-Tsang, has lost all traces of this original pronunciation.

This fact is certainly very striking, and is probably almost, if not quite,

j without a parallel. Still, considering all that must be said on the other

| side, it would seem that we must really accept the present orthography

as a fairly correct representation of Tibetan pronunciation of the 7th

or 8th century A. D. Indeed the great variety of prefixes, etc., employed

19

1894.) F. B. Shawe — Tibetan Orthography and Pronunciation.

leads us to conclude further, that the orthography was carefully and

accurately fitted on to the pronunciation, that in short we have a

practically phonetical transcript of the language as spoken by T' on-mi

Sam-bho-ta and his immediate successors.

This does not preclude the possibility that the powers of certain

letters, more especially d, b, g , have undergone some changes. It

seems not quite improbable that these three letters were originally

pronounced 9 , v, x> and even then we have no explanation for the fact

that the juxtaposition of d and b, (S1^) has the effect of mutually

neutralizing the letters, so that the letter ’ a is the result, i. e., a

spiritus lenis h It is, however, not possible now to trace these changes.

Those interested in the matter will find hints in Jaeschke’s essays.

But Jaeschke himself did not venture to express any decided opinion

on the materials he had to go upon, and it cannot be said that our

knowledge of Tibetan has been materially increased since his time.

A careful examination of the peculiarities of dialects spoken in secluded

valleys of Nepal, Sikkim and Bhotan would no doubt produce more

material. The dialects of Kharns and of the nomads of the plateaus

in northern Tibet have also not been explored.

In a mountainous country dialectical variations are as a rule numer¬

ous, and in Tibetan-speaking countries not only every valley, but even

neighbouring villages in the same valley have slightly diverging pro¬

nunciations and expressions. These minutiae are most important for a

study of the development of the dialects and of the phonetics of the

Tibetan language. They are, however, only obtainable during the coarse

of many years’ residence in the country. When Tibet is to open to

Europeans for free travelling and permanent residence, we may hope to

gain much fuller information, and our present views may possibly require

to be totally changed.

Ixo^tL'cciL

<K,

lU)u l&Hj HCtjl

J J v -7/40*1 nu

r

jetU/fau

l Jaeschke. Dictionary p. xv. This is not, however, always the case, for

dban “power” is usually pronounced # loan * ; and in the Ladak dialect

dbuUpo “poor” is pronounced *bul-po,* certainly very rarely, but the

word is not commonly used.

20

C. Das — Note on the Buddhist Golden Book .

[No. 1,

A Note on the Buddhist Golden Book exhibited by the President , the

Honourable Sir Charles Elliott , K. C. I. E. By Qarat Candra Das,

C. I. E.

(Read January, 1894.)

In February last the President exhibited a Manuscript called the

Buddhist Golden Book containing the Kamma-vdcd written on thick

gilt lacquer leaves which he had brought from Cox’s Bazar, Chitta¬

gong. On that occasion Dr. Hoernle gave an account of its contents

based on a Latin translation of the Kamma-vdcd , published by Spiegel

in 1841. As both the text and translation of the Kamma-vdcds had

been published by Dickson in 1883 and by Dr. Frankfurter in 1883,

and lastly by Mr. Herbert Baynes in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic

Society, the Golden Book which possessed such an attractive and glitter¬

ing appearance, seemed to be of little value. In page 53, of the Journal

of the Royal Asiatic Society for January 1892, Mr. Herbert Baynes

wrote as follows : —

“ Having recently received from Mandalay through the kindness of an uncle,

several interesting and important Buddhist MSS. in Pali, Burmese and Shan, I

venture to lay before the Society a collection of Kamma-vdcds, some of which,

though known to European scholars, have hitherto remained unedited. The first

Manuscript is a very handsome copy of the Kamma-vdcam in Burmese ritual, or

‘ tamarind-seed ’ letters, printed with a thick black resinous gum on 16 leaves of

royal discarded pasohs , each leaf containing 6 lines each side.”

This announcement and the translations of the different editions

of the text, including that made by Mr. Clough in 1834, impressed me

with the importance of the subject. It seemed to me unlikely that a

book which was held in unlimited veneration by the entire Buddhist

clergy of Burma, Siam, and Ceylon could be an object only of passing

notice to the literary world. Shortly after the meeting, Sir Charles

Elliott handed over to me the Manuscript for further examina¬

tion of its contents. In obedience to his wish I have made minute

inquiries regarding the contents of the Kamma-vdcds and language,

and the character used in the Manuscript. I am glad to be able to say that

1894.]

21

Q. C. Dus — Note on the Buddhist Golden Booh.

the work when published with its commentary, will be of the highest

value to all who inquire into the history of the art of writing and

the study of religion, and particularly to the student of Buddhism.

No ancient work either in Sanskrit or Pali written in the form of

Sutra (aphorisms) can be of any value when published without its com¬

mentary. As all the editions of the Kamma-vdcd that have come to

my notice are without their commentaries, it is no wonder that little

importance should be attached to them. I have been informed that

there are in a certain Buddhist library at Colombo, two commentaries

on the Kamma-vacds , one of which is very elaborate and the other

brief. If we obtain a copy of these two, it will be easy to edit the

Manuscript before us. No work on Buddhism that has yet been issued

by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, can have higher claims to literary

and historical, as well as sacerdotal importance, than this book of the

rules for admission into the holy order of the Buddhist monks, as

prescribed by the founder of Buddhism himself. The Kamma-vdcd

is in fact the basis of Buddhist monkhood, and contains the entire

history of the order from its foundation by the Buddha to its maturity

during the course of his ministry, which extended over forty-five years.

This Manuscript is written in a missing form of the ancient Bali

character. It resembles what is called the square Pali , but differs from

the latter just as the Devanagarl differs from the Bengali, or the Rus¬

sian from the Roman character. The Burmese call it the ‘tamarind-seed

character’ on account of the resemblance of the lines forming the letters to

tamarind-seeds. Whether this was the earliest sacred character of the

Buddhists of India, or the square Pali ; and in which of these the early

Pali Gdthas were written, are points which require careful examina¬

tion. The Pali books of Ceylon are written in Singhalese, those of Siam

and Cambodia in Cambodian, and those of Burma in Burmese, with

the exception of the Kamma-vdcas which are invariably to be found in

the so-called tamarind-seed character.

The Kamma-vdcas , in the shape they are embodied in the Golden

Book, are not to be found in any Buddhist country except Burma.

The Burmese who obtained their religion directly from Iudia got

the golden book from Magadha — the central and the earliest seat of

Buddhism. It is prized by the Burmese for its writing, though many

among them can hardly read the character used in it. The learned

priests of Burma believe that the writing of the golden book is, in fact,

the last vestige of the ancient Pali character in which the sacred books

of the Buddhists were written in very early times. It is for these rea¬

sons that the golden book is more worshipped than read by the Burmese

people. In Siam the priests read the Kamma-vdcas from the Vinaya text

22

[No. 1,

C. C. Das — Note on the Buddhist Golden Book.

and at the time of ritualistic service recite from memory in the manner

of the Ceylonese Buddhists. The Siamese got Buddhism from Cambodia

where it was introduced from Ceylon. Their sacred Pali books are written

in the Cambodian character which is a modification of the square Pali

The Golden Book is not to be found in Siam, Cambodia or Ceylon. Dr.

Frankfurter, the author of the Pali grammar, has published a table of

the various characters in which the sacred Pali books are written. In

his list no mention is made or specimen given of the character of the

Golden Book. Mr. Herbert Baynes the latest writer on the Kamma-vacd

has not given any description of the tamarind-seed character in which

the Burmese mauuscript on ritual is written. In the subjoined plate

(Plate I) I have arranged the three characters, viz. — the characters of the

A^oka inscriptions ; the ancient Pali obtained from Sir Charles Elliott’s

manuscript, the Golden Book ; and the square Pali character as given

by Dr. Frankfurter in his Pali Grammar. Comparing the character of

the Golden Book with the first and the last, I find it bears a closer resem¬

blance to the A9bka character than to the square Pali which has hitherto

been considered to be the character in which the early Buddhist books

were written. Moreover, the entire absence of the vowel long i, either

as a letter or a vowel sign in the Golden Book, shews that its characters

belong to an earlier stage than the square Pali, in which the long i is a

prominent feature. The square Pali is in fact an ornamental form

derived from the ancient Pali character of the Golden Book brought by

Sir Charles Elliott. The long i exists in the Burmese, Cambodian and

Ceylonese characters which owe their origin to the square Pali, There

is one more peculiarity in the Golden Book which deserves notice. The

letter which is absent in the A9dka character, is to be found in the Golden

Book, from which circumstance I may conclude that the A9oka character

was older than the character of the Golden Book.

The name Pali , according to the Southern Buddhists, has two signi¬

fications ; first, the sacred books and treatises which emanated from the

Buddha and were delivered to the world by his disciples like the Christian

Gospels. These were arranged in serial order and were called Pali. In

this sense the name Pali signifies only the books or series of treatises, and

not the language or character to which it is now ordinarily applied.

Secondly, the name Pali signifies anything that is formed in rows,

like the lines of birds flying in the air. This meaning is significant on

account of its agreeing with the rows of letters as well as the lines of writ¬

ing in a book. It is therefore probable, if we are to believe the account

of the Buddhists, that the earliest name that was given to the second

stage of the written character of India was Pali. According to them, the

classical or ancient Mdgadht, known as the language of the Pali, i.e., of

1894.]

23

Q. C. Das — 'Note on the Buddhist Golden Booh ,

the sacred books, was the Mula Bhdsd of India, in short the basis of

Sanskrit. The ancient Magadhi refined was Sanskrit, and the later

Magadhi corrupted became the Prakrit. Prakrit continued to be the

language of Magadha till the time of the Pala dynasty, when the revival

of the study of Sanskrit in Bengal, first at Gauda and subsequently on

the banks of the Bhaglrathi, formed the Bengali language, which is

indeed a mixture of Sanskrit and Prakrit. I here annex a short intro¬

duction to the Kamma-vacd which I have compiled from the Vinaya Text

published in the series of Sacred Boohs of the East , and from the Manus¬

cript, which I have deciphered with the help of Mr. Dharmaraj Barua.

Introduction to the Kamma-vaca.1

The Origin of the Buddhist Church.

Qakya Muni dwelt at Uruvela, on the bank of the river Nairanjana

(Phalgii) at the foot of the Bodhi tree (tree of wisdom), just after he

had become Buddha (gained supreme intelligence.) Having sat uninter¬

ruptedly for seven days at the foot of the Bodhi tree, he enjoyed the bliss

of nirvana (emancipation from misery and sorrows). Then he arose from

that state of meditation and moved to the foot of the Ajapala (banyan tree2)

and enjoyed the bliss of emancipation for seven days. From there he

moved to the foot of a Mucalinda tree (Barringtonia Acutangula),

where he meditated for seven days, enjoying the same bliss. He then

moved to the foot of the tree called Bajdyatana. At this time two

merchants, called Tapussa and Bhallika, came travelling on the road

from Orissa to that place. They took rice-cakes and lumps of honey,

and went to the place where the Blessed One was. Having approached

him, they reverentially addressed him: “ May the Blessed One accept

from us these rice-cakes and lumps of honey ! ” The Buddha received

the offerings in four stone bowls that lay near him and ate from them.

As soon as he had finished eating, the two merchants bowed down in

reverence at his feet, and thus addressed him : “We take our refuge,

Lord, in the Blessed One and in the Dhanna ; may the Blessed One receive

us as his disciples.”3 Afterwards the Blessed One thought, “To whom

shall I preach the doctrine first ? Who will understand this doctrine

easily? The five Bhikkhus (who were formerly my companions) have

done many services to me. What if I were to preach the doctrine first

to them : where do they dwell now ? ” So thinking ; he saw by the

power of his divine, clear vision, that the five Bhikkhus were living at

1 Mahavagga I, 1 & ff. Ed.

2 I. e.y Banyan tree of the goatherds.

3 It may be noted here that these two were the first lay disciples of the Buddha.

Even then no samgha (priesthood) was formed.

24

[No. 1,

Q. 0. Das — Note on the Buddhist Golden Book.

Benares, in the deer-park, called Rsipatana. He proceeded to Benares.

Now Upaka, a man belonging to the Ajivaka sect (t.e., the sect of

naked ascetics) saw the Blessed One travelling on the road, between the

Bodhi tree (Bodli GayaT) and Gaya (city), and addressed him saying:

“ Your countenance, friend, is serene ; your complexion is pure and

bright. In whose name, friend, have you retired from the world ? Who

is your teacher ? Whose doctrine do you profess P ” To this the Buddha

replied : “I have overcome all foes, I am all wise ; I am free from stains

in every way ; I have left everything, and have obtained emancipation

by the destruction of desire. Having myself gained knowledge, whom

should I call my master ? I have no teacher, no one is equal to me ; in the

world of men and of gods no being is like me. I am the Holy One in this

world, I am the highest teacher. I alone am the absolute Sambuddha ; I

have gained coolness (by the extinction of all passions) and have obtained

Nirvana. To found the Kingdom of Truth I go to the City of the Ka^l

(Benares). I will beat the drum of the Immortal in the darkness of

this world.” Upaka replied : “You profess then, friend, to be the Holy,

Absolute Jina, the Victorious One.” Buddha said : “ Like me are all Jina

who have reached extinction of sensuality, individuality, delusion and

ignorance. I have overcome all states of sinfulness, therefore, Upaka

am I the Jina, the Victorious.” When he had spoken thus, Upaka

replied : “It may be so, friend ; ” shook his head, took another road and

went away.

And the Blessed One, wandering from place to place came to Bena¬

res, to the deer-park Rsipatana, to the place where the five Bhikklius

were. When he gradually approached near them, they went forth to

meet him ; one took his bowl and his robe, another prepared a seat, a

third one brought water for the washing of the feet, a foot-stool, and a

towel. Thus reverentially received, the Buddha addressed the five Bhik-

khus : — “ There are two extremes, O Bhikkhus which he who has given

up the world ought to avoid. What are these two extremes ? A life

given to pleasures, devoted to pleasures and lusts ; this is degrading,

sensual, vulgar, ignoble and profitless : and a life given to mortifications ;

this is painful, ignoble and profitless. By avoiding these two extremes

the Buddha has gained the knowledge of the Middle Path which leads

to insight and to wisdom; which conduces to calm, to knowledge, to Sam-

bodhi (true enlightenment), and to Nirvana . This is the Middle Path,

the Holy Eightfold Path, which consists of Right Belief, Right Aspira¬

tion, Right Speech, Right Conduct, Right Means of Livelihood, Right

Endeavour, Right Memory, Right Meditation.

1 I may take this opportunity of pointing out that the correct spelling of this

name is Bodh Gaya, not Buddha Gaya. Ed.

1894.]

2 5

Q. 0. Oils — Note on the Buddhist Golden Booh.

This is the Noble Truth of Suffering. Birth is suffering ;

u decay is suffering - illness is suffering ; death is suffering. ' Presence of

objects we hate, is suffering ; Separations from objects we love, is suffer¬

ing; not to obtain what we desire, is suffering. Briefly, the fivefold

clinging to existence is suffering.”

“ This is the Noble Truth of the Cause of Suffering : Thirst, that

leads to re-birth, accompanied by pleasure and lust, finding its delight

here and there.

“ This is the Noble Truth of Cessation of Suffering : it ceases with

the complete cessation of this thirst — a cessation which consists in the

absence of every passion, — with the abandoning of this thirst, with the

doing away with it, with the destruction of desire.

“ As long as I did not possess this true knowledge and insight into

the four Noble Truths, so long I knew that I had not yet obtained the

highest absolute Sambodhi. But since I possessed with perfect purity this

true knowledge, then I knew that I had obtained the highest universal

Sambodhi in the world of men and gods. The emancipation of my mind

cannot be lost : this is my last birth : hence I shall not be born again.”

Origin of the Great Order of Bhikkhus. 1

The five Bhikkhus were delighted, and they rejoiced at the words of

the Blessed One. And when this exposition was propounded, the Ve¬

nerable Kaundinya obtained the pure and spotless Eye of the Truth : —

Whatsoever is subject to the condition of origination, is subject also to

the condition of cessation. And the Blessed One pronounced this solemn

utterance: “ Truly, Kaundinya has perceived it ( Annasi ).” Hence the

Venerable Kaundinya received the name of Annatakondinna (Ajnata-

kaunclinya, Kaundinya who has perceived the doctrine). He then spoke

to the Blessed One : “ Lord, let me receive from Thee the Pravrajyd

and Upasampadd ordinations.” “ Come, 0 Bhikkhus,” said the Blessed

One, “ well taught is the doctrine : lead a holy life for the sake of the

complete extinction of suffering.” Thus the Venerable Kaundinya

received the Upampadd ordination.

Thus originated the custom of initiating one who has taken the

Pravrajyd vow of renunciation into the Order of the Perfected, called

JJpasampadd. The Blessed One was the first to renounce the world and

to become perfected in Supreme Knowledge, i. e ., Upasampanna.

Then the four remaining Bhikkhus, having mastered the Truth,

spoke to the Blessed One ; “ Lord, let us receive the Pravrajyd and

Upasampadd ordinations from the Blessed One.” “ Come, O Bhikkhus,”

said the Blessed One, “ well taught is the doctrine : lead a holy life for

1 Mahnvagga T, 0, 29. Ed.

.T. i. 4

[No. 1,

2 G (J. 0. Das — Note on the Buddhist Golden Book.

the sake of the complete extinction of suffering.” Thus these venerable

persons became ordained into the “ Order of the Perfected, ” which

henceforth, with the Buddha at its head, became known as the

“ Sariigha ,” the Holy Communion. And for the first time the Buddhist

triad, i e., Buddha , Dharma, and Sarhgha, the Supreme Perfected Being,

his doctrine and priesthood was formed. Before this there existed the

two, i. e ., the Buddha and his doctrine (Dliavma). There was no Bud¬

dhist priesthood till then.

When the Blessed One had converted the five Bhikkhus into his

doctrine, Yasa, the noble youth, the son of a rich merchant of Benares,

being satiated with the pleasures of the world, happened to visit him in

the grove of Rsipatana. Shortly after Yasa’s arrival, his father came

in search of him. The Blessed One convinced both the father and the

son of the excellence of his doctrine. And Yasa, the noble youth, soon

after the Qresthin (merchant) was gone, said to the Buddha : “Lord, let

me receive the Pravrajyd and Upasampada ordinations.” Said the Buddha,

“ Well taught is the doctrine : lead a holy life for the sake of the com¬

plete extinction of suffering.” Yasa was accordingly admitted into the

Holy Order of Bhikkhus. In the evening of that day Buddha visited the

house of the Qresthin, when Yasa’s former wife and mother came, and re¬

verentially saluting, sat down near him to hear the Dharma. The

Blessed One talked about the merits obtained by alms-giving. The ladies,

having seen the Truth, said : “ We take our refuge, Lord, in Thee and in

the Dharma and in the fraternity of Bhikkhus. May the Blessed One

receive us from this day forth, while our life lasts, as disciples who have

taken their refuge in Him.” These were the first females in the world

who became lay disciples by the formula of taking refuge in the holy

triad. Thereafter fifty-four lay persons, friends of the veuerable Yasa,

belonging to the highest families in the country, were admitted into the

Holy Order, in consequence of which the number of Araliats then rose to

sixty-one. At this stage the Blessed One said to the Bhikkhus —

Origin of the Buddhist Propaganda.1

“Go ye now, 0 Bhikkhus, and wander, for the gain of the many, for

the welfare of the many, out of compassion for the world; for the good,

for the gain, and for the welfare of the gods and men. Let not two of

you go the same way. Preach the doctrine which is glorious in the

beginning, glorious in the middle, glorious at the end, in the spirit and

in the letter; proclaim a consummate, perfect and pure life of holiness.

There are beings whose mental eyes are covered by scarcely any dust; but

if the doctrine is not preached to them, they cannot attain salvation.

1 Mahavagga, I, 11. 1. Ed.

27

1894. j C. Das — Note on the Buddhist Golden Book.

They will understand the doctrine. And I will go, also, to Uruvela, to

Senaninigama, in order to preach the doctrine.”

While charging them with this commission, the Buddha said : “ I

grant you, 0 Bhikkhus, this permission : Confer henceforth in the

different regions, and in the different countries the Pravrajyd

and ITpasampadd ordinations yourself on those who desire to receive

them. And you ought to confer the Pravrajyd and Upasampada

ordinations in this way: — Let him who desires to receive the ordination,

first have his hair and beard cut off ; let him put on yellow robes, adjust

his upper robe so as to cover one shoulder, salute the feet of the Bhik¬

khus with his head, and sit down squatting; then let him raise his join¬

ed hands, and tell him to say : £ I take my refuge in the Buddha ; I take

my refuge in the Dharma ; I take my refuge in the Samgha In three

times repeating this declaration of taking refuge in the holy triad consist

the Pravrajyd and Upasampadd ordinations.”

Thereafter the Buddha leaving Benares proceeded to Uruvela. Here

while residing in a certain grove, he admitted thirty young men into the

order of Bhikkhus. He then went to the hermitage of the three leaders of

the Jatila sect of Sannyasis who wore matted hair, and converted them,

writli their followers, about 3,000 in number, to his doctrine, and admitted

them into the Holy Order. From Uruvela the Buddha proceeded to Raja-

grlia, the capital of Magadha, and there took his residence in Latthivana.

The conversion of Uruvela Ka9yapa, the most famous leader of the Jatila

ascetics spread the fame of the Buddha and his doctrine far and wide.

Being informed of this marvellous success, Bimbisara, the King of Maga¬

dha, with twelve myriads of Magadha Brahmans and householders went to

the place where the Blessed One was. They thought within themselves :

“ How now is this P Has the great ^ramana (the Buddha) placed him¬

self under the spiritual direction of Uruvela Ka9yapa, or has Uruvela

Ka9yapa placed himself under the great (Jramana ? ”

Hearing from the lips of Uruvela Ka9yapa the real story of his

conversion, King Bimbisara with ten thousand men imbibed faith in the

doctrine of the Buddha and became his lay disciples. The King now re¬

verently offered the Buddha his pleasure-grove called Yenuvana for his

residence. The Blessed One accepted the grove (Arama) and took his

residence there. Here he admitted into the Holy Order two friends, named

Kolita and Upatisya. This auspicious pair of his disciples, who also /;/&:>

bore respectively the names of Maudgalyayaua and Qariputra played an

important part throughout the whole course of the Buddha’s ministry.

Soon after their conversion two hundred and fifty disciples of Samjaya,

the Brahman Parivrdjaka , entered the holy order. Thereafter many

distinguished young Magadha noblemen led a religious life under the

28

[No. 1,

(J. C. Das — Note on the Buddhist Bolden Book.

direction of the JBuddha. At this people were annoyed, murmured, and

became angry, saying, “ The (Jramana Gautama causes fathers to be¬

get no sons, wives to become widows, and families to be extinct. Now

he has ordained one thousand Jatila Sannydsis (ascetics), and he has

ordained these two hundred and fifty Parivrdjaka (wandering ascetics)

who were the followers of Samjaya.” And, moreover, when they saw

the Bhikkhus, they reviled them.

The reason was evident. The Bhikkhus went on their rounds for

alms, wearing their under and upper garments improperly. While people

were eating, they held out their alms-bowl in which were held leavings

of food. They asked for soup and boiled rice themselves and ate it ;

in the dining hall they made a great and loud noise. The Buddha now

perceived that the order of Bhikkhus had already grown too large, and

that discipline was necessary for its regulation. He addressed the Bhik¬

khus, saying : — “ I prescribe, O Bhikkhus, that young Bhikkhus choose a

preceptor ( Upddhydya) . The Upddhydya ought to consider the pupil as

a son, and the pupil ought to consider the Upddhydya as a father.

Thus these two, with united confidence and communion of life, will pro¬

gress, advance, and reach a high stage in this doctrine and discipline.”

The origin of the Kamma-vdcds.1

At that time a certain Brahmana came to the Bhikkhus and asked

them for the pravrajyd ordination. The Bhikkhus were not willing to

ordain him. He became lean and emaciated from disappointment and

the Blessed One saw him, and said : — “ Now, 0 Bhikkhus, who remembers

anything about this Brahmana P ” The Venerable (Jariputra said to

the Blessed One : “ This Brahmana, Lord, one day, when I went through

Rajagrha for alms, ordered a spoonful of food to be given to me ; this

is what I remember of him, Lord.” The Buddha said, “ Good, good,

Qariputtra ; therefore confer you the pravrajyd and upasampadd ordina¬

tions on that Brahmana.”

“ Lord, how shall I confer the pravrajyd and upasampadd ordina¬

tions on this Brahmana ? ” The Blessed One said, “ I abolish from

this day the upasampadd ordination by the threefold declaration of

taking refuge, which I had formerly prescribed. I now prescribe that

you confer the upasampadd ordination by a formal act of the Order in

which the announcement is followed by three questions8: — Let a

1 Maliavagga, I, 28, Ed.

2 The forms for bringing a formal motion before the Order is the following : The

mover first announces to the assembled Bhikkhus what resolution he is going to pro¬

pose ; this announcement is called Jnapti. After the Jnapti follows the question

put to the Bhikkhus present, if they approve the resolution. This question is put

three times.

1894.]

29

(y. C. Das — Note on the Buddhist Golden Book.

learned, competent Bhikkhu proclaim tlie following jnapti (announcement)

before the Samgha (Chapter).

‘ Let the Samgha , Reverend Sirs, hear me. This person N. N., de¬

sires to receive the upasampadd ordination from the Venerable N. N.,

as his Upddhydya , (preceptor). If the Samgha is ready, let the Samgha

confer on N. N., the upasampadd ordination. Let any one of the vener¬

able brethren who is in favour of the ordination of N. N., be silent, and

any one who is not in favour of it, speak.’ This announcement should

be recited thrice. Then let him say : —

‘ N. JV., has received the Upasampadd ordination from the Samgha

with N. N. as Upadliydya. The Samgha is in favour of it, therefore it is

silent. Thus I understand.’ ”

KAMMA-VACA.

Pathamaparicchedo.

UPASAMPADA-KAMMAVACA.

Namo tassa Bhagavato Arahato SammasambuddhassaJ

Pathamam upajjbam galiapetabbo. Upajjham gahapetva pattaci-

varam acikkhitabbarh.

‘ Ayam te patto ? ’ ‘ Ama bliante.’

‘ Ayam samghati ? ’ ‘ Ama bhante.’

‘ Ayam uttarasamgo P ’ ‘ Ama bhante.’

* Ayam antaravasako ? ’ ‘ Ama bhante.

‘ Gaccha amumlii, okase titthahi.’

‘ Sunatu me bhante samgho. Ndgo ayasmato Tissassa upasampada-

pekkho. Yadi samgliassa pattakallam, aliam Nagam anusaseyyam.

‘ Sunasi Naga, ayam te saccakalo bhutakalo. Yam jatam, tarn

samghamajjhe puccham te. Santam atthiti vattabbam. Asantam nat-

thlti vattabbam. Ma kho vitthasi. Ma khd akusalosi.

‘ Evam tarn pucchissanti.

‘ Santi te evamrupa abadha P ’

‘ Kuttham ? ’ ‘ Natthi bhante.’

‘ Gando ? ’ ‘ Natthi bhante.’

‘ Kilaso ? ’ ‘ Natthi bhante.’

‘ Soso ? ’ ‘ Natthi bhante.’

‘ Apamaro P ’ ‘ Natthi bhante.’

‘ Manussosi ? ’ ‘ Ama bhante.’

1 Purisosi ? ’ i Ama bhante.’

‘ Bhujissdsi ? ’ ‘ Ama bhante.’

i Cf. Mahavagga, I, 76, 1. Ld.

[No. 1,

oO C. C. Das — Note on the Buddhist Golden Book.

1 Ananosi ? ’ 4 Ama bhante.’

‘ Nasi rajabliato ? ’ ‘ Ama bhante.’

4 Anmmatosi matapituhi ? ’ 4 Ama bhante.’

4 Paripiuma-vlsati-vassosi ? ’ 4 Ama bhante.’

4 Paripunnam te patta-clvaram ? ’ 4 Ama bhante.’

4 Kimnamosi ? ’ 4 Aham bhante Nago nama.’

4 Ko nama te upajjhayo?’ 4 Upajjhayo me bhante ayasma Tis-

satthero nama.’

4 Sunatu me bhante samghd, Net go ayasmato Tissassa upasampada-

pekkho. Annsittho s5 maya.

‘ Yadi samghassa pattakallam, Nago agacclieyya.’

Kamma-vdcd ( Formal acts of Buddhist ritual).

Chapter I.

Ritual for the Ordination of Monks.

Reverence to the Blessed One, the Holy One, the Fully Enlightened

One.

First (the candidate) should be made to have an Upadhyaya

(Spiritual tutor).

Having been made to accept an Upadhyaya , 1 he should be asked,

if he has got his alms-bowl and (religious) robes2.

1 At that time the Bliikkhus conferred the Upasarhpadd ordination on a person

that had no Upadhyaya. They told this thing to the Blessed One who said : 4 Let no

one, 0 Bhikklius, who has no Upadhyaya receive the Upasampadd ordination, ( Mahd -

vagga , I, 69).

2 The Buddha prescribed the stuff of which the religious robes of the Buddhist

monks should consist, while speaking of the four Resources of a BhilcJchu : 4 The

religious order has the robe made of rags taken from a dust-heap or from a cemetery

for its l'esource. Linen, cotton, silk, woollen garments, coarse cloth, hempen cloth,

are extra allowances.’ As to the manner of sewing in patches, the instruction

contained in the following discourse will be interesting.

44 Now, on one occasion the Buddha set forth on his journey towards DaTckhinagiri

(the Southern hills of Bihar). On the way he beheld how the Magadha rice-fields

were divided into short pieces, and in rows, and by outside boundaries or ridges, and

by cross boundaries. On seeing this Buddha thus spoke to the Venerable Ananda.

4 Dost thou perceive, how the rice-fields are divided into short pieces, and in rows ? ’

4 Even so, Lord.’

4 Could you, Ananda, provide robes of a like kind for the Bhikklius ? ’

4 1 could, Lord.’

“ Then Ananda provided robes of a like kind for many Bhikkhus, and addressing

the Buddha said, 4 May the Blessed One be pleased to look at the robes which I have

provided.’ Buddha was pleased with what he saw, and addressing the Bhikkhus said.

1891]

31

Q. 0. Das— Note on the Buddhist Golden Booh.

‘ Is this your alms-bowl ’ ? ‘ Yes, Venerable S ir.’

‘Is this your Samghatl (wrapper for the body)? ‘Yes, Venerable

Sir.’ ?

‘ Is this your Uttarasagga (upper robe) ’ ? ‘ Yes, V enerable Sir.’

‘ Is this your Antaravasaha (under robe) ’ ? ‘ Yes, Venerable Sir.’

‘ Go to that place and wait (standing).’

‘ Let the Samgha (Chapter), Reverend Sirs, hear me. This person,

Naga, desires to receive the Up isampadd ordination with the Venerable

Tisya as his Upadhg dya. If the Samgha is ready, let me instruct Naga

accordingly. Do you hear, Naga ? This is the time for you to speak

the truth, and to say that which has been. When I ask you before the

Assembly about that which is, you ought, if it is so, to answer : “ It is ; ”

if it is not so, you ought to answer: “ It is not.” Be not disconcerted,

be not perplexed. I shall ask you thus (in the presence of the Samgha ) :

‘ Are you afflicted with the following diseases — 1 leprosy, boils, dry leprosy,

consumption, and fits ? ’ ‘ No, Venerable Sir,’

‘ Are you a man2 ’ ? ‘Yes, Venerable Sir.’

’0 Bhikkhus, Ananda is an able man, he can make the cross seams, and the inter¬

mediate cross seams, and the greater circles, and the lesser circles, and the turning

in, and the lining of the turning in, and the collar-piece, and the knee piece, and

the elbow-piece. And it shall be of torn pieces, roughly sewn together suitable

for a Qramana (monk), a thing which his enemies cannot court. I enjoin upon you

O Bhikkhus, the use of an under robe of torn pieces, and of an upper robe of torn

pieces, and of a waist cloth of torn pieces.’ ”

1 At that time the five diseases — Leprosy, boils, dry leprosy, consumption and

fits prevailed among the people of Magadha. The people who were affected with

them went to the physicians Jivaka and said, ‘Pray, doctor, cure us.’ ‘I have too many

duties, Sir, and am too occupied. I have to treat the Magadha King Bimbisara, and

the royal seraglio, and the fraternity of Bhikkhus, with the Buddha at their head. I

cannot cure you.’ Now these people thought, ‘ Indeed, the precepts which these

monks keep and the life they live are commodious ; they have good meals and lie

down on beds protected from the wind. What if we were to embrace the religious

life among them, then the Bhikkhus will nurse us and Jivaka will cure us.’ Thus

these persons went to the Bhikkhus who conferred on them the Pravrajyd (Buddhist)

ordination. Some of them becoming free from the sickness returned to the

world leaving off their monkish life. Now Jivaka saw them and said ‘ Had you not

embraced the religious, life, Sirs, among the Bhikkhus P ’ ‘ Yes, doctor.’ ‘And why

have you adopted such a course, Sirs P ’ Then they told him the whole matter. And

Jivaka went to the place where the Blessed One was, and representing to him all

about the sick men, said. ‘ Pray, Lord, let their Reverences not confer the Pravrajyd

ordination on persons afflicted with the five diseases.’ In consequence of that the

Blessed One addressed the Bhikkhus : ‘ Let no one, O Bhikkhus, who is affected with

the five diseases, receive the Pravrajyd ordination.’

2 At that time there was a serpent who was ashamed of and conceived aversion

for his having been born as a serpent. Now this serpent thought, ‘ What am I to

32

[No. 1,

Q. 0. Das — Note on the Buddhist Golden Booh,

‘ Are you a male 1 ? ’ ‘ Yes, Venerable Sir.’

‘ Are you a free man2 ? ’ { Yes, Venerable Sir.’

‘ Have you no debts 8 P ’ ‘I have no debts, Venerable Sir.*

do in order to become released from being a serpent, and quickly to obtain

human nature ? ’ Then this serpent gave himself the following answer : ‘ These

monks of (jJakya lead indeed a virtuous, tranquil, holy life ; they speak the truth ;

they keep the precepts of morality, and are endowed with all virtues. If I could

obtain the Pravrajyd ordination with them, I should be released from being a serpent

and quickly obtain human nature.’ Then that serpent, in the shape of a youth,

went to the Bhikklius, and asked them for the Pravrajyd ordination ; the

Bhikkhus conferred on him the ordination. At that time that serpent dwelt

together with a certain Bhikkhu in the Jetavana Vihdra near its boundary wall.

When his companion had gone out of the Vihdra for a walk at dawn, the serpent,

who thought himself safe from discovery, fell asleep in his natural shape. The

whole Vihdra was filled with the snake’s body; his winding jutted out of the

window. When the Bhikkhu returned to the Vihdra he saw the snake’s body

and became terrified, and cried out. The Bhikkhus ran up to him and made

a noise when they saw the snake’s body. The serpent awoke from that noise and

sat down on his seat. The Bhikkhus said to him ‘ Who are you.* ‘lama serpent,

Reverend Sirs.’ ‘ And why have you done such a thing ’ ? Then the serpent told the

whole matter to the Bhikkhus. The Bhikkhus told it to the Blessed One.

In consequence of that, and on this occasion, the Blessed One, having ordered

the fraternity of Bhikkhus to assemble, said to that serpent : ‘ You serpents are not

capable of spiritual growth in this doctrine and discipline. However, serpent, go

and observe fasts on the fourteenth, fifteenth, and eighth day of each half-month in

the name of the Trinity. Thus will you be released from being a serpent and

quickly obtain human nature.’ Then the Blessed One said to the Bhikkhus. ‘ There

are two occasions on which a serpent who has resumed human shape manifests his

true nature : When he has sexual intercourse with a female of his species ; and when

he thinks himself safe from discovery and falls sleep.’

1 At that time a certain hermaphrodite had received Pravrajyd with the Bhik¬

khus. The hermaphrodite being possessed of the nature of both the sexes

committed sexual intercourse with the Bhikkhus and the Bhikkhuni s.

They told this thing to the Blessed One. ‘ Let not a hermaphrodite, O Bhikkhus,

receive the ordination.’

* At that time a slave ran away, and was ordained with the Bhikkhus. When

his masters saw him, they said : ‘There is our slave ; come let us lead him away,

back to our house.’ They told this thing to the Blessed one. ‘ Let no slave, 0

Bhikkhus, receive the Pravrajyd ordination.’

3 At that time a certain person who was in debt, ran away, and was ordained

with the Bhikkhus. When his creditors saw him, they said, ‘ There is our debtor ;

come let us lead him to prison ? ’ But some people replied : ‘ Do not say so, Sirs.

A decree has been issued by the Magadha King. No one is to do harm to those who

are ordained as the monks of (^iikya.’ ‘ How can they ordain a debtor ? ’ They told

this to the Blessed One. ‘ Let no debtor, 0 Bhikkhus, receive the Pravrajyd

ordination.’

1894]

33

C. Das — Note on the Buddhist Golden Booh.

1 Are you not in the royal service1 ’ ? ‘ 1 am not, Venerable Sir.’

4 Have your father and mother2 given their consent to your entering

the Pravrajyd ’ ? ‘Yes, Venerable Sir.’

1 At that time the border provinces of the kingdom of Magadha. were

agitated. Then the Magadha king, Bimbisara, gave order to the officers who were

at the head of the army: £ Well now, go and search through the border provinces.’

The officers bore his command saying ‘ Yes, your Majesty.’

Many warriors among them thought, ‘ We who go to war and find our delight

in fighting, do evil and produce great demerit. What shall we do that we may

desist from evil doing and may do good P ’

Then they thought, ‘ The monks of Qakya lead indeed a virtuous, tranquil,

holy life ; they speak the truth ; they keep the precepts of morality, and are en¬

dowed with all virtues.’ Thus these warriors went to the Bhikkhus and asked

them for the Pravrajyd ordination, and were admitted into the Order.

The officers at the head of the army asked the royal soldiers, £ Why, how

is it that the warrior N. N. and N. N. are nowhere to be seen ? ' ‘ The warrior’s

N. N. and N. N., Lords, have embraced religious life among Bhikkhus.’ The officers

told this thing to the King, who asked the Officers of Justice; £ Tell me, my good

Sirs, what punishment does he deserve who ordains a parson in the royal service ? ’

£ The Upddhyaya, Your Majesty, should be beheaded ; to him who recites the

Kamma-vdcas, the tongue should be torn out ; to those who form the Chapter, half

of their ribs should be broken.’ Then the Magadha King went to the palace where

the Blessed One was, and addressing him said : ‘ Lord, there are unbelieving Kings

who are disinclined to the faith ; these might harass the Bhikkhus even on trifling

occasions. Pray, Lord, lot their Reverences not confer the Pravrajyd ordination on

persons in royal service.’

Then the Blessed One thus addressed the Bhikkhus : £ Let no one, O Bhikkhus,

who is in the royal service, receive the Pravrajyd ordination. He who confers it on

such a person is guilty of Duslcrta, offence.’

2 Then the Blessed One, went forth to Kapilavastu and dwelt in the Qakya

country, in the Banyan grove. And in the fore-noon having put on his under¬

robes, took his alms-bowl, and with his robes on went to the residence of his father.

Having gone there, he sat down on a seat laid out for him. Then the Princess,

(Buddha’s former wife) said to young Rahula, her son, £ This is your father, Rahula;

go and ask him for your inheritance.’ Then young Rahula went to the place where

the Blessed One was ; having approached him he said — ‘ Father, your shadow is a

place of bliss.’ Then the Blessed One rose from his seat and went away, and young

Rahula followed the Blessed One from behind and said. ‘ Give me my inheritance,

father ; give me my inheritance father. ’

Then the Blessed One said to the Yenerable Qariputra : £ Well Qiiriputra, con¬

fer the Pravrajyd ordination on young Rahula.’ The Venerable Qariputra conferred

the Pravrajyd ordination on young Rahula. Then the Qakya Quddhodana (Buddha’s

father) went to the place where the Blessed One was ; having approached him and

having respectfully saluted him, said, £ Lord I ask one boon of thee.’ The Buddha

replied, the perfect ones are above granting boons before they know what they are.

Quddhodana said : £ Lord, it is a proper and unobjectionable demand.’ £ Speak.’

£ When the Blessed One gave up the world, it was a great pain to me, so it was

J. i. 5

34

[No. 1,

C. Diis — Note on the Buddhist Golden Boole.

‘ Are you full twenty years1 old ’ ? ‘ Yes, Venerable Sir.’

‘ Are your alms-bowl and your robes2 in due state ? ’ ‘ Yes, Vener¬

able Sir.’

‘ What is your name ’ ? ‘ My name is Nfiga, Venerable Sir.’

‘What is your (spiritual) teacher’s name?’ ‘The name of my

tutor is Tisya, Venerable Sir.’

‘Let the Samgha (Chapter), Reverend Sirs, hear me. This person,

Nfiga, desires to receive the Upasampadd (ordination) from the Venerable

Tisya (as his JJpddhyaya).

‘ If the Samgha is ready, let Naga come here (in the presence of the

Samgha)

when Nanda did the same : my pain was excessive when my grandson Rfthula too,

did so. The love for a son cuts the heart. Pray, let their reverences not confer the

Pravrajya ordination on a son without his father’s and mother’s permission.’ The

Blessed One then said to the Chapter. ‘Let no son, O Bhikkhus, receive the

Pravrajyd ordination without his father’s and mother’s permission.’

1 There was at Riijagrha a company of seventeen boys, friends of each other.

Thinking that they could live a life of ease and without pain, they went to the Bhik-

khus and asked them for the Pravrajyd ordination. The Bhikkhus admitted them

into the holy order.

In the night, at dawn, these boys rose and began to cry, ‘ Give us rice, and milk.

Give us soft food, give us hard food ! ’ The Bhikkhus said, ‘ Wait, friends, till day

time. If there is rice and milk you will drink ; if there is food, soft and hard, you

shall eat.’ When they were thus spoken to the young Bhikkhus threw their bedding

about and made it wet, calling out, ‘ Give us rice, milk, and food, &c.’

Then the Blessed One, having arisen in the night, heard the noise which those

boys made, and said to Ananda. ‘ Now, what noise of boys is that ? ’ The Venerable

Ananda told the thing to the Blessed One. ‘ It is true, that the Bhikkhus knowingly

confer the Upasampadd ordination on persons under twenty years of age.’

Then the Blessed One rebuked those Bhikkhus, and said, ‘ Let no one, O

Bhikkhus, knowingly confer the Upasampadd ordination on a person under twenty

years of age.’

2 At that time the Bhikkhus conferrred Upasampadd ordination on persons

that had no alms-bowl, or they went out for robes and alms naked, and received alms

with their hands. People were annoyed, murmured, and became angry, saying

that they behaved shamelessly like the Tirthika Sannyasis The Bhikkhus told this

thing to the Blessed One. ‘ Let no one, O Bhikkhus, receive the Upasampadd ordi¬

nation without having an alms-bowl or the proper robes.’

1894.] G. A. Grierson — Image of the Buddha found at Bdjagrha.

35

On a Stone Image of the Buddha found at Bdjagrha. — By G. A.

Grierson, C. I. E., I. C. S.

(With Plate II.)

[Read, April, 1894.]

The image, of which a photograph accompanies this paper, was dug

up by me some five years ago on the summit of Qaila-giri, a mountain

about five miles to the S.-E. of the modern town of Raj’gir. The

mountain is one of those which surround the old valley of Rajagrha,

and is undoubtedly the same as the Grdhra-kuta of the Chinese

pilgrims. It has been visited by Mr. Broadley and by Mr. Beglar

( vide Hep. Arch. Surv. Ind., Vol. VIII), but has never been thoroughly

investigated. The site would well repay judicious excavation. Owing

to the thorny jungle with which the hill is covered, and the steepness

of the ascent, a visit to the spot is no easy climb.

Fa Hian thus describes it :l — “ Entering the valley and striking the

mountains to the south-east, ascending 15 li , we arrive at the hill called

Grdhra-kuta. Three li from the top is a stone cavern facing the south.

Buddha used in this place to sit in meditation. Thirty paces to the

north-west is another stone cell in which Ananda practised meditation.3

The Deva Mara P^una, having assumed the form of a vulture, took

his place before the cavern and terrified Ananda. Buddha by his

spiritual power pierced the rock, and with his outstretched hand patted

Ananda’s shoulder. On this his fear was allayed, the traces of the

bird and of the hand-hole are still quite plain. On this account the

hill is called ‘The Hill of the Vulture-Cave ’ * * * * Here, also,

when Buddha was walking to and fro from east to west, in front of his

cell, Devadatta, from between the northern eminences of the mountain

rolled down athwart his path a stone which wounded Buddha’s toe ;

the stone is still there. The hall in which Buddha preached has been

destroyed, but the foundations of the brick walls still exist.”

1 Beal’s translation, xxix.

2 Both these caves still exist, and can be readily identified by a cleft in the rock

which unites them.

36 G. A. Grierson — Image of the Buddha found at Rdjagrha. [No. 1,

Hiuen Tsiang1 gives further particulars : — “ When Tathagata had

guided the world for some fifty years, he dwelt much on this mountain,

and delivered the excellent law in its developed form. King Bimbisara,

for the purpose of hearing the law, raised a number of men to accom¬

pany him from the foot of the mountain to its summit. They levelled

the valleys and spanned precipices, and with stones made a staircase

about ten paces wide and five or six li long. In the middle of the road

are two small stupas, one called the ‘Dismounting from the Chariot,'

because the king, when he got here, went forward on foot ; the other is

called ‘ Sending back the crowd,’ because the King, separating the

common folk, would not allow them to proceed with him. The summit

of the mountain is long from east to west, and narrow from north to

south.” The pilgrim then describes the caves mentioned by Fa Hian,

and from his account, the ruined brick Vihdra must have been re-built

after Fa Hian’s departure.

There are other details given which I need not quote. Suffice

it to say that the spot was one of considerable sanctity, and it was

here that the Buddha dwelt during much of the later portion of his

life, and is said to have delivered many of his most developed

sutras. Though there has never been any serious doubt as to the

identity of the spot, and though it had been twice visited by en¬

thusiastic arch ceologists, it is curious that till I visited it, no attempt

seems to have been made to exploit its treasures. I had only

a few hours available, but a very little examination showed the

remains of important buildings, and gave me the beautiful image of

the Buddha, shown in Plate II. It is of a black stone, which stone-

carvers of the neighbourhood told me came from Monghyr, and is in a

state of excellent preservation, though there is no doubt as to its having

lain for centuries safely buried in the ground.

The descriptions of the Chinese pilgrims are, as usual, accurate.

There are, as I have said, two large caves, joined together by a

cleft in the rock, besides a number of smaller ones. The massive

staircase of king Bimbisara, with the ruins of its two stupas , is still in

existence, and I used it myself in clambering up to the site of the

cave. The top of the mountain is simply a mass of buried ruins, and

may contain unnumbered treasures.

As regards the sculptured image itself, — for an excellent heliograph of

which I have to thank Col. Waterhouse, — BabuQarat Candra Das, C.I.E.,

has been good enough to give me the following note, which he has drawn

up with the assistance of Lama Qerab Gya-tsho : — “ The image belongs

to the Mahayana school of Buddhism. The Buddha is represented in

1 Beal’s translation, ii, 153.

1894.] G. A. Grierson — Image of the Buddlia found at Rdjagrha. 37

the dhydni dsana , or attitude of meditation, seated on a lotus. The lotus,

which grows in mud, is symbolical of purity born of a vile origin, and

intimates that the Buddha was not tainted by the mire of worldly

existence, of suffering, and of sin, though he was spiritually evolved out

of the world. This Padmasana is placed on a Vajra, — the essence of

the thunderbolt, — the diamond, which is symbolical of unchange¬

ableness. Hence the whole throne is called a Vajrasana. This Vajrd-

sana is again placed on the back of two lions, to denote that the Buddha

is supremely fearless.1 Beside each lion there is an updsaka , or Buddhist

devotee, and the whole is surmounted by the Kalpavrksa , or Wishing- tree

of Heaven.

“ The image belonging to the Mahayana school, the Buddha is not

accompanied by the Arhats, Qariputra and Maudgalyayana, but by the

Bodliisattvas Avalokit^vara, and Vajrapanl. Avalokite^vara stands

on the right in the mahdniudrd posture of meditation. The particular

mudrd is determined by the position of the fingers of his right hand.

He wears a tapering crown, such as those used by kings of early India

during the Greek period. The crown indicates that lie is in this world

looking both to the temporal as well as to the spiritual interests of all

living creatures. A lotus flower touches his left arm on which he is

slightly reclining. This lotus is symbolical of his pure birth, like

Padmayoni, i.e., Brahma. He wears ornaments to show his royal birth.

“ On the left of the Buddha stands Vajrapani, the Bodhisattva of

mystical theology, and therefore called Guliyapati, the Lord of Mysticism.

In appearance he is exactly like Avalokit^vara. These two Bodlii-

sattvas are called the TJpaputras of the Buddha : to them he delivered,

respectively, the Maliayana Sutras, and the Tantras.

“ A little above their heads are two Caityas, called the Stupas of

accumulated flowers. The representation of a Caitya, or monument

containing relics of the Buddha, was considered as equall}r effective as

making an image of his person. Images were difficult to make without

unintentional irreverence in the result, and hence it was ordained that

Caityas might be used to serve their purpose.

“ Above the Caityas are the images of two holy goddesses, Tara the

Pair and Tara the Green.2

“ The White Tara ( Liberatrix ) represents pure transcendental wis¬

dom, which secures nirvana to its possessor. She is the mother of all

Buddhas and Bodliisattvas, because, without Prajna Paramita no one can

become Buddha. She (Tara) liberates all sattvas from the worldly

1 Perhaps also with a reference to his race. He was Qakya Simha — G. A. G.

8 See Dr. Waddell’s account of Tara in J. It. A. S. for 1894, pp. 51 & ff. G. A. G.

38 G. A. Grierson — Image of the Buddha found at Bajagrha. [No. 1,

bondage. Slie is wliite, a colour which is symbolical of perfect purity.

She is gained by the practice of the Sutra , the Vinaya and the Abhi-

dharma.

“ Tara the Green, represents the Qakti, or Prakrti, the green nature

symbolising the divine energy, or Diva Natura. Figuratively, she is mar¬

ried to Yajrapani Bodhisattva, the symbolical purusa. It is therefore held

in the Mantrayana (Tantrik) section of Mahayana Buddhism, that when

a man has studied or perceived the true secrets of nature, i.e., the all-

pervading law of procreation, being duly initiated into the mystical

doctrine taught by Vajrapani, under miraculous inspiration of the

Buddha, while in the sambhogakayat he will become one with a holy

woman or goddess, and in that union vanish for ever from worldly

existence, and enter into Nirvana .”

The inscription at the foot of the image is the ordinary Buddhist

creed.

1894.] U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapala .

39

On a neiv Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapala. — By Umes Chandra

Batavyal, I. C. S.*

(With Plate III.)

[ Read, April, 1894. ]

The copper-plate inscription, recording a grant of four villages

by king Dharma Pala to Bhatta Narayana, of which a transcript and

an English translation are annexed, was discovered by me in the month

of November, 1893, at Khalimpur, near Gaur, in the District of Malda.

An illiterate Muhammadan cultivator found it in a paddy field, at the

northern extremity of the village, while employed in ploughing it, about

two years ago. He is since dead. The Plate was with his widow, Mori

Bewa. I have purchased it from her.

The importance of this copper-plate to all students of Indian History,

and particularly to Brahmans and Kayasthas in Bengal, who trace their

descent from the five Brahmans and the five Kayasthas of Kannauj invit¬

ed to this country by king Adigura, cannot be over-estimated ; while to

those among the Bengal Brahmans, who claim their descent from

Bhatta Narayana himself, the interest attaching to the record is that of

a piece of family history.

It is, so far as I know, the oldest copper-plate grant of the Pfila

dynasty yet discovered. Unfortunately it only gives the date of the

grant, In the year of the king’s reign,” and leaves the date of the

reign itself in uncertainty. The latter is yet more or less conjectural.

General Cunningham assigned to Gopala, father of Dharma Pala,

the latter part of the 8th century of the Christian Era ; while Dr.

Rajendra Lala Mitra placed him nearly a century later. I think the

former estimate to be the more correct. The Lahiris, among the Baren-

dra Brahmans, who claim their descent from Bhatta Narayana, have pre¬

served a genealogical record which shows that Pltambar Lahiri, the

contemporary of Ballala Sena, was 14th in descent from Bhatta Nara¬

yana. Taking Pltambar as alive in 1150 A. D., and giving 25 years to

* [Owing to the importance of the copper-plate grant it has been thought

advisable to publish Mr. Batavyal’s paper as it stands, without delay. Ed.]

40

U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmaptila. [No. 1,

each generation, we obtain 800 A. D., as the date of Bhatta Narayana.

This closely agrees with Cunningham’s conclusions deduced from other

sources of information.

The date of the copper-plate record, may, therefore, be roughly put

down, in the present state of our knowledge, as 800 A.D. It is thus

nearly 3100 years old.

In external appearance it closely resembles the Plate of Narayana

Pala, described on page 217, Volume II., of Kajendra Lala Mitra’s “ Indo-

Aryans” though it is older than the latter.1 2

The Plate is about Jth of an inch thick, and is oblong in shape, and

has 33 lines of inscription in front, and 29 lines on the reverse. The

whole has been deciphered by myself. In one or two places the reading

is a tentative one — subject to revision : but upon the whole it may bo

taken as a correct re-production. The letters mark the stage of the tran¬

sition of the Devanagari into the Bangali. Some of the strokes are

obsolete at the present day.

The current traditions about Bhatta Narayana were a puzzle to

the historical student in more respects than one. According to some

writers, Bhatta Narayana was invited to Bengal by king Adi^ura :

but according to the older genealogists — as for instance the famous

Devivara , the contemporary of Caitanya , — the name of tho Brahman

of the (Jandilya gotra , who came at the invitation of Adi^ura, was

Ksiti^a. Then, again ; while some writers state that Bhatta Narayana

was a contemporary of Ad^ura, and place Adi^ira in the end of the

10tli century of the (Jaka Era, another tradition makes Adigai Ojha,

son of Bhatta Narayana, a contemporary of king Dharma Pfila, who,

as we have seen, lived at the end of the 8tli century of the Christian

Era. This last tradition3 says that king Dharma Pala made the grant

1 It measures 1' 4f" x Ilf" inches, and has a scalloped top of brass 7 inches

high, and 4 inches long at the base, bearing what seems to be an impression of tho royal

seal. The centre of the top is enclosed in a ring of 4 circles, the innermost of

which is 2| inches, and the outermost 4 inches in diameter. Around these circles

are six projections representing, probably, lotus petals, the two uppermost of which

enclose what seems to be the effigy of a human head. The emblem in the centre

is a wdieel mounted on a stand, and supported by a deer rampant on each side.

Below this is written between two parallel lines Qrimdn Dharmapdla Devah ,

and below this writing is a sprig formed of a flower and two leaves.

2 It has been preserved in the genealogical record of the Lahiris, to which

allusion has been made above. It runs as follows : —

i

41

1894.] U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapala.

of the village Dliamasara on the hank of the Ganges to Adigai Ojha, son

of Bhatta Narayana, and this specific statement has an appearance of

authenticity about it. Its authenticity, however, is now confirmed by

the copper- plate, at least incidentally ; for we now know beyond doubt

that Bhatta Narayana was a contemporary of Dharma Pala, and his

son Adigai Ojlia, too, appears to have been patronized by that king.

Up to date no authentic account of Ad^ura has been obtained.

The oldest writers on brahmanical genealogy, whose writings have

come down to us — I refer particularly to Hari Miqra and Eru Mi^ra —

place Adi^ura shortly before the Pa] as; and they state that shortly

after the arrival of the five Brahmanas from Kannauj, the kingdom

of Gaur became subject to the Palas. These writers expressly men¬

tion Deva Pala, the successor of Dharma Pala, as the most famous king

of the Pala dynasty, which succeeded the dynasty of Ad^ura.1

Now this account seems to be borne out by the evidence of the

copper-plate.

* f*T5T II

Tf^TT 1W7j

ji whito \

W[TfTSi^^WIrrT5rt I

jj II

See p. 117 of “ Oaure Brahmana by Babfi Mahima Chandra Mazumdar.

Edition 1886.

1 Thus Hari Migra writes: —

I

II

See “ Vigva Kosa” by Nagendra Natha Gh5sh, article Kulina, page 308. In

this verse we have evidence that the religion of the Palas was a mixture of

the Yedic and the Buddhistic doctrines. In fact, a fusion of the two religions

was taking place at this period, the result of which was the total absorption of the

Buddhists in the ranks of the “ Hindus,” by which name the followers of the mixed

religion came to be designated by their Musalman conquerors.

J. i. 6

42 U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmap&la. [No. 1,

According to this evidence, certain pious Brahmanas of the Lata

country were already established in the territory of Paundravardhana,

as the guardians of a temple, and Bhatta Narayana came to them as

a friend.

To students of classical Sanscrit, Lata is known as a seat of learn¬

ing, which gave its name to a peculiar style of alliterative composition,

known as Lat-anuprasa. I think it was a district of Kannauj, the same

as the country of Kdl&nca , of our tradition, whence the five Brah¬

manas came to Bengal (then Pundra) at Ad^ura’s invitation.1

Thus the five Brahmanas preceded Bhatta Narayana into this

country by some time. They came at the invitation of the traditional

Ad^ura (that probably was bis title) whose dynasty shortly after¬

wards was overthrown by the Palas.

The Palas are known in history as kings of Gauda. We are all fami¬

liar with the name of the great city of Gaur, the capital of Bengal down

to the time of Akbar, of which the ruins 8 can still be seen in the dis¬

trict of Malda. But we are not equally familiar with the fact that in

the earlier centuries of the Christian Era, there were, on the north

of the Ganges, as many as five kingdoms, or principalities, of the name

of Gauda, or Gaur, extending from Oudh (Ayodhya) on the west, to

Pundra, or Paundravardhana on the east. These were collectively known

as Panca Gauda . The kings of these five Gaudas had political rela¬

tions with the great king of Kannauj on the west, sometimes even

with the kings of K^mir still further west, and with the king of

Paundravardhana on the east. Harsavardhana, or f iladitya, of Kan¬

nauj, the contemporary of Hiuen Tsiang, is said to have invaded Gauda,

and some of the kings of Ka^mir also are recorded to have done

the same thing and to have carried ofi a number of their people into

Ka^mir as captives. Then in the history of Ka^mlr we read of

an interesting event. In the middle of the 8th century, a king of

Ka^nrir, Jayaditya or Jayaplda, visited Paundravardhana incognito.

The king of Paundravardhana, Jayanta, however, came to know who

he was, and secured his friendship by giving him his daughter in

marriage. With the assistance of his powerful son-in-law, king Jayanta,

it is said, conquered the kings of the five Gaudas.

It is conjectured by some writers that this Jayanta was no other

than the Ad^ura of our traditions. If there be any truth in the ac-

1 [It hjas hitherto been considered as corresponding to central and southern

Gujarat, see Indian Antiquary, Yol. XXII (1893), p. 183. Ed.]

2 To the east of the ramparts of the old city is an extensive swamp locally

known as Bhatiar Bil. The village of Khalimpur, where the copper-plate under

notice was discovered, is on the eastern edge of this swamp.

43

1894.] U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmap&la.

counts of the early genealogical writers, who place the reign of Adi^ura

shortly before the rise of the Pala dynasty, the conjecture would seem

to be well founded.

We learn from the copper-plate that a time of great commotion and

political turmoil preceded the rise of the Pala dynasty. The country was

torn with internecine war, and the people everywhere longed for a strong

ruler who would restore peace and order. The sceptre of QUaditya had

fallen into weaker hands, and in the midst of these disorders Gopala

rose to supreme power in Gauda, in the latter part of the 8th century,

and was everywhere welcomed by the subject people as a great deliver¬

er. By Gauda here we must understand the five Gaudas, comprising

North Bihar and Oudh. Gopala was succeeded by his son Dharma Pala,

who threw a bridge of boats across the Ganges, and with a host of

cavalry, “ Supplied by the many vassal kings of the North,” overran

the country on the south bank of the great river, and established him¬

self at Pataliputra. Towards the west his victories extended over

Kannauj, which, it would seem, was at that time, reduced to a state

of subjection to foreign princes, viz., the Bhojas, the Madras, &c., and

which he liberated from them, restoring its king to his paternal throne.

The kingdom of Paundravardhana had, we find, become absorbed

into the dominions of Dharma Pala : for the villages to which the grant

relates were all situated within that kingdom which now became part

and parcel of Gauda.

Bhatta Narayana, the grantee, is well-known to the learned as the

author of the drama Veni Samhara, the last great work of the imaginative

art in classical Sanskrit, in point of time. The drama is largely quoted

in the Avaloka of Dhanika — the commentator of the Da$a-rupaha—

who according to Dr. Hall was living about the middle of the 10th

century. At the end of this drama there is a verse, in which the poet

deplores the decay of poetry in his age. The royal patrons of poetry

he writes, “have flown away like swans.”1 Is this an allusion to

Harsa Vardhana, the royal patron of Bhatta Vana ? The Veni Satnhara,

itself, may be nothing more or less than a patriotic though covert

appeal to the poet’s countrymen, the Pancalas, to remember their

disgrace, as the daughter of the old king of Pancala, the heroine of the

1 The entire verse runs as follows : —

TP5TWJ1 TIT¬

BIT *r *tr-* i

wz fin:;

44 U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapala, [No. 1,

Maliabharata, remembered (her own disgrace at the hands of Dul^asana.

Bhatta N a ray ana was a learned man and a genius. But there was no

reward for his learning, and no recognition of his genius in the land of

his own birth. Some of his countrymen had gone to Paundravardhana

at the invitation of its king : and in search of fortune, he too, seems

to have followed in their wake. Such, it seems to me, was the real

history of this great Brahman, the list of whose descendants in modern

times includes such names as the late Raja Ram Mohan Ray, the late

Pandit 1 9 vara Chandra Vidyasagar, the Maharaja Sir Jotendra Mohan

Tagore, Kt., Baku Hem Chandra Banerjee, the poet, the Honorable

W. C. Bonnerjea, the Advocate, the Honorable Dr. Guru Das Banerjee,

the judge, the Honorable Surendra Nath Banerji, the orator, and last,

though not least, Mahamahopadliyaya Mahesa Chandra Nyayaratna,

C.I.E., one of the most eminent of our living Pandits.

Having come into Paundravardhana, Bhatta Narayana found a

patron, not in Adi^ura, as has been hitherto believed, but in one Narayana

Varman, who in the copper-plate grant is described as the Mahdsamanta-

dhipati, of Dharma Pfila. Sdmanta means a vassal prince or chief.

Narayana Varman would therefore seem to have been the head of the

Imperial Department in which the Emperor’s business relations with

Samantas was transacted.

It was at the recommendation of Narayana Varman that Dharma

Pala, while encamped at Pataliputra, in the 32nd year of his reign,

issued this copper-plate grant in favour of Bhatta Narayana. It was

a princely gift which, valued in the currency of our day, would be worth

more than a lakh of rupees, and shows in what great esteem the Bhatta

was held in the land of his adoption. It is remarkable that the grant

was made by a Buddhist king to a Brahman, on the recommendation

of a high officer of State whose name shows that he was a Ksatriya.

Eor administrative purposes the territory of Paundravardhana was

divided into a number of Mandalas, or circles : and these again were

sub-divided into a number of Visayas. The copper-plate mentions the

Mandalas and the Visayas in which the four villages, the subject matter

of the grant, were situated. There was a Record Office in each Visaya ,

the President of which was the Visaya-pati . Now it is most impor¬

tant to note that this officer had nothing to do with the collection of

the revenues. The “ Collector” appears in the copper-plate grant as

the Sasthadhikrta : and the “Magistrate” as the Danda-gahti. The

Visayapati was the keeper of the Revenue Records of his charge : he

was in fact the officer who under the Muhammadans became the Qdnungo.

The head ministerial officer of the Visaya office, was the Jyestha-

Jcdyastha ; and the Visayapati, it would seem, took cognizance of all

45

1894.] U. C. Batavyal — Copper -plate Grant of DJiarmap ala.

judicial questions relating to land and land revenue. Under him was

an officer, named Dagagrdmika, or the superintendent of ten villages :

which shows that there was a farther administrative sub-division of

ten-village groups, the village, or grama, being then, as now, the lowest

unit in the chain of administrative division.

The office of the Jyestha-kayastha shows that there were inferior

Kayasthas, or writers (or Patwarls, as we now call them), in the villages

within the jurisdiction of the Visaya.1 In other words, Kayasthas

must have been numerous in Bengal when Bhatta Narayana came.

Thus the tradition about the Kayasthas of Bengal being the de¬

scendants of the five Kayastha servants of the five Kannaujia Brah¬

mans now seems to be a pure myth. It may be true that Adi^ura

invited five Brahmans as well as five Kayasthas from the civilized and

advanced province of Kannauj, to introduce spiritual and secular

reforms in Bengal ; but it does not follow that at that time there were

no Brahmans or no Kayasthas in Bengal at all.

As regards the territory of Paundravardhana, or Pundra, there

can be no doubt that originally it meant North Bengal, and may have

included Ba^ga proper, or Eastern and Deltaic Bengal also. The capital

was at the place now occupied by the extensive ruins of Pandua, pro¬

perly Parua , in the district of Maldah, on the east of the Mahananda.

A great branch of the Ganges (now known as the Kalindi) originally

joined the Mahananda river, close to the ancient city of Pundra, which

being thus at the confluence of two great rivers rapidly rose in wealth

and power. It existed as the capital of an independent kingdom down

to the latter part of the 8th century, when, as the copper- plate shows

it became absorbed in the dominion of the Palas. A new and a rival

capital on the west bank of the Mahananda, near its junction with the

Kalindi, appears to have arisen under the Palas, or shortly before the

rise of that dynasty, and this ultimately became the Gaur of Muhamma¬

dan history.

In the district of Malda we still have an important caste called

Pundarl, or Pura, the members of which were returned at the last

census at 9,000 in round numbers. They seem to be the descendants

of the ancient Pundras — at one time the ruling caste in the country.

They are a pushing race, numbering in their ranks pleaders, Government

clerks, money-lenders, and traders. Many of them work as rearers

of silk- worms and weavers of silken fabrics. They form a rich and

influential caste ; but even to this day they have not succeeded in

securing the services of pare Brahmans as priests. They have a quarter

of their own in the town of English-bazar, known as ' Pilrdtuli.

1 These inferior officers are the Karanas of the copper-plate.

46

U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapala. [No. 1,

Dliarma Pala’s successors after a time seem to have been driven

more and more towards the East, as Kannauj, we find, gradually re¬

covered much of its lost ground. The last king of the Pala dynasty —

according to a Sanskrit Manuscript which I have unearthed from the

Muhammadan Mosque at Pandua, — was Rama Pala , and the manuscript

gives the date of his death, as the year 922 of the Qaka Era. I think

this is a mistake for 977 Qaka Era, which would correspond to 1055

A. D. The wording of the chronogram is (written

in Bangali character) — where TW I think, is a clerical mistake for 1

This slight clerical mistake being corrected, the result is 977 Qaka.

Thus the Palas reigned for nearly three centuries : at first over a wide

empire spreading from the borders of Kannauj to East Bengal, but

latterly over Northern and Eastern Bengal mainly, with their capital

very near to the present town of English -bazar, where the remains of the

palace of Ballfila Sena are still pointed out. The Muhammadan city

of Gaur sprung up a little to the south of the old Hindu capital.

TRANSLATION.

Prosperity —

May the Ten Forces of Vajrasana,2 who has steadfastly accepted

omniscience as the greatest good, protected by the Great Queen, Bene¬

volence, and victorious over the ten quarters of the globe, 'where nume¬

rous hosts of Maras are seen, — protect you !

1 The gldlia containing this date (as corrected above) runs thus -

Chapter XI of the MS. ifar is a flute, expressing the 7 notes of the

vj

gamut. It thus stands for 7. yields 77. refers to the 9 openings of

'j t

the human body, and thus stands for 9. Following the principle XRT

the whole thing means 977. The exact date, as above given, is year 977 Qaka : month

KdrttiJca( when the sun enters the sign of Virgo) : the 14th day of the waning moon.

Thursday : noon.

2 Vajrasana is a name of the Buddha. The Ten Forces are thus enumerat¬

ed : * Charity, good character, mercy, bravery, meditation, prudence, strength,

means of performance, attention, and knowledge. The Maras are the evil passions

personified.

1894.] U. C. Batavyal — Copper -plate Grant of Dharmapdla. 47

Dayitavisnu, adorned with, all kinds of learning, was the progenitor

of the excellent race of Avanipdlas , just as the ocean is the progenitor

of the beautiful Goddess fri, and as the moon is the progenitor of that

light which delights the whole earth.

From him sprung Qrl Vapyata , the highly honoured, the success¬

ful, who overthrew his enemies, and adorned the earth as far as the

sea with great deeds.

His son was Qrl Gopala , the crown jewel on the head of all rulers

of the earth. The subjects made him take the hand of Laksmi,1

to put an end to the practice of fishes. Even the whiteness of the full-

moon night but faintly imitates, in the several quarters of the globe, the

splendour of his great and lasting reputation.

Even as Rohini is of the moon, and Svaha is of the resplendent God

of Fire, as farvani is of piva, and Bhadra is of Kuvera, as faci is of

Indra, and as Laksmi is of Visnu — so was Qrl Dedda Devi , the daughter

of the king of the Bhadras, the Queen of that Lord of Earth, in whose

company he sought for the relaxation of his mind.

From these two sprung Qrl Dharmapdla , honoured by hosts of good

men. The Lord of all Rulers of Earth, alone he ruled over the circle of

the whole earth. The four oceans — the ditches of the earth, whose

shores bear the foot-prints of his war elephants plunging into their

waters, even they cannot stop his march, when he goes forth to con¬

quer the four quarters.

When with exuberant glee his armies move to conquer the four quar¬

ters of the globe, and the earth in consequence loses her balance, as if

with her mountains moving to and fro, the Snake-god fesa, under¬

neath the Earth with his circle of heads, smarting under the great pres¬

sure, which makes the jewels sink in their sockets, has to follow his

march with uplifted hands.

When his armies depart, and with their movements fill all the re¬

gions of the sky with heaps of dust, the Earth grows extremely light,

and the hoods of the Snake-god, with their jewels emerging again, feel

a great relief.

When he invades a hostile territory, his anger burns like the ocean

fire, unquenchable, knowing no other limit than the four seas.

There were great rulers of the earth in ancient times, such as Prthu,

Rama, the descendant of Raghu, Nala, and so forth. The Creator wish-

1 To ‘ take the hand of Laksmi’ is to assume the sovereign power. * Practice of

fishes ’ means civil war, where men kill each other as one fish devours another. It

would appear that Gbpala’s father, Vapyata, was a chief of some sort, but Gopala

himself became a great king, and put an end .to the anarchy and civil war which

then distracted Northern India.

48

U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapala. [No. 1,

ing to see all of them put together, has in the Kali-yuga raised this

pillar of a king, Qrl Dharmapala , who has surpassed the honour and

greatness of innumerable kings, to which the fickle Goddess of Pros¬

perity, like a she-elephant, is tied for ever.

The God Indra, when suddenly he sees the ten quarters of the

globe whitened by the dust raised by the vanguard of his army, and

fancies it to be the approach of the army of Mandhata, shuts his eyes

and ponders. But there is no occasion to-day for his all-conquering

arms rendering the assistance of his warlike troops to Indra. 1

Who, unto the king of Kannauj gave his own (the king’s)

golden coronation vessel, of excellent make, uplifted by the delighted

elders of the Pancalas, the water wherefrom was all at the same

time poured out by the kings of the Bhojas, the Matsyas, the Madras,

the Kurus, the Yadus, the Yavanas, the Avantis, the Gandharas and

the Kiras, doing obeisance to him with their moving crowns while

his own face bore the mark of beautiful quivering eyebrows.2

He constantly hears his praises sung by cowherds moving about

in forests, while tending their cattle in the jungles on the out-skirts of

villages ; by the children playing in every house-court ; by the keepers

of the market-places ; by the parrots in cages in the house of pleasure ;

and his face therefore is always downcast with modesty.

From his victorious encampment established at Patallputra, where

a bridge constructed across the stream of the Bhaglrathi, with boats

of various kinds, is mistaken for the row of hills of the Setubandha,

where countless troops of war-elephants blackening the light of day,

produce the impression of the rainy season ; where the horizon is grey

with the dust raised by the sharp hoofs of the hosts of cavalry contin¬

gents supplied by many kings of the North ; where the earth sinks under

the weight of the endless array of foot-soldiers of all the kings of

Jambudvipa assembled for rendering service to the highest amongst

kings, the devout follower of Sugata, always thinking of the feet of

the Maharajadhiraja Qrl Gopala Deva , the highest among kings, the

highest among lords, the prosperous Dharmapala (thus sayeth) : —

1 Mandhata used to assist Indra in his war with the enemies of the Gods.

The meaning of the text is that, under the sway of Dharmapala, the enemies of the

Gods had ceased to exist.

2 I am indebted to Mr. Grierson for pointing out to me that, according to the

Bhagalpur Copper-plate Grant of Narayana Pala, Dharmapala conquered the Bh5jas,

the Matsyas, the Madras, &c., and thereby liberated the Pancala country. The

meaning of the words is somewhat obscure. I have

construed it thus : ws wt <tot making it thus

an adverb to I

1894.] U. C. Batavyal — Copper -plate Grant of Dharmapdla ,

49

The village named Kraunca-Qvabhra, in the Visaya of Mahanta-

prakdga, in the Mandala of Vydghratati , in the territory of Pundra

Vardhana.

Its boundary: — On the west, Garjginika ; on the north, KadambarV s

temple, and a date tree ; on the north-east, the embankment constructed

by the Rajaputra Devata, extending to the grove of lemons ; on the

east, the embankment Vitaka, extending to the artificial water-course ;

skirting the water-course lined with Jambu trees, the boundary line

proceeds as far as the said water-course. Emerging thence it extends

as far as the minor stream near the Vilva tree of the sacred grove

emerging whence again ****** 1.

Also the village named Mdtlid-Qdmmrali.

Of this also the boundary on the north is Garjginika ; thence on the

east, passing along the minor stream, is the water-course lined with

mango trees, extending to the * * * * water-course.1 2 * * 5 * * 8 Emerging

thence again on the south, is the village Kdlikd Qcabhra. Emerging

thence it goes so far as Qri-plialabhi-suka on the west, whence again,

along the minor stream near the Yilva tree, it enters Garjginika.

In the village Pdlitaka , the boundary on the south is the Kdna

island ; on the east, the stream of the Kaunviyd ; on the north, Garjginika ;

on the west, the J ainanydyikd : the said island {Kdna) is the burning-

ground of this village.

The boundaries of village Gopippalli , in the Visaya of Sthalikkata ,

in the Mandala of Amrasandikd : On the east, the western boundary of

the lands of TJdragrdma ; on the south, a marsh ; on the west, an old

river-bed named Vaigdnika ; on the north, a cattle-patli marking the

boundary between it and Udragrdma.

To all (in authority) assembled in these foui villages, Rajas, 8

Rajanyas, 4 Rajaputras, 5 Rajamatyas, 6 Senapatib, 7 Visayapatis, 3

Bhogapatis, 9 Sasthadhikrtas, 10 Danda9aktis, 11 12 * Dandapa^ikas, 18 Cau-

1 The translation of the boundaries of this village is to be taken as tentative.

2 The text is here somewhat illegible.

8 Raja = subordinate chiefs, who under the Muhammadans became Zemindars.

* Rajanya — the followers and dependants of Rajas.

5 Rajaputra = persons of royal lineage.

8 Rdjdmatya = ministers of the king.

^ Senapati = commanders of troops.

8 Visayapati = presidents of the Visaya office.

9 Bhdgapati = purveyors.

19 Sastha-’ dhilcrta = collectors of revenue.

It Danda-qalcti= magistrates.

12 Danda-pagiJca = executioners of sentences on criminals.

J. i. 7

50

U. 0. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmap&la. [No. 1,

roddharnikas, 1 Dossadhasadhanikas, 3 Dutas, 3 Kholas, 4 Grama-

gamikabhitvaramanas, 5 Hastya^agomaliisyajavikadhyaksas, 6 Naka-

dhyaksas, 7 Valadhyaksas, 8 Tarikas, 9 paulkikas, 10 Gaulmikas, 11 all

persons holding either temporary or permanent commissions, and

other servants of the king not named herein of the Ca{a12 and Bhata

tribes : (in particular) to the Jyestha Kayastha,13 Mahamahattara,14

Dagagramika, 16 and other incumbents of the Visaya office, ap¬

pointed from time to time, with all their subordinate writers and

accountants, 16 and to all resident cultivators : (to all persons above

A Caur-,dddharanika = discoverers of thieves, or police officers.

JDds-sddha-sddhanika = executors of all works to be done by manual labour,

nswering to Public Works officers of our day.

3 Duta = political agents.

Khola = ? spies. (The word means a lame man; in vulgar language it also

means a jackal.)

& Gamdgamikd-’bhitvaramdna^ the expediter of messengers: the head of the

staff of peons.

6 Htisty-agva, 8fc. = superintendent of elephants, horses, kine, buffaloes, goats

and sheep.

7 Ndkd-’dhyaksa = chiefs of police stations. (This is conjectural; the word

Ndkd is locally used to denote a police out-post.)

8 Vald- dhyaksa = Commander-in-Chief of land forces.

9 Tarika = commander of naval forces.

10 £aulkiha = customs officers.

11 Gaulmika — commanders of garrisons or military stations.

12 Cuta and Bhata seem to have been menial officers of the Intelligence

Department, who moved about the country for collecting secret information and

became in course of time the pests of society. The word Cdta became the synonym

for a deceiver.

IS Jyestha Kdyastha = the head-writer, or head ministei'ial officer of the Visaya

office.

14 The word Mahattara seems to be twice engraved by mistake. The Mahattara

was the officer whose name still survives in the grants known as Mahdttran.

15 Ddga-grdmika = superintendents of ten villages. The ten-village adminis¬

trative divisions were included in the jurisdiction of the Visayas , which I think

answered the same purpose as parganas under the Muhammadans.

- ■ •

IS The original for this is sa-Tcarandn. Karana , was but another name of

Kdyastha , the great oaste of Writers and Accountants under the Hindu kings, and of

Patwarls of our own times, from whose oppressive dealings and sharp practices

the kings were particularly enjoined to protect their subjects. Thus we have an

ancient text :

wi w ii ti

About the identity of the Karana with the Kdyasthas it may be noted, that in

social gatherings of Kdyasthas now-a-days, it is customary first of all to salute

51

1894.J U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapala.

enumerated) the king, after paying his respects to the Brahmanas, 1

conveys his greetings, sends his message, or issues his commands (as

may be appropriate in each case) : — -

Be it known unto you : —

Onr Mahasamanfcadhipati,2 fhi Narayana Varman, by the mouth

of the Yavaraja fri Tribhuvana Pala, the messenger, addresses us as

follows : —

“ We, for increasing the merit of our father and mother, as well as

of self have caused a House of God to be erected at Qubhasthali.

There have we established the God-guided Bhatta Narayana, who came

to visit the Brahmanas of the Lata country, whom we appointed as the

guardians and worshippers of the said House of God.

“ For the performance of the offices of religion in the said House,

may your Majesty be pleased to grant to the said Bhatta Narayana

four villages, together with their markets, roads, and everything on the

surface.”

Then we, in pursuance of his recommendation, have in the terms

of his address, established and granted these above-written four vil¬

lages, with markets, roads, and everything on the surface, as far as

their respective boundaries, as also with everything above them,

together with the ten apacdras , free of all tribute, and free from all

coercive measures. May this grant last, like the pores of the earth, as

long as the sun and the moon !

Wherefore, all of you, out of respect for the merit attaching to

grants of lands, and out of fear of falling into the great hell that

awaits those who deprive people of their lands, should respect this

grant, after giving your assent to the same.3 And all resident culti¬

vators are hereby commanded to submit to these orders, and to pay

their appropriate rents, food supplies, and all other tributes (to the

grantees).

Many kings, like Sagara and others, made grants of lands ; who¬

ever rules the earth, at any one time, to him, for that time, belongs the

merit of these grants.

Brahmanas with the words and afterwards to salute Kdyasthas with

1 The Brahmanas, it must be remembered were the repositories of the law

in those days : whence their mention here.

2 The Sdmantas were the subordinate chiefs under the Hindu kings. A royal

officer, superintended the king’s business relations with his Sdmantas : and it was

this officer, whose title was the Maha-sdmantd-' dhipati.

3 The words “ after giving your assent to the same ” would indicate that the

grant had to be registered in the Vi§aya office.

52

U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapala. [No. 1 ,

The grantor of land enjoys happiness in heaven for sixty-thousand

years : the robber of land, and he who assents to the robbery, go to hell

for the same period.

Whoever robs lands granted by himself or by another rots as a

worm in hell with his ancestors. Wherefore, let no man who under¬

stands all this destroy the reputation of others who grant lands, after

pondering that life and prosperity are unstable like the drop of water

on a lotus leaf.

Prosperity is like the flash of lightning ; this body of ours is like

the flame of a lamp. Life is hedged in by sorrow. Those who destroy

the good deeds of others, reap nothing but bad repute ; while the

fame of those who maintain them is lasting as the sun and the moon.

But what use of quoting texts P In this matter kings will do what

appears to them best after reflection.

In the prosperous and victorious reign, year 32 ; days of Marga, 12.

This plate has been engraved by the skilful Tatata, son of Subhata,

grandson of Bhogata.1

1 In translating the text, where it refers to the grantee, I hare assumed

Bhatta and Bhattaraka to be the same. — As regards the country of Lata, it is

interesting to note — that it is referred to in the Mandasdr Inscription of Kumara

Gupta and Bandhuvarman ( Indian Antiquary, Yol. XX, p. 196). There we are

told that the famous guild of silk-weavers who built the temple of the Sun at

Dagapura originally came from the province of Lata, which is described in these

words : —

oTJif?T u

3 rn:

wurar: I)

This description seems to be applicable to Kannauj. Hiuen Tsiang saw a large

temple of the Sun, built of blue stone, in Kannauj, on the bank of the Ganges, and it

was probably in imitation of the same that the Lata weavers built the temple of the

Sun at Dagapura.

1894.] U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapdla.

53

Obverse.

L. I

^srgrcri qpstitf

L. 2 *T^I i

sr'wt^v^iii^tt qftqx

L. 3 ftenfa

qt u [i]

L. 4 *rt: qrftXTfil

W^ftfqWT^K^rT: I

H3if?R3fqqTitT ^TT^^TlHT^n

L. 5 sTfnqfqcrfoqp'- ^t4f^n^Tcr; n [2]

'siret’X rafflVT^Tjpftfrn qPtf^fin i

wg'jpj

L. 6 jgfigcrmfcr: ffrsj: g [3]

Trn^piiqwqtfrg' sretfirfflw^m:

sftirfar

L. 7 ^ ?fcT 1

^prra^sihjf^wwrapt

^tfcren *r

L. 8

c^Tfcr»ro:^rqrt 11 [4]

: ^rcfq

L. 9 qfixq^j JjfjqrqTTH^q vrqwrstT 1

54

U. C. Batavyal — Copper -pi ate Grant of Dharmapdla. [No. 1

L. 10 II [5]

cTT«li ^ty^rqrw: ’EWsrf’T^IW WFTraTFt :

0\

^nft wt

L. 11 gcftjrmfeggiPTft wg^f strain i

T| W I WtWnTgJ^npfT: ^TJpTT

*rmi sr

L. 1 2 Jf ii [6]

f^grnrsre^

*rRsn

L. 13 ffej’swcrc'i ^fgcf fji fif?rc^ft*rerT cf^Tt^r i

sfR

L. 14 wtewtania f<a- *3rahsre$ =i 1 3 4< i d jt n [7]

*raren% sraf^RTWi^fiT^T^ "ifg

= ftfff

Os C\

L. 15

crwggfNfir*! cnft^rr: 1

[! TOragcri wrt

Tt^fr^t^^fwwfjTTwg f

L. 16 11 [8]

^rfarfircH^ 1

^i(*i4(d

L. 17

• II [0]

<d *

L. 18 ^snip i*mfrm ^^mM! ^vsrt

*rN wjTrPwcr g [10]

55

1894.] U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapala.

L. 19 sruni3?ifffErai

C\

L. 20 cnWTfRJTT^T^f^^tfWT^TtT ’fft’TTfaraij

srrrrsr *ng

L. 21 wra;; || [ii]

Jrarc€tt;

sfawftfalf Ui fcnifcfl! cr:

L. 22 ^TOT'ft^TJJ: |

^Tt'

L. 23 ^tcw^cira^sf || [12]

JTR! lif’llr:

sfifefg: Rfarai^ftigJiw:

L. 24

L. 25 ii [13]

H i*i*i m il%il^^T3^5RTrf%cr%^^fir

ffdS;5^-

Ij. 26 fgTfgstg fcr«ig«n,Et«rg<; tag m rw i«t eireix^

L. 27 ^tgtgig^^iifcrwcftsisrg-gg^r^Tr^^JTf

fsr-

s C\ C\

3j. 28 ^'tt^t^ttct xbc*bsi\«3 ^w<h

Ii* 29

^xrn^wt^«j^Tcn it-

56

U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapala. [No. 1,

L. 30 vfpsrr: qqwffiqqft =qt*nqmqra^q: n

5ftqq?qj|qg-

*1

L. 31 tn-

Titsg) q #wt qfg-

L. 32 qq nff pT3(n qrrqjqi^^qf fqqn i wratw

qrqqq i ft-

L. 33 qqvq^TtjlW qiq® ?§Tcf5R 5Uq-

C\ C\

Reverse.

L. 34 JTctT I cTcTf fq*?q WTCTTTft^TS ^tfsT^Tf I cTcft fq fw<q q-

L. 35 Jtm I qqq^^Tcj; qf%ioq qnjfigqnfq%

L. 36 • • • qnqr: jgnignT^^^fgPjwi qqfqf^qrrqfi- qt-

f^cratft: sftfgqiT €tTTT-

L. 37 qfTtsftsgi qfgJOTq: gmfqqqgi q qfg®Tqji ^fWI q|fTT

fqfe i q^uf qNtfeqrr i qqwtretqiwpftqT-

L. 38 «gw Jlfwfqq;T#HT qq: q^sni^tfcrqrqT

C\

qiqqftqstqrfqqv^q: q-

L. 39 cfrfq qfgijq qnfqqn *%w- 1 qjqtfq fq*?q 5ftqrqfirqqi qrqq

M S

qfeqq qqtfq fqqqwtsj sftfq-

L. 40 q?qT JTfffqqri qfqqq i qtfqq% €ittt qf^riiq qrr®Tftfqqrr i

qSr® qftfqqqrefa;

L. 41 Jifi?fqqn i qfeqq qqqnfqqn i iTraqqrft® qqq<3ra#tq i

^n^t^isfqqqq-

L. 42 ^TJqqfltfqiTW 4y<djq qjfq jftfqmgftgTOgf €lfn qsq® ^®TTW-

C\

flj®^qf^Tf€tTn i qf^-

L. 43 ir*T ^WT! ^^f^^TWrf^JTT |

^ Xf-

1894.] U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapal a.

57

L. 44 IflcfT^STW? i;T5!TITT(5T%JnxtfiT

f4wrf% MTJprfd mjifg-

Jiftraif»Tc?WTir ir^jigjrt'

L. 46 grerrare' mring^ gftgt jftfgw

Mmiff^ifg m4Kt xf r^T^i^ratfirV

Sg^T^ Tf'rtTTff.?:

L. 47 fTPT WflS^Tcft^T

Tf=frtK fm?

L. 48 gfefgTfmr 'gptgtKW ^nnwFfsn’rl^r ^raTTm^^rfcr

" <5\

gfarafg wn^wfir =g i Trmtm

L. 49 ggm^TmwmTfwfct

^TS^RT-

L. 50 f^pSncafwt’CTW^^ ^t5STf*re?%^*rej5sjr ^rftcr^w g-

fcT^TfgcWTgsa^TOgiDflFt^^rTg mg-

s»

L. 51 fcrtrra^nsf^r^Twtf^ gr^j^re^mg g^greaimf^r^r^ gg-

ttotoft wim 'fflgfT m3(gi)=rrsgf-

L. 52 •uTtcng ^g I cRrts^nf»T^tffa fg^OT^fr ^gftftrfjgcr-

g>racgT^TSFrrera;gT)^T3-grrf|^re%cn: ^f-

L. 53 ^tfrnr^mT: %Tfin: f^ffg?5RniiT. gfijfcrast-

gtsr: ’jfjrfiprmTgipg^^f^fcr^^'* i*r

L. 54 <t?h gfer^rfmn: i mrhrwf^^cg ^j^fagrankm^Ts;® =g

srRffRTTfJrr-

L. 55 gjgfttrra^ gfcnrtfafm fctgg ^tgi ^gfqsi-

^ncPnwift^g^j'raTgmr: grrdr

L. 56 *fsr ii

gsfmkyT wrctPrfH: i

w mg met >jfgm?g mg mnr wg h [1]

XT' -v

^3T iTT

58

U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharniap&la. [No. 1,

L. 57

L. 58

L. 59

31TWFT TlTjpT’TiT cfT% *TK% 3%cT || [2]

?3?r1T«TT.?fn^T TT ¥TcT 33*T»Cm I

*TpPSBli ftoT

ffl: W R^fcT || [3]

NJ NJ

*tfc

|| [4]

<rf%Ti^n *T# ^ fHjK~RWT

wn

L. 60 fan d 4H =|ctTB^ ^ ^TV-

g^fn^f^cr II [5]

L. 61 «^cr ^ Bwf^nTfir ii

(At bottom of reverse.)

L. 62 5?t*TTJTCTg xfttsr i

'j

^ftacnm^N; n [l]

ADDITIONAL NOTE.

The preceding note was written on the assumption that the

grantee, whose name appears in the copper-plate as Narayana Bhatta-

raka, was the same person as Bhatta Narayana the author of the VenI

Samhara. As doubts have been expressed about the correctness of this

identification, I proceed briefly to state the reasons on which it is based.

The proper name of the author of the VenI Samhara was Narayana

and Bhatta was his title. Thus, in a genealogical work, called Baren-

dra Kula PanjI, we find him described as follows : —

*nTmT^rt

^ w>

1894.] U. C. Batavyal — Cojpper-plate Grant of Dharmapcila. 59

In another genealogical work called KulaRama, he is called

MIMTTTW I

The title Bhatta could be added either at tlie beginning or at the

end of the name proper, and it would be correct to speak of him

either as Bhatta Narayana or Narayana Bhatta. Indeed in some MSS.

of the VenI Sariihara the author is called MITT^HT MI, while in others he

is called »?I MTTTM^H. Numerous instances can be cited where the title

Bhatta comes after the name proper. Thus, 3<TT^T Mf,

• ^

HI, &c., &c. The third in descent from Bhatta Narayana was a person¬

age who bore the name of ^TMMfw Mil

Kulluka Bhatta, the famous commentator of the Institutes of Manu,

in describing his own genealogy, writes as follows : —

MT^T siT^IT

ftM^ MI I

Thus, while the father was called Bhatta Divakara,. the son was

called Kulluka Bhatta. \

The next point is the connection between Bhatta and Bhattaraka.

Here I may quote the authority of Dr. Rajendra Lala Mitra, that

Bhatta and Bhattaraka are really interchangeable terms. That learned

scholar in translating the copper-plate grant of Narayana Pala, ren¬

dered the f?pr of thnt plate as piva Bhatta. See Indo- Aryans,

Yol. II, p. 274. I however, do not follow him blindly. *?i, *THT, MITT3T

and Mffft form a group of words with a common root. Grammarians

by no means agree about the correct root. About the signification of

the words, however, there is no difference of opinion. Bhatta means a

Pandit learned in the Veda: it also means a lord. The late Professor

Taranatha Tarkavacaspati defined the meaning thus :

qfqjil ^ | The same authority derives MITT thus : MI ^TfM^

which means one who obtains lordship, and he gives the meaning as

xr% The word MHT«fi is the same as MITT with a 3T, i. e„ with a 3T

which does not change its meaning at all. According to the Amara

Kosa TT^TT MHW are synonymous words. Professor Tarkavacaspati

adds that this use of the word is mostly confined to dramatic speech,

and we find that in this sense, it has been applied to the grantor

Dharma Pala in our copper-plate. According to the MedinI (as

quoted by the same learned Professor) MllT^f also means a or a

pious Brahmana; and therefore, in the copper-plate we find it equally

applied to the grantee Narayana. The real connection between the

words Ml and MlTT^i however is disclosed by the feminine form >rfi^4

which is thus described by Professor Tarkavacaspati : Mfl^ft ^ft® M#

60 U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapala. [No. 1,

i Wmf*TOTOT Ki^i f<f^t ^ I

Thus the feminine form is applied indifferently to a king’s wife or to a

Brahman’s wife.

I am inclined to think that the words and are really the

Prakrit forms of the Sanskrit word *?fir ( vocative *TO) or WIT. They

seem to be radically connected with the Bangall word MTrNT husband.

That they were really Prakrit words is indicated by the fact that they

were mostly used in dramatic speech. Being in common use, the words

forced recognition even from Pandits and were sanskritized. The

derivation points to an individual who “ supported ” others. A learned

Brahmana, who supported a host of pupils or dependants was aHfor

VffTT or WTO; and a Raja who supported many people was a WTOT

or lord : and the wife of both was a I

It will thus appear that philologically there is no difference

between Bhatta Narayana, and Narayana Bhattaraka.

The question still remains whether the author of the Veni Sarhliara

is identical with our Narayana Bhattaraka. If we looked to the copper¬

plate alone the point might remain doubtful : but as pointed out in the

preceding note, fortunately we possess independent evidence, from

which we know that the author of the Vein Samhara was really a

contemporary of Dharma Pala. The value of the copper-plate lies in

confirming this evidence.

The copper-plate shows that very intimate relations subsisted

between Dharma Pala, and the king of Kannauj, the former having

restored the latter to his throne. That a poet of the Pancala country

as Bhatta Narayana was, should be patronized by Dharma Pala need

not therefore surprise us. There are one or two points in the Veni

Sarhliara itself, that deserve mention in this connection. We have

already alluded to the ploka in which the poet deplores the decay of

the poetic art through want of royal patronage in his own native

country. I think the Veni Sarhliara was composed in the native land of

the poet. In the concluding verse he pointedly solicited the patronage

of his king in the following lines : —

W wfwnro: It

He hoped that his own king, the king of Kannauj, would be a

and befriend a learned man like himself ; that he would be a

3IWV and appreciate the special merit of his own work, which was

evidently composed to rouse the martial spirit of his countrymen.

Kannauj we know was then laid low at the feet of enemies ; and the

61

1894.] U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of Dharmapala.

patriotic Bhatta wished that the Pancalas should rise against their

enemies, and make an effort to regain their freedom. He was, however,

disappointed in his hopes : and when he came to a foreign country

to seek that royal patronage which was denied to him in his own, he

pathetically exclaimed WTTfaff Tisnfai Jim: &c !

Many MSS. of the drama end with the verse m?:

II I think the drama as originally composed, ended here :

but in the MSS. current in Bengal we have the following additional

verse :

STJlfrT I

Ov j Ov

wirepy ii

It is a remarkable fact that in the MSS. current in Western India

this verse is wanting.

How the wTords at the beginning of this verse seem distinctly to refer

to the Palas. We know that the Palas were frequently called

or ^afmrr^r. The dynasty being called the founder of it

aitm^r even came to be called by many authors. In the copper¬

plate itself Dayita Visnu, the progenitor of the family, is called

firmin'- The words ^f?rv^f?rqT^n: therefore, seem to meanj‘ May

the Pala princes continue to rule over this earth ; ” otherwise if we

understand by the words “ May kings rule over the earth ” the meaning

would be most trivial. I am of opinion that this very interesting verse,

the full meaning of which now dawns upon us for the first time, was

composed after the poet settled in Bengal. It was, in fact, his benedic¬

tion to the Pala king who bestowed on him the four villages.

And as to the grant of the four villages there is a very significant

passage in the drama. Thus, in the first act, in the message of peace

of which Krsna was the bearer, Yudhistira thus addresses the Kaurava

monarch —

mTWmj i

^f% it 3 n

Now, when the drama was acted in Bengal, it was this characteristic

passage which, it seems to me, suggested the grant of four villages to the

poet. ^ was interpreted by the patrons of the poet as

the expression of his own desire. And, what is also very striking, —

62 U. C. Batavyal — Copper-plate Grant of JDharmapdla. [No. 1, 1894.]

we find that among the villages granted to the poet the very first village

is called 3TTWW which sounds much like and ^ meaning

the same thing.

Narayana Blia^taraka in the copper-plate cannot from the adjec¬

tives attached to it mean the God Narayana. It plainly refers to some

person whose name was Narayana, who was deemed a holy man,

and who had come as a guest to the Lata Brahmanas. Everything

therefore points to the identity of Narayana Bhattaraka with Bhatta

Narayana, the author of the Yen! Samhara.

I am aware that some think Lata to have been in Gujarat. In Dr.

Biihler’s article on Inscriptions from Kavi, see Indian Antiquary , V, p. 145,

we read that the Rastrakuta prince Govinda II made over the Late^vara

Mandala to his brother Indra. Govinda II seems to have been a con-

• •

queror, and he seems to have led a Rastrakuta invasion of Gujarat. That

need not make us think that Lata was in Gujarat. The Late 9 vara

Mandala above referred to, was probably the kingdom of Kannauj itself :

and Indra who received the LateQvara Mandala from Govinda II, was

probably the very Indra Raja whom Dharma Pala conquered, according

to the copper-plate of Narayapa Pala. — Govinda II was alive in faka

730 = 808 A. D., and was thus a contemporary of Dharma Pala. I am

strongly inclined to think that the Lata Brahmanas to whom Bhntta

Narayana came were really Kannauj Brahmanas.

1894.] 0. J. Rodgers — Supplement to Thomas ’ Chronicles , No. 5.

63

Coins Supplementary to Thomas ’ Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Dehli ,

No. V ’. — By C. J. Rodgers, Honorary Numismatist to the Government

of Lidia.

(With Plates IV and V.)

I began drawing the coins in the accompanying plates when on a

visit to Sir Alexander Cunningham, at Simla, in 1885. During the time

I was Archaeological Surveyor, I had but little leisure for drawing coins,

though I came across many novelties in my tours and saw many in the

collection made by the Afghan Boundary Commission. Since the

Archaeological Survey was closed, my time has been fully taken up with

work on coin catalogues. In this work, I again saw many coins new to

numismatics, but they did not often belong to the period or the portion

of the empire treated of in Mr. Thomas’ “ Chronicles.” Sometimes I

came across coins accidentally, and sometimes while making a catalogue

of the coins I had previously collected and had afterwards sold to the

Panjab Government, I discovered that there were coins to which I had

not previously paid sufficient attention. Meanwhile some of the coins

I had drawn were edited, but not in the Journal of the Asiatic Society

of Bengal. The last coin I drew was finished in the last week of

March 1894.

The coins in the plates are without arrangement. They were

drawn as they came under my notice.

This is the last supplement I shall be able to give to Mr. Thomas’

excellent work. There are, I know, many coins now known which were

not known to Mr. Thomas and which I have seen but not noted. For

example, the copper coins of the Surl Islam Shah, with mint names on

them, are now somewhat numerous, but they have not been edited.

Again the many varieties of the corns of ‘Alau-d-din of Khwarizm have

not been drawn. It is a pleasure to me, however, to know that all these

coins are in the museums of India. They will give employment to

future numismatists.

It must not be supposed that our knowledge of the coins of the

kings who ruled over India for about 300 years before the time of

J. i. 9

64 C. J. Rodgers — Supplement to Thomas' Chronicles , No. 5. [No. 2,

Babar is complete. It is far from being so. There are coin stores in

India which have never been examined. There are many bazars which

have never been visited once by any numismatist. New small finds

are constantly being made, and are finding their way into the bazars. I

never make a visit to any town without getting some novelties. It is my

conviction that were the bazars of all the towns of Northern India to be

carefully examined, a vast number of coins hitherto unknown might be

obtained. In Amritsar the other day, I found a coin of Humayun’s

struck at Champanir. It had on it, however, the singular legend

“ The conquest of Champanir, 942.” Again in the same

city, I lately obtained a mohur of Hasan Shah ibn Haidar Shah of

Kashmir, dated 876 H. This is as yet unique. Coin No. 19 of the

present supplement is another case in point. It was purchased by me

in the bazar at Sonpat. The beautiful coin No. 36 was given me as a

medical fee by a coin dealer in Dehli, although all I told the man was

to send his son at once to an eye-hospital.

Uncatalogued collections pay for being examined. I had had coins

Nos. 37-40 for many years. It was only when I examined each coin

with a view to describing it accurately, that I discovered what they

were. Since I drewr No. 4 I have come across another type of the

coins of Nasiru-d-din Kliusrau Shah in the collection of an amateur.

It is the smallest type and has on it, on the obverse and on the

reverse (jbta Again of the coins of Nasrat Shah I have lately

discovered a new type. It is one weighing 138 grs., but has on it only

fclA cj and It is double the weight of the coins

«

on which these legends usually occur.

It is quite true that old coins are being bought up with avidity, ond

that many are annually being taken or sent out of the country, but

nevertheless, annually, many novelties are coming to light. All that is

wanted is that some one who knows what they are, should be appointed

to go round and collect them. Then our museums would annually be

enriched with many treasures. This means, however, that the museums

should have an annual grant made to them for coin purchases. I

cannot conceive of public money being better spent, for all museum

collections are for the use of the public.

I proceed to describe the coins drawn in the accompanying plates

IV and V. Their metal and weights are shown on the plates. Each

coin is drawn equal to its actual size.

Plate IV —

(1) Obv. ill tyUaUJl

J

Rev. Horseman to right.

65

1894.] C. J. Rodgers — Supplement to Thomas' Chronicles , No. 5.

This coin was in the collection of the late Sir Alexander Cunning¬

ham. It is the last coin on which the horseman appears. I ascribe it

to G-liiyasu-d-din Balban.

(2) Obv. In six foil : — Rev. In six foil

j a**

( 3) Obv. In square, inscribed Rev. In square, inscribed in

in a circle : — a circle : —

t

This is a coin of Yalduz with Mu‘izzu-d-dln as the Martyr-sultan,

Nos. 2 and 3 were also in the cabinet of Sir Alexander Cunningham.

(4) Obv. ujlisJLJ | Rev.

f

This is from my own cabinet. It is a new type of Nasiru-d-din

Khusrau Shah.

(5) Obv. iJkL* Rev.

JUG

A new coin of Tughlaq Shah II, 790 H.

j*° t

V9 •

(6) Obv.

«L_

(kJLw

Rev.

j#° i v-51-'

(7) Obv. — •“

' tA

&Xo Ap|

Probably “ Sher Shahi” in Hindi.

Rev.

The Kalima.

(8) Obv.

t-flJuo

<JSJ\

II

i

l*U ^

Rev. Horseman to left.

66 C. J. Rodgers — Supplement to Thomas' Chronicles , No. 5. [No. 2,

(9) Obv. In circle : —

&)i+Xvo j j&c {j?

(Ghaznih, 611 H.)

This is again a coin of

his own on it.

Rev.

thi^l 3 ^1

^Lki—Jl ( jiij )

his master’s name and

Yalduz with

(10)

Obv. p&xj i u£Wf

j biiiJi

o+sz* jhhJ\ y\

Rev. In a square inscribed in a

circle : —

The Kalima.

Margin :— flr5^

w

Nos. 7, 8, 9, 10 were in the cabinet of Sir Alexander Cunningham.

No. 10 he assigned to Nasiru-d-din Muhammad Qarlugh.

(li)

Obv. In a square : —

t^jUaJuvJi j

Rev. In a square : —

%*

^cf ^ahwJl

Cii.h &\m*

<Sjt+jLvO J j

Above in margin

%•

v This is from the same cabinet as No. 10. It is peculiar. It has

the name of father and son on the obverse. On the reverse only the

name of the mint Dehli is in the margin. The year comes along with

the name of the Khalifah in the square area. This is a unique arrange¬

ment. The whole coin indeed is unique.

( 12) Obv. In a circle : —

(jUaLJf

3 1*^1 j**

j&*>w

Rev. In a circle : —

jSK\

Margin: —

« H *1* \*

Traces of margin.

Thomas gives no mohur of Kaiqubad.

of L. White King, Esq. Others are known.

(Dehli, 688 H.)

This one is in the cabinet

(13) Obv. <jPVf

jJA ^ILU

acCe

This is from my own cabinet.

Rev. ls*

A • ♦

It is now in the Lahore Museum.

1894.] C. J. Rodgers — Supplement to Thomas' Chronicles , No. 5. 07

(14) Obv. ±+s:'c

<> _ jjj

(v_^e)

(Dehli)

Rev.

Apr

^°t

(842 H.)

From my own cabinet. I believe all coins of this size of Muham¬

mad Shah bin Farid have the name of Kliizr Shah also on them.

(15) Obv. In double circle : — Rev.

Traces of margin. I

This new type of Muhammad Tughlaq’s coin was discovered by me

on one of my tours.

(16) Obv. In a rayed circle : — Rev. Over a bull some of

the letters of Qrl

Samanta in Hindi.

I ascribe this coin to Taju-d-din Yalduz, forms from ^13 just as

and from^)*-* and This new coin is from my cabinet.

(17) Obv. In a rayed circle : — Rev. Standing bull and over it

ax<5j inverted as in type. Qrl Samanta Leva in Hindi.

I was the first to bring to notice coins of Razia with her name &x*>j

in a rayed circle. This second type of the same coin I also discovered.

Plate Y —

(18) Obv. ill u&bJf Rev.

JthJU

I %*

Aii| ^Jf

In margin .

The margin reads from outside.

This unique moliur of Tughluq II, was sent to me by Dr. Hoernle.*

The Khalifah’s name being All| ^ assigns it to Tughlaq Shah II.

(19) Obv. ill ejIkhJf Rev.

jAlaJ I j>\ I

(2>14lLwI|

* [It belonged to the Hoshangabad find ; see Proceedings, A. S. B., for Decem¬

ber, 1888. It is described and figured in Dr. Hoernle’s paper “ On some new or

rare Muhammadan and Hindu Coins,” ante, Vol. LVIII, p. 31, and pi. IV, fig. 2. It

is now in the British Museum. — Ed.]

68 0. J. Rodgers — Supplement to Thomas' Chronicles , No. 5. [No. 2,

This unique coin, which is now in the British Museum, was obtained

by me at Sonpat, near Dehll, in my third archseological tour together with

a hemi-drachma of Agathokleia. It was struck in Bengal. It has on

it the name of Tughlaq Shah I of Dchli, and of the Nasiru-d-din whom he

conquered in Bengal. From this coin we learn that his name was

Ibrahim Shah. This is not recorded in any history to which I have had

access. Unfortunately neither side has room for a margin.

(20) Obv. wbi Rev.

(A)1! ‘H* Jj

«•

I have not met with any other coin of this type. It seems to reveal

to us the fact that Ghivas Shah IOiilji struck coins in the reign of his

father. 866 is 14 years before the time of liis father’s death and his

own accession. The use of the term WalVahd , or heir, is common on

such occasions.

(21) Obv. Rev.

This beautiful silver anna of Nasiru-d-din Mahmud is the second

one I have discovered. I have one in my fourth Supplement. I gave a

silver anna of Ghiyasu-d-din Balban in the third Supplement. I believe

these three are the only ones known.

(22) Obv. *bo\/| Rev. In double circle : —

^ ^ iJJf j

&U| j

This mohur seems to have been struck from odd dies. The obverse

is the same as the reverse of the mohur No. 328 of the B. M. Catalogue,

and the reverse is the same as the obverse of No. 276 of the same

catalogue.

(23) Obv. Rev. In a circle: — ill il

j ^ I

Margin : —

This unique rupee is in the cabinet of General M. Gossett, c.b.

It has two peculiarities. On the obverse instead of is

only. On the reverse the Khalifah’s name is who was Khalifah

from Ramzan 622 to Rajab 623 H. As in the margin we have the

unit figure we may conclude that this coin was struck in 623 II.

This is the only known coin on which the name of the Khalifah is found.

69

1894.] 0. J. Rodgers — Supplement to Thomas * Chronicles , No . 5.

This fact speaks well for the communications between India and

Baghdad.

(24) Obv. ( LLIt ) ijp+Si Parts of a horseman to right.

j

olUJf

This is a new type of Shamsu-d-din Iltimisli.

(25) Obv. Rev.

Ci'kLwJ j ^(iaLJi

Six-rayed star. Six-rayed star.

I assign this to Shamsu-d-din Iltimisli.

(26) Obv. Rev. Horse to right.

j LWf Instead of horseman a six-rayed

star or sun.

cilkL.lt Above, remains of Hindi letters.

Nos. 24, 25 and 26 are from my cabinet.

(27) Obv. In a circle: — Rev. An elephant to left.

cilkLJ [

ill

J*U cH

This coin I ascribe to Mahmud, son of Gfhivasu-d-din Muhammad

bin Sam.

(28) Obv. In double square, in¬

scribed in a circle : —

Jff Alt SI

&Uf &+s:/C

) USaIi

fU IWS*

Margin : —

&c.

"V £ ^y^***^ £

This beautiful gold coin, bearing the names of Grhivasu-d-din and

Mu‘izzu-d-din, is from the Boundary Commission collection, as is

No. 27.

Rev. In double square, inscribed

in a circle —

Allf f

( c^kL*lf

j

j&k+h y.\ (j-Wf

j*L

Margin : —

is* <-rJ*3

70 0. J. Rodgers — Supplement to Thomas' Chronicles , No. 5. [No. 2,

(29) Obv. In a circle: — Rev. In a circle : —

An elephant to left.

Li ft

j L W| d,

j***^lj*l

pLo Cy+sr* &

(30) Obv. In hexagon made Rev. In hexagon as on obv.

by two equilateral triangles inter¬

secting each other : —

Nos. 29 and 30 are assigned to the same as No. 27.

(31) Obv. j^.y) Rev. <SAjW|

y jh)c &}J]

M

On this coin of Abu Bakr’s we have the mint “ Dehli ” plain.

The mint is on no other known coin of this king.

(32) Obv. Rev.

c;lkLJt Horseman to right.

pla.c Nt Above him, i$U* pf^

cjWi j Li^t

This small coin of Mu‘izzu-d-dii\ Bahram Shah is unique.

(33) Obv. ( »'£ ) (Jp" Rev. tJuij*)

«URR.

O y&sd AbDLk, &1.A

This is a new type of the copper coins of Tughlaq II.

(34) Obv. ( I y\ ) Rev.

( ) p-hAipt

( jjtd ) s r *i ^ jJLk

^•jUaX^dt

Dated coins of Ibrahim Lodi, over 80 grs. in weight, are extremely

rare.

(35) Obv. In hexagon made by In an octagon: —

two interlacing equilateral triangles : —

*•

These small coins of Firoz Shah have generally J&e above the

obverse. Here it is omitted. It is a coin of Jalalu-d-din Firoz Shah.

71

1891.] 0. J. Rodgers — Supplement tv Thomas' Chronicles , No. 5.

(36) Obv. In a circle : — Rev. A knot.

*•

A knob. A knot.

This beautiful coin of Muhammad Tughlaq’s was found by me at

Dehli. It is now in the British Museum.

(37, 38, 39, 40) Obv. In a Rev. Bull and remains of

rayed circle or rayed area : — Hindi letters.

These coins I ascribe to Qutbu-d-din Aibak, but with some diffi¬

dence. forms from as isj**3 ivomj**, from and

from ^b. If I am correct, then these four coins are the only ones of

Qutbu-d-din Aibak known. They were all in the cabinet I sold to the

Panjab Government two years ago. I did not myself know of their

existence, till I was compelled to examine each coin carefully for the

purpose of entering it in the Catalogue. These coins are all from dif¬

ferent dies : they are now in the Lahore Museum.

Catalogues of the coins in the Lahore Museum, the Indian Museum,

and the Museum of the Asiatic Society are now in different stages of

progress. When they are completed, we shall see what coins are in

these museums. From what we know at present, the coins of India

itself are but poorly represented ; while the coins of Asia, of Central,

and Western Asia, the very cradles of mankiud and of civilization and

the fountains of all Indian History, are but very imperfectly shown.

The truth is that we are only beginning to find out what vast fields of

history are capable of being illustrated by coins. Coins, however, being

themselves intrinsically valuable, money is required at every stage of

the enquiry. Unfortunately, one of the most enthusiastic of our col¬

lectors and one who possesses extensive knowledge about everything

that has hitherto been obtained, is an excessively poor man, and he

often has to pass by, to let slip out of his hands, precious and new

coins, simply because he has not the means wherewith to purchase them.

This should not be the case.

Just lately, the collections of Dr. Stiilpnagel, late Principal of the

Lahore Government College, of Thomas Higgens, Esq., Pleader, Lahore,

and of Eugene Leggett, Esq., of Kurrachee, have been dispersed. They

all contained precious and unique things. The first collection has gone to

Chicago, where it is a wonder, and nothing more ; the second and third

collections are simply scattered, but not one coin has gone to any Indian

Museum. The collection of the late Pandit Ratan Uarain, of Delhi, was

full of unique coins, chiefly of the Sultans of Delhi. It has gone

whole to America. The vast collection of Dr. Da Cunha, of Bombav,

J. i. 10

72 0. J. Rodgers — Supplement to Thomas Chronicles , No. 5. [No. 2,

•was sold by Sotheby in London. No coins, therefore, out of both these

came to any Indian Museum. There is now in the market, the collec¬

tion of General Gossett, which has many unique coins in it, and some

which though not unique are very rare. This will, we fear, share the

same fate as the others. Now, the British Museum secured some of

Dr. Da Ounha’s coins. That institution has an annual grant made to

it for the sole purchase of coins. Hence, when coins are sold which they

are in want of, they can always get specimens of them. But it is not

so in India. I would ask to be allowed to plead for our museums on

behalf of their coin collections. I would ask those native gentlemen

who are interested in the future of their own land, to come forward and

assist in putting our museums on a sound financial footing. Money can¬

not be better spent than by bestowing it in grants to the Trustees of

Museums for the purchase of objects of interest. We have now well-

educated natives of India who are also rich men. It is to them we

must look for the future prosperity of our museums. Many of these

gentlemen are members of different learned societies. They would, I

feel sure, if asked, take a prominent part in the management of our

museums. This seems one of the objects we should aim at. English¬

men are always coming and going. India is not our home. It is for

those to whom India is a home, to adorn that home with the relics of by¬

gone days ; and from no series of relics can so much information be

obtained as from coins.

1894.] W. Theobald — Early Local Silver Coinages in N.-W. India. 73

Notes on early local silver coinages in North-Western India and in the

Konkan. — By W. Theobald, Member of the Num. Soc. Lon., and

Royal As. Soc.

[ Read December, 1893. ]

Among' the few articles recovered from the wreck of the steamer

wherein the Archaeological treasures, books, and manuscripts of Gen. Sir

Alexander Cunningham were lost beneath the waters of the Bay of Ben¬

gal, were some bags of coins, which the owner obligingly presented to me,

in the hope that some of the coins might be so cleaned from the crust

which had overspread them during their submergence in the sea, as still

to be of value : and this proved to be the case with many specimens,

though a large number were too corroded by the water to be worth

keeping. The majority of the coins, which amounted to several pounds

in weight, were of copper, or that mixture of silver and copper issued

by the Dehll mint, but among them were a few silver coins, which I

propose to describe in the present paper. These silver coins numbered

eighteen in all, of which number sixteen may be referred to a type

of great antiquity and intermediate in character between the well-

known ‘ punch-marked ’ coins and those of later date impressed by a

single ‘die. ’ The coins are impressed from a single die, and thereby

connected with modern coinage ; but from the simplicity of design, the

character of some of the symbols on them, and above all, by their

weight, they are evidently closely related to punch-marked coins, and

form as it were a local coinage, sui generis , which, as far as is at present

known, was confined to the North-West of India, or to speak more

particularly, to the neighbourhood of Mathura, Collectively speaking,

these sixteen coins may be referred to one class, but thirteen of them

have the reverse, either blank, or with two or three small ‘ punch *

marks impressed thereon, whilst three of them have the reverse also

rudely and imperfectly impressed by a ‘ die.’ Of the above thirteen coins,

eleven are stamped on the obverse with a peculiar collection of symbols,

with such slight variation as resulted from the employment of different

dies, not identical in minor particulars ; whilst two present an entirely

74 W. Theobald — Early Local Silver Coinages in N.- W. India. [No. 2,

different design, neither design being very clear as regards its import,

or easy to describe, so as to convey any precise idea by words to the

reader. The coins are square or polygonal, or even partly rounded.

The square ones are eight millimeters broad, and three in thickness. The

heaviest coin weighed 27 grains, whilst the average of eleven coins is a

trifle under 26. These pieces, therefore, are half kdrsdpanas , the

calculated weight of which equals sixteen ratis, or 28'8 grains, though

coins rarely attain the full standard of weight and not unfrequently,

through wear, fall much below it. ( See General Sir A. Cunningham’s

Coins of Ancient India , p. 44).

One of the leading peculiarities of the purdnas , or old silver

kdrsdpanas , is that no two are ever seen exactly alike, the result of

course of the symbols, or devices, on them being struck independently

from different ‘punches’ at different times. With ‘ die’-struck coins,

however, this is not so, though different dies may vary somewhat in the

details of the devices on them.

The device on the obverse of eleven of the coins is made up of two

principal symbols, and four or five smaller or accessory ones. The first

and uppermost of the two principal symbols resembles a nine-pin,

placed horizontally, with its head to the right and the body slightly

tapering towards the left. The head is conical, and demarked from the

body by a constriction, or neck, on the left of which, in some coins, is a

circular impression or groove, which, were it not behind the head, might

be thought to represent an eye.

The lower side of the object is very slightly convex and quite

plain, but above and inclined at an angle of 45° to the axis of the body

are three or four parallel straight or slightly curved lines, having a

rayed or fin-like character, whilst two shorter lines terminate the body

and impart a fanciful fish-like appearance to the whole symbol. What

this symbol is intended to represent I have not the faintest idea, nor

does it resemble any of the numerous symbols met with -on the silver

kdrsdpanas , or ‘ punch-marked ’ coins. On these ‘ punch-marked ’

coins fish are very conventionally portrayed, but there is no doubt

respecting the object the artist had in view. On each side of the body

two fins are symmetrically arranged, the anterior pair representing the

pectoral, whilst the others stand for the dorsal and ventral fins.

Behind the fins comes the more or less bifid tail, which leaves no

doubt of the nature of the object in question. See Numismata Orientalia ,

Parti, plate I, fig. 10, on which a pair of fishes is seen in an ‘incused’ area;

and in the same plate, fig. 8, where a turtle is represented between two

fishes, and the third figure on the right on the seventh line, where two

pairs of fishes are represented in a tank facing one another. In the

1894.] W. Theobald — 'Early Local Silver Coinages in N.-W. India. 75

symbol, however, on the coins I am dealing* with, there is a complete

want of symmetry in the fin-like rays, and above all, the marked con¬

striction behind the head is quite conclusive that no fish is intended.

It has occured to me that a ‘ dug-out ’ or fishing canoe, made from the

hollowed stem of a ‘ Borassus ’ palm may be the object intended.

In that case the fin-like lines above would represent the supports for

the net, either of bamboo or rope. This mode of fishing, which may

be still noticed on the rivers of India, is no doubt very ancient. The

method adopted is to fix two long bamboos over the side of the boat,

as a ‘ fulcrum,’ so that they can be tilted downwards beneath the water

and afterwards raised above it. Between these bamboos a net is

stretched, which by being lowered into the water by means of its sup¬

ports, often captures fish which may have drifted over it. This sug¬

gestion is merely hazarded for want of a better ; but we may be sure

the design represents some object or idea familiar enough in the daily

life of those among whom these pieces circulated. Below the last

symbol is another, equally puzzling at first sight, and respecting which

all that can be safely said is that it is intended to represent some qua¬

druped or other, with its head to the right hand. On seven of the

coins the form of the animal is sufficiently well preserved for a general

description. The legs are short and merely represented in a conven¬

tional manner. The head presents the only character to guide us.

It is destitute of horns, and therefore no bovine or other ruminant.

It is massive and set squarely on to the neck, the line of the back and

the plane of the forehead forming an angle clearly less than a right

angle. There are no tusks, and it is therefore pretty certain an elephant

is not intended. This almost reduces our choice to the horse, and the

tail which is preserved on one or two specimens quite supports this

conclusion. The horse does not occur (to my knowledge) on any silver

‘ punch-marked ’ coin, but occurs on the later die-struck copper coins of

the Satrap Hagamasha, figured by General Sir A. Cunningham among

Mathura coins. ( Coins of Ancient India, plate VIII., fig. 7). In some

cases, on this symbol likewise, a small punch-marked depression may be

noticed, which might be supposed to represent an eye, as was noticed

in the case of the first-described symbol ; but these marks are pro¬

duced by a ‘punch,’ and occur on both sides of the coin, and are most

probably ‘ shroff marks ’ or marks of attestation put on coins by money¬

changers through whose hands they have chanced to pass. This system

of ‘ shroff- marking ’ all ‘ rupees ’ which pass through a money-changer’s

hands is in fact nothing more than a survival of the earliest mode of

attesting current money by impressing a ‘ punch-mark ’ thereon,

though the ‘ punches ’ used by private individuals were smaller and

76 W. Theobald — Early Local Silver Coinages in N.-W. Lidia. [No. 2,

less intricate in character than those used on the earliest coins or

kdrsapanas. The rupees of the great Kooch-Behar ‘ find ’ of 1863,

were 1 * * 4 shroff-marked ’ with a variety of ‘ punches,’ and many Bengal

coins are completely defaced by the process ; and I may here

testify to what has often struck me in the early 4 punch-marked ’

coins, — the wonderful capacity the engravers of these 4 punches ’ dis¬

played in conveying the idea of the object or animal intended, which

can be identified, where only a fragment of the impression remains. 1

In fact the determination of the animal is really a question of

4 heads and tails ’ ! The tail certainly resembles that of a horse, and if

as much cannot be said of the head, there is no animal, whose head

it more closely resembles. Ou the whole, the probability is that a

horse is intended.

Whilst on the subject of the identification of animals represented

on old coins, (a subject claiming for its elucidation the knowledge of

the sportsman and naturalist rather than the antiquarian and numis¬

matist), I would make what I believe to be a correction of an opinion

expressed in my paper 4 On the Symbols on the Coins of Kuninda,’

(ante, Yol. LY, page 163), and repeated in my paper 4 On Punch-marked

Coins’ (ante, Yol. LIX, page 218), to the effect that the animal repre¬

sented on coins of Amoghabhuti, king of the Kunindas, was intended

for a Yak. A capital figure of the animal in question is given in 4 Corns

of Ancient India,’ plate Y, fig. 2, and I now consider the animal on these

coins to be a buffalo and not a Yak. It was my friend Sir Alexander

Cunningham who first drew my attention to the fact that the 4 Yak ’ was

an animal unknown in the region occupied by the Kunindas, that is,

Kullu and Sirhind, and unlikely therefore to be selected to appear on

their coins. The buffalo, on the other hand, is an animal which has

pastured on the banks of the Sutlej as early as the Aryan occupation,

and probably earlier, and as the most important type of pecuniary wealth,

it might well be selected, apart from mythological symbolism, to occupy

the prominent position it does on the money of a pastoral and agricultural

people. The first writer (if I mistake not) to suggest the 4 Yak,’ in con-

1 On the Bengal coins in my own cabinet the following marks or symbols

occur, placed always on the obverse of the coin. 1, A watchful goose to r., that is

with its head and neck upraised. 2, A duck at-roost to 1. 3, A crocodile asleep, to 1.

4, A peacock (?) 5, A conch shell. 6, A Maltese cross. 7, A 4-petalled flower. 8, A

7-pointed star. 9, A hollow square. 10, Two dots in an oval. 11, A horseshoe, or

4 yoni ’ symbol. 12, A wheel (solar). 13, A ball. 14, A cross made of five dots,

one being central. 15, A conventional tree, perhaps the ‘ TulsI ’ (Ocyraum.) 16,

A dagger, ‘ Katar.’ 17, An S with open ends, like the letter S. 18, A Bengali B,

and 19, perhaps an N ; and others too obscure to specify.

1894.] W. Theobald — Early Local Silver Coinages in N.-W. India. 77

nection with the animal on the coins of the Kunindas, was Mr. Edward

Thomas, who thus describes the animal in Journal , Royal Asiatic Society ,

Vol. I., New Series, page 441. 44 The central figure represents the con¬

ventional form of the sacred deer of the Buddhists. The horns are

fancifully curved, and the tail is imitated from that of the Himalayan

Yak.” I have in my above first-quoted paper disposed of the error Mr.

Thomas here falls into, in describing the horns as “fancifully curved.”

The two snakes, described as “fancifully curved,” are not horns and

do not form part of the animal above which they are displayed. The

tail is the tail of a 4 bovine ’ ruminant, as distinguished from that of

the 4 cervine ’ ruminant, or deer, and there exists not the slightest ground

for saying it is imitated from another animal than that represented on

the coin. Zoologically considered, there is no great reason why the

figure might not be intended for a Yak ; but as the 4 Yak ’ is not an

inhabitant of the country in which the coin was current, the figure is

probably meant for a buffalo, which it suits better than any other

animal. Two silver coins and three copper coins, with the figure on

them of the so-called 4 deer,’ are figured in the Coins of Ancient India ,

plate Y, page 70. The two silver coins are beautifully distinct and fully

support my contention that the animal is no 4 deer.’ In both these

coins the animal is seen in profile, with the head turned round so as

to exhibit a pair of crescentic horns, and the tail moreover in both

coins is long and bushy, reaching to the 4 hocks.’ No deer whatever has

either crescentic horns or a tail reaching to its 4 hocks,’ whereas the

design is a very spirited one of a buffalo, with its head lifted up, as is

the manner of the beast when in a threatening or inquisitive mood,

and we may even identify the animal as pertaining to the short-horned

race of the 4 Arna bhainsa ,’ as distinguished from the long straight¬

horned race of Assam and the Eastern Provinces.1

1 There is also in the Panjab a straight-horned race of domestic buffalo

(whose horns are sometimes loose and attached to the skin only), but these are a

very degenerate breed, and not the type displayed on the coin. A buffalo head,

however, of this type is seen on some Sassanian and Indo-Sassanian coins. The

buffalo type cannot be mistaken, the convex forehead, knotty horns and square

muzzle, and yet on a coin of Hormisdas III., it is merely described as “ nne tete de

taureau,” by Longperier in his Essay on Sassanian Coins , page 59. If Mr. Thomas

erred in not recognising the buffalo as the animal on the coins of the Kunindas,

he committed a still more serious error when describing the helmet of the king on

a coin of Huvishka as defended by buffalo s horns ( Jainism , pi. II, fig. 16.).

Accepting Mr. Thomas’s statement that the helmet is defended by ‘ horns ; ’ yet

how preposterous is the notion that buffalo’s horns could be so used ! A coin,

identical no doubt with that before Mr. Thomas is in my possession, and on it the

horns are arranged with their bases joined in front, or approximating, whilst the

78 W. Theobald — Early Local Silver Coinages in N.-W. Lidia. [No. 2,

I will now describe a coin in my possession whereon the animal

usually termed a deer is unusually well seen, and because the coin is of

a novel and rare type and a distinct variety of that figured in Coins

of Ancient India , pi. V, fig. 4. The coin figured (1. c.) is thus described

by General Sir. A. Cuuningham : — “ Weight 131 grains. Obverse :

the god Qiva standing to front, with battle-axe-trident in right hand,

and leopard-skin hanging from left arm. Indian legend : Bhdgavato

Chatregvara Mahdtand. Reverse : deer in middle, with symbol between

horns, snake below to right, tree, star and vase to left, chaitya and

symbols.

My own coin weighs 261 grains and may be described thus : — Ob¬

verse : the god Qiva standing to front, with battle-axe trident in right

hand, and the left hand resting akimbo on the left hip. A sort of bow

or loop below left wrist, but apparently no skin of an animal over the

arm ; a small crescent on the forehead, above and behind which spreads

a mass of thick short curls. Body naked to the waist, loins girt with a

capacious dhoti , loose folds from which fall down almost to the knees.

Above the left shoulder a six-rayed star identical with that ofen seen

behind the figure on the reverse of coins of Aspa Yarma. ( Brit . Mus.

Catalogue of Greek and Scythic Kings , pi. XX., fig 2). All that re¬

mains of the legend is Bhdgavato , as in the above coin. Reverse : a buffalo

in the field, in side profile to the left, with very convex (bubaline)

forehead, a bushy tail reaching to the hocks, and a single crescentic horn,

from the base of which the ear is seen to protrude. Over the head

an upright staff separating two serpentine bodies intended probably

for a pair of cobras. On the silver coins figured on plate V (1. c. ), figs.

1 and 2, the snakes are well seen, but the central staff or lingam sym¬

bol is absent. Above the muzzle of the buffalo are three balls, the ob¬

vious symbol of the masculine triad whether viewed in a sexual or

theistic sense. In front of the buffalo’s chest is a ‘ stupa,’ or ‘ chaitya ’

of six chambers, surmounted by a small J, the equivalent of the

‘ Cliatra,’ or umbrella, seen on the punch-marked coins, and representing

perhaps the form taken by that symbol when wrought in stone, as seen

in Burma at the present day. Below the ‘ stupa ’ occurs the ‘ food re¬

ceptacle ’ as I interpret its import (see ante, Yol. LIX, pi. IX, fig. 119),

and at the bottom of the field a snake, with its head elevated a little from

points of the horns project behind the king’s helmet, just clear of his head. Of course

the horns which thus encircle the helmet cannot be those of a buffalo, being rela¬

tively too small, bnt are most indubitably those of the ravine deer ( Gazella

bennettii) which measure some ten inches in length, and are, by their size and shape,

very well adapted for such a defensive purpose, as well as being ornamental

likewise.

1894.] W. Theobald — Early Local Silver Coinages in N.- W. India. 79

the ground, and in the act of progressing to the right. Beneath the

belly of the buffalo is a curved object like a crooked cucumber, with

a J above it. Behind the buffalo is the sacred tree standing on a

square base, and above the animal’s back an unfamiliar symbol, which

has much the appearance of a monogram. It consists of the Greek

letter ‘ phi ’ with the top limb removed, and standing on a short cross-bar

for a base, with a similar bar attached like a semaphore arm, on the left,

a little above the base. A beaded margin surrounds the coin.

To return now to the consideration of the half kdrsdpanas from

Mathura, there are, besides the two very obscure principal symbols,

several subordinate ones of smaller size. On five coins the ‘ triskelis ’

occurs in the upper right-hand corner, a little above and in front of the

fish-like symbol previously described. This 4 triskelis ’ is small, very

neatly formed and revolving from right to left (see ante , Yol. LIX, pi. X,

fig. 131). This form of the 4 triskelis ’ forms part of the obverse die from

which the coin has been struck, and stands in relief above the surface of

the field ; but on one coin, a small reversed 4 triskelis ’ (see 1. c„ fig. 130)

has been impressed by a 4 punch,’ on the reverse of the coin, and

may perhaps be regarded as a £ shroff mark ’ put on to it after it was in

circulation.

Another very obscure symbol is of occasional occurrence. It re¬

presents a straight object tapering to a point above, and ending below

in a short lateral arm also pointed, which forms an obtuse angle with

the body of the symbol. This side arm is deflected either to the right or

left, and the only suggestion I can offer as to its meaning is, that the

symbol is intended to represent a rude wooden plough, the short basal

arm being the ‘ coulter.’ Ploughs of this character, with only a few

inches of iron, to form the point of the 4 share ’ are still used in India,

and the simplest form perhaps of the instrument was a straight piece

of some tough wood, with a bend at one end ; where a branch had been

given off, to form the 4 share,’ such as the Poet must have had in view

when attributing agriculture to the Silver Age of the Earth, and

before the use of iron had come in vogue.

44 Semina turn primum longis cereal i a sulcis

Obruta sunt, pressique jugo gemuere juvenci —

Ovid. Met. Lib. I, 123.

Another sjunbol on these coins is the. 4 taurine ’ ( Journal , Asiatic

Society , Bengal , 1890, PI. X, fig. 128). On four coins a pair of 4 taurines,’

one inverted over the other, occupies the place of the 4 triskelis,’ in front

of the principal symbol on the right of the coin, and on a fifth coin, in

addition to the 4 triskelis,’ a 4 taurine ’ is added under the head (if we

may so consider it) of the lower of the two principal symbols.

J. I. 11

80 W. Theobald — Early Local Silver Coinages in N.-1V. Lidia. [No. 2,

Lastly, on two coins, traces are seen of a ‘ caitya,’ whereon the horse

(if this attribution is correct) is standing, but which from the small size

of the coin, has fallen outside its area ; if this be so, coins may yet be

discovered to clear up this point. The reverse of all these thirteen coins

is blank, but on three of them a punch-mark, or shroff-mark as I con¬

sider it, has been stamped, a ‘ triskelis ’ a ‘ taurine/ (?) or circle, a mark

like the letter R, the upright limb being shorter than the oblique one,

and two short parallel strokes or bars.

Adverting now to the three coins whereon an impression has been

made by a reverse die, the ninepin-like symbol occurs on the obverse

of all of them, only rather more fish-like than usual. On one of them

the lower symbol may be fairly construed to represent a horse with a

flowing tail ; on another the design is too blurred for recognition ; whilst

on the third the animal may be intended for a horned bovine. On two

of these coins the reverses are too imperfectly preserved for descrip¬

tion, but on one the design consists of a central boss round which three

equidistant half-circles or crescents are ranged with their cusps out¬

wards. Some rude ornament occupies the concavity of the crescents

which are separated from each other by a Y-shaped mark, having the

arms directed outwards. These three coins are round (not square like

the others) of very rude fabric, and weigh 69 grains, or 23 grains each,

and do not appear to have suffered loss through wear.

Two square coins with blank reverse, and weighing together forty-

eight grains, have an entirely different symbol on them from any above

described. The ‘ dies ’ are not identical, as on one of them a 4 taurine 9

is present, and a rhomboidal arrow-head or dwarf 4 thyrsus 9 alongside

of it, both of small size, the arrow-head being identical with the

similar mark on the 4 Taxila ’ gold coin figured in Coins of Ancient

India , plate II, fig. 18, where it forms one of the segments or elements

which constitute the 4 thunderbolt ’ symbol (as it may be called)

which occupies the reverse of that coin, and it would be interesting

if a link could be traced between this symbol and the 44 dorje 19 used

in Buddhist worship at present in Tibet.

The symbol which occupies the area of the coin is one as difficult

to describe as it is unintelligible. The object is sub-symmetrical and

sub-polygonal with four or five projecting angles, and bounded in part

by a slightly convex line. From the convex line, rise four slightly radi¬

ating strokes followed to the left hand by one or two much longer ones

which curve over to the left. Though not quite identical, the object repre¬

sented on both coins is the same, though obscure to a degree. It once

occurred to me that the design might be intended for a human hand,

and have reference to the idea recorded on a gem procured by Conelly

1894.] W. Theobald — Early Local Silver Coinages in N.-W. India. 81

in Kliorasan, and figured in Journal , Asiatic Society , Bengal , for 1842,

page 142, only on one coin the strokes, which in that case would repre¬

sent fingers, are six in number. In the gem in question, which may be

of Gnostic significance, a human hand is seen lightly grasping a human

ear, as though designed to illustrate the lines of Virgil :

44 Quum canerem reges et proelia, Cynthius aurem

Vellit et admonuit.” — Ecloga, VI, 3.

Whilst, therefore, it cannot be confidently asserted that a human

hand is the object represented, it is not wholly impossible that this

fantastic and obscure symbol may be the outcome of a crude effort to

reproduce the subject of the above gem. Perhaps a larger series of

these coins may clear the matter up.

I would now offer a few remarks on a class of coins, only, I

believe, hitherto recorded from the Konkan, and described by Sir

Walter Elliot in Numismata Orientalia , ‘ Coins of Southern India,’ Vol. I,

pages 66 and 152c. The following is the description of one of

these coins figured on plate II, fig. 61 : — “No. 61, weight 12*8 grains.

Transition punch-coin, found with others in the Konkau, with a bull,

erroneously called a lion at pp. 50 and 66, superimpressed on

the punch-marks.” Now this description is a very erroneous and mis¬

leading one. The coin figured seems imperfect, though they are all

very rudely shaped, but with two specimens of my own and six lent

to me by Dr. Codrington, I am able to fix the full weight of one of these

pieces at J5 grains or more, and the average weight of these eight coins

as a trifle over 14 grains. At page 50 (l.c.) we read, — “A find in

the Konkan displayed pieces, on which an animal, perhaps a lion, had

been impressed in the centre, and above all the others,” and again at page

66 “We have nothing of an earlier date of which we can speak with

any confidence, unless it be a hoard of eldlings found in the Konkan

with the figure of a lion (?) superimposed on the earlier punch-marks.”

Now this is all wrong. The author himself has corrected the error

of taking a lion for a bull, but there are no punch-marks whatever on

these coins, and although some have been double-struck, yet only on

a single coin of my own is there any appearance which would lead

to the conclusion of the ‘ die ’ having been applied over an older

design ; and as regards this one coin, I believe, such was not the case.

The term 4 eldling ’ used by Sir Walter Elliot for the 4 punch-marked ’

coins, or 4 puranas, ’ is also misleading, as these coins from the Konkan

are not 4 punch-marked’ at all, but struck from dies which, though rude

and not all alike, were certainly not 4 punches,’ nor wras one device

struck over another, save in the case of coins which have been 4 double

struck ’ from the same die, as of course occasionally happens through

82 W. Theobald — Early Local Silver Coinages in N. - W. India. [No. 2,

accident. For purposes of description I have before me eight coins,

all probably from the same find, as six of them are the property of

of Dr. Codrington, who supplied Sir W. Elliot with the coin figured by

him. On seven of these coins the device is the same, though there are

slight variations of detail due to the different dies employed. The

principal figure on all the coins is a humped bull walking to the left.

The horns form a crescent on the top of the head, and the hump is

clearly marked. Beneath the bull is a solid square which with the

other minor symbols forms part of the ‘ die ’ and is not a ‘ punch-mark ’

or independantly produced. Below the square is a hollow parallelo¬

gram, bounded by four lines and representing probably a ‘ tank.’ This

figure is twice as broad as the square above it, but not quite equal to

it in height. Above the rump of the bull is a small ‘ triskelis,’ and

behind the ‘ triskelis ’ on the right a small ‘ svastika ’ with the open

angle or concavity formed by the arms facing to the right. On each

eide of the solid square is a ‘ taurine ’ pointing outwards or to the right and

left respectively, and between the ‘taurine’ and ‘svastika’ a hollow or

lined square. On some coins a circle with a dot in the centre is also

seen near the margin, but not sufficiently well preserved in any coin to

sny if the ‘ lingam-yoni ’ symbol is intended. The reverses of these

coins differ somewhat from each other : On one is a tree, with bifid

and trifid loaves or branches, possibly intended for a ‘ cactus’ or ‘ Eu¬

phorbia.’ On another a rude ‘ caitya.’ Some reverses seem blank, but

most of these seem to have had a different design. On one is a small

animal, probably a hare, standing within a circle, strongly recalling

the symbol on punch-marked coins termed by myself ‘ Hare in the

moon,’ and surrounded by an inscription, one of the letters strongly re¬

sembling the Grandharian character for ‘ rid

All the above coins present essentially the same device, but on one

coin in my possession there is introduced behind the bull a large twelve-

rayed sun, larger than the bull and partly hidden by it. At first sight

it appears as though the ‘ die ’ with the bull had been counterstruck

on a piece with the ‘ sun ’ on it, but I am by no means sure that such

was really the ease, and it is equally probable that the ‘ die ’-sinker

first engraved the bull very deeply, and then in a shallower manner the

sun behind it ; and this is confirmed by the fact that the small ‘svas¬

tika’ which is usually close behind the bull, in this coin appears well

outside the ‘ sun,’ inslead of counterstruck over it, as would seem to be

what would have happened if two dies had been employed. Till how¬

ever, a second example turns up, the question must remain unsettled.

No coin, moreover, with the solitary symbol of a twelve-rayed sun on it

is known of this series.

1894.] W. Theobald — Early Local Silver Carnages in N. - W. India. 83

On two or three coins an upright staff is seen in front of the bull

which sometimes seems supported by a tripod. On one coin this staff

seems replaced by a T; but being on the extreme left of the coin, the

sj^mbol often falls outside the field. The coins themselves, too, are of

very rude make and often double-struck, and the design thereby injured,

and on this account I think the bull came to be mistaken for a lion.

Besides the above coins two square ones remain of a different character ;

one weighs 25 grains, the other 18. They are both die-struck. The

first has a circle, a crozier-like pot-hook, and some other unintelligible

marks on the obverse, and some obscure crooked parallel marks on the

reverse. The smaller coin has what may be intended for the rude

figure of a man kneeling to the right, with a ‘ taurine ’ and two other

symbols behind him, made of a circle with an inverted half-circle over

it. The reverse is blank. These coins probably come from the same

locality as those above described, but belong to a totally distinct issue

of which no more can be said, till other specimens are available for

comparison and description.

In my paper 4 On Punch-marked Coins ’ {ante, Vol. LIX, page 258),

I remark that 44 the 4 triratna ,’ strange to say, does not appear to occur

on these coins.” Since this was written I have acquired a polygonal

silver coin of this class, with a symbol on it which I interpret as the

prototype of the 4 triratna,’ and which may be thus described. In the

centre is a good-sized globe. Below the globe are two 4 taurines ’ ranged

horizontally with their 4 cusps ’ opposed to each other. On either side

of the central globe is a taurine with the cusps pointing upwards, and

above the central globe is a crescent, or perhaps a smaller globe, as the

margin of the coin cuts across and renders this point uncertain. Sup¬

porting this crescent, but not touching each other, are two crescents

with their cusps pointing upwards, whilst each outer cusp supports

another crescent.

Now, if these crescents are viewed from above, by the symbol

being turned upside down, they would present a certain resemblance

to the lower tiers of a 4 stupa ’ or 4 caitya,’ but with the important

difference, that each crescent (or chamber, as we should say in the case

of the 4 stupa ’), is separated from its fellow and not tangential thereto,

as is always the case, so far as my experience goes, with regard to

the chambers of the 4 stupa.’ I regard, therefore, the symbol as

having no relation to the 4 stupa,’ but as a combination of several

crescents.

Now, if we turn to Mr. Robert Sewell’s paper on 4 Early Buddhist

Symbolism’ ( Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , 1886, p. 364), it is

easy to conceive how the 4 scarab ’ (p. 398, 1. c.) can be converted, by

84 W. Theobald — Early Local Silver Coinages in N.-W . India. [No. 2,

what I may describe by the term ‘ heraldic metamorphism ’ into not

only the ‘ tr^ul ’ as Mr. Sewell contends, bnt into the ‘ triratna ’ also.

The central globe represents the body of the 4 scarab ’ ; the legs are

indicated by ‘ taurines,’ the lower or posterior pair being represented

as opposed to each other, as they are so frequently seen to be, when

the animal is engaged in the domestic operation of ‘ pill-rolling.’

The lateral legs are represented by a pair of ‘ taurines ’ directed for¬

wards. The anterior crescent in the middle represents the head of

the ‘ scarab,’ whilst the pair of crescents on either side represent the

strongly curved anterior legs of the insect. The symbol in this form,

built up as it is of the meagre materials of ‘ bull ’ and ‘ crescent,’ can

of course, only be viewed as the prototype of the perfected 4 triratna,’

but the germ of that symbol is there, and later developments have

merely arisen by the process of addition of a floreated ornamentation

having for its aim a higher artistic conception and effect.

1894.] H. Beveridge — Major Francklin s description of Gaur.

85

Note on Major Francklin' s Manuscript description of Gaur. — By

H. Bevekidge, I. C. S., (Retd.)

(Read February, 1894.)

The existence of this manuscript seems to have been first brought

to notice by Mr. Grote, who recommended Mrs. Ravensliaw to use it in

editing her husband’s work on Gaur. Afterwards, Mr. Grote took upon

himself the task of annotation, and added many notes from Francklin

to Ravenshaw’s text.

A few years ago, our Society applied to the India Office for the

manuscript, with the view of printing it, if this should seem worth while.

The Secretary for India referred the matter to Dr. Burgess, who gave it

as his opinion that all the valuable information in Francklin’s report

had been extracted by Mr. Grote. In consequence of this, the manu¬

script was not sent to our Society.

Since then, I have examined the report, and compared it with

Ravenshaw’s Gaur, and I have found that Dr. Burgess’s opinion was

correct. All, or nearly all, that is of value in the report has been put

into Mr. Grote’s notes. I therefore cannot recommend that the report

should be published, though it does seem hard that a paper submitted

to the Court of Directors, so long ago as April 1812, should have been

neglected till 1878, and then be superseded by the pith of it being put

into another book. Had it been used at the time, the map and drawings

which accompanied the journal might have been preserved. In his

letter to the Court of Directors, dated Bliagalpur, 12 April 1812, Franck¬

lin speaks of forwarding a journal, map, drawings, &c., and in the jour¬

nal there are frequent references to drawings by their numbers. The

journal is in the Map-room of the Registry and Record Department

of the India Office, but the map 1 and drawings have disappeared, and

1 The loss of the map is of small moment, for Francklin mentions that he

procured it from Mr. Ellerton, and that it was constructed by Creighton. It must,

therefore, have been the same as that published in Creighton’s Gaur.

App. D. p. 90.

86 H. Beveridge — Major Franckliris description of Gaur. [No. 2,

Mr. Grote’s letter to Mrs. Ravenshaw shows that they were not forth¬

coming about twenty years ago.

William Francklin was, like Warren Hastings and Impey, a West¬

minster boy, and was an officer in the Army of the East India Com¬

pany. He wTas the son of a clergyman named Thomas Francklin, who

was a man of some note in the literary world, but who unhappily got

confounded with his more celebrated namesake, Benjamin Franklin.

Macaulay corrects the mistake, and then impales his unoffending coun¬

tryman on the point of a Greek quotation. The son is well known as the

biographer of George Thomas, and as the author of a work on the site

of Palibothra, in which he endeavours to identify it with Campanagar,

a village about four miles to the west of Bhagalpur. He was mistaken,

no doubt, but the book is still worth reading. His principal point was

that there was a river near Campanagar, called the ‘ Errun Bhowah,’

which certainly resembled in sound, but not in size, the Greek Erano-

boas. He seems to have converted Major Wilford to his opinion, for he

speaks of him as having given up the Rajmahal site in favour of the

Bhagalpur one. Referring to this, Francklin speaks with stately

courtesy of Wilford, as a man “with whom to be associated, is to be

associated wTitli learning itself.” But the most picturesque circumstance

in Francklin’s life was a tour which he made in Persia in 1786, when he

was an Ensign and only three- and- twenty years of age. On this occasion

he lived for about six months in Shiraz as a member of a Persian

family. He became a Major in 1810, and a Lieut. -Colonel in 1814. For

seven years he was Regulating Officer at Bhagalpur, and in that capa¬

city had, I believe, to do with the invalided sepoys who were at that

time settled in the Jungle Taral. We are told that he himself was in¬

valided in 1815, but Bishop Heber, who met him at Bhagalpur in 1824,

describes him as being then inspecting field-officer of Bhagalpur. The

Bishop describes him as being a very agreeable and communicative old

man, and as the possessor of curious and interesting collections.

Francklin retired from service in 1825, and died in April 1839, at the

age of 76. At the time of his death he was Librarian to the Royal

Asiatic Society. From a casual reference in his book on Palibothra 1

we learn that he was married, and that his wife accompanied him on a

visit to Heogarh. There is an account of him in the National Dictionary

of Biography ; but the author of it has not always verified his refer¬

ences, and has made some mistakes : as for example, when he speaks of

Francklin’s having lived eight months with a Persian family in Shiraz.

The report on Gaur is entitled “ Journal of a Route from Rajmahal

1 The ‘ Muhudipur’ of Pemberton’s Map, and the ‘ Mahdipur ’ of Cunningham.

87

1894.] H. Beveridge — Major. Franckliris description of Gaur.

to Gaur, A. D. 1810: by Major William Francklin, Regulating Officer at

Bhagalpur.” The first entry is “ 11th December, '1810. — Left Rajma-

hal and in four marches reached the village of Aurangabad, the south¬

eastern boundary of the Bhagalpur district.” From Aurapgabad (now

in the Jaxjgipur Subdivision of Mnrshidabad), he went to SutI, crossed

the Bhaglratlil at a ford into the Cossimbazar island, then crossed the

Ganges to Sibganj, and proceeded towards Modhipur. “ After wind¬

ing through the forest we passed the village of Chandy, where are

erected some indigo works belonging to Mr. Ellerton, of Goamalty,

pleasantly situated in the woods and near the river. At 9-30 A. M., en¬

camped at the village of Modhipur ; at about 20 yards from this village

the Ganges branches out to the southward, and you enter the Bhagirathi

river, on which is situated the city of Gaur. This river must not be

confounded with that which bounds the Cossimbazar island to the

N.-W., bearing the same name, distance 9 miles. (See the map.) ”

The report is not a long one, for it is contained in a thin folio of

about eighty pages. The second part of it is occupied by an account of

Pandua and a historical memorandum. From the dates in the Pandua

Journal it would appear that the 4 11th December, 1810,’ of the first

entry of the Gaur Journal, is a clerical error for “ 11th November.”

The Journal before noticing the buildings in detail gives the follow¬

ing general description of Gaur: —

“ What remains of the ancient city of Gaur is situated on the banks of

the Bhagirathi river, enclosed in deep and thick jungles. The river runs

east and west, and formerly skirted the walls of the royal palace, though it

has in the course of time considerably receded.

It is situated 100 miles east-by-south of Bhagalpore, 28 miles S. E. from

Rajmahal, and 11 miles distant from Maldah. You enter from the eastward

through the Katwali Gate. The extent of the city of Gaur, without includ¬

ing the suburbs, is about ten miles in length, but in no place is it broader

than 2| or 3 miles. It is surrounded on all sides by a stupendous mound of

earth, 250 ft. wide at the base, and from 30 to 40 ft. high ; the top of this

embankment is now planted with rows of lofty trees. This embankment was

no doubt intended to protect the city, which is situated on low ground, from

the destruction occasioned by the overflowing of the rivers, at the season of

the periodical rains. Two grand roads led through the whole of the city,

raised with earth and paved with brick, commencing at the Katwali Gate

and terminating at the N.-W. entrance. Within this extent the remains of

bridges which have been cut (?) over the low grounds, are still visible. Over

every part of this city large tanks have been formed, with innumerable

drains and ditches, to carry off the water, the earth of which, being thrown

up, has elevated the ground considerably from the level country. The

ground about Gaur is everywhere scattered over with bricks, which are

turned up, and mix with the soil, which is very rich, and in those parts that

J. i. 12

88

H. Bev eridge — Major Francldin s description of Gaur. [No. 2,

are cultivated, highly productive. About half a mile from the Katwali Gate .

is a bridge regularly paved with brick, with stones underneath. It has a

gentle ascent and descent, and appears to be of great antiquity. At the

western extremity are two stone pillars having Sanscrit inscriptions. 1 On

each side of the road leading to the royal palace are several mosques built in

the Pathan style of architecture, like those to be seen at Delhi. They are

entirely round, and have arched windows of brick. In the neighbourhood

are many tanks, and the cultivation is considerable and the appearance of the

surrounding scenery picturesque. Nearly opposite the fort, in which is

situated the royal palace, is a lofty column of Pathan architecture. It is cir¬

cular in form, has several windows, and is surrounded at the top by a cupola.

“ This column was built by Firoz Shah, one of the Pathan princes of

Gaur, and in the style of its architecture resembles the columns built by

Firoz Shah which are still to be seen at Allahabad and Delhi.”

Then follows the description of the Minar, which Mr. Grote has

extracted, (p. 28, 1. c. ) It may be noted that Francklin prefixes to the

fragmentary inscription, obtained 2 by him at Goamalty, these words in

Persian : —

That is, “ Copy of the inscription on the door of the Minar of Firoz

Shah, in the Fort of Gaur.”

These words show that the tradition that the Minar was built by

Firoz Shall existed before Francklin’s time. We know too that it was

in existence when the Hiydzu-s-saldtln was written, i.e ., about 1787. See

Persian text of that work, p. 126. In his note, p. 28 of Ravenshaw’s Gaur,

Mr. Grote refers to Firoz Shah as having only reigned from 893 to 895,

but the inscription from the Murshidabad district, of which a translation

appears in the Proceedings of our Society for February 1893, p. 55, shows

that Firoz Shah’s reign extended to at least the beginning of 896 (2, Mu-

haram). Mr. Bloclnnann also states that Firoz Shfili reigned till 1491, or

896, vide historical note in Ravenshaw’s Gaur, p. 100. The coin, how¬

ever, to which Mr. Grote refers, as fixing the chronology of Firoz Shah

II, only gives the date 893, and Blochmann prefers 895 for the last year

of his reign. At p. 56, l. c., Mr. Grote gives an inscription stated by

Francklin to belong to the Golden Mosque at Pandua. The quotation

is correct, and in Francklin’s journal, p. 25, the inscription is preceded

1 Cunningham does not notice these inscriptions.

2 Francklin uses the word ‘ found,’ but this merely means, that he saw it

there after it had been removed to the factory by Mr. Ellerton or Mr. Creighton.

The Chand Darwaza inscription was also ‘found’ at Goamalty. Ravenshaw, p. 18,

note.

1894.] H. Beveridge — Major Francklin s description of Gaur. 89

by Persian words indicating that it is a copy of an inscription from the

Golden Mosque of Pandua. But I think that Francklin or the Munshl

must have made some mistake. An inscription bearing the date 885,

and referring to Yusuf Shah, can have nothing to do with the Pandua

mosque, and in fact no such inscription now appears there. Two in¬

scriptions belonging to this mosque are given in Ravenshaw, p. 56, and

their dates are 990 and 993, i. e., more than a hundred years after the

date of Francklin’s inscription. The inscription, too, comes into Franck -

lin’s Journal at an odd place, if it belongs to Pandua, for it occurs in

his account of Gaur, and not in the subsequent account of Pandua.

After describing the Golden Mosque at Gaur (pp. 4 and 15 of Raven-

shaw’s Gaur), and giving its inscription, which is of the year 932, or 1526

A. D., Francklin proceeds as follows (p. 25 of Journal): “There is

another Golden Mosque at the village of Cliandy, near the south-eastern

entrance of the city, and a third at Purrooali once the capital of the

kings of Bengal. They are of similar architecture, but those of Chandy

and Purrooali are much smaller in size to the one above described.”

“ The following inscription appears in front of the Golden Mosque at

Purrooah.” He then gives the insciiption and translation, which Mr.

Grote has quoted at p. 56, l. c.

On referring to the map in Creighton’s Gaur it appears that the

Chandy Golden Mosque must be the small golden mosque described at

p. 38 of Ravensliaw’s Gaur. Francklin’s inscription then cannot belong

to it, for the small golden mosque was erected in the reign of Husain

Shah, i. e., in the early part of the 10th century, A. H. Nor can it, as

we have just seen, belong to the Pandua golden mosque. Most proba¬

bly the inscription belonged to the (Jantipara mosque at Gaur. We

have it from Creighton (quoted by Mr. Grote, p. 30, l. c.), that an

inscription was found near the Qantipara mosque which gave the date

of Francklin’s inscription, viz., 885. Mr. Grote conjectures that the

inscription, referred to by Creighton is that now at the Qadam Rasul

mosque, and published at p. 22 of Ravenshaw’s book. But Mr. Raven-

shaw says that this inscription is supposed to have belonged to a mosque

not far distant, and now in entire ruins. The latter part of this descrip¬

tion, at least, does not apply to the Qantipara mosque, vide Ravenshaw,

p. 30. It is also mentioned there that an inscription said to have been

taken from the Cautipara mosque contains the name of Yusuf Shah,

This is just what Francklin’s inscription does. Of course the inscrip¬

tion alluded to by Ravenshaw at p. 30, may be that given by him at

p. 22 ; but if so, one would have expected at the latter passage an ex¬

press mention of Qantipara. As Mr. Grote has remarked, Francklin

nowhere mentions the Q antipara mosque by that name, and it is probable

90

H. Beveridge — Major Francklin s description of Gaur. [No. 2,

enough that the mosque called by him the 11 Mahajan Talah Mosque is

really the (Jantipara one.

Immediately after giving the inscription said by him to belong to

the Golden Mosque of Pandua, Francklin proceeds as follows : —

M A large space of ground formerly constituted the area, or outer court

of this mosque, which is scarcely visible from the excessive high and thick

jungle that encompasses the whole of the building. There are, however,

evident marks of adjoining buildings displayed in a mass of ruins and rub¬

bish; these were most probably the kitchen and other offices, for the nse of

the attendants belonging to the mosque, and places for the Maulavies, or

readers of the Koran, the Muazzins, or criers to prayers, and other persons

attached to the institution.

“ Being situated on the summit of a pretty steep ascent, were the sur¬

rounding jungle cleared away, it would command a delightful prospect of

the adjacent country. The column of Firoz Shah being in sight, the remains

of the royal palace, the numerous tanks in the neighbourhood.”

If this description relates, as grammatically it should, to the mosque

of which he has just given the inscription, it is clear that the word

‘ Pandua ’ must be a mistake, for the Minar and the tanks of Gaur cannot

be visible from Pandua. But I am not sure if Francklin, after giving

the inscription, does not revert to the Golden Mosque of Gaur. There

are parts of the description just quoted which might apply to the ruins

of the Madrasah, as described at p. 34 of Ravenshaw. The Madrasah is

marked in Pemberton’s Survey-Map of 1847-49, of which there is an

enlargement in Ravenshaw, on the north bank of the smaller Sagar tank.

On the west of the tank there is a mosque marked at a place called

“ Soonar Gong.” Possibly this is the golden mosque from which Franck¬

lin got the inscription. The village of Chandy, or Chandni, mentioned

by Francklin, is not marked in the enlargement of Pemberton. Creigh¬

ton’s map, however, shows it. It was on the Pagla, and was once the

factory of Mr. William Grant, the friend of Creighton.

Francklin speaks of the tomb of Husain Shah as being still in

existence, and calls it the “ Badshah-kl-qabr.” His description is quoted

by Mr. Grote, p. 24 l. c., in a note to the photograph of Fath Khan’s

tomb. But it is evident from the anonymous account in Glazier’s report

on Raqgpur, Appendix A., p. 107, that the tomb had been despoiled

many years before Francklin’s visit, and that he was probably in error

* From Creighton’s account of Orme’s remarks, especially those about the block

lying hy the river, it seems probable that the Itaijgpur MS. is a copy of Orme’s re¬

marks. The question might be set at rest by examining the Orme papers, which fill

part of a press in the India Office Library.

1894.] H. Beveridge — Major Francklin’s description of Gaur. 91

in speaking of the bodies o£ Husain Shah and his family as still lying

there. The following is the account given in Glazier : — ■

“ The Maqbara is a burying-place, built of bricks, the gates and

walls of which are very curiously ornamented with figures and flowers

impressed in the bricks when they are burned and .

similar to the Dutch tiles in Europe, and which to this day appear to

have received very little detriment from time or weather. From this

place Captain Adams removed the two finest tombs in the city, said

to contain two kings, named Husain Shall and Nasrat Shah. What be¬

came of the most principal parts of these tombs, I cannot learn, but I

believe they are in Calcutta, and there are now by the waterside five

pieces of black marble polished on two sides, twelve feet in length, two

feet high, and two feet thick, which were part of them.”

Probably it is one of these pieces which is described at p. 3 of

Ravensliaw’s Gaur, where we are told that, “ On the road-side, between

the palace and the Bhagirathi river, there now lies, split in twain, a

vast block of hornblende, which, having been carried thus far, has been

dropped and left, as broken, on the highway, to bear its testimony

against the spoilers.”

From a note to the translation of the S iyaru-l -muta a khirtn. p. 184,

we learn that Captain Adams’s spoliation took place about 1766, and that

when the royal tomb was opened by him, an ud-dan or censer,

was found at the foot of the body.

Francklin’s description of the palace follows immediately after that

of Husain Shah’s tomb. The material portion of it, including the in¬

scription of Barbak Shah, has been given by Mr. Grote, /. c., pp. 18, 19.

Francklin visited Mr. Ellerton at Goamalty, and notices the re¬

mains there of “ a very handsome mosque built of stone and brick ; the

only minaret remaining has a fanciful appearance. The remains of

marble columns in the outside of the verandah of the building are still

to be seen.”

Although Mr. Grote’s extracts have been carefully made, and have

perhaps made the publication of Francklin’s journal unnecessary, there

is an Appendix to the latter which deserves notice. It contains a Chro¬

nological Table of the Muhammadan rulers of Gaur, and a Historical

Memorandum regarding them. The interest of the memorandum con¬

sists in the fact that it is, word for word, the same as that given by

Buchanan, and which is printed in Montgomery Martin’s Eastern India ,

Vol. II, 616-21. Even the spelling of the proper names is the same. For

instance, in both, the name of the Hindu usurper, commonly called Raja

Kans, appears as Gones, and he is described in both as Hakim of Dynwaj,

with the parenthetical suggestion that he was perhaps a petty Hindu

92 H. Beveridge — Major Francklin s description of Gaur. [No. 2,

chief of Dinajpur. So far as I can see, the only difference between

Francklin and Buchanan is that Francklin ends with the word “ pro¬

vince, ” whereas Buchanan adds the words, “ as I shall afterwards have

occasion to show.” The Chronological Table too, given by Francklin, is,

word for word, the same as that given in Appendix N., p. 28, of the 2nd

Yol. of Eastern India. Even the heading and the memorandum at the

foot are the same. The very mistakes are the same in both. For in¬

stance, in both, the Hindu king is called Rae Lukhmeesey, and the

duration of his reign is given as eight years, though in the column of

dates he is said to have reigned from 510-590, H. S. In Francklin’s table

the eight has been corrected into eighty , but this has been done in pencil,

and apparently at some subsequent time. In order to clear the matter up

I have referred to the Buchanan MSS. The account of the Muhamma¬

dan rulers of Gaur is to be found there in the Dinajpur volume, I, pp.

72-83. It is headed, “ Part 2nd. Muhammadan Government,” and is

word for word as in Montgomery Martin. There is no reference to Bucha¬

nan having borrowed it from Francklin or from any one else. The

Chronological Table is in the 2nd volume of the Dinajpur MSS., and is

in the Appendix, pp. 2-10. It, too, is word for word the same as Franck¬

lin, except such insignificant changes, as putting the word “ Memorandum ”

for Francklin’s phrase “ Conclusive remark.” There is no reference to

its having been obtained from Francklin, but there can be no doubt of

the fact, for at the end of the Memorandum (in the Buchanan MS.) we

have the words “ True Copy,” and the initials “ W. F.” in Francklin’s

own handwriting. It is clear then that Buchanan got the table from

Francklin, and I have no doubt that he got the descriptive account also.

But I do not suspect Buchanan of plagiarism. He was an honest man,

and a friend of Francklin They must have explored Gaur at about

the same time, though I do not think that they visited it together ; for in

a note to his journal, Francklin remarks that after his return he was

informed by his friend Dr. Francis Buchanan, that what he called ‘black

marble ’ was in reality hornblende. It is very likely that the circum¬

stance of their being engaged in the same line of enquiry has led to

the appearance of Francklin’s papers in the Buchanan MS. Francklin

tells us at the end of Section I, of his account of Gaur, that the historical

memorandum “is translated from some MSS. materials procured through

the kindness of Mr. Ellerton, of the factory at Goamalty, a gentleman

who unites business with science and a love of the arts, and whose

polite hospitality to us during our stay at his mansion entitles him to

every consideration and thanks.”

To the Table is appended, what is called, a “ Conclusive remark,”

and which, with unimportant verbal differences, is the same as Buchan¬

an’s “ Memorandum. ’ ’

93

1891.] H. Be veridge — Major Francklin s description of Gaur.

Francklin attests liis Historical Memorandum as being a “ True trans¬

lation,” but it is evident that it is not merely a translation from tbe

Persian, but contains comments of his own, or of Mr. Ellerton’s. The

opening paragraph refers to “ A manuscript account which I procured

at Pandua; ” but I do not feel sure who the I is. Ellerton lived at

Goamalty in Gaur, but perhaps it was he who procured the MS. at

Pandua. Or the I may refer to the Persian Munshi.1

Francklin also writes the words “ True translation ” at the end of

his Chronological Table, though that is a compilation from various

authorities, and is described by him, and also in Buchanan’s Eastern

India , II, App. H., p. 28, as “ Selected from native historians.” It may

be however, that Ellerton’s Munshi drew up the Table and that

Francklin only translated it.

The point of the origin of the Historical Memorandum and of the

Chronological Table is an interesting one, and I am unable to

clear it up entirely. It is something to be able to trace it back to Gaur

and to Mr. Ellerton. What I imagine to have occurred is that Ellerton

got the Persian materials and made them over to Francklin, that

Francklin translated them, and gave copies to his friends Ellerton and

Buchanan, and that the latter by an oversight failed to note from

whom he had received them. Though the Memorandum agrees pretty

closely with the Riyazu-s-salatjn, it differs from it about Sultan Ibrahim,

or Ibrahim Shah. The Riyaz makes him the Sultan of Jaunpur, but

the Memorandum describes him as the grandfather of Husain Shah, and

as having been put to death by Jalalu-d-din.2

1 Francklin was an accomplished Persian scholar, but Buchanan was not, and so

could not have made any direct use of a Persian MS.

2 It may be noted for the benefit of future inquirers, that at the beginning of the

Dinajpur Volume I, of the Buchanan MSS., pp. 5-8, eight Arabic inscriptions from

Pandua are given, including that on the Adina Mosque, which gives the inexpli¬

cable date 707. The inscriptions are, I think, all known ones, and have been already

published, but it may be worth while to examine transcripts which are now some

90 years old.

94

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

[No. 2,

Three Documents relating to the History of Ladakh : Tibetan Text ,

Translation and Notes. — By the late Dr. Karl Marx,

Moravian Missionary at Leh , Ladakh.

(Read January, 1894.)

Introductory remark by the Rev. Dr. Gustaf Dalman ,

of Leipzig, Germany.

Under tlie above title, in Vol. LX of this Journal, ante, p. 97-135,

there was published only the first of those Three Documents, with

an ‘ Introduction.’ Dr. Karl Marx, my ever-lamented brother, who

was born at Niesky, in Silesia, a province of Prussia, on January 9,

1857, and died on May 29, 1891, at Leh, was no more alive, when this

first part of his paper came out. He left behind him a translation

of what he called the B-MS. in his Introduction, beginning with king

De-ldan-nam-gyal, and of the first part of C-MS. from the same point

of the history. His intention was {vide Yol. LX, p. 100), in his next

publication to commence with this De-ldan-nam-gyal, and to take for

its basis ‘ the rest of B-MS. with such additions as may be derived

from C-MS.’ In a third publication he intended to give the second

part of C-MS. For this last one, however, no translation has been

found among his papers. I hope, the friends of the history of Ladakh

will be thankful to get at least the translation from B-MS., designed

for the second publication, together with some additions from the trans¬

lation of the first part of C-MS., chosen by me as the present editor, who

only feels too much that he cannot supply the place of the Author.

(Seng-ge-nam-gyal.) His sons were : De-ldan-nam-gyal, Indra-

Bhodhi-nam-gyal, (and) De-cli’og-nam-gyal. (These) three were born.

(XXIII) De-ldan-nam-gyal was made king. Indra-Bhodlii-nam-

gyal was admitted (to the brotherhood of Lamas) at Stag-na, by the

Ch’os-je Mug-dzin, and came to be the most prominent amongst the

disciples of Stag-(ts’ang) ras-(ch’en). At the time of the erection of

the He-mi and T’eg-ch’og-(Lamaseries), he acted as superior (? super-

1894.]

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

95

intended tlie building), and became the most excellent amongst the

clericals who delight in the doctrine. He was made ruler of Gu-ge.

To the youngest son De-ch’og-nam-gyal, Spi-ti and Zangs-kar were

allotted as his portion; he ruled there. De- ldan-nam-gyal resided in

Ru-t’og in summer, and in Ladakh in winter. He united under his

sway (all the country) from Pu-rig to the Mar-yum pass. In memory

of his father, he erected at Shell an image of (Shakya-) T’ub-pa,1 made

of copper and gilt, three storeys high; also a Chorten, five storeys high,

of which the thirteen wheels,2 the canopy and the crowning-piece 3 were

again made of copper and gilt. In memory of his mother he built at

the head of the Te-war-gorge 4 * a Ma-ni-riog-mo,6 at either end a Chor¬

ten, one of the Great- Jang-ch’ub-, the other of the Great-Nam-gyal-

(type).6 (Also) at Leh-palace he put up an image of Shakya-T’ub-pa

out of copper and gilt, and two storeys high. As it had been customary

with his father, so he likewise appointed permanently for Kub-ra, Zangs-

k’ar, Bab-go, Ting-gang, and other places 108 Lamas each, who were to

perform the 100 millions of O-mani-padme-huii-incantations there once

a year. Furthermore, for the sake of his own reputation with posterity

he erected at Leh an image of Chan-ras-zigs out of copper and gilt, two

storeys high, an assembly-hall, and a silver-Chorten two storeys high.

At that time, he appointed his minister Shakya-gya-ts’o Field-

marshal. In the female Water- Ox-year the Ladakh army took the

field. Many men and women of Kar-bu they carried away captive.

He-na-ku and Stag-tse were reduced and brought into subjection. lSText,

Chig-dan and Sha-kar were taken (broken). Then he led his army on

to Sod-pa-sa-ri ; he took Sod-castle, and (also) gathered in the harvest

of the fields. On his way back, he sent his army against Sum-t’ang

and conquered it, then attacked Kar-tse and again was victorious. He

brought with him the chieftain (of that place) T’i-Sultan. In the male

1 Buddha. The image is still there, and the Chorten as well.

2 In Ladakh, wherever they are, there are always 13 of these wheels, but many

Chortens are entirely without these. They are almost always red, and decrease in

size from below upwards, so as to form a slender cone. In this case they are of

copper and gilt. I believe their number is in some way connected with Shaman¬

ism. Radloff, in speaking of the Shamanists in Siberia, mentions (if I remember

right, the book is not within my reach at present) 13 worlds, through which the

man who strives to obtain perfection has to press upwards.

3 The top-ornament of the Chorten, like a large open flower (lotus), is called

Zarrazag.

4 Gorge is half-way between Leh and the bridge. (Road to Tshushod.)

8 ‘ Long Mahi, ’ in contradistinction from the ‘ round Maui,’ the Maui driven by

waters and others. This is the most conspicuous Mani in the whole country.

6 There are eight types of Chortens. The Jang-ch’ub is distinguished by

square-steps, the Nam-gyal by circular steps.

J. i. 13

96

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

[No. 2,

Wood-Tiger-year lie marched against K’a-pu-lu and conquered Ch’or-bar

and T’or-tse-k’ar. These districts he apportioned to He- tan-khan (and)

Sultan-khan, these three (?). The chieftain of Skar-do and all the

Baltis were unanimous in their complaints to the Nawab (of these high¬

handed proceedings). (Consequently), an army of Turks numbering

200,000 men arrived at Pa-sa-ri, but the minister Dug-nam-gyal of La¬

dakh and the forces occupying (the castle) delivered a battle against

the Turkish army and killed many Turks. They took away their flags

and kettle-drums and (thus) carried off a complete victory over the

enemy.

His son was (XX1Y) Lha-ch? en-de-legs-nam-gyal.

At his time the Bhutan state and the Bod-pa had a dispute. Now,

the (pope of) Bhutan was the patron-Lama of the king of Ladakh.

(Hence), the latter sent a letter to Tibet, saying, that he was prepared

to take up his quarrel. The Bod-pa carefully considered the matter:

“ Supposing,” they said, “ the king’s succour should arrive here first, it

would no doubt be in accordance with the king’s name, a nice affair

indeed. Would it not, therefore, be well to raise an army (here) first ? ”

To this suggestion they all agreed.

There happened to be at that time at Ga-ldan-Lamasery a Lama, a

Mongol, called Tsang. The calculations pointed out him (as the des¬

tined leader). He, accordingly, turned layman, and heading the Mongol

tribe and a powerful army of Bod-pa he (soon) reached (Ladakh). At

the commencement (of actual warfare) it came to an engagement

at Zha-mar-ting.1 In time, the Mongol army arrived at Bab-go, The

king then stayed at Ting gang castle, whilst the Ladakh captain and

a garrison held Bab-go castle. Although they succeeded in holding

their own for three years, yet they were unable to drive the Mongol

army back again. So the king of Ladakh despatched a messenger to the

Nawwab of Kashmir. (The desired object was obtained :) an immense

army appeared on the scene. A battle ensued on the Ja-gyal plain near

Bab-go. The Bod army was routed; they left behind them a large

quantity of armour, bows, and arrows. Their rout continued until they

reached Spe-t’ub. The Mongol army in their flight (eventually) reach¬

ed Ta-shis-gang. There they built a fort, shut it in with a wall, and

surrounded it with water. Into (the fort) soldiers were placed to

occupy it.

Upon this, the De-pa-zhung,5* apprehending that (now after all) the

king of Ladakh might come and bring succour, and that thus (may be)

L Halfway between Ta-shis-gang and Garkun-sa (Walker’s map).

8 The name of the palace of the Dalai-Lama has usually the meaning of the

c Supreme Government.’

1894.]

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

97

another war might ensue, desired the Dug-pa Omniscient (Mi-pa’m-

wang-po) to go and negotiate for peace. In compliance with his injunc¬

tions the Dug-pa Omniscient (undertook the journey) and arrived at

Ting-gang. Simultaneously some other messengers of the Bod-pa reach¬

ed there as well. (The result of their deliberations was as follows : — )l

“ The Bod-pa have come to consider that : whereas Tibet is a

Buddhistic and Ka^mir a non-Buddhistic country ; and whereas

Buddhistic and non- Buddhistic religions have nothing in common

and are hostile to each other : (it follows, that) if at the frontier the

king of Ladakh does not prosper, Bod also cannot enjoy prosperity.”

(This being so), the occurrences of the recent war should be considered

things of the past.” The king, (on the other hand), undertook in future

to keep watch at the frontier of Buddhistic and non-Buddhistic (Faith),

and out of regard for the doctrine of Sangs-gyas would not allow the

army from India to proceed to an attack (upon Bod). — (As to) merchan¬

dize in demand in Ka^mlr (the following agreement was come to) :

the fine-wool of Nga-ris-skor-sum shall not he sold to any other country ;

that the price of fine and coarse wool mixed shall he fixed at eighty

Nyag2 to two Rupees, to be paid in both money and kind; that the Jang-

(-t’ang) people shall not be allowed to use the Nyag of the people of the

(Indus-) gorge ; that it shall not be said of the wool of Jang (-t’ang)

men that it contains soil, (or) stones, (or) moisture ; also that to Ru-

t’og itself none but the court-merchant 3 shall be admitted. Regarding

the fine- wool-( trade) : four Ka^mlri merchants shall reside at Spe-t’ub

and do the trading with the Ka^miris of K^mlr; this shall be the

only way by which it shall go to Ka^mlr. No Ka^mlrl of Ka^rnlr

shall be allowed to go to Jang-t’ang. Those Ladakli-K^mlris, who go

to Jang-t’ang, shall not be allowed themselves to go down to Ka^mlr

with loads of fine-wool. Regarding Nga-ris-skor-sum Mi-p’am-wang-

po’s stipulations were to this effect : it shall be set apart to meet the

expenses of sacred lamps and prayers (offered) at Lha-sa, but at Men-

ser the king shall be his own master, so that the kings of Ladakh may

have wherewithal to pay for lamps and other sacrifices at the Kailasa and

the lake ; it shall be his private domain. With this exception, the

boundary shall be fixed at the Lha-ri stream at De-ch’og. — From Tibet

the Government trader shall come with two-hundred loads of tea, and no¬

where but by Ladakh shall rectangular tea-bricks be sent across the fron¬

tier. Should the Government trader fail to come every year, then the

1 The treaty is still in force to this day, only a few slight alterations in favour

of Ladakh have been made.

2 12 Nyag = l Batti (41b.).

3 From Ladakh.

98

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

[No. 2,

above stipulations shall no longer be binding. The king of Ladakh, (on the

other hand, ) shall send [once in three years] a Mission conveying

presents to the clergy of Bod. As regards presents to ordinary Lamas

the quality (and quantity) is not fixed, but to the La-brang steward 1

shall be given: 10 Zho2 of gold,3 10 shang of scent, 6 pieces of calico,

(and) 1 piece of soft cotton-cloth. (Again) throughout their sojourn

(the members of the Mission) shall receive daily rations. For the

road (shall be supplied:) (beasts of burden to carry) 200 loads, 4 5 15

baggage ponies, and 10 riding-ponies; (and) three men to act as groom,

cook, and servant ; private ponies shall have fodder as much as they

like, (also) for the steppe-districts: One large tent, (and) small tents

for the leader, the head-cook (and) the treasurer, etc. The pony-loads

shall be carried along by double stages, and further on, from district

to district both going and coming. It also had been stipulated that

with every Mission one of the three provinces should be made over (to

Llia-sa), but the king entered a request with the De-pa-zliung that

he, begging to disagree with Mi-p’am-wang-po’s decision, would prefer

to renounce his rights to the provinces entirely, if they would give to

Mi-p’am-wang-po in the room of Ngaris-skor-sum three districts in

Bod itself. Accordingly the De-pa-zliung made over to Mi-p’am-wang-

po three villages.” 6

Then also the king of Ladakh had to send [his wife and children

to Ka^mlr to stay there as hostages for three years], and along with

them 18 piebald ponies, 18 pods of musk (and) 18 white yak-tails,

whilst it was also settled, that the 500 bags of rice, being the revenue

accruing to the king of Ladakh from his Jagir Na-gu-shar should

(regularly) every year be sent up from Ka^mlr. — This rice ceased to

be sent since the Ladakh empire was overthrown by the Sikhs. — Other-

1 An official of the Dalai Lama, see Koeppen, Die Religion des Buddha, II,

p. 334.

2 ‘ Delicate pair of scales/ gold-weights.

S Manuscript C here inserts ‘ 10 rose-frnit-weights of gold/ i. e., the weight of

the red fruit of the ordinary Rosa canina.

4 Now 260 loads.

5 In Manuscript C there are 9 articles of this treaty. Article 1 is altogether want¬

ing in Manuscript B — Articles 8 and 9 are slightly alterated. We therefore give them

here. I. As in the beginning the king Skyid-lde-nyi-ma-gon (vide Yol. LX, p. 114)

gave to each of his sons a separate kingdom, the same (delimitations) shall obtain

now. — 8. Ru-t’og, Gu-ge ell shall be annexed to Lha-sa in order (that from the

revenue derived from these districts) the expenses of sacrificial lamps and (of the

reading of) prayers may be defrayed. — 9. Mon-ts’er (near the holy lakes, — not on

Walker’s map) shall remain a domain of the king himself, whereof he shall be

sole lord (and master). The revenue (of Mon-ts’er district) shall (in part) be used to

pay for sacrificial lamps at the Kailasa and the Lakes.

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

99

1894.]

wise prosperity was soon restored. The king indeed, in all his doings,

had none to surpass him, and State and Church both made progress.

His sons were Lha-ch’en-nyi-ma-nam-gyal and Ngag-wang-nam-gyal,

Wang-ch’ug-nam-gyal, Ga-ldan-nam-gyal ; of these 5 ( sic !) brothers

(XXV) Nyi-ma-navi-gyal was made King. In accordance with the

rule, to act on the principles as described in the biographies of the an¬

cient Kings of the Faith, he lauded the virtuous and suppressed evil¬

doers, etc. In pronouncing judgment, also, he never merely followed

his own desires, but (always) in the first place, consulted his state-offi¬

cers. He appointed elders of superior intelligence from every village to

assist him, and such as wanted his decision in rescripts, questions relating

to field or house- (property) he did not leave at the mercy of interlopers

or partial advisers, but having instituted (the councils of) state-officers

and elders, he introduced the oath on the (three) symbols, (and defined

the rule) that first the primary origin (of any dispute) must be traced,

and then found out what verdict is to be given. This edict surpasses

in excellence any of those that were passed by all the dynastic kings

(of Tibet). — This same King of the Faith presented to all the Colleges

in Bod, but especially to Lha-sa and Sam-yas, and similar Lamaseries,

gold-water (and) sacrificial lamps. To all the great Lamas without dis¬

tinction he made presents, whilst the brotherhoods were invited to Tea-

generals. (Also) the Congregations that were under his own sway

received honours without distinction. (He erected) images of the Lha,

that he himself worshipped, out of gold and silver, (caused) holy books

(to be written, and built) the Za-nang-Mani-ring-mo. 1 Printing-blocks

of Dharanl of different kinds, such as were used at the erection of the

symbols of Body, Word, and Spirit, were engraved (e.g. ), of the Jam-

dud-zang-snm, Jam-yangs-stod-pa-gang-lo-mon-lam, Shes-ja-k’a-yings,

Ser-od-yang-skyabs, Ka-gyur-ro-chog, and the blocks of the Le-dun.

All these having been satisfactorily completed, he distributed sacred

books amongst all the laity. He (also had) a Mani-t’en-skor put up,

made of gold, silver and copper. Again, amongst all the people there

did occur neither strife, nor robbery, nor theft, it was a life passed in

such happiness as that of a child with his fond mother.

After this when the king’s wife had given birth to a son, Lha-ch’en-de-

skyong-nam-gyal, she died. He afterwards married Zi-zi-k’a-t’un of Pu-

rig. She bore a son, Ta-shis--nam-gyal and a daughter Ta-shis-wang-

mo ; in all two children. Later on (XXVI) JDe-skyong-nam-gyal

married Nyi-da-wang-mo of Lho-mon-dang,2 and himself was appointed

1 Near the Leh-bridge over the Indus. It is generally asserted that it was

built by the Mongols, which is an error. ^ vr

2 A district in the south of Tibet proper, near Sikkim. OJ ' ‘

100

Karl Marx — History of LadaJch.

[No. 2,

to the Government. A son, Sa-skyong-nam-gyal, having been born,

(the two), on account of disagreement of temper, separated, and the

queen returned to the South. Subsequently he married another wife,

and a son, P’un-t’sogs-nam-gyal, was born. The state-officials, council

of elders, and the people, having entered a petition that Ta-shis-nam-

gyal should be ordained and become a Lama, or else reside at Ting-gang-

palace, the father, Nyi-ma-nam-gyal (himself), turned King of the Faith.

The prince De-skyong-nam-gyal’s mother having died whilst he was yet

an infant, Zi-zi-k’a-t’un took care of him ; consequently, whatever his

dear mother said, was all right and could not be refused. So by per¬

suasion the queen-mother (obtained it from him, that) Ta-shis-nam-

gyal was appointed to rule from Po’-t’ok-sa over all Pu-rig. From

Ngul-dog palace at Mul-bhe he built [the bridge ?] He married a

daughter of the Stog-ka-lon, but had no children. Princess Ta-shis-

wang-mo was taken by the king of Kistwar as his consort. Although

(everyone) prayed not to give her away, because the language as well

as the religion of the people of Hindustan were different, yet (the

queen) said : a child’s rulers are father and mother, and would not

listen, but gave her away. (Soon after, however,) the steward, Gha-

p’el, amongst others of his servants, informed the father that she was not

even allowed to see the light of day, upon which (the king) ordered

him to bring the girl back by fair means or foul, and despatched an

army. When the girl was being carried off, the king and queen of

Kistwar, who were both very fond of her, said : “ Let us also go to

Ladakh.” With the captain and a few attendants they got under weigh.

But Zi-zi-k’a-t’un here (in Ladakh) gave secret orders to this effect :

“ If the king of Kistwar should arrive here, and not be killed in some

clever way (beforehand), then it might injure my son Ta-shis-nam-

gyal’s rule (over Pu-rig).” — So without the knowledge of the authori¬

ties at Ladakh, a servant of the queen went (on his errand), and at a

bridge on the frontier, between Kistwar and Paldar, the servant ap¬

proaching the king in the manner of one who has a petition, threw the

king into the water. The fatal rumour soon spread all over the country.

Although Ta-sliis-nam-gyal and the elder son Sa-skyang ought

to have been made Lords of the Palace, the younger brother P’un-

ts’ogs-nam gyal, through treachery of his mother, made him (Sa-

skyang) Lama at Hemi. (XXY1I) P'>un-ts'>ogs-nam-gycd reigned; but his

uncle Ta-sliis-nam-gyal tyrrannized the Kashmir traders and his Ladakh

subjects. From this resulted a quarrel as to who really had the power.

Now this state of things was reported to the Dalai Lama, viz., that a

disturbance with the frontier king had arisen, and that this might be

made an occasion for an Indian army to ‘ break out.’ At that inden-

1894]

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

101

tical time, just when he was in contemplation as to whom amongst the

Kar-gyud-pa Lamas he should give the order to act as peace-maker,

it happened that the great Ka-tog 1 Rig-dzin2 Tae-wang-nor-bu

arrived from Kami on his way (to Nepal), where he intended to ex¬

change the Wood of Life on the great Chorten of Nepal. The Gyalwa-

Omniscient sent word to the Great Rig-dzin : “You should undertake

to go and make peace in Ladakh”. He, magnifying openly the word of

the Gyalwa, promised to go to Ladakh. He arrived at Gar. There,

following the suggestion of kiug Ta-shis-nam-gyal and his ministers,

the Lord Chamberlain and the Lonpas from Zangskar and Dang-

skar attended. They had been sent to meet the Saviour, the Great

Rig-dzin. They explained to him the condition of Upper and Lower

Ladakh. Thereupon he arrived with messengers of the two Gar-spon

at Wamle Lamasery. There he and the king and ministers of Ladakh

met. In time also the king and ministers of Purig arrived, and the

proceedings began. They all agreed to the decisions and obligations

imposed upon them by the Saviour, the Great Rig-dzin. The results

arrived at through these deliberations were : “ Whatever the number of

sons born at Ladakh-Kar may be, the eldest only shall reign. The

younger ones shall become Lamas at Spe-t’ub, Tis-tse, etc, but there

shall be no two kings. The king of Zangs-kar, being (?) at the fron¬

tier against Hindustan, shall remain king as before. The He-na-ku

(rulers), obviously being of royal descent, and their kingdom of little

importance, shall also remain as before. With these two exceptions it

shall not be permitted that in one kingdom exist two kings.” In ac¬

cordance with these decisions the son (XXVIII) Ts’e wang-nam-gyal was

elected king. P’un-ts‘ogs-nam-gyal, mother and son equally divided

the property in Le-k’ar and appropriated it. They afterwards resided

at Ser-t‘i-k’ar (Bang-k’a). Sa-skyang entered at Hemi the order of the

Rig-pa-dzin-pa and the queen Kun-zoru bore (him ?) a son Skyab-gon-

gyal-skas-mi-p’am-t’se-wang-t’in-los. Clerical authority increased. An¬

other son was born, and became very clever in medicine ; he went to

Lhasa. There (also) was a daughter. She was taken to Tibet as a

wife of a Hor-k’ang-sar 3. The king Ta-shis-nam-gyal, as long as he

lived, remained ruler of Purig. Afterwards it was united with Ladakh.

By this settlement and agreement all the noblemen and the council

of elders 4 and merchants first, but the whole empire as well, were ren-

1 District in Tibet.

2 Name of the order of married Lamas.

3 Name of an important family at Lha-sa.

4 The lowest grade of councillors to the king in Ladakh polity. The ‘ Council

of Elders ’ consisted of about 3 or 4 persons of some standing and experience,

Karl Marx — History of Ladahli.

102

[No. 2,

dered happy and contented. The princes were reconciled, and Lamas

and Lords (P the highest Lords) went to Shal-k’ar.

At that time messengers of the Nawwab of Ka^mir arrived with

the request, that the Abhit’ang should be cleared of water. On the

occasion when the messengers had their audience, through a blessing,

from one silver tea-pot tea was poured out to all the men who took part

in the banquet. The messengers believed and went home.

After that, the great Rig-dzin deposited one copy of the settle¬

ment at Lel-k’ar, one at Mul-bhe-kar, one in Zangs-k’ar, and one in

Hemis Lamasery, and thereupon he again returned to Bod.

Later on a wife was sought for Ts’e-vvang-nam-gyal from Zang-la-

k’ar.1 About that time it happened that the Evil One entered the king’s

mind, and giving way to the influence of bad servants, he took a Bhe-

mo 2 to his royal chambers. The Zang-la queen consequently returned

to Zang-la and became the wife of the king of Zangs-k’ar. His doings

were not as before, unusual and strange: and he had for 500 horses

one groom each, and a lamp (at night) in grander style ; the horses’

feet and genitals, (?), etc., were paid much attention to. The princes,

(nobles) and the people could not endure such doings (for long), and

once when the king, through his royal prestige, made the taxes payable

by the people three times (in one year), they dismissed the Stok-ka-lon3

office and evicted the Bhemo. Then they asked Bhe-k’yim-wangmo

of Sod4 to become queen. She had three daughters and two sons.

The name of the elder soil was Lha-cli’en-mi-gyur-ts’e-stan-nam-gyal ;

of the younger one, Ts’e-pal-mi-gyur-don-dub-nam-gyal. The lesser

queen K‘a-t‘un-ts‘e-ring had one son, Jigs-med-nam-gyal. Then the

king died. As the sons were yet minors, the Hemi-Sku-cho‘g took

counsel with the princes and the nobles, and asked on behalf of the

prince (XXIX) Ts'e-stan-nam-gyal for a queen at Pal-k’yum-k‘ar 5 in

Purig. The prince Don-dub became Lama at Hemis. The son of K‘a-

t’un-ts’e-ring became Lama at T’i-tse. One daughter was given in

marriage at Pal-k’yum-k’ar, another to Ka-lon-Ts’e-wang-don-dub, the

especially elected. Tlie 2nd grade were tlie hereditary Lon-pos, also a small

number, the 1st grade, the Ka-lons, likewise 4 or 5 only, and also hereditary.

1 In Zangsk’ar. Drew’s map : Zang-la.

2 A woman of the lowest cast, Muhammadan, masc. Bhe-da. According to

manuscript C she was from Tsang-ra (in Pu-rig).

3 Stok, village opposite Leh, south of the Indus The king of Ladakh usually

resides at Stok, where he has a fine palace, which he keeps in excellent repair. To

this palace the king seems to have taken the Bhe-mo, and the Ka-lon probably

connived.

In Pu-rig.

3 Near Kargil.

1894]

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

103

third went and stayed as ? F. Afterwards, when the king Ts’e-wang-

(stan) nam-gyal was grown np, his personal appearance was like that

of a Llia. He was diligent and obtained proficiency in Tibetan

grammar and mathematics, Persian letters and speech, Ka^mir speech,

and other such languages.1 In memory of his father he built the

Kyin-mani-ring-mo 2 3 with Chortens at either end of the great Nam-gyal

and the Jang-ch’ub types. He also knew well how to govern. But

in a neighbouring district some “ defect ” became apparent, and in con¬

sequence of want of merit in the people an epidemic of small-pox

broke out, and he died in his 24th year at Kar-zu.8 Then the Dug-pa

Omniscient Kun-zigs-ch’os-kyi-riang-wa 4 5, being present at Hemi Lama¬

sery, performed the funeral rites in grand style.

Thereupon (XXX) Tsle-]pal-mi-gyur-don-dub-nam-gyal of Hemi was

induced to turn layman, and was invested with royal power, and admi¬

nistered his kingdom, after having in common with the former as wife the

Pal-kyum lady. During Ts’e-stan-nam-gyal’s lifetime one daughter was

born. With this king a daughter Bhil-ch’ung, and a prince Ts’e-wang-

rab-stan-nam-gyal were born. Through the activity of the Kalon

T’se-wang-don-dub provinces and frontiers, everybody living in afflu¬

ence, and works that were all and one on the side of virtue, enjoyed

peace and happiness. Then, at one time, some deleterious influence

took possession of the king’s mind. All the servants in his presence

were upstarts, and with them he took counsel. In the country many

fields and houses ‘ went wrong.’ In judgment also he regarded (the

face of) riches and of men. The private servants in the palace also

had to promise daily not to sleep at night. The king also did not sleep

at night. He rose when the sun grew hot. In the morning when

washing his hands, he required 413 buckets 6 vr?) full of cold and hot

1 Manuscript C adds : he was devout and knew well the duties of kings.

Before the enemy he was fearless. His solicitude for the welfare of his people was

(exceedingly) great. Between himself and another he saw no difference. As

there, thus far, had been no principle regulating taxes and revenue, he (made a

rule) that henceforth taxes should be raised only (in accordance with the income),

measure for measure.

2 Opposite Leh. At its foot is the Muhammadan grave-yard.

3 Now the British Joint Commissioner’s compound (at Leh).

4 According to manuscript C king Ts’e-stan-nam-gyal in his lifetime had made

him, when he came to Hemis, a present of 50 ponies, 50 yak-bulls and cows, 1,000

goats and sheep, 25 ingots of silver, 3,000 Nanak-Shahl Rupees, 100 Zhos of gold

one string of coral-beads, 15 pieces of brocade, 1 piece of red broadcloth, 1 piece

of yellow (broadcloth), 25 pieces of calico, 25 pieces of silk taffeta (handker¬

chiefs ? ), etc.

5 According to manuscript C 12 or 13 basins,

J. i. 14

104

Kai*l Marx — History of Ladakh.

[No. 2,

water mixed to wash his bauds. When he travelled about in the pro¬

vinces, he went at night with lamps and torches (?). With the men

of the old regime he could not agree. He took the Privy Seal from the

Kalon to the palace. The king himself, and the head-men of villages,

Lords, etc., all new-fashioned men, took counsel with each other. The

noble families he did not attend to. The king of Zangs-k’ar and the

Pu-rig Ka-lon he kept in prison. The new-fashioned servants that

stood before him he made governors of the palace, and everywhere

the old customs were destroyed.

At that time, having passed through Nyungti and Gar-zha, the

Bara Sahib and the Chota Sahib, with great wealth, came to Leh.

They gave all sorts of rich presents to the noblemen of Ladakh and

others. “We must see the king ” they said, “what evil there is in

Indians, one cannot know,” was all that was said in reply, and an

audience for consultation was refused for several months. At last they

saw the king. They presented a pen-knife, scissors, a gun, and a variety

of things, but the best were a pen-knife, scissors and a gun. They

said: “We have come to see the way in which your ministers and

people are ‘ carrying it on,’ and your Majesty’s wisdom, and as there

is a likelihood of this country being conquered, if we built a tower

(fort) here, it would prove useful to the king.’’ The king and minis¬

ters, in considering the case, said : “ If they build a fort, no one knows,

what means of doing harm it may be,” and did not allow them to build

the fort. Then they gave him (the king) a letter in a box and said :

“ Accept this ; it may cure the king’s mind ! ” They stayed through both

summer and winter and then departed. These were the first European

Sahibs who came.

Thereupon the army of Nyung-ti invaded Spi-ti and after having

destroyed the villages and carried away all the property, they returned

home. They petitioned (the king) that he should wage a war of re¬

venge, but he said : “ You have not tried your best,” and punished them.

Later on, the Nyung-ti and Gar-zha conspired against Zangs-k’ar,

and laid waste Pal-dum-k’ar and the central districts. The symbols

of Body, Word and Spirit they destroyed. Ponies and Yaks, whatever

there was of mammon, they robbed, and again returned home. Later on,

Paldar brought the Sher army of Ratanpas (?). From A-ring to

Pa-dum every village they destroyed. Throughout Kar-sha and the

central districts, on both sides of the river, they fought, and although

afterwards a peace was made and they went back, yet the king said :

“ You Zangs-kar people have not tried your best,” and punished them.

One year later a Man-de and Wa-ran army came and devastated Upper

Zangs-k’ar up to Dung-ring. They burnt the villages with fire ; what

of wealth and cattle they got they carried back with them.

1894.]

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

105

But he (the king) did neither see nor perceive, and he never asked

whether they fared well or ill; he took interest in what concerned his own

pocket only. At that time that treasure (?) (had increased so much)

that it Was beyond redressing. The king as a memorial for himself

built the new palace of Stok. At the Kar-zru at Leh he built a palace

and a K‘a-t’un-bhan - (?). The queen sent a messenger to Tibet

to ask for a wife for her — (?) prince from there. ITe addressed

himself to the Sde-pa at Lha-gya-ri. The same intended to make it

her (his) residence, and therefore built at Leh the new palace above

the Lamasery of Clian-ras-zigs. In the end, however, through some mis¬

fortune happening in Tibet, the Lha-ri girl could never be asked to come

here. The king erected an image of his own patron deity, Ch’ag-na-

dorje, in size like the king himself, made of timber of gold-willow

up to the throat, that was of silver. He also erected a Chorten of

silver, adorned with copper and gold and precious stones, one story

high.

In the Water-tiger year (1782) he erected in the Upper Banquet-

ting Hall an image of the Guru Padma-od-bar, made of 13 maunds of

silver. In Shel he erected a Ts’e-pag-med, out of 7 maunds of silver.

At Stok palace he erected an image of the queen White Dolma Kar (?)

out of 9 maunds of silver.

Then after a while in the Wood-ox year (1805) the Master of Per¬

fect Insight, Yang-dzin-nga-pa, realized that the prince was an incarna¬

tion of the Hemi Sku-ch’og Bhil-wa dorje, [or: the Yang-dzin-nga-pa,

Said, “ that the prince was etc.” ; after having obtained perfect insight he

cared only for himself] he then stayed at both Hemi and T’eg-eh’og.

Having thus become so important a personage, he found it difficult to

obey father and mother. The queen travelled in Nubra, Purig and

Ladakh, never remaining at one and the same place. She also asked

the prince to join her and took him with her. ‘ It is for the prince’s

amusement,’ she said, and they passed their time, both day and night,

with dancing and singing. What the king said, he did not account for

much, but he listened to what the queen’s own steward, Sod-nam-wang-

ch’ug, told him. The prince Ch’og-skul took their part.

The king and ministers and others for some time had attempted

to induce him for the sake of the dynasty to marry, but he would not.

He replied : “ I have to be at Hemi,” and would not relent. But as

there was no other son, the king, minister, lords, council of elders,

and the steward of the twin (reciprocal) Lamaseries, Dub-ch’en-a-tsar,

and others, making intercession, and in order to preserve the dynasty,

he (consented and) married the younger daughter of the Ka-lan T’se-

wang-don-dub, Skal-zang-dol-ma by name. Before one year had elapsed

106 Karl Marx — History of Ladakh. [No. 2,

the princess conceived. He afterwards married yet another lady, the

T’sun-mo Pal-Kyid of Pal-kyum, and yet a third, Zora-k’a-t’nn. It was

in the Water-horse year (1822) that he took these three wives, and it

was in the same Water-horse year also, that the king of Jammu’s,

Gulab Singh’s Wazir, Zorawar, with some Ra-ya-si-yi, arrived in Kar-t’se.

The Ladakh captain and army were sent. At Kar-tse they met and

three engagements ensued, in which many sipoys were killed. Im¬

mediately a report was sent in (giving an account) of how matters

stood, but the king and dowager-queen only replied : “ If you don’t do

your best, you will be censured ! ” (or : If you do your best, you will not

be censured !) kind words they gave none (“ We will be gracious,” they

could not prevail upon themselves to say). Now as there was much

snow in Pu-rig, and the Indians not accustomed to the cold, the Wazir

changed his mind and sent a messenger to the captain to say : “ If you

will give to the Maharaja Gulab Singh a present of about 10,000

Rupees, we will make peace and go back.” Upon this the Ladakh

Lon-po and captain of the army took council and they sent in a petition

worded thus : “ If the king should be kind enough to give this money,

then his kindness really would betray true solicitude for his people.

If not, then truly every one of the soldiers, as so many chickens (?)

are assembled here, and stand praying before him (? and beg) that

peace be made.” The king also received (this message) graciously.

He gave command that the sum should be paid from the Ka-wa-chu-pa

treasury ; but the queen’s influence being the greater (the queen’s counsel

prevailing over his), it was impossible. He instead sent a rescript say¬

ing : “We do not see fit to give the money, and unless you bring Zora-

war’s head, neither head, nor life, nor fields, houses, property, or food

will be left to you ! ” (When) the captains and soldiers (heard this mes¬

sage), their courage fell (heart failed them). Although they continued

to fight, yet it was only a half-hearted sort of business. The captains

also did no longer agree. When the next engagement came off, the

Ya-ra- ?-nu with 500 sipoys attacked the right wing of the Ladakh

army. On the left wing the Ladakh men felt dejected and did not

stir. A surprise force suddenly appeared on the scene and broke into

their ranks. So the soldiers of all fled in confusion. The Stok Ka-lon,

18 years of age, who was at the head of the army, was shot by an

unlooked-for arrow and died. The other head-captain Gyur-med and

the Lonpo of Nubra survived. Now also the Leli-Lonpo Ngos-dub-stan-

dzin, who commanded the right wing, gave way. After this, those of

the nobility who had formerly been kept in prison by the king turned

traitors. Showing the Wazir the way they reached Basgo. The king

also went there and they met. Although the Wazir made it conditional

1894.]

Karl Marx — History of Ladakh.

107

fcliat 20 horsemen should come into Leh, yet altogether, though singly,

about a hundred came. Having stayed there for seven days, during

which time he also met the prince Ch’og-skul, they came to a mutual

agreement, that to the Government the money should be paid as a

present. Then they returned.

But the queen and the Bang ka-pa (again played him foul) and

did not pay the money. Their plan was to send an army in his rear,

whilst he was still on his way back. But the Wazlr heard of this

treachery. By way of Rang-dum, Zangs-k’ar, and Gya he (suddenly)

returned. The prince and queen fled, they passed through Dang-ts‘e.

The greater queen, having just been delivered of a son, was left behind

in Shel-k’ar, but the two lesser queens went with the prince. By way

of Wam-le they safely reached Spi-ti.

108

E. A. Gait — Contents of one of the Ahom Puthis. [No. 2,

Abstract of the Contents of one of the Alwm Puthis , By E. A. Gait, C. S.

Although, it is well known that the Ahoms, the Shan invaders of

Assam, who obtained a foothold in the eastern extremity of the Brah¬

maputra valley about the beginning of the 13th century, brought with

them from the valley of the Irawadi a written character 1 and a

literature of their own, very little has hitherto been done in the direc¬

tion of examining their records, or of obtaining an insight into their

traditions. This is the more to be regretted in that the language, as a

spoken one, has practically disappeared, and the knowledge of it is

now confined to a few families of Deodhais (priests) and Bfiilongs

(astrologers), who still retain a lingering belief in the form of worship

whicji was professed by their race before they fell under the in¬

fluence of (Mkta priests, and abandoned their national language and

religion for that of the Hindus whom they had subjugated. 2 An

examination of their historical writings is said to have been made

by the late Ka^lnath Tamuli Phukan, in connection with the Assam

history, or Buranji , which was published in 1844 at the Baptist

Mission Press, Sibsagar, under the auspices of Purandar Singh, the

last of the Ahom Rajas, but none of the purely social or religious

writings have, so far as I am aware, ever been noticed.

These writings, or puthis , are all inscribed on oblong strips of

1 The character is derived from the Pali, and is said by Forbes to resemble the

Mon rather than the Cambodian type.

2 For the past twenty years even these sections of the Ah5ms have been

taking Gdsains, the alleged reason being that all their countrymen have become

orthodox Hindus, and refuse to associate with them unless they also conform out¬

wardly to the same religion. But they assert that their faith in Indra remains as

strong as ever, and that they still make him offerings of ducks, goats, fowls, &c.

Any educated person was capable of becoming a bdilong, but the office of

Deddhdi was hereditary. In the days of Ahom rule, the heads of the deodhais

were sacred, and they were exempted from the liability to pay revenue. Some of

them still possess small nisjkhiraj estates. They are still called in to tell omens,

but for no other purpose.

109

1894.] E. A. Grait — Contents of one of the Ahom Tuthis.

Sdel bark,1 which are written over on both sides, and are protected

at the ends by somewhat thicker strips of the same material. They

are very carefully preserved, wrapped up in pieces of cloth, and every

family of the two sections mentioned above, is in possession of a certain

number, which are handed down from father to son. The labour of

preparing the bark and of inscribing the writing is considerable, and

apart from this, much greater value is attached to an old puthi than to

a new copy of it. New copies were therefore very seldom made, and in

any case, it is very many years since the copies in possession of the

modern representatives of the old priests and astrologers were prepared.

I saw a number of these putliis recently when in Sibsagar ; some of

them were black with age, and the characters had in places almost dis¬

appeared. The owners set great store by them, and my efforts to

become the purchaser of one of them were altogether fruitless. But

although they will not sell them, they are quite ready to communicate

their contents. My time was limited, and I was only able to make a

few rough notes of two. The first described Cukapha’s invasion of

Assam, about 1228 A.D., and agreed in the main with the account given

in KaqinatlTs buranji ; the second dealt with the creation, and a short

notice of the order of events, as there narrated, is reproduced below.

1 The Sad tree is the same as that known in Bengal as Agar (Aquilaria

Agallocha), the Aloes wood of the Bible, from which are obtained the perfumed

chips which are so largely exported from Sylhet for use as incense in temples,

&c. Although its bark was widely used as a writing material throughout Assam,

prior to the introduction of paper, its employment as such seems to have escaped

notice. The following description of the manner of preparing the bark for this

purpose, for which I am indebted to Babu Phani Dhar Chaliha, of Sibsagar, may

therefore be found interesting. A tree is selected of about 15 or 16 years’ growth

and 30 to 35 inches in girth, measured about 4 feet from the ground. From this

the bark is removed in strips, from 6 to 18 feet long, and from 3 to 27 inches in

breadth. These strips are rolled up separately with the inner or white part of

the bark outwards, and the outer or green part inside, and are dried in the sun for

several days. They are then rubbed by hand on a board, or some other hard

substance, so as to facilitate the removal of the outer or scaly portion of the barb.

After this, they are exposed to the dew for one night, and next morning the outer

layer of the bark (f;r*f?r) is carefully removed, and the bark proper is cut into

pieces of a convenient size, 9 to 27 inches long and 3 to 18 inches broad. These are

put into cold water for about an hour and the alkali is extracted, after which the

surface is scraped smooth with a knife. They are then dried in the sun for half

an hour, and when perfectly dry are rubbed with a piece of burnt brick. A

paste prepared from matimah (Phaseolus aconitifolius) is next rubbed in, and the

bark is dyed yellow by means of yellow arsenic. This is followed again by sun¬

drying, after which the strips are rubbed as smooth as marble. The process is

now complete, and the strips are ready for use.

HO E. A. Gait — Contents of one of the Ahom Puthis. [No. 2,

I hope in time to be able to give a similar account of some of the

folk-lore locked up in other puthis. Some educated Assamese gentlemen

in Sibsagar are taking a tardy, but none the less welcome, interest in

these relics of a bygone age, and it is to be hoped that their efforts will

culminate in some tangible result. As a preparatory step, a register

is being prepared, showing the puthis in the possession of each family,

with a short abstract of the subjects dealt with. When this register

has been completed, it will be possible to take steps to procure more

detailed information regarding the contents of each puthi.

The Ahom Story of the Flood,

Once upon a time, there was intense heat from the sun, which dried up

all the water on the face of the earth, so that many people died of thirst.

At length the intense heat caused the earth to crack, and an immense

volume of boiling water flowed out and killed all remaining living things,

except an old man named Tliaolipling, and a cow, who were in a boat made

of stone. As the waters rose, this boat was carried by the flood to

the summit of a high mountain, the name of which is Iba, which lies

far away to the North-East. The old man and the cow stayed on this

mountain, while the water gradually subsided, leaving the bodies of the

dead men and animals to decay. From them, such an evil smell arose,

that it reached the abode of the Gods, who sent fire down from heaven

to burn them. The heat caused by the conflagration was so intense,

that the old man, being unable to endure it, killed the cow and took

refuge inside its body. There he found the seed of a pumpkin. When

the fire had died away, he planted this seed, and a tree grew up which

threw out four branches in the direction of the four points of the

compass. The northern branch was killed by the cold, the southern

branch fell into the fire and died, the western branch was destroyed

by the remains of the flood, and only the eastern branch remained.

This branch grew and flourished exceedingly, and at last produced a

giant gourd, inside of which were men, and every kind of animal,

bird and fish, and every kind of plant. The living creatures tried hard

to get out, and at length their cries and struggles reached the ears of

Indra, who sent a messenger, named Panthoi, to ascertain what was

inside the gourd. Panthoi went and listened, and heard the cries of

men, cattle, elephants, and all sorts of animals. He returned and

reported this to Indra, who sent his eldest son Aiphalan to break open

the gourd with a flash of lighting. Aiphalan descended to earth to carry

out his father’s instructions, and at first aimed at the point of the

gourd where the men were. The men however implored him to aim

elsewhere, and entreated him not to destroy them, saying that if

1894.] E. A. Gait — Contents of one of the Ahom Putin's. Ill

they were only allowed to live and to escape from the gourd, they

would settle down and cultivate. Aiphalan then aimed at the place

where the cattle were, but they likewise begged to be spared, saying

that they would be required by the men for ploughing. Indra’s son

again changed the direction of his aim, but was again met by entreaties

to discharge his fiery missile at some other part of the gourd. At last,

the old man Thaolipling, who was sitting at the point where the flower

had died off from the gourd, offered to sacrifice himself for the men if

they agreed first to feed him, and promised to worship him ever after¬

wards. This they did, and Aiphfilan thereupon discharged the light¬

ning towards the part of the gourd on which the old man was sitting.

Thaolipling was killed, but the gourd was split open and everything

inside it escaped. Aiphalan then taught the men different occupations.

He also taught the birds how to build their nests, and the other

animals how to support themselves.

Thaolipling is still worshipped by the Deodhals, who make him

offerings of sweets, grain, &c. Xndra is their main and supreme God,

but this does not prevent their also doing homage to the man, but for

whose act of self abnegation the gourd might have remained unbroken

until the present day.

J. i. 15

112

W. Irvine — Guru Gobincl Siygh and Bandah.

[No. 3,

Guru Gobind Sir/gh and Bandah. — By Wm. Irvine, C. S. (retired).

The following paper, dealing with an episode in the history of the

Later Mogul Empire, is an extract from a longer work which has been

planned to cover the period from 1707, the year of ‘Alamglr Auraijgzlb’s

death, to 1803, the year in which Lord Lake occupied Dihli. Eor

the most part this work will be based directly on manuscript authorities

in the Persian language. The special points in the following passages

are : — (1) An attempt to get rid of the fable mixed up with the Sikh

legends, and to work the residue of fact into some sort of historical

order ; (2) to clear the story, as far as possible, from numerous discre¬

pancies and obscurities of place and date; (3) the introduction of new

matter from contemporary Muhammadan sources; (4) new first-hand

evidence for the date of Gobind Sipgh’s death; and lastly (5) the

identification of the places referred to in the course of the narrative.

The references in the foot-notes are to the following works : —

I. Peinted Books (English).

1. Browne. — India Tracts, by Major James Browne, 4to., London,

1788.

2. Bennett. — Memoir of a Map of Hindoostan, by Major James

Rennell, 4to., London, 1793.

3. G. Forster. — A Journey from Bengal to England, by George

Eorster, 2 Vols., 8vo., London, 1808.

4. Malcolm. — Sketch of the Sikhs, by Lt.-Col. John Malcolm,

8vo., London, 1812.

5. The Siyar-ul-Mutahherin, by Mir Gholam Hussein Khan (trans¬

lation), edited by Lt.-Col. J. Briggs (0. T. Fund), 8vo.,

London, 1832.

6. Me Gregor. — The History of the Sikhs, by Dr. W. L. Me Gregor,

2 Vols., 8vo., London, 1846.

7. Cunningham. — History of the Sikhs, by Capt. J. D. Cunning¬

ham, 8vo., London, 1853.

8. Thornton. — Gazetteer of the Territories under the E. I. Co.,

by E. Thornton, 8vo., London, 1862.

1894]

9.

113

W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Siygh and Bandah.

S’akhee Book. — Translation of, by Sirdar Sir Attar Singh, K. 0.

I. E., Chief of Bhadaur, 8vo., Benares, 1873.

10. Dr. E. Trumpp. — Adi- Gr an th (translation). Royal 8 vo., London,

11. Flruzpur Gazetteer. — 8vo., Lahore, 1883-4.

12. C. J. Bodqers. — Article in Journal, As. Soc. Bengal, Vol.

LVII, 1888.

13. Ain-i-Akbari , (translation), Yol. II, by Col. H. S. Jarrett,

(Bib. Did.) 8vo., Calcutta, 1891.

14. S. Mhd. Latif. — History of the Panjab, by Sayyad Muhammad

Latlf, 8vo., Calcutta, 1891.

II. Printed Books (Persian and Urdu).

15. Dastur-ul-Dishd , by Yar Muhammad, compiled c. 1170 H.,

Polio, Calcutta, 1253 H.

16. Ma’ dsir-i^Alamglrt, by Mhd. Said, Musta'id Khan, composed

1122 H., (Bib. Lid.) 8vo,, Calcutta, 1871.

17. Khafi Khan. — Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, by Mhd. Hashirn, Khafi

Khan, (Bib, Ind.) 8vo., Calcutta, 1874.

18. Maasir-ul-Umard, by Shall Nawaz Khan, (Bib. Ind.) 3 vols.,

8vo., Calcutta, 1888-91.

19. Shamsher-i-Khdlsah. by Gjan Singh, Gyani, and Babu Raj

Indar Singh. (Urdu) 4to. Litho., Sialkot, 1891.

III, Manuscripts (Persian. )

20. Dastur-ul^Aml. — British Museum, Oriental MSS., No. 1690.

21. Danishmand Khan. — Bahadur Shah Nam ah, by Danishmand

Khan. ‘ All (1122 H.). B. M., Or. 24, and my copy. See

also Elliot, VII, 568.

22. Anonymous Fragment of a “ Farrukhsiyar Namah” (c.l!3IH.). —

My copy. [I find on further comparison and study that

this is a portion of Mhd. Ihsan Ijad’s History, of which

another fragment is in the B. M., Or., 25.]

23. Mirzd Mhd. — A memoir or Tazkirah (called in some places

‘ Ibrat-ndmah) , by Mirza Muhammad, Haris!, (1133 H.).

My copy, and India Office, No. 50.

24. Qdsim. — ‘Ibratnamah, by Mhd. Qasim, Lahori (c. 1133 H.).

My copy, and I. O. Library, No. 194, [also in B. M.].

See also Elliot, VII, 569.

25. Fatuhat Ndmah-i-Samadi, by Ghulam Muhiu-d-din (composed

1135 H.) B. M., Or., 1870.

26. Kdmwar Khan. — Tazkiratu-s-Salatin-i-Chaghtaiyah. by Mhd.

Had!, Kamwar Khan, Vol. II. My two copies (to 6th year

114 W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Siggli and BandaTi. [No. 3,

of Mhd. Shall) [Also in Library R. Asiatic Society (to

7th year of Mhd. Shah), and I. 0. Library (only to second

year of Mhd. Shah.) There is no copy of the second vol.

in the B. M.] See also Elliot, VIII, 17.

27. Wdrid. — Mirat-i- W aridat, by Mhd. Shafih Warid, (up to 1147

H.). B. M. 6579. See also Elliot, VIII, 21.

28. Rustam ‘ All . — Tarlkh-i-Hindi, by Rustam ‘All, Shahabadi

(1149. H.). B. M., Or., 1628. See also Elliot, VIII, 40.

29. Yahya Khan. — Tazkiratu-l-Muluk, by Yahya Khan. Mir

Munshi, (1119 H.). I. 0. Lib., 1149 (Etlie No. 409).

30. Khushdl Cand. — Nadiru-z-Zamani (after 1161 H.). B. M. Addi¬

tional, 24,027. See also Elliot, VIII, 70.

31. Tarlkh-i-Muhammadu by Mlrza Muhammad, Barisi (author

of No. 23), (c. 1163 H.). B. M., Or., 1824, and my copy.

32. Mul 2inu-d-din , Butd Shah. — Tarikh-i-Panjab (composed 1264

H, 1847-48 A. D.). My copy, [also in B. M.]

Bahadur Shah (1707-1712)

Guru Gobind Siygh ( 1675-1708).

We come now to our more particular subject, the life and doings of

Guru Gobind, and the events which followed on his death. Gobind,

the son of the ninth Guru, Tegh Bahadur, was, we are told,1 born at

Patna in Bihar, during his father’s temporary exile from the Panjab,

and at his father’s death was fifteen years of age. Adopting the usual

chronology, the death of Tegh Bahadur having taken place in 1675, the

birth of Gobind must be placed in 1660 A. D.s We are told that he

remained in obscurity for twenty years. About 1 695, then, when he was

some thirty-five years of age, he took the field against constituted

1 Sakhi Book, 2, 169.

2 J. D. Cunningham, 81, says he was horn in Poll, 1718 S. (November 1661);

Mu‘mu-d-dln, Buta Shah, on the authority of one Shankar Jydtishi, has Sunday,

Magh 13th, 1718 S. (January or February 1662). Again, in the “ Sakhee Book,”

37, it is given as a prophecy that Gobind would die at the age of forty-three years.

Assuming, as we may safely do, that such a prophecy was made after the event,

a belief is raised that Gobind may have been born in 1665 A. D., his death having

taken place in 1708. This would in a great measure dispose of the discrepancy in

Dr. Trumpp’s chronology ( Adi-granth , introduction, lxxxviii and lxxxix).

1894.]

W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Sirjgh and Bandah.

115

authority.1 His first campaign was made as the ally of one hill raja,

Blilm Cand, Raja of Radon, against another, the Raja of Jammu, who had

been incited by Miyan Khan, Mughal, to make an attack on his neighbour.2

Where the interval of twenty years, between 1675 and 1695, was passed,

we cannot say with any certainty. In one place,3 we hear of his leaving

a village called Paotah, just before he fought the Muhammadans. This

village, where there is now a Sikh temple, lies close to the west or right

bank of the Jamuna, in the Kiyarda dun , or valley, which is now part

of the hill state of Sirmur or Kalian4. Prom after events, such as the

building of a Sikh fort on the outer hills in Kalian territory, and the

vengeance taken by Bahadur Shah on the Kalian raja, we may infer

some close connection between Gobind and the ruler of that state. His

period of obscurity, in which he is said to have occupied himself with

hunting, shooting, and the chase, may have been spent in the Kiyarda

dun, or the adjoining hills.5

An early adventure was his pursuit by the Muhammadans. 6 He

fled to a jungle called Rarayanpur, thence he took refuge in a grove

at Man! Majra. 7 His next assailants were the hill rajas, the original

ground of quarrel being obscure.8 Probably its chief cause was the

natural hostility of the Rajput ruler and his Brahman counsellor

to the head of a heterodox sect. Gobind’ s baggage appears to have

been plundered 9 In at least one battle Gobind won the day and

triumphed over the Hindur, Kahlur, and Rahan leaders.10

1 Browne’s dates (p. 4) are quite different. He makes Gdbind a posthumous

child, and places his first outbreak in 1114 H. (1704), when he was twenty years

of age. In that case, he must have been born in 1684.

2 Malcolm, 58.

3 Sakhi Book, 41.

4 J. D. Cunningham, 74, and Indian Atlas, sheet No. 48.

6 See also the quotation from the Vicitra Natali, in Malcolm, 55, where Gdbind

says he went, on his father’s death, to the Kaliadi, or Jamuna river.

6 Sakhi Book, 41.

7 Perhaps the Narayangarh, about 18 m. N. E. of Ambala : Manx Majra is

about 22 m. N. of the same place.

8 McGregor, I, 80, attributes it to an attempt by the Rajas to appropriate

some valuable presents — an elephant, a horse, a tent, a sword, and a hawk — that

had been sent to Gobind Sirjgh.

9 Sakhi Book, 46.

10 Cunningham, 75, says his first contest was with Nalran, aided by the Raja

of Hindur. Gdbind was victorious, and he killed Hari Cand, of Nalagarh (capital of

Hindur, see Thornton, 681) with his own hand. This is the same story as in

Malcolm, 55, and note. Hindur and Kahlur are hill states, lying just north of

Anandpur, the Sikh Guru settlement on the bend made by the Satlaj, just as it

enters the plains.

116

W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Sir/gh and BandaJi.

[No. 3,

We hear next1 of an expedition against Gobind, commanded

by Saida Beg, but we cannot fix the year. The traditions state that

the commander was won over to the Guru’s side, while the next in

command, Ramzan Beg, was killed. The Muhammadans, who had been

encamped at Thanesar, then moved towards Sirhind. The next day

their baggage was plundered by the Sikhs during the march to Shams-

abad. The Muhammadans returned to Dilili.2

The hill rajas were still hostile,3 and Rajas Bhim Cand, Madan

Pal, Blr Siqgh and others combined with Dina Beg, Mughal, to attack

the Guru. In the ensuing battle the Sikhs were victorious, and they

pursued the Muhammadans as far as the village Kliidarabad, plundering

them as they fled. On another occasion,4 * however, they were less

successful. The Guru was besieged in Anandpur6 by all the hill

rajas. The siege lasted for fifteen days, and the extremity was so

great that Gobind threw all his treasures into the Satlaj, and his

followers began to die of starvation. Pamma, the minister of Raja

Bhim, was sent to negotiate, and as the Sikh story goes, lulled the

Guru into fancied security by pretending to become a disciple. His

real object was to gain time for the arrival of the Muhammadans, for

whom he had sent.6

Apparently there was now a combined attack by the hill rajas

and the Muhammadans commanded by a IQiwaj ah . 7 Terms of some

sort were made with the rajas, after which the Guru, with two wives and

forty followers, fled into the Malwa, or country south and east of the

Satlaj. The Muhammadans attacked him again near the village of

Ghanaula, in the Ambala district. One follower, Ude Siggh, who

1 Sakhi Book, 59.

2 Malcolm, 59, 60, names Dilawar Khan and Rustam Khan as commanders of

expeditions sent against G5bind Siqgh. Thanesar is 28 m. S. of Ambala, and

Sirhind 28 m. N.-W. of the same place.

3 Sakhi Book, 71.

4 Idem , 73.

6 In the K5hlur State, in a bend of the Satlaj ( Thornton, 34 ). The town was

founded by Tegh Bahadur, Gobind’ s father. Makhaval and Kiratpur, the homes of

previous Gurus, are not far off.

6 Sakhi Book, 77. Cunningham, 75, says “ He (G5bind) became the ally of

Bhim Cand of Kahlur, then in rebellion against the imperial authorities at

Kdt Kakungra,” or perhaps this refers to an earlier event.

7 Sakhi Book, 98. McGregor, I, 85, says that Zabardast Khan, Subahdar of

Lah5r, and Shams Khan, of Sirhind, were the Muhammadan commanders. The

hill rajas had asked ‘Alamgir for aid. The siege of Makhaval ( i . e., Anandpur)

lasted seven months. Malcolm, 66, gives the names of the leaders as Khwajah

Muhammad and Nahar Khan.

1894.]

W. Irvine — Guru Gohind Siygh and Bandah.

117

resembled the Guru in features, placed himself in the front of the fight

and fought on till he was killed, allowing Gohind Siqgh time to escape.

After plundering the Sikh camp, which was near Rupar on the Satlaj,

the Muhammadans made diligent search for the Guru, of whose escape

they now heard. Gohind fled into the forest, and his wives received

shelter in the house of a secret adherent. Next day the Guru reached

Chamkaur, a place lower down the Satlaj than Rupar. 1 He was then

alone. The pursuit continuing, he went on with two disciples, who

now joined him, and they walked southwards for fifteen miles. He

halted to rest at Macliivara, a town with a ferry over the Satlaj,

twenty-two miles east of Ludhiana. Disguised as a Muhammadan,

he gave himself out as a Haji, or pilgrim from the Arabian holy places,

and in this character received assistance from some Pathans. His

flight was then continued on a horse brought to him by a disciple, and

he was lost sight of for three months.2 At length a man of village

Kangir, in the Firuzpur district, found him and took him to his house.3

Gobind lived there a year, and afterwards passed nearly three years at

Damdama, where he composed his Granth , known as “ The Book of the

Tenth King.”4 5

At the time of Gobind’s investment in Makhaval-Anandpur, he sent

away his mother, Gnjarl, and his two sons, Fath Siqgh and Zorawar

Siijgh.6 They took shelter in the town of Sirhind ; or as one account

says,6 they were captured by a force sent out by Wazlr Khan, the

1 Seven miles S.-W. of Rupar (Thornton, 215). Cunningham, 76, and Malcolm

65, say that there was a siege at Chamkaur, and that two sons, Ajit Siqgh and

Jajarh Siqgh, were killed there.

2 Cunningham, 77, gives Bahlolpur as one stage in the flight, and the final

refuge was, he says, in the wastes of Bhatinda (about 60 m. S.-E. of Firuzpur, and

120 m. S.-W. of Rupar ; it has now a railway station.) He adds that the Sikhs place

these events in 1705-6. McGregor, 1, 87, has ‘Belalpore.’ Thence Gobind went

to Machivara (91), thence to Kanija, three miles from Ludhiana (92), then to

Jalpnra, ten miles from Ray K5t (92). His followers now assembled, and he went

to K6t Kapura (92), then to Muktsar (93). The Muhammadans followed and

Gbbind defeated them. Being unable to obtain water, they were forced to retreat.

3 Sakhi Book, 103.

4 E. Trumpp, xcii, Damdama, a residence built by the Gum in a village of the

Malwa country. Cunningham, 77, says it is half-way between Hansi and Firuzpur.

The “ Flrm'pur Gazetteer” (Lahore, 1883-4), p. 41, describes it as “the breathing

place, at which Guru Gobind halted in his flight from Bhatinda before the battle of

Muktsar.” A meld or fair is held there. Malcolm, 186, note, quoting a Sikh

author, not named, states that the Gra?ith above referred to was completed on the

8th Bhadwan 1753 S. (August 1696, A. D).

5 Browne, 6, 7 who says, that the boys were aged six and five years Malcolm,

65. McGregor, I, 86, Sakhi Book, 102.

6 Browne, 6.

118

W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Sir/gh and Bandah.

[No. 3,

faujdar of Sirhind, under the command of Khizr Khan. Mainer, and

his own BakhshI or chief officer. At first-, Wazir Khan is said to have

treated the prisoners with kindness. But, at the suggestion of his chief

subordinate, Saj Anand, Brahman, who frightened him by a picture of

the Emperor’s possible displeasure at his mildness, he resolved to put

them to death. He asked Kliizr Khan to do the deed, but he refused

with scorn to undertake an executioner’s work. One Karakci Beg,

Mughal, accepted the office, and although the children clung round

their grandmother’s neck, he tore them away and cut their throats in

the poor woman’s presence.1 * 3 Overcome with grief and horror, she fell

down and expired on the spot.8

The Muhammadan authors assert8 that Guru Gobind now sent in

petitions to ‘Alamglr, offering to make his submission, coupled with a

promise to accept Islam. If this is true, no prospect could be more pleas¬

ing to such a bigot as that emperor : and, as we are told, a confidential

messenger, or mace-bearer, was sent to bring the suppliant to the Court.

The messenger produced Gobind Siijgli, in the first instance, before

Mun'im Khan, then Nazim or governor of Labor, and Diwan, or chief

revenue officer, to Prince Mu‘azzam (afterwards, as emperor, known as

Bahadur Shah). Gobind Siqgli was forwarded by the governor to the

Dakhin. On the way the party heard of ‘Alamglr’ s death, which took

place at Ahmadnagar, in the Dakhin, on the 28th Zul Ka‘dh, 1118 (2nd

March 1707) ; and Gobind, believing his star was again in the ascendant,

turned his face and hastened back to Hindustan. The story, as it stands,

with these details, is not quite credible. Was Gobind Siijgli at all likely

to surrender F If in the custody of a Muhammadan mace-bearer, would

he be allowed to return home, at his own pleasure, because ‘Alamglr

was dead ? All we can say is that there may be some foundation for

the story.

Of the next part of Gobind’s life we know a little, though not very

much, more than of that which had gone before. Dr. Trumpp4 seems

to look on the evidence for the following facts as slightly doubtful ; but

I think there is partial confirmation of them from the official history of

Bahadur Shah’s reign, compiled at the time. It seems certain that Gobind

Siijgli joined Bahadur Shfih at some point, when that prince was on his

1 Browne, 8, and SakhI Book, 102.

8 One version is that they were built-np alive in a wall ( McGregor, I, 86 ),

Warid, fol. 29, says that the mother, wife, two sons, and one daughter of the Guru

were captured. The two sons and the daughter were subjected to indignities,

paraded in derision, and then executed,

3 Warid, fol. 116, b.

4 Adigranth, xciii.

J 19

1894.] W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Sirjgh and Band ah

march down country from Labor to Agra, to contest the throne with his

brother, A’zam Shah. Gobind Siijgh must have received some rank

but what it was is not stated by the Muhammadans. A mansab

of 5,000, as stated by the Sikhs, is preposterous, the greatest leaders, at

the head of thousands of soldiers, having no higher rank, whereas Gobind

Siijgh is reported as having no more than two or three hundred mend In

the same way the Sikhs make the battle, fought at Jajau, between

Agra and Dholpur, on the 18th Rabi‘ I, 1119 (,18th June, 1707 \ to be

won solely by the marvellous feats of Gobind Siijgh and his Sikhs.

This is absurd, and may be summarily rejected. But there is, I think,

evidence that Gobind Siijgh was in the Emperor’s army at Agra im¬

mediately after the battle. I think that he is to be identified in the

entry of the Bahadur Shah Ndmah 2 of the 4th Jamadi I, 1119 (2nd

August 1707), when “a jewelled scarf was presented to Gobind Siijgh.”

The same doubt surrounds the place and time of Gobind Siijgh’s

death. The Sikhs assign it to Nader, on the Godavari, where they have

a shrine called Acalnagar, or the Immovable City.3 I think that this

tradition must be accepted as historically correct, and the time of death

must be taken as November 1708. 4 Bahadur Shall was then on his

march from Burhanpur to Haidarabad, as already related, and the Guru

was in his train. The tradition says that Gobind Siijgli’s death hap¬

pened on the fifth day of some lunar month.5 Now, in the Bahadur

Shah Ndmah, on the 5th Ramzan, 1120 (17th November 1708 ) we find

that a report was made to the Emperor “ as to the disposal of the mova¬

ble property left by Guru Gobind Nanak.6 It was of considerable

value, and according to rule ought to be confiscated. The Emperor,

with the remark that he was not in want of the goods of a Darvesh ,

ordered the whole to be relinquished to the heirs.” The death might

have just occurred ; at any rate, it must have happened quite recently.

Unfortunately, Danishmand Khan, in his contempt for all narrative,

tells us nothing of the mode of death. One Ajlt (or Ajib) Siijgh, who

passed as the Guru’s son, was brought to the Emperor, was invested

with a robe of honour, and taken into the Imperial service.7

1 Khafi Khan, II, 652.

2 Danishmand Khan, fol. 18.

8 E. Trumpp, Adigranth, xcvi.

4 McGregor, I, 100, says Sawan 1765 S., which would be July 1708. Cunning¬

ham, 81, note, has “ towards the end of 1708,” and Mufinu-d-dln fixes it on Katik,

Sudi 5th, 1765 S. (November 1708).

5 SakhI Book, 200.

6 As to the use of the name Nanalc by each Guru, see Cunningham, 57.

7 Mirza Mhd. This Ajit Siijgh was apparently an adopted son (Rae Chatarman’s

Chahdr Gulshan, my copy, fol. 143.) He was executed at Dihll in 1137 H. ( Tdrikh -

i-Muhammadi).

J. i. 16

120 W. Irvine — Guru Gobiud Sijjgh and Bandah. [No. 3,

There are several accounts of Guru Gobiud Siggh’s death, but the

two more usually received agree in stating that it was a death by vio¬

lence.1 Of these stories, one is that an Afghan horse-dealer had sold

some horses to the Guru. Payment was delayed. One day, the dealer

clamoured for his money with angry gestures. Provoked by the man’s

words, Gobind Siijgh cut him down. Some time afterwards the

Afghan’s sons found their opportunity and stabbed the Guru mortally,

when asleep or unguarded. This story is also slightly varied. The

Guru, in this version, is supposed to have repented of his violence and

showed favour to the murdered man’s son. One day, when they were

alone together, the Guru taunted the youth for his cowardice in not

revenging his father. The boy struck him with his dagger, inflicting a

slight wound, through which the entrails protruded. The wound was

sewn up and was healing, when Gobind Siijgh, in attempting to string

his bow, burst the stitches, the bowels again protruded, and lie died

almost immediately.

The tradition in the Sikh books2 is somewhat different. The mur¬

derer is stated to be the son of Said Khan, and the grandson of Paindah

Khan. Possibly the latter was the opponent whom Guru Har Gobind

slew. In opposition to his own precept, which prohibited all friendship

with Muhammadans, Gobind Siijgh allowed this boy to come about him.

One day, after they had played at chaujpar , a sort of draughts, Guru

Gobind lay down to rest, two daggers recently given to him being by

his side. The boy took up one of the daggers and inflicted three

wounds. Gobind Siijgh sprang up, crying out, “ The Pathans have

attacked me.” One Lakha Siijgh ran in and cut off the boy’s head.

The wounds were sewn up, and for fifteen days all went well. Then, on

the 2nd of some lunar month, two bows were brought to the Guru. In

trying to bend them, the Guru’s wounds opened, during the 3rd and

4tli he was insensible, and on the 5tli of that month he expired.3

Gobind Siijgh had three wives, Jltu, Sahib Kuar, and Sundaii.4

He had four sons ; one, Jhujhar Siijgh, by Jltu; two, Zorawar Siijgh

and Jit Siijgh, by Sahib Kuar ; and one, Fath Siijgh, by Sundarl.

According to the Sikh writings, all his sons pre- deceased him, and

according to them he left no male descendants. There was, however,

the adopted son, Ajlt Siijgh, of whom we learn from Muhammadan

sources.6

1 McGregor, I, 99, Cunningham, 79. The Sairu-l-Mutdkharin ( Briggs, 114)

says that G5bind died of grief for his children

2 SakhI Book, 198.

8 Katik, Sudi 5th, 1765 S., s oe ante, p. 119, note 4.

4 Sakhi Book, 97.

6 See ante , p, 119, note 7.

1394.]

121

W. Irvine — Guru Gohind Siygh and Bandah.

Bandah , the False Guru.

On tlie death of Gobind, his family and followers brought forward

a man, who exactly resembled the deceased.1 It is not very clear

who this man was ; he is generally spoken of either as Bandah (the

slave), or as the False Guru. Two contemporaries2 call him Fath

Shah, and if this be correct, it points perhaps to his passing as Fath

Sii)gh, the son of Gobind. Some say he was a Bairagi faqir, a native

of a village, Pandor, in the Baith Jalandhar dudbah , who for many

years had been the intimate friend of Guru Gobind.3 A more recent

account calls him Madhu Das, alias Narayan Das, and tells us he was

born on Katik, Sudi 13th, 1727 S. (October 1670) being the son of

Ram Deo, Rajput, of Rajaurl-garh in Punclili.4 The name given to him

at birth was Lachmi Deo. He formed a friendship with Jankl Par-

shad, Bairagi, with whom he went to the monastery (math) of Baba Ram

Thamman. This math is in a place not far from Qasur, which is itself a

little way south of Labor. Authority was at that time exercised there by

the Baba’s grandson, of whom Lachmi Deo became a celd , or disciple,

receiving the name of Lachman Bala, alias Narayan Das. In the end,

he found his way as a pilgrim to the Dakhin, there met Grobind Siijgh,

and became his disciple.5

Whatever may be the truth as to his origin and antecedents, this

man was now sent oif secretly from the Dakhin to Hindustan. At the

same time letters were written to the Panjab, informing the disciples

that their Guru had been slain in the Emperor’s camp by the dagger of

an Afghan. But just before his death, their leader had announced that in

a short time, through the power of transmigration, he would appear again

clothed with sovereignty, and whenever he should raise the standard of

independence, they would by joining him secure prosperity in this world

and salvation in the next. Immediate collections of cash and goods

must be made. Expectation was thus aroused, and the new mani¬

festation awaited.

Suddenly there appeared in the town of Kharkhoda, thirty-five

miles west of Dihll, a man who ‘gave himself out to be Guru Gobind

Sirjgh.6 According to some accounts, he asserted that he had recovered

from his wounds and returned to the Panjab ; others believed that he

1 Warid, fo. 117 a.

2 Kamwar Khan and Yahya Khan, TazHratu-l-Muluk (1149 H.)

3 Browne, 9.

4 Puuchh, a district in the west of Kashmir (Thornton. 788). Rajanri lies

between Naushahrah and Punclih.

6 Shaw sher-i- Khiilsah, 183.

6 Warid, fol. 117 a, Qasim fol. 24.

122

[No. 3,

W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Siygh and Bandali.

had been restored to life by God’s power.1 Personating thus Gobind

Siijgh, the new leader, became notorious under the deceased’s title of the

Guru, or Spiritual Director. The zamindars of the village where he ap¬

peared had become, several years before this time, followers of Guru

Gobind, and knew his appearance. As the pretender had copied Gobind

Sipgh’s exterior, and resembled him in features, these zamindars believed

in him, adopted his cause, and wrote in all directions to the Sikhs, telling

them that their lost leader had returned to earth. In response to this

call many armed men assembled, and as soon as there were five hundred

of them, they marched for Sonpat, about twenty-five miles north of

Dihli. The faujdar of Sonpat came out utterly unprepared, was routed,

and fled to Dihli.

Elated by this victory, Bandah made his way to the foot of the

hills north-east of Sirhind, where Gobind Siijgh early in life had

taken shelter. Soon he had forty thousand armed men gathered

round him, recruited chiefly from the lower caste Hindus.2 His chief

object was to attack Wazlr Khan,3 the murderer of Gobind’s children

and still faujdar of Sirhind, before he had time to make sufficient

preparations. The Guru began operations by encamping near the

town of Sadhaura, about twenty-six miles east of Ambala, where

there was a celebrated Muhammadan shrine, the tomb of Shah Faiz,

Qadiri.4’ Neither officials nor towns-people interfered with him, and

by friendly overtures he lulled their suspicions to sleep. Then he

attacked the town, killed many of the inhabitants, and plundered their

houses.5

1 No astonishment need arise at the acceptance in those days of such inven¬

tions ; for we have an almost exact parallel in the modern case of the Panjabi preten¬

der to the Raj of Landhaura, in the Saharanpur district, who appeared at Rurki

in 1874.

2 KhafI Khan, II, 562, says that at first there were 4,000 to 5,000 men on

ponies and 7,000 to 8,000 infantry, increasing first to 19,000, and in the end to

40,000 well-armed men.

3 Muhammad Jan, entitled first Kar Talajb Khan, then Wazlr Khan, rank 3,000

( Tarilch-i-Mhdi, year 1122). The Shamsher-i-Khulsah, 186, states that he was a

native of Kunjpura, a town in the Karnal district.

4 Thornton, 891, Lat. 30° 23 ', Long. 77° 16', a town near the foot of the Sub-

Himalaya, close to the left bank of the Markanda torrent ; it has a wall pierced for

musketry, and tall towers. See also George Forster, “ Journey,” I, 236, and the

“ Ain-i-Akbarl ” (translation) II, 105, 296. The Sliamsher-i- Khalsah, 187, calls the

Sadhaura saints Bahau-l-Haq and Kutbu-d-din, Jaison.

5 Mirza Muhammad, 215. The Shamsher-i- Khalsah, 187, places the attack on

Sadhaura in Magli 1764 S. ( November-December 1707 ). The mouth may be

right, but the year must be wrong,

189-4.]

W. Irvine — Guru Gobind SirjgTi and Bandah.

123

Wazir Khan, as soon as he heard of the pretender’s rising, harried

off from Sirhind with the three thousand to four thousand men then

present.1 The Sikhs were then on their way to attack him. Both

forces met on a plain between Alwan Sarae and the town of Banur,

some ten to twelve miles north-east of Sirhind.2 This was on the 24th

Rabi‘ I, 1122 (22nd May 1710). At the first shock the Sikhs, after a

feeble resistance, turned and fled. Wazir Khan’s force appeared to

have already gained the day, when suddenly a crowd of men were led

by the Guru to an attack on the Muhammadan rear. This bold movement

put heart into the flying Sikhs and, with loud cries of “ Sacha Padshah ”

and “ Path Daras,” they fell in a compact body on the Muhammadans,

who for a time held their ground. The Sikh swordsmen attacked

several elephants and wounded them. Sher Muhammad and Khwajah

‘All of Kotilah Maler3 were killed, and confusion arose in the Muham¬

madan ranks. Wazir Khan, then fully eighty years of age, made no

attempt to escape, but tried to rally his men, and continued to shoot his

arrows at the enemy. At length he, too, was killed by a musket shot.

The baggage was plundered, the elephants captured, and the body of

Wazir Khan dishonoured and hung to a tree. Hot a single Muhammadan

escaped with anything but the clothes upon his back.

Alarm spread through the streets of Sirhind, an old and prosperous

town, inhabited by wealthy bankers and traders and many well-born

Muhammadans of the learned class.4 Those who could do so fled, one of

the first being Wazir Khan’s eldest son, who, leaving all his father’s

hoards behind him, made off to Dihli with all his family. After a

feeble defence of two days, the town was taken. Every one who, for

want of carts or other conveyance, had been left behind, was made

prisoner. Only those Muhammadans who disguised themselves and

hid in the houses of the Hindus, escaped injury. The scavengers and

leather-dressers and such like persons, who were very numerous among

1 MIrza Muhammad, 215, Qasim, 84, Warid, 117 b, Khali Khan, II, 653, The last

gives the Muhammadan force as 5,000 to 6,000 horse, 7,000 to 8,000 foot, matchlock-

men and bowmen, with cannon and elephants. Sirhind is a corruption of the original

name, Sihrind.

2 Browne, 9, places the battle at Alwan Sarae, which is 12 m. S. E., of Sirhind.

Warid, 117 b, says “ near Banur.” The Anonymous Fragment of a Farrukhsiyar

namah (in my possession), fol. 15 a, states that the fight was near Chapparcharl.

There are two villages of this name, C. Kalan and C. Khurd, on Sheet No. 48 of the

Indian Atlas, They lie about 16 m. N. E , of Sirhind, on the Patiyall Rao, and are

10 m. N. by W. of Banur.

3 Maler is about 36 m. S.-W. of Sirhind.

4 MIrza Muhammad, 215, 217, Qasim, 24, KhafI Khan, II, 654 Sirhind, now

in the Patiala territory, is about 28 m. N--W., of Ambala.

124 W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Siggh and Bandah. [No. 3,

the Sikhs, committed excesses of every description. For the space of

four days the town was given up to pillage, the mosques were defiled,

the houses burnt, and the Muhammadans slaughtered ; even their

women and children were not spared. Some say that unborn children

were taken from the womb and killed before their dying mothers’ eyes.

Hindus even were not respected. One of the principal objects of the

Sikh vengeance was, of course, Saj Anand, Brahman, Wazir Khan’s

chief revenue official and his adviser in taking the life of Gobind’s

sons. Even Muhammadan writers have nothing to say in this man’s

favour; he had been, no doubt, like most men in his position, exacting

and haughty in his days of prosperity. All power was now usurped

by the Sikhs, and one Bar Siggh, a man of poor origin, belonging to

parganah Haibatpur Patti in the Bari Duab, was appointed Subahddr,

or governor of Sirhind. It is said that two krors of rupees (about

two millions sterling) in money and goods belonging to Wazir Khan’

and several hundred thousand rupees belonging to Saj Anand and

others, fell into the hands of Bandah.1

The atrocities of which Bandah and his agents were guilty arous¬

ed horror in the breasts of the Muhammadans. They forgot too readily,

perhaps, that rulers of their own faith had formerly committed equal

excesses. But, though the ways of the Muhammadan government were

never gentle in the suppression of rebellion, many generations must

have passed since such wholesale and unjustifiable destruction of

life and property had been done by them. Warid can only compare

the doings of the Sikhs to the cruelties committed by Pharaoh upon

the people of Israel, or to the massacres that followed the fall of

Jerusalem. Even in those two instances, though the living were des¬

troyed, the dead were spared. But “ those infidels,” the Sikhs, did

not even spare the dead ! The descendants of Shah Faiz, Qadiri,

of Sadhaura, were summoned before the Guru and told that their

only chance of life lay in destroying with their own hands their

mosque and the tomb of their ancestor. The wretched men complied.

Thereupon the Guru declared that to sweep from the face of the earth

men who could destroy their own holy places would be a righteous act,

bringing full reward in a future world. He then directed them to be

tortured and executed. When the tomb of the saint was dug up,

there was no trace of the body to be found beyond a handful of dust.

Instances of Muhammadans abandoning their faith were not unknown.3

Dindar Khan, a man belonging to the neighbourhood of Sirhind, joined

1 Kamwar Khan, entry of 2nd Rab? II, 1122 H. Bar Siijgh also appears as

Baz, Taj, and Baj Sffigh.

3 Yar Muhammad, Dastiiru-l-Insha, 8.

1894.] W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Siygh and Bandah. 125

the false Guru and assumed tlie name of Dlhdar Siijgh ; while Mir

Naslru-d-din, the imperial news-writer of Sirhind, became known as

Mir Naslr Si^gh, a curious and incongruous combination of titles.

From Sirhind as a centre, Bandah sent out parties to occupy

the country to the south, the east, and the west.1 In the first

two directions nearly the whole of Sirkar Sirhind (of Subah Dihli)

was occupied. Every mosque was thrown down. Samana, Sunam,

Mustafabad, Kaithal, Kuhram, Buriya, Sadhaura, Chath, Ambala,

Sliahabad, Thanesar, Pael, Supar, Phalvalpur, Machivara, Ludhiana,

all parganahs in the north of the Sirhind Sirkar , between the Satlaj

(popularly called the river of Ludhiana) and the Jamuna, fell into the

possession of the Sikhs. The Lakhi jungle,2 was the only country

not taken. Their further progress southwards from Thanesar was

opposed by Sardar Khan, a Muhammadan Rajput zamindar. If it had

not been for his exertions, there was nothing really to stop their ad¬

vancing against Dihli. It is true that Asad Khan, the wahU-i-mutlaq,

or Vice- Gere nt, was there, and as governor of the province in which

Sirhind was included, it was his duty to have taken active measures to

restore order. But he was very old and probably indifferent : in any

case, he did nothing.

In all the parganahs occupied by the Sikhs, the reversal of previous

customs was striking aud complete. A low scavenger or leather-dresser,

the lowest of the low in Indian estimation, had only to leave home and

join the Guru, when in a short space of time he would return to his

birth-place as its ruler, with his order of appointment in his hand.

As soon as he set foot within the boundaries, the well-born and wealthy

went out to greet him and escort him home. Arrived there, they stood

before him with joined palms, awaiting his orders. A scavenger, from

the nature of his duties, is intimately acquainted with the condition of

every household. Thus, the new ruler had no difficulty in exacting

from every one their best and most valuable belongings, which were

confiscated for the use of the Guru, or for his treasury. Not a soul

dared to disobey an order, and men, who had often risked themselves

in battle-fields, became so cowed that they were afraid even to re¬

monstrate. Hindus who had not joined the sect were not exempt from

these oppressions.

One party of Sikhs was sent across the Satlaj to take Sultanpur

1 Khafi Khan, II, 662, MIrza Muhammad, 215, Warid, 118, a.

2 On the map between pp. 64 and 65, in J. Rennell’s “ Memoir of a Map of

Hindoostan” (London, 1793), this tract is shown as directly south of Firuzpur,

between it and Bhatner. To the south of this, again, was the desert country of

Bhattl.

126

W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Sirjgh and Bandah.

[No 3,

and other places, in the duabah of Baith Jalandhar. They wrote in the

form of a pancdnah (that is, as if he were their subordinate ) to Shams

Khan, the faujdar, calling on him to submit, to send such supplies as

they needed, and to come out to escort them in, bringing with him such

money as he might have in his treasury. Shams Khan, by the advice

of the chief men of the town, gave the messengers the answer, that he

could not send the powder and lead they asked for, as he required the

necessary carriage for his friends and followers. The shops in the bazar

were full of lead, and he had store-house upon store-house full of powder.

If they furnished means of conveyance, a supply would be sent.

Shams Khan then took the field at the head of four thousand to

five thousand horsemen, and thirty thousand matchlockmen and bowmen,

partly old troops and partly newly-raised men sent in by the zamindars.

The better classes of all kinds, also the poorer classes, and many artisans,

chiefly weavers, joined his standard, resolved to defend their homes and

sell their lives dearly. Contributions in money were also given.

Altogether more than one hundred thousand men had collected, and a

start was made from Sultanpur.1 As soon as the Sikhs heard that

Shams Khan was coming, they moved at the head of 70,000 horse and

foot, with the cannon taken at Sirhind, much siege materiel in the shape

of planks and sand-bags for preparing batteries, with cart-loads of powder

and lead. Plundering as they moved, they drew near to the town of

Rahim, about fifty miles east of Sultanpur, before which they encamped.

They occupied the mounds formed by some brick-kilns, and wTith the

bricks and debris built a sort of fort, placed entrenchments round

their camp, and awaited an attack. They sent out foraging parties in

all directions with menacing letters to the head revenue payers ( chau -

dhris), and revenue officers ( qanungos ) of the parganahs, demanding

their submission.

Shams Khan’s supporters well knew that if he were defeated, their

lives, families, and property would be sacrified. Therefore they ad¬

vanced boldly till they were about the distance of a musket-shot from

the Sikh entrenchment. The cannonade began at three hours after

sunrise. Thousands of balls and stones from slings fell like hail on the

Muhammadans, but without causing much loss. Shams Khan had warned

his troops against too hasty an advance and a useless expenditure of

powder. They bore onward slowly and steadily. After two volleys

from the Sikhs, the Muhammadans, reinforced by a number of their co¬

religionists from the country around, rushed on their foes with loud cries

of Allahu-Akbar (God is Great). Many of the Sikhs were killed and

wounded ; their efforts at resistance were fruitless, and in a panic, they

1 About 40 m. W. of Ludhiana and over 80 m. W. of Sirhind.

1894]

W. Irvine — Guru Gob in cl Siygh and Bandah.

127

took refuge within the fort near Rahun, which they had prepared before

the battle. There they were invested and could only reply by musketry-

fire and the firing of rockets. They had a supply of the munitions of

war and of food, which they had brought together from the houses in

Rahun, the inhabitants having fled for their lives, leaving everything

behind. Thus they were able to hold the position for several days, and

at night parties issued forth to harass the outlying posts of the Muham¬

madans, destroying many a horse and man. Both sides suffered, but

especially the Sikhs. After a time they evacuated their entrenchments

during the night, and Shams Klian pursued for some miles, capturing one

gun and several loaded camels and oxen. He then returned in triumph

to Sultanpur. The next day, however, about one thousand men came

back, ejected Shams Khan’s officer, and re-occupied Rahun; but beyond

this no hold was then obtained by the Sikhs upon the Jalandhar Duab.1

Let us next trace the Sikh fortunes in another direction. As

soon as the Sikh expedition eastwards had crossed the Jamuna, ‘All

Hamid Khan, faujdar of that part of the country, took fright, and in

spite of offers by the Afghan and other leading Muhammadans to repair

the walls and stand on the defensive, that very night marched away

from Saharanpur, and took the road to Dihli. The Sikhs, learning

that the imperial officer had abandoned the town, made all haste to the

spot, soon overcame the resistance of the inhabitants, and plundered it

as they had done Sirhind. The whole country, far and near, was in a

panic. Those people, who were rich enough or lucky enough to obtain

means of conveyance, carried off their goods and families. The rest,

taking their wives and children by the hand, fled on foot. Women who

had rarely been outside the courtyard of their own house, and had never

gone one step outside of it on foot, were forced to walk distances of thirty

and forty miles. Many women threw themselves into wells to avoid

outrage. In this way, half of the sirhar of Saharanpur fell into the

hands of the Sikhs.8

Next, the Sikhs wrote to Jalal Khan.9 former faujdar, calling upon

1 The report of Shams Khan (entitled Shamsu-d-dln Khan) was received by

the Emperor on the 18th Sha‘ban, 1122 (11th Oct., 1710) (Kamwar Khan, entry of

that date). He was a nephew of Husain Khan of Qasur ( Fatuhat Nmnah-i-Samadi

fol. 24 a.)

2 Mirza Muhammad, and KhafI Khan, IT, 654. The latter calls the faujdar Ali

Muhammad Khan.

3 Jalal Khan, son of Hazar Mir, Warakzai Afghan, MIranzai Khail, died about

the 22nd Muharram, 1130, Farrnkhsiyar’s sixth year (Kamwar Khan, entry of that

date). He is there described as Thandddr of Thana Bhim, the parganah capital,

three miles south of Jalalabad. Dost Muhammad Khan, founder of the Bhopfd State,

in Central India, was of the same tribe. (Rustam All, Tarikh-i- Hindi, fol. 279 a).

J. i. 17

128

W. Irvine — Guru Cobind Sirjgh and Bandah.

[No. 3,

him to submit. He lived at a town founded by him, and called Jalala¬

bad ; it lies about thirty miles south of Saharanpur and about twenty

miles west of Deoband. The town is surrounded by a wall, and many

Afghan soldiers had their homes there. When the Sikh messengers

came before Jalal Khan, he ordered them to be paraded derisively

through the streets and ejected from the town. Immediate preparations

were made for its defence. Soon word was brought that the Sikhs bad

surrounded two large villages, dependent on and situated four or five

miles from Jalfilabad. The chief sent out a strong force to relieve these

villages, putting at its head Ghulam Muhammad Khan, his grandson,

and Hizbar Khan, his cousin. Encouraged by the arrival of reinforce¬

ments, the villagers, four or five hundred men, armed with matchlocks

or bows, and a number of their tenantry armed in various ways, many

with only slings and stones, came out boldly to disperse the Sikhs. In

the fight, Hizbar Khan and a number of both Muhammadans and vil¬

lagers lost their lives. But, in the end, pressed by repeated onslaughts

from the Afghans, the Sikhs gave way.1 2 * *

Other contests followed between the Sikhs and Jalal Khan, and the

former were repulsed two or three times. In spite of these reverses,

they persisted in their attempts against the town. Seventy to eighty

thousand men had collected from all parts. The assailants prepared

two or three hundred movable batteries, formed of planks and mounted

on cart-wheels. Jalalabad was closely invested. When these batteries

were brought to the foot of the walls and close to the town gate, the Sikhs

showered from them bullets and arrows and stones upon the Afghans.

i

then with cries of Fath Bards four or five hundred men, carrying

mattocks and other tools, rushed forward, intending to dig through the

earthen wall, to affix ladders, and to set fire to the gates. At such mo¬

ments, the Afghans threw open the gates and, sword in hand, with their

shields raised before their faces, made a rush upon the foe. At each

sally they cut down two or three hundred of the Sikhs, at the same

time losing many lives on their own side. At night-time other

sallies were made, Avhen the besiegers were caught unawares and

put to the sword. For twenty days the besieged found no proper

leisure to eat their food or to take rest. In the end, after losing some

thousands of men, the Sikhs withdrew without having been able to

take the town.8

When the outbreak in Sirhind and the defeat of Wazir Khan

1 Khafi Khan, II, 655.

2 Khafi Khan, II, 656. The Emperor received Jalal Khan’s report of these

events on the 15th Jamadi I, 1122 (11th July, 1710), — Kamwar Khan, (entry of

that date).

1894]

W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Sirjgh and Bandah.

129

became known at Labor, the Siklis collected at their holy place,

Amritsar, or the Nectar Lake, in the village of Chak Guru, about forty

miles north of Labor, already renowned for its gardens and lake, and

for the great gathering, or meld, held there in Phalgun (February) of

every year. In this conclave, the Sikhs resolved to make an attempt

on Labor, hoping to have the same success as at Sirhind. The imperial

governor was then Sayyad Aslam Khan, a waulvi from Kabul. He was

the deputy for Prince Mu‘izzu-d-dm, Jahandar Shah, the Emperor’s

eldest son. This man made no effort to repel an attack from out¬

side, though in one way or another he prevented any outbreak within

the city of Lahor itself. But parganahs such as Batfila and Kalanaur

(where Akbar was crowned), both in Sirkar Batala, were completely

ravaged.1 The Sikh depredations extended even to the suburbs and to the

Shalihmar garden, only three miles from the city. The Muhammadans

of Labor now took the matter into their own hands. Muhammad Taqqi,

a relation of the late Shah Sa£dullah (i. e., Shahjahan’s greatest wazlr,

Sa‘dullah Khan, ‘Allami), and Musa Beg, Lohani, son of Khuda Wirdi

Beg, Aghar-Khani, specially exerted themselves to collect men and

obtain supplies. Many traders made contributions in money. Others

joined in person, such as the son of Sayyad Ismafil, Haji Yar Beg,

Sayyad Tnayat, and Mulla Pir Muhammad, the preacher. The rallying

point was the plain near the Tdgah mosque:2

Hearing that among the populace he had earned the reputation of

a coward, Sayyad Aslam Khan, the governor, sent out a force of five

hundred horse and foot, commanded by Mir ‘Ataullah, a man from down

country, and Muhabbat Khan, Karal, zammdar of Faridabad. This ex¬

pedition caused the Sikhs to retreat to parganah Tappa Bharli;3 where

there was a small brick fort, built by Bhagwant Bay, the qanungd of

the parganah. The fort was put in a state of defence and supplies to

last a siege were collected. After some delay, the imperialists arrived

and invested the place. The Sikhs were unable to come out into the

open, but they made a good defence from the bastions and walls. After

a time they lost heart and decamped under cover of night. The Muham¬

madans returned to Labor, signalizing their return by insulting the

Hindus of the city and threatening their own rulers.4

Once again, the Sikhs gathered at Kotila Begam, a place near the

1 Batala, about 60 m. N.-E., and Kalanaur, about 70 m. N.-E. of Lahor. Details

of the attack on Batala are given in McGregor, I, 108.

2 Qasim, fol. 27.

3 In Sirkar Bari Duab, Atn-i-Akbari, IT, 110. For Karal, or Kharral, see, Ibbetson,

Census, 470, 471.

4 Qasim, fol. 95.

130

W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Sipgh and JBandah.

[No. 3,

town of Jamarhi.1 The Labor Muhammadans a second time took the

field. On the march, their undisciplined force plundered the villages

near the road. When the Muhammadans reached the small fort, the

Sikhs came out boldly and met them in the open. Treachery was at

work among the Muhammadans. The Afghans of Sauri village, who were

secretly disaffected owing to the governor’s exactions, are said to have

come to an understanding with the Sikh leaders, who were their neigh¬

bours. While the fortune of the day was doubtful, and the result still

hung in the balance, these Afghans turned their bridle-reins and made

for their homes. The remaining Muhammadans were unable to hold their

own, and some of their leaders fell, among others Sayyad ‘Tnayat, of

Bhatdyan village, the Muhammad Taqqi already mentioned, and Muham¬

mad Zaman, a Ranghar Rajput. By a great effort the Sikhs were

driven back to the walls of the fort, and thus many Muhammadans were

enabled to escape from the battle. High wind and heavy rain were

obstacles in the way of both combatants, and night fell before a decisive

victory had been gained by either side. As the daylight disappeared

the fighting died down, and during the night the Muhammadan force

melted away into nothing.2

The Emperor marches against the Sikhs.

The first news of the Sikh outbreak was brought to Bahadur Shah

on the 2nd Rabi‘ II, 1122 (30th May, 1710), when he was approaching

Ajmer on his return march from the Dakhin. A peace was forthwith

patched up with the Rajputs and attention was turned to the new trouble.

Some difference of opinion seems to have arisen between Bahadur Shah

and Munlm Khan, his wazir. The Emperor wished to make a rapid

march with such troops as could keep up with him. Mun‘im Khan,

arguing that it would be derogatory to the Emperor’s dignity thus to

rush in haste to suppress an enemy that had never been heard of

before, preferred a more deliberate advance. If it were thought that

delay would enable the rebel Guru either to make his position im¬

pregnable or to escape, Munlm Khan would bind himself by solemn

oaths to be answerable for the capture of the rebel. Some state that

Bahadur Shah’s unwonted eagerness arose from the chance of conduct¬

ing what he looked on as a jahad, or holy war against the infidel, such

as had not been the good fortune for many years of any Emperor in

Hindustan.8

The plundered inhabitants of Sirhind and Thanesar, with the

1 In Sirkar Batala, “ Im,” II, 110, 318.

2 Qasim, fo. 97.

3 Kamwar Khan, 68, Warid, 119 a.

1894.]

W. Irvine — Guru Golind Sirjgh and JBandah.

131

Pirzadahs of Sirliind and Sadtiaura, arrived at the camp in a destitute

condition, raising loud cries about the oppression that they had suffered,

and making many grievous complaints. Ajmer was quitted on the 1st

Jamadi I, 1122 (27th June, 1710), urgent orders being sent to Khan

Dauran (afterwards Nizamu-l-Mulk) the Subahdar of Audh ; Muhammad

Amin Khan, Cln, faujdar of Muradabad; Khan Jahan, Subahdar of

Allahabad, and Sayyad ‘Abdullah Khan, Barha, calling on them to

march without delay and join Asad Khan, Subahdar of Dihli and

Wakil-i-mutlaq , in his advance against the Sikhs. Meanwhile the Em¬

peror’s camp moved on, via Rupnagar, Sambhar, Rasiilpur, Prfigpura

and Narnaul ; the capital, Dihli, being passed on their right hand at a

considerable distance.1 In order to prevent desertions, proclamation

was made on the 1st Rajab, 1122 (25th August, 1710), that no man

should visit Dihli without permission, nor should any man’s family

come out to camp to see him. Another precautionary measure was an

order for all Hindus employed in the imperial offices to shave off their

beards. As the Sikhs had many well-wishers among the Khatri clerks,

these men were thus forced to choose between losing their appointments,

or committing an act that excluded them from the Sikh sect, The

order was carried out, it seems, in a very harsh manner. Petty officers

perambulated the streets and bazars of the camp, followed by barbers

bearing dirty water in a scavenger’s vessel. Whenever a Hindu was met

wearing a beard, he was seized and his beard shaved off. The clerks in

the imperial offices hid in their quarters, and did not appear again in

public, until they had been shaved.2 3

Prom Pragpura, on the 12th Jamadi II, 1122 (7th August, 1710),

a force was sent on in advance, under the command of Flruz Khan.

Mewatl, Sultan Quli Khan, a nephew of Rustam Dil Khan, Shakir

Khan, and others ; an allowance of 50,000 rupees being granted to Flruz

Khan for the payment of levies. Muhammad Amin Khan and his son,

Qamru-d-din Khan, arrived about the same time from Muradabad (27th

Jamadi II, 1122 (22nd August, 1710). A week or two after the first

force had started, another was sent off under Sayyad Wajlhu-d-dln

Khan, Barha. On the 4th Rajab (28th August) Khan Dauran s reach¬

ed the camp ; and when the Emperor was at the towm of PatodhI, 4 (17th

1 Rupnagar, about 28 m. N. of Ajmer, about 200 m. S.-W. of Dihli ; Sambhar,

about 55 m. N.-E. of Ajmer; Rasulpur, (not traced) ; Pragpura, 120 m. N.-E. of

Ajmer, about 100 m. S.-W. of Dihli ; Narnaul, 150 m. N -E. of Ajmer, 80 m. S.-W.

of Dihli.

2 Qasim, 32, Kamwar Khan, 73. Khafi Khan, II, 669, 674*. Dasturu-l-Iv sha, 13.

3 Formerly Cin Qilic Khan, afterwards Nizamu-l-Mulk.

4 About 35 m. S.-W. of Dihli.

132

W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Siggh and Bandah.

[No 3,

Rajab, lOtli September), Saifu-d din ‘All Kb an. Najmu-d-din ‘All Khan,

and Siraju-d-din ‘All Khan, younger brothers of Sayyad ‘Abdullah

Khan, Barha, came in from their home across the Jarauna. Khan

Jahan (Sipahdar Khan) did not arrive till the 4th Ramzan, 1122 (26th

October, 1710). Curaman, Jat, joined when the camp was nearer

Dihlid

After a halt to celebrate the Emperor’s birth-day, followed by

several days’ delay from heavy rain, and a hunting excursion of a few

days in the preserves of Jyunti, the army at length, on the 29th Sha‘ban

1122 (22nd October, 1710), reached the town of Sonpat, some thirty

miles beyond Dihll. Here, on the 4th Ramzan (26th October), a letter

was received from Shamsu-d-din Khan, faujdar of the Jalandhar Duab,

reporting that he had, on the 19th Sha‘ban, 1122 (12th October, 1710),

gained a victory over the enemy. On the 8tli Ramzan (30th October

1710), at the next stage, Sarae Kunwar, Rustam Dil Khan reported to

His Majesty that four days before (26th October), Firuz Khan. Mewati,

had fought the enemy between Indri and Karnal, and he now sent in

three hundred heads. Flruz Khan was rewarded with the appointment

of faujdar of Sirhind, and six robes of honour were sent for him and

his companions. The next marches were to Sarae Sambhalka, Panl-

pat, Kharonda, then near a brick bridge close to Karnal, next to Karnal

itself, ‘Azimabad-Talaorl ( alias ‘Alamgirpur), and then Thanesar, which

was reached on the 22nd Ramzan, 1122 (13th November, 1710). At

Karnal a further fight was heard of ; it had taken place at Thanesar

and the Sikhs had been again defeated. Firuz Khan, after clearing

Thanesar, had gone on to Shahabad, ten miles further to the north.

Such Sikhs as had been made prisoners were strung up to the road-side

trees, their long hair being twisted to perform the office of a rope.1 2

Before these successes were obtained, the road from Dihll had been

barred for many months. Bayazld Khan, an Afghan of Qasur near

Labor, and then faujdar of the Jammu hill country, was on his march

up-country with a retinue of several thousand men. On reaching Panf-

pat his further progress was stopped. But on the advance of Flruz

Khan, he took the initiative and drove the Sikhs before him. He was

also assisted by his nephew, Shamsu-d-din Khan,3 faujdar of the

Jalandhar Duab, already spoken of, who came now from Bajvara, in

that jurisdiction, as far as Sirhind. Bayazld Khan, ‘Umr Khan, and

1 Kamwar Khan, 72, 73, 75 ; Browne, 11 ; Khafi Khan, II, 668.

2 Kamwar Khan, 75, 76 ; Qasim, 100 ; for Shamsu-d-din Khan see the next note.

S SLamsher, Khweshgi, was made Shamsu-d-din Khan, and on joining the im¬

perial service was given the rank of 500, 150 horse. (Danishmand Khan, entry of

24th Zu,l Hajj, 1119, 2nd year of Bahadur Shah.)

1894.] W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Siggh and Bandah, 133

Shamsu-d-din Khan encountered the Sikhs at a grove known as Ya‘qut

Khan’s, and drove them in disorder towards Sirhind, where they took

refuge in the fort, and were there invested. The first success of these

leaders was gained on the 19th Sha‘ban, 1122 (12th October, 1710), 1

and it w~as followed by a further victory, of which a report was received

on the 6th Shawwal (27th November, 1710). Good service was also

done within the Baith Jalandhar Duab, by ‘Ise Khan, Ma‘in. Muham¬

mad Amin Khan, who had been appointed to command a detached force,

was now directed to march with all speed and take measures for the

reduction and occupation of Sirhind.

Leaving Thanesar on the 4th Shawwal, 1122 (25th November, 1710),

Bahadur Shah, in five marches by way of Shahabad and Aukala, reach¬

ed Sadhaura on the 13th of the same month. Sadhaura is about

thirty-six miles north-east of Thanesar. A few days before this date,

it had been reported that the Sikhs had moved southwards from

Sadhaura, with 3,000 horsemen and 10,000 infantry,* and had entrenched

themselves on the road. Subsequently, they must have thought it

wiser not to risk an encounter, for the imperial march was not molested.

The Sikhs fled even from Sadhaura, and took refuge in the hills to the

north-east of that place. Sadhaura itself is a town on a high hill of

steep ascent, standing on the edge of the Markhanda torrent, in a

hilly and, in those days, well- wooded country.3

The Guru’s head- quarters were not at Sadhaura, but farther on,

within the first hills, in a region called by the native writers both

Mukhlispur and the Dakar. Their use of the first name raises some

difficul ties of identification. They confound the site of the Guru’s fort

with Mukhlispur, the name for the hunting lodge, now called Badshahi

Mahal, built by Shahjahan close to the left bank of the Jamuna, and a

few miles below the heads of what are now called the Eastern and

Western Jamuna Canals. Some lands, which had been detached from

parganah Muzaffarabad, of Sirkar Sakaranpur, were assigned to it and

called Faizabad.4 This is, at the very least, twelve miles too far to the

east for the Mukhlispur that we want, for which we must make search

somewhere between Sadhaura on the west, Nahan on the north, and the

Jamuna river on the east. That there was such a place, is shown by our

finding Moklespore (Mukhlispur) on J. Rennell’s map 5 of 1792, exactly

1 Report received on the 4th Ramzan.

2 Khafi Khan, II, 669, says 30,000 to 40,000 men.

3 Kamwar Khan, 77.

4 Malasiru-l-Umard, printed text, II, 867, III, 157. ‘Alamglr visited this place

in 1073 II. ( Ma' asir-i-1 Alamgiri , 42).

5 Rennell, “ Memoir,” 3rd Edition, “ Map of Countries between Dehll and

Candahar.”

134

W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Siqgh ctnd Bandah.

[No. 3,

where we want it, namely, half-way between Nahan and Sadhaura.

Dakar (with the Hindi, or cerebral d) must have been the name of the

region round Mukhlispur. It is described as “a place seven or eight Jcos

“ from Sadhaura, near the northern hills, and on the edge of it is a

“ small hill, difficult of access, on which Islam Khan, son of Sher Khan,

a Sur, in his day of brief authority, began to build a strong fortress,

“ under the name of Pavagarh. It was left unfinished at his death,

“ and fell into ruins, parts of which still remain. Bandah restored

“ and extended these ruins.1”

Here the Sikhs had built a strong fort as a place of refuge, ap¬

parently the first to resort to this quarter haying been Guru Gobind

Siijgh, in the period of seclusion succeeding his father, Tegh Bahadur’s,

death. The name given to the stronghold was Lohgarh, or Iron Fort,

either in allusion to the prominence of iron in the Guru’s new ritual,

or with reference to the fort’s supposed impregnability. Its exact

situation cannot be determined, but it was about half-way between the

towns of Kalian (in Sirmur) and Sadhaura (Sirkar Sirhind) ; probably

it stood on some spur of the hills over-looking one of the dry, stony,

torrent beds, or rads, which form such a peculiar feature of the hill

country and its border-land, both there and in the north of the Saha-

ranpur district. The fort may have been on the Som rao, or more

probably, on the rao still bearing the name of Lohgarh.2 Roughly

speaking, it lay some twelve miles to the north-east of Sadhaura.

Here the Guru stood at bay, having the walls of the fort mounted with

small cannon and pierced for musketry.3

At Lohgarh, Bandah tried to assume something of regal state. He

was the Sacd Padshah, or Veritable Sovereign, his disciples all Siyghs,

or lions. A new form of greeting, Path dard.s (May you behold victory !),

was invented, and Muhammadans were slightingly called Maslah. Coin

was struck in the new sovereign’s name. One side bore the lines :

Sihkah zad bar har do iddam teah-i-Ndnah wahib ast,

Path Gobind, Shah-i-shdlidn fazl-i-Saca Sahib ast .

If we are to judge by this halting, obscure verse, Bandah was a

better warrior than he was poet. The lines, an obvious imitation of

the inscriptions on the Mughal coins, seem to mean “ Fath Gobind,

“ king of kings, struck coin in the two worlds, the sword of Nanak is

“ the granter of desires, by grace he is the veritable Lord.” On the

1 “ Anonymous Fragment,” fob 14 b. This work is tract No. 4, in a miscel¬

laneous volume, formerly in the library of Dr. Lee, now owned by me. Salim Shah

(Islam Khan) reigned 1545-1553.

2 Indian Atlas, sheet No. 48.

3 Kamwar Khan, 79.

1894]

W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Siggh and Bandah.

135

reverse were tliese words, Zarb ba Amanu-d-dahr , Maswarat-shahr ,

Zinatu-t-takht-i-mubdrak-bakht. “ Coined at Refuge of the World, the

Walled City, Ornament of the Fortunate Throne.” These were the

titles and epithets assigned by him to Lohgarh, just as each imperial

city had its appropriate honorific name. On his letters he impressed

a seal, bearing the following rhyming inscription :

Teg , deg , o fath, nusrat-i-be-dirarjg ,

Ydft az Nanak , Guru Gobind Sir/gh.

“ Guru Gobind Sipgh found in Nanak, sword, pot, and conquest, help

“ without hindrance or delay.”1 2 Not content with supremacy in the

state, he also claimed, as other sovereigns have done, to be above gram¬

mar. By his order all nouns in Hindi and Persian having feminine

terminations were changed into the masculine form. For instance,

sawari (a retinue) and kacahari (a court-house or office) were pronounced

by him and his Sikhs, saivdra and kacahard /3

The campaign which the Emperor had undertaken was rendered

more arduous by the nature of the country and the season of the year.

It happened that much rain fell that year in December and January,

and the imperialist army, largely composed of men who had served

in the Dakhin only, and were accustomed to a much milder climate,

suffered severely from the almost incessant rain and the bitterly cold

wind, which blew with great force every night. Supplies were also

deficient, and the muddy state of the country was an additional obstacle.

The losses among the horses and cattle were very heavy. Added to

these material difficulties were others of a more imaginary but hardly

less potent nature. According to the popular voice the Guru was a

most powerful magician, greater even than he who made a calf to talk ;

he could turn a bullet from its course and could work such spells that

spear and sword had little or no effect upon his followers. Owing to

these idle rumours the Emperor and the nobles and the soldiers were

much disturbed in mind and disheartened. The Sikhs, on the other

hand, were encouraged by the belief instilled into them by Bandah that

all who lost their lives in this war would be re-created at once in a

higher rank of life.3

1 These words were used by the Sikhs on the coins they made at Lahor in

1765. See C. J. Rodgers, Journal, Asiatic Soc. of Bengal, LVII, Part I, 30. For the

seal, bearing the same inscription, still used by the Sikhs at Abcalnagar (Nader)

and elsewhere, see Sayyad Muhammad Latif, History of the Panjdb, 270. Deg,

literally “ pot,” means, I believe, the contributions levied from the faithful. Cun¬

ningham, 103, note, and App. IX, thinks it a metaphor for abundance or prosperity.

2 Anonymous Fragment of Farrukhsiyar Namah, fol. 16 a.

3 Kamwar Khan, 78, Dastiiru-l-Insha , 11, and Khafi Khan, II, 671.

J. i. 18

136 W. Irvine — Guru Gobiud Sirjgli and Bandah. [No. 3,

On the 13tli Shawwal, 2122 (4th December, 1 710), Rustam Dil

Khan, in his capacity of Mir Toza/c, or quarter-master-general, was

directed to go forward with the advance tents and select an appropriate

site for tlie next encampment, taking care to protect the tents from any

attack by the other side. Mun£im Khan, the wazir, and his son, Mahab-

bat Khan, escorted the tents with their own troops, re-inforced by those

of the third prince, Rafi‘u-sh-Shan, which were commanded by his

BakhshI, or general, Afzal Khan. Next day it was ascertained that

when Rustam Dil Khan had gone about two libs from camp, the enemy

began to show in the jungle, commencing the attack with a shower of

arrows, rockets, and musket balls. Without pausing, Rustam Dil Khan

rushed upon them. The Sikhs stood their ground bravely and on their

coming to close quarters, many on both sides were killed. Soon the

rest of the imperial troops arrived.1 About fifteen hundred Sikhs were

slain, including two of their leaders, and of the imperialists, a nephew

of Firuz Khan, Mewati, was killed, and his son wounded. Just before

night-fall the Sikhs lost heart and made off into the ravines between

the hills.2 3

The imperialists beat their drums in honour of the victory, and,

advancing another one-and-a-half kos , they set up the imperial tents.

Mun‘im Khan and his son remained to protect them, while Rustam Dil

Khan, Afzal Klian and other employes proceeded half a kos farther and

took up a position on the bank of the Som, in which stream there was a

small quantity of running water. On the other side of the stream

stretched a wilderness full of trees. All night long there was a

dreadful noise, and the whole time was passed in watching and on the

alert. The Emperor gave Rustam Dil Klian the credit for this first

success. This was no more than his due, for when most of his followers

had retreated, he stood firm with only forty or fifty horsemen, who

were his own relations, and continued the fight till the rest of the

division came up to reinforce him and dispersed the enemy. * He

received the title of Ghazi Klian, Rustam Jang, and his rank was

raised to 4,000 zdt , 3,000 horse. Valuable gifts were sent off to him by

the hand of Haiyat Khan, and trays of food from the imperial kitchen

were forwarded to the wazir and his son.s

On the 18th Shawwal 1122 (9tli December, .1710), Bahadur Shah

reached his camp on the banks of the Som, where MunTrn Klian and his

son, Mahabbat Khan, were received in audience. The Emperor expressed

his intention of inspecting the next day the entrenchments prepared by

1 Kamwar Khan himself was present with Raffiu-sh- Shan’s troops.

2 Kamwar Khan, 78.

3 Kamwar Khan, 79.

1894.] W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Siggh and Bandah, 137

the Sikhs at the foot of the hills, and Prince RafPu-sh-Shan received

orders to provide for His Majesty’s protection during the reconnaisance.1 2

Next morning, the 19th Shawwal 1122 (10th December, 1710),

Prince Pafi‘u-sh-Shan led out the imperial troops towards the foot of

the Dakar hills. A quarter of a hos in advance came the Prince, lead¬

ing the imperial vanguard. Raja Udait Siqgh, Bundela (of Orcha),

was at the head of Zu,lfiqar Khan’s contingent ; while Munlm Khan,

the minister, accompanied by his two sons, Maliabbat Khan aud Khan

Zaman, bore away to the right by a route pointed out to him by men

with knowledge of the locality. The most forward part of Mun'im

Khan’s force was led by Raja Cattarsal, Bundela, and Islam Khan,

general of artillery. Mun‘lm Khan was also supported by the troops

of Hamldu-d-din Khan and the contingents of the Princes ‘Azlmu-sh-

Shan and Jahan Shah.3

Before a fourth of the day had passed, Mun'im Khan and his force

came upon the Sikh entrenchments, strongly constructed on the tops of

the hills. A heavy artillery and musketry fire was commenced, and

in time the enemy were dislodged from the top of a small hill. The

contending parties then came to closer quarters and many Sikhs lost

their lives. About mid-day Mun‘im Khan’s troops made good their

approach to the Lohgarh fort, the Guru’s home and head-quarters.

A severe struggle ensued. By this time the imperial troops (under

RafI‘u-sh-Shan) had quitted the open plain and were distant about

a quarter of a Jcds from the walls of Lohgarh. Prom time to time

shots from the walls fell in the prince’s ranks, but luckily none of them

did any harm. Zu,lfiqar Khan halted and at intervals sent messages

to the Prince that a slow advance was advisable. Although this advice

was in appearance full of prudence, the clearer-sighted were aware

that this desire to delay was wholly due to old quarrels and differences

of opinion with Mun'im Khan. The Prince, to please Zu,lfiqar Khan,

gave orders to halt, and alighting, he entered a light field-tent to eat

some breakfast.^

A little after mid-day, at the time of the Zuhr prayer, a great

smoke and much noise arose within the Sikh enclosure. Kamwar

Khan with one or two companions, then left the Prince’s division and

went towards the position of the Sikhs. When they arrived within an

arrow’s flight of the earthen fortification, they drew rein, and at that

moment a cannon ball from the top of the hill struck a tamarind tree,

1 Kamwar Khan, 79.

2 Kamwar Khan, 79, 80. He here notes that he now quits the reports of others

and records what he saw with his own eyes.

3 Kamwar Khan, 80.

138 W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Siggli and BandaTi. [No. 3,

then glancing off grazed slightly the neck of the horse ridden by one

of the party, and passed on 'without doing further damage, beyond

having thrown the group into some disorder. Shortly after this

happened, some plunderers who had made their way into the fort, passed

carrying on their backs an Afghan, who had been hurt by a gunpowder

explosion. From these men Kamwar Khan learnt that the imperialists

had reached the hill-top and had begun to slay and plunder, but the

enemy still continued to defend several other of the small hills, and

some of them had taken refuge in a fort that they had named Satarah-

garli, or the Star fort.1

Kamwar Khan went on to the entrenched post of the Sikhs and

found it in the hands of the plunderers, Rohilla Afghans, Biloch, and

others, who had taken crowds of women and children prisoners. The

heavy goods and baggage they had set fire to, taking only cash and

articles of value. Through the carelessness of these men several maga¬

zines of powder took fire, by which many of them were blown up.

One heart-rending spectacle was the dead body of Saj Anand’s son, and

those of many Muhammadan men and women, slain by the Sikhs before

they had taken to flight. The bodies lay half-hidden by a few stones

hastily thrown over them.3

One Mirza Rukn now arrived from the front, and informed them

that the struggle still continued in the passes of the hills. Rustam

Dil Khan, he said, had gained the foot of a small hill, on which stood

a white building. It was believed that the Guru, in person, was in that

house. The Mirza added that, so far as he had ascertained, the Sikh

leader was seated under a particular awning on a particular hill, look¬

ing on at the action, and that all way of escape from that hill was cut

off. This conversation had hardly ended, when Raja Udait Siggli,

stung by the taunts of his fellow countryman, Cattarsal, Bundela,

rode off towards that hill, and his matchlock-men, quickly occupying

an eminence which commanded it, poured their fire upon it. It seems

that the Guru, who with several of his chief men was in that tent,

was disconcerted by this firing, and moving down to the other side of

the hill made good his escape. His departure caused the evacuation of

several of the other hill-tops. The Raja and other commanders of

Mun lm Khan’s force cleared the other eminences of their defenders, and

by the time of evening-prayer none of their Sikh opponents were left,

except those in the white building. Many women and children, horses

and camels, were captured. Mun’im Khan was now recalled and he re¬

turned to the imperial camp, leaving Rustam Dil Khan and his troops

1 Kamwar ghan, 81.

2 Kamwar Khan, 80.

1894.]

W. Irvine — Guru Gob hid Sir/gh and Bandah.

139

round the hill on which the building stood. Mun‘!m Khan reported to

His Majesty the course of events, and in the confusion of the fight the

escape of the Guru having remained unnoticed, he added that the

leader was surrounded and would shortly be brought in a prisoner. One

story is that Zu,lfiqar Khan, long at enmity with Mun'Im Khan, pur¬

posely spread the false report through his spies that the Guru was a

prisoner. Munlm Khan’s own spies believed the story and brought in

the news as true, whereupon Mun'im Khan intimated the fact to the

Emperor.1 2

Prince Rafi£u-sh Shan and Zu,lfiqar Khan camped for the night

at the place where they had halted in the morning. Up till midnight

the sounds of fighting were brought on the wind to the imperial camp,

which was at a very little distance. Between midnight and daybreak

there was a loud report, which made the ground under the tents tremble ;

and scouts brought word that it was caused by the explosion of a

cannon made out of the trunk of a tamarind tree, which the Sikhs

had filled with powder and blown to pieces just as they were about

to retreat.8

In the morning (20th Shawwal, 1122 = 11th December, 1710)

Rustam Dil Khan appeared with the prisoners and spoil, the latter

including five elephants, three cannon, seventeen light pieces ( raJiklah )

and some other things. He was rewarded with a gift of two of the

elephants. The prisoners, ten or twelve in number, were made over

to the police officer, Sarbarah Khan, for execution. The chief man

among them was one Gulabu Khatri, a tobacco seller, who had passed

himself off as the Guru, in order to facilitate the real man’s escape.

As the proverb says “ The hawk had flown and the owl was netted.”3

Khafi Khan, with reference to this event, comments4 on the zeal

and self-sacrificing spirit shown by the Guru’s followers. They were

all equally devoted to his cause. What a contrast to the imperial

armies, where, out of two or three thousand men, it was wonderful if

one or two hundred were really prepared to fight to the death !

Bahadur Shah’s displeasure at the escape of the Guru could not

be concealed, and his calm temper was disturbed in a very unusual

degree. There was a stormy scene between him and the chief minister.

Bahadur Shah reproached him with being the cause of delay of every

kind. At length, when the quarry had been driven into the net, it had,

by his want of care and precaution, sprung away again, leaving no trace

1 Kamwar Khan. 82, 31a,asii u-l-Umara, III, 673-4.

2 Kamwar Khan, 82.

S Bdz paridah o bum , ba dam uftddah ant. Ma)dsiru-l-Umaru, III, 673.

* II, 672, 673.

140 W. Irvine — Gw 'u Gobind Siygh and Bandah. [No. 3,

behind it but a little dust. It mattered not where the “dog” had fled

to, whether he were drowned in the river or hiding in a cave in the

hills ; in any case, the wazlr had bound himself to produce the rebel,

and produce him he must He ( Bahadur Shah) claimed the man from

him. Overwhelmed with these fierce reproaches, Mun‘im Khan left the

council-chamber with hanging head and dejected mien. His death,

which followed soon after, is partly attributed to the untoward result

of the campaign against the Crura.1

On the 2*2nd Shawwal, 1122 (13th December, 1710) orders were

sent to the Rajas of Sirlnagar (that is, Garhval) and Nahan2 to

seize the Guru wherever they found him. The escape had been made

into, or through, Nahan territory. That Raja’s crime was therefore

the more patent, and unfortunately for him, his chief town was only

a few miles away, and to it Hamid Khan was sent to seize him. A few

days afterwards (2nd Zu,l Ka‘dh, 1122 = 22nd December, 1710), that

noble returned bringing Bhfip Pargash, the son of Hari Pargash, the

ruler of Nahan. He was kept in confinement, and thirty or more men

who had been sent by his mother to plead for his release, were exe¬

cuted (4th Safar, 1123 = 23rd March, 1711). Finally, he was put into

the iron cage constructed for the reception of the false Guru, and

forwarded to Dihli, where he was kept a prisoner in Salimgarh until,

during the confusion in Jahandar’s time, he was set at liberty. Fath

Sbggh, of Sirlnagar, was not so easily accessible. He was prudent

enough to make his peace by sending presents (20th Muharram, 1123

= 8th March, 1711), but he could not be seized. Although the principal

object of the campaign, the capture of the Guru, was not attained, it

was not altogether fruitless, for treasure amounting to about twenty

lakhs in rupees and asharfls (gold coins) was recovered, by digging up

the whole surface of the ground in Lohgarh, the Guru’s fort (25th

Shawwal. 1122 = 16th December, 1710). 3 * S

It will conduce to clearness if, discarding a strict chronological

order, we here carry the story of the Sikh revolt up to Bahadur Shah’s

death and the reign of Jahandar Shah, leaving the final overthrow and

capture of the Guru in Farrukh Siyar’s reign, to be related hereafter.

To resume, then: — On the 22nd Zu,l Ka‘dh, 1122 (11th January, 1711)

1 Warid, 119 b, 120 a.

2 These are generally styled by the Muhammadan writers Barfl Raja, or Snowy

Kings. For instance, in Khafi Khan, II, 671, and Ma,dsiru-l-Umard, III, 673.

Khushal Cand, Nddiru-z-Zamdnl (B. Museum, Addl. No. 24,027, fol. 214 b.) tells

us that the name was given because the Nahan Raja used to send boatloads of

ice (colloquially barf) as presents to the Emperors and nobles of Dihli.

S Kamwar lOian, 83, 87, Warid, 120 b.

1894.]

W. Irvine — Guru Gdbind Sirjgh and Bandah.

141

Muhammad Amin Khan returned to head-quarters and reported the

re-occupation of Sirhind. He was received with honour, and escorted

into camp by Khan Zaman Bahadur, the wazlr’s second son. Shortly

after this date, Saf Shikan Khan, Bahadur, with his sister’s son,

Himmat Daler Khan, was despatched against the Sikhs in the direction

of Lahor. He was followed on the 18th Muharram, 1123 (7th March

17 J 1), by Hamid Khan, Bahadur, at the head of 5,000 horsemen. Three

months had hardly passed from the taking of Lohgarh, when, in the

early part of 1123 H., the Guru issued from the hills and appeared

further to the west, in the parganahs of Raepur and Bahrampur,1 2 thus

raising a fresh disturbance in the Bari Duab. On the 7th and 14th

Rabl‘ II, 1123 (24th and 31st May, 1711), Rustam Dil Klian and

Muhammad Amin Khan were sent to restore order, and were directed

to construct a bridge of boats across the Biali river. Meanwhile, by a

report which arrived on the 18tli Rabfl II, 1123 (4th June, 1711) the

Emperor learnt the death of Shams Khan, Khwesligl.8

Shams Khan, Khwesligl, who had shortly before this time lost his

appointment as faujdar of Baitli Jalandhar, was on his way to his home

at Q asur, south of Lahor, accompanied by one hundred horsemen. The

party was attacked by the Sikhs, who had gathered together to the

number of some 20,000 men, horse and foot. In spite of the disparity

of numbers, the Muhammadans, disdaining to flee, offered a stout resis¬

tance. Many of the Sikhs were killed, but at the same time, Shams

Khan himself was among the slain. As the Guru did not know of

this leader’s death, he and his men left the field. By the time he heard

the news and returned, the Afghans had removed Shams Khan’s body

and with it escaped to his home. The Emperor appointed ‘Ise Khan,

Ma,in, to be Deputy Faujdar of Baitli Jalandhar, with the rank of 1,500,

zat, 1,000 horse.3

Owing to the death of Shams Khan, the inhabitants of the Bari

Duab, especially of Batala and Kalanaur, two important towns, fled

from their homes, with their families and such property as they could

remove, taking refuge in Labor or other places of safety. As soon as

the Sikhs found that the towns and villages were not defended, they

placed in them armed posts and slaughtered all those upon whom they

could lay hands. A force was also sent by them across the river Ravi

to devastate the Rachnau Duab ; Auraijgabad, Parsaror, and other

places were taken and many houses burnt.4

1 Raepur (not traced). Bahrampur, N. of Gurdaspur.

2 Kamwar Khan, 84, 85, 87, 91, 92 ; Mirza Muhammad, 215, 217.

3 Mirza Muhammad, 215, 237.

3 Ibidem. Aurangabad (not traced), Parsardr, a few miles S. of Sialkot.

142 W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Siggh and Bandah. [Xo. 3,

On the 23rd Rabl‘ II, 1123 (9th Jnne, 1711) Hamid Khan, Baha¬

dur, returned to head-quarters, then at Hushyarpur, and at the same

time it was reported that ‘Ise Khan, Ma,rn, had indicted a severe de¬

feat on the Sikhs. As the victor was a protege of the eldest Prince,

Jahandar Shah, that Prince received robes of honour as a compliment

for the victory. Five days later (28th Rabi ‘II, 1123 (14th June, 1711 ),

Muhammad Amin Khan, Chin, and Rustam Dil Khan, wrote that, near

Parsur (or Parsaror), they had also defeated the Guru, who had fled

without any followers into the hill-country of Jammu. In these oper¬

ations against the Sikhs, Rustam Dil Khan is said to have committed

great excesses against the inhabitants of Kathotha, Barval,1 and

other parganahs, seizing many persons on the wrongful accusation

of being Sikhs, and giving them to his soldiers in lieu of pay. These

latter sold the poor wretches in the horse-market (Xakhkhasj at

'Lahor.2

Soon, the two commanders, Mohammad Amin Khan and Rustam

Dil Khan, began to quarrel and send in complaints against each other.

From this cause the pursuit relaxed. The charge against Rustam Dil

Khan was that, after he had learnt the Guru’s hiding-place in the hills,

and had resolved to surround it, the fugitive made overtures of hum¬

ble submission, and on several occasions sent large presents of money

to his pursuer. These presents caused Rustam Dil Khan to delav hi3

advance. By this remissness the Guru succeeded in effecting his

escape. Muhammad Amin Man's story was believed, and Rustam Dil

Khan was recalled to Lahor. From that time the operations

slackened.3

One account states that Rustam Dil Khan’s offence was leaving

his troops and returning to Lahor without orders. Whichever is the

true version, it is certain that on the 19th Rajab, 1123 (1st September,

1711), Islam Khan, General of Artillery, Mahabbat Khan. Mukhlis Khan

and Sarbarah Khan, the kotval, were sent to arrest him. He was

brought in daring the night, seated on the carriage of a field-piece.

Orders issued to put fetters on his feet and convey him to the citadel

of Lahor. On his way to prison, a number of men who had suffered

at his hands, cursed him aud threw dust at him ; but true to his reck¬

less character, he was not in the least dejected, and occupied himself in

interchanging witticisms -with the men in charge of him, who were

seated on the same elephant. Some of the bystanders shouted out.

I Kathdtha (in Rachnau Duab, Ain. II, 321) ; Barwal (not traced),

S Kamwar KLan, 92 ; Qasim, 103.

3 Warid,125b. Rustam Dll Khan was the grandson of Allah Wirdi Khap.

Shahjahani.

1894]

143

W. Irvine — Guru Gobind Sirjgh and Bandah.

“Pimp! Pimp!” Now, as Islam Khan was following his prisoner on

another elephant, Rustam Dil Khan retorted unabashed, “Which do

you mean? The pimp in front or the one behind?” His office of

Mir Tozak was given to another man, and ‘Inayatullah Khan, the

Khansaman, or Lord Steward, was directed to confiscate his property.

The amount reported was 500 gold coins ( asharfi ) 1,36,000 rupees,

11 elephants, 70 horses, 18 camels, some jewels, and forty cart-loads of

tents. After a few months the culprit was released, and received the

name of Gfhazanfar Khan in place of his old titles (20th Shawwal. 1123

= 30th November, 1711).1

On the 14th Zu,l Hajj, 1123 (22nd January, 1712), barely a month

before Bahadur Shah’s death, Muhammad Amin Khan reported a severe

fight with the Sikhs, and with his letter he sent in five hundred heads.

But, on the Emperor’s death, Muhammad Amin Khan left that part of

the country and returned to the imperial camp with the object of tak- *

ing part in the fight for the succession. The Guru saw his opportunity

and once more took possession of the town of Sadhaura, and re¬

stored the fort of Lohgarh. Here he remained undisturbed for about

two months. When Jahandar Shfih’s accession had taken place,

Muhammad Amin Khan was sent back to continue the campaign, and

Zaiuu-d-dm Ahmad Klian. faujdar of Chakld Sirhind, was ordered

to put himself under that general’s orders. For several months the

investment of Sadhaura was maintained without result. Then, to¬

wards the end of the year 1124 (December, 1712), when Jahandar Shall

left Dihll for Agra to oppose the advance of Farrukh Siyar, he re¬

called Muhammad Amin Khan to head-quarters. Subsequent events

will fall within the reign of Farrukh Siyar.2

[Note. — Another extract relating the capture and execution of Bandah, and

giving an account of the Sikh spiritual succession up to 1173 H., has already

appeared in the Asiatic Quarterly Review for April, 1894, pp. 420-431.]

1 Kamwar Khan, 95, 98, and Dastiir-uK Ami, B. M., Oriental MSS., 1690, for

155 k

3 Kamwar Khan, 100; MIrza Muhammad, 215—237.

J. i. 19

144

G. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac. [No. 4,

On the Hypothesis of the Babylonian Origin of the so-called Lunar Zodiac — >

By G. Thibaut.

That the lunar zodiac, or system of lunar mansions, which we find in

use since an early time among several Asiatic nations, notably the

Arabs, Hindus and Chinese, had originally been established in Babylon,

was a conjecture, first thrown out by Professor A. Weber.1 Direct

proofs of such a zodiac having been recognised by the Chaldean astrono¬

mers were, indeed, not given by that scholar. A few facts were quoted

which seemed to lend some countenance to the hypothesis in question ;

but that these facts had by themselves little proving force was admitted

by the author of the hypothesis himself. That, under these circum¬

stances, the hypothesis was put forth at all, was due to the conviction

that the striking similarities displayed by the lunar zodiacs of the three

nations mentioned, could be satisfactorily accounted for, only on the

assumption of there having been a true historical connexion between

them, while, at the same time, difficulties of various kinds seemed to

preclude the assumption of the zodiac having been first devised by one

of the three nations, and later on, borrowed by the other two. It thus

presented itself as a not unlikely way out of the difficulty, to assign the

invention of the lunar zodiac to the centrally situated Babylon, which,

moreover, was known to have been one of the earliest seats of astro¬

nomical observation and speculation, and to suppose that from thence

were derived at a very early period the different lunar zodiacs posi¬

tively known to us.

Viewed in this way, the hypothesis was indeed by no means des¬

titute of plausibility. It did not enter into conflict with any known

facts, and seemed to offer openings for the removal of certain difficulties

which attached themselves to other theories. Hence it was, if not

adopted, at least referred to as not improbable by several competent

enquirers. That others again, less cautious, and perhaps less fully

acquainted with the intricate character of the evidence, proceeded to

1 See Weber’s History of Indian Literature (first German Edition, 1852, p. 21),

and the first of his Essays on the Nakshatras, 1860, passim .

145

1894.] Gr. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac .

state as an undoubted fact, what certainly was only a fairly plausible

conjecture, was what generally happens in such cases, and can in no

way be laid to the fault of the distinguished author of the hypothesis.

At the time when Professor Weber first formulated his views on

the probable origin of the Nakshatras (to use the term by which the

Hindus designate the constituent asterisms of their lunar zodiac),

hardly anything was known about the astronomical doctrines of the

Babylonians, but what we learn from Greek and Roman authors. These

writers do not indeed say anything about a lunar zodiac ; but as their

accounts cannot be considered as in any way exhaustive, no great stress

could be laid upon this absence of testimony on a particular point.

During the last forty years, however, rapid progress has been made in

the decipherment of the original records of Babylonian and Assyrian

literature, i.e ., the very numerous inscriptions in cuneiform characters

engraved on stone and clay tablets, which have been excavated from

the heaps of ruins covering ancient Chaldean soil, and are at present

preserved in the great Museums of Europe, principally the British

Museum. Among these records of the past, numerous texts of astrono¬

mical and astrological character came to light, some of which have been

published — chiefly in the ‘ Inscriptions of Western Asia,’ edited by the

authorities of the British Museum, — and several scholars, soon after,

attempted to elucidate the meaning of those difficult documents. Of

the scope and value of these earlier attempts to re-construct the system

of Chaldean astronomy we cannot speak here in detail. To the general

difficulties besetting all interpretation of cuneiform documents, there are

added, in the case of astronomical texts, special difficulties of a truly

formidable nature, and we, therefore, need not be astonished, when find¬

ing, that, for some time, no results were reached that could be accepted

with any confidence. As far as the question of the lunar zodiac is con¬

cerned, nothing was discovered that favoured the hypothesis of its

Chaldean origin. But owing to the fragmentary nature of the texts

interpreted, and the doubts attaching to the interpretations, there was,

after all, no reason for giving up the hope that evidence confirming

that hypothesis might be traced at some future time.

A few years ago, however, an enormous advance in our knowledge

of Babylonian Astronomy was effected by the publication of the results

of the researches which two distinguished scholars, Fathers Epping and

Strassmaier, had carried on in co-operation.1 F. Strassmaier had suc¬

ceeded in discovering, among the treasures of the British Museum,

some astronomical tablets which were distinguished from the mass of

1 F. Epping S. J., Astronomisches aus Babylon. Freiburg, 1889.

146

Gr. Tbibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac. [No. 4,

similar documents by being clearly dated in a known era, so that astro¬

nomical calculation could be resorted to for the interpretation of their

contents. I cannot, interesting as it would be, give in this place an

account of tlie steps by which F. Epping, throughout assisted by the vast

philological and palseographic learning of F. Strassmaier, arrived at

a convincing and almost complete interpretation of the contents of those

tablets ; how, by calculations and reflections continued through many

years, he succeeded in eliminating one unknown quantity after the other ;

and thus in the end establishing a firm basis for all future research in

this field. Nor can I here undertake to give a full account of the nature

of the results worked out. Of these so much only will be concisely

stated as may be considered to bear on the question treated of in

this paper.

It appears from the astronomical tablets interpreted, that the Baby¬

lonian astronomers were in the habit of referring the positions of the

live planets to a certain number of fixed stars situated near the Ecliptic.

The tablets explained, in the book above referred to, are supposed by

Professor Epping to contain what he calls planetary ephemerids, i.e.,

methodical statements of the places of the planets, as calculated before

hand for a certain period of time. Other tablets of a generally similar

nature, which Professor Epping has since published and translated in

the ‘ Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie,’ are supposed by him to embody the

results not of previous calculation but actual observation. It may in

some cases be difficult of decision whether a certain tablet contains a

statement of calculations or of observations ; for, so far, we do not know

with what degree of accuracy the Babylonians either were able to pre¬

dict the positions of the planets, or cared to observe and record their

actual positions. Professor Epping naturally supposes that, wherever

the statements are very nearly accurate, i.e., very nearly agree with the

positions of the planets, as determined for that time by the methods of

modern astronomy, we have to do with records not of calculation but

actual observation. The decision of this important question does not,

however, concern us here.

A few examples quoted from Professor Epping’s book will serve to

illustrate the Babylonian method of stating the places of planets. One

of the tablets says, that in the night of the 20th of the month Airu

(April to May) of the year 189 of the Seleucidan Era ( — 122) Venus

appeared (or was to appear) in the eastern sky, and above her the

western star of the head of the Ram, at a distance of four yards. Again

we read that in the night of the 26th of the month Abu (July

to August) of the same year, Mars appeared (or was to appear) in

the eastern sky, and above it the western star of the mouth of the

1894.] G. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac. 147

Twins, at the distance of eight inches. A. S. 0. The observations —

or calculations — recorded, comprise positions of all the five planets.

We cannot in this place dwell at length on the elaborate and

ingenious processes by which F. Epping succeeded in identifying the

planets and the fixed stars — normal stars, as F. Epping calls them — to

which the places of the planets are referred, nor can we discuss the

methods employed by the Babylonian astronomers in determining and ex¬

pressing these places. We are concerned only with the results arrived

at by F. Epping, and these seem so well assured, that we need not hesi¬

tate to accept his identifications in toto , so that we have trustworthy

information about a number of stars — none of them far from the

Ecliptic — which the Babylonian Astronomers used as their fundamental

stars. The planetary tables analysed in Epping’s book mention twenty-

eight such stars (or rather twenty-nine, if we take into account y

Cancri, mentioned in the Note to Epping’s Constellation xiii, p. 126).

But since the publication of that book, Epping and Strassmaier have

continued their researches and succeeded in explaining some further

planetary tablets — constructed on much the same lines — which supply

a few more normal stars, so that a list published in the December part

of the Assyriological Beview for 1 892, contains altogther thirty-three

normal stars. Whether just so many normal stars were recognised by

the Babylonian Astronomers, or whether the future decipherment of

further tablets will add to that number, we are not at present able to

say. Taking into account that the Babylonians manifestly aimed at a

considerable degree of accuracy in their observations, and possibly pre¬

dictions, the former alternative would not, a priori, appear improbable.

But the fact, on the other hand, that so far, in all the Tablets explained,

only thirty-three stars have been met with, while, most probably, there

would have been more than once an opportunity of mentioning other

stars also, seems to indicate that for some reason or other a limited

number of stars had been singled out once for all, and that to them

only the positions of the planets were referred. The number of these

stars may, of course, have exceeded thirty-three to some extent. A

conjecture made by Professor Hoinmel with reference to this point does

not lack plausibility. According to a well-known passage in Diodorus,

the Chaldeans taught that thirty stars, called the ‘ Counsellor Gods,’

were ranged under the planets, — fifteen above and fifteen below the

earth — one of which went every ten days from the upper to the lower

regions. From the last mentioned item of doctrine, Professor Hommel

concludes that we have to read, in the text of Diodorus, ‘ thirty-six ’

instead of ‘ thirty,’ 36 x 10 being equal to 360, the approximate number

of the days of the year; and seems inclined — if I rightly apprehend

148 Gr. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac. [No. 4,

his meaning — to identify those thirty-six Counsellor Stars with the

normal stars selected by the astronomers. This is a not unlikely conjec¬

ture, and we, therefore, may expect to meet, by and bye, in Babylonian

texts, with three further stars employed as normal stars.

We now come to the special topic of the present paper, viz., a criti¬

cal examination of the views set forth not long ago by the distinguished

Assyriologist, Professor F. Hommel, of Munich, on the connexion of

the series of normal stars employed by the Chaldean Astronomers,

with the lunar zodiacs acknowledged by the Arabs, Hindus, and

Chinese. 1

Professor Hommel is of opinion that the results of the researches

carried on by Epping and Strassmaier suffice to raise beyond doubt, the

truth of the conjecture first hazarded by Professor Weber, as to Baby¬

lon having been the place where a series of lunar stations was first

established, and from which that series, more or less modified, was bor¬

rowed by the other nations. But as the Babylonian series on the one

hand, and the series acknowledged by the Arabs, Hindus and Chinese,

on the other hand, are by no means altogether identical — as indeed

sufficiently appears from what has been said, so far, about the Babylo¬

nian normal stars, — there arises the necessity of accounting for the

various discrepancies, and showing that they have to, or may, be

viewed as later variations. We will follow Professor Hommel through

the different steps of the argumentation by which he attempts to

effect this.

The point in which the series of Babylonian normal stars most

obviously differs from the well-known lunar zodiacs is, of course, that

the latter comprise twenty-seven or twenty-eight stars, or groups of

stars, while the Babylonian series numbers thirty or' more stars. This

discrepancy — Professor Hommel attempts to remove by undertaking to

show — that the Babylonian series, as well as the lunar zodiac of the

Arabs and other nations, originally comprised, all of them, twenty-four

members only. First, as to the Babylonian series. Professor Hommel

has compiled from Epping’s book, a series of thirty-one stai’s, 2 (of which

one, however, viz., No. 26, is not actually met with in the Tablets, but

due to an hypothesis of Professor Hommel’s) ; while, as remarked

above, the list published by Epping and Strassmaier in the Z. F. Ass.

1 ‘ Ueber den Ursprung und das Alter der Arabischen Sternnamen und insbeson-

dere der Mondstationen ’ von Fritz Hommel ; Zeitschrift der Dentsclien Morgenlan-

dishoen Gesellscliaft, Yol. 45, pp. 592-619.

2 Pp. 610-12; of Professor Hommel’s paper. — The list numbers thirty stars

only, but this is due to the mistake of one star ( PulukJcu = a Cancri) having re¬

ceived no running number.

1894.] G. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac.

149

contains thirty-three stars. Strictly speaking, Professor Hommel, or

any one espousing his views, would, therefore, have to show that not only

the series of thirty-one stars, but also that which comprises two

further stars, admits of being reduced to a series of twenty-four mem¬

bers. The difference of the two series is, however, of no great im¬

portance as far as the matter in question is concerned : for on the point

of view adopted by Professor Hommel, the larger as well as the smaller

list doubtless admits of reduction. This plan is to combine into one

asterism (or station, to use the term employed by Professor Hommel)

all those stars which are shewn by their names to have been viewed by

the Babylonians as closely connected. The Babylonian list no doubt

comprises a number of stars which were considered to constitute pairs :

the two stars which Professor Epping by his calculations has identified

as, [3 and £, Tauri, are designated on the tablets as the northern and

southern sur narlcabti (translated by Professor Hommel as ‘ox of the

wain’); y and /x, Geminorum, are called the western and the eastern

star of the month of the Twins ; a and [3 , Geminorum, appear as the eastern

and western Twins ; y and 8, Cancri, are called the southern and the north¬

ern one of pulukkn (translated ‘ Spindle ’ by Professor Hommel) ; a and

(3, Librae, are called the southern and the northern one of the Balance ;

y and c( Capricorni, appear as the western and the eastern one of — ac¬

cording to Professor Hommel’s translation — the goat-fish; a and (3,

Arietis, are called the eastern and western one of the head of the

Bam. Fourteen single stars thus being combiued into seven pairs of

stars, the list of thirty-one stars is reduced to one of twenty-four mem¬

bers, part of them pairs of stars, and part single stars. Epping’s list

of thirty-three stars appears to comprise eight pairs of stars, the

counting of which as single stars would bring the number down to

twenty-five. But it would probably not be difficult, by some further

combination, to reduce this latter total by another unit, and thus

again to arrive at what might be called a zodiac of 24 asterisms or

stars.

Next, as to the lunar zodiacs of the Arabs, Hindus and Chinese.

Here also Professor Hommel labours to show that these zodiacs, in

their original form consisted of no more than twenty-four members.

This argumentation concerns itself with the Arabic Zodiac chiefly, and

the means by which he undertakes to reduce the twenty-eight stations

of that zodiac to an earlier series of twenty-four is as follows : —

He in the first place, assumes the two stations al-Fargh al-awwal

(a and /3 , Pegasi) and al-Fargh as-sdni (y, Pegasi, and a, Andromedee) to

have originally constituted one station only, on the ground that in all

the older passages which mention those stations, they are spoken of as

150

G. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac. [No. 4,

one only, called ad-dalwu.1 He further maintains the twelfth station — as-

Sarfah — ((S Leonis) — to have been a later insertion, chiefly for the rea¬

son that also the corresponding Indian Station, viz., TJttara Phalguni

appears, to jndge from its name, to have originally formed one station

with the preceding one, viz., Purva Phalguni. He next suggests that

No. 17 — al-iklil (fi d 7r Scorpionis) was not originally separated from the

preceding station — az-Zubdnay — , for the reason that the name of the

corresponding Indian Station, viz., Anurddhd, indicates that station to

have once been one with the preceding station, which, in addition to its

ordinary name, vigdlchd is sometimes called radhd. And he finally throws

a doubt on the originality of the 21st station al-Baldali, with reference

to the fact that the corresponding Indian Station may, on account of its

name, TJttardshddhds, be suspected to have originally constituted one

station with the one immediately preceding ( Purvashadhas ).

The lunar zodiac of the Arabs is thus reduced to a series comprising

twenty-four stations. And as the four rejected stations are rejected

for reasons derived from the nomenclature of the corresponding Hindu

Nakshatras, it. of course, follows that those four Nakshatras also must

be viewed as later additions to an original Hindu series of twenty-four

members only. Professor Hommel makes some remarks tending to

show that also some of the Chinese Sieu are later insertions in an

original less extended series, he does not, however, attempt to prove that

just four members of the Chinese zodiac were not original. This, how¬

ever, is a point of no great importance.

Professor Hommel, thus, has established two series of asterisms — a

Babylonian one and an Arab one — each of which comprises twenty-

four members, and next proceeds to enquire how far the constituent

members of the two series are identical. In the comparative statement

of the two lists, however, given by him on page 613, he exhibits, not

the reduced Arabic list, but the ordinary list of twenty-eight stations.

We may follow him therein (since, in a comparison of the individual

stars of the two lists, it does not make much difference whether we

arrange them in twenty-eight or twenty-four stations ), and, therefore,

here re-produce the list as drawn up by Professor Hommel in extenso.

Babylonian Series. Arabian Series

1. timinnu, y Tauri ... ... at-turaiya, y Tauri.

2. pidnu, a Tauri ... ... al-debaran, a Tauri.

1 To this we mnstadd — following aline of reasoning adopted by Professor Hom¬

mel in three other cases — that also the names of the corresponding Nakshatras

( Purva-Bhadrcvpadds and TJttar a-Bhadrapadds) point to the fact of there having

originally been one station, which, later on, was divided into two.

1894.] G. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac. 151

Babylonian Series.

3. sur narkabti, (3 a. £ Tauri

4. pu tu’ami, y, p. Geminorum )

5. tu’ami, sa re‘i, y Geminorum j

6. tu’ami, a, (3 Geminorum

7. pulukku, y, 8 Cancri

8. ris ari, e Leonis

9. sarru, a Leonis

10. marusa ribu arkat, sarri p Leonis

11. zibbat ari, /3 Leonis

12 sipu arku sa ari, (3 Virginis \

13. sur ardati, y Virginis j

14. nabu ardati, a Virginis j

15. zibanitu ; a, (3 Libras

16. ris akrabi ; 8, f3 Seorpionis

17. habrud ; a Seorpionis

18. matu sa kasil, 9 Ophiuchi

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24.

karan sug‘ur; a, (3 Capricorni. ..

sug‘ur ; y 8 Capricorni

rikis nuni ; y (Piscium)

ris kusarikki ; a, (3 Arietis

Arabian Series.

abhaq‘a, A, (p,1 <f>2 Oriouis.

al-han‘a, y, p, r, y, £ Gemino'

rum.

ad-dira, a, (3 Geminorum.

an-natra, y, 3 Cancri.

at-tarf, A Leonis.

al-gabha, a Leonis.

az*zubra, 8, 9 Leonis.

as-sarfa, f3 Leonis.

al-‘awwa, (3 y, y Virginis.

as-simak, a Virginis.

al-ghafr, t, k, A Virginis.

az-zubanay a, /3 Libr«3.

al-iklil ; 8, 7r, [3 Seorpionis,

al-qalb, a Seorpionis.

as-saula, A, r Seorpionis.

an-na ‘ayim. Sagitt.

al-balda. Sagitt.

ad-dabih ; a, (3 Capricorni.

bula ; c, /x, v Aquarii.

as-su‘ud ; (3 , £ Aquarii.

al-ahbiya; a, y, £, y Aquarii.

ad-dalwu ; a, (3, y Pegasi, a Am

dromedse.

al-hut ; f3 Andromedee.

an-nath ; (3 , y Arietis.

al-butnin : a, b, c Muscce.

Observing that in the above two lists the stars constituting sixteen

stations are absolutely identical, while there is an approximate agreement

in six further cases, Professor Hommel considers himself justified in

concluding that < there cannot be any doubt that the planetary stations

made use of by the Babylonians at the time of the Arsacide Kings, and

the Arabic (as well as the Indian and Chinese), lunar stations are based

on one and the same more ancient original.

Now this conclusion I feel altogether unable to accept. — In the

first place there arises the difficulty of accounting for the acceptation of

a zodiac of twenty-four asterisms, and its later transformation into one

o? twenty-eight members, by the Hindus, Arabs and Chinese alike.

That the Babylonians who manifestly possessed from old times a real

solar zodiac of twelve signs should at some later time have subdivided

J. i. 20

152

Gr. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac. [No. 4,

each station of that zodiac into two parts, is intelligible ; for divisions

comprising thirty degrees each naturally would, for many purposes,

be found inconveniently large. For the same reasons we can under¬

stand the establishment of a series of thirty-six stars, three for each

sign of the zodiac. I do not see any proof of a series of twenty-four

stations having ever actually been employed by the Babylonians; but

as said just now, a motive for its formation is at any rate imaginable, in

the case of those who, as a matter of fact, started with a zodiac consist¬

ing of twelve parts. But for what purposes should we imagine that

hypothetical zodiac of twenty-four members to have been borrowed by

the other nations ? What we positively know is that the Hindus,

Arabs and Chinese possessed zodiacs comprising twenty-eight or twenty-

seven members, i.e., zodiacs having a special reference to the moon’s

motion. Professor Hommel would have us believe that the Chinese,

Arabs and Hindus independently borrowed from the Babylonians a

zodiac of twenty-four asterisms ; that this zodiac was afterwards ex¬

panded by the Chinese into one of twenty-eight members; that the

Hindus independently did the same; and that the Arabs finally added

four members to their zodiac at the time when they became acquainted

with Hindu astronomy. Now the zodiac of the Hindus is from the

earliest time at which it appears a decidedly lunar one; the nakshatras

are primarily those asterisms with which the moon in her periodic revo¬

lution successively enters into conjunction, and that the Hindu Series

of twenty-eight or twenty-seven asterisms should have been preceded

by one of twenty-four members, is therefore, d priori, quite improbable.

The same may be said of the Arab manzils ; and also of the Chinese

sieu. The lunar character of the sieu is not so clearly apparent as that

of the nakshatra and manzil. Bat just for that reason an amplifica¬

tion of an earlier list of 24 asterisms — which would have fully satisfied

all practical requirements — into one of twenty-eight members is all

the less probable.

Professor Hommel speaks in several places of the twenty-four

' lunar ’ stations. But a series of twenty-four stations can in no

way be called ‘lunar.’ A ‘lunar’ zodiac — whether we understand

thereby a zodiac of lunar origin or one of prevailingly lunar applica¬

tion — can be constituted only by a series of either twenty-seven or

twenty- eight asterisms.

There are further considerations which render improbable the

hypothesis of the Babylonian Series of normal stars having been the

prototype of the different lunar zodiacs. With the Arabs as well as

the Hindus and Chinese, the twTenty-eiglit or twenty-seven members of

their zodiacs appear from the very outset as stations, i.e., sections of

J894.] G. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodia'c. 153

the ecliptic, dividing the course of sun, moon, and planets into a num¬

ber of parts. These sub-divisions may be viewed either as abstract

fractional parts of the ecliptic, irrespective of any stars or asterisms ;

or else they may be conceived as marked by certain stars or groups

of stars. In ancient Arabic literature the latter aspect prevails on the

whole ; the different seasons of the year are discerned and distinguished

according to the successive risings of the stars or groups of stars that

mark the stations. But at the same time there are other passages

which refer to the moon or sun as being within a station, and in which

therefore the character of the stations as sub-divisions of the ecliptic

appears very clearly. In Sanskrit literature the nakshatras came at a

very early period to be prevailingly viewed as subdivisions of the path

of the moon and sun, although the more sensuous character of the sta-

tions as asterisms was by no means forgotten.

Among the Chinese finally the sieu although defined by groups of

stars are generally used only as subdivisions of the ecliptic : they in

fact hold in Chinese astronomy a position strictly analogous to that of

the signs of the zodiac among Western nations. It is true that in one

point the Chinese zodiac has preserved a more unmistakable mark of

its origin than the zodiacs of the more Western nations, viz., in the

inequality of extent of the twenty-eight sieu . For this inequality can

be explained only by the fact that the twenty-eight subdivisions of the

ecliptic were made to correspond to twenty-eight groups of stars of,

naturally, unequal extent.

It thus appears that Arabs, Hindus, and Chinese alike used

the stations of their lunar zodiacs in the same way as we use

the signs of our zodiac, i.e., as subdivisions of the sphere, and there¬

by of the path of sun, moon and planets. If, therefore, the lunar

zodiacs of those three nations were mere adaptations of an original

Babylonian zodiac of twenty-four or more asterisms, we should

expect that also the asterisms constituting that Babylonian zodiac

should have been employed for the purpose of subdividing the

ecliptic into as many parts, to which the motions of sun, moon and

planets are referred. But, as an examination of the Babylonian

planetary tablets teaches, this is by no means the case. As stated above,

those tablets when intending to fix the position of a planet with accu¬

racy, refer it to one of the normal stars. When on the other hand the

Babylonian astronomers could not — -or else did not care to — -define the

place of a planet very exactly, they merely say in which of the twelve

zodiacal constellations it was at the time. The tablets say, e.g., that

on the evening of the 4th Airu — 122, Mercury heliacally set in te-te

(Taurus); and that on the 8th Tishritu — 310, Mars heliacally rose in

154 G. Tliibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac . [No. 4,

nfiru (Libra). The Babylonian names of tbe twelve constellations of

the zodiac are given in Epping’s work, p. 149, ( cf . also the discussion

of these names by Strassmaier, pp. 170-173), and a second rectified list

is furnished in the Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie for December 1892,

p. 223. We may also compare on this point Professor Hommel’s paper

under discussion, pp. 610-12; and Professor Jensen’s ‘ Kosmologie der

Babylonier ,’ pp. 57-95 and 495-501.

According to the results arrived at by these scholars, the Babylonian

names of the zodiacal constellations agree, on the whole, with the Greek

ones ; the most striking exception being that, in the place of Cancer, the

Babylonians have a term Bulukku which is said to mean a ‘ spindle.’

And there seems no longer to prevail any doubt that the solar zodiac,

with its twelve signs, was first invented by the Babylonians, and em¬

ployed by them from a very early period. The need, therefore, which,

in the case of other nations, supplied the chief reason for the estab¬

lishment of a lunar zodiac, viz., the need of some subdivision of the

zodiac into parts to which the motions of the heavenly bodies could be

referred, did, as far as we can see back, not exist for the Babylonians,

who already possessed a subdivision of the zodiac into twelve parts.

A comparison of the designations of the Babylonian normal stars

with the names of the lunar stations among the Arabs, Hindus, and

Chinese, suggests similar conclusions. The names of these latter point

throughout to an independent series of asterisms, i.e., the name of each

station indicates a star or group of stars, considered to constitute an

independent whole by itself, not forming part of a larger group or

constellation. We must modify this general statement with reference

to those Arab and Hindu stations which, by their designations, as ‘ first ’

and ‘ second,’ or ‘ earlier ’ and ‘ later,’ are shewn to have been viewed as

parts of one more extensive constellation. But this qualification does not

affect the contrast which the lunar mansions of the three nations form,

in this respect, to the series of Babylonian normal stars. For it is clear 1

that by far the greater number of the names of those stars point

to the fact that the stars were viewed as belonging to one or other

of the twelve zodiacal constellations. We have the head of the Ram,

the mouth of the Twins, the head of the Lion, the tail of the

Lion, the hind-foot of the Lion, the anterior bull of the Virgin, the

‘ messenger ’ (?) of the Virgin, the Balance, the head of the Scorpion,

the horn of the Goat-fish, the head of the Pourer (of water; Aquarius),

the foot of the Pourer; the head of the Fish. A few stars only have

special names not directly pointing to any connexion of theirs with the

1 I here have to accept the interpretations of the Babylonian names given by

Professor Hommel.

J 55

1891'.] G. Thibauf — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac.

zodiacal constellations; so, e.g., pidnn (Aldebaran) and sarrn (Regains).

The Babylonian nomenclature of the stars near tbe Ecliptic thus

seems, on the whole, to have been faithfully reproduced by the Greek

Astronomers, who have special names for some few of the most conspi¬

cuous stars, while the great majority are simply referred to their places

in the zodiacal constellations.

In spite of the preceding reflections, which tend to shew that the

Babylonian series of normal stars, and the lunar zodiacs of the three

nations, differ in general character, it might be maintained that the

Babylonians had for some reason or other singled out a certain number

of — let us say, twenty-four — ecliptical stars or asterisms, which series

was later on borrowed by the other nations and variously adapted to

their own purposes. This, in fact, is, as explained above, the thesis ad¬

vocated by Professor Hommel. We, therefore, must now examine in

detail the steps of his argumentation.

That the normal stars of the Babylonians — whether 31 or 33 or

36; or in fact any approximate number — may without much difficulty

be arranged, as is done by Professor Hommel, in a series of twenty-

four members has been admitted before. But it app*3ars very much

more doubtful whether we can follow Professor Hommel in the second

step of his argumentation, viz., the attempt to show that, also, the differ¬

ent lunar zodiacs in their primitive form comprised twenty-four sta¬

tions only. We will no longer dwell on the circumstance of a zodiac of

twenty-four stations not being a lunar one at all ; for the originally lunar

character of the zodiacs under discussion might be called into question.

But what positive evidence is there for any of the three zodiacs con¬

cerned ever having comprised less than twenty-eight or twenty-seven

members ? — Professor Hommel does not attempt to show that the

Chinese originally acknowledged twenty-four stations only ; following

G. Schlegel, he merely remarks (Note 5, p. 606), that a and /3 Pegasi,

and y Pegasi and d Andromedae, which constitute the two sieu Tsclii

and Pi originally formed one station only. 1

Concerning the Arab and Hindu Stations, Professor Hommel thinks,

as shown above, that there are reasons for singling out four of them as

later additions, and further conjectures that the addition was independ-

1 We need not, of course, with reference to the point under discussion, pay

attention to J. B. Biot’s opinion that the Chinese Stations were originally twenty-

four only, to which four more were added, at about 1100 B. C. For that opinion

has long been shown to have no historical foundation whatever ; and would, even

if found to be true, hardly help to confirm Professor Hommel’s views, since the

four stations which Biot declares to be later additions (viz., Nu, Oey, Lieou and Ti),

are all included in Professor Hommel’s hypothetical original series.

156 G. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac. [No. 4,

ently made by tbe Hindus only, and merely borrowed by the Arabs

when they first became acquainted with Indian astronomy. We also

have seen that Professor Hommel draws his reason for suspecting four

Indian Nakshatras from their names. But the very indefinite indica¬

tion supplied by the nomenclature certainly does not suffice to make

up for the total absence of positive evidence as well as general probabi¬

lity. The Hindu Series, at any rate, appears from its very beginning as

intimately and specially connected with the moon, 1 and we, therefore,

neither expect to find, nor do we actually find, any trace of there having

ever been less than twenty-seven or twenty-eight nakshatras. That in

three cases two consecutive nakshatras are specially connected by having

the same name — only differentiated by the addition of ‘ earlier ’ and

‘later’ — certainly does not suffice to prove that there originally existed

a list of twenty-four stations, but can very well be accounted for by the

supposition that when a series of twenty-seven or twenty-eight stations

was established, there either already existed such names as purva- and

uttara- phalguni ; or that existing names such as phalguni were, for

the purposes of the lunar zodiac, to be established, differentiated by

the addition of purva and uttara ; or else, the asterisms then being

named for the first time, that two stations were united by a common

name because they struck the eye as constituting one whole as it were.

The fact is, that in each case the stars of which the three pairs of

purva and uttara consist, form an obvious and conspicuous square,

so that nothing was more natural than to comprise them under one

name, even on the part of those who distinctly viewed them as two

stations. But even if there should have originally been an asterism

called simply phalguni , this would not prove that such an asterism

ever formed a member in a series of twenty-four nakshatras.

The name anurddha finally, meaning ‘ that which follows on radhd,’

has no force whatever, to prove that the two stations were originally con¬

sidered as one only, not any more than the name of the Arab Manzil

al-Debardn , i.e ., ‘ the following one,’ proves that station to have been

at first one with the preceding station, viz., Thurayya, the Pleiades.

Had radhd and anurddha , i.e., a , /?, 8, i Librae and /3, 8, tv, Scorpionis,

ever constituted one primitive station, we might, moreover, reasonably

expect to meet with the same stars combined in one group in the

primitive Babylonian series assumed by Professor Hommel. But this

is distinctly not the case, for we there find a and j3 Librae as Zibdnitu

1 As has been raised beyond doubt by Professor Weber, in the course of the

lengthy controversies carried on by him with several other scholars, concerning the

original character of the nakshatras.

157

1894.] G. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac.

(Balance), and 8 and (3 Scorpionis as Uis-akrabi. (Head of the Scorpion).

It would be of interest, could we apply this latter test also to the three

purva and uttara pairs of the Hindu series. The Babylonian list, how¬

ever, exhibits not any stars either of Sagittarius — in which the two

Ashddhds of the Hindus are situated — nor of Pegasus, and Andro¬

meda, to which the two Bhadrapadas belong. Of the three stars,

on the other hand, which constitute pilrva and uttar a-phalgunl ( viz ., 0

and 8 Leonis ; (3 Leonis) one only, indeed, viz., (3, occurs in Pro¬

fessor Hommel’s list ; but another (viz., 6) is added in Epping’s list

(Z. f. A., December 1892), and as the names of the two are zibbat-arii

(tail of the Lion) and zibbat-Jcalab (?) aru, it seems that here the Baby¬

lonians also viewed the stars of two stations, as forming one group only.

There is, of course, no better positive historical evidence for the

Mendzil of the Arabs ever having been less than twenty-eight, than there

is in the case of the naJcshatras. In one case (viz., that of the two

Far ah ) we have a designation which, in a manner analogous to that of

the Hindus, points to two stations being viewed as parts of one large

constellation ; but the case is the most striking one of the three men¬

tioned above, in which this mental combination is almost inevitably pro¬

voked by the configuration of the group. In the case of the three

other mendzil (as-Sarfa ; al-Iklil ; al-Balda ), which Professor Hommel

is inclined to view as having sprung from the later subdivision of large

groups of stars into two stations, there is no other reason than the

hypothetical later bi-partition of the corresponding asterisms of the

Hindu Series. Professor Hommel wishes to connect the amplification

of the assumed original series of twenty-four mendzil into the known

one of twenty-eight, with the introduction of Hindu astronomical doc¬

trines into Islamitic countries. But this hypothesis has absolutely no¬

thing to rest on.

We now advance to the last step in Professor Hommel’s argumenta¬

tion, viz., the attempt to show that the series of asterisms composing

the different lunar zodiacs is fundamentally identical with the stars and

groups of stars which the Chaldean Astronomers employed as their

normal stars. This is clearly the most important link in the chain of

attempted proof. What we have considered so far might indeed be

termed merely preliminary, or even comparatively irrelevant. It does

not, after all, greatly matter — an advocate of the Babylonian origin

of the lunar zodiacs might say — whether the stations of the Hindus,

Arabs, and Chinese were originally twenty-four or not ; nor whether

the Babylonian normal stars can be shown, or not, to fall into twenty-

four groups ; nor what the exact historical relation of the stations of

the Arabs and Hindus may have been ; nor how far the star groups of

]58 G. Tliibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac . [No. 4,

the Babylonians on the one side and those of the three nations on the

other side, agreed or differed, as far as practical nse is concerned. As

long as it can be shown that the two series of asterisms comprise, on the

whole, the very same stars or groups of stars; it remains the most pro¬

bable hypothesis that the selection of the asterisms was originally-

made in one place, and that the zodiac thus established was later on

borrowed by the other nations. Various differences,— - which need not be

minor ones only — may have sprung up later on; one or more nations

may for purposes of their own have subdivided some of the primitive

asterisms into parts, so as to increase the total number ; one nation may

have regarded the stations chiefly in so far as announcing, by their suc_

cessive risings, the seasons of the year ; another nation may have used

them, prevailingly, as marking certain subdivisions of the Ecliptic which

were required for facility of astronomical computation ; the asterisms

may have come to be viewed as mansions of the moon in one place and

as mansions of the sun in another place ; and in a third place they may

have come to be practically used only as affording fixed points of refer¬

ence for the ever-moving planets. All this does not suffice to refute —

or even appreciably to diminish the probability of — • the view that four

zodiacs which are identical, as far as the majority of their constituent

groups is concerned, are nothing but modifications of one and the same

prototype. Nor can we in the present case look for that original zodiac

anywhere else than in Babylon, which we now view with even much

better reason than twenty years ago as the cradle of all astronomical

science.

The reply to this is that, as a closer examination of the facts will

show, the agreement of the Babylonian Series of stars with the lunar

zodiacs of the other nations is by no means so close as to compel or

even to render probable the derivation of the latter from the former.

In attempting to decide the question whether the partial identity of the

two series of asterisms entitles us to infer a historical connexion be¬

tween them, we must take care clearly to represent to ourselves the

conditions of the problem, so as to distinguish what has true proving

force from what has not. In doing so, we may, as Professor Hommel

does in that part of his enquiry which here immediately concerns

us, confine our attention to the Babylonian normal stars on the one

hand, and the Arabian mendzil on the other hand ; as the latter approx¬

imate most closely to the Babylonian Series, the whole argument may,

indeed, with advantage be confined to them Now, what we positively

and certainly know about the two series to be compared is, that the

Arabs had a kind of zodiac comprising twenty-eight stars or groups of

stat s, to which they referred the motions of the moon and sun, and whose

1894.] G. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac. 159

risings indicated to them tbe different seasons ; while the Babylonians

had a series of stars, to which they referred the motions of the planets.

In addition, we may allow, that the normal stars of the Babylonians

may — following certain indications given by their nomenclature — be

combined in a number of groups, let us say, twenty-four, as Professor

Hotnmel thinks. The question then is whether the similarity of the

two series of asterisms extends so far as to render it more probable

that the two series go back to one and the same original, than that they

were formed independently. ISTow it is clear that people, bent on estab¬

lishing on the one hand, a series of what we may call luni-solar Man¬

sions, and on the other hand, Astronomers wishing to select a series of

stars to which the places of the planets can be referred, work under

conditions from which the partial identity of the stars or star-groups

selected follows with absolute necessity. In both cases, asterisms had

to be selected which lay within the track of sun, moon, or planets, i.e

asterisms lying on, or not far from, the Ecliptic. It, therefore, was in each

case inevitable that specially brilliant stars which had the required

position should be included within the Series. To this class belong a

Tauri ( ALDebaran ; pidnii) ; a Leonis ( al-Gabba ; sarra) ; a Virginis

(as-Simdk ; nabu ardati) ; a Scorpionis (al-Kalb ; habrud) ; all of them

stars of the first magnitude, and either on, or quite close to, the Ecliptic.

The presence of these stars in two series, of course, proves nothing

whatever as to their historical inter-dependence.

The same remark may safely be extended to certain well-defined

and conspicuous groups of stars which lie close to the Ecliptic,

even if they do not contain stars of the first magnitude. To this

class belong the Pleiades (al-turayyd ; timinnu) ; a and fi Geminoruni

( ad-dira ; t id a mi ), a conspicuous pair of stars of the second magnitude ;

and perhaps also, a and /3 Librae, two stars of the third magnitude,

one of which lies on the Ecliptic. These groups also could not be

omitted by any one who in selecting asterisms was bound to follow

the track of sun, moon, and planets. In order to be convinced that

two zodiacs are historically connected, we require to meet with coin¬

cidences of an altogether different kind, viz., with coincidences in cases

where the absence of coincidence would not be surprising or possibly

even a priori probable. This point may be well illustrated by reference

to the lunar zodiacs of the Arabs, Hindus and Chinese. What has, one

may ask, driven the majority of scholars who have given that subject

their attention, to the conclusion that those three zodiacs have not been

formed independently of one other ? In the first place, no doubt, the

mere fact that they comprise each twenty-eight or twenty-seven mem¬

bers, and are thus marked out as lunar zodiacs. This circumstance

J. i. 21

160 G. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Tamar Zodiac. [No. 4,

however, would by itself be hardly sufficient to establish the conclusion

in question ; for the idea of laying out a zodiac in special connection

with the periodic revolution of the moon is, if not an obvious one, at

any rate such as may possibly occur to different individuals or nations

independently. The argument, therefore, really binges on a second

circumstance, viz., the identity or partial identity of the asterisms con¬

stituting the different zodiacs. But here also the distinction made

above, has to be kept in view, and has actually been kept in view by all

competent enquirers. That the Arabs, Hindus and Chinese alike,

include within their zodiacs, stars like Aldebaran and Spica, and groups

of stars like the Pleiades, and a and (3 Greminorum, can convince, and has

convinced, nobody of the original connection of the three series ; for in

all such cases the selection was a matter of necessity rather than choice.

But something like conviction begins to form itself when wTe meet with

cases where the three nations although free to take different lines, agree

in following one and the same track. The coincidences falling under

this head are not numerous ; but some of them are highly striking.

There is, in the first place, the choice of three faint stars in Orion’s

head (A., Of 6 2) to constitute the al-haka of the Arabs, the Mrigagiras

of the Hindus, the Tse of the Chinese. There next is the choice of

certain stars in the tail of the Scorpion, which lie at a considerable

distance south of the Ecliptic to mark the as-saula of the Arabs, the

A l ill a of the Hindus, and the Wei of the Chinese. There further is the

fact that all the three zodiacs agree in marking two of their stations

by the stars constituting the so-called square in Pegasus, although all

those stars have a hio-h northern latitude (the two Bhadrapadds of the

Hindus, the two Farahs of the Arabs, She and Pi of the Chinese). To

the same class of cases belongs the selection — met with, however, in

the Hindu and Arab zodiacs only — of two stars of the third magnitude

(8 and 0 Leonis), which both have a high northern latitude, to constitute

the Piirva Phalguni of the Hindus, and the Cluing of the Chinese. We

may also, I think, mention, under this heading, the inclusion within

the series of the small stars 35, 39 a. 41 Arietis — which form the

Bharani of the Hindus, the al-Butain of the Arabs, and the Wei of

the Chinese ; and perhaps, also, the fact that certain little conspicuous

stars in Hydra — which, moreover, do not lie very close to the

Ecliptic — were selected to constitute the A^leshds of the Hindus and

the Lieu of the Chinese. In this last case, however, the Arab Zodiac

deviates from the two others, in keeping close to the Ecliptic. But, even

if we abstract from the less striking cases, there remain a number of

coincidences so remarkable that the hypothesis of a common origin of

the three lunar zodiacs suggests itself almost inevitably. If, on the

161

1894.] Gf. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac.

other hand, these striking coincidences were absent, the whole theory

of a primitive connexion of the three zodiacs would enormously lose

in probability. Of the selection of the three faint stars in Orion’s

head, Professor Whitney says, 1 that ‘ it is not a little strange that the

framers of the system should have chosen for marking the third sta¬

tion, this faint group, to the neglect of the brilliant and conspicuous

pair, /3 , and £, Tauri. There is hardly another case where we have so

much reason to find fault with their selection.’ The choice is indeed

an unaccountable, apparently irrational one ; but it, of course, is just

this agreement in apparent irrationality which most strongly supports

the view of the three zodiacs being derived from one original.

If, therefore, the series of Babylonian normal stars wras originally

connected with the lunar zodiacs, we should expect to find that it agrees

with them in the striking peculiarities just enumerated, or, at least, in

some of them. But on an examination of the actual state of things,

our expectations are totally disappointed. Prom Aldebaran, the Baby¬

lonian Series advances, not to the stars in the head of Orion, but just

to those stars which form the natural next link in an ecliptical series,

viz , /3 and £ Tauri. In Leo, again, it keeps to the ecliptic, in taking in p

before going up to 6 ; the brilliant star /3 , Leonis, it leaves aside. It does

not go to the south of the Ecliptic, to take in the stars in the Scorpion’s

tail, but has, in their stead, 0 Ophinchi, which is situated close to the

Ecliptic. It does not go up to the north, to take in stars from Pegasus

and Andromeda. It comprises none of the stars which constitute the

Bliaranl of the Hindus, and the corresponding stations of the two other

nations. In short, wherever the three lunar zodiacs coincide in a strik¬

ing and characteristic way, the series of Babylonian normal stars

deviates from them and follows its own track.

We might add to this list of characteristic deviations of the Baby¬

lonian Series if we look for one member of the comparison in an hypothe¬

tical primitive lunar zodiac, as e.g ., construed by Professor Whitney,

(Lunar Zodiac, p. 357). We should in that case, have to point out that

where the primitive zodiac — as represented by Agleshas and Lieu — goes

down to the south, so as to take in stars from Hydra, the Babylonian

Series sticks to the Ecliptic, selecting stars from Cancer. But as in this

case the Arab Zodiac agrees with the Babylonian Series, it is more ad¬

visable to omit all reference to the hypothetical primitive zodiac.

There now certainly remains a small number of cases in which the

Babylonian Series agrees with the lunar zodiac, and where, at the same

time, the agreement cannot exactly be called an inevitable one. Put I do

1 The Lunar Zodiac ; Oriental and Linguistic Essays, p. 351.

162

G. Thibaut — Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac. [No. 4,

not think that anybody who carefully examines these agreements will

consider them sufficiently strong, especially when remembering the ab¬

sence of agreement in all truly characteristic cases, in what, in fact, may

be called test cases of the hypothesis of original connexion. I rather

think it probable that any one following, in a Stellar Map, the track of

the Babylonian normal stars and of the Arabian menazil will be in-

cliued to include in the list of inevitable coincidences several cases not

thus classed by me above. At the same time, there are minor discre¬

pancies which might be urged. It was, e.g ., as good as inevitable that

a series of stars, bound not to wander too far from the Ecliptic, should

contain some of the more conspicuous stars of Aries. Accordingly, (3

Arietis appears both in the Babylonian and the Arab Series; but while

the Babylonians add the brilliant star a Arietis, the Arabs omit a and

join /3 and y, as Sharatfin. In Gemini y and /x, a pair of stars of the third

magnitude, lying quite close to the Ecliptic, could hardly be omitted.

Nor could 8 and y Cancri, or at least the former of these two stars, be

absent from an Ecliptic Series.

The same remark applies to /3 rj y, Virgiuis. It is, on the other hand,

surprising that neither k nor A, Virginia — which appear in the station

aUghufr — are included in the Babylonian Series. For Scorpio 8 and (3 ,

two stars lying close to the south and north of the Ecliptic could hardly

be overlooked. In the region where a and (3 Capricorni are situated,

there are absolutely no other stars but these two, which could be in¬

cluded in an Ecliptic Seines. A choice, on the other hand, was possi¬

ble a little further on ; and there we meet again with a noteworthy

discrepancy, the Babylonian Series taking the stars closest to the Ecliptic,

viz ., y and 8 Capricorni, while the corresponding manzil — as-siiud — com¬

prises /3 and £ Aquarii, which are situated more to the north. Where

finally the Babylonian list has 77, Piscium, not very far from the Ecliptic,

the Arab manzil goes as far north as (3 Andromeda?.

With regard to some of the discrepancies here noted, Professor

Hommel directs attention to the circumstance that the stars comprised

in the Babylonian Series, on the one hand, and the Arab Series on the

other hand, have, at any rate, nearly the same longitude ; and seems to

consider this as a sign of the original identity of the two series. But

this circumstance really proves nothing. That the groups of stars

actually chosen occasionally have almost the same longitude, naturally

follows from the conditions of the task the Babylonians as wrell as the

Arabs had set themselves, viz., of dividing the Ecliptic by stars, or star

groups, into 28 or, let us say, 30-36 parts.

The various considerations set forth in what precedes, render it

in my opinion, altogether impossible to look on the normal stars of the

163

1894.] Gr. Thibaut— - Babylonian Origin of the Lunar Zodiac.

Babylonian Tablets as the original of the different lunar zodiacs. As

said at the outset of this paper, the hypothesis of Babylon having been

the place where such a zodiac was first established was not an unlikely

one, at a time when hardly any thing authentic was known about Baby¬

lonian Astronomy. But at present that hypothesis has greatly lost in

probability. We now know, from authentic Babylonian sources, that

the Chaldeans, from an early time, distinguished twelve zodiacal constel-

lationSj and referred to them, or else to certain definite stars in them, the

positions of the planets. The number of those definite stars, or star-

groups, amounted, in later times at any rate, to more than thirty, per¬

haps thirty-six. It is possible that an earlier series, used for the same

purposes, consisted of twenty-four members only. But there are no

traces of any series consisting of that number of stations which is cha¬

racteristic of a lunar zodiac, viz., twenty-seven or twenty-eight. Nor is

there anything like a characteristic agreement between the stars and

star-groups, constituting the lunar zodiacs of the Hindus, Arabs and

Chinese, and the series of normal stars used by the Babylonian Astro¬

nomers. The conclusion to be drawn from all this, is that the hypo¬

thesis of the Babylonian origin of the Nakshatras , Manzils and Sieu has,

for the present at least, to be set resolutely aside.

164

V. A. Smith — History and Coinage of the Gupta Period. [No. 4,

Further Observations on the History and Coinage of the Gupta Period. —

By Vincent A. Smith, Indian Civil Service.

(With Plate VI.)

( Read December, 1894. )

Contents : — Part I. — General Observations.

„ II. — Gupta Gold Coins.

„ III. — Gupta Copper Coins.

,, IV. — Later Kusan Coins.

„ V. — The Indian Coinage of the Epiithalites,

or White Huns, and Gupta Silver Coins.

Part I. — General Observations.

Although no very long period has elapsed since the publication

of my last work on the Gupta Coinage,1 sufficient material has accu¬

mulated in the interval to warrant the preparation of another Supple¬

ment. The elaborate papers by the late Sir Alexander Cunningham

on the coinages of the Later Indo- Scythians, and of the Epiithalites, or

White Huns, have thrown much light on the history and coinages of

dynasties closely connected with the Guptas, and have tempted me

to wander a little beyond the confines of the Gupta field which I have

hitherto cultivated.

Since I have been stationed at Gorakhpur, I have had the oppor¬

tunity of examining the large and varied collection of coins formed by

my friend, Dr. William Hoey, I.C.S. The most remarkable coins of the

Gupta Period in his cabinet are noticed in this paper. On other occa¬

sions I hope to publish some of the novelties in other departments

which he possesses. Dr. Hoey’s cabinet has supplied me with a large

proportion of my material on the present occasion, though I have

not neglected other sources of information.

I Observations on the Gupta Coinage ; read at the International Congress of

Orientalists, London, 1892, and published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society ,

for 1893. In the following pages this work is cited as Observations.

165

1894.] V. A. Smith — History and Coinage of the Gupta Period.

My remark ( Observations , p. 80) that ‘ the year of the Gupta Era

appears, according to the most recent calculations, to have been A. I).

319-20,’ is somewhat obscure. It means, as stated in the Synoptic

Table, that the year 0 was 318-19, and the year 1 was 319-20. The

statement rests on the dictum of Dr. Biihler (On the Origin of the Gupta

Valabhi Era , p. 3), that 4 the weight of the evidence is in favour of the

year 318-19, as the true beginning of the Gupta Era.’ 1 Dr. Fleet is,

or was, of opinion (Indian Ant. Vol. XX , p. 388) that the Gupta Era,

as used in Central India and Nepal, and all northern inscriptions, is to be

expressed by the formula, — Year 0 = 9 March, A.D. 319 — 25th Feb., A.D.

320. Year 1 (current) = 26tli Feb., A.D. 320 — 15th Maxell, A. D. 321.

According to Dr. Fleet, the equations for the Yalabhi variety of the era,

are year 0 = 1 1th Oct., A.D. 318 — 30th Sept., A.D. 319. Year 1 (current)

= 1st Oct., A.D. 319 — ,18th Oct., A.D. 320. I presume that this western,

or Yalabhi Era, is to be used in interpreting the coins and inscriptions

from Gujarat, though this detail does not seem to be yet determined.

I am quite incapable of understanding the elaborate calculations about

Hindu dates in which Dr. Fleet and some of his coadjutors delight, and

must content myself with expressing the hope that the experts who

do understand them will soon be able to complete their labours, and

settle definitely the exact era to be used in the calculation of Gupta

dates, both for Western and Northern India.

The copper-plate inscription found at Pali, near Kosam (Kau^ambi)

in the Allahabad District, in 1891, is dated in the year 158, which is

probably to be referred to the Gupta era. This plate is now in the

Lucknow Provincial Museum, and has been described in Epigraphia

Indica , Yol. II., p. 363.

Another newly-discovered inscription of the Gupta Period lias been

briefly noticed by Dr. Hoernle in the Indian Antiquary for February, 1892,

Yol, XXI., p. 45. This record, which may be called the Faridpur Inscrip¬

tion, was found in the Faridpur district of Eastern Bengal. It is a cop¬

per-plate bearing an inscription in early Gupta characters of the North-

Eastern class. The purport of it is to record a gift of land to a Brah-

man in the reign of Qri Mahardjddhirdja Eharmdditya. The seal bears

the device of Laksrai, standing, with an elephant on each side, besprink¬

ling her. Dr. Hoernle suggests that this device may have been the early

seal of the Gupta kings before they adopted the Garuda device. The

inscription begins in the style usual in the Gupta inscriptions, and

1 Kielliorn (Trans. Intern. Congress of 1892. I, 429) holds that, according to the

prevailing custom of the Hindus, the dates are given in expired years, and that “ a

similar conclusion is forced on us in regard to the Gupta era, the true epoch of

which I believe to be A.D. 318-319, not 319-320.”

166

V. A. Smith — History and Coinage of the Gupta Period. [No. 4,

applies to king Dharmaditya the epithet ‘ Apratiratha ,’ ‘unsurpassable,’

which is the special epithet of Samudra Gupta, both in coins and inscrip¬

tions. These circumstances naturally suggest to Dr. Hoernle the

hypothesis that Dharmaditya may be merely a title of Samudra

Gupta. This suggestion is plausible, though not convincing. I doubt

if the LaksmI device can ever have been the family device of the

Guptas. The use of the Garuda cognizance was well established in the

time of Samudra Gupta, who used it on his ‘ Javelin ’ and ‘ Archer ’ coins,

in the form of the standard, and on a seal. The seal referred to is that

of the spurious Gaya grant (Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions , p. 255, pi. xxxvii).

I agree with Dr. Fleet in believing that, though the grant is a forgery,

the seal is perfectly genuine. The “ Garuda-marked tokens ” (i.e., proba¬

bly, gold coins) are mentioned in the Allahabad inscription, as having

been offered to Samudra Gupta ( Fleet , p. 14, note) by the subject

nations. It is, therefore, improbable that this sovereign changed the

family cognizance from the LaksmI to the Garuda device. The Farld-

pur record unfortunately is not dated. If it was not executed on

behalf of Samudra Gupta himself, it certainly seems to be approximately

contemporary with him, and may very probably be a record of Kacha,

whom I believe to have been the brother and predecessor of Samudra

Gupta.

I observe that Dr. Fiihrer, in his label on the seal of Kumara

Gupta II, in the Lucknow Museum, definitely adopts the reading Sthira

for the name of the predecessor of Nara Simha Gupta, and interprets it

as a synonym for Skanda.1 I adhere to the opinion ( Observations ,

p. 83, note ) that it is more probable that Sthira Gupta was the brother of

Skanda Gupta, and that Skanda Gupta was omitted from the genealogy

of the seal inscription, owing to his having died, leaving no male issue.

Dr. Fiihrer reads the name of the queen of Nara Simha Gupta as

being Maha LaksmI Devi.

The paleography of the Gupta Period is discussed by Dr. Hoernle

in his paper on the Weber Manuscripts, in J. A. S., Bengal, for 1893,

Vol. LXII., Part I., p. 4 ; and in the Indian Antiquary for February, 1892,

Yol. XXI, p. 40 seqq. The subject is further illustrated by the same

scholar’s publications on the Bower Manuscript.

I In reply to a reference, Dr. Fiihrer writes under date 3rd December, 1894: —

“ I have looked again at the disputed reading on the Bhitaiu seal of Kumara Gupta

II, and cannot agree with Dr. Hoernle’s reading of Pura Gnpta, or Cunningham’s

Puru Gupta. There is no doubt it is Sthira Gupta, as Biililer reads. I sent Biihler

a cast of the seal for the Vienna Oriental Institute at the time, and feel sure you

would agree to the reading, if you saw the original with a magnifying glass. When

you next pass through Lucknow, I shall be glad to show it to yon.” [See a note by

Dr. Hoernle at the end of this paper. — Ed.]

1894.] Y. A. Smith — History and Coinage of the Gupta Period. 167

An interesting hoard of Gupta gold coins, which may be referred

to as “ the Hajipur hoard,” has been recently described by Dr. Hoernle.

The deposit is said to have been found by a boy “ among brick rubbish

in a small walled enclosure near Kunahra Ghat, in the bazar of Hajipur

on the 2nd or 3rd of August, 1893.” Altogether, 22 coins were found,

though only 14 of these were recovered through the Collector of Mu-

My friend Mr. C. S. Delmerick has been successful in collecting

a good many gold and copper Gupta coins in the Badaon District, which

lies between the ancient capital cities, Ahichatra (Ramnagar) in the

Bareli District and Kanauj in the Farrukhabad District. Mr. D. Ernst

of Calcutta has a nice set of eleven gold Gupta coins, collected chiefly at

or near Cawnpore. The set includes some rare, but no new coins.

PART II. — Gupta Gold Coins.

Kacha or Kacha,

Standard Type — {Coinage, p. 74; Observations, p. 95.)

A coin obtained by Dr. Yost from the Harden district in Oudh,

distinctly gives the name as Kacha , with the long vowel, in both places.

On the margin the long vowel is indicated by a short horizontal line

to the right, on a level with the head of the K. Below the arm it is

indicated by a similar .short line above the head of the K. This coin

closely resembles the B. M. Prinsep specimen, figured in Coinage , PI. I,

3, and the vowel mark for a , under the arm, is formed the same way in

both coins.

1 I particularly dislike using the English c instead of ch, as the equivalent of

but am obliged to conform to the system recently sanctioned by the Council

of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

2 The reference Coinage is to my treatise on The Coinage of the Early or Im¬

perial Gupta Dynasty , with five plates ( /. Boy, As. Soc . for 1889).

J, i. 22

168

V. A. Smith — History and Coinage of the Onpta Period. [No. 4,

SAMUDRA GUPTA.

Tiger Type. — ( Coinage , p. 64 ; Observations , p. 96.)

Until recently this extremely rare type was known from a single

coin only, the Eden specimen in the British Museum. ( Coinage , PI. I, 2.)

In 1891, Mr. Rapson published a notice of a “ poor specimen ” in

Mr. Wilmot Lane’s cabinet.

Ur. Hoey possesses a third example, in very fine condition. (See

PI. VI, fig. 1.) This coin agrees with -my description, except that a

standard, or sceptre, surmounted by a crescent, and adorned with

ribbons, is inserted in the field between the bow and the tiger. This

object resembles the standard on the obverse, but is shorter. The

obverse legend is damaged, though the characters X Xfp|X Vyaghrct

[para]kkra[ma] are recognizable.

Samudka Gupta,

Battle-axe Type. — {Coinage, p. 72; Observations , p. 102.)

Variety /3 ( Coinage , p. 73), characterized by the syllable @ hr1

Under the king’s arm, has hitherto been known from a single speci-1

men, that from the Eden cabinet in the British Museum.

Dr. Hoey possesses a second example in good condition, which

seems to be struck from the same die as the British Museum coin.

Candra Gupta IL

Archer Type.

The sub-variety of Class II, var. a ( Observations , p. 105), which is

characterized by the absence of the usual personal name Candra , under

the king’s arm, was until now known only from Mr. Rivett-Carnac’s

example.

Mr. C. S. Delmerick, who has recently been collecting Gupta coins

with considerable success in the Badaon district, has obtained a second

fine specimen. This piece is a broad coin, diameter ’875 inch. Instead

of the name under the arm, the king’s sword is very distinctly shown,

The figure of the king is upright* Lak§mi on the reverse has her left

hand resting on her hip,

Candra Gupta It.

Umbrella Type . — ( Coinage, p, 91 ; Observations, p. 113.)

the above-cited publications describe only two varieties, namely,

ft, itt which the reverse goddess stands to left on a pedestal (or, in one

instance, on a curved line), and j3, in which she stands, facing front, on

the back of a monster.

1894.] V. A. Smith — ~ History and Coinage of the Gupta Period. 169

A third variety, y, must now he added, in which the goddess, turned

to left, walks or stands on the ground. The existence of this variety was

first indicated by Dr. Hoernle, in Proc ., A. S. B., for April, 1893, p. 95,

when describing a coin presented to the Indian Museum by Mr. Rivett-

Carnac. (See Plate VI, fig. 2). The reality of this new variety is now

frilly established by an excellent specimen in Dr. Hoey’s possession.

(See PI. VI, fig. 3.) The reverse of this coin is in perfect condition, and

the marginal circle of dots is immediately below the feet of the goddess.

The obverse legend seems to be Qandra Gupta , with traces of Maharaja -

dhirdja , which words do not occur on other specimens.

A coin in the Hajipur hoard and marked Vo. 13,815 in the Indian

Museum (ante, p. 167 ), described by Dr. Hoernle (Proc., A. 8. B. for 1894),

exhibiting the *f goddess walking to left, with fillet in right hand,” con¬

stitutes a sub-variety. (PI. II, fig. 4.) It will be observed that the

attitude of the obverse figures on the several coins varies slightly. The

legends are imperfect.

Kcmara Gupta I.

Swordsman Type.

This type, heretofore known from two specimens, both found in the

bed of the Ganges, near Patna, of which one is in the British Museum,

and the other in the Bodleian Library, is now represented by a third

example, given to the Indian Museum by Mr. Rivett-Carnac. “ Where

this coin, now belonging to the Indian Museum, was found is not known ;

but it is a genuine specimen, and has a gold loop soldered to its rim,

showing that it was used as an amulet, or ornament.” (Dr Hoernle, iij.

Proc., A. S. B., April, 1893, p. 95.)

Kumara Gupta I.

Archer Type — ( Observations , p. 116.)

A poor specimen of variety 1 of this type, in Dr. Hoey^s cabinet, is

remarkable for having the rare trefoil monogram, Vo. 25, which occur?

red on two specimens from the hoard of Bharsar, near Benares,

(Coinage, p. 96.) The gold is poor and alloyed. (PI. YI, fig. 5.)

Skanda Gupta.

King and Queen Type.

My Catalogue (Coinage, p. Ill) mentions only two specimens of

this type, one from Kanauj in the British Museum, and the other, said

to be in the cabinet of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. I have recently

bought a third specimen, which was found at Bhitari in the Ghazipup

.district. (PI. VI, fig. 6.)

170 V. A. Smith — History and Coinage of the Gupta Period. [No. 4,

This coin is in good condition. In my description of the obverse of

the type ( Coinage , p. 110) the remark that the bird, or Garuda, stand¬

ard is furnished “ with pennons ” is erroneous ; there are no pennons

either on the Kanauj or the Bhitarl coin. The Bhitar! coin shows

no trace of any obverse marginal legend, but has distinct remains

of names over each figure. The name 5P Skanda is placed ver¬

tically between the king’s head and the Garuda; the first letter^ s

being deficient. The queen’s name is, unluckily, illegible. It is placed

over the queen’s head, and the letters fsRTT priyd may be doubtfully

read as the concluding element of the name. This defect is unfortunate,

because the name of Skanda Gupta’s queen is not recorded in any of

the known inscriptions. The discovery of this Bhitarl specimen makes

it certain that the type is rightly named the King and Queen type. The

queen on this coin holds behind her back a long stem, probably that

of a lotus flower. The reverse legend Qri Skanda Guptafy

is distinct. The monogram is indistinct. Mr. D. Ernst possesses a

fourth specimen, not quite so good as mine.

pAgAjjKA (Narendra Gupta.)

Bull Type. — (Observations, p. 147.)

Only two specimens of this type are described in Observations , and

the paucity of specimens at my command led me into some errors of

description. By the kindness of Dr. Hoernle I have been enabled to

inspect several examples in the cabinet of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,

and to correct the errors and supply the omissions in the descriptions

published by Cunningham and myself.

The amended technical description is as follows : —

Obv. — King, facing front, mounted on recumbent bull, which is

to 1. ; king’s r. hand, or elbow, resting on bull’s hump ; his 1. hand

raised. Disk (moon) over bull’s head. Marginal legend on r., im¬

perfect, ^ Crl Ca\_gdrjka]. Below bull two characters, which vary.

Rev. — Laksmi on lotus seat, in debased style, though the legs are

separate, and not combined into a bar, as in the debased Gupta coins.

Her r. hand is extended, her 1. arm grasps a stalked lotus bud. On

each side, in upper field, a minute elephant, sprinkling the goddess.

Legend on r. margin, ^ Crl C igdrjka. No mon.

The coins are of coarse, thick fabric, and very rude execution.

Some specimens have large dots round the margins. The gold is

extremely impure, and according to Cunningham’s analysis ( Coins of

Med. India, p. 16), contains 58 p. c. of alloy. The proportion of alloy

1894.] V. A. Smith — History and Coinage of the Gupta Period . 171

seems to vary in different specimens. The highest weight noted is

347 grains. Diameter varies considerably. The elephants are often

so debased as to be unrecognizable.

j References and Remarks ,

B. M- — (Observations, PI. Ill, 11). The first of the two characters

below the bull is certainly ^ sa, and the second seems to be m ka.

0. — The first of the two characters below the bull is ^ sa. From

Gaya.

A. C. — ( Coins of Med. India, p. 19, PI. II, 5). The characters below

the bull are distinct, and read by Cunningham as jaya. The first

character is certainly ja, and the second seems to be V ya. From

Gaya.

A. S. B — Six or seven specimens. On one the characters below

the bull are plainly saja. Three of these coins are figured in Plate

VI (figures 8, 9, 10).

Hoey. — The gold in this coin seems to be less impure than that

of the others. (Plate VI, 7).

The name Qayaqka means “ marked with the hare,” which is an

epithet of the moon. The name is, therefore, in meaning equivalent to

Candra. I presume that the disk over the bull’s head on the coins is

intended for the moon, rather than for the sun.

The references to passages in Cunningham’s Archaeological Survey

Reports concerning Qa^aqka, given in Observations, are not quite correct.

They should be as follows : — I, 5, 10 ; III, 80, 138 ; VIII, 71, 72, 191-

193 ; IX, 157 , XV, 102.

The reference to Vol. VII, Plate VI, given both in Observations and

in my General Index to the Reports for fku^arjka’s seal-matrix at Rohtas,

is a blunder for which I am quite unable to account. The only reference

to the seal-matrix, which I can find in the Reports, is a passing allusion

to its existence in Vol. IX, p. 157.

The inscription of this seal-matrix has been published by Dr. Fleet

( Gupta Inscriptions, p. 283, PI. xliii, R). It consists merely of the

words Qri Mahdsdmanta Qagdrjkade vasya, surmounted by the figure of

the bull. There can be no doubt, that this record, and the gold coins,

must be assigned to the king of Karna Suvarna, in Central Bengal, who

reigned at the beginning of the seventh century, A.D. Dr. Fleet is of

opinion, that the term “ Mahdsdmanta, lit., 1 a great chief of a district,’

is a technical official title, which seems to denote the same rank as

Maharaja A

The position of (Jafjagka’s kingdom of Karna- Suvarna has recently

been discussed by several writers.

J.72 y. A. Smith — IJisfory and Coinage of the Gupta, Period. [No. 4,

Mr. Hewitt believes that the portion of that kingdom visited by

Hiuen Tsiang is now the district of Manblium, which is held by the

Rajas of Pachete, whose crest is a bull, and that the capital of the

kingdom was Campa, the modern Bliagalpur.1

Dr. Waddell seeks to identify the capital with Kancannagar,

a suburb of Bardwan.2

Both these identifications are certainly wrong, and based on false

etymologies or other insufficient grounds.

Mr. Beveridge gives excellent and substantial reasons for placing

the capital of Karna-Suvarna at Raqgamati, in the Murshidabad dis¬

trict.3 He is mistaken in supposing his identification to be a novelty.4 *

It had been made many years ago, and forgotten. A note in the Indian

Antiquary for 1878, explains that in Hiuen-Tsiang’s text the word

Kin-eul, ‘ golden-eared,’ or ‘ having gold in the ears,’ corresponding to

the Sanskrit Karna-Suvarna, refers to “ the town of Rangamatti,

12 miles south of Murshidabad [which] stands on the site of an old

city called Kurusona-ka-gadh , supposed to be a Bengali corruption of

the name in the text : Jour., As. Soc. Beng., Vol XXII. (1853), pp. 281,

282 ; Jour. R. As. Soc. ( N.S. ), Vol. VI., p. 248. ”B The discovery of the

site of Karna-Suvarna is due to Captain L. P. Layard, whose paper

entitled The ancient city of Kansonapuri, now called Rungamutty , was

published in the Journal of this Society for 1853.

It woald seem to be true that paipxijka was also known by the

name of Narendra Gupta, though the evidence for the alleged fact is

not conclusive. In 1879, Cunningham obseryed that “ Professor Hall

has suggested that his full name may have been Sasangka Gupta ; but

I learn from Dr. Biihler, that in the Jain books Sasangka is called

Narendra Gupta.” 6 Dr. Biihler informs me that Cunningham’s re¬

ference to the Jain books is due to a misleading of a communication

from Dr. Biihler, who really wrote that fh^aijka is called Narendra

Gupta by Bana. The word Bana seems to have beeo misread as Jaina.

A year earlier, in 1878, the anonymous writer in the Indian Antir

quary, who has already been quoted, boldly made the assertion that

C ac^axyka is called Narendra Gupta in the Harsacarita of Bapa. His words

1 J., R. As. Soc., for 1893, pp. 294, 300.

2 Proc., A. S. B., Dec. 1892, p. 184 ; Appendix to Discovery of the Exact Site of

Aqdka's Capital of Pataliputra. (Calcutta, published by Government of Bengal, 1892).

5 Proc., A. S. B., Dec. 1893, p. 172; J. A, S. B.} Vol. LXJI., Part 1 (1893),

pp. 315-325. The Site of Karna-Suvarna.

4 Ut supra, J., A. S. B., p 326.

6 Ind. Ant., Yol. YII., p. 197, note 5.

6 Reports, Vol. IX., p. 157.

173

1894.] V. A. Smith — History and Coinage of the Gupta Period .

are “ In Chinese Yuel , ‘ moon.’ This is S'asanka Narendra Gupta of

Bana’s Uarshacharita ; ” and again, “ Rajyavardhana . himself was de¬

feated and killed by S'asanka Narendra Gupta, king of Gauda or Bengal

and succeeded by his younger brother Harsh a, whom his officers urged to

avenge his brother’s death. But the Hindu epic breaks off on the re¬

covery of Rajyasri among the Vindhya mountains — See Hall’s Vasava-

datt&, pp. 51, 52 ; Jour., Bo. Br. Rt As. Soc ., Vol. X., pp. 38-45.” 1

The English authorities quoted do not support the assertion that

f^aqka is called Narendra Gupta by Bana, and none of the writers

referred to cites any passage from Bana’s text. The manuscript used by

Hall apparently gave fac^arjka the cognomen of Gupta, because Hall

states (p. 52) that Gupta, king of Gauda, slew Rajyavardhana. Hiuen

Tsiang relates that Rajyavardhana was treacherously slain by £a9ai)ka,

king of Rarnasuvarna in Eastern India.2 3 * * * * Assuming both writers to be

stating the truth, it follows that fte^aijka, king of Rarnasuvarna, is

identical with Gupta, king of Gauda. The fact of the treacherous mur¬

der of Rajyavardhana is confirmed by the Madhuban copper-plate of

Harsavardhana.8 Dr. Biililer states that one manuscript of the Harsa-

carita does give the full name of Narendra Gupta to ^a^aijka.

The translation of the Harsa-carita, which Professor Cowell and

Mr. Thomas have undertaken for the Oriental Translation Fund, will

probably do much to clear up the history of Northern India at the

beginning of the seventh century A.D.

PART III.— Gupta Copper Coins.

Candra Gupta II.

Maharaja Type. (New).

Obv. — Bust of king, bareheaded, to 1., with flower held between

finger and thumb of r. hand, as in the Vikramaditya Bust type

1 Hiwan Thsang's account of Harshavardhand, Ind. Ant., Yol. VII., ( August

1878), p. 197, notes 4, 6. The paper in the Bombay Asiatic Society's Journal referred

to is one by the late Dr. Bhau DajI, entitled The Marsha- char ita of Bdna, which

tvas read on 10th Angust, 1871.

2 Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Yol. I., p 210.

3 This inscription states that the prince “ gave up his life in the mansion of his

foe, owing to his adherence to a promise.” (Biihler on The Madhuban Copper-Plate

of Harsa, dated Samvat 25, in Epigraphia Indica, Yol. I., p 70.) Two other inscrip*

tions of Harsavardhana are now known, namely, the Sont seal (Fleet, Gupta

Inscriptions, p. 231, PI. xxxi., B.), and the Banskliera copperplate, dated 32

( = A.D. 638), recently discovered twenty-^five miles from Shahjahanpur ( Pioneer ,

September 21st, 1894).

174 V. A. Smith — History and Coinage of the Gupta Period. [No. 4,

( Coinage , p. 140.) The bust occupies the entire field, so that there is

neither exergue nor legend.

Rev, — Garuda standing on horizontal line, which does not extend

to either margin. In lower half of field is the legend ^*5 JT

Maharaja Candra Ga ; the vowel mark over the T being deficient.

The character ^ Ca is distinct, but the following characters are not.

(Plate VI, fig. 11.) Diameter *875. Wt. 105.

This coin was obtained by Mr. J. P. Rawlins, District Superin¬

tendent of Police, at a remote village in the Jlielam District of the

Panjab, and was communicated to me through Mr. C. J. Rodgers. The

kindness of the owner has enabled me to examine the coin, and have

it photographed.

The obverse bust of this type and of the Vikramaditya Bust type

seems to be a rude imitation of the device of the gold coins of

Huvishka on which the king is represented holding an ear of corn.

(Gardner, Coins of Greek and Scythic Kings , PI. xxvii, 9, etc.)

The weight (105 grains) of this piece, which is in fairly good

condition, is, perhaps an indication that the coin was struck to the

standard of the contemporary gold dinftrs, that is to say, to a standard

of about 125 grains. It can hardly be intended for a J- pai}a of 108

grains. I take the rati as equivalent to 1*8 grains.

Kumara Gupta I, (or ? II).

Garuda Type (New).

Ohv. — The letters i, fri Ku, in large, bold characters of the

period, occupy the greater part of the field. Above, Garuda standing

on horizontal line. Dotted circle.

Rev. — LaksmI seated, executed in a very rough and degraded way,

so that details are indistinct. A peculiar symbol in 1. field. Dotted

circle. Diameter about ‘7 inch. wt. 52 grains. Condition good.

This coin, which was bought by Mr. C. J. Rodgers at Saharanpur, is

now in the cabinet of Mr. W. Theobald at Budleigh-Salterton, Devon.

I sent a drawing of the coin last year to Mr. Rapson for publication,

but, as the coin has not yet been published, I insert this notice of it.

Kumara Gupta I and Skanda Gupta.

Fantail Peacock Type.

I venture to think that the arguments in Observations, (pp. 1 37-

144) have sufficiently established the fact that both Kumara Gupta I

and Skanda Gupta struck copper coins similar in device and size to

the silver hemidrachms. The northern specimens of this copper coin*

1894.] V. A. Smith — History and Coinage of the Gupta Period . 175

age, like the contemporary silver hemidrachms, bear the reverse device

of a peacock with expanded tail.

In addition to the few examples of this northern copper coinage,

noted in Observations , p. 138, I may now add the following.

Lucknow Museum— Two specimens of Kumar a Gupta from

Sahcankot in the Unao district. Two specimens of Skanda Gupta from

Kosarn (Kau9ambi), near Allahabad. One specimen of Skanda Gupta

from Ajodhya.

Hoey. — One worn specimen, probably of Kumara Gupta, from

Oudh.

None of these coins show any signs of plating.

Addendum to Parts J, II, and III

Sir Alexander Cunningham’s valuable posthumous work on the

Goins of Mediseval India came to hand too late for me to make use of

it in the preceding text. But it contains a considerable amount of novel

matter concerning the Guptas, which must be noticed in an essay pro¬

fessing to bring Gupta numismatics up to date.

Cunningham, without giving any reasons, has adopted the reading

Puru Gupta, as that of the name of the son of Kumara Gupta I, in the

Bhitari Seal record. He never saw the original, and his reading can¬

not be accepted for reasons already stated {ante, p. 166).

Cunningham fixes Skanda Gupta’s accession to undisputed power

in the Gupta year 134, or A.D. 452 (misprinted 152 in text, p. 11).

This date, which I also had adopted ( Observations , p. 83), is too early.

Dr. Yost has lately acquired a hemidrachm of Kumara Gupta I, with

a well preserved date, which is 136.

Cunningham figures (Plate II, 1) a coin of Nara Baladitya to

show that the character between the king’s feet must be read Gu , not

gre, and he interprets the character read Gu , as a contraction of

Gupta. But he overlooks the very distinct vowel mark for e, shown

in his plate, and in mine ( Coinage , PI iii., 11). This mark is equally

plain on a coin from Bhitari in my possession. With all respect, there¬

fore, for Cunningham’s opinion, I adhere to my reading gre. On

Gupta coins the word Gupta is never abbreviated, and never placed

between the king’s feet. The form of the character which Cunningham

reads as Gu , and I read as gr, is identical with one of the forms of

the numeral 7 in some of the Gupta inscriptions.1

1 See Bhagwan Lai Indraji’s paper on Ancient Indian Numerals ( Tnd . Ant

Yol, VI, p. 42.)

J. i, 23

176 V. A. Smith — History and Coinage of the Gupta Period. [No. 4,

The coin of Knmara Gupta II, Kramaditya (PL ii., 2), figured as

“ a novelty/’ has been already published by me twice. ( Coinage , PI.

ii., 12; Observations , p. 129.)

The Archer coin (PI. ii., 3), with the name Jaya under the king’s

arm, and sun standard to his proper right, has not, I think, been before

published. The reverse device is that of the lotus-seated LaksmI, and

the legend, which is quite illegible on the plate, is read doubtfully

as Qri Prahdldya, which cannot be right. I am unable to define Jaya

[Gupta’s] dynastic place, but he is certainly one of the later local

kings subsequent to Skanda Gupta. The coin belongs to the class

of heavy ( suvarna ) coins, its weight being 140 grains.

The coin of Visnu Gupta Candraditya (PI. ii., 4) was long ago

figured in Ariana A?itiqua (PI. xviii., 24), and was again described by

Thomas in his paper, entitled Indo-Scythian Coins with Hindi Legends

( [Indian Antiquary for 1883). Cunningham places the accession of Visnu

Gupta in A.D. 680, which date cannot be far wrong. In figure 5 of

the same plate a coin of ^a^qka is depicted. The letters under the

bull are clearly jaya.

Figure 8 represents the obverse only of a Gupta copper coin, thus

described : —

“Weight 87 grains. Diameter *85 inch. Author; from Ahichhatra.

The largest copper coin of the Guptas yet found.

“ Female bust to left., with flower in right hand.

“ Garuda symbol or standard of the Guptas ; legend lost.”

This coin appears to be an inferior specimen of the new type,

which I have described from Mr. Rawlins’ coin, and named the

Maharaja type. The bust is that of the king, not of a female. It is

to be observed that the king’s face is turned to the left in all Gupta

copper coins, and to the right in the silver coins.

Figure 9 represents a silver hemidrachm of Candra Gupta II

which Cunningham believes to be dated in the year 80 odd. For the

reasons given in Coinage , pp. 122, 123, I do not believe that this coin

is ddted. The character which looks like a numeral symbol is probably

a remnant of a corrupt Greek legend.

The coin now figured by Cunningham is from Ajodhya.

My treatment of the Gupta coinage has always been defective in

one important respect. I had no opportunities for procuring assays or

analyses of the metal, and consequently could not give any definite facts

concerning the degree of its purity. Cunningham has caused the ne¬

cessary experiments to be made, and has compiled (p. 16) an interest¬

ing table showing the weight and purity of the Gupta gold coinage,

as compared with the aureus of Augustus and the Great Kusan and

1894.] V. A. Smith — History and Coinage of the Gupta Period. 177

Little Kusan (Indo- Scythian) coins. The general result may be given

in the author’s words: — “The coins of all the earlier kings give an

average weight of 123 grains, of which 107 grains are pure ; 1 while 64

coins of the Kusan kings Wema Kadphises, Kaniska, Huviska,

and the earlier specimens of Vasu Deva, give exactly the same average.

The later coins of Vasu Leva show a falling off in the pure contents

of nearly 10 grains. But towards the end of Skanda Gupta’s reign,2 the

Gupta gold coins became much heavier, reaching an average of from 144

to 146 grains, while the pure contents were decreased to less than 70

grains. The coins of Nara Sigha Gupta of this standard are thus only

one-half gold, and are, therefore, worth only two-thirds of the earlier

Gupta dinars. A singular exception is the money of Praka^aditya, of a

bright yellow colour, which contains 121*7 grains of pure metal out of

146’4.3 At present I cannot even guess the reason of this strange freak.

The single coin of Jaya Gupta is still more debased, the pure contents

being only one-fifth of its weight. 1 take it to belong to a much

later date.”

The purity of the coinage of Praka^aditya shows that the revival

of the ancient Hindu suvarna standard of 144 to 146 grains was a reali¬

ty, and that the extra weight of the heavy coinage initiated by Skanda

Gupta was not merely a compensation for excess of alloy.

PART IV. — The Coinage of the Later Kusans (Indo-Scythians).

Section I. Great Kusans.

Section II. Little Kusans.

Essays, replete with learning, prepared by the late Sir Alexander

Cunningham towards the close of his life, and published in the Numis¬

matic Chronicle for 1893, and the Transactions of the International

Coyigress of Orientalists (London, 1892), have done much to elucidate

the very obscure and perplexing history and coinage of the so-called

Later Indo-Scythians.

The term Later Indo-Scythians is vague and inconvenient, and

has come into use merely as a cloak for ignorance. It will, I hope,

1 The coins of Kacha are the worst among the issues of the earlier kings. The

figures for him are : — Full weight about 123 ; highest weight IIS’S ; pure gold 102’5 ;

alloy 20’5, equivalent to 16 66 per cent. (V. A. S.)

2 Skanda Gupta’s King and Queen coins are dinars; his Kramaditya coins are

suvarnas. [V. A. S.]

3 Equivalent to 16’64 per cent, of alloy, a return to the standard of Kacha.

The personal name and date of Prakz^aditya are not known. [V, A. S.]

178 Y. A. S mi tli — History and Coinage of tlxe Gupta Period. [No. 4,

be superseded in time, as knowledge advances, by more definite and

suitable terms. The adjective Later is intended to distinguish the

minor Indian dynasties of Central Asian origin during the period

A. D. 200 to 6001 from the Early Indo-Scythians — the great imperial

line of Kaniska, Huviska, and Vasudeva, and their forerunners.

The Later Great Kusan chiefs, who are included among the Later

Indo-Scythians, seem to extend from about A.D. 200 to A.D. 425

or 430.

The Little Kusans occupied the throne of Gandhara from about